al , A ee elated f f i ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BOARD OF REGENTS SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, THE OPERATIONS, EXPENDITURES, AND CONDITION OF THE INSTITUTION FOR THE YEAR 1869. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1872. CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FOorrTyY-FIRST CONGRESS, SECOND SussiOn, July 12, 1870. Resolved by the House of Representatives, (the Senate concurring,) That ten thousand addi- tional copies of the Report of the Smithsonian Institution for the year 1869 be printed, three thousand of which shall be for the use of the Senate, four thousand for the use of the House, and three thousand for the use of the Institution: Provided, That the ageregate number of pages of said report shall not exceed four hundred and fifty, and that there shal] be no illustrations except those furnished by the Smithsonian Insti- tution. On the 13th of July, 1870, a message was received from the Senate, by Mr. Gorham, its Secretary, notifying the House that the Senate had agreed to the said resolution without amendment. Attest: EDW. McPHERSON, Clerk. Per GEO. FRS. DAWSON, Assistant Clerk. CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, ForTY-SECOND CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION, May 29, 1872. The following resolution, originating in the House of Representatives on the 23d instant, has this day been concurred in by the Senate: Resolved, (the Senate concurring,) That two thousand extra copies each of the reports of the Smithsonian Institution, of which the stereotype-plates are now in the Con- egressional Printing-Office, be printed for distribution by the Smithsonian Institution to libraries, colleges, and public establishments. Attest: EDW. McPHERSON, Clerk. Ut rd bad a a es FROM THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONTAN INSTITUTION, TRANSMITTING The annual report of the Smithsonian Institution for the year 1869. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Washington, March 1, 1870. Sir: In behalf of the Board of Regents, I have the honor to submit to the Congress of the United States the annual report of the operations, expenditures, and condition of the Smithsonian Institution for the year 1869. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOSEPH HENRY, Secretary Smithsonian Institution. Hon. 8. CoLFax, President of the Senate. Hon. J. G. BLAINE, Speaker of the House of Representatives. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION FOR 1869. This document contains: 1. The programme of organization of the Smithsonian Institution. 2. The annual report of the’secretary, giving an account of the operations and condition of the establishment for the year 1869, with the statistics of collections, exchanges, meteorology, Xe. 3. The report of the executive committee, exhibiting the financial affairs of the Institution, including a statement of the Smithson fund, the re- ceipts and expenditures for the year 1869, and the estimates for 1870. 4, The proceedings of the Board of Regents. 5. A general appendix, consisting principally of reports of lectures, translations from foreing journals of articles not generally accessible, but of interest to meteorol- ogists, correspondents of the Institution, teachers, and others interested in the promotion of knowledge. THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. ULYSSES 8S. GRANT..-.-.- President of the United States, ex officio Presiding Officer of the Institution. SALMON P. CHASE..... Chief Justice of the United States, Chancellor of the Insti- tution, President of the Board of Regents. JOSEPH HENRY...-..-.- Secretary (or Director) of the Institution. REGENTS OF THE INSTITUTION. Sy lie (CISUNS DR ee eee ee eee Chief Justice of the United States, President of the Board, ‘Sb: O10 DY. See eee Vice-President of the United States. See DO WIEN ss as05/2> 55). Mayor of the City of Washington. Tis f Ol £2) O04 033) 00 bt Be eee ee Member of the Senate of the United States. GARRET DAVIS .....---- Member of the Senate of the United States. H. HAMLIN ..--...-........Member of the Senate of the United States. Ae dak (GUN 1) i De eee Member of the House of Representatives. Pee elOLAND: <2) 233--. Member of the House of Representatives. ish th CONE See ae eee Member of the House of Representatives. Weer AG ON, 22 ccc005 acces Citizen of New York. ee WOOLSEY ...-......-. Citizen of Connecticut. Ibi, LAVAS) VAR ee eee Citizen of Massachusetts. RICHARD DELAFIELD. .- Citizen of Washington. | PEPER PARKER, ........- Citizen of Washington. 4 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. JOHN MACLEAN ......... Citizen of New Jersey. | MEMBERS EX OFFICIO OF THE INSTITUTION. Die Sa GAIN Toe see so o-5 ce President of the United States. Be ONOWA KS ccc sen, soe dle Vice-President of the United States. rej d Se) (O18 U.S) DS eae ee Chief Justice of the United States. Pte is tee ares Soo oso oe Secretary of State. Gas. DO WLWiibli--. 02. -se Secretary of the Treasury. Wie). DELEINAPY 23. 5. . -22 Secretary of War. Gavi ROBESON s255.- Secretary of the Navy. J. A. J. CRESWELL. ...--- Postmaster General. din We (C0). eas eee ree Secretary of the Interior. 1B Ue 1a OFS ee pean eee Attorney General. ‘Sh fab JOS a0 ee Aeneas Commissioner of Patents. ee WEIN occa cacgencs cn Mayor of the City of Washington. EXECUTIVE OFFICERS OF THE INSTITUTION. JOSEPH HENRY, SECRETARY, Director of the Institution. t SPENCER F. BAIRD, AssIsTANT SECRETARY, In charge of Museum, Exchanges, de. WILLIAM J. RHEES, Corer CLERK, In charge of Accounts, Printing, and General Business. DANIEL LEECH, CiLerx, In charge of Correspondence. HENRY M. BANNISTER, CLERK, In charge of Meteorology. JANE A. TURNER, CLERK, In charge of Records of International Exchanges. SOLOMON G. BROWN, CLERK, In charge ef Transportation. JOSEPH HERRON, Janitor of the Musewm. PROGRAMME OF ORGANIZATION OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. . [PRESENTED IN THE FIRST ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECRETARY, AND ADOPTED BY THE BOARD OF REGENTS, DECEMBER 13, 1847.] INTRODUCTION. General considerations which should serve as a guide in adopting a Plan of Organization. 1. WILL OF SmiTHson. The property is bequeathed to the United States of America, ‘to found at Washington, under the name of the SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, an establishment for the increase and diffu- sion of knowledge among men.” 2. The bequest is for the benefit of mankind. The Government of the United States is merely a trustee to carry out the design of the testator. 3. The Institution is not a national establishment, as is frequently supposed, but the establishment of an individual, and is to bear and perpetuate his name. 4. The objects of the Institution are, 1st, to increase, and, 2d, to diffuse knowledge among men. 5. These two objects should not be confounded with one another. The first is to enlarge the existing stock of knowledge by the addition of new truths; and the second, to disseminate knowledge, thus increased, among men. 6. The will makes no restriction in favor of any particular kind of knowledge; hence all branches are entitled to a share of attention. 7. Knowledge can be increased by different methods of facilitating and promoting the discovery of new truths; and can be most exten- sively diffused among men by means of the press. 8. To effect the greatest amount of good, the crganization should be such as to enable the Institution to produce results, in the way of in- creasing and diffusing knowledge, which cannot be produced either at all or so efliciently by the existing institutions in our country. 9. The organization should also be such as can be adopted provis- ionally ; can be easily reduced to practice; receive moditications, or be abandoned, in whole or in part, without a sacrifice of the funds. 10. In order to compensate in some measure for the loss of time occasioned by the delay of eight years in establishing the Institution, a considerable portion of the interest which has accrued should be added to the principal. — 11. In proportion to the wide field of knowledge to be cultivated, the funds are small. Economy should, therefore, be consulted in the con- struction of the building; and not only the first cost of the edifice shouid be considered, but also the continual expense of keeping it in repair, 8 PROGRAMME OF ORGANIZATION. and of the support of the establishment necessarily connected with it. There should also be but few individuals permanently supported by the Institution. . The plan and dimensions of the building should be determined by the plan of the organization, and not the converse. 13. It should be recollected that mankind in general are to be bene- fited by the bequest, and that, therefore, all unnecessary expenditure on local objects would be a perversion of the trust. 14. Besides the foregoing considerations, deduced immediately from the will of Smithson, regard must be had to certain requirements of the act of Congress establishing the Institution. These are, a library, a museum, and a gallery of art, with a building on a liberal scale to con- tain them. SECTION I. Plan of organization of the Institution in accordance with the foregoing deductions from the will of Smithson. To INCREASE KNOWLEDGE. It is proposed— 1. To stimulate men of talent to make original researches, by offering suitable rewards for memoirs containing new truths; and, 2. To appropriate annually a portion ‘of the income for particular re- searches, under the direction of suitable persons. To DIFFUSE KNOWLEDGE. It is proposed— 1. To publish a series of periodical reports on the progress of the dif- ferent branches of knowledge; and, 2. To publish occasionally separate treatises on subjects of general interest. DETAILS OF THE PLAN TO INCREASE KNOWLEDGE. I. By stimulating researches. 1. Facilities afforded for the production of original memoirs on all penis of knowledge. 2, The memoirs thus obtained to be published in a series of volumes, in a quarto form, and entitled Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge. 3. No memoir on subjects of physical science to be accepted for pub- lication which does not furnish a positive addition to human knowledge, resting on original research ; and all unverified speculations to be re- jected. 4. Hach memoir presented to the Institution to be submitted for examination to a commission of persons of reputation for learning in the branch to which the memoir pertains; and to be accepted for publica- tion only in case the report of this commission is favorable. 5. The commission to be chosen by the officers of the Institution, and the name of the author, as far as practicable, concealed, unless a favor- able decision is made. 6. The volumes of the memoirs to be exchanged for the transactions of literary and scientific societies, and copies to be given to all the col- leges and principal libraries in this country. One part of the remain- ing copies may be offered for sale, and the other carefully preserved, to form complete sets of the work, to supply the demand from new insti- tutions. 7. An abstract, or popular account, of the contents of these memoirs PROGRAMME OF ORGANIZATION. 9 to be given to the public through the annual report of the Regents to Congress. Il. By appropriating a part of the income, annually, to special objects of research, under the direction of suitable persons. 1. The objects and the amount appropriated, to be recommended by counsellors of the Institution. 2. Appropriations in different years to different objects; so that in course of time each branch of knowledge may receive a share. 3. The results obtained from these appropriations to be published, with the memoirs before mentioned, in the tolumes of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge. 4, Examples of objects for which appropriations may be made. (1.) System of extended meteorological observations for solving the problem of American storms. (2.) Explorations in descriptive natural history, and geological, mag- Mer and topographical surveys, to collect materials for the formation of a Physical Atlas of the United States. (3.) Solution of experimental problems, such as a new determina- tion of the weight of the earth, of the velocity of electricity, and of light; chemical analyses of soils and plants; collection and publication of scientific facts accumulated in the offices of government. (4.) Institution of statistical inquiries with reference to physical, moral, and political subjects. (5.) ’ Historical researches, and accurate surveys of places celebrated in American history. (6.) Ethnological researches, particularly with reference to the dif- ferent races of men in North America; also, explorations and accurate surveys of the mounds and other remains of the ancient people of our country. DETAILS OF THE PLAN FOR DIFFUSING KNOWLEDGE. J. By the publication of a series of reports, giving an account of the new discoveries in science, and of the changes made from year to year in all branches of knowledge not strictly professional. 1. These reports will diffuse a kind of knowledge generally interest- ing, but which, at present, is inaccessible to the public. Some of the reports may be published annually, others at longer intervals, as the income of the Institution or the changes in the branches of knowledge may indicate. 2. The reports are to be prepared by collaborators eminent in the dif- ferent branches of knowledge. 3. Each collaborator to be furnished with the journals and publica- tions, domestic and foreign, necessary to the compilation of his report ; to be paid a certain sum ‘for his labors, and to be named on the title- page of the report. The reports to be published in separate parts, so that persons inter- al in a particular branch can procure the parts relating to it without pur chasing the whole. 5. These reports may be presented to Congress, for partial distribu- tion, the remaining copies to be given to literary and scientific institu- tions, and sold to individuals for : a moderate price. The following are some of the subjects which may be embraced in the reports :* * This part of the plan has been but partially carried out. 10 PROGRAMME OF ORGANIZATION. I. PHYSICAL CLASS. 1. Physics, including astronomy, natural philosophy, chemistry, and meteorology. 2. Natural history, including botany, zodlogy, geology, &c. 3. Agriculture. 4, Application of science to arts. Il. MORAL AND POLITICAL CLASS. 5. Ethnology, including particular history, comparative philology, antiquities, &e. . 6. Statistics and political economy. 7. Mental and moral philosophy. 8. A survey of the political events of the world; penal reform, &c. Ill. LITERATURE AND THE FINE ARTS. 9. Modern literature. 10. The fine arts, and their application to the useful arts. 11. Bibliography. 2. Obituary notices of distinguished individuals. Ii. By the publication of separate treatises on subjects of general interest. 1. These treatises may occasionally consist of valuable memoirs translated from foreign languages, or of articles prepared under the direction of the Institution, or procured by offering premiums for the best exposition of a given subject. 2. The treatises should, in all cases, be submitted to a commission of competent judges, previous to their publication. 3. As examples of these treatises, expositions may be obtained of the present state of the several branches of knowledge mentioned in the table of reports. SECTION II. Plan of organization, in accordance with the terms of the resolutions of the Board of Regents providing jor the two modes of increasing and diffusing knowledge. 1. The act of Congress establishing the Institution contemplated the formation of a library and a museum, and the Board ot Regents, in- cluding these objects in the plan of organization, resolved to divide the income* into two equal parts. 2, One part to be appropriated to increase and diffuse knowledge by means of publications and researches, agreeably to the scheme before given. The other part to be appropriated to the formation of a library and a collection of objects of nature and of art. 3. These two plans are not incompatible with one another. 4, To carry out the plan before described, a library will be required, consisting, Ist, of acomplete collection of the transactions and proceed- ings of all thé learned societies in the world ; 2d, of the more important current periodical publications, and other works necessary in preparing the periodical reports. * The amount of the Smithsonian bequest received into the Treasury of the United (Statesisien 22.325 we,6 cists Seale ee ee oe eee ea eee $515, 169 00 Interest on the same to July 1, 1846, (devoted to the erection of the building) 242,129 00 Annualluncometromubtlve Meihiwesten- jones ae nee seek eieeee aiie re eis 30,910 14 PROGRAMME OF ORGANIZATION. TE 5. The Institution should make special collections, particularly of objects to illustrate and verify its own publications. 6. Also, a collection of instruments of research in all branches of ex- perimental science. 7. With reference to the collection of books, other than those men- tioned above, catalogues of all the different libraries in the United States should be procured, in order that the valuable books first pur- chased may be such as are not to be found in the United States. 8. Also, catalogues of memoirs, and of books and other materials, should be collected for rendering the Institution a center of bibliograph- ical knowledge, whence the student may be directed to any work which he may require. 9. It is believed that the collections in natural history will increase by donation as rapidly as the income of the Institution can make pro- vision for their reception, and, therefore, it will seldom be necessary to purchase articles of this kind. 10. Attempts should ke made to procure for the gallery of art casts of the most celebrated articles of ancient and modern sculpture. 11. The arts may be encouraged by providing a room, free of ex- pense, for the exhibition of the objects of the Art-Union and other similar societies. 12. A small appropriation should annually be made for models of an- tiquities, such as those of the remains of ancient temples, &e. 13. For the present, or until the building is fully completed, besides the Secretary, no permanent assistant will be required, except one, to act as librarian. 14. The Secretary, by the law of Congress, is alone responsible to the Regents. He shall take charge of the building and property, keep a recor d of proceedings, discharge the duties of librarian and keeper of the museum, and may, with the consent of the Regents, employ assistants. 15. The Secretary and his assistants, during the session of Congress, will be required to illustrate new discoveries in science, and to exhibit new objects of art. Distinguished individuals should also be invited to give lectures on subjects of general interest. This programme, which was at first adopted provisionally, has be- come the settled policy of the Institution. The only material change is that expressed by the following resolutions, adopted January 15, 1855, viz: Resolved, That the 7th resolution passed by the Board of Regents, on the 26th of January, 1847, requiring an equal division of the income between the active operations and the museum and library, when the buildings are completed, be, and it is hereby, repealed. Resolved, That hereafter the annual appropriations shall be appor- tioned specifically among the different objects and operations of the Institution, in such manner as may, in the judgment of the Regents, be necessary and proper for each, according to its intrinsic importance and a compliance in good faith with the jaw. REPORT or PROFESSOR HENRY, SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, FOR HB O:009" To the Board of Regents: GENTLEMEN: The Institution intrusted to your guardianship by the Congress of the United States, has, during the past year, continued its operations in the line of increasing and diffusing knowledge with una- bated energy. The sphere of its influence in this country and abroad has from the first been constantly on the increase, and it is now not too much to say that no institution founded by the liberality of a private individual ever attained a wider or more favorable reputation. It is true, its character is sometimes misunderstood, but this cannot be a matter of surprise when we reflect that it differs in many particulars from all other institutions, and that without an attentive perusal of the annual reports, no adequate idea can be obtdined of its varied field of labor, or of what it has done and is doing to promote the special objects denoted in the will of its founder. It is here sufficient to mention that, besides adding to the sum of human knowledge by its own operations, and connecting its name with the history of almost every branch of science, it has become the general agent through which the intellectual labors of the eastern and western hemispheres are brought into efficient cobperation. The importance of its labors and the influence of the international communication which it has established, ean only be pro- perly estimated by those who are acquainted with the distinctive char- acteristics of modern civilization, and who realize the fact that it mainly rests on the development of a knowledge of the laws of nature and the application of these laws to the uses of life. Science not only gives man control over the physical elements, and thus tends to eman- cipate him from the curse of brute labor, but also serves to widen the domain of his intellectual activities and enlarge the sphere of his moral sympathies. By an attentive perusal of the following report, I think it will be admitted by all who are competent to form a proper opinion on the subject, that what I have claimed for the Institution is not too much, and that any departure from the general policy which has been constantly pursued from the beginning, would be attended with unfortu- nate consequences. FINANCES.—At the last session of the Board it was resolved that a memorial be presented to Congress, setting forth the large expendi- 14 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. ture to which the Institution had been subjected by reason of the ac- commodation and maintenance of the National Museum, and asking that the usual appropriation of $4,000 that had been made on this account be increased to $10,000; also, that $25,000 be appropriated toward fitting up the large room in the second story of the main build- ing, for the better exhibition of the government collections. In accord- ance with this resolution a petition was prepared, signed by the Chan- cellor and Secretary of the Institution, and presented to the House of Representatives by General Garfield, one of the Regents. It was re- ferred to the Committee on Appropriations, and although forcibly ad- vocated by the members of the Board belonging to the House, it was not granted, and only the usual sum was appropriated. The same memo- rial has, through the Secretary of the Interior, again been presented to Congress. The reasonableness of this petition must be manifest when it is considered that $4,000 is the sum which the maintenance of the museum cost the government when it was in charge of the Patent Office, and that since its removal to the Institution it has increased to three times its original size, while the money has depreciated to one-half its former value. From an accurate analysis of the accounts it appears that the items directly chargeable to the museum during the past year amount to $15,000. This sum is exclusive of the interest on $144,000, which has been expended’ since the fire in the restoration of the build- ing, principally for the accommodations for the museum. Owing to the fallin the premium on gold, and the non-payment of interest by the State of Virginia on bonds held by the Institution, the income during the past year has been less than the estimate by upward of $2,400. It has, therefore, been necessary to diminish expenditures in certain direc- tions, in order to carry out the plan of accumulating a sufficient surplus in the treasury at the beginning of the year to defray, in cash, as far as possible, all the current expenses. From the report of the Executive Sommittee it will be seen that this plan has been rigorously carried out 5 that the balance on hand at the beginning of 1870 was nearly $21,000, with outstanding bills of $3,000, which is about the amount of indebted- ness at the commencement of last year. The finances of the Institution may, therefore, be exhibited as follows: The whole bequest of Smithson in the United States Treas- TIDY 2 sc See hee cco cee a ent URE (Sn tO St) 9 $541, 379 63 Additions from savings, &c., also in the United States Wreasury \. . SS ae 43 — 1,234 Parts of volumes and pamphlets: COA ROS Se Beeson 6 Seer Saab ou Sse eh oa 5 3, 238 JOIN a td Se ee eee SaaS Roe = 709 JA Ge ee eee eS SNARE Cte eS heme 142 —- 4,089 IN Ey OSG NG VEN Gri se eee ameter bial ko Soo oo5 oan eee s 232 EO Galen ae SA 2s een ye 2 Cee pn hr a ene ie 5) D515) Of the larger donations received during the year in question are the following: From Iceland Foundation Library, Reikiavik, 44 volumes and 12 pamphlets. Swedish Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, 56 volumes and 5 pam- philets. From the Emperor of Austria, 8 volumes and 9 charts. Publie Library, Stuttgart, 118 volumes. University, Greifswalde, 114 pamphlets, Inaugural Dissertations. From the Institut de France, 31 volumes. Ministére de la Marine et des Colonies, Paris, 6 volumes and 40 pam- phiets. Commission Impériale de Exposition Universelle de 1867, Rapports du Jury International, volumes I-XII. Société de Statistique, Paris, 13 volumes and 28 pamphlets. Académie de Montpellier, Faculté de Médecine, 22 volumes, Theses. From the Society of Engineers, London, 8 volumes, Transactions. British Museum, 9 volumes and 8 pamphlets. Royal Archeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 20 volumes, Journal, From the Bombay Government, 15 volumes, Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government. National University, Athens, Greece, 37 volumes and 132 pamphlets. Legislative Assembly of Canada, 17 volumes. State of Minnesota, 6 volumes, Plate, Documents. C. M. Hovey, editor Boston Magazine of Horticulture, Botany, &c., | 35 volumes. The Smithson books have been well cared for by Mr. Spofford, the efficient Librarian of Congress. Several thousand have been bound, REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. 25 and a large number are now in the hands of the binder, each volume being marked on the back with a stamp indicating that it is a Smithson deposit. In the arrangement of the National Library the publications of learned societies, of which the Smithson books principally consist, form one chapter of the general collection, which occupies the greater portion of the south wing of the western projection of the Capitol. It is desired by the Institution, as well as by the National Library, that this collec- tion should be as complete as possible in the publications of all learned societies which have existed from their first establishment in Italy, about the middle of the sixteenth century, until the present time. Through the kindness of the older societies of Europe a larger collection of their publications has been made by this Institution than was ever before formed in this country, or, with few exceptions, in any of the cities of the Old World. Still, there are many series wanting, and several of those now in our possession are defective; exertions will therefore be made, through our correspondents, to supply deficiencies. The value of the scientific collections as well as of the general library will be much enhanced by the catalogue of books, and particularly that of subjects now in progress, and which, as we are informed, will be completed during the present year. The third volume of the index of scientific papers, pre- pared by the Royal Society of London, has been printed and will soon be distributed. The completion of this great work will have an import- ant influence on the use of the National Library, to which it will be especially applicable. The national library has increased sorapidly during the past three years, that the three-fold space allotted to it in the Capitol is now insufficient for its accommodation. Further room, as we learn, has been asked for, and we would suggest that this might be best secured by the erection of a separate building, in whose plan of construction should be incor- porated all the latest improvements for the use and protection of books. But whatever may be done in this way, greater facilities than now exist for the consultation of the library should be afforded, by making it accessible in the evenings to those who are precluded from the use of its collections by their official occupation during the hours at which it is now open. GALLERY OF ART.—It was stated in the last report that Mr. W. W. Corcoran, with an enlightened liberality only commensurate with his means, had resolved to found in Washington an institution exclusively devoted toart. This design,which would long since have been carried into execution, was interrupted by the war, the building erected fer the pur- pose having been applied to the uses of the government; but weare gratified in being able to state that the possession of it has been restored to Mr. Corcoran, and that he has placed it in charge of trustees, who are to fill vacancies in their board and direct all the affairs ef the establishment. 26 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. The gallery will probably be open for exhibition to the public and to students in art during the present year. The establishment of this col- lection, as we have said in a previous report, will obviate the neces- sity of expending any of the funds of the Institution in supporting a national gallery, and I would suggest that the same policy which has directed the transfer of the library, the herbarium, and osteological specimens to the National Library, the Agricultural Department, and the Medical Museum, be also extended to the Corcoran Gallery. The Institution has a number of pictures and a large collection of plaster busts, which are scarcely in place in the midst of specimens of natural history, but which would produce a better effect in connection with other works of art of a similar character. There need be no danger as to impoverishing the Institution by this liberal policy, since it is in reality but another method of increasing its usefulness. The saving which is made by transferring the keeping of the library and botanical collections can scarcely be estimated at less than $12,000 per annum, a sum which adds to the efficiency of the Institution in the way of increasing, by the exchange of its products, the collections of objects of nature and art in the national capital, besides adding to the intellectual wealth of the whole country. Musium.—During the past year the space occupied by the museum has been enlarged by appropriating to it the portion of the building known as the western connecting range, which consists of a room 61 feet long by 38 feet wide. On either side of this room has been erected a row of (seven) upright cases, and in the middle a series of tables ex- tending the whole length of the apartment. The upright cases on the south side have been entirely filled with ethnological specimens from China and Japan, comprising the presents from the governments of these countries to the President of the United States. In the cases on the north side is arranged a large and valuable collection of the dresses of the Indians of the northwest coast and of the Esquimaux of North America. The table cases are also filled with ethnological specimens, among which are many exhibiting the rarer specimens of Indian work- manship, and also those of prehistoric times, from the explored caverns of France, presented by Professor Lartet. During the year 1869, 390 packages, containing many new specimens and thousands of duplicates, have been received at the Institution, and of these, as far as time would permit, a single choice series has been selected for the museum; the remainder are placed aside to be classified and made up into labeled sets for distribution. In pursuing this policy, to which the Institution is bound by its office of curator of the govern- ment collections, it is impossible to restrict the increase of the museum, and now, notwithstanding the great number of specimens that have been given away, nearly the whole of the available space in the building 18 filled to overflowing. An appropriation for finishing the large hall in REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. PAY | the second story is, therefore, very desirable, but as this room is wanted for the accommodation of the National Museum, and not for the uses of the Institution, it would be highly improper to finish it by a further en- croachment upon the capital of the Smithson fund. We have mentioned in a previous report that the architecture of the large room, in which the specimens are at present exhibited, is not well adapted to an advantageous display of many of the articles, since a considerable portion of the space is occupied by two rows of colossal columns, between which and the walls the cases, forming alcoves, are placed. The ceiling, however, of the hall in the second story is to be attached to the long, iron girders which span the space from wall te wall, and it will not, therefore, require the introduction of columns. It is hoped that in the finishing of this room the primary object of its use will be kept in view, namely, the exhibition of specimens. There is pleasure in perfect adaptation as well as in wsthetical effect; the two, however, are not incompatible, and a proper conception of the true spirit of architecture will never sacrifice the former to obtain the latter. Since the date of the last report the museum has been increased by specimens in every branch of natural history and ethnology, especially in those of ornithology and the products of the explorations of mounds. An unusual amount of labor has also been expended on the specimens during the same period. The large number of birds in the drawers, as well as those on exhibition, have been re-poisoned to prevent the attack of insects, while those in the cases have been furnished with new stands, and their plumage brightened by washing them with benzine. The cases themselves have been repaired and painted. The mounting of the archeological collections on boards, and the repairing of the articles of pottery, have been continued, and are now nearly completed. The speci- mens of quadrupeds belonging to the older collections of the govern- ment present rather an unsightly appearance, through injury by insects before they were brought from the Patent Office, and because they were not well prepared. Many of them, however, are very rare, and should be kept until better specimens can be obtained. No small amount of labor is required, in a large museum, to keep up a descriptive catalogue of the various articles it receives, and to this work alone the entire time of a clerk might properly be devoted. The whole number of entries in the catalogue of the National Museum is now 158,662; and of these 16,265 were made during: the last year, while of the specimens of the general collection of which no types have been selected for exhibition many thousands of entries yet remain tobe in- serted. By the co-operation previously alluded to in this report, the Army Medical Museum, the Museum of the Agricultural Department, and the National Museum are rendered supplementary to each other, each col- lecting and preserving articles that are not contained in the others. The Commissioner of Agriculture, General Capron, has shown much v 28 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. zeal and good faith in carrying out the conditions previously mentioned, on which the transfer of the plants was made, by fitting up a spacious room with cases which contain 600 separate compartments for the recep- tion of as many different families of plants, and by appointing a bot- anist fully approved by the Institution. Dr. Parry, the botanist in question, was a pupil of Dr. Torrey, and for the last twenty years has been engaged in various government explorations, mostly in the western part of the United States. He was warmly recommended by the first botanists of the country, and, I doubt not, will discharge the duties of his office to the satisfaction of all interested in the advancement of this branch of natural history. He has begun to arrange the plants in sys- tematic order for immediate reference, and finds the number of species to be about 15,000, included in 25,000 specimens. The additions that have been made to the collection during the past year, embracing those which have been supplied by the Institution and the Department itself, according to Dr. Parry number 8,000 specimens, including 3,000 species. Besides the specimens of dried plants transferred to the Agricultural Department, a large and interesting collection of woods, from Mexico and South America, has been added to the deposit. LECTURES.—Previous to the fire which destroyed the upper portion of the main building, in 1865, courses of free lectures were given by the Institution to the visitors and citizens of Washington. These at first, or as long as the novelty continued, were well attended, but in time, owing, in part, to the difficulty of access, in the winter season, to the building, and the absorption of the public mind by the events of the war, the interest diminished, while the management of the system be- came much more difficult, inasmuch as it was impossible to prevent the introduction of political subjects. The call, however, on the part of the citizens for lectures has lately been renewed. But it must be evident, on a little reflection and from past experience, that the original plan cannot again be adopted without great inconvenience and an expense not commensurate with the value of the results produced. In order, however, to assist in the establishing in this city, during the present winter, of a course of lectures on scientific subjects, and at a low price of admission, it has been thought advisable to grant a moderate ap- propriation to the Young Men’s Christian Association, to enable it to secure the services of distinguished popular lecturers. The building which has been erected by this society not only serves asan ornament tothe city, but supplies a want long felt in affording a spacious hall for lec- tures, conventions, &c. The lectures to which the Institution con tributed were of a scientific character, requiring expensive illustration, and, therefore, though they were well attended, they could not have been given at the low price charged for admission, had not aid been afforded. REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. 29 EXPLORATIONS AND COLLECTIONS IN NATURAL HisToRy.—In tiiis re- port, as in other of the Smithsonian reports, a distinction is made between the collections of the Institution and those of the National Museum under itscharge. Theformer consists of the large number of specimens (in some instances including hundreds of duplicates of rare as well as of more com- mon species) which have been collected under the auspices of the Institu tion or through its special agency. These are studied and classified by experts for the formation of monographsand the determination of species and their geographical distribution; or, as is the case in ethnological speci- mens, are compared for the purpose of tracing anthropological peculiari- ties; and, finally, made up into properly labeled sets for distribution to museums in this country and abroad. The organization of explorations and the collection of specimens would be important parts of the oper- ations of the Institution were it entirely disconnected from the National Museum. Natural history and ethnology are interesting branches of knowledge, and justly merit a portion of the Smithson patronage; but the National Museum has no just claim on the Institution other than for a perfect series of all the duplicates collected; and it is too much to ask, in addition to this, that the Smithson fund should continue to provide it with house-room, and, in a large degree, with attendance. The dis- tinction we have made is an obvious one, though it may be difficult, in some instances, to draw a line between the specimens in the museum and those of the Smithsonian collections. Explorations and collections in Natural History have been con- tinued, as in previous years, by the Institution alone, or in connection with other establishments. In giving an account of what has been done under this head, the geographical order adopted in other of the Smith- sonian reports will be followed. Northwest Coast of America.—Mr. McFarlane and Mr. McDougal still continue to collect specimens of the natural products of the Mackenzie River district. Mr. Ferdinand Bischoff has kept up his researches in Alaska, first at Kodiak, then at Kenai. Major General George H. Thomas, of the United States Army, has rendered especial service in collecting in the same region specimens of coal and of zojlogy. The remainder of the natural history collections of Mr. Dall, referred to in the last report, has been received and found of much interest as an illustration of the natural productions of our new possessions in the Northwest. His collections in ethnology will be mentioned further on. Captain C. M. Scammon has continued his explorations, and has pre- sented interesting collections from Alaska and Puget Sound, in addition to several communications relative to the natural history and habits of the seals of the adjacent coast. Dr. Minor has also continued his valu- able contributions from the same region. Western United States —The geological survey of the fortieth parallel, under Mr. Clarence King, referred to in the last report, has been con- tinued during this year, and the collections made in zodlogy, botany, 30 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. mineralogy, and geology, have been deposited in the Institution. They are now in process of examination, and an account of them will be given in the valuable report of Mr. King, which Congress has ordered to be printed. At the last session of Congress an appropriation of $10,000 was made for the continuance of the geological surveys of Dr. F. V. Hayden. He was instructed by the Department of the Interior, under whose direction the money was to be expended, to examine especially the geology, mineralogy, and agricultural resources of the Territories of Colorado and New Mexico. The exploration began at Cheyenne, Wy- oming Territory, and was continued through Denver, the silver and gold mining regions of Georgetown and Central City, the Middle Park, Colorado City, and Fort Union to Santa Fé, returning to Denver by way of the San Luis Valley and South Park. In the language of the Secre- tary of the Interior, “this exploration, though brief and rapid, was emi- nently successful, and the collections in geology, mineralogy, botany, and zovlogy were extensive.” These collections have been deposited in the Institution, from which they will be sent for examination to persons who have made special study of the branches of natural history and zodlogy to which the specimens pertain. Mexico and Central America.—The explorations of Colonel Grayson, in Northwestern Mexico, spoken of in previous reports, were continued ‘in the early part of the year, and an additional series of specimens transmitted to the Institution. It is, however, with deep regret we have to announce that the labors of this enthusiastic and enterprising nat- uralist were suddenly terminated by death, from fever contracted in an attempt to explore the Island of Isabella. By his decease the Institu- tion has lost a highly-valued correspondent, and the cause of science a successful cultivator. He devoted many years of his life to the devel- opment of the natural history and physical geography of Northwestern Mexico and the adjacent islands; and it is much to be regretted that he had not lived to complete the work in which he was so much interested. The explorations of Professor Sumichrast, on the Isthmus of Tehuan- tepec, have been nearly completed, and the large number of well-pre- served specimens in all branches of zoédlogy, received at the Institution from this region, attest his continued enthusiasm and persevering indus- try. From our veteran correspondent, Dr. C. Sartorius, of Mirador, important collections have been received during the past year. South America.—Mr. Hudson, of Buenos Ayres, and Mr. Reeve, of Ecuador, have furnished a continuation of the results of their orni- thological explorations in these localities, while an interesting series of the birds of Demerara has been contributed by Colonel Figyeimesy. Most of the collaborators just mentioned have furnished information in regard to the physical geography and the inhabitants of the country from which the specimens were derived, and in this way the Institution has accumulated a large amount of manuscript material relative to the natural history, geology, and ethnology of the different parts of North America, not generally known. REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. 31 EXPLORATIONS AND COLLECTIONS IN ETHNOLOGY.—During the past year the effort has been continued to increase the collections of ethnology and archeology of the North American continent. It has been considered of special importance to prosecute this subject, since the remains of the ancient people who have inhabited this continent are every year be- coming more rare. The mounds are disappearing in the process of agriculture, in the construction of railways, or in the extension of cities, and their interesting contents destroyed or scattered beyond the hope of | future recovery. A very extensive correspondence on this subject has been kept up during the year with persons in every part of North America, soliciting information and specimens, giving directions for examining mounds and shell-heaps, and in several cases making a small appropriation for defraying the expenses of special investigations. Nearly all the explorers mentioned in previous reports have contri- buted valuable material in this line. During his visit to the Bay of Fundy, Professor Baird, of this Institution, made extensive explorations among the ancient shell-heaps and gathered some facts and specimens of much importance in connection with the subject of the American Kjoekkenmoedding. In these labors he was assisted by Mr. G. A. Board- man, Professor H. G. Webster, Professor Nelson, Mr. Elias Kinny, Mr. Gardner, Mr. Hallett, and also by Captain Treadway, of the United States revenue service. As ethnology is a branch of study which, at this time, is occupying popular attention, it may be proper to give a more detailed account than usual of the additions that have been made in this line during the year which has just closed. This account is compiled from the descrip- tive inventory made by Dr. Foreman, under the direction of Professor Baird, in a record book of the collections. For convenience of reference the geographical division is adopted. British America, Arctic Region.—Mr. Robert McFarlane, stationed at Fort Anderson, one of the Hudson Bay Company’s posts in the MeKen- zie River district, with unabated perseverance, has continued making collections in natural history and ethnology, and has presented to the Institution, with a liberality which cannot be too much commended, a great number and variety of articles to illustrate the character of the people among whom he has so long resided. Intercourse with traders and others has considerably modified their arts of life, and they now pre- sent an example of a people in a state of transition from the stone to the iron age. Among the articles from Mr. McFarlane, which illustrate this change, are knives of pieces of iron hoops, spear-heads and fish- hooks of the same material; pipe-bowls of copper and of pewter, and a drilling apparatus, with an ordinary bow and drills tipped with bits of steel; boxes, of which the parts are fastened together with wooden nails, iron being too precious to be used for this purpose; other boxes, of which the parts are joined in the more ancient fashion by stretching over them, in a moist condition, a casing of leather. 32 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. The greater part, however, of the articles are of a primitive character, among which, for out-door use, are dog harness, lassos of moose-hide for large animals, and more slender ones, carrying rounded pieces of bone, nut size, to entangle the legs of geese; different models of the sledge for hauling wood and provisions; a stretcher of deer-skin; bows, with arrows, quivers, and cases; a long line of whalebone for fishing; a net of sinew, with bone fish-hooks, fishing floats, spears, throwing-sticks, spear-rests for the deck of the canoe; a whistle or call used in hunting; snow-shoes and models of canoes; screens of wood to protect the eyes from snow blink, concave on the inner side, with two very narrow slits for looking through. Of the articles relative to indoor occupation are deer-skin boots; white and black wolverine gloves; children’s garments, neatly made, of soft materials; capuchons, or coverings for the head; tools, with which this and other work is performed, such as awls, drills, polishing implements, of either jasper or carnelian, frequently of bone; a small leather bag of red paint, with pitch or other cementing material. There are also needles of bone, needle cases of ivory, pouches ornament- ed with beads, for containing sewing fiber. Bunches of this material, arranged as if for a chignon, appear to belong to articles used by women. A rattle of deer or musk-ox hoofs, used in dancing, and bone implements for gambling, suggest the character of native amusements. From the same district have been received, through the Rev. W. W. Kirkby, a leather pouch, filled with quills of the porcupine, which are used to ornament moccasins, belts, and fire bags; also a fur coat made by the Dog Rib: Indians. There are not many articles of personal decoration, except some labrets, thick buttons of white limestone, and bits of blue glass, cemented together, to be worn in a slit of the corner of the mouth after the manner of a sleeve button. Alaska.—The collections of Mr. W. H. Dall in the Aleutian Islands, at Norton Sound, and in the Yukon region, mentioned in the last report, have been received. and are found to be very extensive and interesting. Those from the Aleutian Islands are specimens of native carving in walrus ivory, which exhibit considerable imitative skill in copying the forms of objects introduced by white traders. Among them are a table knife and two spoons, neatly executed. The greater part, however, of Mr. Dall’s collection are from the various tribes of Esquimaux living on the shores of Norton Sound, more particularly the articles of clothing made of furs and leather, prepared from the skins of the deer and other animals. These consist of outer and inner garments, for both sexes, and of boots, gloves, and mittens. It would appear from the specimens that the skins of the larger fishes, and also of the seal, are used for articles of dress, adapting the material to the change required for winter and summer. From the region of the River Yukon there are snow-shoes, moccasins, fur dresses, straw-shoes and boots, for riding and dancing, all made and used by the Mahlemuts. The domestic implements of the people are exhibited in a series of spoons or dippers, made of the REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. 30 broad horns of the Rocky Mountain sheep, wooden bowls, ladles, platters, cups, and trays; bags and haversacks made of seal or fish skin, of all sizes, universally used by the Esquimaux for keeping provisions and other materials; also earthenware lamps, fire bags with flint, steel, and tinder; tobaceo pouches, pipes, and snuff-boxes. The articles made of seal-skin on the coast are imitated farther up the river in the skins of the larger fishes, the intercourse between the localities being difficult since the pass- es are held by a few trading Indians, who act as middle men in exchanging commodities and as guards to prevent access to the coast. From the Unaleets there are neatly-made housewives of fish-skin, and from the Pastolic Esquimaux a small workbag woven of grass, ivory needle cases ornamented with blue beads, and a store of thread made of filaments of dried sinews. The weapons received are interesting illustrations of the character and habits of the people. The bows in this collection, used by the Esquimaux for killing large birds or fish, are of very un- usual weight, and many of the arrows employed in shooting the wild goose are tipped with a blunt knob. The sharp arrow- points are the most beautiful and delicate of any we have seen, and are of obsidian, green jasper, or glass. The seal and fish lines are of the: long, flexible stems of a fucus which grows in deep water and equals whalebone in tenacity and toughness. The harpoons for striking seals are furnished with a horn or bone termination, carrying a barbed point, the whole being detachable from the shaft. From the Ekogmut there are several of these, with others used in killing the whale; also models of canoes, oars, &c., from the Lower Ingaleeks along the Yukon and the Unaleets on the coast. In the way of personal ornament there are a quantity of red paint and a yoke, or necklace, oval pieces of wood or stone to be inserted in a slit in the lower lip, the nose, or the ear; fin- ger-rings, principally of stone, of two kinds, one of which is used on mourning and the other on ordinary occasions. Aleutian Islands.—From the Aleutian Islands there are in Mr. Dall’s collection several hideous masks of gigantic dimensions used in the ceremonies of the people. Dr. T. T. Minor, surgeon United States rev- enue steamer Wayanda, Captain Howard, commander, who visited Sitka, Kodiak, Unalaska and some points of the Aleutian group, has furnished collections exhibiting the dress, occupations, and habits of the Coloshes, Nuhegags, and Aleutes. The scarcity of stone implements in this collection is worthy of notice, since but two specimens, a pestle and axe, are all that were found, and these were regarded as very ancient. Among the articles are the following: Heavy corded bows for fishing, armed with three prongs; blunt spears, with. barbs, and fish spears ornamented with feathers; lines of sea-weed or kelp, with detachable spear-heads; throwing-sticks, to give a longer leverage in projecting the» spear. Thereare also chisels for making aperturesin the ice, to which fish) resort for air; dog sledges, canoes, paddles, reindeer skin overcoats and | boots; an overall perfectly waterproof, and exceedingly light, made os 34 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. of the intestines of the seal, the edges being sewed or cemented, and the whole ornamented with tufts of hair or feathers in brilliant colors. Glimpses of in-door arts and employments are obtained from specimens of carvings, baskets, woven articles, sewing, paintings, and implements. together with the ever-present pipe, of which there is one with a deco- rated stem, carved by a Colosh. The illustrations are further extended by wooden trays and dishes, ornamented with carved figures of animals ; water-tight baskets, in which provisions are boiled by dropping red-hot stones into the water; mats of simple checquer pattern; carved handles of the black horn of the Rocky Mountain goat, exhibiting an intricate series of ornaments, and fastened by the aid of heat and pres- sure to the broader horn of the moose, or of the Rocky Mountain sheep, to form a spoon or a ladle. Among the carvings is a remarkable series in walrus ivory of objects in miniature, representing table knives, spoons, candlesticks, boiling kettles, with covers, copied from objects introduced by foreigners; also the animals of the country, such as beaver, moose, whales, seals; a female otter followed by her young; likewise a man spearing a bear; a group of men attacking a reindeer, and several other human figures. These miniature specimens of carvings, which are exe- cuted with great neatness and fidelity, evince a minute observation of nature, aS well as considerable skill in art. A Colosh painter’s kit belonging to this collection, contains a number of brushes very neatly made and of sizes suitable for fine or coarse work. Although the assort- ment of colors is small, being limited to red, blue, yellow, and black, yet the whole collection of specimens relative to art shows an advance in this line beyond anything before observed in the northern races. Among other articles is the dance rattle, commonly used by the coast tribes, and consisting of a hollow, oval, wooden box, usually in the form of a bird, gaily painted, containing pebbles; also head ornaments, of grotesque form; head dresses, with wooden masks, having distorted features; like- wise ornaments of stone finely executed, and representing birds, fish, and Serpents in the form of a ring; besides numerous samples of the same in wood and bone. From Lieutenant T. M. Ring, United States Army, stationed at Fort Wrangel, in Alaska, we have received an important collection of ob- jects, among which are models of the bardoska, or canoe, with paddles, of very neat workmanship; the head of a fish spear, and severai bul- lets made of copper; two fish-hooks of a metal resembling silver, and halibut hooks of wood ; also two specimens illustrating the form in which provisions are preserved for winter use, one of which is a spheri- cal ball of the fruit of Rubus chamamorus, and the other is the com pressed inner bark of a coniferous tree, which may serve to allay hun- ger by distending the stomach. A stone hammer and two pestles are samples of articles still in use, and an ancient barbed and notched bone fish spear exhibits the forms of similar implements discovered in the prehistoric caves of Europe. A full series of carved wooden dishes a REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. 35 and of horn spoons illustrate the table service of the natives, while masks, rattles of wood and of basket-work, neck and lip ornaments of stone, a dressed doll with a head carved in stone, a human image, and a bird of the same material, exhibit some of the occupations and amuse- ments of this primitive people. From Mr. FE. E. Smith, of the scientific corps of the Western Union Telegraph Company, the Institution has received a bow and arrows of the Smagamut Indians, for shooting wild geese ; and from Dr. A. H. Hoff, United States Army, a very fine sample of the membranous waterproof dresses used by the Alaskans, also a pair of carved chop-sticksof whalebone. The latter articles were received through the officers of the Army Medical Museum. Washington Territory—F rom this quarter we have obtained collections made by Dr. J. T. Ghiselin, United States Army, stationed in Washing- ton Territory, consisting of bow, quiver and arrows in use among the Flathead Indians; also,-a number of arrow-heads and a pair of mocca- sins, collected among the Cascade Indians; we have also a riding whip, wedding hat or bonnet, a berry basket, and specimens of food preserved for winter, consisting of the eggs of the salmon, of the size and cousist- ence of dried peas. Dr. Whitehead, United States Army, also trans- mits from the same region some bones exhumed from a shell mound, and a metal spoon from an Indian grave. Idaho Territory.x—From among the Nez Percés, Dr. E. Storror, United States Army, has collected specimens of preserved food, consisting of the bulbs of the camas, Scilla esculenta, and the kouse bread, an unleavened mass, an inch thick, of the seeds of wild rice, Zezania aqua- tica, pounded up with water, and baked. Accompanying these are spear- heads of flint and iron, strong hair rope or lariat, a woman’s saddle, blanket, panniers, a drum, a carved pipe stick, and a handsome pipe of red stone, a skull cap of woven grass, a comb, sewing awl, thread, an ornamented belt worn by a woman, and a model of a cradle, affording glimpses of domestic life. Dr. C. Wagner, United States Army, has for- warded a bow, quiver, arrows, and arrow-heads, obtained from the Snake Indians; and Hospital Steward E. Lyons, a basket, woven scoop, and bow and arrow from the same tribe. From Montana, Dr. R. B. Hitz has transmitted a stone pestle. Utah Territory.—Dr. H. E. Waters, United States Army, stationed ati Fort Bridger, in Wyoming Territory, has collected and forwarded some of the implements of war and the chase used by the Shoshone, Bannock, Ute, and Navajo Indians, consisting of a bow and arrows, a bow case, quiver, tomahawk, and war club. The arrows of the Navajos are said to be poisoned. T'rom Dr. Meacham, United States Army, have been received fragments of pottery found in the same Territory. Oregon Territory.—Dr. C. Moffat, United States Army, has presented a small but interesting collection from Oregon, near the vicinity of Malheur River and the Stein Mountain. In it we find the bow, quiver, and arrows of the Malheur River Indians, a drinking cup, fire stick, paint 36 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. bag, carved wooden comb, and beads; also a specimen of preserved food, consisting of camas root, dried and compressed into a thin cake. These Indians are somewhat away from the beaten route, and everything from them is of much interest. California.—From mounds in Alameda County, California, examined by Dr. L. G. Yates, who has frequently contributed articles of interest from that State, we have received many specimens of the ancient stone age, consisting of stone pestles, perforators or awls, sinkers, a phallus, spindles, a soapstone ladle, stone mortar and pestle, pipe bowls, shell and perforated stone ornaments, an ancient awl and serrated implements of bone. The race of Indians at present occupying the country are said to be entirely ignorant of the art of making these objects and of their use. From the Pott River Indians, California, Dr. Powell, United States Army, has sent a bow, quiver and arrows; and from the Pah Utes of Owen’s Valley, California, we have similar weapons from Dr. Th. MeMillan, United States Army, who has likewise contributed a war club of the Mohaves. Nevada.—Clarence King, esq., director of the United States geological survey in Nevada, presented a portion of a beautifully worked pestle of syenite, obtained in Lower California. Dakota.—The post surgeons stationed at the military posts on the Upper Missouri, chiefly within the Territory of Dakota, have shown much zeal in collecting objects to illustrate the pursuits and customs of the numerous tribes occupying the country bordering on this river. First among these, in point of interest, are the collections of Surgeon ©. ©. Gray and Dr. Matthews, United States Army, stationed for some time at Fort Berthold. From the Mandans they have furnished a head dress mounted with buffalo horns, with an ornamental pendant of dressed buffalo hide falling behind the head; a war shield of the Gros Ventres, with bow, case, quiver and arrows, in the highest style of Indian orna- mentation; a bow of the Arickarees, ingeniously fashioned of an elk horn; a stone hatchet from the same, together with the scalp taken from - a Blackfoot Indian; also from the Yanktonnais Sioux, a hoe, made of the shoulder blade of an elk, accompanied by a wooden saddle and append- ages, a pad saddle, a whip with a horn handle, parfleche meat case, sheath for a scalp knife, and a rake of wooden material. The Mandans and the Berthold Indians generally, are addicted to gambling, and accordingly in the collection there are dice, and a small basket to contain them; also the gambling implements in use among the women; and, finally, a wheel or roulette, the workmanship of Gros Ventres. There are also domestic implements of the same tribe, consisting of a basket for carrying provisions, a wooden desk, an earthen pot, implements of bone for scraping skins, with horn spoons and ladles; several medicine rattles, indicating the superstitions of the tribe, and a musical instra- ment of their invention, illustrating the innate tendency to cultivate the fine arts; while children’s toys, including a popgun, not unlike those REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. 37 in use among the whites, show the unity of intellect among races the most widely separated. A needle case, porcupine quills, and bead orna- ments, together with a corn bag, illustrating female occupation, are from Hospital Steward J. E. Jones. “From the same Territory, Dr. J. P. Kimball, United States Army, has contributed a large number of objects, such as the bow, quiver and arrows of the Assiniboines; also of the Sioux, Mandans, and Arickarees; scalpknife, sheath, and scalp. of Yankton; war club, bonnet, shirt, and leggings,.drum, and other fighting equipments; a fleshing knife for dressing skins, a pemmican mallet, wooden cups, dishes, ladles, spoons, pipe and stems, a peace pipe of the Blackfoot Indians, two pairs of ornamental mocca- sins, and an ornamented dance rattle. From Fort Wadsworth, Dr. A. J. Comfort, United States Army, has sent a bow, case, quiver and ar- rows; a collar made of bears’ claws; an ornamented sheath for knife ; stone hammer; stone spear and arrow-heads; several riding whips; the instruments used in games of ball; a perforated horn implement from a mound; two red stone pipes with carved stems; three ornamented pouches of beaver and other skins; a stone palm thimble for sewing with a large needle; a worked quilt, a bunch of perfumed dried grass, scalp feathers, and a gourd dance rattle, which closes the list. From the Upper Sioux, Dr. James F. Boughter, at Fort Dakota, has obtained for the Institution from the Sioux a bow, with case and arrows, leggings, embroidered with beads; saddle cloths handsomely ornamented, riding whips, war feathers, knife sheath, moccasins, ear rings, &c., the trap- pings of the warrior. Dr. A. B. Campbell, United States Army, contri- butes from the Yanktons a handsome necklace of the claws of the grizzly bear; a smoking pipe; war club armed with knives; stone war mace; stone hammer or mallet; a mortar and pestle, the former made of a stout piece of buffalo hide gathered at the corners; with the usual bow and arrows of this tribe, and three arrows of the Kaw Indians. From the vicinity of Fort Randall, Dr. G. P. Hardenburgh has obtained for us another head dress of buffalo skin with the hair on, and surmounted by the horns, with a broad pendant of skin furred and feathered to hang down the neck; also a rubbing stone for dressing skins, and a horn spoon. Dr. Gardner, United States Army, has forwarded from the same Terri- tory a Chippewa bow, quiver and arrows, saddle, drum and sticks, a Sissiton pipe stick, medicine bag, bow, and a heavy scraper of bone, used in dressing skins. Dr. W. H. Forwood, United States Army, has contri- buted a bow, bow case, quiver and arrows of the Cheyennes, also arrows from the Sioux; Dr. H. G. Schell, United States Army, from near Fort Laramie, has sent a collection consisting of the bow, bow case, quiver and arrows of the Ogalalla band of Sioux; Dr. C. S. De Graw, United States Army, a bow and quiver of the Kiowas; Dr. A. Muller, United States Army, a hickory war bow of the Yanktons and Sissitons. From the same tribes a battle ax and pouch has been presented by F. B. 38 REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. McGuire. Brevet Brigadier General Crane has contributed a pair of moccasins and a pipe of the chief Little Bear; Dr. A. Muller sends from Fort Ridgely arrows used by the Yanktons, Sissitons, and Upper and Lower Sioux. Mr. W. L. Toole, from the same Territory, has furnished a handsome red stone pipe, stone ax, chisel, and a stone war club or casse-téte. Upper Missouri River.—F rom this region, Captain Little, United States Army; has contributed a slab of sandstone, upgn which the impression of two human feet are rudely carved. Mr. Leopold Biddle, a stone chisel ; and Dr. F. V. Hayden, avery perfectly preserved soapstone vessel, frag- ments of pottery, arrow-heads, and other objects from the site of an an- cient Pawnee village. Nebraska.—From Nebraska, Dr.S. M. Horton, United States Army, has furnished several important and interesting articles from the Ogalalla band of the Sioux. Among these are a buffalo robe, as prepared by the Cheyennes; a saddle from the Crow Indians; a Sioux war club; a pouch, knife and sheath, and a bunch of feathers, used in taking scalps; specimens of arrows of the Crows, Sioux, Cheyennes, and other tribes; several pairs of moccasins, and a skin prepared for making others; a gun case of Sioux construction ; a riding whip; a lariat; pro- vision case of tanned buffalo hide; tanned skins of the Rocky Mountain sheep and of the elk, and smaller articles consisting of several stone pipes from the Arapahoes, a paint bag and a comb, used by the Crow In- dians, the latter made of the stiff appendages on the tail of a porcupine. Kansas.—From the vicinity of Walnut Creek in this State, we have received through Dr. G. M. Sternberg, United States Army, the burial case and its appendages of a male Cheyenne child about three years of age. The wrappings enveloping the body, and the articles of dress, or- nament, or daily use which accompanied it, form the most curious and interesting assemblage of objects of the kind we have ever received. The burial case is made of long flexible withes of willow, stripped of the bark, and lashed together somewhat in basket fashion, built up from an oval base, five feet in the longer and three feet in the shorter diameter, the sides and top being arched and rounded, rising about three and a half feet from the base. An opening on one side is left for the intro- duction of the corpse and a large number of articles of the greatest value to the Indians. These articles consisted of seven highly-finished and valuable buffalo robes; six blankets, white, red and blue; a hood, ornamented with beads; a cape; several worsted scarfs; belts, orna- mented with beads and metal disks; a leather belt, covered with metal buttons; apparently all the child’s wardrobe, as jackets, underclothes, stockings, moccasins, fur cap, leather gloves; together with a small tin dish, beads, metal plates, ornaments of German silver, and others made of the shells of the haliotis, which is not found nearer than the Pacific coast. There were also several articles which can scarcely be recognized as the property of so young a child, such as spur straps, tobacco pouches, hide REPORT OF THE SECRETARY. 39 lariats, paint bags, and an oblong piece of stout bull hide. It is the opinion of Dr. Sternberg, that this sepulchral offering of valuable effects was not solely from the immediate relatives of the deceased, but that being the lineal descendant of a great chief, and heir to his rank in the tribe, many families or bands being present at the burial, contributed of their wealth to signalize their connection with the child’s family, and the widespread sorrow at the loss they all had sustained. Cade aEba cans cesaccaseecnoudouc 6, 625 6, 977 Ethnological specimens. -----.----------------+-----+-+---+----- 7, 400 9, 233 IDB Bene Send obnd Gcoscn dana sen cop soc ceagpocoau send gesSaC 175 175 INNIS Ss eB aS sooeostcomenseaeouscensoogenesdoues aaseucoe 142, 397 158, 652 The total number of entries during the year thus amounts to 16,255; of which nearly 5,000 are birds and 1,800 ethnological objects; 1,400 eggs, &e. Approximate table of distributions of duplicate specimens to the end of 1569. Distribution to the | Distribution in 186°. Total. Class. Species. |Specim’ns.| Species. |Specim’ns.| Species. |Specim’ns. Skulls and skeletons. 129 163 25 430 154 593 NN GhmvaoG ills Seqooaeese 852 1, 667 33 39 885 1,706 (Binge eee cass ices 10, 008 15, 440 2, 943 3,556! 12,951 18, 996 Reptiles eaee. - is -- 1, 699 2, 822 2 8 1,701 2, 830 MiShess=ee eee ee coe 2, 424 5, 200 10 10 2, 434 5, 210 Eggs of birds. .-----. 4,151 10, 627 230 1, 084 4,381 g/L SM ses oes ooscccll SPAM ue 5, 421 5, 455 78, 39] 177, 925 iadiabes se 22 eereere 551 G20 | Sacerss fois Sonera er 551 727 Crustaceans’ --.2--.- 1,013 2,516 10 10 1, 023 2, 526 Marine invertebrates 1, 838 5; 152 ils stcee Seo Seeeeeece 1, 838 5, 152 Plants and packages Of SeCdS')— 2-5, Ssee 13, 658 19: B18 se Seee es wales ee oe 13, 658 19, 218 IOSSIISs Agee creme 3, 401 9, 002 557 982 3, 958 9, 984 Minerals and rocks... 2,118 6, 654 762 1, 120 2, 880 7,774 Ethnology.......--- 1, 107 tMOTA een 47 1, 107 1, 154 EAB SCLS oe is- 2.5 sc/2inimre 1, 420 2, 587 112 259 1, 532 2, 846 Diatomaceous earth. 15 555 11 11 26 566 Mo ballis Jape sees oss eee ose. hss 1 || Stephen ae Ee ee eee 1 Pennsylvania Society for Prevention Hawan. Ma iSnoweeteascsssee score 7 of Cruelty to Animals.--...-.--.-. 1) Philadelphia College of Pharmacy. a1 QUEBEC, CANADA. Rubles Sehools=2- 22.52.32 /55.-22-: 1 ae ee Phage SE aie ln Se University of Pennsylvania... .... 3 || Literary and Historical Society... 3 WraGe binney2s. f22s22.- 22225 35. 1 || Professor Rossmiassler ......-..-.- } eblodeetice --5-2.= 2-5 258225205: 2 ig 8s Carey ieee a nine atthe = Sere oe 5 RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA. ae as. PPE OW a ee i WD rseeRNShers 3827 cosas seks eee 1 ttt tte fee eee eee eee give 77 ‘ oe 0 ee 1 | IPEOTESSOL Wei © uINGITy ae i ay Ae ler BOT eee TES alae’ : RED WING, MINNESOTA. W. H. Edwards See oma 2 ee 2 || Hamline University..-:-.-. 22-2: j NeeM Gabber es 22. fs sous 22 ae 2 Cate Hapegorn 2.252225. 0s S452 1 RICHMOND, VIRGINIA. pe anO meee a cas oc ee A= Soest aise 1 ‘ Dr. Isaac Hays 0.220022 Boarder nema, 6c ea HraGeorve EH. Horm : 2. ..<22--2+ 2 Enea LOR apes Ste pe Dr. John L. Lo Govte.- 0.0 -..] | _R0custen, xew your. Wr weld y=. = 5.2220 tt eee ee Sis: Ward se .1 as ote oe oe ee 1 Pmeaminesle yi. 22225525 Sete Lessee 2 IbmaveeMargh:. 2225 222 ls Stec sUieee o 1 ROCK ISLAND, ILLINOIS. Dimdeeac Meirs. 2242.27 505 228s ash 4 4 Dr. S. Weir Mitchell..........-...- | ee Were ae i BEE shanisoa se. mo) yp St. LOUIS, MISSOURI WremUMNCISS <6 525% ise wsss Sects oKeay 1 || Deutsches Institut zur ce derung CoaWeekryony jt <.2s 2 > Oe EAR: Wheeler, De Sposa eset 43 12 71 29 550 AEs Beans) Mhomasidi..-2-.-- 39 59 Ra 5a) ME SRese Tere Boadlond). and) clrelsine || Pa aecteemaieta mi lnte oles aeei-rtel-l} > oto =e A. pincott. * Estimated. -] Oo months | ! received. No. heed mem Datel Or tow 12 10 74 METEOROLOGICAL STATIONS AND OBSERVERS. List of meteorological stations and observers, §¢c., for the year 1869—Continued.- ~ o Station. Name of observer. as ts A New Jersey—Continued., ’ fe) (f “uf Paterson;-Passaie'Co.----2.-.--- Brooks, William....-.-.-. 40 55 Trenton, Mercer Co. ..--------.- Cook, Ephriam R ..----- 40 14 Newtield, Gloucester Co......-.. CouchsEe De = eee 39 30 Readington, Hunterdon Co...-.-. Fleming, John.-.--- Dodd Beene Bee ee Mechanicsville, Hunterdon Co -. ee, John ANG Wit sees eee . Herr. New Brunswick, Middlesex Co..| Hasbrouck, I. E......--. 40 30 Vineland, Cumberland Co..----- Impram Worn di i 22cm cells eects ce New Germantown, HunterdonCo} Noll, A. B .-...--..-..-- 42 40 Rio Grande, Cape May Co ...-.- Palmer, Miss J.R-.-.----- 39 16 Newton, Sussex Co.----...----- Ryerson, Dr. Thomas ..-|} 41 2 45 Greenwich, Cumberland Co...-. Sheppard, Miss R. C ..-..| 39 20 Dover MorrisiCo- 5262-2 5-) Shriver, Howard.-.-...-.. 40 54 Newark, Essex Co..-..---.--+-- Whitehead, W. A.....-- 40 45 NEW YORK. Ardenia Philipstown, Putnam Co Arden, Thomas B....--- 40 20 22 iIMalow Waites: Cossectens.--ereces Baker, Gilbert D ......-. 42 30 South Trenton, Oneida Co .-..--- Barrows, Captain Storrs | 43 10 Palermo, Oswego Co .....------- Bartlett}. Be sess een 43 26 Minaville, Montgomery Co.-.--.. Bussing, John Wee == se = 42 54 Fort Edward, Washing ton Co-.. Cooley, . Prof. James 8...| 43 13 Nyack, Rockland '- 02. Bee, Mo levierny;) Cees 41 4 35 Little Genesee, Allegany Co....| Edwards, Daniel........ 42 015 Newburg, Orange Corse. as -ee 4 | Gardiner, Goel 5 ae eee ae 41 30 53 Near Depauville, Jietersonk Gores Me agss Hy essa eee eee 44 10 Hudson, Columbia Co...-.--.--. Hachenberg, Dr. G. P 42 14 Near Kingston, on the Hudson, | Hendricks, oD Bie 41 50 Uisieno ceo eee Nichols, Tioga 'Co..-...-..-...:- iHowellsmrobert)...eeeeee 42 South Hartford, Washington Co-.| Ingalsbe, G. M.-...----- 43 18 Buffalo, Erie CRE Laas tag ae ya IGVOsh, Wadley es eee e ose 42 50 Newark Valley, Tioga Co..-...-. Johnson, Rev. Samuel ..|.-----.----- New York, New York Co......- ions, 1eidaye (Oh JG oe ee a. 4043 Cooperstown, OisesoiCorer er = Keese, G. Pomeroy.-.-..- 42 50 Flatbush, Kings Co BCE Qe IY EKO ei) ODES ME eee eee Se 4037 2 || Oswego, Oswego (Ofe ne aae aereene Malcolm, Wi. S.<------.- 43 28 Rochester, Monroe Co ......---- Mathews, H. W...--.-.- 43 08 Locust Grove, Lewis Co........ iMerriams@hCiea-cee.- 43 32 30 Farmingdale, ‘Queens Goreer ani Merritt. Close o-eee eee 40 40 40 Central Park, New: WOrkece oe ose Meteorological observ’y-| 40 45 58 Throg’s Neck, Westchester Co..} Morris, Miss E ..--..... 40 49 15 New York, New York Co.....-.- Morris, Prof. 0. W...--- 40 50 25 Ludlowville, Tompkins Co...--- Mirphiva Cesare cece. a= 42 33 New York, New York Co...--.-- Naval Hospital -........ 40 41 30 North Volney, Oswego Co .----- PAR InICKeh evil tees aaeseee aes Sloansville, Schoharie Cole Se: Potter iG-eW. cece ee ses 42 41 Germantown, Columbia Co....-- Roe, IRGWAS We acc: Son lbataeeeees Gouverneur, St. Lawrence Co... RUSselliCa Hiss. oe eeceee 44 19 New York, New York Co....... Rutgers Female College } 40 42 Brookhaven, Suffolk Co.......-. Smith, BE. 76 METEOROLOGICAL STATIONS AND OBSERVERS. List of meteorological stations and observers, §c., for the year 1869.—Continued. : Ms 2s Station. Name of observer. at Sz ES Ba J & A Se PENNSYLVANIA—Continued. [e) / “ lo} / u" Salem; WayNe1O0- se... a-c- Stocker\n Were se a=) 41 30 78 30 Near Connellsville, Fayette Co..| Taylor, John..--..-/.----- 40 79 36 Beaver, Beaver Cos.-...-2..---- Pavlor. wReveshels eens 40 43 80 23 Franklin, Venango Co-..-.-.--- Tolman, Rev. M. A.....- 41 24 WY 51 Germantown, Philadelphia Co Turner Hrnest, Cn acc sees aceel eee eae Fountain Dale, Adams Co ...--- Walkera SnC@sacessosncee 39 44 77 18 RHODE ISLAND. Newport, Newport Co.......--.. | Crandall, W. H.........- 412822 | 12114 SOUTH CAROLINA. | Auken; Barmwell'Co...----.-.--- Cornish, Rev. John H...} 33 32 81 34 Evergreen, Anderson Co ..--.--- HMarleMbass ane ees 34 30 82 50 Camden, Kershaw Co.......-.--- Macrae) Colinas se es-- 34 17 80 33 Aiken, Barnwell (Oteepacee seaene iRercival, Or Weekes eeee | 33 32 81 34 Wilkinsville, Union Co......-..- Petty, Charles: -.--2 ..-- 34 50 81 36 Horie ViOrkkCoos- oan ere ea Springs, Re cAs i heas es ee 35 81 TENNESSEE. Lookout Mountain Educational | Bancroft, Rev. C. F. PP...) 35 tell Institute, Hamilton Co. ‘ Austin; Wilson Co.-..--...:.--- Calhoun Pub Sscnes tee | eaece eee an ee eee eee Greenville ;Greeni@o---- sence | Doak Ss. & Wi.S ----2- 36 5 82 51 Memphis, Shelby Comes creche Goldsmith, Hl----- =22-. 35 8 90 Trenton, Gibson Co-.--.-<-.---. Grigsby, William T..--. 36 89 Elizabethton, Carteri Cort. e--oe Lewis, Charles H.... .-- 36 25 82 15 Knoxville, Knox Comrwrer ees: Payne, Prot dh kee 36 84 Clarksville, Montgomery Co... -. | Stewart, William M..... | 36 29 87 13 | TEXAS EID uSHOn, Ea ERISG Onesie een ee Baxter, Mass Hass 5---2e- 29 50 95 30 Galveston, Galveston Co .....--.| Beazley, Dr. A. H ---..-.- | 29 18 196 6 ceca or ove Plantation, Brazo- | Bostwick, J. B------.---| 29 10 95 56 ria Co Palestine, Anderson Co...-. ---. IBTOOKS ING Sicas ececeee ee 31 40 95 35 Wear Dallas, Dallas'Co...---..-- Coit, JohnVLe secs. a-ae6 | 32 53 96 45 BellonayhallsiCoresasee cee see eee Combs, Burke ssc Seal seen See al ee eee Near Gilmer, WpshuriCo--=----- Glaser (J) Miso 2-2. Bene 32 46 94 51 Lavaca, Calhoun Co...-..-....-. Heaton el Deeee sees see | 28 304 96 40+ Waco, McLennan Co........--.- Wicril a Die deesenS soe sel) 8 es 96 50 Austin, Travis Co......-.:....-. | Van Nostrand, J.-...-.. | 30 29 97 46 Mine Creek, Burleson Co.....--. Wade HS Sco 2cseccscee 30 25 97 26 Worktown, WenWwath Co. .sccclce White rieAL Ce ee eno. 97 37 Lockhart, Caldwell Co ........-. pWioodratt Al J.22 eke sl Seall esse deme an leee ean UTAH. Coalville, Summit Co...........- Bullock; "Phomas.- --<1-2 MerceniUmiy ersibycs oso ses = 1 eee Penfield. Tilimeraee Yona rs on SUL Lombard University-*..<2-.=4.-..2t-2- Galesburg. ’ Northwestern University....--..---:-| Evanston. Indiana. -- -- C poweseseoear City Hospital et sies seemeste omer Indianapolis. Indiana State University. .--.--------- Bloomington. Owes rs See cece | (Comnelll Colleen. seer ee eae Mount Vernon | Griswold Colle PERE Ae meee eee Davenport. | Iowa State University ...--...---.-..- Iowa City. INAMISAG fe eye) 2 5s See eins | Agricultural College -....-.---......- Manhattan. State: Universiby- (325 = seso. oe ee Lawrence. IMGT a se5e eae See arouose Sayresmnstitnte o--- 2-4. =-- 4-4 | exIme ton: Mamylamdss- pecs oe Mount St. Mary’s College. Re Re ees Emmittsburg. Massachusetts) :---- 2-2": ApnherstaColleme ccs yen seems Amherst. State Lunatic Hospital............--- Worcester. | Williams Colleoe 2a sae 222). oo Williamstown. Michiganieeer pte seen | State Aoricultural College Beas eens Lansing. Missouri) a25 soca merc St. Louis Univer SIU Stee eee ea St. Louis. New Hampshire = 22-22-22 St. Suu 8 School ARE eee ne Ona. Concord. New Jersey Wew Mork Siac - 2 ache joel Pennsylvania NEMNESSEGes ees s feos ces 4 RU a eae eae ans eg ee Tt Mermonbsc.s- asthe Pee. Virginia WHS COMSIN Sac e osc cc see | Oneida Conference Seminary eee tes wee eee ee Observatory, Central Park Rockland Female Institute....-.....- Rutgers Female College-...-..-.- Lets 4 bay inity College Goldsboro F emale Collepe.24-53 28 o: | University of North Carolina........- Kenyon Saiees Sasa ms eaeda Son se eee Mount Auburn Youn g¢ Ladies’ Institute - Otterbein University UibanayUniversityone-s o-a---eoe eee Woodward High School..-........-.- Beaver Seminary Jetierson) Collegenc. 2.25... seeeee eee Lehigh University Lewisburg University .....-.--..----- East Tennessee University Lookout Mountain Educational Inst. .- Stewart Colleve 2.222 2o- cease e ee eee PusculumiColleseessse-2 o.oo Institution for Deaf and Dumb.-.----. Normals School: cass. -- =o eeeeeetee Woodstock Academy Natural erences: Institute for Deaf, Dumb, and Blind. Randolph Macon College. nem ee ee Lawrence University State-Umiversitiy 7. eee eee ie oee eee New Brunswick. New York. Flatbush. New York. Fort Edward. Cazenovia. New York. Nyack. New York. Randolph County. Goldsboro. Chapel Hill. Kenansville. Gambier. Mount Auburn. Westerville. Urbana. Cincinnati. Beaver. Cannonsburg. Bethlehem. Lewisburg. Knoxville. Hamilton County. Clarksville. Greenville. Austin. Castleton. Woodstock. Staunton. Ashland. Appleton. Madison. METEOROLOGICAL MATERIAL. 79 METEOROLOGICAL MATERIAL CONTRIBUTED IN ADDITION TO THE REGULAR OBSERVATIONS DURING THE YEAR 1869. Académie Impériale des Sciences de St. Petersbourg.—Mémoires. VII Séries, tome xii, No. 4. Untersuchungen iiber Constitution der At- mosphire und die Strahlenbrechung in derselben. (2te Abhandlung.) Von Dr. H. Gylden, 1868. 4° 57 pp. Académie Royale de Belgique.—Observations des phénoménes périodi- ques pendant les années 1865 et 1866. (Extrait du tome xxxvii des Mémoires.) 4° 74 pp. et 60 pp. Ackermann, Professor.—Newspapers containing articles on tempera- ture and rainfall of Port au Prince, Hayti. Australian Horticulturaland Agricultural Society Horticultural Maga- zine and Gardeners’ and Amateurs’ Chronicle. Containing meteor ologi- cal observations at Yarella, Concord, New South Wales, by A. Stephen. Baird, Professor S. F. — Newspapers giving accounts of the great storms in New England in September and October, 1869. Bartlett, EH. B.— Review of the weather at Palermo, New York, during the year 1868. (Newspaper slip.) Record of periodical phenomena, arrival of birds, &c., at Palermo, New York, for nineteen years, from 1851 to 1869, inclusive. Bath and North of England Agricultural Journal.—On the temperature of the sea and its influence on the climate and agriculture of the British Isles. By Nicholas Whitley, F. M.S. (Reprinted by permission.) 8°. 36 pp. London, 1869. Boardman, G. A.—Thermometrical observations made on the St. John Liver, Florida, between Jacksonville and Enterprise, during the months of January, February, March, and April, 1869. Bruins, Dr. C. —Resultate AUS den meteorologischen Beobachtungen angestellt an den fiinfundzwanzig Kéniglichen Siichsischen Stationen im Jahre 1867. 4°. 71 pp. Leipzig, 1869. C. K. Towarzystwa Nankow, Krakow.—Materyaly do klimatografii - galicyi, zebrani przez sekcyi meteorologiczna komisyi przyograficznej C. K. Towarzystwa Nankow. Rok, 1867. 8°. 209 pp. Rok, 1868. 85. 253 pp. Campbell, Prof—Barometrical reports for the months of March, April _ and May, 1869, at Washington College, Virginia. Clingman, T. L.—Notes on the climate of Western North Carolina. (Printed slip.) Coe, Charles C.—Meteorological register kept at Hood’s River, Oregon, during the years 1865~66-67 and 1868. Collins, Colonel— Hourly observations of the thermometer from 4 p. m., January 4, 1864, to 4 p.m. January 7, 1864, at Fort Laramie, Dakota Territory. . Corbett, Hon. H. W.—Weather record for eleven years, at Portland, Oregon, from 1858 to 1868, inclusive; kept by Mr. Thomas Frazer. (Newspaper ay ) Crosier, Dr. FE. S.—Meteorological registers for Nov ember and Decem- ber, 1865, at New Albany, Indiana. Dall, W. H.—Tr anslation of meteorological register kept at St. Michaels, Ikagmut, and Nulato, Russian America, during the years 1842 and 1843. Daubrée, M. A—Expériences synthétiques relatives aux météorites. ‘Paris, 1868. 8°. 68 pp. Davenport Female College. — Meteorological report from the Daven- 86 METEOROLOGICAL MATERIAL. port Female College, Lenoir, North Carolina, for the months of May, June, July, August and September, 1869. Dove, H. W.—Ueber den Sturm vom 17 November 1866, von H. W. Dove, aus dem Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Akademie der Wissen- schaften zu Berlin, 1867, (mit 2 2 Tafeln.) “Berlin, 1868. 4°. 49 pp. Eldridge, W. V.— Abstract of meteorological observations at Gol- conda, Pope County, Illinois, during the year 1869. Ellis, Jacob M.—Review of the “weather at Philadelphia for each month of the year 1869. (Newspaper slips.) French, J. B., agent Winnipisseogee Cotton and Woolen Manufacturing Company. —Register of rainfall at Laconia and Lake Village, New Hamp- shire, during the year 1869. Galle, Ey ofessor Dr. J. G.—Ueber die Bahn des am 30 January 1868, beobachteten und bei Pultulsk im K6nigreiche Polen als Steinregen niedergefallenen Meteors durch die Atmosphiire von Professor Dr. J. G. Galle, Director der Sternwarte zu Breslau, 8°. 43 pp. Goldericke, O. J.—Pamphlets and newspaper slips relating to the climate, &c., ’ of Colorado Territor Ni Goulier, C. M.—Etudes géometriques sur les étoiles filantes. Metz, 1868, 8°. pp. 164, (Extrait des Mémoires de ’ Académie Impériale de Metz, année 1866 et 1867. Grayson, A. J.—Meteorological observations, and remarks upon the climate of Mazatlan, Mexico. Haidinger, W. Ritter von.—Elektrische Meteore am 20ten October, 1868, in Wien beobachtet. Bericht von W. Ritter von Haidinger, Wirk. lichem Mitgliede der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. (Mit 1 Tafel.) 8°. 12 pp. Der Meteorsteinfall am 22 Mai 1868, bei Sclavetic. Zweiter Bericht von W. Ritter von Haidinger, Mitgliede der K Akademie der Wissen- schaften, (mit 1 Tafel und 5 Holzschnitten.) 8°. 12 pp. Der Meteorsteinfall von Sclavetic in Croatien, am 22 Mai 1868. Vorlaufiger Bericht von W. Ritter von Haidinger, wirklichem Mitgliede der K Akadmie der Wissenschaften. 89°. 7 pp. Huntingdon, G. C.—Climatalogy of Kelly’s Island, Ohio. (Newspaper slip.) Report of proceedings of Lake Shore Grape Growers Association, containing address by George C. Huntingdon on “ Grape rot and the weather.” (Newspaper slip.) Ingram, Dr. J—Record of periodical phenomena at Vineland, New Jersey, during the year 1868. James, J. W. —Summuary of meteorological observations during the year 1869 at Riley, McHenry County, ‘Tllinois. Also sunumary “from 1861 to 1868 inclusiv e, and for each month of 1869, Jones, Benjamin W.—Synopsis of meteorological observations made during the winter of 1868 and 1869 at Cottage Home, uy County, Virginia. Kaiserliche Academ ie der Wissenchaften, Wien.—Die Temperatur- Ver- haltnisse der Jahre 1848-’63, an den Stationen des ésterreichischen Be- obachtungsnetzes, durch fiinftiigige Mittel dargestellt, von Dr. C. Jeli- nek. 4°. 146 pp., 2 Tafeln. Wien, 1869. — Erster Bericht der stiindigen Commission fiir die Adria. 8°. 122 pp. Wien, 1869. Kongliga Svenska Vetenskaps Academien, Rescue —Meteorologiska Jakttagelser i Sverige. 1864, Sjette Bandet. Obl. 4°. 192 pp. 1865, Sjunde. Bandet. Obl. 4°. 186 pp. 1866, Attonde Bandet, Obl. Ato. 182 pp. . METEOROLOGICAL MATERIAL. 81 Kaiserlich-Koniglische Central Anstalt fiir Meteorologie und Erdmagnet- ism.—Jahrbiicher von Dr. C. Jelinek. Neue Folge, iv Band. Jahr- gang, 1867. 4°. 227 pp. Wien, 1869. Kaiserlich-Konigliche Sternwarte, Vienna.—Anleitung zur Anstellung meteorologischer Beobachtungen und Sammlung von Hilfstafeln, mit besonderer Riicksicht auf die meteorologischen Stationen in Oester- reich und Ungarn. Von Dr. Carl Jelinek. 8°. 173 pp. — Normale fiinftiigige Wiirmemittel fiir 88 Stationen, bezogen auf den 20-jiihrigen Zeitraum 1848~67. Von Dr. Carl Jelinek. 8°. 45 pp. — Beobachtungen an der K. K. Centralanstalt fiir Meteorologie und Erdmagnetismus. 8°. 64 pp. Lapham, Dr. I. A.—Atmospheric tide at Milwaukee, deduced from hourly observations at the time of new moon in October, November, and December 1868, and January and February 1869. — Dates of opening and closing of the Milwaukee River from 1836 to 1869, inclusive. Tull, James S.—Meteorological registers for 1860 to 1869, (portion of previous record interrupted by the war ;) also, a table of rainfall from the Ist of May, 1853, until January 1, 1870. Loehr, Charles H., United Statis consul, La Guayra, Ecuador.—Statis- tics from the United States consulate at La Guayra, South America, in- -cluding particulars in reference to earthquakes, meteorology, &c. Mapes, H. H.—Manuscript reports of the weather at various points in Kalamazoo and Allegan counties, Michigan, during each month of the year 1859. ; McAulay, John P.—Thermometrical record kept at the Louisiana State Seminary, Alexandria, Louisiana, during the months of October, November, and December 1868, and January, February and March 15869. McCall, C.—Monthly reports on the weather at Cathlamet, Waukia- kum County, Washington Territory. Merriam, C. C—Manuscript meteorological report for January and February 1869, at Leyden, Lewis County, New York. Merriam, C. L., Leyden, New York.—Newspaper slips containing re- marks on the weather. Monthly. Meteorological Observatory, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.—Published meteorological report for April 1869, Meteorological Office, London.—Charts of the surface temperature of the South Atlantic Ocean ineach monthof the year. Folio. 27 pp., 12 charts. London, 1869. — Report on the meteorology of the North Atlantic, between the paral- lels of 40° and 50°, as illustrated by eight diagrams of observations taken on board of the mail steamers running to and from America, with re- marks on the difference of the winds, &c. By Captain H. Toynbee, F.R.A.S. 8°. 8 charts. London, 1869. — Report of the meteorological committee of the Royal Society for the year ending December 31, 1866. 8°. 72 pp. London, 1869. Meteorological Society, London.—Proceedings issued monthly. 8vo. — Meteorology of England for the quarter ending September 30, 1868. By James Glaisher, president Meteorological Society. Montrose Natural History and Antiquarian Society, Montrose, Scot- land.—Report of the directors for 1868, containing a meteorological register for the year. Moss, G. B.—Summary of meteorological observations at Belvidere, Illinois, during the year 1869. Miihry, Dr. Adolf—Untersuchungen iiber die Theorie und das allge- meine geographische System der Winde. 8°. 254 pp. Gottingen, 1869. 6s 82 METEOROLOGICAL MATERIAL. Naturaliste Canadien.—Containing meteorological observations at Port Neuf and Montreal. Naturforschende Gesellschaft, Basel.—Verhandlungen der Naturfor- schenden Gesellschaft in Basel, 1869. Containing: ‘Bericht tiber einige Blitzschliige. Von Ed. Hagenbach. Naturforscher Verein zu Riga. —Correspondenzblatt, 16%™ Jahrgang, 1869. Containing meteorological observations at Riga, from September 1867 to July 1868, (new style, ,) inclusive. Naturwissenschaftliche ‘Gesellschaft, St. Gallen.—Bericht iiber die Thiitigkeit der St. Galleschen Naturwissenschaftllichen Gesellschaft wiihrend des Vereinsjahres, 1867~68. Containing: Einige Ertahrun- gen iiber klimatische Kuren und Kurorte. Von Dr. W. Steinlin. Nelson, S. Augustus, Georgetown, Massachusetts —Newspaper accounts of the great storms of September and October, in New England. Observatoire Impérial de Paris.—Atlas des mouvements généraux de Vatmospehre. Année 1865; Janvier, Février, Mars. Obl. folio. 90 charts. Atlas métécrologique, 1867. Observatoire Royal de Brucelles—Annales météorologiques. Brux- elles, 1868. 4°. 104 pp. Osservatorio del Real Collegio Carlo Alberto in Moncaliert.—Bulletino meteorologico del Osservatorio del Real Colligea Carlo Alberto in Mon- salieri, con corrispondenza del Osservatorio del Seminario di Alesssan- dria. Vols. i, ii, iii, (1865-66~67—68,) 4°. Vol. i, 120 pp. ; Vol. ii, 112 pp.; Vol. ii, 104 pp. Paine, R. T.—Meteorological report for October, at Boston, Massachu- setts, Newark, New Jersey, and St. Paul, Minnesota. (Newspaper slip.) L -arker, SDs, Steuben, Maine.—Ne ow spaper accounts of the great storms of September and October, 1869, in Maine. Printed abstract of meteorological register for 1860, at Portland, Maine, by Henry Willis. Also newspaper slips for sev eral months of 1859 and 1861. Pearce, T.—Weather record for September, 1869, at Ela, Polk County, Georgia. Petterson, F.., hospital steward, United States Army.—Table of mean temperature, humidity, and rainfall, at San Antonio, Texas, during the years 1868 and 1869. Plantamour, E.—Résumé météorologique de Vannée 1866, pour Genéve et le Grand St. Bernard; par EK Plantamour. Tiré des Archives des Sciences de la Biblitiotheque Universelle, Geneve, September 1869, §°, 232 pp. — Résumé météorologique de Papper 1867, pour Geneve et Je Grand St. Bernard. Octobre 1868. 8°. 132 pp. Real Osservatorio di Modena.—Sui coefficienti ozonometrici, dell’ unidita e della temperatura, nota del Prof. D. Ragona. 8°. 10 pp. — Sulle oseillazioni reg olari ed ir regolari della temperatura, dal Prof. D. Ragona. 8°. 12 pp. Sen Riduzione della pressione atmosferica al medio-livello del mare, per gli stazioni meteorologiche italiane, del Prof. D. Ragona. 8°. 8 pp. — Sulle variazioni diurne della temperatura e sul coefiiciente di Kaemtz in Palermo. Lettera al chiar. Signor A. Quetelet, direttore del Real Osservatorio di Brussselles, del Prof. D. Ragona, direttore del Real Os- servatorio di Palermo. Palermo, 1859. 8°. 5A pp. — Osservazioni su la evaporazione, del Prof. D. Ragona. 4°. 8 pp. — Riassunta delle osservazioni meteorologiche, eseguite nel Real Os- servatorio di Modena nell anno 1866, dal Prof. D. Ragona, direttore dell osservatorio. Stessa. 4° 7 pp. METEOROLOGICAL MATERIAL. 83 — Sul calcolo dei valori medii in meteorologia, nota del Prof. D. Ragona, direttore dell Real Osservatorio di Modena. 40, 2 pp. — Descrizione del barometro registratore del Real Osservatorio di Mo- dena, del Prof. D. Ragona. 4°. 8 pp. — Sulle variazione periodicie del barometro nel clima di Milano, me- moria di G. V. Schiaparelli e G. Celoria. 4°. 31 pp. Tay. iii. Real Osservatorio di Palermo.—Giornale Astronomico e Meteorolo- gico, pubbl. dal Prof. D. Ragona. Vol.i, Palermo, 1855. 4°. 375 pp. Vol. ii, Palermo, 1857. 4°. 391 pp., (three volumes in one.) Vol. iii, Palermo, 1859. 4°. 375 pp. Regio Osservatorio dell Universita di Torino.—Bolletino meteorologico ed astronomico. Anno ii, 1868. Oblong 4°. 76 pp. Roche, Edouard.—Recherches sur les affuscations du soliel et les mé- teioroscos miques. Paris, 1868. 49°. 80 pp. Royal Observatory, Greenwich.—Results of magnetical and meteorolog- ie observations, 1566. 4°. 503 pp. Sanford, Professor S. P.—Meterological registers for 1866~67~68, at Penfield, Georgia. Sartorius, Dr. C. urvey of meteorological observations at Mirador, Mexico, during the year 1868. Sawyer, H., United States consul—Newspaper slips containing meteo- rological observations at Paramaribo, Dutch Guiana, for the first half of the year 1569, (January to June, inclusive.) Schweizerische Naturforschende Gesellschaft, Bern.—Schwei ea: meteorologische Beobachtungen. 5'* Jahrgang, 1868. 4°. 22 pp, pl. 2 (Also September, November, December, 1868. 4°. pp. 470-622.) Scottish Meteorological Society.—J our nal for the half year ending June 30, 1868. Large 5°. 47 pp. Journal for the half year ending January, 1869, with tables fer the quarter ending September, 1868. 8°. pp. at. Shepher d, Smiley—Monthly means, &e., of temperature at Hennepin, Illinois, for 1869. Sisson, .—Mean temperature of twenty months, commencing April, 1868, at Factoryville, Pennsylvania, with comparisons of the month of November with former years. Smith, G., hospital steward, United States Army.—Meteorological reg- isters for the months of July and August, 1869, at Camp Date Creek, Arizona Territory. Snow, Edwin M., M. D.—Fifteenth registration report, State of Rhode Island, 1867, (containing meteorological tables, and remarks by E. T. Caswell. ) Société W@ Agriculture, Sciences, Arts et Belles-Lettres du Département @ Indre-et-Loive.—Annales. Containing: Observations météoroiogiques faites 4 Tours, par M. de Tastes. Société @ Agriculture, Sciences et Arts de la Sarthe—Bulletin. 112™° série, tome xi, 1867-68. Containing: Observations météorologiques faites 4 Mans, par M. Bonhomet. Société W Horticulture deVAllier, Moulins, France. —Annales. Contain- ing meteorological observations by M. Doumet, at Baleine, Allier, for a series of years, (1855-’66.) Société Metéorologique de France.—Annuaire de la Société Météorolo- giquede France. Tome5™, 1869, tableaux météorologiques, feuilles 7-11, 3°: 39 pp. Tome 6”, 1863, feuilles 1-5. Bulletin des seeances. 8°. 40 pp. Tableaux météorologiques. 8°. 40 pp. Nouvelles météoro- logiques. Pamphlet. Large 8°. 30 pp. : Stanley, J. H. S—Monthly reports of the weather (mss.) at Houston, exas. 84 METEOROLOGICAL MATERIAL. Stewart, W. M.—Diagram of the annual quantity of rain fallen at Glenwood, Tennessee, from observations made during the years from 1851 to 1868, inclusive. (The same that is referred to on page 523 of Professor Safford’s report on the geology of Tennessee.) Thomas, Rev. C.—Copy of monthly aggregates from the rain register kept at Fort Garland, Colorado Territory, from April 1853 to Septem- ber, 1869, inclusive. Tutwiler, H.—Account of a meteorite-observed near Frankfort, Ala- bama. (Newspaper slip.) United States consulate, Valencia, Spain.—Newspaper slips with me- teorological records made at the Meteorological Observatory of the Uni- versity of Valencia. Vacher, Dr.—Carte représentant la mortalité et état météorologique de Paris en 1865. Verein der Freunde der Naturgeschichtein Mecklenburg, Giistrow.—Arch- ive, 22te Jahre, 1869. Containing Uebersecht der aus den meteorolo- gischen Beobachtungen zu Hinrichhagen im Jahre 1867 gefundenen Mit- tel, (20 Jahre.) Vinal, W. I.— Weather record at Vinal Haven, Maine, during a por- tion of October, 1869. Warren, W. J.—Record of the weather at Chilukweyuk Depot, North- west Boundary Commission, from December 29, 1558, to April 24, 1859. Whitaker, B.—Newspaper slips containing accounts of the weather at Warsaw, Illinois. White, Captain A. T., United States revenue marine.—Meteorological register kept on board of the United States revenue steamer Wayanda, cruising on the coast of Alaska from May 13 to October 14, 1868. Williams, Rev. R. G.—Hourly thermometrical and barometrical obser- vations at Waterbury, Connecticut, and Castleton, Vermont, (in addi- tion to regular observations on Smithsonian blanks.) Zeledon, José.—Observaciones meteorologicas hechas en la cindad de San José durante el primer semestre de 1868. Oficina Central de Esta- distica, San José. Observaciones meteorologicas hechas en la cindad de Heredia (Costa Rica, Setior Rohrmoser) durante el ato de 1868. ° REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. WASHINGTON, D. C., February 1, 1870. The Executive Committee of the Smithsonian Institution respectfully submits the following statement of the financial condition of Smithson’s trust fund, and the application of the income for the year ending 31st December, 1869, with estimates of receipts and proposed appropriations for 1870: The bequest of Smithson in the United States treasury is.. $541,379 63 The Regents have added to this investment from savings, Pa ES SS aus 32 ee ee aerator Sheet he 108, 620 37 Making the Smithson fund in the U.S. Treasury, as a per- petual loan, at 6 per cent., on the Ist January, 1870.... 650,000 00. And in Virginia State 6 per cent. registered stock. $53, 500 With unpaid interest to January, 1867.........- 19, 260 $72, 760 The value of which, at the present time, may be estimated ih Wis VGUE GEL feels reacted chee ct aera aM aes ewit ak eee 42, 200 80 Touiinwested capitalos..22u5 PSR Ree fe oe 692, 200-80 meine, Casi Palace! in: baile Of: 72 5se tse si lo. ese So. 20, 969 65 eee lis. ska ee ee ee ae 713,170 45 RECEIPTS IN 1869. Interest from the Treasurer of the United States, on $650,000, at 6 per cent., for the year ending 31st Decem- “EER, NSTI Mee gis homme gh) yeaa Mat aS, AAO sR eae ae $39, 000 00: Premium on sale of gold, at 343 and 193 per cent. premium. 10,515 20 Pees PuDlCAbIOnS: 2 oa4s tee we 3 oie oot a sen Pap bonse 235 58. Sales of old and useless material ....................--- 232 07 Repayment of expenses of explorations and collections. -. 732 15. Repayment for freights on literary and scientific exchanges. 517 56. Potalincometor the. year 1869)... ....-- .-..5. 51, 232 56. Cash balance in bank, January, 1869..................:- 10, 352 74 Amount available in 1869............. sia 9) bee $61,585 30) In addition to this sum, the Institution received from and accounted. for to the Department of the Interior the sum of $4,000, appropriated: by Congress for the preservation and care of the property in the mu- seum, collected by Government exploring expeditions. 86 REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Statement in detail of expenditures during the year 1869. Leaves a balance in bank, January, 1870..... Pear BUILDING. For reconstruction of parts of building destroyed Dyefires) be SE Aap oereg ate rare incre ae $1, 764 70 For general repairs of the building -..-....-.- 2,345 25 For foasiane and fixtures, cases, carpets, stoves, RSG tek cee, on eee ee 2, 520 95 GENERAL EXPENSES. For meetings of the Board of Regents..-..... $122 00 Forlighting-the binlding: 2... 22.52. 2.2 se aac S 239 13 Horwarmines the building. 2. 362 - .- +. — ee 1,389 77 OE IPOSHAGE = 25.5): ae tsibyerctomtsieiele ocainietieys se pe 289 50 IPOTSSUALIODER Vie ps dee ow Cue ec jolepere haem othe el 437 18 For printing blanks, circulars, receipts, &c.- --. 322 25 For tools, materials for cleaning and incidentals. 328 89 For salaries of secretary, chief clerk, and assist- AM Pa a aa cteedinia a ae eo ease ie oe sage 505508 7, 814 92 PUBLICATIONS AND RESEARCHES. ‘For publishing Smithsonian contributions, 4to.. $1,987 18 For publishing miscellaneous collections, 8vo.. 3, 037 50 Hor publishing Smithsonian reports, 8vo...-..- 1,458 55 For meteorology, salaries of clerks and comput- ers, rain gauges, and thermometers.......-..- 1,581 10 For apparatus for researches....:.....-....-- 146 80 For explorations, natural history, and archeol- ogy in Mexico, Florida, Alaska, New Mexico, Hudson’s Bay, Alabama, and Nova Scotia. .. G11 54 LIBRARY, MUSEUM, AND EXCHANGES. ‘For purchase of books, periodicals, and binding. $436 04 For literary and scientific exchanges, agencies at Leipsic, London, Paris, and Amsterdam... 4, 860 94 Yor assistants in museum, janitor, watchmen, FADOLEES nh) 2 osm eee Oe eo eee eet e meeeatoe 5, 307 50 For incidentals to museum, freight, alcohol, tax- EW VEY TU Ay 66 CNA ah at Sh be a ee Py Aca ere 3,513 96 or gallery of art: Portrait in oil of the late Dr. Robert Hare, who gave his collection of chem- ical and philosophical apparatus to the Insti- PELEULOBS Soeur a ysi2 SAS etal oe ee ee eee ae 100 00. ‘Expenditures during the year 1869........... Serene Deducting this amount from the receipts of the year and cash in bank in January, 1869, viz: SVCD eho ci are Boe Ne optepi oae Ree ae $61,585 30 86, 630 90 10,943 64 14,218 44 40, 615 65 REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. ESTIMATES AND APPROPRIATIONS FOR 1870. Receipts. Interest on the Smithson Fund in the treasury of the United States, $650,000, payable 1st July, 1870, and 1st January, 1871, at 6 per cent. gold Probable premium on sale of coin, at 18 per cent wee alae es me = ae a0 «ow w, 87 $39, 000 06 7, 020 00 Interest on Virginia 6 per cent. stock, 1869, 2 per cent-.-.-- 1, 454 00 Interest on Virginia 6 per cent. stock, 1870, 2 per cent. ... 1, 454 00 pocnauoaseless property, Ges. o22-- a2. 2-2. 5-22-22 = 500 00 meome: forthe: year tS (02 ances ao aa tals ao 49,428 00 APPROPRIATIONS FOR THE YEAR 1870. Mare omeral expenses.) =... sca neces oes $12,000 00 For publications and researches ......--.-..-- 15,000 00 For museum and collections, not including the apropriation by Congress for care and pre- servation of the Wilkes and other explor- (UE AGS SUSU RS ie be ee a ei 6,000 00 For literary and scientific exchanges........- 5, 000. 00 For building and contingencies.............-. 5, 000 00 43, 000 00 EXAMINATION OF ACCOUNTS. The committee examined 497 receipted vouchers for payments made during the four quarters of the year 1869. In every case the approval of the secretary of the Institution is given on the face of each voucher, and the certificate of an authorized agent of the Institution is appended to each voucher, setting forth that the materials and property and ser- vices rendered were for the Institution and applied to the purposes stated in the account. The quarterly accounts-current, bank book, check book, and ledger were also examined, and showed that the payments were made in con- formity with the regulations prescribed by the Regents, and that the cash balance stated in the accounts current for each quarter was in deposit to the credit of the Institution in the authorized depository, after all the quarterly accounts charged in the abstracts were paid. In conclusion, the committee finds that all the expenses of the Insti- tution have been paid in full to the end of the year, leaving a cash balance in bank on the 1st January, 1870, of $20,969 65. All of which is respectfully submitted, by— : RICHARD DELAFIELD, PETER PARKER, JOHN MACLEAN, Baecutive Committee. JOURNAL OF PROCEEDINGS THE BOARD OF REGENTS SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. WASHINGTON, D. C., February 3, 1870. A meeting of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution was held on Thursday, February 3, 1870, at 7 o’clock p. m., at the Insti- tution. Present: Chief Justice Chase, Chancellor of the Institution, Messrs. Hamlin, Trumbull, Poland, Cox, Maclean, Delafield, Parker, and the secretary. The minutes of the last meeting were read and adopted. Professor Henry, the secretary, announced that Hon. Hannibal Ham- lin, of the Senate, had been appointed a Regent, vice Mr. Fessenden, deceased; that Hon. James A. Garfield and L. P. Poland had been reappointed from the House of Representatives; and that Hon. 8.8. Cox had been appointed, vice Mr. Pruyn, whose term had expired. The secretary announced the death of Charles Armistead Alexander, esq., a valued collaborator of the Institution, whose series of spirited translations of the eulogies of eminent men, delivered before foreign academies, have added much value to the annual reports of this estab- lishment, and have been received in several cases with much commen- dation by the original authors. On motion of Dr. Maclean, it was Resolved, That the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution recognize, in the death of Charles A. Alexander, esq., the loss of a valued collabo- rator, and that they sympathize with his friends and relatives in the bereavement to which they are subjected. The secretary presented a general statement of the financial condition of the Institution. General Delafield presented the annual report of the Executive Com- mittee relative to the receipts and expenditures during the year 1869, and the estimates for the year 1870, which was read and accepted. On motion of Dr. Maclean the secretary was directed to have an in- surance effected on the east wing and range of the Smithsonian building to such amount as he may think necessary. The secretary presented the eulogy on the late Professor A. D. Bache, which was received and ordered to be printed in the annual report. General Delafield, for the Executive Committee, reported that they were still collecting facts and statistics relative to the city canal, and would hereafter present a further report. The secretary stated that it was his painful duty to announce that since the last meeting of the Board the death had occurred of one of its most distinguished members—the Hon. William Pitt Fessenden. PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOARD OF REGENTS. 89 Appropriate remarks were then made relative to the services, charac- ter, and virtues of the deceased, by Messrs. Trumbull, Hamlin, Parker, and the Chancellor, Chief J ustice Chase. On motion of Mr. Trumbull the following resolutions were adopted : Resolved, That the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution deeply mourn the loss of their distinguished fellow-regent, William Pitt Fessenden. Resolved, That in the death of Mr. Fessenden our country has lost a refined and influential citizen, the Senate of the United States an able, judicious, honest statesman, and this Institution an active, intelligent, and learned Regent. Resolved, That we sincerely condole with the afflicted family of Mr. Fessenden, and offer to them our heartfelt sympathy in their great bereavement. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be communicated by the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution to the family of the deceased. Resolved, That Chief Justice Chase be requested to prepare a eulogy on Mr. Fessenden, for insertion in the journal of the Board of Regents. General Delafield In behalf of the Executive Committee, stated that they deemed it highly important for the interests of the Institution in the promotion of science, and due to the secretary for his long and devoted services, that he should visit Hurope to consult with the savans and societies of Great Britain and the continent, and he therefore hoped that a leave of absence would be granted to Professor Henry for several months, and that an allowance be made for his expenses. On motion of Dr. Maclean, it was unanimously— Resolved, That Professor Henr y, Secretary of the Institution, be authorized to visit Europe in behalt of the interests of the Smithsonian Institution, and that he be granted from three to six months leave of absence, and two thousand dollars for traveling expenses for this purpose. Judge Poland moved, that in consideration of the extra services which had been rendered by “Mr. Kthees, chief clerk, since the death of Mr. Randolph, bookkeeper of the Institution, in auditing and keeping the accounts for the last three years, he be allowed $350, in addition to $250 already received, or $200 per year. This proposition was advocated by the secretary, who considered it just not only in regard to the particular services in question, but also for his efficiency in the conduct of the general business of the establishment. The motion was agreed to. Adjourned to meet on the 10th instant, at 7 o’clock. WASHINGTON, D. C., February 10, 1870. A meeting of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution was held on Thursday, February 10, 1870, at 7 o’clock p. m., at the Institution. Present, Messrs. Chase, Trumbull, Hamlin,, Davis, Garfield, Poland, Delafield, Parker, Bowen, and the Secretary. The Chancellor took the chair. The minutes were read and approved. Professor Henry presented his annual report, which was accepted. On motion of General Garfield, it was— Resolved, That the Executive Committee and the secretary be directed 90 PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOARD OF REGENTS. to prepare a detailed statement of all the money expended on the museum during the past year,. distinguishing between the items directly and exclusively chargeable to the care of the collections of the Govern- ment, and those of a contingent or indirect character. Mr. Hamlin presented the following, which were adopted : Having learned that the chief clerk of this Institution, Mr. William J. Rhees, is about to resign the office he has filled for seventeen years, to engage in an active business enterprise— Resolved, That the Board of Regents highly appreciate his worth as a man, and his services as an officer of this Institution. Resolved, That while they regret his resignation of an office which he has filled with honor to himself and advantage to the Institution, they hope that he may be equally successful in the career on which he is about to enter, and that a copy of these resolutions be presented to him by the secretary. The Board then adjourned to meet at the call of the secretary. [Nore.—After this meeting the annual report was submitted to Con- gress and ordered to be printed; therefore, the subsequent proceedings of the Board for the session of the beginning of 1870 will be found in ' the next annual report.—J. H.] Ee GENERAL APPENDIX TO THE REPORL FOR .1369: The object of this appendix is to illustrate the operations of the In- stitution by reports of lectures and extracts from correspondence, as well as*to furnish information of a character suited especially to the meteorological observers and other persons interested in the promo- tion of knowledge. | KEPLER: HIS LIFE: AND WORKS. By M. Berrranp, Member of the French Academy of Sciences.* [ Translated for the Smithsonian Institution by C. A. Alexander. ] The highest laws of the physical world have been established by geometers; the hypotheses on which those laws rest acquire real import- ance only after having been submitted to their decision; and yet the progress of natural philosophy would have been impossible if the great men to whom they are due, imbued only with a geometrical spirit, had regarded only its inflexible rigor. Let us imagine a geometer initiated in the most elevated theories of abstract science. I speak not merely of a disciple of Euclid and Archi- medes, but an intelligent reader of Jacobi and of Abel; and let us suppose that, while a stranger to every idea of astronomy, he ‘should ae to penetrate by his own independent efforts the eeneral structure of th universe and the arrangement of its parts. Let us place him, beset ie, in the most favorable conditions; let us admit that, free in spirit as Co- pernicus, he reposes iot in the deceptive representations of the Senses which, veiling from us the movements of the earth, have caused its immobility to be so long regarded as an axiom: what impossibilities will present themselves to his imagination! Borne along by an un- known movement, perceiving no fixed direction, no stable basis on which to rely for the determination of distances, he finds himself with- out data for the solution of the problem. Our geometer will attain, perhaps, to a conception of our own incommensurable littleness; but, perceiving no certain route, he will stop short by asserting in the name of a science which he believes infallible, because it leaves nothing to hazard, that, whatever the genius of man and the resources with which art may endow his org gans, our path through cua is to him as undis- coverable as would be that of a grain of dust borne on the wind to the animaleules which inhabit it. Happily Pascal has gone too far in asserting that what transcends geometry lies beyond our reach. This discouraging appreciation takes no account of a sentiment implanted in the depths of the human soul; a sentiment which sustained Copernicus after having inspired Pytha- goras. Outside of all demonstration, in effect man believ es in the har- mony of the universe andthe simplicit y of its mechanism; and, although imagination stands in strong contrast to geometry, the history of as- tronomy presents them to us united in a strict alliance; the former sus- tained by well-regulated reason, in somesort outstripping truth in order to reveal, as if by intuition, the beauty and general order of the system of worlds; the latter exerting its powers to test. the true and_the false, and by separating one from the other, finally to arrive at certainty. The situation of the astronomer w ho seeks to divine the sy mmetrical and regular order of the celestial bodies, presents a certain degree of an- dlogy with that of the philologist who, with unknown characters before * Mémoires de V Académie de Sciences de UInstitut Impérial de France, t. xxxv, 1266. 94 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. him, strives to reconstruct the words and ideas which they express. Fo1 the philologist as for the astronomer the problem is indeterminate, and it might be assumed that its solution is arbitrary; what assurance is there in fact that those strange figures are not simply decorative designs, capriciously traced without ‘order and without object? And if they have in reality a meaning, no train of rigorous deductions can reveal it by leading us from the known to the unknown through a logical and sure chain of reasoning. It is necessary in such an inquiry to proceed tentatively, to accept conjectures founded on fugitive and remote analogies, to establish systems which the further study of facts will often overthrow, to frame hypotheses which will presently be re- jected, but which will be patiently replaced by others, and to do this without discouragement, because the true solution, we may be certain in advance, will, when once detected and in whatsoever manner obtained, offer such a character of certainty that no further place will be left for doubt. The same is the case with the true astronomical systems ; it is impossible to establish it by a series of rigorous deductions, and successively to demonstrate its different parts according to the method of the geometers. But, when a man of genius shall have divined, in whatever way it may be, the principles which reconcile the uniform and simple reality with the complex and variable appearances, judicious minds will at once recognize the truth of the hypothesis, without seruti- nizing the means which have led to it, and without waiting for the solid and luminous proofs which, accumulating from age to age, will at length convert the most refractory by enlightening even the blindest. It is not my purpose to retrace, here, the history of the efforts succes- sively made in this direction, which would be the history of astronomy. From among the great men ‘who, withdrawing the veils which hide it, have by degrees revealed the universe in its “ ‘full and sublime majesty,” I have simply selected, in order to sketch the part which he performed, the most intrepid, persevering, and inspired of them all; by these terms I designate Kepler. John Kepler was born at Weil, in Wiirtemberg, 27th of December, 1571, twenty-eight years after the death of Copernicus. His father, Henry Kepler, who belonged to the noble family of Keppel, was not worthy of such a son; he several times abandoned his wile, who herself was of evil reputation, and scarcely gave any attention to his four children. The early education of John was, therefore, much neglected ; his mother, who could not read, sent him, it is true, to school, but kept him at home whenever his services could be turned to account in the inn, which reverse of fortune had reduced her to the necessity of keep- ing. The boy’s weak constitution, fortunately, rendered him but little fit for such employments, and it was decided that he should study theol- ogy. Atthe age of thirteen he was gratuitously admitted into the Protestant seminary of Maulbronn; a favor easily obtained, for instrue- tion was at that time propagated throughout Protestant Germany with ‘a zeal equally liberal and enlightened. “ Itis the head and not the arm which governs the world,” said the rector of the University of Maul- bronn, in 1578; “there is need, then, of educated men, and such fruit does not grow upon trees.” From Maulbronn, Kepler, who advanced rapidly in his studies, passed to the seminary of Tiibingen, where he applied himself to theology, but without giving to it his whole attention. He here composed some Latin verses on the “ubiquity of the body of Christ, the elegant precision ot which attracted the admiration of the secretary of the national depu- ties. Yet, when he quitted, at the age of twenty-two, the school of Ti- oor LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 95 bingen, he was not thought qualified to labor for the advancement of the church, and, furnished only with a flattering attestation of eloquence and capacity, he was named professor of mathematics and morais in the college of Griitz, in Styria. The Archduke Charles, of Austria, who then governed Styria, pro- fessed the Catholic religion; but, what was very rare and little ‘to be expected at that epoch, he extended to heretics an absolute toleranee ; so that the Protestants, who then constituted a majority of the rich and enlightened classes, enjoyed full liberty to call to their service for all offices such of their co-religionists as had been instructed elsewhere. Hence it was, that Kepler received an invitation to Gritz. Instruction in astronomy being one of his duties, he was charged with the compila- tion of an almanac, and it was but natural that in a Catholic country, he should adopt the Gregorian reform which the Protestants obstinately rejected ; choosing much rather, as was said, to be at variance with the sun than in accordance with the Pope. Kepler, who never consented under the most difficult circumstances to compound for the free expression of his religious sentiments, separated, on this occasion, from his co-religion- ists; the question, as he justly urged, was a purely Scientific one. More than once in his career did he encounter it, and his opinion never varied. Sixteen years later, in 1613, in order to induce Germany. to accept the new calendar, he composed, at the instance of the Emperor Matthias, a dialogue between two Catholics, two Protestants, and a mathematician, the latter of whom enlightens, and finally convinces the others; put Kepler was not equally successful with the Diet, to which the question was submitted, and, in spite of his efforts, the ’ Gregorian reform was postponed till a long time afterward. To increase the sale of his almanacs, Kepler did not shrink from in- serting astrological predictions of political and other events, and, as a few happened to be realized nearly at the time predicted, not a little credit accrued to him on that account. His biographers have affirmed, however, that, superior to the prejudices of his age, he had no faith in astrological divination, but his correspondence shows that at this epoch, and even many years afterward, he was persuaded of the influence of the stars on events of every nature. In one of his letters he makes an applicatio nof his principles to the newly-born son of his master, Meest- lin, and announces that he is threatened witha great danger. “IT doubt,’ is he’ says, ‘“‘ whether he can survive it;” and, in fact, the child died. Just at that time one of his own children was ‘also taken away; and when, on occasion of this double bereavement, we find him, with expressions of affectionate interest for his master, again speaking of the fears which he had conceived, how is it possible to ae e that he was not in earnest? But his predictions were not always so exactly fulfilled, and, after being often deceived, Kepler became less and less credulous. Thus it fared with astrology as with many other errors which entered his mind with- out taking root. He said, indeed, that, as the daughter of astronomy, astrology ought to nourish her mother; and he continued during life to make for those who asked it, and for a consideration, predictions and horoscopes conformable to the rules of the art. But, so far from abusing the credulity of his clients, he avowed to them that, in his opinion, his conclusions should be regarded as uncertain and suspicious; telling them, as Tiresias tells Ulysses, (in Horace:) Quicquid dicam aut erit aut non—(What I may say will or will not come to pass.) The first scientific work of Kepler is entitled Mysterium cosmographi- cum, and was composed during the earlier part of his residence at Gritz. L undertake to prove,” he says in his preface, “that God, in creating 96 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. the universe and regulating the order of the cosmos, had in view the five regular bodies of eeometr y aS known since the days of Pythagoras and Plato, and that he has fixed, according to those dimensions, the number of heavens, their proportions, and the relations of their move- ments.” — It is impossible not to be struck with the confident ardor of the young author and his enthusiastic admiration for the wisdom which governs the world and the majesty of the problems to which his life was to be consecrated. ‘ Happy the man,” says he, ‘who devotes himself to the study of the heavens; he learns to set less value on what the world ad- mires the most; the works of God are for him above ail else, and their study will furnish him with the purest of enjoyments. Father of the world,” he adds, “the creature whom Thou hast deigned to raise to the intelligent contemplation of Thy glorytis like the king of a vast empire; he is almost comparable to-a god, since he has learned to comprehend Thy thoughts.” The theory which inspired such transports is to-day disavowed by science. That brilliant edifice was destined to crumble away, little by little, for want of sure foundations, and Kepler, at that epoch, may be likened, according to Bacon’s happy comparison, to the lark which soars to the skies, but brings back nothing from her excur- Sions. He always entertained, however, a great tenderness for this first labor, and, although he himself has, in a second edition, pointed out grave errors, he insists that no debut in science was ever more happy. Of this work little is recollected but some solid and convincing arguments in favor of the system of Copernicus. Kepler does not hesitate to cen- sure emphatically, in a note, the tribunal which had dared to place in the Index of the Lateran the works of the illustrious Pole. ‘When we have used,” he says, “the edge of an axe upon iron, it cannot serve af- terward even to cut wood.” The calculations which he executed on this occasion served, so to speak, to clear the field which was to yield him so ample a harvest; and the learned world, not less charmed by the agree- - able and brilliant form of his exposition than surprised by the novelty of his ideas, became attentive to what the young astronomer night in future submit to it. Having acquired a modest competence by his marriage with the young and fair Barbara Miiller, already the widow of a first and separated from a second husband by divorce, Kepler seemed permanently fixed in Styria, and devoted himself, amid general applause, to the study of the science in which he delighted. His correspondence shows him to have been, at this epoch, fully satisfied with his labors and in the serene enjoyment of domestic happiness. This period of sweet tranquillity and studious leisure makes its appearance in his life as a peaceful oasis, where he was to repose but for a short time, and which he was destined never to find again. The Archduke Charles had as successor his son Ferdinand, who, a far better Catholic than he, chose as generalissimo of his troops the holy Virgin, and made a vow to exting ish heresy in his estates; the most sim ple means was to drive out the heretics, and it was that to which he resorted, Kepler, protected by learned Jesuits, who knew how to appreciate his merit, was treated with an exceptional in- dulgence. After having been forced to quit Griitz, he was permitted to return on condition of observing due prudence and reserve. This, we must conclude, he did not do to a satisfactory degree; for, shortly atter, he was banished anew, forty-five days being allowed him to sell or rent the lands of his wife. It was of such acts, doubtless, that a celebrated historian was thinking when he wrote that, without disturbance and » LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 97 without cruelty, Ferdinand succeeded in suppressing the Protestant wor- ship in Styria. However this may be, Kepler, thus deprived of the means of subsist- ence and banished from Sty ria, Where numerous friends had surrounded him, remained unshaken in his faith. The Counsellor Herwart in vain proposed to him terms of accommodation; his integrity could not be made to bend. Kepler, so ingenious in his researches, was by no means so in paltering with his conscience. Unable to yield his reason to the Catholic creed, he obstinately refused it his homage. The reasons on which he based his resolution, equally remote from the weakness which bends to persecution and the arrogance which braves it, are impressed with a calm and gentle dignity: “I am a Christian,” he writes to Her- wart, ‘‘attached to the confession of Augsburg by a thorough examina- tion of the doctrine, not less than by the instruction of my parents. That is my faith; I have already suffered for it, and I know not the art of dissembling. Religion is for mea serious affair, which I cannot treat with levity.” And he continued, without losing heart, to find a refuge in science, devoting to it his hours of labor, his ‘studious ratchings, the ardent yearnings of his enthusiastic intellect. But this could not wholly preclude the bitter thoughts of exile and of poverty; if little concerned for himself, he could not help feeling how nearly those afflictions touched those who were dear to him. ‘TI entreat you,” he writes to Meestlin, “if there is a place vacant at Tiibingen, contrive to obtain it for me; let me know,” he adds, ‘the price of bread, of wine, and the necessaries of life, for my wife has not been accustomed to a diet of beans.” It was under these trying circumstances that he received from the celebrated Tycho- Brahé, who had become acquainted with his adversity, a proposition to unite with him in the astronomical labors with which he had been charged by the Emperor Rudolph. Kepler did not hesitate, and repaired with his family to Prague. Nothing could hav e been more fortunate for astronomy than the union of Kepler with such a man, whose researches, less brilliant perhaps than his own, are distinguished, by a laborious precision, which no previous astronomer had ever carried to the same degree of perfection. Kepler, himself, seems to have foreseen all its adv antages when, speaking of the observ ations accumulated by Tycho, he wrote the year previous to Meestlin: “Tycho is loaded with riches which, like most of the rich, he makes no use of.” He had practiced observation, in effect, for thirty- five years, without any preconceived idea, while keeping an exact and minute register of the phenomena of the heavens. These accumulated results, without directly disclosing the truth, were admirably calculated to preserve Kepler from error by fur nishing a solid point of support to the boldness of his inventive genius, and as a limit established in ad- vance to prohibit its excesses. Having soon afterwards become, by the death of Tycho, possessor of the precious materials destined to fertilize his ideas, he was not slow in perceiving that under the confusion of those elements, which he might justly compare to the scattered leaves of the Sibyl, was concealed an eternal and immutable order, and he sought it duringnine years with the unwearied devotion which triumphs over discouragement, and with the energy which assures success. But with a view to proceeding in order, he first directed his attention to the elimination of a cause of error already indicated by Tycho, and one with which all the astronomical observations are infected: he stud- ied the laws of refraction. Hipparchus relates that twice in the same day he had observed the sun in the equator, and consequently two equinoxes. From this Ptolemy 78 98 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. simply concludes that one of these observations is erroneous ; but the same singularity presented itself on different occasions to Tycho, who, certain of his own skill and of the precision of his instruments, could not admit such an explanation. He pointed out the true cause in the refraction of the luminous rays, which, null at the zenith, acquires at the horizon its greatest value ; consequently, when the sun is, in the morn- ing, a little below the equator, the yefraction, by elevating its rays, may produce the impression of the observation of the equinox. Some hours later, when the sun is nearing the zenith, the refraction is less, and this cause of depression, compensating for the distance which the sun has traversed in its orbit, may cause it to be observed anew in the equator. Pliny cites another contradiction not less palpable, which, while equally showing the importance of the phenomenon ofrefraction, should have led the ancient astronomers to make it the subject of their study. “ An eclipse of the moon,” he says, ‘‘has been observed at the moment when the sun was still visible above the horizon.” The moon conse- quently disappeared although the right line which joins its center with that of the sun appeared not to encounter the earth. The fact is a con- stant one; it was observed particularly by Meestlin and by Tycho; yet there is evidently a necessity that the earth, inorder to eclipse the moon by its shadow, must be placed in a right line between the moon and sun. It is undeniable, therefore, that the three bodies are really in a right line at the moment of the eclipse, and the phenomenon must be ex- plained by the refraction which brings the two luminaries into an appar- ently simultaneous opposition above the horizon. It will be seen from these instances how important it is that this cause of error should be taken into account in the discussion of observations. The Arabian as- tronomer Alhazen and the Polonese Vitellion were the first to call at- tention to this point, and Tycho, who thoroughly felt its importance, gave still later a table of refractions relative to different inclinations. The difficulty of such an investigation is readily perceived, not to say that any direct determination isimpossible. Refraction is the angle for med by the right line which really connects the luminous body with our eye, and the line resulting from the direction in which it is per- ceived. Now, of these two directions the second alone is open to actual observation; the angle which it forms with the other cannot be meas- ured, and it is necessary to calculate it by an indirect process. The con- tinuous observation of a star followed from the zenith to the horizor might give it; the diurnal movement, the laws of which are not contested, causes the star, in effect, to describe a perfect circle in the heavens, and knowing at every instant where it ought to be, we may place to the ac count of refraction the observed irregularities. The process followed by Tycho is a little different, but he was far from attaining the object in view; according to him, the refraction of the light of the stars completely ceases at 20° from the horizon ; that of the sun, being more considerable, becomes null only at 45°. This is alto- gether inexact, refraction follows the same laws for all these luminaries, and becomes null only at the zenith. Kepler, therefore, took up the question from the beginning, and composed, under the modest title of Paratipomena ad Vitallionem, a complete treatise of optics. This work, though containing serious errors, is truly remarkable for the time when it was composed. We find therein the correct theory of telescopes, ex- act rules for determining the focal distance of lenses and the augment: ative powerofan instrument. Here, for the first time, was given an exact description of the eye and the explanation of its mechanism; it is here, finally, that we find an explanation of the cinereous light of the moon, at- LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 99 tributed in a spirit of loyalty to his old master Meestlin. Although en- tirely misled as to an elementary law of refraction, Kepler has here eal- culated a table of astronomical refractions, which from the zenith to 76° does not differ more than 9” from that adopted at present, but in ap- proaching the horizon the deviations become more considerable. We recognize in this book the hand of no ordinary artificer; its perusal is embarrassed by few difficulties, and although in its doctrines tares be mingled in abundance with the good grain, the student who wishes to prove all things for himself would still find much to repay his labor. Descartes, who cites it with honor in his Dioptrics, expressly acknowl- edged the obligations which he owed to it. But, while striving to attain the objects which he had proposed to himself, Kepler, as astronomer to the emperor, could not properly re- main inattentive to the events which were taking place in the skies. He wrote, in 1606, a long dissertation on a star which had appeared in the constellation of the Serpent, and which, after having shone with a brillianey greater than that of Jupiter, disappeared as mysteriously as it had come. This phenomenon, strange but not unexampled, caused a great sensation. ‘If I should be asked, ” said Kepler, “ what will come to pass; what it is that this apparition forebodes? I shall an- swer without hesitation: First of all a flood of writings, published by numerous authors, and much labor for the printers. If I should be ae- cused of having in my dissertation passed too slightingly over the the- ological and politic al consequences, I shall reply that my charge i imposes on me the obligation of promoting astronomy to the best of my ability, but not of fulfilling the office of public prophet. I am glad of it; if I had to speak freely of all that passes in Europe and in the church, I should be much in danger of giving offense to all the world, for as Hor- ace says, “ Tliacos intra muros peccatur et extra.”* One would scarcely suppose on reading these lines that they were written in 1606! He proceeds to inquire whence this star could have sprung and of what matter it was formed; but he does not succeed in solving the question, and concludes only that the blind force of atoms has nothing to do with it. Of this opinion also was his wife Barbara; Kepler tells us so in one of those personal digressions in which he sometimes indulges, and which are so vivid and sprightly that in reading them we almost seem to hear and see him, and at the same time are so naturally introduced that we feel no surprise at finding them mixed up with the serious thoughts on which he is intent. ‘“ Yesterday,” he says, ‘“ fatigued with writing and troubled in mind with meditations upon atoms, I was called to dinner, and my wife placed a salad on the table. Do you think, said I to her, that if tin-plates, lettuce leaves, grains of salt, drops of oil and vinegar, and fragments of hard-boiled eggs had been floating in space ever since the creation, in every direction and without order, chance could have brought them together to-day to form a salad ?—Not so good aone, Lam certain, replied my fair spouse, nor so well made as this oue is.” The treatise on the new star, which contains thirty chapters, leaves the reader as ignorant as the author himself was and as we to-day are of the nature and causes of the catastrophe which, from the presumed * Trojans and Greeks, seditious, base, unjust, Offend alike in violence and lust.—FRrancts’s translation. 100 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. distance of the stars, must have been accomplished in the heavens and have troubled the systems of the cosmos many ages before the observations of Kepler. After nine years of efforts prosecuted with an intense application of mind which sometimes, as he tells us, had tormented him almost to madness, diu nos torserat ad insaniam, Kepler succeeded in exactly representing the movement of Mars by two of the laws which have since been recognized as applicable to the other planets, and which have im- mortalized his name. His work is entitled: Astronomia nova, seu Physica celestis, &c. (The new astronomy, or celestial physics, founded on the study of the movement of Mars, deduced from the observations of Tycho- Brahé.) The preface, addressed to the Emperor Rudolph, furnishes a curious example of the spirit of the epoch, even more than of the genius of Kepler: ‘“T bring to your Majesty,” he says, “‘ a noble prisoner, a trophy of an arduous and long doubtful war, prosecuted under your auspices. Nor do I fear that he will refuse or scorn the name of captive, since it is not the first time that he has borne it; long ago, as we are informed, the ter- rible god of war fell ingloriously into the toils spread for him by Vulcan. Yet, until now, none had more completely triumphed over all human stratagems; it was in vain that the astronomers prepared every thing for the struggle; in vain that they brought all their resources into action and marshalled all their forces. Mars, mocking at their attempts, dis- concerted their plans and baffled their hopes. Withdrawn in an im- penetrable secrecy, he succeeded in veiling his skillful evolutions from hostile observation. The ancients complained of this deceptive strategy more than once, and that indefatigable explorer of the mysteries of nature, Pliny, pronounced Mars inscrutable to human eye. ‘‘ For myself, I ought first of all to extol the activity and pertinacity of the valiant chieftain Tycho-Brahé, who, under the auspices of the Dan- ish sovereigns, Frederick and Christian, studied every night for twenty years the procedures of the enemy, in order to discover the plans of the campaign and the secret of his movements. The observations be- queathed to me by my predecessor have aided me in dispelling that vague and indefinite apprehension which is at first felt in the presence of a mysterious foe. ‘During the uncertainties of the contest how many disasters have desolated our camp! The loss of an illustrious chieftain, sedition and desertion among the troops, contagious maladies, all contributed to aug- ment our distress. Domestic solace and suffering alike interfered with business ; a new enemy, as I have reported in my book on the late evan- escent star, precipitated himself on the rear of our army; the veterans withdrew, the new recruits were untrained, and, worst of all, provisions were exhausted. Finally, however, the enemy became reconciled to peace, and by the mediation of his mother, Nature, sent me the avowal of his defeat. He surrendered on his parole, and Arithmetic and Geo- metry escorted him into our camp. From that time he has shown that he can be entirely trusted, and, content with his lot, asks but one favor of your majesty. All his family is in the sky; Jupiter is his father, Saturn his grandsire, Mereury his brother, and Venus his bosom friend and sister. Accustomed to their august society he is ardently desirous of recovering it, and would wish that like himself they were all received into your majesty’s common hospitality. To that end it is important to profit by our success and to pursue the war with vigor; its hazards are at an end, since Mars is in our power. But I entreat your majesty to remeim- ber that money constitutes the nerves of war, and to be pleased to order LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 101 your treasurer to deliver to your general the sums necessary for the levy of new troops.” In commencing the study of the movements of Mars, it was incumbent on Kepler to ascertain with precision the time of its revolution, which was not unknown to Tycho, nor even to Ptolemy, who had caleulated it with nearly equal exactness. It is a problem, in fact, which, notwith- standing its apparent difficulties, is of easy solution. The imaginary right line, called the radius vector, which connects the fixed center of the sun with the movable center of the planet, may be compared to the hand of a clock, and the time occupied in traversing its vast dial is the time of the revolution of Mars; the radius vector which unites the earth with the sun may be regarded as a shorter hand than the preceding and as turning in the same direction. The movement of the latter is well known; it makes its circuit ina year. Suppose, now, though it be not absolutely exact, that the planes of the two orbits coincide; in other terms that the two hands, of unequal length, move on the same dial- plate. Placed as we are at the extremity of the smaller, it is easy for us to note its coincidences with the greater, and the astronomers who attentively observe the sun and the planet Mars will be able to say at what moment we are on the line which unites them. It has been long known that these oppositions of Mars and the sun, or, what amounts to the same thing, the coincidences of the two hands of the dial, take place on a mean every 795 days. The longer hand, therefore, makes in 795 days one circuit less than the shorter ; and as the movement of the latter is known to us, the tyro in astronomy can deduce therefrom the move- ment, assumed to be uniform ; that is to say, the mean movement of the other. It is thus that the period of the revolution of Mars has been found equal to 687 days. This result being well known to Kepler, he conceived the idea of col- lating, in the observations of Tycho, those which differed precisely by that number of days, and for which, consequently, Mars, after having accomplished a circuit, had returned to the same point of its course. He thus very ingeniously eluded the difficulty, apparently insurmount- able, which results from its continual displacement in space. The two positions of the earth in its orbit being known through the previous study which had been made of its movement, the line which unites them becomes the base, at the two extremities of which the inquirer is con- sidered as placed for the observation of a planet, which, having returned to the same position, may be regarded as motionless. One of the posi- tions of Mars will thus be found with the date of two epochs, separated by an interval of 687 days, on which it has arrived at that place. By interposing other observations separated from the first by a period of two or three revolutions of the planet, the same result will be obtained, a result which furnishes a means of verifying the calculations, and at the same time, what is still more valuable, a contirmation of the hypoth- esis adopted for the law of the movement of the earth. Encouraged by this first success, Kepler recommenced the operation a great number of times, following the planet step by step, in order, so to say, to stake out its course through space; but how many points are needed to determine the geometric nature of a curve? Rigorous geom- etry answers that, however great the number, it will not sutiice, and that by any given "points an infinite number of distinct curves of very different properties may always be made to pass; it is for this reason that so many tables admirably precise obtained by physicists have never been found susceptible, notwithstanding their efforts, of being converted into mathematical laws. The uncertainty and incompetence of science 102 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. in presence of such a problem require that patience should come to the aid of genius. Kepler attempted at first the verification of the hypo- theses previously admitted, by seeking to place all his pvints on the same circle; but his efforts were futile; his calculations left errors of seven to eight minutes subsisting, and he proved that no better could be done. Bight minutes seem but a small matter; it is about a fourth of the apparent diameter of the sun; but it is in astronomy especially that it may be said with truth: He who despises small things shall fall by little and little. Kepler knew it, and this little error, which he was unwilling to accept, became considerable by its consequences. “The Divine Goodness,” he says, ‘has given us in Tycho an observer so exact that an error of eight minutes is impossible. ” The hypothesis of a cir- cular orbit was therefore in: admissible; but Kepler does not on that account despair of victory, nor is his confidence at all shaken. He fancies that, like the wanton Galatea (in Virgil,) Mars flies to covert, but in hiding wishes not to escape unseen: . Et fugit ad salices, et se cupit ante videri. This is the first line of his fifty-eighth chapter. After numerous attempts and laborious calculations, Kepler at last found that an elliptical orbit satisfies all the observations of Tycho; then it was that, as he, expresses himself in his preface, he regarded Mars as a prisoner on parole. In a position thenceforth to interrogate the captive at leisure, he continued to press the inquiry more closely, by marking the places which the new theory indicated for the future, and he had the satisfaction of seeing the planet, punctual to the appoint. ments which he had fixed, respond, so to say, to his summons, as the stars reply to their Creator in the book of Baruch, which La Fontaine so much admired: You have called me; behold, I am here! This complete and persistent conformity furnished the irresistible evidence of the two celebrated laws which he couid at length announce with certainty: Mars describes an ellipsis of which the sun occupies a focus. The areas described by the radius vector are proportional to the time. But our statement of the great discovery of Kepler would be incom- plete did we not particularize two remarkable circumstances which, coming fortuitously to the aid of his penetration, conducted him with more facility to the goal from which they might otherwise have turned him aside. The movement of the earth, the presumed knowledge of which had served as a basis for all his caleulations, was theoretically as imperfectly known as that of Mars. The circle in which he makes our planet move should be replaced by an ellipsis; but this ellipsis fortunately differs from a cirele in a sufficiently small degree to render the substitution of one for the other a matter of indifference for the rate of approximation to be adopted. Had it been otherwise, the method would have become inexact, and the numbers, by contradicting one another, would have warned and discouraged the accurate and conscientious inquirer. The second circumstance, still more remarkable, perhaps, was the impertec- tion of the methods of observation and of the instruments of Tycho. Kepler might affirm, it is true, that an error of eight minutes was impossible, and this confidence saved everything; had he said as much of an error of eight seconds, all would have been lost. The internal organ of judgment, to use an expression of Goethe, would have ceased to “be in harmony with the external organ of sight, become too delicate and too precise. LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 103 Kepler had, in fact, deceived himself by regarding the important advantage obtained over the refractory and stubborn planet, as one of those decisive victories which forever terminate the contest; the great laws to which he had given expression, eternally true as they are within due limits, are not rigorous and mathematical. Numerous perturba- tions cause Mars incessantly to deviate from his path, and release him from time to time from the frail bonds in which the exulting calculator thought him entangled forever. For those, it is true, who are enabled to penetrate more deeply, the irregularities in question, once explained and foreseen, brilliantly confirm the theory of attraction which they both enlarge ‘and elucidate; but the premature knowledge of those per- turbations, a necessary consequence of more precise observations, would perhaps, by involving the truth in inextricable embarrassments, have retarded for a long time the progress of celestial nechanics. Kepler would then have been forced, since the elliptical orbit must have been rejected on the same grounds with the circular, to seek by direct means the laws of the disturbed movement, at the risk of exhausting, against insuperable obstacles, all the resources of his penetration and the obstinacy of his patience. Kepler now conceived the idea of penetrating more deeply into the mysteries of nature and discovering the cause of the movements whose laws he had revealed. After havi ing destroyed forever the old error of obligatory circular orbits, he announced the simple and true principle on which rests to-day all rational mechanics: the natural movement of a body is always rectilinear; but unfortunately he adds: ‘* Pro- vided there be not a soul which directs it,” and this restriction mars everything. Nego ullum motum perennam non rectum a Deo conditum esse, presidio mentali destitutum. There needs, ace ording to this principle, an unceasing force to conduct the planet in its cur ved or bit, and this force resides in the sun. Kepler afiirms this expressly: Solis igitur corpus esse fontem virtutis que planetas omnes circumagit. It is the doctrine ot Newton, or to speak more generally, it is truth. Admirers of Kepler have seen in the two phrases just quoted one of his highest titles to renown. On this point I cannot agree with them. Impatient of the mystery of the planetary movements, Kepler has here not been faithful to the inspirations of his genius; uncertain and irres- olute, he has attempted on the contrary all kinds of explanations with- out adopting and vindicating any one ‘of them, and when the true idea crossed his mind, he was not able to appreciate or employ it. After having said that the cause of the movement is in the body of the sun, he supposes that the rotation of that orb is transmitted to the planets and impels them; he introduces, further, a magnetic force de- pending on the direction of the axis of the body thus impelled. Views of an extremely vague kind on the nature of attraction lead him more- over to believe that it is inversely proportional to the distance, and it has been remarked that with a very slight modification, his reasoning would have conducted him to the true law. That does not hinder him from believing that the planet, being sometimes nearer to the sun, some- times more distant from it, must be alternately attracted and repelled. With a contradiction which shows beyond all else the uncertainty of his ideas, he asks whether the planet, comprising its force within itself, is not endowed with an active principle which guides as well as moves it, and without going so far as to accord to it the faculty of reasoning, he bestows upon it a soul, which, instructed as to the route it must follow for preserving the e ternal order of the universe, directs and maintains it therein with unflagging power and exhaustless energy. But how, 104 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. upon this hypothesis, does the planet succeed in recognizing its path ? The expression of its velocity necessarily includes sines, and admitting even that this soul has a perception of angles, by what mysterious operation, he asks, could it calculate the sines of those angles? Reeur- ring, finally, to the idea of a magnetic attraction, he is apprehensive of a conflict between the magnetic power and the ‘animal power. These confused reveries in which the genius of Kepler involves itself, make us involuntarily think of the words we have cited: ‘ Torquebar pane ad insaniam ;” they add nothing to his glory; it imports little that inter- polated among these opinions, which are so many errors, he has for once announced the truth without founding it upon solid reasons. When a traveler seeks his way in the darkness. of a rayless night, and hesitating at every step, exclaims anxiously from time to time: Perhaps itis there! shall we praise his sagacity because he has happened for once to guess right and has then passed on? ‘It would be unjust, therefore, to claim for Kepler the discovery of universal attraction, but there is no room for surprise at this. Mechan- ics, scarcely in its infancy, did not enable him, however clear-sighted, to test his ideas on motive forces and to transform them into precise: and calculated theories; the labors of Galileo and of Huyghens were necessary to prepare even Newton for this, his immortal achievement. The studies and meditations of Kepler were often interrupted and constantly troubled by chagrins and embarrassments of every kind. The heirs of Tycho were entitled to a share in the property of the as- tronomic tables which Kepler had promised; they complained of his deferring their publication while he occupied his time with researches in physies and with empty speculations, while the celebrated astron- omer Longomontanus constituted himself the organ of their reproaches and unjust suspicions. Ina letter, at the outset of which he still treats Kepler as a learned man and a friend of long standing, he accuses him of indulging an immoderate zeal in the refutation of the theories of Tycho, of allowing himself to be diverted from the occupations of his office by the passion for criticising everything, and of breaking, by attacking the works of his friends, the ties of affection which bound them to him. “If my engagements had permitted,” says Longomontanus, ‘I would have gone to Prague expressly to have an explanation with you; but,” he adds with i increasing acrimony, “of what, after all, my dear Kepler, do you so much vaunt yourself? All your researches rest on bases estab- lished by Tycho, in which you have changed nothing. You may per- suade the ignorant, but cease to maintain absurdities before those who thoroughly understand the matter. You do not fear to compare the works of Tycho to the muck of the Augean stables, and, like another Hercules, announce yourself ready to cleanse them; but no one is deceived thereby or prefers you to our great astronomer. Your arro- gance disgusts all sensible people.” Accusations so remote from truth could not wound Kepler. He despised all this empty objurgation which re-echoed around him... A few notes on the margin of the letter from Longomontanus show in what estimation our philosopher held it. << Pretty abuse,” he writes ; and again, ‘decent phrases, if you please, to disguise your spleen.” His reply, in which he declines a useless discussion, display s unbounded kindliness; it enables us to discern the serenity of his mind and moder. ation of his character. ‘At the moment when I received your militant epistle, peace had long been made with the son-in-law of Ty cho. You and I would resemble, in quarreling, Portuguese and E nglish vessels which should fight in the Indies when peace was alre ady ratified at LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 105 home. . . . . You blame my manner of accusing and refuting. I yield the point, though I do not think that I have deserved your re- proaches. From you, my friend, there is no reproof which I do not accept. I regret that you did not come to Prague; I would have explained my theories, and you would have returned, I trust, fully satis- fied. You jeer me. So be it; let us laugh together. But why accuse me of comparing the works of Tycho w ith the 1 muck-heaps of Augeas ? You had not my letters under your eye; you would have seen that they contained nothing of the kind. The name of Augeas has found a lodg- ment only in your own imagination. Ido not dishonor my é stronomical labors by scurrilities.” And in concluding: ‘* Adieu,” he says; “ write to me as soon as possible, to the end that I may know that my letter has changed your feelings in regard to me.” The peace with the heirs of Tycho, was but a brief truce; they addressed themselves to the Emperor himself; but Rudolph, though incapable as Emperor and King, had an enlightened and sincere love for the sciences, and put aside all these importunate cavilings. Sur- rounded, however, with enemies and rebels, the Emperor of Germany could scarce pay his astronomer some light installments on the con- siderable amount which he had fixed as his salary, and Kepler, in order to support his family, was compelled to accept labor of every sort, to make almanacs, calculate horoscopes, and place his erudition at the service of every one who could pay for it. After the death of Rudolph, his successor, Matthias, less favorable to science and not less embarrassed by the incurable divisions which distracted the empire, entirely abandoned the observatory of Prague, so that its labors were interrupted through the failure of the most in- dispensable supplies. Kepler was constrained to relinquish employ- ments which no longer yielded him even bread, and to accept the fune- tions of professor at the University of Linz. It was in this city that he lost his wife, Barbara. Not long afterward, in order, he said, to give a mother to his three children, but without atlecting to have m: ide by doing so any great sacrifice on their account, he married again. After having compared with much care and subtlety of discrimination, as we see in one of his letters, the merits and attractions of eleven young per- sons commended to him by his friends, he espoused Susannah Reut- linger, orphan daughter of a simple artisan, who had been carefully educated in one of the most distinguished boarding-schools of the country. ‘Her beauty, her habits, her form,” he writes, “‘ everything about her suits me. Patient and industrious, : she will know how to conduct a modest household, and, though not in her first youth, she is of an age to learn all that may ’be wanting. ” This marriage was the oceasion of an important work, in which Kepler shows by a hew example that his genius, in its cor prehensive survey, embraced all the depart- ments of science. “As I was about to be married, ” he says in the pre- face, “and the vintage was abundant and wine che: ap, it was incumbent on a good father of a family to make provision thereof and replenish his cellar. Having therefore bought several casks, the vintner, a few days after, made his appearance with a view to ascertain the price by me asuring their capacity, and, without making any calculation, plunged an iron rod into each cask and at once pronounced its contents. ” * Kep- ler then recalls that on the banks of the Rhine, doubtless because wine is there more costly, the trouble is taken of emptying the barrel in order to count exactly the number of quarts it contains. Is the much more expeditious method practiced in Austria sufficiently exact? ‘This is a@ question,” says Kepler, ‘‘the study of which is not unworthy of a 106 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. geometer newly married;” and, to solve it, he proceeds to discuss pro blems of geometry which may be accounted among the most difficult which had been till then undertaken. A singular consequence deduced is the following: ‘* Under the influence of a good genius who was, no doubt, a geometer, the constructors of casks have given them precisely the form which, for a line of the same length as that measured by the gaugers, affords the greatest possible ¢ capacity ; and, as in the neighborhood of the maximum the variations are insensible, small accidental deviations exert no appre- ciable influence on the capacity, the expeditious measurement of which is consequently sufficiently exact.” This idea respecting maxima, thrown out in passing, but in such absolute terms, by Kepler, received its devel- opment twenty years later from Fermat, of whom it is one of the titles to honor. Kepler adds: *“* Who will deny that nature alone, without aay process of reasoning, can teach geometry, when our coopers, guided only by their eyes and an instinctive sense of ‘the becoming, are ‘thus seen to ‘divine the form which best comports with an exact measurement?” In con- formity, at the same time, with his habit of mingling reminiscences of the classic poets with his scientific labors, he terminates this treatise on the Art of measuring casks with two verses, imitated from Catullus, which, freely translated, signify that, when indulging in conviviality, we should not count the glasses: Ht quum pocula mille mensi erimus, Conturbabimus illa, ne sciamus. This very learned work could be of no assistance to Kepler in the support of his family, becoming every year more numerous; he was living, therefore, with great economy and amid continual anxieties for the future, when afflictions still more poignant came to embitter his latter years. A letter from his sister apprised him that their mother, at the advanced age of seventy, had just been cast into prison on an accu- sation of the crime of sorcery. Ineensed at the impertinent absurdity of the questions addressed to her by the judge of instruction, Catharine Kepler had aggravated her position by becoming accuser in turn, and scornfully reproaching the magistrate with his abuse of office in the acquisition of sudden wealth. Unhappily, public opinion held her guilty, and without any precise allegation overwhelmed her with the odium of all the calamities of the vicinage; especially was general horror excited when the fact was established ‘that she never looked any one in the face and had never been seen to shed a tear. These signs of malignity, it is true, were not conclusive, but as the judges, in impeachments of this kind, were absolved from the ordinary restraints and had no fear before their eyes but that of seeming too lenient, the usage was to extort by torture such confessions as would conduct the victim to the stake. Kepler hastened to the scene, and for five years of cruel apprehensions struggled unceasingly for the safety of his mother. Not all the prestige of his renown, however, nor his earnestness in demonstrating that ‘‘these tests of patience rather than of truth,” as Montaigne expressed it, involve the judge in a deeper condemnation than that which he pro- nounces, could avail to hinder the instruments of torture from being exhibited to the aged Catharine, their uses explained to her, and their application threatened if her obstinate silence could not be otherwise overcome. But nothing could shake her constancy; she declared her- self ready to suffer everything, and her lofty and resigned bearing saved her finally from the punishment, but not from the “disgrace, which of course was reflected painfully on her son. —— a ee LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 107 - During these times of trouble and disorder all Germany, agitated, as it were, by a violent storm, seemed little else than a theater for the evo- lution of armies and the calamities which accompany them. One of the most terrible contests which history records, the war of thirty years, spread desolation and the contagion of deadly maladies through all the provinces. In this cruel extremity Kepler, who to assist his mother had renounced the functions of professor, was plunged in an ever-increasing destitution, against which his ardent spirit struggled without respite. But a last affliction was in reserve for him: he lost a daughter of the age of seventeen years. It was now that, bearing up against these dis- tresses, he sought refuge in those serene regions into which the troubles of earth do not penetrate, and, casting aside the importunate burden of obligatory or lucrative labors, devoted all his thoughts to the composi- tion of a work which, as he tells us, yielded him more pleasure than all its readers together could -experience in its perusal. Those infinite Spaces which surround us, whose eternal silence dismayed the sceptical reason of Pascal, possessed, in the harmonious diversity of movements which they accomplish, an inexhaustible attraction for the mystical im- agination of Kepler; and as he thought that he had long heard in the depth of his soul the perpetual chorus of the mysterious voices of nature, he endeavored to give it utterance in the strange work entitled, “ Har- monices mundi, libri quingue,” Five books of the harmony of the world. He first studies, geometrically, many regular figures, and the analyt- ical views to which he is led would have sufficed, as one of our most distinguished colleagues has said, to preserve the work from oblivion. He reduces his problem to an equation, and interprets with exactness all its solutions. This, and nothing more, is regarded as within the scope of science at the present day; but such a result does not satisfy Kepler. “It is proved,” he says, “that the sides of regular polygons must ne- cessarily remain unknown, being, from their nature, undiscoverable. Nor is there anything surprising in the fact that what occurs in the arch- etype of the world cannot be expressed in the conformation of its parts.” Proceeding afterward to the consideration of human music, and recalling the idea of Pythagoras, who, we are told, compared the planets to the seven chords of the lyre, he aims to show how man, imitating the Cre- ator, by a natural instinct is led, as regards the notes of his voice, to make the same choice and observe the same proportion which God has seen fit to introduce into the general harmony of the celestial move- ments; the same thought of the Creator being thus translated into all his designs, of which one may serve as the interpreter and figure for another. Seeking harmonies wherever they are possible, Kepler devotes a chapter to politics: “‘ Cyrus,” he says, “having seen in childhood a man of tall stature clothed in short tunic, and near him a dwarf habited ina long and flowing robe, was of opinion that they should exchange gar- ments in order that each might have what suited his size; but his master pronounced that each should be left in possession of what be- longed to him. The two opinions might be reconciled by decreeing that the first should, after the exchange, give to the dwarf a certain sum of money. very one,” adds Kepler, ‘clearly sees by this example that a geometric proportion may be harmonic, such is 1, 2, 4, or the beneficial arrangement which gives to the tallest the longest robe. An arithmet- ical proportion may also be harmonic: such is 2, 3, 4, or the useful ex- change which allows not the dwarf, possessing a long robe, to lose his property, but enables him to change it into money which he may apply to a better purpose.” 108 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. This passage, which I transiate as closely as pessible, and I need not say without well comprehending its meaning, will suffice, I think, to give an idea of the chapter on politics. The last chapter of the work is oceupied in determining precisely the nature of the planetary concords. Saturn and Jupiter constitute the bass, Mars the tenor, Venus the con- tralto, and Mercury the falsetto. These obscure and chimerical ideas, in which the mind of Kepler wearies and loses itself, seem the profitless and vain amusement of an imagination released from the control of reason; we read on with sad- ness, without venturing to sound the mysterious depths of that great intellect led, by an inspiration without light, into the pure domain of phantasy. But in the last pages of the book the genius of the inspired dreamer awakens of a sudden to dictate to him those bold and august expressions which have become not less immortal than the discovery which they herald: ‘“‘Kight months since,” he says, “I had a glimpse of the first ray of light; six months since I saw the dawn; a few days ago only did the sun arise in its transcendent glory.. I give myself up to my enthusiasm, and venture to brave my fellow-mortals by the ingenuous avowal that I have stolen the golden vessels of the Egyptians in order to raise a tabernacle to my God far from the confines of Egypt. If I am par- doned I shall rejoice at it; if it is made a reproach to me I shall bear it; the die is cast. I write my book; whether it be read by the present age or by posterity imports little; it may well await a reader; has not God waited six thousand years for an observer of his works?” Then, recurring to the precise language of science, he announces the celebrated law which, binding together all the elements of our system, connects the greater axes of the planetary orbits with the time of their revolutions. Nothing can be more unexpected than this vivid light, which seems to spring out of chaos; the astonished reader asks himself how it is that these precise rules and mathematical proportions appear all of a sudden in a world which Kepler seems to have been traversing as in a dream; how such abrupt clearness succeeds such profound ob- security, such pure melody the uncertain harmonies which precede it. There is nothing to-day to inform us. Kepler announces his law; verifies it, without communicating to us, as was his wont, the history of his ideas; and then, transported with the full and entire possession of one of the secrets longest and most ardently sought, he breaks forth into raptures of thanksgiving, and, not content with the common language of humanity, borrows the majestic symphonies of the Psalmist: “The wisdom of the Lord is infinite, so also are His glory and His power. Ye heavens, sing His praises! Sun, moon, and planets, glorify Him in your ineffable language! Celestial harmonies, and all ye who comprehend His marvelous works, praise Him! And thou, my soul, praise thy Cre- ator! It is by Him and in Him that all exists. That which we know not is comprised in Him, as well as our vain science. To Him be praise, honor, and glory throughout eternity!” And in a note not less animated, and more touching, perhaps, than the text, he adds: “Glory also to my old master, Meestlin!” The Emperor Matthias was dead. His successor was his nephew Ferdinand, of Austria, whose pious energy, intent on extirpating the Protestant worship in Styria, had, twenty years before, troubled the life of Kepler. His zeal had not relaxed, and the persecution was rekindled with inereasing violence: “Whither shall I betake myself?” writes Kepler to a friend. ‘Should I seek a province already devastated, or one of those which will not fail soon to be so?” He had fortunately —— << ) LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. 109 preserved his friendly relations with the most distinguished of the Jesuits, and, as their influence over the mind of Ferdinand was un- bounded, they managed, when Wallenstein was named duke of Fried- land, to have an article introduced into the decree which might secure Kepler’s safety by attaching him to the duke’s service; it was also stip- ulated that the arrears of his salary as imperial astronomer should be paid out of the revenues of the duchy. But new difficulties soon arese: the gentle-spirited and affectionate Kepler, separated from his wife and children, could not become reconciled to the tumult and disorder of the camps. Little fitted for the calling of a courtier, he was deficient in the assiduity and pliancy necessary to win the favor of a haughty and imperious master, whose protection was but a disguised servitude. Wallenstein, seeing with extreme impatience the little faith reposed in the language of the stars by him whom he considered as his astrologer, did not long defer the dismissal of Kepler, replacing him by the Vene- tian, Seni, whose delusive and accommodating science flattered, to the last, the presumptuous ambition of a soldier who, as Schiller says, “could searcely tolerate that his will was not authoritative even in the skies.” Kepler feared not, in his weakness, to dare the resentment of the all- powerful man who had imposed his laws on the Emperor himself; he demanded with pertinacity the payment of the sum stipulated in the imperial decree; but his strength was exhausted in vain in the numerous journeys rendered necessary by the prosecution of his claim, and he died at Ratisbon, in 1629, at the age of fifty-eight years. By the union of the most opposite qualities, Kepler occupies in the history of science an altogether exceptional place. By evineing, from his first steps in the study of astronomy, the presumptuous hope of deciphering the enigma of nature, and of elevating himself by pure reasoning to a knowledge of the esthetic views of the Creator, he seemed at first to wander with an insensate audacity, and without find- ing soundings or shore, over that vast and agitated ocean where Des- cartes, pursuing the same object, was destined soon to lose himself beyond retrieval; but, in the ardent and sincere aspirations of his soul toward truth, if the curiosity of Kepler disquiets and impels him, it never delivers him over to the blindness of self-conceit. Regarding as certain only what had been demonstrated, he was always ready to cor- rect his determinations by the sacrifice of his most cherished discoveries as soon as a severe and laborious examination refused to confirm them ; but what sublime emotions, what utterances of enthusiasm and exulta- tion, when success has justified his temerity, and by persistent efforts he has attained his end! The noble pride which elevates and sometimes inflates his language has nothing in common with the vain-glorious satisfaction of a vulgar discoverer. Confident and daring when he is seeking, Kepler becomes modest and simple when what he seeks is found, and, in the transports of triumph, it is to God alone that he ascribes the praise. His soul, equally comprehensive and exalted, was without ambition as without vanity; he coveted neither the honors nor applause of men; affecting no superiority over the cultivators of sci- ence, obscure as they now are, to whom his correspondence is addressed, he never ceases to express the same respectful deference for the aged Meestlin, whose sole glory in our eyes is that of having formed such a disciple. When, after having mastered his greatest discoveries, it be- came necessary for him to descend every day from the most exalted contemplations to struggle with the vulgar necessities of life, he never complained at seeing his merit overlooked or disputed, and always 110 LIFE AND WORKS OF KEPLER. accepted unaffectedly, without murmuring or repining, the labors and employments, whatever they might be, which would aid him in the sustenance of his family. The laws of Kepler are the solid and impregnable foundation of modern astronomy, the immutable and eternal rule of the displacement of the heavenly bodies in space; no other discovery, perhaps, has better justi- fied the words of the sage: He who increases knowledge increases labor ; no other has given birth to more numerous researches and greater dis- coveries; but the long and laborious route which led to it is ‘known but to the few. None of the numerous writings of Kepler are regarded as classical; his renown alone will be immorta! ; it is written in the heay- ens; the progress of science can neither diminish nor obscure it, and the planets, by the always constant succession of their regular move- ments, will proclaim it from age to age. [Notr.—Nothing is wanting to the completeness of the above memoir; but, having been addressed in the first instance to an assemblage of men of science, the learned author has probably thought it superfluous to give so distinct and formal a statement of the three laws, as they are called, of Kepler, (Regule Kepleri,) as it may be convenient for the general reader to have beneath his eye. For this reason, the following brief exposition of those celebrated astronomical axioms is here transcribed from the Eney- clopedia Americana.—Tr. “ The first of these laws is that the planets do not move, as Copernicus had imagined, in circles, but in ellipses, of which the sun is in one of the foci. For this, Kepler was indebted to the observations which Tycho had made on the planet Mars, whose eccen- tricity is considerable, and agrees particularly with the rule; in determining which Kepler went through an indescribably laborious analysis. The second law is, that an imaginary straight line from the sun to the planets, radius vector, always de scribes equal sectors in ‘equal times. By this rule Kepler calculated his tables, imagining the whole plane of revolution divided into a number of such sectors, and, from this, he investigated their respective angles at the sun. This was called Kepler’ 8 ’ problem. The third law teaches that, in the motion of the planets, the squares of the times of revo- lution are as the cubes of the mean distances from the sun; one instance of the appli- cation of which law, in the want of other means, is in the determination of the distance of the planet Herschel from the sun, it having been ascer tained that its time of revolu- tion amounts to a little more than eighty-two years.” EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. By M. ARAGO. READ AT A PUBLIC SITTING OF THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, NOVEMBER 26, 1832. [The previous eulogies which have been published in the appendix to the Smithsonian report, have been translated for the Institution from the original French. The follow- ing eulogy, however, is reprinted from a translation by the late Baden Powell, pro- fessor of natural philosophy in the university of Oxford.—J. H.] GENTLEMEN: It seems as if death, who is incessantly thinning our ranks, directed his stroke with a fatal predilection against that class of our body, so limited in number, our foreign associates. In a short space of time the Academy has lost, from the lists of its members, Herschel, whose bold ideas on the structure of the universe have acquired every year more of probability; Piazzi, who, on the first day of the present century, presented our solar system with a new planet; Watt, who, if not the inventor of the steam-engine, the inventor having been a Frenchman,* was at least the creator of so many admirable con- trivances by the aid of which the little instrument of Papin has become the most ingenious, the most useful, the most powerful means of apply- ing industry; Volta, who has been immortalized by his electric pile; Davy, equally celebrated for the decomposition of the alkalies and for the invaluable safety-lamp of the miner; Wollaston, whom the English called the Pope, because he never proved fallible in any of his numerous experiments, or of his subtile theoretical speculations; Jenner, lastly, whose discovery I have no need to extol in the presence of fathers of families. To pay to such of its distinguished ornaments the legitimate tribute of the regret, of the admiration, and of the gratitude of all men devoted to study, is one of the principal duties which the Academy imposes on those whom it invests with the responsible honor of speak- ing in its name in these solemn meetings. To pay this grand debt, with the least possible delay, seems an obligation not less imperative. Gen- tlemen, the native Academician always leaves behind him, among the colleagues with whom he has been united by the election of the Academy, many confidants of his secret thoughts, of the origin and course of his researches, of the vicissitudes which he has gone through. The foreign associate, on the contrary, resides far away from us; he rarely joins in our meetings; we know nothing of his life, his habits, his character, unless from the reports of travelers. When several years have passed over such fugitive documents, if we still find any traces of them, we cannot reckon on their accuracy. Literary intelligence which has not found a record in print is a sort of coin the circulation of which alters * This is not the place to enter on the controversy respecting the invention of the steam-engine. It may, however, be remarked that we may be well content to allow it to remain a question of degree. Every tea-kettle is a steam-engine. A very slight and obvious contrivance will enable steam to raise a piston. Let any one define what he means precisely by the term steam-engine, and the question of priority of invention will be easily settled.—TRANSLATOR. te EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. at the same time the impression, the weight, and the inscription. These reflections tend to show why the names of such men as Herschel, Davy, or Volta ought to be mentioned in our assemblies before those of many celebrated Academicians whom death has snatched from our more immediate circle. Moreover, I hope that after what I shail be able to adduce, even in a few minutes, no one will be able to deny that the man of universal science, whose life I am about to describe, and whose labors I shall analyze, has some real claims to preference. BIRTH OF YOUNG—HIS CHILDHOOD—FIRST ENTRANCE ON HIS SCIEN- TIFIC CAREER. Thomas Young was born at. Milverton, in the county of Somerset, June 13, 1773, of parents who belonged to the Society of Friends. He passed his earliest years at the house of his maternal grandfather, Mr. Robert Davies, of Minehead, whom the active business of commerce had not been able to divert from the cultivation of classical literature. Young could read fluently at the age of two years. His memory was extraordinary. In the intervals of his attendance at the house of a village schoolmistress in the neighborhood of Minehead, at four years old, he had learned by heart a number of English authors, and even several Latin poems, which he could repeat from beginning to end, al- though he did not understand a word of the language. The example of Young, like many others ot celebrity recorded by biographers, may, then, contribute to keep up the common prepossession of so many good fathers of families, who see in certain lessons, according as they may be recited without faults on the one hand, or are badly, learned on the other, infallible indications of an eternal ‘mediocrity in the one case, or the beginning of a glorious career in the other. It would, indeed, be far from our object if these historical notices should tend to strengthen such prejudices. Thus, without wishing to weaken the vivid and pure emotions which every year the distribution of prizes excites, we may remind some, in order that they may not abandon themselves to dreams which they w rill not realize, and other rs, in order to fortify them against discouragement, that Picus de Mirandola, the phenix of learners of all ages and countries, became in mature age an insignificant writer; that Newton, that powerful intellect of whom Voltaire in some well-known lines asks the angels whether they are not jealous—the great Newton, we observe, made but indifferent progress in the classes of his school; that study had for him no attractions; that the first time he felt the wish to labor, it was merely to take the place of a turbulent school- fellow who, by reason of his rank in the school, was seated ona form above him and annoyed him by kicks; that at the age of twenty-two he was a candidate tor a fellowship at Cambridge, and was beaten by one Robert Uvedale, whose name but for this circumstance would have remained to this day perfectly unknown; that. Fontenelle, lastly, was more inge- nious than exact when he applied to Newton the words of Lucan, “Ttis not given to men to see the Nile feeble and at its source.” At the age of six years Young entered under a teacher at Bristol,* whose mediocrity was a fortunate circumstance for him. ‘This, gentle- men, is no paradox; the pupil, not being able to accommodate himself to the slow and limited steps which his master took, became bis own in- structor. It is thus that those brilliant qualities developed themselves which too much aid would certainly have enervated. *The master, whose name was King, at first kept school at Stapleton, and thence removed to Townend, both near Bristol. Young’s acquaintance with the surveyor commenced after he quitted that school. (See Peacock’s Life, p. 5.)—TRANSLATOR. ] Z EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. Fis Young was only eight years of age when chance, whose influence in the events of man’s life is more considerable than our vanity often allows us to admit, took him from studies exclusively literary and revealed his real vocation. A surveyor of much merit in the neighborhood took a great fancy for him; he took him out into the country sometimes on holidays, and permitted him to amuse himself with his instruments of surveying and natural philosophy. The operations by whose aid the young scholar saw the distances and elevations of inaccessible objects de- termined powerfully struck his imagination; but soon several chap- ters of a mathematical dictionary made all that seemed: mysterious in the matter disappear. From this moment, in his Holyday excursions, the quadrant took the place of the kite. In the evening, by way of amusement, the engineering novice calculated the heights measured in the morning. From the age of nine to fourteen Young went to a school at Compton, in Dorsetshire, kept by Mr. Thomson, whose memory he always cher- ished. During these five years all the pupils of the school were occupied exclusively, according to the practice of English schools, in a minute study of the principal writers of Greece and Rome.* Young continually maintained his place at the head of his class, and yet he learned at the same time French, Italian, Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic; French and Italian, from the chance object of satisfying the curiosity of a school- fellow, who possessed some works printed at Paris, of which he was desirous to know the contents ; Hebrew, in order to read the Old Testa- ment in the original; Persian and Arabic, with the view of deciding a question started at table, whether there were as marked differences between the Oriental languages as between those of Europe. I perceive the necessity of mentioning that I write from authentic documents before I add that, during what might appear so fabulous a progress in languages, Young, during his walks at Compton, was seized - with a violent passion for botany; and that being destitute of the means of magnifying objects of which naturalists make use when they wish to examine the delicate parts of plants, he undertook to construct a microscope himself, without any other guide than a description of the instrument ina work by Benjamin Martin; that to arrive at this diffi- cult result it was necessary to acquire some skill in the art of turning; that the algebraic formulas of the optician having presented to him symbols of which he had no idea, (those of fluxions,) he was for a mo- ment in great perplexity; but not being willing at last to give up the enlargement of his pistils and stamens, he found it more simple to learn the differential calculus, in order to comprehend the unlucky formula, than to send to the neighboring town to buy a microscope. The ardent activity of the juvenile Young had led him to exertions beyond the strength of his constitution. At the age of fourteen his health was sadly altered. Various indications excited fears of a disease of the lungs; but'these menacing symptoms at length yielded to the preserip- tions of art, and the anxious cares of which this maiady made him the object on the part of all his relations. It is rare among our neighbors on the other side of the Channel that “It would appear from Young’s own account that afar more liberal system was really pursued in this school. Also, the praises of the usher, Josiah Jeffery, should never be omitted, who initiated Young at leisure hours into a variety of experimental and practical subjects, which contributed materially to his future success. (See Pea- cock’s Life, p. 6.)—TRANSLATOR. t The reader will of course make due allowance in this and many other passages for the ideas of a foreigner as to English habits. The anecdote of Young’s penmanship which follows is ditierently given by Dr. Peacock, p. 12. —TRANSLATOR. | 8s 114 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG, a rich person, intrusting his son to the care of a private instructor, does not seek for him a fellow- pupil of the same age among these who have been remarkable for their success. It was in this capacity that Young became, in 1787, the fellow-pupil of the grandson of Mr. David Barclay, of Youngsbury, in Hertfordshire. On the day of his first appearance there Mr. Barclay, who doubtless felt the right of showing himself some- what exacting with a scholar of fourteen years of age, gave him several phrases to copy, with the view of ascertaining his ‘skill in penmanship. Young, perhaps somewhat humiliated by this kind of trial, demanded, in order to satisfy him, permission to retire to another room; this ab- sence being prolonged beyond the time which the transcription would have required, Mr. Barclay began to joke on the want of dexterity he must evince, when at length he reéntered the room. The copy was remarkably beautiful; no writing-master could have executed it better. As to the delay, there was no longer any need to speak of it, for *“‘the little Quaker,”* as Mr. Barclay called him, had not been content to tran- seribe the Eaptish phrases set him; he had also translated them into nine different languages. The preceptor, or, as they call him on the other side of the Channel, the tutor, who had to direct the two scholars at Youngsbury, was a young man of much distinction, at that time entirely occupied in perfecting himself in the knowledge of the ancient languages. He was the future authort of Calligr aphia Greca. He was not long , however, in perceiv- ing the immense superiority of one of his pupils, and he recognized, with praiseworthy modesty, that in their common studies the true tutor vas not always he who bore that title. At this period Young drew up, continually referring to the original sources, a detailed analysis of the numerous systems of philosophy which were professed in the different schools of Greeee.t His friends spoke of this work with the most lively admiration. I know not whether the public is destined ever to see it. At all events, it was not without influence on the life of its author; for, in giving himself up to an attentive and minute examination of the sin- eularities (to use a mild term) with which the conceptions of the Greek philosophers teemed, Young perceived that the attachment which he re- tained to the principles of the sectin which he was born became weakened. However, he did not separate entirely from it till some years afterward, during his sojourn in Edinburgh. The little studious colony at Youngsbury quitted the country during some months in the winter, to reside in London. During one of these excursions Young met with a teacher worthy of him. He was initiated into chemistry by Dr. Higgins,§ whose name I can the less dispense with mentioning, since, in spite of his earnest and frequent remonstrances, there was an obstinate disinclination to acknowledge the share which legitimately belonged to him in the establishment of the theory of defi- nite proportions, one of the most valuable discoveries of modern chem- istry. Dr. Brocklesby, the maternal uncle of Young, one of the most popu- lar physicians in London at the time, justly confident of the distinguished success of the young scholar, communicated occasionally his productions to men of science and literature , and to men of the world, whose appro- *'This seems improbable, as Mr. Barclay’s family were of the same sect.—TRANSLATOR. + Mr. Hodgkin. { This work is not mentioned by Dr. Peacock.—TRANSLATOR. § The share borne by Dr. Higgins in the suggestion or discovery of the atomic theory has been variously estimated. “For an apparently pertectly fair view of the case, the reader is referred to Dr. Daubeny’s Atomic Theory, p. 33.—TRANSLATOR. EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. 115 bation might have greatly flattered his vanity. Young thus found him- self at an early period in personal relation with those celebrated men, Burke and Wyndham of the House of Commons, and the Duke of Rich- mond. The last nobleman, then master of the ordnance, offered him the place of private secretary. The two other statesmen, although they wished him also to follow a career connected with the public adminis- tration, yet advised him first to go through a course of law at Cam- bridge.* With such powerful patrons, Young might reckon on one of those lucrative offices which persons in power are not slow to bestow on those who will spare them all study and application, and daily furnish them with the means of shining at the court, the council, the senate, with- out compromising their vanity by committing any indiscretion. Young, happily, had a consciousness of his powers; he perceived in himself the germ of those brilliant discoveries which have since adorned his name; he preferred the laborious but independent career of the man of letters to the golden chains which they exhibited so temptingly to his eyes. Honor be to him for such a determination! May his example serve as a lesson to somany young men whom political ambition diverts from a more noble vocation to transform themselves into mere officials, but who might learn, like Young, to turn their eyes to the future, and not sacri- fice to the futile and tr ansitory satisfaction of being surrounded by per- sons soliciting favors the solid testimonies of esteem and gratitude which the public rarely fails to offer to intellectual labors of a high order; and if it happen in the illusions of inexperience that they should think too heavy a sacrifice imposed on them, we would ask them to take a lesson of ambition from the mouth of a great captain, whose ambition knew no bounds; to meditate on the words which the First Consul, the victor of Maren @0, addressed to one of our most honored colle: agues (M. Lemer- cier) on the day when he, quite in accordance with his char: acter, had just refused a place then of great importance, that of councilor of state: ‘‘T understand, sir, you love liter rature, and you wish to belong alto- gether to it. I have ‘nothing to oppose to this resolution. Yes; I. my- self, if I had not become a general-in-chief and the instrument of the fate of a great nation, do you think [ would have gone through the offices and the salons to put myself in dependence on whoever might happen to be in power in the position of minister or ambassador ? ‘No! nos Ti would have taken to the exact sciences. I would have made my way in the path of Galileo and Newton; and, since I have succeeded constantly in my great enterprises, truly I should have been equally distinguished by my scientific labors. I should have left behind me the remembrance of great discoveries. No other kind of glory would have tempted my ambition.” Young made choice of the profession of medicine, in which he hoped to find fortune and independence. His medical studies were commenced in London under Baillie and Cruikshank. He continued them at Edinburgh, where at that time Drs. Black, Munroe, and Gregory were in the height of their celebrity. It was only at GOttingen in the fol- lowing year (1795) that he took the degree of doctor. “Before going *“Mr. Wyndham advised him not to accept the appointment, and recommended him rather to proceed to Cambridge and study the law.’ (Peacock’s Life, p. 45.)— TRANSLATOR. +The author has omitted that, in 1797, Young entered as a fellow-commoner at Jimanuel College, Cambridge, and in due time eraduated there regularly in medicine, a step at that time necessary for his admission to the College of Physicians, in order to enable him to practice as a physician in London. (See Peacock’s Life, p. 115.) In the university he was familiarly known by the name of “ Phenomenon Young.”—TRans- LATOR. 116 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. through this form, so empty, yet always so imperatively exacted, Young, hardly beyond the period of youth, had become known to the scientific world by a note relative to the gum ladanum; by the controversy which he sustained against Dr. Beddoes on the subject of Crawford’s theory of heat; by a memoir on the habits of spiders, and the theory of Fabri- cius, the whole enriched with erudite researches; and, lastly, by an in- quiry, on which I will enlarge on account of its great merit, the unusual favor with which it wasreceived at its first production, and the neglect into which it has since fallen. The Royal Society of London enjoys throughout the whole kingdom a vast and deserved consideration. The Philosophical Transactions which it publishes have been for more than a century and a half the glorious archives in which British genius holds it an honor to deposit its titles to the recognition of posterity. The wish to see his name in- seribed in the list of fellow-laborers in this truly national collection be- side the names of Newton, Bradley, Priestley, and Cavendish, has always been among the students of the celebrated universities of Cam- bridge, Oxford, Edinburgh, and Dublin* the most anxious as well as legitimate object of emulation. Here is always the highest point of ambition of the man of science; he does not aspire to it “unless on oc- casion of some capital inv estigation ; and the first attempts of his youth came before the public by a channel better suited to their importance, by the aid of one of those numerous periodicals which, among our neighbors, have contributed so much to the progress of human knowledge. Such is the ordinary course ; such, consequently, ought not to have been the course followed by Young. At the age of twenty he addressed a paper to the Royal Society. The council, composed of the most eminent men of the society, honored this paper with their suffrage, and it soon after appeared in the Philosophical Transactions. The author treated in it of the subject of vision. THEORY OF VISION. The problem was anything but new. — Plato and his disciples, four cen- turies before our era, were occupied with it; but at the present day their conceptions can hardly be cited but to justify the celebrated and little flattering sentence of Cicero: “ There is nothing so absurd that it has not been said by some of the philosophers.” After passing over an interval of two thousand years, we must from Greece transport ourselves to Italy, if we should find any ideas on the wonderful subject of vision which merit the remembrance of the histo- rian, where, without having ever, like the philosopher of Aigina, proudly closed their school against all who were not geometers, careful experimenters marked out the sole route by which “it is permitted to man to arrive without false steps at the conquest of unknown regions of truth; there Maurolycus and Porta proclaimed to their contempor aries that the problem of discovering what is presents sufficient difficulties to render it at least somewhat presumptuous to cast ourselves upon the world of intelligences to search after what ought to be ; there these two celebrated fellow-countrymen of Archimedes commenced the-explana- tion of the functions of the different media of which the eye is com- posed, and showed themselves contented, as were at a later period Galileo and Newton, not to ascend above those kinds of knowledge which are capable of being elaborated or corrected by the aid of our * And, it might be added, probably to a far more numerous class not of those bodies.— TRANSLATOR. EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. DLT senses, and which have been stigmatized under the porticoes of the Academy by the contemptuous ‘epithet of simple opinion. Such is always human weakness that, after having followed with a rare success the principal deviations which light ander goes in passing through the cornea and the crystalline, Mauroly cus and Port ta, when very near attain- ing their object, stopped shor t, as ‘if before an insurmountable difficulty, when it was objected to their theory that objects ought to appear in an inverted position if the images formed in the eye are themselves in- verted. The adventurous spirit of Kepler, on the contrary, did not re- main embarrassed. it was from psychology that the attack originated ; it was equally from psychology, clear, precise, and mathematical, that he overthrew the objection. Under the powerful hand of this great man the eye became, definitively, the simple optical apparatus known by the name of the camera-obscura ; the retina is the ground of the picture, the crystalline replaces the ol: uss lens.* This assimilation, gener rally adopted since Kepler’s time, remains open only to one difficulty ; the camera- obscura, like an ordinary telescope, re- quires to be br ought ‘to a proper focus, according to the distance of ob- jects. When objects are near, it is indispensable | to increase the distance of the picture from the lens ; a contrary movement becomes necessary as they become more distant. To preserve to the images all the dis- tinctness which is desirable, without changing the position of the sur- face which receives them, is therefore impossible ; at least, always sup- posing the curvature of the lens to remain invariable, that it cannot increase when we look at near objects, or diminish for distant objects. -Among the different modes of obtaining distinct images, nature has assuredly made a choice, since man can see with great distinctness at very differ ent distances. The question thus put has afforded a wide subject of remark ree discussion to physicists, and great names have figured in the debat Kepler and Descartes held that the whole ball of the eye is Se Ge of being elongated and flattened. Porter- field and Zinn contended that the ery stalline lens was mov able, and that it could place itself nearer to or further from the retina, as might be needed. Jurin and Musschenbreeck believed in a change in the curva- ture of the cornea. Sauvages and Bourdelot supposed also that a change in curvature took place, but only in the erystalline lens. Such is also the system of Young. Two memoirs, which our colleague suc- cessively submitted to the Royal Society of London, include the com- plete development of his views. In the first of these the question is treated almost entirely in an anatomical point of view. Young there demonstrates, by the aid of direct observations of a very delicate kind, that the crystalline is en- dowed with a fibrous or muscular constitution, admirably adapted to all sorts of changes of form. This discovery overthrew the only solid objection which had, till then, opposed tlie hypothesis of Sauvages and Bourdelot. That hypothesis had no sooner been announced than it had been attacked by Hunter. Thus this celebrated anatomist aided the cause of the young experimenter by the attention drawn to the subject, *The author seems to have left this illustration incomplete. Kepler’s suggestion of the identity of the eye with the camera-obscura, after all, does not touch the “difficulty of the inversion of the image. Nor has it been considered as completely cleared up even till much later times. The solution w hich, it is believed, is now most generally as- sented to is this: It is a law of our constitution, dependent on some phy siological principle unknown, that we refer impressions on the retina to objects existing, or be- lieved to exist, in the rectilinear direction from which the impression comes to the retina. Consequently, as rays cross at the pupil, falling on the upper part of the retina a ray suggests an object lying below, or an inverted image suggests an erect object. 118 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. while his labors were as yet unpublished, and not even communicated to any one. However, this point of the discussion soon lost its impor- tance. The learned Leuwenhoek, armed with his powerful microscopes, traced out and gave figures of the muscular fibres in all their ramifica- tions in the crystalline of a fish. To awaken the attention of the scientific world, tired with these long debates, nothing less was neces- sary than the high renown of the two new members of the Royal Society who entered the lists—one a celebrated anatomist; the other the most eminent instrument-maker of whom England could boast. These jointly presented to the Royal Society a memoir, the fruit of their combined labors, intended to establish the complete unalterability of the form of the crystalline. The scientific world was not prepared to admit that Sir Everard Home and Ramsden together could possibly make inaccurate experiments, or be deceived in micrometrical measure- ments. Young himself could not believe it, and in consequence he did not hesitate publicly to renounce his theory. This readiness to own himself vanquished, so rare in a young man of twenty-five, and especially on the occasion of a first publication, was, in this instance, an act of modesty without example. Young, however, had really nothing to retract. In 1800, after having withdrawn his former dis- avowal, our colleague developed anew the theory of the change of form of the erystalline in a memoir against which, from that time, no serious objection has been brought. Nothing could be more simple than his line of argument; nothing more ingenious than his experiments. Young, in the first instance, got rid of the hypothesis of a change of curvature in the cornea by the aid of microscopic observations, which were of a kind to render the most minute variations appreciable. We can say more: he placed the eye in special conditions where changes of curvature in the cornea would have been without effect ; he plunged the eye in water, and proved that there was still the same faculty of seeing at different distances preserved. The second of three possible suppositions, that of an alteration in the dimensions of the whole organ, was again overthrown by a multitude of objections and of experiments which it was difficult to resist. The problem thus seemed finally settled. Who does not see, in fact, that if, of three only possible solutions, two are put out of the question the third is necessarily established; that if the radius of curvature of the cornea and the longitudinal diameter of the whole eye are invariable, it must follow that the form of the crystalline js invariable? Young, however, did not stop there; he proved directly, by the minute phe- nomena of the changes in the images, that the crystalline really changes its curvature; he invented, or at least gave perfection to, an instrument susceptible of being employed even by the least intelligent persons, and those least accustomed to delicate experiments, and armed with this new means of investigation, he assured himself that those individuals in whose eyes the crystalline has been removed.in the operation for cataract did not enjoy the faculty of seeing equally distinctly at all dis- tances.* * This instrument, called an “optometer,” was originally proposed by Dr. Porterfield, . and consists of a simple and ingenious contrivance for ascertaining the focal length of the eye, which varies so greatly in different individuals, and often in two eyes of the same person, and in the same eye under different conditions. Dr. Young greatly im- proved upon the original construction. It will be founu described in the Lectures on Natural Philosophy, vol. ii, p.576. The principle of it consists in measuring accurately the distance of an object from the eye at which perfectly distinct vision is obtained, and which is determined when the object seen through two small apertures close to the eye presents only a single image, while in other positions it shows two images.— TRANSLATOR. oe roa = EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. EES We might fairly be astonished that this admirable theory of vision, this combination so well framed when the most ingenious reasonings and experiments lent each other mutual support, did not occupy that distinguished rank in the science of the country which it deserved. But to explain this anomaly, must we necessarily recur to a sort of fatality? Was Young then really, as he sometimes described himself with vexation, a new Cassandra, proclaiming incessantly important truths which his ungrateful contemporaries refused to receive? We should be less poetical but more true, it seems to me, if we remarked that the discoveries of Young were not known to the majority of those who would have been able to appreciate them. The physiologists did not read his able memoir, because in it he presumes upon more mathe- matical knowledge than is usually attained in that branch. The physicists neglected it in their turn, because in oral lectures or printed works the public demands little more at the present day than superficial notions, which an ordinary mind can penetrate without diffi- culty. In all this, whatever our distinguished colleague may have believed, we perceive nothing out of the ordinary course. Like all those who sound the greatest depths of science, he was misunderstood by the multitude; but the applauses of some of the select few ought to have recompensed him. In such a question we ought not to count the suf- frages ; it is more wise to weigh them.* INTERFERENCES. The most beautiful discovery of Young, that which will render his name imperishable, was suggested to him by an object in appearance very trivial—by those soap-bubbles so brilliantly colored, so light, which when just blown out of a pipe become the sport of every imper- *Arago, in assigning the probable causes of the neglect of Young’s speculations, seems to fall short of his usual point and perspicuity. It might be true that his memoir was neglected by physiologists because it was mathematical, and by parity of reason it might have been neglected by physicists and mathematicians as being physio- logical. But it is surely no reason to say that it was neglected by physicists because the public are superficial, &c. Young may have been in most of his speculations too profound for the many; but this particular instance of the structure of the eye and theory of vision is, perhaps, of all his researches, that which can be the least open to this charge. The subject is not itself abstruse; it is one easily understood by every educated person, without mathematical atttainments; and the point at issue was a simple question of fact, requiring no profound physiological knowledge to appreciate whether the crystalline has or has not a muscular structure capable of changing its convexity. The real state of the case seems to be very satisfactorily explained by Dean Peacock, (p. 36 et seq.,) from whose account, as well as from what has been since written, it appears, after all that has been done both by Dr. Young and others, that there is even at the present day considerable difference of opinion on the subject. Perhaps the most comprehensive survey of the whole subject which recent investi- gation has produced will be found in the paper of Professor J. D. Forbes in the Edin- burgh Transactions, vol. xvi, pt. i, 1845. After giving a summary view of preceding researches, and adverting to the prevalent opinion among men of science that the true explanation yet remains to be discovered, (most anatomists denying as a fact the exist- ence of the muscular strueture which Young conceived he had proved,) Professor Forbes proposes as his own view of the cause the consideration of the remarkable variation in density of the crystalline toward its central part ; coats of different density, being dis- posed in different layers, may be acted on by the pressure of the humors of the eye when the external action of the muscle compresses them, and thus increase the curva- ture of the lens when the eye is directed to a near object, the whole consistence, espe- cially in the outer parts, being of a gelatinous or compressible nature, and the central part more solid and more convex. Thus uniform pressure on the outer parts would tend to make the outer parts conform more nearly to the more convex interior nucleus. It may be added that many physiologists are of opinion that, after all, there does not exist a sufficient compressive action on the ball of the eye to produce the etiect Bupposed.— TRANSLATOR. 120 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. ceptible current of air. Before so enlightened an audience it would, without doubt, be superfluous to remark that the difficulty of producing a phenomenon, its variety, its utility to the arts, are not the necessary indications of its importance in a scientific point of view. I have, there- fore, to connect with a child’s sport the discovery which I proceed to analyze, with the certainty that its credit will not suffer from its origin. At any rate, I shall have no need to recall the apple, which, dropping from its stock and falling unexpectedly at the feet of Newton, develope?’ the ideas of that great man respecting the simple and comprehensiv: laws which regulate the celestial motions; nor the frog and the touch of the bistoury, to which physical science has recently been indebted for the marvelous pile of Volta. Without referring in particular to soap- bubbies, I will suppose that a physicist has taken for the subject of ex- periment some distilled water, that is te say, a liquid which in its state of purity never shows any more than some very slight shade of color, blue or green, hardly sensible, and that only when the light traverses ereat thicknesses. I would next ask what we should think of his vera- city if he were to announce to us, without further explanation, that to this water, so limpid, he could at pleasure communicate the most resplendent colors; that he knew how to make it violet, blue, green 5 then yellow like the peel of citron, or red of a scarlet tint, without affecting its purity, without mixing with it any foreign substance, with- out changing the preportions of its constituent gaseous elements. Would not the public regard our physicist as unworthy of all belief, especially when, after such strange assertions, he should add, that to produce color in water, it suffices to reduce it to the state of a thin film ; that “thin” is, so to speak, the synonym of “colored ;” that the passage of each tint into one the most different from itis the necessary conse- quence of a simple variation of the thickness of the liquid film; that this yariation, for instance, in passing from red to green, is not the thousandth part of the thickness of a hair? Yet these incredible propo- sitions are only the necessary consequences deduced from the accidental observation of the colors presented by soap-bubbles, and even by ex- tremely thin films of all sorts of substances. To comprehend how such phenomena have, during more than two thousand years, daily met the eyes of philosophers without exciting their attention, we have need to recollect to how few persons nature imparts the valuable faculty of being astonished to any purpose. Boyle was the first to penetrate into this rich mine. He confined himself, however, to the minute description of the varied circumstances which gave rise to these iridescent colors. Hooke, his fellow-laborer, went further. He believed that he had discovered the cause of this kind of colors in the coincidences of the rays, or, to speak in his own language, in the mutual action on each other of the eaves reflected by the two surfaces of the thin film. This was, we may admit, a suggestion charac- teristic of genius; but it could not be made use of at an epoch when the compound nature of white light was not as yet understood. Newton made the colors of thin films a favorite object of study. He devoted to them an entire book of his celebrated treatise, the ‘ Optics.” Le established the laws of their formation by an admirably connected ehain of experiments, which no one has since surpassed in excellence. In illuminating with homogeneous light the very regularly-formed series of bands of which Hooke had already made mention, and which originated round the point of contact of two lenses. pressed closely together, he proved that for each species of simple color there exists, in thin films of every substance, a series of thicknesses gradually increasing, EULOGY,.ON THOMAS YOUNG. 12? at each of which no light is reflected from the film. This result was of capital importance ; it included the key to all these phenomena. Newton was less happy in the theoretical views which these remark- able observations suggested to him. Tosay, with him, that the luminous ray which is reflected is “in a fit of easy reflection ;” to say that the ray which passes through the film entire is ‘‘in a fit of easy transmission”— what is it but to announce, in obseure terms, merely the a e fact which the experiment with the two lenses has already taught us ? The theory of Thomas Young is not amenable to this c reiar Here there is no longer admitted any peculiar kind of “fits” as primordial properties of the rays. The thin film is here assimilated in all respects to any thicker reflector of the same substance. If at certain points in its surface no light is visible, Young did not conclude that therefore its reflection had ceased; he supposed that, in the special directions of those points, the rays reflected by the second surface proceeded to meet with those reflected from the first surface, and completely destroyed them. This conflict of the rays is what the author designated by the term “interference,” which has since become so famous. Observe, then, here the most singular of hypotheses. We must cer- tainly feel surprised at finding night in full sunshine at points where the rays of that luminary arrive freely; but who would have imagined that we should thence come to suppose that darkness could be engen- dered by adding light to light? A physicist is truly eminent when he is able to announce any result which, to such an extent, clashes with all received ideas; but he ought, without delay, to support his views by demonstrative proofs, under “the penalty of being assimilated to those Oriental writers whose fantastic reveries charmed the thousand and one nights of the Sultan Schahriar. Young had not this degree of prudence. He showed at once that his theory would agree with the phenomena, but without going beyond mere possibility. When at a later period he arrived at real proofs of it, the public had other prepossessions, which he was not able to overcome. However, the experiment, whence our colleague deduced so memorable a discovery, could not excite the shadow of a doubt. t * In regard to the theory of the “ fits,” the author here seems to represent Newton’s view as, in fact, mere tautology ; while in other places he is supposed to have indulged in a visionary theory on the subject. Newton, however, expressly says: “What kind of action or disposition this is—whether it consists in a circulating or vibrating motion of the ray, or of the medium, or something else, I do not here inquire.” (Op- tics, p. 255, ed. 1721. ) The fact is, Newton in his optical researches expressed the same avowed and syste- matic dislike in indulging in any gratuitous theories as in his other inquiries. ‘‘ Hypo- theses non fingo,” was his motto in these as well as in other researches. In adopting the idea of “ fits of easy reflection and transmission,” we are of opinion that he did not violate that maxim, and that it was in fact the only legitimate first expression of the conelision which the facts warranted. At certain points no light appearcd; it was the legitimate inference, in the then state of knowledge, that none was reflected. But light was clearly under the same circumstances transmitted ; at a distance a little greater along the ray, an opposite effect was witnessed; and so on. It was nothing more than the strict inference that at those points successively something occurred in the course of the ray which disposed it for, or induced, reflection in the one case, and non- reflection in the other ; accompanied i in the latter case by like tendency to transmis- sion. These apparent “fits” must be still acknowledged as phenomena ; the mechanism by which they are produced is, however, now known to be nothing inherent in the light, no essential property recurring, but the simple periodicity of conspiring or counteracting wave action.— TRANSL ATOR. tIn the retrospective glance which the author thus gives over the progress of dis- covery previous to the peridd at which Dr. Young first entered on the field, what we have chiefly to observe is, that up to that date nothing like a connected view of the physical character of this wonderful agent had been attained ; ; a few isolated specula- 122 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. Two rays proceeding from the same source by slightly unequal routes, crossed one another at a certain point in space. At this point was placed a sheet of white paper. Each ray, taken by itself, made the paper more bright at that point, but when the two rays united and arrived at that point together all brightness disappeared; complete night succeeded to day. Two rays do not always annihilate each other completely at their point of intersection. Sometimes we observe only a partial weakening of intensity; sometimes, on the other hand, the rays conspire and in- crease the illumination. Everything depends on the difference in the length of route which they have gone through, and that according to { tions had, indeed, been put forth respecting a theory of emitted molecules on the one hand, and of waves in an ethereal medium on the other, and a few experimental facts bearing on the choice between such hypotheses had been ascertained. The several distinct phenomena of common reflection and refraction, of double refraction, of inflection or diffraction, and of the colored rings did not seem to be con- nected by any common principle, nor, even separately considered, could it be said that they were very satisfactorily explained. It was now the peculiar distinction of Young to perceive, and to establish in the most incontestable manner, a great principle of the simplest kind, which at once rendered the wave hypothesis applicable to the two last- named classes of facts, and thus directly connected them with the former. It is not always that we are enabled to trace the first rise and progress of the idea of a great discovery in the inventor’s mind. We cannot forbear from here noticing that Dr. Young has left on record the progress of the first suggestions which occurred to him on the subject of interference. The first view which ‘presented itself was that of the analogies furnished by sound, which, as is well known, is conveyed by means of waves propagated in air; and in the case of two sounds differing a very little from the same pitch, produced at the same time, we have not a continuous sound, but beats—that is, alternations of sound and silence; the waves in the one case conspiring with and reén- forcing each other, in the other counter acting, neutralizing, and destroyi ing each other. But in more speci: al reference to light, Dr. Young’s account of the origin ot his ideas is so clear and striking that we must | give it in his own words: “It was in May, 1801, that I discovered, by reflecting on the beautiful experiments of Newton, a law aw hich appears to me to account for a ereater variety of interesting phenomena than any other optical principle that has yet ‘been made known. I shall endeavor to explain this law by a comparison: Suppose a number of equal waves of water to move upon the surface of a stagnant lake with a certain constant velocity, and to enter a narrow channel leading out of the lake. Suppose, then, another similar cause to have excited another equal series of waves, which arrive at the same channel with the same velocity, and at the same time with the first. Neither series of waves will destroy the other, ‘put their effects will be combined; if they enter the channel in such a manner that the clevations of the one series coincide with those of the other, they must together produce a series of greater joint elevations; but if the elevations of one series are so situated as to cor- respond to the depressions of the other, they must exactly fill up those depressions, and the surface of the water must remain smooth; atleast, I can discover no alternative, either from theory or from experiment. Now, I maintain that similar effects take place whenever two portions of light are thus mixed, and this I call the general law of the interference of light.”—TRANSLATOR. For the sake of many readers it may not be superfluous or useless here briefly to illustrate the application of these theoretical ideas. We have only to imagine in like manner, in the case of the rays of light, two sets of waves propagated thr ough an ethe- real medium and coinciding in direction, when it will be easily apparent that just as in the case of the supposed canal, they may have their waves either conspiring or counteracting, and consequently giving a point of brightness or darkness accordingly. Thus, a coincidence in the periods, or an interval of an integer number of entire wave- lengths would cause the two systems of waves to conspire and reénforce each other ; a difference of periods of half a wave-length, or any odd number of half wayve- -lengths, would cause the two sy stems to counteract or neutralize each other. Thus, according to the thickness, there would be a point of darkness or of brightness for each primary ray, and the succession of tints would be perfectly explained. This would directly apply tothe thin films. A ray impinging would be partly reflected at the first surface of the thin film; partly entering, it would be reflected internally at its second surface, and emerge coinciding in direction with the first, but retarded behind it from the thickness traversed i in its undulations either by a w hole or half undulation, or some multiples of these, thus giving either a point of brightness or one of darkness accordingly ; or by some intermediate fraction giving an ‘jntermediate shade. And EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. {25 very simple laws, the discovery of which, in any age, would suffice to immortalize a physicist. The differences of route which produce these conflicts between the rays, accompanied by their entire mutual destruction, have not the same numerical value for the differently colored primary rays. When two white rays cross, it is then possible that one of their chief constituent parts, the red for example, may alone be in a condition fit for mutual destruction. But white deprived of its red, becomes green. Thus, in- terference of light manifests itself in the phenomena of coloration. Thus, the different elementary colors are placed in evidence without any prism to separate them. We should, however, remark that there does this would go on alternately at successively greater thicknesses of the film, giving a succession of such points or bands. Thus, at two successive F thicknesses of the plate p, the incident rays, falling on it in parallel directions i i, are reflected partially from the first surface 77, and partially from the sec- ond 77’. According to the * difference of thickness trav- ersed, these may be in ac- cordance giving a point of brightness as ++, or in dis- cordance giving a point of darkness as at o. If two rays or sets of waves, instead of being exactly superimposed, be supposed to meet inclined at a very acute angle, in a somewhat similar way they would, at a series of points, alternately conspire or clash with each other, thus giving rise to a series of bright and dark points, the assemblage of which will produce bands or stripes on a screen intercepting the rays. Now, as to actual exper- imental cases, it was in the application of this latter theoretical idea that the invention of Dr. Young was peculiarly displayed. The | former case was that alone which seems to have occurred to Hooke, | in reference to the colors of thin plates, and even this was in his | | mind but a very indefinite conception; nor did it seem at first sight | | readily comparable with such cases as the diffraction fringes, or still | | less with the internal bands of a shadow observed by Grimaldi. If | Hooke had imagined any theoretical views of this kind, it was prob- | ably confined to the one case of the thin films. Young’s great merit | was the comprehensiveness of his principle; and in following out the investigation he proceeded at once to such a generalization as evinced that comprehensiveness, and connected immediately those classes of | phenomena apparently so different in character—the thin films, the | | internal bands, and the external fringes. When, as in Grimaldi’s | | experiment, (since called the phenomena of diffraction,) a narrow slip of card was placed in a very narrow beam of solar light, dark | and bright stripes parallel to the sides internally marked the whole || | Shadow longitudinally, while the external fringes appeared on the outside at each edge. The general appearance of the shadow of a long narrow body with parallel sides in a beam of solar light issu- ing from a minute hole in a shutter, or, what is better, the focus of | a small lens collecting the rays to a point, is that of ashadowmarked | with longitudinal stripes and externally bordered by parallel fringes | or bands of light slightly colored, as seen in the annexed figure. To exhibit these appearances ordinarily requires the sun’s light. But the translator has found a very simple method of exhibiting these phenomena on a minute scale by candle light, by merely placing a fine wire across one surface of a lens of short focus, and looking through it at light admitted through a narrow slit parallel to the wire, or even the flame of a candle at a considerable distance. Next, as to the theoretical explanation, an inspection of the accompanying diagram will perhaps help to convey an idea of the manner in which the several sets of waves are formed, and interfere in the case now supposed. Young conceived the beam of light as a series of waves propagated onward till, on reaching the card, they were broken up into two new sets of waves, spreading in circles 124 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. not exist a single point in space where a thousand rays of the same origin do not proceed to cross one another after reflections more or less oblique, and we shall perceive at a glance the whoie extent of the unex- plored region which interferences open to the investigations of experi- menters. When Young published this theory, many phenomena of periodical colors had been already offered to the notice of observers, and, we should add, had resisted all attempts at explanation. Among the number we night instance the colored rings which are formed by reflection, not 01 thin films, but on mirrors of thick glass slightly concave; the iridescent bands of different breadtls, with which the shadows of bodies are bor- dered on the outside, and in some instances covered within, which Gri- maldi first noticed, and which afterward uselessly exercised the genius of Newton, and of which the completion of the theory was reserved for Fresnel; the bows, colored red and green, which are perceived in greater or less number immediately under the innermost of the prismatic bands of the rainbow,* and which seemed so completely inexplicable that the writers of elementary books on physics had given up making mention of them; and, lastly, the “coronas,” or broad colored circles with varying diameters, which often appear surrounding the sun and moon. round each edge as a new center, while part of the original set continued to pass on at each side. On the principle just mentioned, these would interfere with the new por- tions on the outside ; and the two new portions would interfere with each other in the inside of the shadow, in either case giving stripes or bands. To complete the proof, when an opaque screen was placed so as to intercept the rays on one side, though abundance of light was presented on the other, yet all the internal bands immediately disappeared, demonstrating that the effect was due solely to the concurrence of the light from both sides. The bands produced by light admitted through narrow apertures, and numerous other phenomena of the same kind, may receive a general and popular explanation in the same way.—TRANSLATOR, * This explanation has been recently controverted by Professor Potter.—Philosophical Magazine, May, 1855. é EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. 125 If [ call to mind how many persons do not appreciate scientific theo- ries except in proportion to the immediate applications which they may offer, I cannot terminate this enumeration of the phenomena which characterize the several series of more or less numerous periodical col- ors without mentioning the rings, so remarkable by their regularity of form and purity of tint, with which every brilliant light appears sur- rounded when we look at it through a mass of fine molecules or fila- ments of equal dimensions. These rings, in fact, suggested to Young the idea of an instrument, extremely simple, which he called an “eri- ometer,” and with which we can measure, without difficulty, the dimen- sions of the most minute bodies. The eriometer, as yet so little known to observers, has an immense advantage over the microscope in giving at a single glance the mean magnitude of millions of particles which are contained in the field of view. It possesses, moreover, the singular property of remaining silent when the particles differ much in magni- tude among themselves, or, in other words, when the question of deter- mining their dimensions has no real meaning. Young applied his eriometer to the measurement of the globules of blood in different classes of animals; to that of powders furnished by different species of vegetables; of the fineness of different kinds of fur used in the manufacture of different fabrics, from that of the beaver, the most valuable of all, down to that of the common sheep of the Sus- sex breed, which stands at the other extremity of the scale, and is com- posed of filaments four times and a half thicker than that of the beaver. Before the researches of Young the numerous phenomena of colors* which I have just pointed out were not only inexplicable, but nothing had been found to connect them with each other. Newton, who was jong engaged on the subject, had not perceived any connection between the rings in thin films and the bands of diffraction. Young reduced these two kinds of colored bands alike to the law of interference. At a later period, when the colored phenomena of polarization had been discovered, he observed in certain measures of the thickness at which they occurred some remarkable numerical analogies, which made it very reasonable to expect that sooner or later this singular kind of polariza- tion would be found connected with his doctrine. He had in this in- stance, however, we must admit, a very wide hiatus to fill up. The knowledge of some important properties of light, then completely un- known, would have been necessary to permit him to conceive the whole Singularity of the effects which, in certain crystals cut in certain direc- tions, double refraction produces by the destruction of light resulting from the interference of rays ; but it is to Young that the honor belongs of having opened the way; it was he who was the first to decipher these hieroglyphies of opties.t *Every one may have remarked the threads of a spider’s web occasionally exhibiting brilliant colors in the sunshine. The same thing is seen in fine scratches on the surface of polished metal, produced in a more regular way by the fine engraved parallel grooves in Barton’s buttons. The colors of mother-of-pearl are of the same kind; all these colors Dr. Young showed were due to interference of the portions of light reflected from the sides of the narrow transparent thread or groove.—TRANSLATOR. tIt has been well observed that simplicity is not always a fruit of the first growth, and accordingly some of the earliest of Young’s researches were complicated by unne- cessary conditions. Thus, to exhibit the effect of two rays interfering, he at first not unnaturally transmitted the narrow beam of light through two small apertures near together. In point of fact, though the real effect is here seen, it is mixed up with others of a more complex kind. The narrow apertures each exhibited colored fringes in addition to the interference stripes seen between them. The colored fringes of aper- tures, unless very wide, are distinct from those formed by one external edge of an opaque body, the light from each side conspires to the effects in a somewhat complex 126 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHICS—HISTORY OF THE FIRST EXACT INTER- ~ PRETATION GIVEN OF THEM, The word hieroglyphic, regarded not metaphysically, but in its natu- ral acceptation, carries us into a field which has been long the theater of numerous and animated debates. I have hesitated whether to risk manner. Ifthe aperture be otherwise than long with parallel sides, the phenomenon becomes still more complex, and the calculation difficult; few such cases have ever yet been solved, and some such cases have been dwelt upon as formidable objections to the theory ; they are simply cases to which the formula, from its mathematical difti- culties, has not yet been extended. In all these eases of diffraction an opaque body was used, and it might still be sus- pected that some action of the edge of that body might be concerned in the result. Nu- merous experiments of Maraldi, Dutour, Biot, and others were directed to the investi- gation of this point. Biot showed that an opaque body was not necessary, inasmuch as the edge of the plate of glass, or even the bounding line of two faces of a glass, cut at a slight inclination to each other, gave the same fringes ; indeed, Newton also had noticed something of the kind. Haldat varied the conditions of the edge in every conceivable way, whether of form or nature, by the influence of magnetism, galvan- ism, electricity, or temperature from freezing to a red heat, without producing the slightest difference in the fringes—a result which it would be impossible to conceive compatible with any idea of an atmosphere of attraction or repulsion surrounding the edge. Again: Though we have given the explanation of the external fringes in its simple and correct form, yet both Young and Fresnel failed in the first instance to see it in that light, both believing that the reflection of a portion of rays from the edge of the opaque body was mainly concerned in producing the interference. Subsequent experi- ments showed that even in eases where that edge reflects any sensible amount of light, its influence on the diffracted fringes is quite inappreciable. In fact, Young, in a let- ter to Fresnel, in returning thanks for a copy of a later memoir, in which he had shown this supposition to be unnecessary, also concurs in abandoning it. It did but compli- eate and injure the beauty of the result, (Young’s Works, i, 593;) and every doubt must have disappeared in the minds of those who compared the minute arithmetical accuracy with which the places of the fringes, as computed from the simple theory in the investigations of Fresnel, agreed with those actually determined by the nicest micrometrical measurments. In enumerating the discoveries of Young in the first establishment of the wave theory, it is somewhat singular that Arago, whether from accident or design, should have overlooked one investigation which must be regarded as among the most important. The great support which the emission theory received inrecent times was that derived from Laplace’s memoir on the law of double refraction, (1809,) in which, on the prin- ciple of “least action,” as maintained by Maupertius and applied to the idea of lumi- nous molecules, he explained the observed laws of ordinary and extraordinary refrac- tion in Iceland spar. This investigation exercised a powerful influence in favor of the molecular theory over the minds of the men of science in France, who bowed implicitly to the authority of Laplace. But the memoir of Laplace was the subject of a very powerful attack on the part of Dr. Young, carried on in an article in the Quarterly Review, November, 1809, in which he disputed the mechanical and mathematical grounds of Laplace’s theory, and showed that the same laws of double refraction could be far more easily deduced from the undulatory hypothesis. Next to the dis- covery of interference, this refutation of the strongest point of the emission theory cannot but be regarded as one of the most material in the development and establish- ment of the undulatory view. To the statement of these various cases of interference it should be added, that when the tints of polarized light were discovered, Young in i#14 applied to the phenomena the general consideration of interference ; that is to say, he showed that, owing to the differing obliquities of the paths of the rays within the crystal, they would be unequally retarded in their passage, and would consequently emerge in con- ditions, with regard to length of route, respectively of accordance or discordance at corresponding distances round the central line or axis of the crystal, and thus might give rise to colored rings. Arago, however, soon noticed that the explanation was incomplete ; the main point, in tact, remained to be accounted for, viz, why we see no colors till the analyzer is applied, and why even the previous polarization is necessary to the result. It was not until about two years afterward that Arago and Fresnel jointly succeeded in discovering a new law, which not only furnished the complete solution of the polarized rings, but at length cleared away all the difficulties which, from the first, had surrounded the idea of polarization itself. For an account of this see memoir of Fresnel.— TRANSLATOR. EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. Ye", offending the feelings which this question hasexcited. The secretary of an academy occupied exclusively with the exact sciences might indeed, without impropriety, remit this philological subject to other more com- petent judges. I also feared, I will avow, to find myself in disagree- ment on several important points with the illustrious man of science whose labors it has been so delightful to me to analyze, without having to add a word of criticism from my pen. All these scruples, however, vanish when I reflect that the interpretation of hieroglyphies has been one of the most beautiful discoveries of our age; that Young himself has mixed up my name with discussions relating to it; that to examine whether France can pretend to this new title to glory, is to enhance the importance of the task confided to me at this moment, and to perform the duty of a good citizen. JI am aware that some may find narrowness in these sentiments. I am not ignorant that the cosmopolitan spirit has its good side; but with what name shall I stigmatize it, if, when all neighboring nations enumerate with triumph the discoveries of their sons, it should hinder me from seeking, even in the present circle among those colleagues whose modesty I would not hurt, the proof that France is not degenerate; that she also adds every year her glorious contingent to the vast deposit of human knowledge ?* I approach, then, the question of Egyptian writing, and I do so free from all prejudice, with the firm wish of being just; with the lively desire to conciliate the rival pretensions of two men of science, whose premature death has been to all Europe a legitimate subject of regret. Lastly, I shall not in this discussion on hieroglyphies transgress the bounds imposed on me; happy if those who listen to me, and whose indulgence Lask, may find that I have known howto escape the influence of a subject whose obscurity is proverbial. Men have imagined two systems of writing entirely distinct. One is that employed by the Chinese, which is the system of hieroglyphies ; the other, at present in use among all other nations, bears the name of the alphabetical or phonetic system. The Chinese have no letters properly so called: the characters which they use in writing are strictly hieroglyphics; they do not represent sounds or articulations, but zdeas. Thus a house is represented by a unique and special character, which does not change even when the Chinese have come to calla house, in their spoken language, by a name totally different from that which they formerly pronounced. Does this result appear surprising? Imagine the case of our ciphers, which are also hieroglyphies; the idea of one added to itself seven times is expressed everywhere in France, in England, in Spain, &c., by the aid of two cir- cles placed vertically one over the other, and touching in one point; but in looking at this hieroglyphic sign (8) the Frenchman pronounces * huit,” the Englishman “eight,” the Spaniard “ocho.” No oneis ignorant that it isthe same with compoundnumbers. Thus, to speak briefly, if the Chinese ideographic signs were generaliy adopted, as the Arabic numerals are, every one would read in his own language the works which they pre- *Tn bringing out a part of this chapter on Egyptian hieroglyphies in the Annuaire for 1836, Arago has added: “The first exact interpretation which has been given of Egyptian hieroglyphics will certainly take its place among the most beautiful discoy- eries of the age. Besides, after the animated debates to which it has given birth, every one would desire to know whether France can conscientiously pretend to this new title to glory. Thus the importance of the question, and the national self-love prop- erly understood, unite in encouraging me to publish the result of a minute examina- tion to which I have devoted myself. Can I, then, be blind to the danger which there always isin attempting difficult subjects in matters which we have not made the special subject of our studies ?” 128 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. sented to him, without the need of knowing a single word of the lan- guage spoken by the authors who Lave written them. It is not so with alphabetical writing. “He who first taught us the ingenions art To paint our words, and speak them to our eyes,” having made the capital remark that all words of a spoken language, even the most rich, are compounded of a very limited number of elementary articulate sounds, invented artificial signs or letters to the number of twenty-four or thirty torepresent them. By the aid of these signs differently combined he could write every word which struck his ear, even without knowing the meaning of it. The Chinese or hieroglyphic writing seems to be the infancy of the art. It is not always, as has been sometimes said, that to learn to read it, even in China, occupies the whole life of a studious Mandarin. Reé- musat (whose name I cannot mention without recalling one of the most heavy losses which literature has lately sustained) has established, both by his own experience and by the fact of the excellent scholars he has formed every year by his lectures, that we may learn Chinese like any other language. It is not true, as was once imagined, that the char- acters are appropriated solely to the expression of common ideas; several pages of the romance of Yu-kiao-li, or The Two Cousins, will suffice to show that the most subtle abstractions, the quintessence of refinements, are not beyond the range of the Chinese writing. The chief fault of this mode of writing is, that it gives no means of expressing new names. A letter from Canton might have told at Pekin that on the 14th of June, 1800, a great and memorable battle saved France from great peril; but it would not have been able to express in these purely hieroglyphic char- acters that this glorious event took place near the village of Marengo, or that the victorious general was called Bonaparte. A people among whom the communication of proper names, from one place to another, could only take place by means of special messengers, would be, as we see, only in the first rudiments of civilization. These preliminary re- marks are not useless. The question of priority, which the graphic methods of Egypt have called forth, thus comes to be easy to explain and to comprehend. As we proceed, in fact, we find in the hieroglyphies of the ancient people of the Pharoahs all the artifices of which the Chinese make use at the present day. Many passages of Herodotus, of Diodorus Siculus, of Clement of Al- exandria, have taught us that the Egyptians had two or three different sorts of writing g, and that in one of these, at least, symbolic characters, or the representatives of ideas, played a principal part. Horapollon has even preserved to us the signification of a certain number of these characters. Thus we know that the hawk designated the soul; the ibis, the heart; the dove, (which might seem strange,) a violent man; the jlute, an alien; the number siz, pleasure; a frog, an impudent man; the ant, wisdom; a running knot, love; &e. The signs thus preserved by Horapollon form only a very small part of the eight or nine hundred characters which have been found in the ancient inscriptions. The moderns, Kircher among others, have en- deavored to enlarge the number. Their efforts have not given any use- ful result, unless it be so to show to what errors even the best-instructed men expose themselves when in the search after facts they abandon themselves without restraint to imagination. In the want of data, the interpretation of the Egyptian writings appeared for a long time, to all sound minds, a problem completely incapable of solution, when, in 1799, M. Boussard, an engineer officer, discovered in the excavations which EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. 129 he was making near Rosetta a large stone covered with inscriptions in three kinds of characters quite distinct. One of the series of characters was Greek. This, in spite of some mutilations, made clearly known that the authors of the monument had ordained that the same inscription should be traced in three different sorts of characters, viz, in the sacred characters or Egyptian hieroglyph- ics, in the local or vulgar characters, and in Greek. Thus, by an unex- pected good fortune, the philologists found themselves in possession of a Greek text, having also before them its translation into the Egyptian language, or at least a transcription in two sorts of characters anciently in use on the banks of the Nile. This Rosetta stone, since so celebrated, and which M. Boussard pre- sented to the Institute of Cairo, was taken from that body at the period when the French army evacuated Egypt. It was preserved, however, in the British Museum, where it figured, as Thomas Young said, as a monument of British valor. Putting valor out of the question, the cele- brated philosopher might have added, without too much partiality, that this invaluable trilingual monument thus bears some witness to the advanced views which guided all the details of the memorable expedition into Egypt, as also to the indefatigable zeal of the distinguished savants whose labors, often carried on ander the fire of the forts, have added so much to the glory of their country. The importance of the Rosetta stone struck them, in fact, so forcibly, that, in order not to abandon this precious treasure to the adventurous chances of a sea voyage, they earnestly applied themselves, from the first, to reproduce it by copies, by impressions taken in the way of printing from engravings, by molds in plaster or sulphur. We must add that antiquaries of all countries beeame first acquainted with the Rosetta stone from the designs given by the French savants. One of the most illustrious members of the institute, M. Silvestre de Sacy, entered first in 1802 on the career which the trilingual inscription opened to the investigations of philologists. He only occupied himself on the Egyptian text in common characters. He there discovered the groups which represent the different proper names, and their phonetic nature. Thus, in one of two inscriptions, at least, the Egyptians had the signs of sounds, or true letters. This important result found no opponents after a Swedish man of science, M. Akerblad, in completing the labors of our fellow-countryman, had assigned, with a probability bordering on certainty, the phonetic value of each of the different char- acters employed in the transcription of the proper names which the Greek text disclosed. There remained all along the purely hieroglyphic part of the inscription, or what was supposed such; this remained un- touched; no one had ventured to attempt to decipher it. It is here that we find Young declaring, as if by a species of inspiration, that in the multitude of sculptured signs on the stone representing either entire animals, or fantastic forms, or again instruments, products of art, or geometrical forms, those of these signs which were found inclosed in elliptic borders corresponded to the proper names in the Greek inscrip- tion, in particular to the name of Ptolemy, the only one which in the hieroglyphic inscription remains uninjured. Immediately afterward Young said that in the special case of the border or scroll, the signs included represented no longer ideas, but sounds. In a word, he sought by a minute and refined analysis to assign an individual hieroglyphic to each of the sounds which the ear receives in the name of Ptolemy in the Rosetta stone, and in that of Berenice in another monument. Thus ‘ve sea, unless I mistake, in the researches of Young on the graphic sys- 9s 130 EULOGY ON. THOMAS YOUNG. tems of the Egyptians, the three culminating points. No one, it is said, had perceived them, or at least had pointed them out before the Eng- lish philosopher. This opinion, although generally admitted, appears to me open to dispute. It is, in fact, certain that in 1766 M. de Guignes, in a printed memoir, had indicated that the scrolls in Egyptian in- scriptions included all the proper names. Every one might also see in the same work the arguments on which the learned orientalist relied to establish the opinion which he had embraced on the constant pho- netic character of the Egyptian hieroglyphics. Young, then, has the priority on this point alone. To him belongs the first attempt which had been made to decompose in letters the groups of the scrolls, to give a phonetic value to the hieroglyphics which composed in the stone of Rosetta the name of Ptolemy. In this research, as we might expect, Young furnished new proofs of his immense penetration; but, mislead by a false system, his efforts had not a full success. Thus sometimes he attributes to the hieroglyphic characters a value simply alphabetical. Further on he gives them a value which is syllabic or dissylabie, with- out being struck by what must seem so strange in this mixture of dif- ferent characters. The fragment of an alphabet published by Young includes, then, something both of truth and falsehood, but the false so much abounds that it would be impossible to apply the value of let- ters which compose it to any other reading than that of the two proper names from which it was derived. The word impossible is so rarely met with in the scientific career of Young, that I must hasten to justify it. I will say, then, that after the composition of his alphabet Young him- self believed that he saw in the scroll of an Egyptian monument the name of ‘‘ Arsinoe,” where his celebrated competitor had since shown with irresistible evidence the word “ autocrator;” that he believed he had found “ euwergetes” in a group where we ought to read “Cesar.” The labors of Champollion, as to the discovery of the phonetic value of hieroglyphics, are clear, distinct, and cannot involve any doubt. Each sign is equivalent to a single vowel or consonant. Its value is not arbitrary. Every phonetic hieroglyphic is the image of a physical object whose name in the Egyptian language commences with the vowel or the consonant which it is wished to represent.* The alphabet of Champollion, once modeled from the stone of Rosetta and two or three other monuments, enables us to read inscriptions en- tirely different; for example, the name of Cleopatra on the obelisk of Phil6é, long ago transported into England, and where Dr. Young, armed with his alphabet, could discover nothing. On the temple of Karnac, Champollion read twice the name of Alexander; on the Zodiac of Denderah, the title of a Roman emperor; on the grand edifice above which it is placed, the names and surnames of the emperors Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, Nero, Domitian, &c. Thus, to speak briefly, we * This will become clear to every one, if we seek, by following the Egyptian system, to compose hieroglyphics in the French language. A may be represented by (agneai) alamb, (aigle,) an eagle, an ass, anemone, artichoke, &c.; B, by a balance, a whale, (baleine,) a boat, &c.; C, by cabana, (badger,) cheval, (horse,) cat, cedar, &c.; E, by épic, (a sword,) elephant, épagneul, (spaniel,) &c. Abbé, then, would be written in French hieroglyphics by putting any of the following figures in succession: A lamb, a balance, a whale, an elephant; or an eagle, a boat, a sword, &c. This kind of writ- ing has some analogy, as we see, with the rebusin which confectioners wrap their bon- bons. Thus we see at what stage these Egyptian priests were, of whom antiquity has so much boasted, but who, we must say, have taught us so little. M. Champollion calls homophones all those signs which, representing the same sound or the same articulation, can be substituted indifferently for each other. In the actual state of the Egyptian alphabet I perceive six or seven homophone signs for A and more than twelve fpr the Greek sigma.—ARAGo. EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. lok find on one hand the lively discussion to which the age of these monu- ments had given rise completely terminated; on the other, we observe it established beyond question that under the Roman dominion hiero- glyphics were still in full use on the banks of the Nile. The alphabet which had given such unhoped-for results, whether applied to the great obelisks at Karnae, or to other monuments which are also recognized as being of the age of the Pharaohs, presents to us the names of many other kings of this ancient race; the names of Egyptian deities; we can say more, substantives, adjectives, and verbs of the Coptie language. Young was then deceived when he regarded the phonetic hierogly phies as a modern invention; when he advanced that they served solely for the transcription of proper names foreign to Egypt. M. de Guignes, and, above all, M. Etienne Quatremére estab- lished, on the contrary, a real fact, and one of great importance—that the reading of the inscriptions of the Pharaohs is corroborated by irresist- ible proofs, while they show that the existing Coptic language was that of the ancient subjects of Sesostris. - Wenow know the facts. I may, then, confine myself to confirm, by a few short observations, the consequences which appear to me to result from them. Discussions of priority, even under the dominion of national preju- dices, will have become embittered if they can be reduced to fixed rules ; but in certain cases the first idea is everything ; in others, the details offer the chief difficulties; sometimes the merit seems to consist less in the conception of a theory than in its demonstration. We then infer how much the choice of a particular point of view must depend on arbitrary conditions; and, lastly, how much influence it will have on the definite conclusion. To escape from these embarrassments, I have sought an example in which the parts respectively played by two rival claimants for an invention may be assimilated to those of Champollion and Young, and which has, on the other hand, united all opinions. This example, I believe, I have found in the inter ferences, even leaving out of the ques- tion, as regards the subject of the hieroglyphics, the quotations from the memoir of M. de Guignes. It is as follows: Hooke, in fact, had an- nounced, before Dr. Young, that luminous rays interfered, just as the latter had asserted, before Champollion, that the Egyptian hieroglyphics are sometimes phonetic. Hooke did not prove directly his hypothesis; the proof of the phonetic values assigned by Young to different hieroglyphics could only rest on readings which had not, as yet, been made, and which could not then be made. From want of knowing the composition of white light, Hooke had not an exact idea of the nature of interferences, as Young on his part deceived himself by an imagined syllabic or dis- syllabic value of hieroglyphics. Young, by unanimous consent, is regarded as the author of the theory of interferences. Thence, by a parity of reasoning which seems to me inevitable, Champollion ought to be regarded as the author of the discovery of hieroglyphies. I regret not to have sooner thought of this comparison. If, in his lifetime, Young had been placed in the alternative of being the origina- tor of the doctrine of interferences, leaving the hieroglyphies to Cham- pollion, or to keep the hieroglyphics, giving up to Hooke the ingenious optical theory, I do not doubt he would have felt obliged to recognize the claims of our illustrious fellow-countryman. At ‘all events, there would have remained with him what no one could have contested, the right to appear in the history of the memorable discovery of the inter- pretation of hieroglyphics in the same relative position as that in which 132 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. Kepler, Borelli, Hooke, and Wren appeared in the history of universal gravitation. Notre.—We have here put before our readers the literal version of Arago’s statement respecting the claims of Young in regard to the dis- eovery of the principle of interpreting the Egyptian hieroglyphics. Arago’s representations have been, as is well known, greatly called in question. And though he throughout speaks in a tone of marked courtesy and candor toward Young, yet it is clear that he espouses the cause of Champollion with an ardor which many, in this country, believe has, in some degree, blinded him to the truth of the case. At any rate, in the vivid and highly-colored sketch here presented by M. ‘Arago, the reader may need some caution in discriminating the fair share of merit which may be claimed by the respective parties engaged in the inquiry. The author’s national partialities may very naturally have had some influ- ence in biasing his judgment. It is impossible here to enter on details of controversy. But both as to the actual amount and accuracy of Dr. Young’s investigations and the relative claims of M. Champollion, the reader may find it desirable to refer to the extended discussion of the subject given in Dr. Peacock’s Life of Young. Without the pretension, or indeed the possibility, of adequately going into this question within the limits of such a commentary as can be here given, we shall content ourselves with pointing out to the notice of our readers a few of those passages in that work in which Dr. Young’s claims are powerfully vin- dicated. The conclusions turn out such a variety of points of details that it would be wholly impracticable to attempt any analysis of them in this place. But the result tends to assign a considerably larger share of credit in the discovery to Dr. Young than Arago seems disposed to allow him. Dr. Peacock’s able and elaborate work is doubtless in the hands of all those who take any interest in a question so important to the advance of philological and ethnological science as well as to gen- eral literature. Yet a slight sketch of the chief points referred to may not be useless. We may first mention that Dr. Young’s article “‘ Egypt,” in the Sup- plement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, published in 1819, contains the most comprehensive survey of his labors and conclusions on the subject of hieroglyphic literature up to that date. It does not profess to go into those minutia of critical detail, for which reference must be made to his numerous other writings on the subject; but as a general and popu- lar view it will always be consulted with advantage. Nevertheless, the reader must always bear in mind that in the statements just given much had to be revised, or even reversed, from the improved disclosures of his later researches. Dr. Peacock has alluded but briefly to the views of Arago, and toward the conclusion of the chapter sums up the representation of the case as given in the éloge, remarking only that the whole of his previous state- ments constitute the refutation of it. The following extract will show the main claims of Young, insisted on »y his biographer: “It was Dr. Young who first determined, and by no easy process, that the rings* on the Rosetta stone contained the name of Ptolemy. It was Dr. Young who determined that the semicircle and oval, found at the end of the second ring, in connection with the former, was expressive of the feminine gender; and it was Dr. Young who had not only first * Certain portions of the hieroglyphical characters are found surrounded by a ring or inclosure called by the French cartouches. EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. 133 suggested that the characters in the ring of Ptolemy were phonetic, but had determined, with one very unimportant inaccuracy, the values of four of those which were common to the name of Cleopatra, which were required to be analyzed. All the principles involved in the discovery of an alphabet of phonetic hieroglyphics were not only distinetly laid down but fully exemplified by him; and it only required the further identification of one or two royal names with the rings, which expressed them in hieroglyphics, to extend the alphabet already known sufficiently to bring even names which were not already identified under its opera- tion.” Dr. Peacock states that Champollion and Young, while engaged sim- ultaneously in the prosecution of the researches “connected With these points, in some instances had opportunities of personal communication with each other. But Champollion enjoyed especial advantages from circumstances which placed some of the papyri in his possession, and thus enabled him to take precedence, in the publication of results; while his competitor, if he had enjoyed the same facilities, would, no doubt, have been equally competent to perceive the force of the new evidence thus adduced, and equally ready to make use of it, even if set- ting aside some of his earlier inferences and conjectures. Dr. Peacock, after reflecting with much severity on Champollion, ex- presses his regret to find so eminent a writer as Chevalier Bunsen, whose remarks are quoted before, (p. 311,) ‘‘ supporting, by the weight of his authority, some of the grossest of these misrepresentations,” (p. 337.) Dr. Young displayed singular modesty and forbearance in his contro- versy with Champollion, treating him throughout with all the respect due to his acknowledged eminence, and while mildly reproaching him with omitting to give him the due credit for his own share in the re- search, yet in no way insinuating that any discreditable motive led to the omission. Dr. Peacock, however, thinks a far more stringent tone of criticism might have fairly applied; he takes up the cause of Young with a less scrupulous zeal, and, though with perfect good temper, yet with deeply damaging force of argument and statement of facts, ex- poses the very unjustifiable nature of Champollion’s assumptions, and vindicates the claims of Young to his fair and important share in these discoveries. He dwells onthe tone of assumption in which Champollion presents himself to his readers as in exclusive possession of a province of which he had long since been the sole conqueror, and regards every question raised as to his exclusive rights as an unjustifiable attack to be resented and repelled, while he studiously suppresses the dates of the successive stages of the discovery, and thus attacks Young on the as- sertions made on imperfect knowledge in the earlier stages of his in- vestigations with the aid of all his own accumulated information ac- quired subsequently, a proceeding the iniquity of which needs only stating to stand exposed. As instances of this, it is mentiowed that Young, in 1816, onthe strength of comparatively imperfect information then acquired, made some representations respecting the enchorial char acters in the Rosetta inscription, and their relation to those employed in the funeral rolls. These Champollion criticises and exposes without reserve from the more full knowledge he had obtained in 1824, entirely passing over Young’s own later statement on the same subject, correct- ing his former views, and from which even Dr. Peacock considers Cham- pollion himself probably derived a large portion of his own knowledge of the subject. Dr. Peacock has collected in one point of view Champol- lion’s main assertions as representing the state of the case. But he has 134: EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. shown that some of the propositions dwelt upon were, in point of fact, never maintained by Dr. Young; and it was chiefly by his later re- searches that the erroneous impressions at first entertained, respecting the points to which they relate, had been corrected and their true na- ture established. In 1821 Champollion denied altogether the existence of an alphabetic element among the hieroglyphics; but in the following year he adopted the whole of Young’s principles, and apphed them with one modification only. The analogy of certain marks in the Chinese hiero- glyphies to signify proper names, the principle that the phonetic power of the symbol is derived from the initial letter or syllable of the name of the object which it represents in the Egyptian language, are among the chief of those which he borrows without acknowledgment, or claims without regard to their prior announcement by Young. ‘It would be difficult,” says Dr. Peacock, ‘‘ to point out in the history of literature a more flagrant example of dismgenuous suppression of the real facts bearing on an important discovery.”—TRANSLATOR. MISCELLANEOUS WORKS OF DR. YOUNG. The limits prescribed do not permit me even to quote the mere titles of all the numerous writings which Dr. Young published. Nevertheless the public reading of so rich a catalogue would certainly have sufficed to establish the celebrity of our colleague. Who would not imagine, in fact, that he had before him the register of the labors of several acade- mnies, and not those of a single individual, on hearing, for instance, the following list of titles: Memoir on the Establishments where Iron is wrought. Essays on Music and Painting. Remarks on the Habits of Spiders and the Theory of Fabricius. On the Stability of the Arches of Bridges. On the Atmosphere of the Moon. Description of a new Species of Opercularia. Mathematical Theory of Epicycloidal Curves. Restoration and Translation of different Greek Inscriptions. On the Means of Strengthening the Construction of Ships of the Line. On the Play of the Heart and of the Arteries in the Phenomena of Circulation. Theory of Tides. On the Diseases of the Chest. On the Friction of the Axes of Machines. On the Yellow Fever. On the Calculation of Eclipses. Essays on Grammar, &c.* CHARACTER OF YOUNG—HIS POSITION AS A PHYSICIAN—HIS ENGAGE- MENT ON THE NAUTICAL ALMANAC—HIS DEATH. Labors so numerous and varied seem as if they must have required the laborious and retired life of that class of men of science, which, to say the truth, is beginning to disappear, who from their earliest youth separate themselves from their companions to shut themselves up com- pletely in their studies. Thomas Young was, on the contrary, what is usually called a man of the world. He constantly frequented the best society in London. The graces of his wit, the elegance of his manners, were ainply sufficient to make him remarkable. But when we figure to ourselves those numerous assemblies in which fifty different subjects in * This list, it should be borne in mind, is intended by the author merely as a speci- men of the vast catalogue which might be made of Young’s writings ; the reader will find ample details as to his innumerable productions in Peacock’s Life.—TRANSLATOR, — EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. 135 turn are skimmed over in a few minutes, we may conceive what value would be attached to one who was a true living library, from whom every one could find, at a moment, an exact, precise, substantial answer on all kinds of questions which they could propose to him. Young was much occupied with the fine arts. Many of his memoits testify the pro- found knowledge which he had happily acquired of the theory of music. He carried out also to a great extent the talent of executing it; and I believe it is certain that of all known instruments, even including the Scottish bagpipe, only one or two could be named on which he could not play. His taste for painting developed itself during a visit which he paid to Germany. There the magnificent collection at Dresden ab- sorbed his attention entirely ; for he aspired not solely to the easy credit of connecting together, without mistake, the name of such or such an artist with such or such a painting; the defects and the characteristic qualities of the greatest masters, their frequent changes of manner, the material objects which they introduced into their works, the moditica- tions which those objects and the colors underwent in progress of time, among other points, occupied him in succession. Young, in one word, studied painting in Saxony as he had before studied languages in his own country, and as he afterward studied the sciences. Everything, in fact, was a subject of meditation and research. The university contemporaries of the illustrious physicist recalled a laughable instance of this trait of his mind. They related that entering his room one day, when for the first time he had taken a lesson in dancing the minuet, at Edinburgh, they found him occupied in tracing out minutely with the rule and compasses the route gone through by the two dancers, and the different improvements of which these figures seemed to him susceptible. Young borrowed with happy effect from the sect of the Friends, to which he then belonged, the opinion that the intellectual faculties of children differ originally from each other much less than is commonly supposed. ‘‘Any man can do what any other man has done,” became his favorite maxim. And further, never did he personally himself recoil before trials of any kind to which he wished to subject his system. The first time he mounted ahorse in eompany with the grandson of Mr. Bar- clay, the horseman who preceded them leaped a high fence. Young wished to imitate him, but he fell at ten paces. He remounted without saying a word, made a second attempt, was again unseated, but this time was not thrown further than on the horse’s neck, to which he clung. At the third trial the young learner, as his favorite motto taught, succeeded in executing what another had done before him.* This experi- ment need not have been referred to here, but that it had been repeated at Edinburgh, and afterward at Géttingen, and carried out to a further extent beyond what might seem credible. In one of these two cities Young soon afterward entered into a trial of skill with a celebrated rope-dancer ; in the other, (and in each case the result of a challenge,) he acquired the art of executing feats on horseback with remarkable skill, even in the midst of consummate artistes, whose feats of agility attract every evening such numerous crowds to the circus of Franconi. Thus, those who are fond of drawing contrasts may, on the one side, represent to themselves the timid Newton,f never riding in a carriage, so much did the fear of being upset preoccupy him, without holding to *This anecdote seems at variance with what is stated on the authority of a Cam- bridge contemporary of Young in Dr. Peacock’s Life, (p. 119,) that he only: once there attempted to follow the hounds, when a severe fall prevented any further exbibitions of the kind.—TRaNSLATOR. t This practice has been described as that of Newton’s, but the motive assigned by Arago is novel. 156 EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. both the doors with extended arms, and, on the other, his distinguished rival galloping on the backs of two horses with all the confidence of an equestrian by profession. In England, a physician, if he does not wish to lose the confidence of the public, ought to abstain from occupying himself with any scientific or literary research which may be thought foreign to the art of curing diseases. Young for a long time did homage to this prejudice. His writings appeared under an anonymous veil. This veil, it is true, was very transparent. Two consecutive letters of a certain Latin motto served successively in regular order as the signature to each memoir. But Yount communicated the three Latin words to all his friends both in his own country and abroad, without enjoining secrecy on any one. Besides, who would be ignorant that the distinguished author of the theory of interferences was the foreign secretary of the Royal Society of London ; that he gave in the theater of the Royal Institution a course of lectures on mathematical physics ; that, associated with Sir H. Davy, he published a journal of the sciences, &c.? And, moreover, we must say that his anonymous disguise was not rigorously observed even in his smaller memoirs; and on important occasions, when, for instance, in 1807, the two volumes in quarto appeared, of 800 or 900 pages each, in which all branches of natural philosophy were treated in a manner so new and profound, the self-love of the author made him forget the in- terests of the physician, and the name of Young in large letters replaced the two small italics, whose series was then terminated, and which would have figured in a rather ridiculous manner in the title-page of this colossal work. Young had not then, as a physician, either in London or at Worthing, where he passed the sea-bathing season, any extended practice. The public found him, in fact, too scientific. We must also avow that his public lectures on medicine, those for instance which he delivered at St. George’s Hospital, were generally but ill-attended. It has been said, to explain this, that his lectures were too dry, too full of matter, and that they were beyond the apprehension of ordinary understandings. But might not the want of success be rather ascribed to the freedom, not very common, with which Young pointed out the inextricable diffi- culties which encounter us at every step in the study of the numerous disorders of our frail machine ? Would any one expect at Paris, and especially in an age when every one seeks to attain his end quickly and without labor, that a professor of the faculty would retain many auditors if he were to commence with these words, which I borrow literally from Dr. Young: ‘No study is so complicated as that of medicine; it exceeds the limits of human in- telligence. Those physicians who precipitately go on without trying to comprehend what they observe, are often just as much advanced as those who give themselves up to generalizations hastily made on obser- vations in regard to which all analogy is at fault.” And if the profes- sor, continuing in the same style, should add, ‘ In the lottery of medi- cine the chances of the possessor of ten tickets must evidently be greater than those of the possessor of five,” when they believed themselves en- gaged in a lottery, would those of his auditors whom the first phrase had not driven away be at all disposed to make any great efforts to procure for themselves more tickets, or, to explain the meaning of our professor, the greatest amount of knowledge possible ? In spite of his knowledge, perhaps even from the very cause that it was so extensive, Young was totally wanting in confidence at the bed- side of the patient. Then the mischievous effects which might event- nant —-t- EULOGY ON THOMAS YOUNG. 13¢ ually result from the action of the medicine, even the most clearly called for, presented themselves in a mass to his mind; seemed to coun- terbalance the favorable chances which might attend the use of them ; and thus threw him into a state of indecision, no doubt very natural, yet on which the publie will always put an unfavorable construction. The same timidity showed itself in all the works of Young which treated on medical subjects.* This man, so eminently remarkable for the bold- ness of his scientific conceptions, gives here no more than a bare enumera- tion of facts. He seems hardly convinced of the soundness of his thesis, either when he attacks the celebrated Dr. Radcliffe, whose whole secret in the most brilliant and successful practice was, as he has him- self said, to employ remedies exactly the reverse of the usual way; or when he combats Dr. Brown, who found himself, as he says, in the dis- agreeable necessity of recognizing, and that in accordance with the offi- cial documents of an hospital, attended by the most eminent physicians, that, on the average, fevers left to their natural course are neither more severe nor of Jonger duration than those treated by the best methods. In 1818 Young, having been named secretary to the Board of Longi- tude, abandoned entirely the practice of medicine to give himself up to the close superintendence of the celebrated periodical work known under the name of the Nautical Almanac. From this date the Journal of the Royal Institution gave every quarter his numerous dissertations on the most important problems of navigation and astronomy. -: Is this the form characteristic of all birds; or is it a only that of the harrier, in the conditions of flight # in which it has been placed ? The last supposition appears to be the most prob- able; we can see, even while comparing the form of the tracing at different instants of its flight while under experiment, that the ellipse is greater and more open in the first strokes of the wing than in the last. It is, however, necessary to except the second stroke of the wing, which has given me a narrower ellipse Pe Acme tied than any other, in all the experiments which I have duced from the motion op Made. Ido not know to what this special form is to the tit be attributed, but have thought it worth while to men- tion it on account of its constancy. Of the rotation of the humerus and the changes of the plane in the wing during flight—The wing of a bird, like that of an insect, must meet with a sufficient resistance from the air in its motion upward and down- ward to incline its flexible portion, namely, that’ which forms the webs and coverts. This cause does produce a change of the plane of the wing, but there is another even more powerful, for it places the wing at the outset of the depressing motion in a favorable position for the double propulsion which is produced. I refer to the pivot motion which the humerus executes around its axis at each contraction of the great pec- toral, It is enough to examine the bony crest on which the large tendon 278 PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. of the great pectoral is inserted, and to consider that this crest is situ- ated on the anterior edge of the humerus, to comprehend that the action of the great pectoral, whose fibers are carried backward and downward, should produce a rotary motion of the humerus around its longitudinal axis. The conformation of the humeral articulation is perfectly adapted to this motion. Finally, the existence of this rotation is rendered still more necessary by the resistance which the air presents to the back of the wing and opposes to the descent of its feathered portion. We can demonstrate the existence of this motion and measure its extent by means of the registering apparatus. But I have thought it best to defer these researches, especially as they necessitate the construction of spe- cial apparatus, which would require numerous experiments, and would produce, after all, results of very slight importance. In fact, we are enabled to deduce from the attachment of the muscles the nature of the motion which they produce, and this deduction is especially easy. I have always sought to verity the existence of this rotary motion of the humerus, and to measure its extent, by the application of electricity to the muscles of the bird. In the experiment for measuring the static power developed by tlie contraction of the great pectoral muscle, previ- ously described, I noticed that at each excitement of this muscle the humerus executed a rotary motion upon its axis. I fixed in the humerus a rod, perpendicular to its axis, and was enabled, by the angle formed by the two positions of this red, to demonstrate that the rotation in the harrier corresponded to an angle of thirty-five or forty degrees. It seemed that the limits of this angle were fixed by the attachments of the median and great pectoral muscles. If traction be exerted upon the two antagonistic muscles of a newly dissected bird, it will be seen that the median pectoral raises this member so that its upper face is turned somewhat backward. The action of the great pectoral changes this position of the wing completely, and carries its upper face strongly upward and even a little forward. These expressions, upward and downward, are relative to a plane cutting the bird into a dorsal and a ventral half; but this plane, doubtless, is not entirely parallel with the horizon during flight. But it is certain that the resistance of the air should give a much more pronounced deflection to the feathers during the more rapid descent of the wing. The most difficult to measure of the influences which change the plane of the bird’s wing is that which relates to the pressure of the air on the feathers. Perhaps it may not be impossible to devise an apparatus capable of measuring it, but it so varies with the variations of the velocity with which the wing is lowered, that any measurement which might be obtained would be enly the expression of a particular case. It is very probable, on the contrary, that the change of plane due to the action of the pectoral muscles is a much more constant phenomenon. We can infer the action of the two motions of the bird’s wing from what has been said of the mechanism of the flight of insects. It is evident that the descent of the wing will have the double effect of raising the bird and of imparting to it a horizontal motion. As to the ascent of the wing, its office cannot be the same, because the imbrication of the feathers does not offer a resistant surface to the air. Everything tends to show that the ascending wing cuts the air with its anterior edge, but, as we shall see, another phenomenon occurs which uplifts the body of the bird during the elevation of the wing; this is the transformation of the impulse which the bird has acquired during the lowering of the wing. This impulse is changed in rising, by a mech- anism analogous to that which raises the toy kite. PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. 279 In a remarkable study of the flight of birds, M. Liais has been led, through observation and deduction, to adopt this theory, to which the experiments about to be described, I trust, will add new proofs in its favor. Before leaving the subject, it is necessary to mention the existence of certain other motions in the flight of small birds. I refer to the folding and unfolding of the wings. But the existence of these motions does not seem to be constant, and the eye cannot perceive the least trace of them during the flight of the large birds upon which I have experi- mented. I shall, therefore, omit the study of these motions, and of their possible effects, and restrict my conclusions on the mechanism of flight to a certain number of determinate species of birds. The study of the motions of the wings of birds during flight necessa- rily includes the effect produced by each of these movements. Weare tempted to deduce these effects from the nature of the motions which generate them, but it is safer to obtain the solution of this complicated problem from experiment. Two distinct effects are produced during flight: first, the bird is upheld against the force of gravity ; second, it is propelled horizontally. Is the bird in the air sustained at a constant elevation, or is it rather subject to oscillations in the vertical plane? Does it not exhibit, by the intermittent effect of the strokes of its wings, a series of ascents and descents, the frequency and extent of which can- not be observed by the eye? Is not the bird also subjected to a varia- ble velocity in its horizontal course? Does it not receive a jerking motion from the action of its wings? These questions can be solved by experiment, in the following manner: Since we possess the means by which distant motions produced by pressure exerted upon a drum filled with air are made to record themselves, we must seek to connect the movements which we would study with a pressure of this kind. The oscillations which the bird executes in the vertical plane should be made to produce alternately strong or feeble pressure on the membrane of the drum, according as the bird rises or falls. The same should be done in seeking the variations of its horizontal velocity. Suppose that a flying bird carries upon its back a light metallic drum, like the one already described; that the membrane of this drum be turned upward, and that this instrument be put in communication with the registering appara- tus by means of along tube. Ifthe membrane of the drum freely par- takes of the motions of the bird it will not produce any displacement of the air in the apparatus, and the registering lever will remain motion- less. But if we prevent the membrane from partaking of all the motions of the bird, if we can give it a tendency to remain at rest while the drum is moved, motion will be produced in the air with which the drum is filled, and the signals will be registered by the lever. Now, we can vroduce this tendency to remain at rest upon the membrane by loading it with an inert body, such as a disk of lead. Fig. 29 shows the drum with an inert mass upon its membrane. This mass is formed of disks of lead, of which a certain number can be added or taken off, until the apparatus responds satisfactorily to the motions of vertical oscillation imparted to it. In this arrangement the movements in the horizontal plane are without influence upon the appa- ratus. If the drum is suddenly raised, the inert body, not participat- ing in this elevation, depresses the membrane exactly as if the mass itself had been depressed, and the drum had remained motionless. Con- versely, when the drum descends, the inertia of the mass resists the motion, as if it or the membrane had been raised and the drum had remained motionless. We may remark that the movement of the lever 280 PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. is in the same direction as that of the drum; that is to say, if the drum be raised, the lever also raises itself. Itmay happen, with an apparatus of this kind, that in the motion of the wings rubbing may be produced on the membrane of the drum, which will make confusion in the signals. To avoid this I cover the upper part of the apparatus with a metallic i ’) f . aye al ! | Hh \ tl ! | / 4 hip il UL Al ———_—7 i hi" =) LEA TINY 5 = il : Wi TRY —— vy | Vi | : ta 1 i th & A a ‘i = ML 1 MU A | My =o SS ~< ‘ound [voLysoA @ UL Ft 09 popALdU! SUOL{L[[LosL O44 [[C JOAZ] SULLO}SIFOI OY} 0} Sulyz1UIsUvIy 10 sngvavddy —= I ‘network, as seen in Fig. 29, The drum is there represented in the hand, held by the transmitting tube connecting with the registering apparatus. Ifthe drum is moved in the vertical plane, the lever is seen to move in the same direction, at the same instant of time, and with an amplitude proportionate to the motions of the hand. If, on the con- PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. 281 trary, we give the mass a lateral motion, no effect is produced upon the lever, and no signal is made. But it may be said that an inert mass placed on an elastic membrane tends to execute vibrations peculiar to itself, and that the apparatus will transmit these vibrations of the mass of lead and the membrane which carries it independently of the oscilla- tions of the bird. How shall we get rid of this complication? The law of vibrations teaches us that the duration of the double period of each of them varies with the weight of the vibrating body, and with the elastic force of the lamina which carries it. The greater the mass, and the feebler the elasticity, the longer will be the period of vibration. Now, the motions which we are studying are rather frequent, some birds making eight or ten strokes of the wing per second. If we arrange it so that the period of oscillation of the mass of lead itself is much longer than that of the bird, we shall no longer be troubled by the complica- tion of these interfering motions. By employing a heavier mass and a less tense membrane, a good transmission of motions, which are not too slow, may be obtained, for instance, such as last less than half a second. It is not necessary, either, that the instrument should be applied to the study of the oscillations of all species of birds. But to make sure of the accuracy of the apparatus it should be veri- fied by the method much like that which I have used to correct all my apparatus. This consists in making, directly by hand, the tracing of the motion which I have imparted to the weighted drum, and observing whether the registered motion was the same as the first. Experiments made upon different kinds of birds, ducks, harriers, hen- hawks, and owls, have shown me that, in relation to the intensity of the oscillations in the vertical plane, very varied types of flight exist. Figure 30 shows tracings, furnished by different kinds of birds, upon a cylinder turning at a uniform rate, and contrasted with a tracing pro- duced by a tuning-fork making 100 vibrations per second. These tracings enable us to estimate the absolute and relative duration of the oscillations of flight in these different birds. It follows from these figures that the frequency and amplitude of the vertical oscillations vary a good deal with the kind of bird under consideration. To better comprehend the cause of these variations, let us register at the same time the vertical oscillations of the bird and the action of the muscles of its wing. If we make this double experiment upon two birds, differing in their manner of flying, such as the wild duck and the har- rier, the tracings represented by Fig. 31 will be obtained. The duck presents two energetic oscillations at each revolution of its wing; the one at b, at the moment when the wing relaxes, is easily understood; the other, at a, at the moment when the wing rises. To explain the ascension of the bird, during the time of elevation of the wing, it seems to me indispensable to call in the action of the boy’s kite, previously alluded to. The bird, moving forward with acquired velocity, presents its wings to the air in an inelined position, similar to that of the kite, and thus transforms its horizontal force into an ascending one. The flight of the harrier presents the ascension which accompanies the elevation of the wing, in a smaller degree. May not the cause of this difference be recognized as a smaller relative inclination of the wing toward the horizon ? Determination of the different phases of the evolution of the wing, to which the vertical oscillations correspond.—The interpretation of these curves throws light at once upon the experiments made on the variations of the transformation of velocity in the bird, at different moments, during the evolution of the wing. 282 PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDO Fig. Line 1. Chronographic trace of a tuning-fork, vibrating 100 times a second: 2. Vertical oscillations of the wild duck during flight. 3. Oscillations of the hen-hawk 4. Of the screech-owl; and 5, of the harrier. Fig. 32. Simultaneous tracing of both kinds of oscillations executed by a harrier during flight. PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. 283 But, before going further, we may remark that the preceding experi- ment furnishes a very precious lesson in the theory of flight. In fact, if the bird executes a series of ascents and descents, the duration of the descending period will approximately inform us of the amount of the positive work which the bird must perform to rise again to the height from which it fell, and we see that the duck, which makes nine vibra- tions of the wing per second, executes two vertical oscillations during Fig. 31. In the upper half is seen superposed the muscular tracing, and that of the vertical oscillations in a wild duck. Below the undulation a, which indicates the elevation of the wing, is seen a vertical oscillation; and another, below b, which indicates the low- ering of the wing. In the lower portion are the same tracings obtained from a harrier; here the oscillation at a, which corresponds to the elevation of the wing, is less marked than in the duck. each vibration, or eighteen in a second. Each oscillation 1s composed of a rise and fall, so that each descent of the bird cannot last more than one thirty-sixth of a second. Now, if we substract the effect produced (as in a parachute) by the outspread wings of the bird, we find that a body which falls during one thirty-sixth of a second traverses only fifty- two millimeters. This fall repeated eighteen times a second constitutes a total rise of 9.56 centimeters, necessary to maintain the bird in the same horizontal plane during one second. In the tracing of the harrier, the descents are less than in the wild duck, probably on account of the large surface of the wings of this bird. Determination of the variations of the rapidity of flight——The second question to be solved relates to the determination of the various phases of rapidity of flight. The solution can-be found in the following man- ner: If the weighted drum be placed upon the bird’s back in a vertical plane perpendicular to the direction of flight, it will be insensible to vertical oscillations, and will only indicate those of forward and back- ward; also, by turning the membrane of the drum forward it is clear that if the advance of the bird is accelerated, the retardation of the weight on the translation of the annaratus will produce a crowding of the air in the second drum, and a: « elevation of the registering lever, while a relaxation of the effort of the bird will bring about a descent of 284 PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. the registering lever. Experiments upon the kinds of birds previously mentioned furnish tracings analogous to those of the vertical oscilla- tions. If it is true, as I suppose, that the vertical oscillation of the bird at the moment of raising the wing be due to the upward trans- formation of velocity, by obtaimng, simultaneously, the tracing of the vertical oscillations and those of the variations of velocity, we shall have the means of confirming this theory. When obtaining at one time the two kinds of oscillations in the flight of a harrier, I have seen that the phase of descent of the wing resulted both in the elevation ot the bird and the acceleration ef its speed. This effect is the necessary consequence of the inclination of the plane of the wing at the moment of its descent, as we have previously shown in the flight of insects. As for the phase of elevation of the wing, it is proved that during the slight ascension which it produces the speed of the bird is diminished. In fact, the curve of the variations of rapidity falls as soon as the bird begins to rise. This is, then, a confirmation of the previously suggested theory of the upward transformation of the speed of birds. Thus by this mechanism the descending stroke of the wing creates the force which produces the two oscillations of the bird in the vertical plane. The downward stroke directly produces the ascent which is synchro- nous with it, and indirectly by creating the velocity which prepares for the second vertical oscillation. Simultaneous tracing of the two kinds of oscillation of the bird.—Instead of representing each kind of oscillation separately, I have thought that it would be more instructive to obtain a single line which, by its curves, should represent both of the movements which the body of the bird executes in its course through space. The method which has been used to obtain the curve of the point of the wing, with some modifications can be made to furnish a simultaneous tracing of both kinds of motion. ' For this both drums must be connected with the same inert mass, and placed at right angles to each other. Turning back to Fig. 23, which shows the two levers connected by tubes which transmit to the one all the motions executed by the other, when any motion is imparted to the first lever, the second lever reproduces the same motion in the same direction. Now, let us charge one of the levers with a mass of lead, and, taking the support of the apparatus in the hand, make it describe some motion in a plane perpendicular to the direction of the lever. We see that the lever No. 2 executes directly opposite movements. In fact, since the motive force which acts on the membranes of the drums is simply the inertia of the mass of lead, and since this mass is always behind the motion given to the apparatus, it is clear that if the whole be raised the mass will keep the lever down; if the whole be lowered, the mass will raise the lever; if it be carried forward, the mass will hold back the lever, &c. Now, the second lever, executing the same motions as the first, will give curves which are directly the opposite of the mo- tion which has been given to the support of the apparatus. This being settled, now for the experiment: For this I take the apparatus repre- sented on the back of the harrier in Fig. 25; I remove the rod which receives the motion of the wing, and the parallelogram which transmits it to the lever. I keep only the lever connected with the two drums and the mounting which attaches it to the bird’s back. I fix a mass of lead on this lever and let the animal fly. The tracing obtained is repre- sented by Fig. 32. The analysis of this curve is at first sight extremely difficult. I hope, uowever, to succeed in showing its ‘signification. It is traced on the cylinder under the same conditions as Fig. 26, showing the different - PHENOMENA OF FLIGHT IN THE ANIMAL KINGDOM. 285 motions of the point of the wing. The glass plate moves from the right to the left; the tracing is read from left to right. The head of the bird is toward the left; this flight is in the direction of the arrow. We can divide this figure by vertical lines passing through homologous points, cutting it either at the top of the loops or at the summit of the simple curves, as represented at the points aand e. Each of these divi- sions incloses similar elements, although their development is unequal in different parts of the figure. For the present we shall neglect these details. It is evident that the periodical return of similar forms corresponds to a return of the same phases in an evolution of the bird’s wing. The division a e thus represents the different motions of the bird during an alar evolution. Let us recollect that in the curve which we are analyzing all the mo- tions are the reverse of those which the bird really executes. The two vertical oscillations, the great and the small, should then be represented by two downward curves. It is easy to recognize them in the great curve abc and the smallcurveede. Thus the bird rises from a to J, falls from } to c, again rises from ¢ to d, and re-descends from d toe; but these oscillations encroach on each other, producing the loop ed. The oscilla- tion ¢ de partly covers the first anteriorly. This is a proof that the indica- tions of the curve are the reverse of the true motion; for, at this moment, the bird recedes, or, at least, relaxes its course. As the appa- ratus is only sensible of changes of velocity, it is clear that the tracing does not take the uniform rapidity of the bird into account, but indi. cates acceleration as a forward movement and retardation as a retro- grade movement. This figure, then, sums up all the preceding experi- ments which we have made on the motions of the bird in space. It is here seen that the bird at each evolution of its wings rises and falls twice, successively ; that these oscillations are unequal; the larger, as we know, corresponding to the depression of the wing, the smaller to its elevation. It is also seen that the ascent of the bird during the raising of the wings is accompanied by a retardation of its speed, which justifies the theory by which this ascent has been considered as made at the expense of the bird’s acquired velocity. But this is not all; this curve also shows us that the motions of the bird are not the same at the beginning and end of flight. We have seen already (Fig. 20) that the first strokes are more extended than the others; we now see that at first—that is, at the left of the figure—the oscillations produced by the descent of the wing are also more extended. But theory fore- told that the oscillation of the elevation of the wing being derived from the acquired speed of the bird should be very feeble at the beginning of flight when the animal has acquired but little impetus. The figure shows us that this does happen, and that at the beginning of flight the second oscillation (which forms the loop) is very insignificant. At last, then, we are in possession of the principal facts upon which the study of the mechanical power developed by the bird during flight can be established, and we see that it is during the descent of the wing that the Se motive force which sustains and directs the bird in space is created. THE NORTHERN SEAS. By M. BaBiInet, of the Academy of Sciences. [ Translated for the Smithsonian Institution. ] Thanks to modern voyages, particularly since the many and praise- worthy expeditions in search of Sir John Franklin, we have to-day the assurance that the arctic pole is surroanded by a narrow and continu- ous sea, bounded on one side by the eternally congealed polar space, and on the other by Northern Europe, Siberia, or Northern Asia, and lastly all of America in the higher latitudes. A navigator starting from Dunkirk, on the meridian of Paris, might proceed straight to the pole without encountering land, but stopped by the never melted barrier of ice; if he turned to the right toward the east, he would leave to the left and north Spitzbergen, and to the left and south, North Cape. Passing over the White Sea, he would leave the Polar Sea of Europe at Nova Zembla; then coasting along Siberia, he would come into the somewhat less contracted basin beyond Behring’s Strait. Then passing along Northern America, and descending considerably in latitude, he would at last arrive at Lancaster Sound, through which the American Polar Sea empties into the great canal, separating Greenland trom the New World. There the navigator would be obliged to descend greatly to- ward the south, in order to attain the point of Greenland, after having traversed almost the entire polar circle. After passing through Davis Strait he would enter the basin between Europe and America, termi- nating the northern Atlantic, which has for its limits Labrador, New- foundland, Great Britain, Norway, the polar circle, Iceland, and. lastly Cape Farewell, at the extremity of Greenland. This northern basin of the Atlantic, which communicates at the east and west with the glacial seas, has for companion and analogue the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, enclosed by Kamtchatka, Bebring’s Strait, Russian and British America. It is not fully determined whether the Pacific sends through Behring’s Strait a current of temperate water into the American glacial sea, as the Atlantic does to the glacial sea of the Old World, through the passage separating Cape North from Spitzbergen. As to the existence of a current, following the course we have just described as pursued by the imaginary navigator, compassing the polar regions and moving always to the east, it is an undoubted fact, it seems to me, and at the seasons when the maritime regions traversed by this current are frozen, it nevertheless continues its course under the ice. It should be observed that a similar current flows from the west toward the east, making the circuit of the other pole of the earth; but as the domain of the latter consists entirely of shoreless seas, it follows its course without interruption toward the east, and accomplishes its revolution without change of distance from the pole, its direction un- altered by projections of land, like that of Greenland, which greatly complicate the mechanical circumstances, and modify the course of the two great oceanic rivers (an expression of Homer) which I have added to the five great currents noticed in the admirable work of M. Dupeny of THE NORTHERN SEAS. 287 our institute, and confirmed by the map of M. Findlay, published in England in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society. The northern basin of the Atlantic is, as I have just said, entirely analogous to the northern basin of the Pacific. The whale, the seal, the porpoise, and fisheries in general, attract the same European and American navigators. The warm currents, ascending from the equator, produce upon the eastern and western shores of each the same climate and the same vegetation. Upper California and Oregon rival Western Europe, and when the hardy settlers of the Anglo- Saxon race have peopled the more northern shore of the Pacific basin, it will equal the Norwegian coast, where, according to Horace, Ubi Scandia dives Halecas totum mittit piscosa per orbem. ‘¢ Where rich Scandinavia catches herring for the whole world.” One of our statesmen has predicted that here will be the seat of civilization in 1957. M. Avago has often said, quoting Napoleon I, that the most powerful of all rhetorical figures is repetition. I therefore repeat what I have written before, that the superiority of northern climates over those of the south is due to the fact, that almost all the temperate water of the great warm current of the equatorial region ascends to the north, as in the Atlantic, by the Gulf Stream, giving to Norw ay the rich culture which was the admiration of the observers of ‘La Reine Hortense in 1856, and to Oregon the giants of the vegetable world, trees of 100 metres (330 feet) in height. Look at the map of M. Duperrey, who has discovered one of the three currents which carry the warm water of the equator to the south. Observe those three currents, that of the Indian Ocean, the South Pa- cific, and Australia; mark the small amount of water carried by them only a short distance from the equator toward the antarctic pole, while the two great and powerful currents of the Atlantic and of the northern Pacific take from the equator even almost the entire mass of water of che warm current encircling the intertropical world, to transport it. to latitudes in our hemisphere equal or superior to those of the north of Scotland. Notwithstanding the contents of many original memoirs upon the question of the excess of temperature of the northern over the southern hemisphere, what a display the world of compilers still make of worn- out lumber, of superannuated opinions, relative to the causes which render our latitudes immensely superior in climate to those of the south. We complain of the inadequacy of literary criticism in our day, but what may not be said of scientific criticism, when we see the finest minds led by the best accredited works,in ignorance of the actual state of science, to repeat the echoes of the meteorological data of 1800! These preliminary remarks were necessary to show the importance of all investigations made, or to be made, in the northern basin of the At- lantic. The fishers of the Scandinavian shores, and the whaling expe- ditions to Newfoundland, and the seas separating Greenland from America, follow routes so uniform, and deviate.so little from the line leading directly to the scene of their labors, that one is surprised at the incompleteness of the records of their frequent passages. They work for money, not for science ; the field is theretore open to more disinterested explorers, and it is astonishing how much more information may be ob- tained from a single expedition of an intelligent tourist, than from the periodical emigration and return of the seamen of commercial Europe. 288 THE NORTHERN SEAS. The short voyage of Prince Napoleon stands first perhaps in importance for facts collected on our polar seas. Claude has said that not to be born aking is to bea fool. It is at least a great mistake for an explorer not to bea prince. The working force, intellectual and personal, of the great astronomical observatories is spoken of as that of a fall of water or a steam- engine; may we not ina like manner calculate how many facts, observa- tions, drawings, and specimens of all kinds could be collected in a short time by an intelligent leader, with a select corps of seamen and scientists, aided by every desirable means and commanding circumstances, rather than being controlled by them? An immense volume of eight hundred pages in which there is nothing superfluous, scarcely suffices to contain the results of the rapid excursion of 1856. The archeological, descrip- tive, political and economical parts of the observations find no place in this volume, although they should have been included in its records. If to this already very voluminous record could be added an accurate de- scription of the rich collections brought back by the expedition, a num- ber of curious facts might still be drained from it, and valuable samples given of the harvests ready to be reaped by local collectors or future travelers. The publication describing the expedition of La Reine Hortense to ‘the northern seas is divided into two distinct parts. The first consists of a rapid and sprightly narration of the events of the voyage from the oil mines of England to the country of Scottish clans; then to Iceland, Jan Mayen and Spitzbergen, to Greenland, the Faroe and Shetland Is- lands, and lastly to the Scandinavian shores. A distance of twelve thou- sand miles, accomplished in three or four months, is reviewed by the reader in six hundred pages. Then follow some scientific notices, in small text, which I think may be considered very valuable acquisitions to the knowledge of the globe. The nautical record of M. Du Buisson, and the geological reports of MM. Chancourtois and Ferri-Pisqani, are especially remarkable for the number and interest of the scientific observations they contain. I observe with pleasure that the last mentioned of the three authors named has not fallen short of the estimate I formed of his capacity, as we discussed together the future labors of the expedition, and when he was not yet before the public. With the mention of MM. De La Ronciere, Laroche-Poncié, and others who have not contributed to this volume, but whose observations are not less valuable than those of the authors of the scientific notices, it is evident that with a minimum of time the members of this expedition have accomplished a maximum of useful labor. It isa matter of regret that an especial article, among these excellent notices, had not been devoted to the magnetical observa- tions, but they undoubtedly will be published hereafter. It is hardly neces- sary to say, that I will adhere to these scientific notices in what I am about to say concerning the voyage of La Reine Hortense in the north- ern seas, and two English publications relative to those regions. In regard to the currents of the ocean, several facts previously indi- cated have been confirmed by this expedition, but in a question so com- plicated and so debated very definite information is required. We see the warm current leave America, pass below Newfoundland, and arrive at Norway, after coasting along the south of Ireland, and passing through the groups of the Faroe and Shetland Islands. This benevolent dispen- sation of the tropical seas then proceeds northward, and at the latitude of Upper Scandinavia divides into two parts. One half we shall not fol- low far; it passes into the glacial seas of Europe and Siberia, of which it somewhat modifies the climate. The other ascends, or did ascend two centuries ago, to Spitzbergen, and renders that region habitable by bears, THE NORTHERN SEAS. 289 seals, porpoises, and whales; then this part of the Gulf Stream turns to the left, descends toward Jan Mayen and Iceland, and passes between the latter island and the eastern shore of Greenland. By this retarn current floating wood is carried from the Gulf of Mexico and stranded upon the northern shore of Iceland; a deserted ship seen twice by the expedition proved its direction and rapidity, which coasting along the eastern shore of Greenland it also brings to Iceland large fields of ice, de- tached from the belt which renders the island of Jan May en inaccessible, and perhaps extends to Spitzbergen. This gloomy bordering of ice, which prevents the mariner from approaching the shore to which it adheres, is called * fast” or land ice, the debris broken off by the waves or by storms forms the field ice; which is generally not very thick, and the salt wa- ter of which it is composed loses somewhat of its saline properties in solidifying. The icebergs have an entirely different origin, they are the offspring of the glaciers, and are exclusively formed of ‘fr esh water. They are often several hundred {feet in height, only about an eighth of which appears above the surface of the water some of them are almost a thousand feet in diameter and are the most formidable moving masses to be found in nature. These flotillas of ice mountains are principally encountered in the arm of the sea separating Greenland from America. They descend with the current which passes through Davis Strait, and are sunk so deeply into the sea that very often they are carried by the current against the wind. It is a singular spectacle to see the berg ad- vance contrary to the superficial current produced by the action of the wind, which the English call the “drift.”. There is a kind of eddy, formed by the current descending Davis Strait, which eddy or counter-current ascends northward along the west coast of Greenland, and here may be seen many of these floating mountains whirling about. It may readily be conceived that these enormous masses, borne southward by the eur- rent, would not melt before reaching the route pursued by the transat lantic steamers between New York and Engiand. They are the terror ot captains and passengers. A sailor is constantly on the watch, and at regular intervals calls out to the captain * No icebergs, sir.” The loss of many large vessels, which have suddenly disappeared, with no indi- cation of a storm at the time, has been justly attributed to these float. ing rocks, which no marine chart can record. It is a difficult matter to sail ciear of an iceberg in foggy weather. From the observations taken by the expedition of La Reine Hortense, relative to the course of the desert- ed vessel, which floated round the southern point of Greenland, and was stranded in one of the bays on the west coast of that country, following the eddy formed by the current from Davis Strait, I should judge that M. Duperrey and M. Finlay carry the Gulf Steam too far below Iceland, extending too much the counter-current between that island and Green- land, for according to their charts the disabled vessel descended south- ward entirely out of the latitudes of the land ice, near which it was first seen. If you were to open the memoir of Dr. Rink, of Copenhagen, vage 145 of the twenty-third volume of the Royal Geogr aphical Society, you would see there represented frozen rivers emptying into the sea, deep valleys filled with ice, like our Alpine glaciers. When these masses of ice, im- pelled by an irresistible force, which causes them to flow like ductile metal, are no longer sustained by the land and project out into the sea, they break off with a loud noise and thus nature forms her icebergs. One of these fragments, says Dr. Rink, if stranded on the shore would form a mountain over a hundred feet high. The explorers of La Reine Hortense saw some three times the height of Mount Valérien above the 198 290 THE NORTHERN SEAS. Seine. Tmagine that mountain, seen in perspective by the gay promen- aders of the Bois de Boulogne, a mass of hard and compact ice, and some faint conception may be formed of these floating giants, which descend Davis Strait toward Newfoundland and the United States. I say this ice is hard and compact. La Reine Hortense tried cannon balls upon some of the impudent little bergs, which paraded before her, without in the least disturbing their promenade. Just as in ghostly legends a spectre, shot through the heart, says coolly to his trembling antagonist “ Fire away.” The expedition set the good example of throwing into the sea blocks of wood, with a hole in them, containing a vial with a paper inclosed, on which was recorded the date and the geographical position of the place where the bottle was dropped. Several of these indicators have been picked up and transmitted to the French admiralty, with the date and place of their landing. To test the current flowing toward the east and passing along Siberia, a number of these bottles should be thrown into the strait which, eastward of the White Sea, divides the continent from Nova Zembla, and they will reappear in Behring’s Strait, where it has been said whales have been caught still carrying the harpoons with which they had been pierced in the Spitzbergen Seas. The expedition has proved by unanimous testimony the deterioration of the climate of Greenland, {celand, and Spitzbergen. In Greenland, at a short distance from the shore, there is now only one immense glacier, like those of the Alps. Mountains and valleys have disappeared under the level of snow and ice, and the astronomers of Mars and Venus, who draw or photograph our planet, must be astonished by this superabundance of arctic snow, which never melts, even when that of Russia, Siberia, and Canada has disappeared in the rays of the summer sun. The “ fast” ice which to-day surrounds the island of Jan Mayen, half way between Iceland and Spitzbergen, renders inaccessible the east coast of Greenland, and sometimes extends to the north coast of Ice- land, a circumstance which never happened in former times. Whalers no longer go to Spitzbergen, whose seas are as depopulated as its plains, -where the snow has ceased to melt. What is the cause of an effect so disastrous, which threatens at some future time, more or less remote, to drive from Iceland the starving population of about sixty thousand inhabitants, which it feeds to-day, or rather does not feed, since it is by fishing that the Icelanders mostly obtain the insufficient nutriment by which they are barely sustained, even with the assistance of the Danish government? If the fast ice should inclose Iceland, as it has the island of Jan Mayen, what would become of the Icelanders ? Hypotheses have not been wanting to explain this deterioration of the climate of Greenland, now buried under a compact mass of ice and snow, fifteen or sixteen hundred feet in depth. It has been generally observed that the shores of the Baltic, of Scandinavia, Iceland, and Greenland, are rising. In one of the bays of the latter country, the ex- pedition found water-worn pebbles at an elevation never attained by the present sea. The ancient banks of the Norwegian shore are in some localities three hundred feet high. It has been supposed that the rising of the bottom of the sea may have arrested the ice descending from the north, and caused the present accumulation between Iceland and Green- land. This hypothesis, I think, is not admissible. The belt of ice bor- dering Greenland does not, in the least, resemble the masses of ice which the winds and currents sometimes accumulate in the gulfs of the polar seas. I think the true cause of the deterioration of the climate of the THE NORTHERN SEAS. > 291 Atlantic polar seas is the diminution of the Gulf Stream, the rising of the bottom of the sea, giving less depth to the bed of the ‘current, tends to lessen it. Formerly the temperate water ascended to Spitzbergen, giving life to the cetacea, birds, and quadrupeds of its rugged peaks, and then descended toward Iceland. This circwation of warm water, I say, being diminished, no longer compensates, as in former times, for a too close “proximity to the pole, and the climate of this entire basin has in consequence deteriorated. We may boldly affirm that the eur- rent passing around North Cape is lessening, and if it were sounded with a thermometer, as did M. De Laroche-Poncie a few years ago, it would be found to lose every ten years in heat, consequently the shores of the White Sea must undergo a similar decrease of temperature. Nothing has ever been done seriously and in concert to make us acquainted with our world meteorologically. Should an inhabitant of the moon—a Lu- nite, did any such exist—be transported to us here below, we could tell him the distance from point to point in the moon; the height of its mountains, ite form of its craters, the clefts in its soil, the undulation of its plains, the level of its plateaux, the flow of its streams of volcanic lava, and even the effect of the solar heat during its semi-monthly nights and days. But, unhappily, if he wished the inhabitant of the earth— this magician who knew so much about the moon—to enlighten him in regard to physical geography, he would be greatly surprised to hear his learned man respond to almost every question, ‘‘I do not know.” The Lunite would form a poor opinion of a people who, while confessing the importance, knows so little of the causes of the meteor ological changes controlling the fertility and the productions of the soil, upon which de- pends the material subsistence of the human race. Le Reine Hortense records this important observation: In 1856 the wind in the latitude of 50° or 60° blew constantly from the east, while in the preceding years the contrary was the case. It was the relapse of the current which caused such great inundations in France in 1858, and the return of the wind to its normal direction restored to the seasons of Kurope their natural course. The prediction for 1857 which I drew from these facts was accomplished; but although I boldly announced it in August in an address before a formal session of the five academies, I must confess i am much more confident now than I was then in the acuteness of my conjecture. My confreres, the astrologers, may be encouraged to predict at random. «If they make mistakes their blunders will be over- looked, while at a successful guess the world will cry, ‘“‘a miracle!” In 1846 I foretold a rainy winter, on account of the position of the whales off the bank of Newfoundland. My prediction was verified and highly honored; but when from some other circumstances I made a prophecy concerning the following season, meteorology gave me the lie direct. When to “the congratulations upon my sagacity in regard to 1846, 1 opposed my mistake for 1847, nobody remembered that checkmate. The human mind seems to be such a friend of error, that when it is not indi- vidually deceived, it is enchanted if some one will take the trouble to delude it. As to the question whether the regions under discussion will continue to degenerate, or whether an unfavorable period may not be followed by a favorable one, I answer there is very little hope of the latter; and here are my reasons for such an opinion: In attributing to the rising of the bottom of the Icelandic Sea, the diminution of the warm current by which France and England profit, as they receive a larger share of the temperate water of the Gulf Stream, the question arises whether this rising will cease or continue. Now, itis to be presumed that if the cause 292 THE NORTHERN SEAS. which at the commencement of the present order of nature condemned to sterility Scandinavia, Iceland, Greenland, and the western coast of Europe, still preserves a residue of action; that the effect of such a ea- tastrophe should be very slowly completed, is in accordance with the mechanical law controlling the interaction of flexible bodies—and there are no other in nature. Place a weight upon the end of a spring and the latter will be bent to a certain ‘extent, but leave the weight upon it and still more flexion will be added to ‘the effect already obtained. Notwithstanding assertions to the contrary, I maintain that along the coast of France the continent from century to century is slowly rising and that the ocean in consequence seems to retire. The rich collection brought back by Prince Napoleon, and exhibited for several months in the Palais Royal, offers a useful hint to observers m general. The specimens from England, from the Faroe Islands, from Greenland, and even those from Norway, ‘were arranged separately. ihe a list of the minerals which are found at each place had been added, the representation of each locality would have been complete. The light shed by this short and rapid voyage on every point would, of course, be greatly increased by local observers stationed along the route traced. Science, however, is thankful for any addition, however small, to her ac- quirements. It is a mathematical axiom, “that there is something more valuable than a thousand pieces of gold—that is, a thousand and one pieces of gold.” The physical constitution of Iceland and of Greenland, in the publica- tion under consideration, is discussed in two short articles from master hands. I see nothing in them to dispute, and I may say, nothing to be added, in spite of the axiom just repeated. Honor be rendered tor them to MM. Ferri-Pisani and Chancourtois, both of our polytechnic school. In regard to the ice of Greenland I must remark upon the mournful condition of a land invaded by snow which is perpetual, or which melts only during a very small part of the year. The heat of the sun in sum- mer cannot affect the soil, since its action is absorbed in melting the stratum of frozen water ; and in the cold season, on the contrary, the snow and ice decreasing indefinitely in temperature, t take away from the soil even the small amount of heat it may have retained. Thus, for example, in the Auvergne Mountains I have found places where the ground was perpetually frozen even when free from snow. The small “streams of water just under the soil were at a temperature about zero, and at a certain depth they were even colder. Thus, also, during the constant night of an aretic winter the ice which covers the unfortunate country of Greenland, decreasing constantly in temperature, transmits its caidaeed to the adjacent soil; whereas in melting under the oblique and feeble rays of the summer ‘sun, its temper ature never rises above zero, and the soil therefore receives no heat above zero, while the cold which has been transmitted to it may have been fifty or sixty degrees below that of the melting ice. Surround a thermometer with ice and place it alternately for an hour in a place twenty degrees above and then in a place twenty degrees below zero, and you will ‘find the mean will be below zero. The experiment may be made more conveniently with wax, spermaceti, or a stearine candle, and by the selection of two places, one above and the other below the melting point of the substance employed. If a naked bulb thermometer is used, the two effects will be exactly counter- balanced. The action of the interior of the earth upon its exterior envelope—a fact fully established by Humboldt—is brought into full light by the geo- iogical notices of the voyage. If we add to the igneous tuid, the exist- EE THE NORTHERN SEAS. 293 ence of which is admitted by all the world, the circumstance indicated by Laplace, namely, that the interior fluid below the lava upon which floats the continents is in a state of an elastic liquid, that it is a kind of com- pact gas, having for measure of its immense elasticity at the center the weight of half the thickness of the globe, all mechanic: al difficulties disap- pear. The erosive action of steam and of gases is admirably treated in these notices of the voyage. Asto the supposition formerly entertained, that steam might have raised the beds of continents, this could only have taken place when the thickness of the solidified er ust was equivalent in weight to fourteen or fifteen hundred atmospheres; that is to say, to the maximum tension of steam. So that when the solid envelope was more than six kilometres (4 miles) in depth it could no longer be ruptured by the subterranean steam. We now know that this envelope is more than fifty or sixty feet in thickness. I have recently received from the royal astronomer of Scotland, Mr. Piazzi Smith, son of the admiral who has rendered that name so illustrious, a series of admirable photographs of the lava of the peak of Teneriffe. We still seem to see here in these excoriated masses the effect of the corrosive gases driven out by the laboratory of volcanic action, through the fissures formed by the trem- bling of the earth. In relation to these terrestrial convulsions, produced by chemical action, we involuntarily recall the death of Pliny, suffocated in the dense gaseous eruption of Vesuvius, in the first century of our era. I leave with regret the picture of the primeval world given in one of the scientific notices. If this excellent article were developed it would make two fine volumes. The technical words, even, are rendered intel- ligible. It shows us the earth progressing in form in proportion as it cools, and pictures the ulterior forms of things. Et rerum paulatim sumere formas. It contains a representation—a very good one, I should think—of the mode of action of the great geyser of Iceland, so closely observed by M. Descloizeaux, which from time to time hurls into the air a column of boiling water "equal in diameter to the orifice of the pits of a large mine, and in height to the towers of Notre Dame. Banks and Solander cooked their fish init. The merry band of Prince Napoleon, sobered no doubt by a ride of several hours on the gallop in the rain, followed by a bivouac in damp clothing, with the exception of a punch made of the boiling water, indulged in none of the eccentricities suggested by solemn British phlegm. Our Frenchmen found at the geyser a tourist, a young Lord Dufferin, with his tent, who had been waiting several days for one of the paroxysms of the volcanic well. Itseems the arrival of our travelers decided the geyser; the fountain of boiling water shot up into the air higher than could be measured by the eyes of the spectators, who were stationed too near. The drawing of this beautiful phenomenon em- bellished the public exhibition in. the Palais Royal. ‘Can it be cor- rect?” asked the visitors, who examined this accurate crayon sketeh. In specifying what a gey ser is, according to the theory which Captain Ferri- Pisani offers in regard to this voleanic eruption, I cannot do better than compare it to an enormous manoscope of water, above the boiling point, when hurled into the air by the subterranean steam produced by the voleanic fires. Happily it falls directly back into the tube from whence it was momentarily expelled. After this excursion a bill of 220 franes had to be paid for the grass eaten by the hundred horses of the cavaleade. Grass is very rare and very dear in Iceland. But I must confine myself to scientific facts. 294 THE NORTHERN SEAS. In connection with Iceland and the voleanic world, I may as we'l explain here the formation of Fingal’s Cave, of which my readers have probably seen numerous engravings. In this deep grotto, which is entered by a boat, immense basaltic columns rise to the right and left of the explorer to a great height, and support a roof formed of the /pendant remains of similar columns. The theory of the formation of this natural curiosity is not more complicated than that of our ordinary eaverns. In the latter the primitive disturbance of the locality raised the rocky mass in one unbroken piece, except at the part corresponding to the mouth of the cave. There the stratum of rock disturbed did not follow the part lifted up, and a separation consequently ensued between the portion raised and that remaining in place. This isso evidently the case that. traces may be found by close, examination of the former juncture of the rock forming the floor of the grotto, and that of its roof; corresponding creases and salient points in each attest their former union. Now suppose the same operation to take place in a locality covered with the beautiful basaltic columns formed by the contraction and solidification of the primeval lava. If while the larger part of the colonnade was elevated, a portion refused to follow the general move- ment, a cavity would be formed, the upper parts of the immobile col- umns would form the roof, and the lower parts which retained their original position would constitute the floor of the cave. Caverns of this kind exist in the sides of the basaltic hills, disturbed by the action of the ancient volcanoes of Auvergne. In most eases, as in the cave, or rather the caves of Fingal, for there are several of them, the basaltic rock attained its greatest elevation immediately back of the opening of the grotto, which is consequently higher in front than at the back. Open moderately the long jaws of a hunting dog, and his beautiful teeth above and below will give a very good idea of the divided trunks of the basaltic columns forming the ceiling and pavement of the grotto, while his two fangs, extending from jaw to jaw, represent very well the columns which have remained intact, and support the vault formed by those which have been separated into two parts. The theory in regard to the fossil wood of Iceland, as given in the exposition of the voyage of La Reine Hortense, appears to me well worthy of confidence, and, as usual, one truth leads to another. If, for example, we admit that this wood was brought to the island by marine currents, the various elevations at which it is found may afford a valuable indication of the rising of the ground. The report of the expedition is silent in regard to the rising of the Faroe Islands. When- ever a good measure is initiated by an expedition it finds continuators, and science is as much benefited by the work induced, as by that actually accomplished. Natural philosophy does. not lack encourage- ment and appreciation, and it pays in renown every attempt to assist its progress. It has been said science has no special public, but the same may be said of the pulpit and the bar. Trance ought not to forget that she is the Areopagus of glory. “IfI dared,” said Frederick the Great in a letter to Maupertuis, on the 12th of March, 1750, “I would say confidently to you Frenchmen what Alex-: ander said to the Athenians: What pains I take to be praised by you!” It is evident from the nautical report that if La Reine Hortense was not crushed by the ice, it was not the fault of the temerity of the navi- gators, which was counteracted, it is true, by a most active and judi- cious supervision. The poor Saxon, which carried supplies of coal, did not escape as well. She suffered from the touch of a very gentle ice- berg. Happily she was not utterly destroyed. I congratulate myself THE NORTHERN SEAS. 295 upon having remonstrated with the expedition upon the imprudence of such a cruise along the fast ice, which always produces fog. Howeve, our mariners, more skillful even than imprudent, have returned, and given us a beautiful volume, which does not contain the half of what they could tell us. One thing is to be regretted, that is, the small num- ber of soundings taken. The question of transatlantic communication by means of a submarine telegraph renders very important the deter- mination of the depth of localities where the cable may be laid. The depths measured were generally great. Another voyage, that of an American, a visit to the people of the north, would deserve more than a simple mention of it by me if science held in it a more prominent place. Mr. Brace’s book possesses the rare advantage of being written by a tourist who saw more than the inside of inns. He sought the people at home, to borrow a word from the title of his book. It is interesting to view the Scandinavian country through the eyes of a citizen of the United States, and I repeat that the author has brought us more than any other in contact with the people of every grade. “Paris seen in eight days” is the title of the guide- book given to strangers. Could anything be more absurd? Between an excursion to Versailles and an exhibition at the Royal Theater, we receive a visit from an English family, out of health, but with a fearful amount of curiosity to satisfy. After a few words about their over- whelming fatigue, they set out again to see more, if seeing it can be called. An English tourist is reported to have said to a compatriot, on coming out of the picture gallery of the Louvre, “Ah! my friend, what an admirable collection; I have taken an hour to see it, and you know I walk fast.” But joking aside, Mr. Brace’s work deserves to be trans- lated into French. It possesses all that can be favorably said of a book of travels. The number of those who publish works of this kind is to that of real observers, as the number of true poets is to that of mere verse-makers. Let us now conclude this review of the voyage of La Reine Hortense. The captain of the vessel, and the officers supporting him, under the direction of the head of the expedition, have given proof ofa high degree oi genius for arctic exploration. France should not allow such talent to be dormant. We know in what estimation Napoleon the First held lucky men; he considered them especially skillful. Now our mariners were very lucky and also very skillful. Their ability ought to be employed, and that in the line of their specialty. See what a very interesting region remains to be explored. In entering into the glacial sea on our meridian, but on the other side of the world, which is at noon when we are at midnight, through Beh- ring’s Strait, we find, by ascending to the north and west, in the Siberian Seas, a basin extending to the islands called New Siberia, which has been but little explored. It is here that from time immemorial the race analogous to the Esquimaux of Europe and America have sought, every winter, the antediluvian ivory which rolls upon our billiard boards, in conjunction with that of the contemporaneous elephants of Asia and Atrica. ‘These islands were the catacombs of the primitive animal world. I had hoped that Prince Demidoff, who promised us an expedition by land to Siberia, would have given us the key to this great enigma of nature; but a maritime expedition would be much more efficacious... An especial commission should be sent to Nijney-Kolymsk and the island discovered by Liakof in 1770. Something ought to be added to the knowledge obtained in 1804 of the mammoth preserved intact by the cold.. Treasures of organic archeology are hidden in the three or four 296 THE NORTHERN SEAS. islands of the group mentioned. If, according to M. Guizot, seconded by Mr. Airy, France is the pioneer of science, she ought not to be igno- rant of what it is in her power to know. J have not noticed various questions concerning the aurora borealis, terrestrial magnetism, gravity, and physical geography, which this ex- pedition might solve, and I ask pardon for not having given these sug- gestions as those of MM. Duperrey and Petit-Thouars, whose names would have much more weight than my own; but in the domain of science the sovereign empire is that of truth. One curious fact among the observations of La Reine Hortense I omitted to mention, which is, that in the arctic seas visited the magnetic needle, which here points to the north, turned to the west, or even worse than that. M. Duperrey should be furnished with the means of publishing his magnetic charts, which extend to 1860, and of thereby giving to the twentieth century, now so near, data for which not only that but centuries to come will be grateful. REPORT ON THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND OF NAT- URAL HISTORY OF GENEVA, FROM JUNE, 1868, TO JUNE, 1869. By Dr. H. C. LOMBARD. [Zranslated for the Smithsonian Institution from the memoirs of the society: Geneva, 1869.] Tam about to perform the last act of the presidency with which my highly respected colleagues have been pleased to honor me, by render- ing an account of our transactions and of the changes which have occurred in our society during the academical year which now draws to an end. Death, that visitor who is almost always unlooked for, has robbed us of several members, emeriti or honorary. In the first category, we recall M. Isaac Macaire, who, after being long one of our mem mbers in ordinary, was, at his own request, classed in the number of the emeriti. In the second category, or that of honorary members, we have to record three individuals whose labors have contributed gre eatly to extend the boundaries of the natural and physical sciences, and whom we had the honor to number among our correspondents. I speak of MM. Von Mar- tius, Matteucci, and Forbes. But if our ranks have sustained some losses, the vacancies thus left have been promptly filled, not, indeed, by savants already numbered, like the honorary members just named, in the first class, with whom our new colleagues would not excuse me for instituting a comparison, but by four members in ordinary, most of them young, and bearing names endeared to us by more than one title. One of these, Professor De La Harpe, already an adjunct of the society under the title of associate, became a member in ordinary in the course of the winter, after having read an original essay on a question of mathematics. Of the three others, who are still of an age which promises a longer career than remains for most of us, one has taken, after several years interval, the place of a colleague regretted by each of us. It is with great satisfaction, therefore, that we have enrolled in our society a second Dr. Jean Louis Prevost, devoted, like his prede- cessor, to the researches of experimental physiology. The second of our young members, M. Ernest Favre, in taking his place among us, renews the tradition of those geological researches which earned an honored name for his father, Professor Alphonse Favre. Finally, if the last of our young members, M. Edouard Sarasin, has no direct ascendants in the cultivation of the sciences, he numbers warm friends in those pur- suits, who will aid him in opening a path of his own in the physico-chem- ical studies to which he has earnestly devoted himself. After this sammary review of our losses and acquisitions, let us recur to the former and brietly recount the labors of those whom death has removed from us. M. Isaac Francois Macaire was born, in 1796, at Geneva, where he fulfilled the customary circle of academic studies. He succeeded his father as pharmaceutist, and availed himself of that circumstance to apply more especially to chemistry and the natural sciences. We need not recall here the obligations of chemistry to the laboratories of phar- 298 SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. macy; it is sufficient to name Scheele and Sir Humphrey Davy. Our late colleague found, in Pyrame De Candolle, Gaspard De La Rive, and Alexander Marcet, friends and enlightened counsellors, by whom the first steps of his scientific career were greatly facilitated. Received, when very young, as a member of our society, (1821,) he furnished fre- quent communications, which were printed in the Annales de Chimie et de Physique or in the Bibliotheque Universelle. His first essays were chiefly directed to the analysis of minerals and to researches in vegeta- ble physiology, in connection with which he gave especial attention to the autumnal coloration of leaves. His inquiry respecting the phospho- rescence of the lampyris or glow-worm was widely noticed, as was also a memoir relative to the action of poisons on sensitive plants, which formed a sequel to the analogous researches of M. Franck Marcet. In conjunction with the latter, Macaire conducted many interesting invest?- gations on the composition of organic substances and on certain special questions in chemistry. Named, in 1836, adjunct professor of medical chemistry, he gave at the academy a course of toxicology, as he had previously given courses on applied chemistry, before the Society of Arts, of which he was a member from 1830. He was, in addition, one of the most assiduous collaborators of the Bibliotheque Univer selle, for which he prepared numerous scientific articles, as well original as bib- liographieal. Summoned in the midst of his sciéntifie career to take part in the state councils, he yet found time, notwithstanding his many administra- tive occupations, to cultivate his favorite science. Isaac Macaire be- longed to that generation of savants, daily diminishing in number, who were the first pupils of the distinguished professors ‘by whom Geneva was adorned during the early years of the restoration, and who, conse- quently, bore a part in the awakening of the scientific movement of that era. The sacred fire then kindled was guarded by him with all that ardor for science which was the predominant characteristic of the period. He loved to recur to those happy times of his youth when the eminent men whom Geneva then possessed diffused an atmosphere of intellectual good-fellowship which it was grateful to breathe. Of our three honorary members removed by death, the oldest was Dr. Charles Frederic Philippe Von Martius, who was born at Erlangen in 1794, and who became a member of our society in 1821. The name of this celebrated botanist is associated with his great scientific expedition to Brazil and with the publication of numerous and highly esteemed works which have largely extended our knowledge of the flora of the tropical regions. After having traversed the most remote parts of that vast empire and ascended the River Amazon to the frontiers of Peru, M. Von Martius, in company with M. Von Spix, transmitted to Kurope ‘the rich collections now deposited in the royal museum of Munich. ‘The premature death of M. Von Spix threw the whole burden of editing and publishing this scientific exposition on M. Von Martius; hence he was obliged to call to his assistance several collaborators and, among others, our fellow-countryman, M. Agassiz, who thus led the way, by the de- seription of the fishes of Brazil, to that more prcfound knowledge of this immense empire which he has acquired in a more recent expedition; an expedition in which every facility for his studies as a naturalist was placed at his disposal by the liberality of the authorities of the country, no less than by the pecuniary aid of a wealthy citizen of the United States. But what has earned a distinguished name for Von Martius, besides his analytical genius, his admirable descriptions, his spirit of general- EE —— eS SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. 299 ization, are three great works, any one of which would have sufficed to confer celebrity as a botanist. The Nova genera et species plantarum Brasiliensium forms three volumes in folio, illustrated by three hundred plates executed with great care. The Historia naturalis palmarwn is also composed of three volumes in folio, embellished with two hundred and forty-five plates, mostly colored, and some of them representing jandscapes which show, together with the aspect of certain palms, the part which they fulfil in the vegetation of different countries. Lastly, the Flora brasiliensis, a work also in folio, embellished with plates, has reached its sixteenth volume, and will be continued under the care of Dr. Eichler and the auspices of the Brazilian government. Such are a few of the works of M. Von Martius. It will be understood from this very incomplete enumeration why I felt authorized to say just now that our society was honored by counting so distinguished a botanist in the number of its honorary members. M. Von Martius was permitted to continue his scientific labors to a very advanced age, retaining to the last the vivacity of his mind and that love of study which enabled him to accomplish so many valuable labors. But it has been our privilege to appreciate in the savant.the man of kind feelings as well as shrewd observation through the extracts which Professor De Candolle has communicated to us from his letters, in which humor dis- putes the palm with originality, while he expresses his thoughts some- times in French, sometimes in Latin; commencing a phrase in one of those languages and finishing it almost without transition in the other. M. Von Martius breathed his last December 13, 1868, at the age of seventy-five years, encircled with the esteem of his fellow-citizens and the respect of the botanists of all countries. The career of Carlo Matteucci was shorter, for he died at the age of fifty-seven years, when a long continuance of his scientific and admin- istrative labors seemed still to await him. Devoted, like his predeces- sors and compatriots, Galvani, Volta, Nobili and Melloni, to the study of electrical phenomena, Matteucci communicated a strong impulse to the science which he cultivated with so much zeal. From the first, the chemical phenomena of voltaic. electricity attracted his attention, and he demonstrated, in 1835, that the interior chemical work of the pile is equivalent to its exterior work. He studied successively the propa- gation of electricity in liquids, whether in a state of, continuity or separated into compartments by metallic diaphragms. But it was espe- cially by his researches on animal electricity that the name of Matteucci was rendered illustrious; researches which, first directed to the torpedo and the electrogenous apparatus of that fish, which he discovered to be under the influence of the fourth cerebral lobe, were afterward extended to other electrical animals, resulting in the detection of the curious phenomenon designated by him as inducted contraction. These researches in electro-physiology had led M. Matteucci to recognize, not only in electric animals, but in all others, a muscular current whose direction and intensity he made the subject of exact study. Otven in conflict. as regards these delicate inquiries, with a German savant, M. Dubois- Raymond, he was under the necessity of greatly varying his experi- ments in order to arrive at a clearer demonstration of the phenomena which served as a basis for his Treatise on the electro-physiological phe- nomena of animals, published in 1844, and his Course of electro-physi- ology, published in 1857. The death which we are thus called to record is that of an eminent physiologist no less than distinguished physicist. His name was enrolled in our society in 1834, and most of us preserve a lively recollection of his kindliness of manner and of the judicious ¢ 300 SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. remarks with which he accompanied the reading of the memoirs at the sessions in which we had the pleasure of meeting him. At the mention of Professor James David Forbes we find ourselves in some sort at home, since, besides not a few investigations in pure physics, a great part of the researches of this learned Scotchman had for their object our mighty Alps, with the glaciers which cover their summits and descend into their valleys. It was from’ no superficial inspection that Forbes described the geology of these mountains and the movement of the glaciers; like de Saussure, upon whose labors he seems to have modeled his own, he has given us his Travels in the Alps, founded upon very numerous exenr sions, as stated by himself in a pre- face written in 1843: ‘It was my privilege to receive, in earliest youth, the most vivid impressions from the contemplation of mountain scenery, and I have renewed those impressions in after-life, by traversing the chain of the Alps twenty-seven times by twenty three different passes, and exploring all the lateral valleys of the great central group of Europe.” It was through these multiplied excursions, which were repeated nearly every year since 1543, that. Forbes was enabled to deduce his theory of the movement of glaciers, which he compares to a river descending slowly into the valley. But his explorations were not limited to the Alps; they were extended to the volcanic regions, both ancient and recent, ‘of the Gulf of Naples and of Ardeéche, as well as to the glaciers and fiords of Norway. Unhappily, the first germs of consumption were developed in his system during these last-mentioned excursions; and it was this disease which conducted him to the tomb, December 31, 1868, at the age of fifty-nine years, after long sufferings, partially alleviated by intervals of comparative good health. Professor Forbes was a member of our society from the year 1833. He was often present at our sittings, giving us the earliest fruits of the observations which he had just made in the neighboring Alps and com- municating them to the public through the medium of ‘the Bibliotheque Universelle, as well as the scientific “collections of his native country. Some idea of the great intellectual activity of one who died when still in the flower of his age may be formed from the fact that his biographer, M. Reikie, has recorded the titles of one hundred and forty-two works or memoirs which he had published; of these I shall cite but one as specially interesting us, namely, a biographic notice of our colleague, Professor Necker. After these biographical and administrative details let us pass to the proper labors of our society, and commence with the physical and math- ematical sciences. § 1—ASTRONOMY. Professor Gautier has continued to make the society acquainted with the progress of astronomy, and particularly with that remarkable class of recent investigations to which the employment of the spectral method has given rise. ‘The observations of the eclipse of the 18th of August, 1868, as well as the study of the constitution of the sun, and other ce- lestial bodies, have formed the subject of the greater part of his com- munications. M. Soret has also occupied our attention with the chem- ical composition of the solar atmosphere, the exterior strata of which seem to contain only hydrogen and not a multiplicity of gases or vapors, a fact which has been brought forward by certain persons as an objec- tion to the theory by which M. Kirchoff has explained the black stripes SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. 301 of the spectrum. But if it be admitted that in an assemblage of gases each of them may act singly, it would follow that the atmosphere of hy- drogen, by reason of the feeble specific gravity of that gas, must ex- tend much further than those of the other vapors, and form, consequently, the exterior envelope of the sun. § 2.— METEOROLOGY. Professor Gautier read to us an extended notice on the fourth year of the thermometric and pluviometric observatrons made at the seventy Swiss meteorological stations, and also on some other analogous labors of MM. Wolf, Plantamour, Marguet, Hirsch, Fretz, &c. This notice, forming a sequel to those which M. Gautier had drawn up on the first three years of observation, has been published in the number of the Ar- chives des sciences physiques et naturelles tor November, 1868. The meteorology of different regions has formed the subject of some interesting communications. Professor Marcet has related to us his im- pressions regarding the climate of Egypt, where he had resided for sev- eral months. He was especially struck, in ascending the Nile, at the excessive differences which exist between the maxima and minima, according to the hours of the day. In the month of January it was very difficult to support the heat of the sun at 27°, (80° F.,) or even at 22° or 23° (72° or 73° F.) Thisis referable, doubtless, to the extreme dryness of the air. It scarcely ever rains, in fact, in Upper Egypt and Nubia. The assertion of Herodotus that it had not rained at Thebes since the time of Psammetichus, that is to say during five centuries, is, no doubt, exaggerated, but it is not the less true that rain is extremely rare in those countries. The dragoman of Mr. Marcet had seen rain fall but once in fifteen or sixteen years. The radiation produces an extreme coldness at the rising of the sun. It.appears that at Ismaila, where many plantations have been formed since labor was commenced on the canal of Suez, it rains more frequently than of old. In higher Egypt and Nubia the sky is almost always clear. M. Mar cet observed clouds, but he believes that it was a misty appearance pro- duced by the Kamsin. A summary of meteorological observations made at Hayti during five years was communicated to us by Professor Gautier; the extremes of temperature observed in that space of time were 15°, 5°, and 38°, (6°, 41°, and 100° F.) M. Gautier has received the commencement of ob- servations made, at his instance, on the coast of Labrador by the Mo- ravian missionaries, to whom he had sent thermometers prepared and regulated at Geneva. Professor Plantamour recounted to us the anomalies of temperature observed at Geneva during the month of December, 1868. The mean was 79.14, (45° F.;) being 69.14 (43° F.) higher than for the previous forty-three years. During that period there had been but two months of March and a single November in which the temperature was higher, So high a temperature had not been experienced for any month of Feb- ruary, nor «@ fortiori of January, but, again, there had been six Aprils in the same series of years which were colder. There fell in December 155 millimetres (6 inches) of water, a quantity-greater than that of all the years since 1826, with the exception of 1841. According to M. Wolf, of Zurich, the quantity of water collected at several stations of East Switzerland, especially at those of considerable elevation, from the middle of September to the end of October, 1867, exceeded a metre, and cases occurred in which the quantity of water falling in the course of 302 SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. twenty-four hours amounted to 30 and 40 centimetres, (12 and 16 inches.) The inundations occasioned by falls of water so exceptional cannot be attributed solely to the removal of the forests from the mountains, how- ever unfavorable such clearings may be. Lastly, mention was made of the shower of mud observed at Naples by Professor Claparede. The clouds, on that day, had a peculiar aspect and seemed to be formed of dust; muddy spots were left on the windows by the drops of rain. Gen- eral Dufour had witnessed at Corfu showers of mud which the inhabit- ants attributed to the wind of Africa. § 3.—MATHEMATICS AND PHYSICS. Pure mathematics has been the subject of but a single memoir, which was read to us by Professor De La Harpe. It is the first part of a trea- tise on the formation of powers, in which the author demonstrates that the higher powers are formed by differences. He gives the formulas designed for the calculation of high powers and designates them by the general name of formula of the monome. This memoir was accompanied by models intended to facilitate the understanding of the demonstrations. The geodesic labors undertaken by Swiss savants have been continued during the year 1868. Professor Plantamour has communicated to us the result of the Swiss levelings, which embrace the whole of the west- ern part from Geneva to Basle. MM. Plantamour and Hirsch have been engaged in determining for the different stations the numbers as referred to the stone of Niton, which serves as the point of departure, while the primitive data simply give the difference of level between two consecu- tive stations. The number of points for which the amounts have been thus established is 626. To that end, it was necessary to make a com- pensation for the errors in the system composed of a series of polygons, each of which ought to be exactly closed. One of the causes of error in a leveling of precision, the influence of which is very considerable in a country so broken as ours, is the variableness in the absolute length of the sights, according to atmospheric circumstances, the temperature, hygrometric state; and, from direct and numerous comparisons, this variation may amount to a ten-thousandth of their length, more or less. M. Plantamour gave an account of observations which he had made during a sojourn of nearly two months at Weissenstein with a view of determining the astronomical co-ordinates of that station. He also read a memoir on the.latitude of the Righi Culm from observations made at that locality in 1867. The latitude was determined as well by the circum- meridian zenithal distances of stars as by observations of their passage in ‘the prime vertical. The number obtained is sensibly greater than that indicated in the triangulation of Switzerland, which had been deduced from the latitude of Berne by the calculation of triangles. The diifer- ence is easily explained by the attraction of the neighboring chain of the Alps situated to the south of the Righi. The effects of lightning on trees have been studied by Professor Col- ladon in the case of sixteen poplars, three oaks, a fir tree, and a vine. The poplars which were struck were seamed with furrows, greatly shat- tered, and stripped of bark and liber in the two lower thirds of the tree, the upper third being most frequently exempt from injury, probably in consequence of the greater conductibility of that portion of the branches and foliage. The poplar of Italy especially attracts lightning, for M. Colladon has seen it struck in preference to neighboring oaks and elms, though the latter were taller than the poplars. The effects of lightning on oaks are very different from those just described: the upper parts SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. 303 are always killed, and one or two furrows may be traced descending from the summit to the soil. To the right and left of the furrow are seen two strips of alburnum deprived of bark, the width of which increases as they approach the ground. The effects of the lightning which fell, on the 17th of July, on a fir tree in the city of Nyon were very remark- able. The stroke was preceded by the appearance of a luminous ball which moved along the surface of the ground at three or four yards from the tree, an electric phenomenon often described by physicists and in particular by Arago. The fir was about 16.50 metres (54 feet) in height. In its upper part the leaves were scorched to the half of their length. The trunk showed no injury in its upper half, but below there were several very deep fissures and ten or twelve brownish and circular spots from 3 to 5 centimetres (1 to 2 inches) broad, where the bark had been removed. The vine struck, in July, 1868, presented a regular cirele of 14 to 15 metres, (45 to 50 feet,) comprising about three hundred and fifty stems, on which nearly all the leaves were mottled with reddish and olive-colored spots. The intensity of this coloration increased on approaching the center. The props were neither burned nor broken. Dr. Miiller, who examined the branches and leaves of the vine-stocks reached by the lightning, found that there was no modification of the cellules in the interior, and that the effect had taken place on the nitro- genized matter, and especially on the cambium. The memoir of M. Colladon was accompanied with designs, samples, and strips of the bark, which greatly contributed to the understanding of the effects of lightning on the trees. Professor De La Rive cited some observations in confirmation of those of M. Colladon. He thinks that the spots observed are analogous to those of every electric dis- charge, and which are also circular. Their appearance would seem referable to the presence on the trunk of some foreign substance. Professor De La Rive communicated to us the result of the observa- tions of M. Wild on the absorbent poweér of light by atmospheric air, and gave us the analysis of the most recent investigations of M. Becque- rel and M. Tyndall om the physical and chemical phenomena of light. He called our attention to the observations which have been made at the observatory of Greenwich on the agreement of magnetic and galvano- metric curves. These curves are nearly identical, the only difference being the following: A point of a curve of the galvanometer always pre- cedes the corresponding point of the curve of the magnetometer. M. Ed. Sarasin communicated the result of his researches on the phosphorescence of rarefied gases after the passage of the electric spark, and particularly on the part borne by oxygen in these phenomena, (Archives, March, 1869.) Professor Marignac detailed his experiments on the heat of the vola- tilization of ammoniacal salts. He has arrived, by prolonged and minute researches, at the conclusion that it is exceedingly probable that the salts of ammonium are, in great part, decomposed into their elements when volatilized, (Archives, November, 1868.) Professor Wartmann, besides several reports on the memeirs pub- lished by other savants, gave an account of two luminous phenomena which he had had an opportunity of observing: First, a magnificent solar spectrum on the surface of the lake, seen on the road from Her- mance, a phenomenon which could only be explained by a refraction fol- lowed by a reflection of the solar rays by the waves; secondly, a lumi- nous vertical column after the setting of the sun. This meteor, of which he published a notice in 1846, is susceptible of explanation by vertical prisms of ice held in suspension in the atmosphere. 304 SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. M. Soret communicated the results of-recent observations on solar radiation, the intensity of which at Geneva during several days of March was very considerable and exceeded that which he had observed in summer at an altitude of 3,000 metres, (10,000 feet.) The same member presented a memoir on the polarization of the blue light from water, which has, under this condition, an almost complete analogy with the light from the sky, (Archives, May, 1869.) § 4.-CHEMISTRY. M. Antoine Morin stated to us the result of his experiments on the alloys of gold, silver, and copper, a subject which intimately concerns our manufactures of jewelry and horology. The most usual alloys are not only compounds but a true chemical combination, notwithstanding the difference of density of the gold and copper. There needs but simple fusion and remelting three or four times to obtain an alloy so homoge- neous that the law allows only a deduction of ;,3,, for those of gold and copper and of 5355 for those of silver and copper. For this there is required a special force, which is chemical affinity, the influence of which is demonstrated by a change in the molecular state of the metals alloyed. In calculating the specific weight of alloys, we find a number greater by an eighth or a ninth than the real density of alloys of gold, and by a sixth or a seventh than the alloys of gold and native silver of Colombia. The difference is insignificant for alloys of silver and copper, but the homogeneity of the ingots is obtained with more difficulty. The augmentation of volume of the metals which enter into the alloys of gold with silver and copper is not the only indication of a chemical com- bination. The proportions which have been adopted in practice for jewelry of 18 and 14 carats are closely approximate to the atomic num- bers which would form combinations of a definite proportion. The hypothesis that there is chemical union, and not simple mixture, seems to be confirmed by the analysis of natural alloys. In most of these the metals are found in quantities corresponding to the exact numbers of equivalents. M. Morin has also been engaged in verifying the cause of the rochage which forms an accident in founding, and which consists in a rupture of the solidified crust of the metal accompanied by a jet of that which is in fusion. He thinks that the rochage is a phenomenon of a chemical nature, as the metal ejected has not the same composition as the rest of the ingot. § 5—GEOLOGY AND PALEONTOLOGY. Professor De La Rive communicated to us a letter of Professor A gas- siz on the existence of ancient glaciers of considerable height and extent in the greater part of North America, particularly in the region of the prairies. Professor Favre described the great moraines which the ancient gla- cier of the Rhine has deposited even in Wiirtemberg. He gave an account, based on the researches of two geologists of Lyons, (MM. Fal- san and Chartre,) of the erratic blocks deposited by the glacier of the Rhone between Geneva and Lyons, of the geological constitution of Mount Cervin, as studied in two successive ascents by M. Giordano, of the discoveries of M. Chartre relative to the question of prehistoric man, &e. He exhibited to us a small erratic block of red porphyry, found in the environs of St. Julien, and, on several occasions, occupied our atten- sion with the remarkable repository of smoky rock-crystals, found at the SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. 305 glacier of Tiefen, near Gallenstock, in the canton of Uri. A fine group of these crystals has been given by Madame Revilliod De La Rive to our new library and will form one of the ornaments of the Revilliod hall. M. Ernest Favre read a memoir on the fossil mollusks of the environs | of Lemberg, in Gallicia. The fossils described were furnished by two principal repositories: Nagorzany and Lemberg. At the latter, the formation is constituted by a very fine and compact calcareous marl, forming a bank which exceeds 145 metres, (476 feet.) The rock of Na- gorzany is a yellow, hard sandstone, in thiek banks, alternating with strata of soft limestone. M. Favre has recognized in his fauna one hun- dred and seventy well-distinguished species ‘of mollusks. The cephalo- pods abound at Nagorzany. They comprise eighteen species, of which the most characteristic is the Belemnitella mucronata. Here also the gasteropods are numerous and varied, amounting to one-half of the fauna. At Lemberg they are represented by only twenty-six small and. scanty species. Of the acephala, forty-six species are found at Lember g and thirty-two at Nagorzany. The brachiopods number eleven species, four of which are common to both localities. The fossil mollusks found in Gallicia: characterize the lower part of the chalk @ Belemnitella mucro- nata, and, consequently, the senonian formation, presenting the greatest analogy with the chalks of Westphalia, Lunebur; g, and the Isle of “Rugen, as well as with the senonian formations of Limburg, Hainault, and the basin of Paris, which all number species common with those of Lemberg g, M. De Loriol presented a memoir which he has recently published i in conjunction with M. Gillieron on the urgonian stratum of Tanderon. The fauna of this stratum forms a transition between that of the neoco- mian and that which characterizes the lower urgonian stratum. This fauna comprises a great number of Spongitaria as well as numerous indi- viduals of a Comatula with single arms, pertaining to the new genus Ophiocrina. § 6.—BOTANY. The most prominent fact which has distinguished our sessions, so far as botany is concerned, has undoubtedly been the liberal donation which Madame Delessert and her two daughters have made to the city of Geneva of the rich and celebrated herbarium of the Baron Francois Delessert. This collection forms one of the twenty or twenty-one largest herba- riums in existence, and it is especially remarkable on account of the great number of specimens described and mentioned by ancient or mo- dern authors. Independently of the types described by Lamarck, La- billardiére, Richard, Palisot, De Beauvais, and others, which are in the general herbarium, it comprises moreover that of the Burmans, which includes the types of the older botanists, especially those of Thunberg and of the Burmans themselves, besides a-herbal of Lapland, collected and named by Linneus. The plants of India, arranged by Wallich, form one of the most extensive collections which exist on the continent. This Delessert herbarium will be found in future in convenient prox- imity with the rich collections of MM. De Candolle and Boissier, which were already of easy access to botanists, so that the one will be com- pleted by the others, thus affording facilities for the most thorough study. It is to M. Alphonse de Candolle; than whom no one can better appre- ciate the importance of this gift to our city, that Iam indebted for the above particulars. It was from him also that the society received, on ‘the authority of a letter from M. De Gelaznow, director of the Agricul. 20s 69 306 SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. tural School of Peter the Great, a statement regarding the large quan- tities in which the white truffle exists in the interior of Russia. _ Dr. Miiller gave an account of the investigations of MM. Bornet and Thuret respecting the fecundation of the Floridee, from which result two exceptional facts in the vegetable kingdom: First. The effect of the male element takes place here on a complete cellule, provided with a cellulose membrane, and not on a protoplasmatic rudimentary cellule. Second. The result of the fecundation does not show itself in the cellule which has received the contents of the antherozoids, the formation of the fruit or cystocarp being produced at some distance in another part of the female individual. To Dr. Miiller also we were indebted for the ex- hibition of specimens of a rare aquatic plant, of a fine rose-purple color, found at Evian on the pebbles at the bottom of a spring of alkaline and slightly ferruginous water. The plant is the Hildebrandtia rosa, var. fluviatilis, Kutz, which, by its fructification as well as color, belongs to the class, almost exclusively maritime, of the Floridez. On this occa- sion the Rev. M. Duby spoke of another alga, which, as observed by Dr. Welwitsch, covers at certain periods with a black crust the rocks on the western coast of Africa. M. Duby read a note, accompanied by plates, on certain species of exotic or little-known cryptogams. He describes fourteen new species, and five but little known, pertaining to seven different genera. Of the new species one comes from the East Indies, three from ‘Brazil, one from New Caledonia, four from Mexico, three from Chili, and two from Aus- tralia. On this occasion M. Duby stated that two new genera which have been introduced seem to be of doubtful authenticity ; . these are the genera Amstremia and Dicraniella, which differ very little from the genus Dicranum. The genus Campilopus has been separated from the genus Dicranum by the two following characters: First, because the capsule is gyrose at the base; second, because the gale of fructification are fimbriated at the base. Other botanists hold these characters to be of no great value, and maintain that in the same genus species are found in which the galea is fimbriate, and others in which it is not so. M. Duby has examined the microscopic vegetables which have covered our lake at certain points and which were presented by M. De Saussure, | on the part of Dr. Forel de Morges. They are grains of chlorophyllum formed in the alge and deposited during rainy seasons on the soil, whence they are borne by the waters to the lake. Dr. Miiller gave an account of a memoir of,M. Schumann on the Desdemiacew of the high Tatra. The extraordinary warmth of the month of December, 1868, occasioned in the month of February, 1869, the florescence wholly exceptional of forty-six different species which have been observed in our environs by M. Reuter. § 7. ZOOLOGY—PHYSIOLOGY. Madame Delessert and her daughters have merited our gratitude not alone by the gift of the valuable herbarium already mentioned, but by the rare collection of shells with which they have enriched our museum, and which will be one of the finest ornaments of our future academic buildings. This collection has not only the merit of being very rich in remarkable specimens, but possesses a special scientific - value in hay- ing served as a basis for the labors of Lamarck, who himself named most of the shells then existing in the Delessert collection. The entire donation has arrived without accident in our city and been deposited provisionally in the municipal school of Saint Gervais. Two of our SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. 307 members, MM. De Loriol and Lunel, had repaired to Paris in order to superintend the packing and transportation. M. De Saussure presented us a memoir which he has just completed on the Orthoptera of the museum of Geneva. The author thinks that there has been an error heretofore in the appreciation of the segment in the Blatte described as the first abdominal segment, and that this segment pertains to the thorax. This opinion is not shared by M. Claparede, who has often observed the soldering of certain segments, and who points out the difficulty of determining in dried insects whether the segments are severed or not. M. De Saussure has, moreover, favored us with a view of sundry specimens of Phasoni, which have no defense against their natural enemies, and only escape by a complete immobility, which causes them to exactly resemble twigs of dead wood. Professor Claparede read to us an interesting memoir on the Zwmbrici, which will be printed in the Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Zoologie. He communicated the recent discovery of an Italian savant who has recog- nized in the coloring matter furnished by an Annelid of the Gulf of Na- ples the chemical product lately detected in coal and designated by the name of Aniline. He has verified the presence of the same coloring principle in the Floridee and in the Murex brandaris ; it was this latter mollusk which supplied the ancients with their purple. M. de Candolle presented a paper of M. Reinsch, inspector of mines at Gotha, who states that he has recognized microscopic organic remains, both animal and vegetable, in certain granitic rocks which have been reputed until now to be of an igneous or eruptive nature. In connec- tion with this subject, Dr. Miiller mentioned a phenomenon which has some analogy with the preceding; the existence, namely, of organized living creatures in the water of the geysers of California, at a tempera-. ture of 95°, (202° Fahrenheit.) M. De Saussure gave an account of researches into the deep-sea faunas, which M. De Pourtales, who accompanied M. Agassiz in his voyage to. Brazil, has recently published. Dr. William Marcet communicated his inquiries into the anesthetic effects of the inhalation of protoxide of nitrogen. He thinks this gas. by no means entitled to the name of exhilarating. The ancesthesis is ob- tained in a very marked manner when the gas is respired for one or two minutes, but it does not continue beyond two minutes ; after which every unpleasant symptom ceases completely. If, however, the inhala- tion be unduly prolonged, syncope and very serious accidents supervene. Dr. Sharpey, of London, who was present at the sitting, confirmed these’ results; he was confident that the inhalation of the gas for two min- utes at most is completely exempt from danger, and consequently very useful for short operations, such as the extraction of a tooth. But itis very hazardous to prolong the inhalation beyond two minutes. The president of the society recounted the results of a scientifie in- vestigation, at which he had assisted, having for its object the employ- ment of protoxide of nitrogen as an anestheticagent. The recognition of its properties as such was unanimous, and its harmlessness, provided the inhalation be not prolonged, was likewise admitted. But its em- ployment was proscribed if the operation should require more than one or two minutes. The persons treated after this method in the presence of Dr. Lombard, presented no grave symptom nor any acceleration of the pulse or respiration. The insensibility appeared to be complete, judging from the representations of those upon whom the operation was performed and who were interrogated with care by several physicians who assisted in the experiments. 308 SOCIETY OF PHYSICS AND NATURAL HISTORY OF GENEVA. Dr. Prevost communicated to us his researches in experimental physi- ology relative to the seat of the sense of smell. This memoir has been published in the March number (1869) of the Archives des sciences phy- sigues et naturelles. He also made us acquainted with the experiments which he had performed at Paris and Berlin in the extirpation of the spheno-palatine ganglion, an operation which, in the opinion of Dr. Schiff, must suppress the sense of taste in the anterior part of the tongue. The experiments in question gave, however, a negative result. M. Prevost also recalled the experiments of Dr. Waller on the atrophy of the peripheral nerves when separated from the central trunk. )))> iy Sopp 0.09 fo saroufo 9 z : CAg viayonan qurod, aan X e = Am o ur Nh Dunof saga 1 ifr pup ee ation | f 2 / eg 1°) B.pt020» ; Bo lune Uda "2 Diovan, aura && 2 OKO > A, O$ om? (eer : aD ilaprqumy YONT £0.07 2 pouwnyyD OpvuUoloy SOTA JO OTROS 00% 081 ONT OFT OZI ONT 08 09 OF 0% 0 OT Si aie i pepr wo} tpomenppre Y -——* Ws lg = ,) Ns ‘ cu ve va u mi ne ; | bd CORONADO’S MARCH IN SEARCH OF THE “SEVEN CITIES OF CIBOLA” AND DISCUSSION OF THEIR PROBABLE LOCATION. By Brevet Brigadier General J. H. Smuupson, Colonel of Engineers, U. S. A, The early Spanish explorations in Mexico in search of the “‘ seven cities of Cibola” have always been of great interest to students of American history. Recent publications have drawn my attention anew to the vast geographical field embraced in the toilsome march of Vasquez de Coronado and his adventurous followers, and, having in years past been engaged officially in the United States service in exploring that remote region, I have been tempted to reinvestigate the grand enterprise of the Mexican government in 1540, and venture to offer the following essay as an expression of my well-considered views, derived, in early life, from observation of the field itself, and confirmed by careful study of all the authorities within my reach. Besides this, friends, in whose opinion I trust, believe’ that my reconnoissances of a large part of the country traversed by Coronado and his followers give me some advantages in the discussion of this subject over other investigators, who have not been favored by personal inspection and scientific location of the important points embraced in the adventurers’ march, so that I now submit my conclusions with less diffidence than I should have done had I not re- ceived in advance their cordial encouragement. I must acknowledge my indebtedness to the library of the Peabody Institute of this city, to the library of the Historical Society of Mary- land, and to the private library of the president of this last-mentioned society, Colonel Brantz Mayer, all of which have been thrown open to me in my researches. I must also express my particular obligations to Colonel Mayer for the very valuable aid he has afforded me in the pre- paration of this article, by the use of his excellent translation (yet in manuscript) of Ternaux Compans’ version of the “ Relation du Voyage de Cibola,” entrepris en 1540, par Pédro de Castaiieda de Nagera,” pub- lished in Paris in 1838. The arrangement of the following essay is, first, a brief narrative of the march of Coronado from the city of Mexico to the “‘ seven cities of Cibola” and the province of Quivira, together with an account of the ex- peditions of his subordinate officers, naval and military; and second, the discussion of the subject of the location of the important places visited in the several expeditions; and, in order to a clear understanding of the text, I accompany.it with a map, for which, under my direction as to details of route, I am indebted to Mr. N. H. Hutton, civil engineer, whose knowledge of New Mexico and Arizona, derived from his associa- tion with Generals Whipple and Parke, as assistant engineer, in their explorations in New Mexico and Arizona in 1853-756, has been of mate- rial service to me. In the year 1530, Nuno de Guzman, president of New Spain, was in- formed by his slave,an Indian, from the province of Tejos, situated somewhere north from Mexico, that in his travels he had seen cities so large that they might compare with the city of Mexico; that these 310 ) CORONADO’S MARCH. cities were seven in number, and had streets which were exclusively oc- cupied by workers in gold and silver; that to reach them a journey of forty days through a desert was required; and that travelers pene- trated the interior of that region by directing their steps northwardly between the two seas. Nuno de Guzman, confidently relying on this information, organized an army of four hundred Spaniards and twenty thousand Indian allies of New Spain,* and set out in search of these seven wonderful cities; but, after reaching the province of Culiacan, he encountered such great difficulties on account of the mountains he had to cross that he aban- doned the enterprise, and contented himself with colonizing the prov- ince of Culiacan. ‘ In the mean time, the Tejos Indian who had been his guide dying, the seven cities remained only known by name, till about eight years after- ward, when there arrived in Mexico three Spaniards named Alvar Nuiiez Cabeca de Vaca, Andrés Dorantes, and Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, accompanied by an Arabian negro named Estevanico, (Ste- phen.)t These persons had been wrecked with the fleet which Pam- ~ * Gastaiieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans’ Collections, Paris, 1838, p. 2. Hakluyt, quoting from a letter written by the Viceroy Antonio de Mendoga to the Emperor Charles V, says: ‘“Nufio de Guzman departed out of the city of Mexico with 400 horsemen and 14,000 Indians.” (Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. ili, p. 436, new ed. London, 1810.) + This is according to Castaiieda’s account ; but according to that of Cabeca de Vaca, Ternaux Compans’ Collections, these persons arrived in New Spain in 15386, or six in- stead of eight years after Nuno de Guzman’s expedition. Their adventures were so remarkable I cannot refrain from saying something about them : Pamphilo de Narvaez sailed from the West Indies early in 1528, with four hundred men, eighty horses, and four ships, for the purpose of exploring the country of Florida, of which he had been made goverrror. He seems to have reached the harbor of Santa Cruz (supposed to be Tampa Bay) in April of that year, and on the Ist May debarked with three hundred men, forty of whom were mounted, for the purpose of exploring the interior of the country. His course was northwardly, and generally parallel to the coast. On the 26th June he reached an Indian town called Apalache, where he tarried twenty-five days. He then journeyed in nine days to a place called Aute. Continuing his course thence westwardly for several days, his men became so dispirited from finding no gold, and on account of the rough treatment of the natives, that they returned to Aute, where, hearing nothing of their ships, which had been ordered to coast along with them and await their arrival at some good harbor, they constructed five small boats, in which two hundred and fifty of the party (all who had not died or been killed by the natives) embarked, steering along the coast westwardly for Panuco, on the coast of Mexico. At length they reached the mouth of a river, the current of which was so strong as to prevent their making headway against it, and whose fresh water was carried out some distance into the gulf. About seven days after, while making their way with great difficulty westwardly, the boat commanded by Cabega de Vaca was cast on an island, called by them Malhado, (Misfortune.) A day or two after this Cabeca de Vaca’s boat and all the others were capsized in a storm off the island of Malhado, except that of the governor of Narvaez, which seems to have drifted out to sea, and, with its crew, was never afterward heard of. Those of the party that were not drowned remained on the island of Malhado and main land adjacent for six years, and endured from the Indians, who had enslaved them, the greatest indignities. From this cause, and from starvation and cold, the greater portion of them died. At length four of them, (those mentioned in the text above,) all that probably survived, escaped from their bondage, taking in their flight a northern course, toward the mountains, probably, of Northern Alabama. Thence their course was westwardly across the Mississippi (which was doubtless “‘ the great river coming from the North,” spoken of by Cabeea) and Arkansas rivers, to the headwaters of the Canadian, which they seem to have crossed just above the great cation of that river, (where Coronado crossed it in his outward route to Quivira, of which more in the sequel;) thence southwestwardly through what is now New Mexico and Arizona to Culiacan, in Old Mexico, near the Pacific Coast, which they reached in the spring of 1536. (See narra- tive of Alvar Nufiez Cabeea de Vaca, translated by Buckingham Smith, Washington, 1851; and, in confirmation of the above specified crossing of the Canadian River, “The Relations of Castafieda, by Ternaux Compans,” p. 120.) - ; Mr. Albert Gallatin, in his essay, vol. 2, pp. 56,57, Transactions of American Ethno- CORONADO’S MARCH. Sit philo de Narvaez had conducted to Florida, and after crossing the country from one sea to the other had reached Mexico. The tales they told were quite marvelous. They stated to the then viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoga, that they had carefully observed the country through which they had passed, and had been told of great and powerful cities, containing houses of four or five stories, &c. The vice- roy communicating these declarations to the new governor, Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, the latter set out with haste to the province of Culiacan, taking with him thrée Franciscan friars, one of whom, by name Marcos de Ni¢a, in the language of the chronicler Castaneda, was theologian’and priest. As soon as he reached Culiacan he dispatched the three Franciscans, with the negro Stephen before mentioned, on a journey of discovery, with orders to return and report to him all they could ascertain by personal observation of the seven celebrated cities. The monks, not being well pleased with the negro on account of his excessive avarice, sent him in advance to pacify the Indians through whose country he had previously passed, and to prepare the way for the successful prosecution of their journey. Stephen, as soon as he reached the country of the “seven cities of Cibola,” demanded, as Castatieda says, not only their wealth but their women. The inhabitants not relishing this killed him and sent back all the others that had accompanied him, except the youths, whom they retained. The former, flying to their homes, encountered the monks before men- tioned, in the desert sixty leagues from Cibola.* When the holy fathers heard the sorrowful intelligence of the death of Stephen, they became so greatly alarmed that, no longer trusting even the Indians who had accompanied the negro, they gave them all they possessed except the ornaments used in the celebration of the mass, and forthwith returned, by double-days’ journey, without knowing more of the country than the Indians had told them. The monks returning to Culiacan, reported the results of their attempted journey to Coronado, and gave him such a glowing description of all the negro had discovered and of what the Indians had told them, “‘as well as of the islands filled with treasure, which they were assured existed in the Southern sea,”+ that he decided to depart immediately for Mexico, taking with him Friar Mar- cos de Niga, in order that he might narrate all he had seen to the vice- roy. He also magnified the importance of the discovery by disclosing it only to his nearest friends, and by pledging them to secrecy. Arrived at Mexico, he had an interview with the viceroy, and pro- claimed everywhere that he had found “the seven cities” searched for by Nuiio de Guzman, and busied himself with preparing an expedition for their conquest. Friar Marcos having been made, through the infiu- ence of the monks, the provincial of the Franciscans, their pulpits re- logical Society, states that the river referred to above, whose current was so strong and which Narvaez’s party could not stem, was the Mississippi; but this is not the view of Mr. Smith, who has laid down the routes of Narvaez and party as extending no further west than Leaf River, which lies to the eastward of the Mississippi River. His idea, however, that the island of Santa Rosa, at the mouth of Pensacola Bay, was Malhado, I think erroneous, for the reason that Cabecga de Vaca expressly says this island was “half a league broad and five leagues (or seventeen miles) long,” whereas Santa Rosa Island, according to the maps, is as much as forty-seven miles long. It is possible, however, that by accretions the island may,yhave attained this length since Cabeca de Vaca was wrecked upon it. *So says Castafieda; but Marcos de Niga, in his account of his journey, distinctly states that he approached so near the city of Cibola that from a high elevation he could see the houses, and gives quite a particular description of them. (Relation of Friar Marcos de Nica, Ternaux Compans’ Collections, p. 279.) tCastaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 16. 312 CORONADO’S MARCH. sounded with the marvels of discoveries to such an extent that in a few days three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians were assem- bled for the enterprise. Among the former were a great many gentle- men of good family, and probably there never had been an expedition in which there was such a large proportion of persons of noble birth. Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, the governor of New Galicia, was pro- claimed captain general, because he was the author of the discovery, and the Viceroy Mendoca did all he could to foster the enterprise. Believing that if the army marched from the city of Mexico in a body the Indian allies would probably suffer, the viceroy appointed the town of Compostella, capital of New Galicia, one hundred and ten leagues from Mexico, as the place, and Shrove Tuesday, 1540,* the time of ren- dezvous. The troops having left Mexico, he ordered Don Pedro d’Alar- con to depart for La Nativitad, on the coastof the “Southern Sea,” and with two vessels to go to Jalisco to take the supplies which the soldiers could not transport. After performing that duty he was to follow the march of the army along the coast, for it was believed, according to the then received accounts, that the army would never be distant from the vessels, and would always be in easy communication with them by means of the rivers.t All these dispositions having been made, the viceroy departed for Compostella with a large body of gentlefolks. Everywhere he was re- ceived with great éclat, and when he reached Compostella he found the army well lodged and entertained by Christoval VOnate, captain general of that country. He reviewed the troops, by whom he was received with great rejoic- ing, and the next day after mass harangued them. He told them of their duties and of the advantageous result that this conquest would produce, not only on their fortunes, but by the conversion of the nations they would conquer, as well as for the service of his Majesty, who on his side promised them his bounty and additional favors. Finally he caused every one to be sworn on a missal containing the Holy Evangels not to abandon their general and to obey all his commands. The next day the army with banners flying took up the line of march. For two days the viceroy accompanied it, and then returned to Mexico. No sooner, however, had the viceroy left the army than it began to ex- perience all the hardships incident to a wild, mountainous country. The baggage had to be transported on horses, and, as many soldiers had never been accustomed to load them, they made sorry work of it. The consequence was that a great deal of their baggage was abandoned, and in order to get along at all many a gentleman had to become a mule- teer, and they who shirked from this necessary labor were regarded by their companions as lacking spirit. Coronado arriving at Chiametta with his army, met at that point Captains Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldibar, who with a dozen reso- lute men, by Coronado’s orders, had explored the country as far as Chi- chilticale, which is on the border of the desert and two hundred leagues from Culiacan.t These officers gave in secret to the general such:a dole- * Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 24. Castafieda says 1541, but, as Ter- naux Compans has remarked in a note, he evidently must have made a mistake, for the letter of the viceroy to the Emperor Charles V, reporting the organization and progress of the expedition, bears date April 17, 1540. t According to “Los Tres Siglos de Mexico, tom. I, Mexico, 1836,” p. 129, ‘‘ Mendoga dispatched Alarcon, with two ships, to observe the coast as far as the 36th degree of , latitude, with instructions to make frequent embarkations and to join the army at that height.” t Castaneda gives in one place two hundred leagues as the distance ; and in another, two hundred and twenty leagues. See his Rel. Ternaux Compans’ Col., pp. 12, 29. ’ CORONADOS MARCH. 313 ful account of the country they had passed through, that, it leaking out, many in the army began to-lose heart ; and it was only by Friar Marcos de Nica insisting upon it, that the country was a good one, and that they should not leave it with empty hands, that they were persuaded to continue the march. The day after Easter, the army took up its march for Culiacan, at which place they were well received by the citizens and furnished with all necessary supplies. This was the last town inhabited by Spaniards, and, therefore, the last from which they could gather provisions, except from the Indians with whom they might meet in their further march. It is represented by Castaneda, as being two hundred and ten leagues trom the city of Mexico.* After resting a couple of weeks at Culiacan, Coronado led the advance of his army, consisting of fifty cavaliers, a few infantry, his particular friends, and the monks, leaving the rest of the army with orders to march a fortnight after, and to follow his path. As Castaftieda, describing his progress, expresses it, “‘ when the geperal had passed through all the inhabited region to Chichilticale, where the desert begins, and saw that there was nothing good, he could not repress his sadness, notwithstanding the marvels which were promised further on. No one save the Indians who accompanied the negro had seen them, and already on many occa- sions they had been caught in lies. He was especially afflicted to find this Ohichilticale, of which so much had been boasted, to be a single, ruined, and roofless house, which at one time seethed to have been fortified. It was easy to see that this house, which was built of red earth, was the work of civilized people who had come from afar. “On quitting this place they entered the desert. At the end of fif- teen days they came within eight leagues of Cibola, on the banks of a river which they named Vermejo, in consequence of its red and troubled water. Mullets resembling those of Spain were found in it. It was there that the first Indians of the country were discovered; but when these saw the Spaniards they fled and gave the alarm. During the night of the succeeding day, when not more than two leagues from the village, some Indians who were concealed suddenly uttered such piercing cries that cur soldiers became alarmed, notwithstanding they pretended not to regard it as a surprise; and there were even some who saddled their horses the wrong way, but these were men who belonged to the new levies. The best warriors mounted their horses and scoured the coun- try. The Indians, who knew the land, escaped easily, and not one of them was taken. On the following day, in good order, we entered the inhabited country. Cibola was the first village we discovered; on be- holding it the army broke forth with maledictions on Friar Marcos de Niga. God grant that he may feel none of them! “ Cibola is built on a rock; this village is so small that, in truth, there are many farms in New Spain that make a better appearance. It may contain two hundred warriors. The houses are built in three or four stories; they are small, not spacious, and have no courts, as a single court serves for a whole quarter. The inhabitants of the province were united there. It is composed of seven towns, some of which are larger and better fortified than Cibola. These Indians, ranged in good order, awaited us at some distance from the village. They were very loth to accept peace; when they were required to do so by our interpreters, they menaced us by their gestures. Shouting our war-ery of Sant Lago, we charged upon and quickly caused them to fly. * Castaneda’s Rel., Ternaux Compans’ Col., p. 149. 314 ; CORONADO’S MARCH. ‘‘ Nevertheless, it was necessary to get possession of Cibola, which was no easy achievement, for~the road leading to it was both narrow and winding. The general was knocked down by the blow of a stone as he mounted in the assault, and he would have been slain had it not been for Garci Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando d’Alvarado, who threw them- selves Before him and received the blows of the stones which were de- signed for him and fell in large numbers; nevertheless, as it is impos- sible to resist the first impetuous charge of Spaniards, the village was gained in less than an hour. It was found filled with provisions which were much needed, and, in a short time the whole province was forced to accept peace.”* : The main army, which had been left at Culiacan under the command of Don Tristan d’Arellano, followed Coronado as directed by him, every one marching on foot, with lance in hand and carrying supplies. All the horses were laden. Slowly and with much fatigue, after estab- lishing and colonizing Sonora, and endeavoring to find the vessels under Alarcon already referred to, by descending the river, in which they failed, the army reached Cibola. Here they found quarters prepared for them and rejoiced in the reunion of the troops, with the exception of certain captains and soldiers who had been detached on explorations. Meantime, Captain Melchior Diaz, who had been left at Sonora, placed himself at the head of twenty-five choice men, and under the lead of guides directed his steps towards the southwest in hopes of discovering the coasts. His course was probably down the Rio Sonora, and not finding the vessels there he doubtless marched northward, keeping as close to the coast as the rivers would permit him. After traveling about one hundred and fifty leaguest it appears he arrived in a country in which there was a large river, called Rio del Tizon, whose mouth was two leagues wide. Here the captain learned that the vessels under Alarcon had been on the sea-coast, at a distance of three days’ journey from that place. In the language of Castaneda, ‘*‘ When he reached the spot that was indicated, and which was on the bank of the river more than fifteen leagues from its mouth, he found a tree on which was written ‘Alarcon has come thus far; there are letters at the foot of this tree’ They dug and found the letters, which apprised them that Alarcon, after having waited a certain length of time at that spot, had returned to New Spain, and could not advance further because that sea was a gulf; that it turned around the Isle of the Marquis, which had been called the Isle of California, and that California was not an island, but a part of land forming the gulf”t It appears that after a good deal of difficulty and a threatened attack from the natives, the party crossed the Rio del Tizon, on rafts, some five or six days’ travel higher up, and continued its journey along the coast. Quoting from Castafieda, ‘“ When the explorers had crossed the Rio del Tizon, they continued following the coast, which at that place turns to- ward the southeast, for this gulf penetrates the land directly toward the north, and the stream flows exactly toward the mouth from north to south.”§ No better description could be given of the relative posi- tion of the Gulf of California, with respect to the Rio Colorado flowing into it from the north, than the foregoing. This expedition was terminated by the death of Melchior Diaz, which occurred in a very singular manner, as follows: “ One day a greyhound belonging to a soldier attacked some sheep which the Spaniards were * Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 40, 41, 42, 43. + Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 49. t Castaiieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 50, 51. § Ibid, p. 104, CORONADO’S MARCH. - 3t5 driving with them to serve as food in case of need, when Captain Mel- chior Diaz threw his lance at the beast, in order to drive him off. Un- fortunately the weapon stuck in the eround with the point uppermost, and as Diaz could not rein in his horse, who was at a gallop, quickly enough, it pierced his thigh through and through, and severed his blad- der." The soldiers at once decided to retrace their steps, taking their wounded chief with them. The Indians, who were always i in rebellion, did not cease attacking them. The captain lived about twenty days, during which he was borne along with the utmost difficulty. When, at length, he died, all his troops returned in good array, (to Sonora,) without the loss of a single ae and after traversing the most dan- gerous places.”* In this connection it may be interesting to give some account of Alar- con’s discovery of the Rio Colorado. It will be recollected that he was ordered by the Viceroy Mendo¢a to follow the march of the army with his vessels along the coast of the Southern Sea, as the Pacific Ocean was then called. From his relation to the viceroy t I gather the following: On the 9th of May, 1540, Fernando Alareun put to sea from La Na- tivitad,in command of two ships, the Saint Peter and the Saint Cath- erine. He put into the ports of Xalisco and Agnaival, (respectively the ports of Compostella and Culiacan,) and finding Coronado and his army gone from this last-mentioned place, he continued his course northwardly along the coast, taking with him the ship St. Gabriel, which he found there laden with supplies for the army. At length arriving towards the upper end of what was till then believed to be a strait separating an island from the main land, but which he discovered to be a gulf, (the Gulf of California,) he experienced great difficulty in navigating, even with his small boats; ; and there were some in the expedition, he remarks, who lost heart and were anxious to return, as did Captain Francisco de Ullva, with his vessels, in a former voyage of discovery. Alarcon, it seems, however, had the necessary pluck, “and, agreeably to the orders of the Viceroy Mendoga, he was determined to make his explorations as thorough as possible. After incredible hardships he managed to get his vessels to the bottom of the gulf, (“aw fond du gulfe.”) Here he found a very great river, the current of which was so rapid, that they could scarcely stem it. Taking two shallops and leaving the others with the ships, and providing himself with some guns of small caliber, on the 26th of August, 1540, he commenced the ascent of the river by haul- ing the boats with ropes. On his way he meta large number of Indians, * Castaiieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 105. + Ternaux Compans’ Coll., p. 299-348. tThe most reliable information in relation to the Colorado River will be found in the report of Lieutenant Ives’s ascent of that stream i in 1858. {Be Doc. No. a 36th Con- gress, 1st session.) - “From his account the region at the month of the Colorado is a “ate expanse of mud, and the channels that afford. entrance from the gulf are shifting and changeable. For 30 miles above the mouth the ‘navigation is rendered periodically dangerous by the strength and magnitude of the spring tides. “Between the tide-water and Fort Yuma, which is 150 miles from the mouth, the principal obstructions are sand-bars, continually shifting, having in some places but two feet of water upon them. There are no rocks, but snags are numerous although not very dangerous. ‘For 180 miles above Fort Yuma the navigation is similar. The river passes through several chains of hills and mountains, forming gorges or cations, sometimes of a con siderable size. In these there is generally a better channel than in the valley. “Tn the next 100 miles orayelly bars are frequent, with many stretches of good river and although the bad places are worse, the channel is better than below. For the sue ceeding 50 Yniles there are many swift rapids. The river bed is of coarse gravel aud sand, and there are some dangerous sunken rocks. The Black Caton, which is 25 miles 316 CORONADO’S MARCH. who made signs to him to return down the river, but by good manage. ment he so appeased them that he was enabled to reach a distance above the mouth of the river, such that in two and a half days, on his return to the ships, on account of the swiftness of the current, he made the same distance he had in fifteen and a half days in ascending the river. On this expedition he learned from the Indians he met, some particulars of the death of the negro Stephen, before referred to, at Cibola, and of there being white persons like themselves at that place, who doubtless belonged to Coronado’s army. Alarcon was, however, unable to communicate with the army on account of the desert inter- vening between them, and the great distance they were apart. refitting all his shallops this time for a second voyage up the river, he left its mouth on the.14th of September, but was no more successful in this than in his former expedition in communicating with Coronado. Having, therefore, reached as far up the river as he thought expedient, he planted a cross at that point, and deposited at its foot some letters, in the hope that some persons of Coronado’s army, searching for news of the vessels, might fing them. These letters, it has already been stated, were found by Melchior Diaz ‘on the Rio del Tizon, called by Alarcon the “‘ Bon Guide,” after the device of his lordship Don Antonio de Men- doca, and at the present day the Rio Colorado. At the end of Alarcon’s relation to the viceroy he reports that he found the latitude, as given by the “patrons and pilots of the Marquis del Valie,” wrong by two degrees; that he had gone further by four de- grees than they, and that he had ascended the river a distance of eighty- five leagues.* _ This report of Alarcon’s is very interesting from its great particularity and the many incidents it gives of the expedition; it shows also that he was fully equal to the trust committed to him, and that no explorer could have done more to carry out the orders of the Viceroy Mendoga. We will now return to the army under Coronado, at Cibola. This general immediately set to work to explore the adjacent country. Hear- ing there was a province in which there were seven towns similar to those of Cibola, he dispatched hither Don Pédro de Tobar with seven- teen horsemen, three or four soldiers, and Friar Juan de Padilla, a Fran- ciscan, who had been a soldier in his youth, to explore it. ‘The rumor had spread among its inhabitants that Cibola was captured by a very ferocious race of people who bestrode horses that devoured men, and as they knew nothing of horses, this information filled them with the greatest astonishment.” They, however, nade some show of resistance to the invaders in their approach to their towns, but the Spaniards charging upon them with vigor, many were killed, when the remainder fled to the houses and sued for peace, offering, as an inducement, presents of cotton stuff, tanned hides, flour, pine nuts, maize, native fowls, and some turquoises. These people informing the Spaniards of a*’great river on which there long, is now reached, and in it the rapids are numerous and difficult. Calville is some six miles above the head of this canon.” (Letter of General A. A. Humphreys, Chief of Corps of Engincers United States Army, to Secretary of War, June 24, 1868, in his annual report for 1868, part 2, p. 1195.) * Alarcon’s orders from the Viceroy Mendoga, as before stated, in a note, were to explore as high as the 36th degree of latitude. According to his own account of the distance he went up the Rio del Tizon, (Colorado,) he must have explored as far as about the 34th degree, and if he went no higher up than where Melchior Diaz found the tree, at the foot of which were letters from Alarcon, showing that there was the highest point to which he had attained, the highest latitude he reached must have been only about the 33d degree. + Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 59. CORONADO’S MARCH. 317 were Indians living, who were very tall, a report of the same on his return to Cibola was made by Don Pedro de Tobar to Coronado, who sent out another party consisting of twelve men, under Don Garci-Lopez de Cardenas, to explore this river. It appears from Castaneda’s Rela. tions that the party passed through Tusayan again on its way to the river and obtained from its inhabitants the necessary supplies and guides. 4 After a journey of twenty days through a desert it seems they reached the river, whose banks were so high that, as Castafieda expresses it, “they thought themselves elevated three or four leagues in the air.” For three days they marched along the banks of the river, hoping always to find a downward path to the water, which from their elevation did not seem more than a yard in width, but which according to the Indi- ans’ account was more than half a league broad. But their efforts to descend were all made in vain. Two or three days afterward, having approached a place where the descent appeared practicable, the cap- tain, Melgosa Juan Galeras, and a soldier, who were the lightest men in the party, resolved to make the attempt. They descended until those who remained above lost sight of them. They returned in the afternoon declaring that they had encountered so many difficulties that they could not reach the bottom; for what appeared easy when beheld from aloft, was by means so whsn approached. They added that they compassed about one-third of the descent, and that from thence the river already seemed -very wide, which confirmed what the Indians stated. They assured them that some rocks which were seen frgm on high, and did not appear to be scarcely as tall as a man, were in truth loftier than the tower of the cathedral of Seville.* Castaiieda, after describing the further progress of the exploring party, goes on to say: “The river was the Tizon (Colorado.) A spot was reached much nearer its source than the crossing of Melchior Diaz and his people (before referred to;) and it was afterward known that the Indians which have been spoken of were the same nation that Diaz saw. The Spaniards retraced their steps (to Cibola) and this expedition had no other result.”t During the march they met with a cascade falling from a rock. .The guides said that the white crystals hanging around it were formed of salt. They gathered and carried away a quantity thereof, which was distributed at Cibola.t *For 300 miles the cut edges of the table land rise abruptly, often perpendicularly, from the water’s edge, forming walls from 3,000 to 6,000 feet in height. This is the great cation of the Colorado, the most magnificent gorge as well as the grandest geo- logical section of which we have any knowledge. Again, the cation of the Colorado at the mouth of Grand River is but a portion of the stupendous chasm which its waters have cut in the strata of the table lands, and of which a general description has been given. At this point its walls have an altitude of over 3,000 feet above the Colorado, and the bed of the stream is about 1,200 feet above the level of the sea, or 500 feet higher than those in the Black Canon. A few mniles further east, where the surface of the table lands has an altitude of nearly 7,000 feet, the dimensions of the cafion become far more imposing, and its cliffs rise to the height of more than a mile above the river. (Report of Lieutenant Joseph C. Ives, Corps of Topographical Engineers United States Army, upon the Colorado River, 185758, Senate Ex. Doc. 30th Congress, 1st session. Geology, chapter v, p. 42; Chap- ter vi, p. 54.) t Castafieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 64. tLieutenant Ives speaks of having found salt on the Flax River, which Cardenas, party undoubtedly crossed or followed : “At noon to-day we came to the object of our search—a well-beaten Indian trial’ running toward the north. Camp was pitched at the place where it strikes the Flax River, and it is the intention to make the second attempt to-morrow to penetrate the unexplored region. Near by are several salt springs, and scattered over the adjacent surface are crystals of exccllent salt.” (Report of Lieutenant Ives, p. 117.) 318 CORONADO’S MARCH. IT have thus briefly described the explorations which were made by Coronado. and his captains, as far as Cibola, on the northern edge of the great desert northward of Chichilticale; the branch expedition of Mel- chior Diaz from Sonora northwestward to and around the head of the Gulf of California, after crossing the Tizon (Colorado,) in search of the vessels; the exploration of the river Tizon, by Alarcon, in boats for a distance of 85 Spanish leagues,* or about 290 miles, above its mouth; the expedition of Don Pedro de Tobar from Cibola to Tusayan, lying to the northwest of Cibola twenty-five leagues; and the exploration of Don Garei Lopez de Cardenas from Cibola through Tusayan west- wardly to the deeply cafioned river Tizon. I shall now give in as few words as I can some account of Coronado’s subsequent explorations to the eastward of Cibola. While the discoveries above mentioned were being made, some In- dians living seventy leagues towards the east, in a province called Cicuyé, » arrived at Cibola. There was with them a Cacique, surname Bigotes (Mustaches) on account of his wearing these long appendages. ‘They had heard of the Spaniards, and came to offer their services and their friendship. They offered gifts of tanned skins, shields, and helmets, which the general reciprocated by giving them necklaces of glass beads, and belis, which they had never before beheld. They informed him of cows, because one of these Indians had one painted on his body.” Cas- taneda goes on to say, but “‘“we would never have guessed it, from seeing the skins of these animals, for they are covered with a frizzled hair, “which resembles wool;”+ thus showing that they certainly were buffaloes. The general ordered Captain Hernando d’Alvarado to take twenty men and to accompany these Indians, but to return in eighty days to ren- der an account of what he might have seen. Alvarado departed with them, and “five days after they arrived at a village named Acuco, built on arock. The inhabitants, who are able to send about two hundred warriors into the field, are the most formidable brigands in the province. This village was very strongly posted, inasmuch ‘as it was reached by only one path, and was built upon a rock precipitous on all its other sides, and at such a height that the ball from an arquebuse could searcely reach its summit. It was entered by a stairway cut by the hand of man, which began at the bottom of the declivitous rock and led up to the vil- lage. This stairway was of suitable width for the first two hundred steps, but after these there were a hundred more much narrower, and when the top was finally to be reached it was necessary to scramble up the three last toises by placing the feet in holes scraped in the rock, and as the ascender could scarcely make the point of his toe enter them he was forced to cling to the precipice with his hands. On the summit “there was a great arsenal of huge stones, which the defenders, without exposing themselves, could roll down on the assailants, so that no army, no matter what its strength might be, could force this passage. There was on the top a sufficient space of ground to cultivate and store a large supply of corn, as well as cisterns to contain water and snow.” The Indians here, as at Tusayan, traced lines on the ground, and for- bade the Spaniards to pass over them; but seeing the latter disposed *Common Spanish league equals 3.42 American miles. "(United States Ordnance Manual.) + Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 68. “Tl est ici la question des bisons, que VYauteur nomme toujours vacas. Je me servirai dorénayant du mot de bison.” (Note by Ternaux Compans.) { Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 68, 69, 70. ) CORONADOS MARCH. 319 for an attack, they quickly sued for peace, and presented to their con- querors a supply of birds’ bread, tanned deer-skins, pine-nuts, seeds, flour, and corn. Three days’ journey thence Captain Alvarado and party reached a province called Tiguex, where, on account of Bigotes, whom the inhab- itants knew, they were received very kindly; and the captain was so well pleased with what he saw that he sent a messenger to Coronado inviting him to winter in that country, which pleased the general greatly, as it made him believe that his affairs were growing better. Five days’ journey thence, Alvarado reached Cicuyé, a village very Strongly fortified, and whose houses had four stories. He reposed here with his party some days, when he fell in with an “Indian slave who was a native of the county adjacent to Florida, the interior of which Fernando de Soto had lately explored.” * This Indian, whom they called il Turco, (the Turk,) on account of his resemblance to the people of that nation, spoke of certain large towns, and of large stores of gold and silver in his country,+ and also of the country of the bisons, (buffaloes.) Alvarado took him as a guide to the’ bison country, and after he had seen a few of them he returned to Tig- uex to give an account of the news to Coronado. In the order of events, Coronado, who had remained at Cibola with the main body of the army, hearing of a province composed of eight towns, took with him thirty of the most hardy of his men and set out to visit it on his way to Tiguex.- In eight or eleven days (the narrative is here obscure) he reached this province, called Tutahaco, which ap- pears to have been situated on the Rio de Tiguex, below the city of Tig- uex, for Castafieda expressly states that he afterward ascended the river and visited the whole province until he arrived at Tiguex. The eight villages composing this province were not like those of Cibola, built of stone, but of earth. He also learned of other villages still fur- ther down the river. “On his arrival at Tiguex, Coronado found Hernando d’Alvarado with the Turk, and was nota little pleased with the news they gave him. This Indian told him that in his country there was a river two leagues wide, in which fish as large as horses were found; that there were canoes with twenty oarsmen on each side, which were also pro- pelled by sails; that the lords of the land were seated in their sterns. upon a dais, while a large golden eagle was affixed to their prows. He added that the sovereign of this region took his siesta beneath a huge tree, to whose branches golden bells were hung, which were rung by the agitation of the summer breeze. He declared, moreover, that the commonest vessels were of sculptured silver; that the bowls, plates, and dishes were of gold. . He called gold acochis. He was believed because he spoke with great assurance, and because when some trinkets of cop- per were shown him he smelt them, and said they were not gold. He knew gold and silver very well, and made no account of the other metals. The general sent Hernando d’Alvarado to Cicuyé to reclaim the golden bracelets which the Turk pretended had been taken from him when he was made prisoner. When Alvarado arrived there the inhabitants received him kindly, as they had done before, but they pos- *Castafieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 72. The basin of the Mississippi River and tributaries, in former days, were included in Florida by the Spaniards. (See note, p- 90.) on +The country of Quivira, which Coronada, as will be seen in the sequel, visited, and which, being adjacent to Florida, as stated above, must have been situated in the coun- try tributary to the Missouri or Mississippi, and not near the Rio Grande, as some com- mentators haye supposed. 320 CORONADO’S MARCH. itively affirmed that they had no knowledge of the bracelets, and they assured him that the Turk was a great liar, who deceived him. Alva. rado, seeing there was nothing else he could do, lured the chief, Bigotes, and the Cacique under his tent, and caused them to be chained. The inhabitants reproached the captain with being a man without faith or friendship, and launched a shower of arrows on him. Alvarado con-— ducted these prisoners to Tiguex, where the general retained them more than six months.”* This affair seems to have been the beginning of Coronado’s troubles with the Indians, which were subsequently increased by his exacting a large quantity of clothing, which he divided among his soldiers. Two weeks after Coronado left Cibola for Tiguex, agreeably to his orders, the army under the command of Don Tristan d’Arellano took up its march from that place for Tiguex. The first day they reached the handsomest, and largest village. in the province, where they lodged. “There they found houses of seven stories, which were seen no- where else. These belonged to private individuals, and served as fortresses. They rise so far above the others that they have the appear- ance of towers. There are embrasures and loop-holes from which lances may be thrown and the place defended. As all these villages have no streets, all the roofs are flat, and common for all the inhabitants; it is | therefore necessary to take possession, first of all, of those large houses which serve as défenses.” + The army passed near the great roek of Acuco, already described, where they were well received by the inhabitants of the city perched on its summit. Finally it reached Tiguex, where it was well received and lodged. The good news given by the Turk cast their past fatigues into oblivion, though the whole province was found in open revolt, and not without cause, for on the preceding day the Spaniards had burnt a village; and we have already seen that the imprisonment of Bigotes and the Turk, and the exactions of clothing by Coronada, had also very greatly exas- perated them. The result of all this was that the Indians generally re- volted, as they said, on account of the bad faith of the Spaniards, and the latter retaliated by burning some of their villages, killing a large number of the natives, and at last laying siege to and capturing Tiguex. This siege lasted fifty days, and was terminated at the close of 1540.4 After the siege the general dispatched a captain to Chia, which had sent in its submission. It was a large and populous village, four leagues west of the Tiguex River. Six other Spaniards went to Quirix, a prov- ince composed of seven villages. All these villages were at length tranquilized by the assiduous efforts of the Spaniards to regain the confidence which they had justly lost by their repeated breaches of faith ; but ne assurances that could be given to the twelve villages in the province of Tiguex would induce them to return to their homes so long as the Spaniards remained in the country; and no wonder, for no more barbarous treachery was ever shown to a submissive foe than had been shown to these Tigueans by these faithless Spaniards. So soon as the Tiguex River, (Rio Grande,) which had been frozen for four months, was sufficiently free from ice, the army took up its march on thé 5th of May, 1541, to Quivira, in search of the gold and silver which _— *Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 76, 77, 78. tCastaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 80. tCastaneda says 1542, evidently an error, as may be ascertained by accounting for the time consumed by the army in its march from Chiametla, which it left on the next day after Easter, 1540. (See ante, p. 12.) CORONADO’S MARCH, 321 the Turk had said could be found there. Its route was via Cicuyé, twenty-five leagues distant. The fourth day after leaving Cicuyé and crossing some mountains it reached a large and very deep river, which passed pretty near to Cicuyé, and was therefore called the Rio de Cicuyé. Here it was delayed four days to build a bridge. Ten days after, on their march, they discovered some tents of tanned buffalo skins, inhabited by Indians who were like Arabs, and who were called Querechaos ; continuing their march in a northeastwardly direction they soon came to a village in which Cabeca de Vaca and Dorantes (mentioned in the first part of this paper) had passed through on their way from Florida to Mexico.* The army met with and killed an incredible number of buffalo.t and after reaching a point 250 leagues (850. miles) from Tiguex, the provision giving out, Coronado, with thirty horsemen and six foot- soldiers, continued his march in search of Quivira, while the rest of the army returned to Tiguex under the command of Don Tristan d’Arellano. The narrative goes on to say: “The guides conducted the general to Quivira in forty-eight days, for they had traveled too much in the direc- tion of Florida. At Quivira they found neither gold nor silver, and learning from the Turk that he had, at the instance of the people of Cicuyé, purposely decoyed the army far into the plains to kill the horses, and thus make the men helpless and fall an easy prey to the natives, and that all he had said about the great quantity of silver and gold to be found there was false, they strangled him. The Indians of*this region, so far from having large quantities of gold and silver; did not even know these metals. The Cacique wore on his breast a copper plate, of which he made a great parade, which he would not have done had he known anything about those precious metals. The army, as stated above, retreated to Tiguex before reaching Quivira. They took as ,guides some Teyans, through whose country they were passing, and were led back by a much more direct way than that they pursued in coming. These Teyans were a nomadic nation, and being constantly in the pursuit of game knew the country perfectly.” It is narrated they guided the army thus: Every morning they watched to note where the sun rose, and directed their way by shooting an arrow in-advance, and then before reaching this arrow they discharged another; in this way they marked the whole of their route to the spot where water was to be found, and where they encamped. ‘The army consumed only twenty- *It will be recollected that it was on information given by these persons and two others, Maldonado and the negro Estevan, that this expedition was founded. (Seo ante p. 310.) t The following minute and graphic description of the buffalo, seen by Coronado and his army, is taken from Gomara, as quoted in Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii. ‘‘These oxen are of the bigness and color of our bulls, but their horns are not so great. They have a great bunch upon their fore- shoulders, and more hair upon their fore part than on their hinder part; and it is like wool. They have, as it were, a horse mane upon their back bone, and much hair, and very long from the kneesdownward. They have great tufts of hair hanging down their foreheads, and it seemeth they have beards, because of the great store “of hair hanging down at their chins and throats. The males have very long tails, and a great “knob or flock at the end, so that in some respects they resemble the lion, and in some otherthe camel. They push with their horns, they run, they overtake and kill a horse when they are in their rage and anger. F inally, itis a fierce beast of countenance and form of body. The horses fled from them, either be- cause of their deformed shape, or else because they had never seen them. Their mas- ters have no other riches nor substance; of them they eat, they drink, they apparel, they shoe themselves; and of their hides they make many things, as houses, shoes, apparel, and ropes; of their bones they make bodkins ; of their sinews and hair, thread ; of their horns, maws and bladders, vessels; of their dung, fire; and of their calf skins, budgets, wherein they draw and keep water. To be short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as may suffice them in the use of this life.” 21 s69 322 CORONADO’S MARCH. five days on the journey, and even then much time was lost. The first time it had taken thirty-seven days.” * “On the road they passed a great number of salt marshes where there was a considerable quantity of : salt. Pieces longer than tables and four or five inches thick were seen floating on the surface. On the plains they found an immense number of small animals resembling squirrels, and numerous holes burrowed by them in the earth.”t These animals were most unquestionably the little prairie-dogs whose villages have been so naively described by Washington Irving and George Wilkins Kendall. On this march the army reached the river Cicuyé, more than thirty leagues, below the place where they had before crossed it by a bridge. They then ascended the river, by following the banks, to the town of Cicuyé. The guides declared that this river, the Cicuyé, (no doubt the Pecos,) at a distance of more than twenty days’ journey, threw itself into that of Tiguex, (the Rio Grande,) and that subsequently it flowed toward the east. Castafleda goes on to say: “It is believed that it (the Tiguex) joins the great river of Espiritu Sancto (Mississippi River) that the party of Hernando de Soto discovered in Florida.”¢ The army under Arellano reaching Tiguex, on its return from the prairies in the month of July, 1541, this officer immediately ordered Captain Francisco de Barrio-Nuevo to ascend the Rio de Tiguex (Rio Grande) in another direction with some soldiers on an exploring expe- ditien. They reached the provinces, one of which, comprising seven villages, was called Hemes; the other, Yuque-Yunque. Twe enty leagues (68 miles) further in ascending the river, they came to a large and powerful village named Braba, to which the Spaniards gave the new title of Valladolid. “It was built. on the two banks of the river, which was crossed by bridges built with nicely-squared timber.” § The country was very high and cold. From Braba the exploring party re- turned to Tiguex. Another party, it seems, went down the Rio de Tig- uex (Rio Grande) eighty leagues, where they discovered four large vil- lages, and ‘reached a place where the river plunged beneath the ground; but inasmuch as their orders confined them toa distance of eighty leagues, they did not push on to theplace where, according to the Indians’ accounts, this stream escapes again from. the earth with considerably augmented volume.” || * Castanieda’s Relations, pp. 133, 154. + Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 134. {“ VARIOUS NAMES OF THE MISSISSIPPI RrveER.—I remember to have seen in the course of my reading the following Indian, Spanish, and French names applied to the river Mississippi ; and it may be well to record them in your magazine for preserva- tion, and probably to be augmented in number by other students of American history : “Indian names. —Mico—king of rivers; Mescha-Sibi-Mescha, great and Sibi River; Namosi-Sipon—Fish River ; Okimo-chitto—Great Water path—a Chocté name ; Missee- seepe; Meact-chassipi—old father of rivers, according to Du Pratz; Malbouchia, according to Iberville. “ Fyench._—Riviere de St. Louis; ; Riviere de Colbert ; Mississippi. “ Spanish.—Rio Grande; Rio Grande del Espintu Santo; Rio de la Eulata; Rio de la Palisada; Rio de Chuchaqua. “The Vernci Ptolemy of 1513 lays it down, or, at least, marks a river without a narne, at the site of its embouchure. Orbus Typis, 1515; Piieda’s map, 1519; other Ptolemies, 1525; Cabec¢a de Vaca saw it in 1528. De Soto crossed it in June, 1541, and died in Louisiana, on the west bank of the Mississippi, opposite the mouth of the Big Black River, May 21, 1542. “BRANTZ MAYER. “ BALTIMORE, October 15, 1857.” —(See Historical Magazine, vol. 1, p. 342.) § Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 139. || Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 140. Mr. Albert Gallatin, commenting on this passage, says: ‘The assertion that the river was lost under ground was amistake. CORONADO’S MARCH. 393 We shall now return to Coronado, whom we left at Quivira. It appears that, in consequence of his not arriving at Tiguex at the expected time, Don Tristan d’ Arellano set out in search of him with forty horsemen. At Cicuyé the inhabitants attacked Don Tristan, by which he was de- layed four days. Hearing of the approach of Coronado, he contented himself with guarding the passes in the vicinity of the village till the arrival of the general. Castaneda says that, ‘“ notwithstanding he had good guides, and was not incumbered with bageage, Coronado was forty days in making the journey from Quivira.”* From Cicuyé he journeyed to Tiguex, where he went into winter quarters, with the intention in the spring of pursuing his discoveries by pushing his whole army toward Quivira. “When winter was over Coronada ordered the preparation to be made for the march to Quivira. Every one then began to make his arrange- ments. Nevertheless, as often happens in the Indies, things did not turn out as people intended, but as God pleased. One day of festival the general went forth on horseback, as was his custom, to run at the ring with Don Pedro Maldonado. He was mounted on an excellent horse, but his valets having changed the girth of his saddle and having taken a rotten one, it broke in mid-course and the rider unfortunately fell near Don Pedro, whose horse was in full career, and in springing over his body kicked him in the head, thus inflicting an injury which kept him a long while in bed and placed him within two fingers of death.”+ . The result of this was that being of a superstitious nature and hav- ing been foretold by a certain mathematician of Salamanca, wlio was his friend, that he should one day find himself the omnipotent lord of a distant country, but that hé should have a fall which would cause his death, he was very anxious to hasten home to die near his wite and children. From this time, Castaneda states, that Coronado, feigning himself to be more ill than he was, worked upon his soldiery in so subtle a way as to induce the greater part of them to petition him to return to New Spain. They then began openly to declare their belief that it was ‘better to return, inasmuch as no rich country had been found, and it was not populous enough to distribute it among the army. The general, finding no one to oppose him, took up his line of march on his return to This was, undoubtedly, the place in latitude 31° 39’, where the Rio del Norte, cutting through the mountains, empties into a deep and impassable cation, from which it emerges some distance below, as has been before stated.” (See Transactions of American Ethno- logical Society, vol. ii, p. 71.) Mr. Gallatin, though usually very judicious in his remarks, I think is at fault here. The cause of the river disappearing at the point referred to, and then appearing again further down, was not on account of its entering a cafion, which the Spaniards could have noticed and not been deceived about, but because the Rio Tiguex, (Rio Grande, ) like most of the rivers which I have seen on the plains and in New Mexico, is liable, when very low, to be lost in its sandy bed, and then to appear again further down, where the sand is not sufficient to absorb it. It is on this account, as I have seen, when the heat of the sun added its potent influence to cause a river to disappear through the day, that during the night, when this influence did not prevail, it would again appear a running stream. Humboldt refers to a disappearance of the Rio Grande, which appears to have taken place about the same locality, and also attributes it to a wrong cause. “ The inhab- itants of Paso del Norte preserve the memory of a very extraordinary event which occurred in the year 1752. They saw, all at once, the river become dry, thirty leagues above, and more than twenty leagues below, El Paso; the water of the river precipi- tated itself in a newly- formed crev asse, and did not appear again above ground until you reach the Presidio de San Elezario.” - (Humboldt’s Essai Politique Sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Hispagne, edition 1811, p. 303.) * Castafieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 142. t Castatieda’s Relations, Ternaux Companse, p. 202. 324 CORONADO’S MARCH. Mexico in the beginning of April, 1542. He returned by the way of Cibola and Chichilticale, as he had come. At length, after skirmishing with the Indians, in which a number of their men and horses were killed. the army reached Culiacan. From this place Coronado departed for the city of Mexico, to make his report to the viceroy, only about one hun- dred of his army continuing with him. ‘Castaneda says! he was badly receiyed by the viceroy, who nevertheless gave him a discharge; yet he lost 4is reputation and soon after his government of New Galicia also.’”* Thus ended this great expedition, which for extent in distance tray- eled, duration in timeyextending from the spring of 1540 to the summer of 1542, or more than two years, and the multiplicity of its codperating branch. explorations, equaled, if it did not exceed, any land expedition that has been undert ‘aken in modern times. Having given a general account of the routes pursued by Coronado and his army and of the track of the transport vessels under Alar- con, I will now proceed to fix definitely, so far as I have been enabled, the position of the several important places mentioned by Castaneda and other chroniclers. The first important point after leaving the city of Mexico is Compos- tella, where the army rendezvoused preparatory to its setting out on its expedition. This point reached, the army, in an organized. condition, took up its line of march along the foot of the west base of the Sierra Nevada in the direction, west of north, as far as Sonora, on the Sonora River; from this place its course was most probably more directly towards Chichilticale, or northerly, through the mountains, as far as the plains of the lower portion of the Rio Santa Cruz, over which it continued its march to Chichilticale. The towns of Compostella, Culiacan, Cinaloa, and Sonora, points of the routes, are laid down from the “ military map of the United States,” recently issued from the office of the Chief of Engineers United States War Department. The other points are laid down from data obtained as follows: Chiametla, from ‘ American Atlas, by Mr. Thomas Jeffreys, London, A. D. 1775;” Petatlan, 30 leagues north of Culiacan according to Castanteda,t and four days’ journey ‘according ¢ to Jaramillo.t With regard to the position of the town of Corazones, it is difficult, on account of the vagueness of the narratives of Jaramillo and Coronado, to fix it. Jaramillo speaks of it as having been situated about five days’ journey northwardly from the Yaquemi River, and conveys the idea that it was near or on the Rio Sonora.§ Castaiieda says, ‘in the lower part of the valley of Sonora is that of the Corazones, inhabited by Spaniards.” || Again, “Don Tristan decided to found and colonize a town called San Hieronimo de los Corazones ; but seeing that it could not prosper in this valley, he transferred it to a place called Senora, * Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 227. Gomora says, “It grieved Don Antonio de Mendoga very much that the army returned home, for he had : spent about three-score thousand pesos of gold in the enterprise and owed a great part thereof still. Many sought to have dwelt there, but Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, who was rich and lately married a fair wife, would not consent, saying that they could not maintain nor defend themselves in so poor a country and so far from succor. They traveled about 900 leagues in this country.” (The rest of the voyage to Acuco, Tiguex, Cicuic, and Quivira, from the General History of the West Indies, by Francis Lopez de Gomora, as quoted by Hakluyt, vol. iii.) + Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 223. t Jaramillo’s Relations, p. 365. § Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 366. || Castaneda’s Relations, p. 157. CORONADO’S MARCH. 325 (Sonora,) and it has been so called to this day.”* Again, in another part of his Relations, describing the places between the Sonora River and Chichilticale, he informs us that “it was forty leagues from Sonora to the valley of the Suya, where was founded the city of San Hier- onimo.”t Now, my idea is, that the town of Corazones on the Sonora River was Sonora, so called because it was eminently the town of the province of Corazones, in which it was situated; and that San Hieronime de los Corazones was situated, according to,Coronado, ten or twelve leagues from the sea,t and, as above stated, forty leagues from Sonora, on the Suya River; which would place it about where I have located it, on a river which is now called the San Ignacio.t From Sonora the march was, according to Jaramillo, four days to the Nexpa River. Jaramillo says: “After leaving Sonora we made a journey of four days in a desert, and arrived afanother stream, which we under- stood was called Nexpa. We descended the stream two days, and we quitted it to the right at a foot of a chain of mountains, which we foilowed two days. They told us that it was called Chichiltieale. After having left the mountains we came to a deep creek, the banks of which were escarped. After quitting this stream, which is beyond the Nexpa of which I have spoken, we took a northeast direction,” &e.|| Now the Nexpa, the stream they descended two days, I believe was the Santa Cruz, running in a northerly direction, (the proper direction of their march;) the mountains, at the foot of which they also traveled two days, were the “ Santa Catarina Mountains ;” and the stream which they then reached was the Gila, whose deep bed and escarped banks so ‘exactly correspond with the description given by Jaramillo.] The next important place was Chichilticaie. Here was the Casa Grande of which so much had been reported, and here the army com- menced its march northeastwardly across the great desert, on the far side of which were the seven cities of Cibola. That the Casa Grande was so situated, with regard to Cibola, there is no dispute; but of its exact location there is some question. Castaneda says: ‘At Chichilticale the country ceases to be covered with thorny trees, and changes its aspect; it is there the gulf terminates, and the coast turns (C'est la que le golfe se termine et que la céte tourne ; } the mountains follow the same direction, and they must be crossed to reach the plains again.”** * Castaneda’s Relations, p. 44. + Ibid., p. 158. t The sea (Gulf of California) returneth towards the west, right against the Corazones, the space of ten or twelve leagues. (Coronado’s Rel., Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 448.) § In this connection it may be pertinent to remark, that San Hieronimo de los Cora- zones, which seems to have been a sort of depét, was transferred to Sonora; but appears still to have been kept as a post, for we are told that some of its garrison deserted it, for, among other reasons, that they looked on it as useless, “for the road to New Spain passed by a more favorable direction, leaving Suya to the right.” This will account for two routes being laid down on the accompanying map between Sonora aud the Nexpa River. || Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 367 and 368. ‘| Mr. E. G. Squier supposes the Nexpa to have been the Rio Gila. His language is: “ Allowing 30 miles to the day’s march, which is about the average under favorable circumstances, we have 120 miles as the distance between the point on the Sonora _ River left by Coronado in his advance and Chichilticale, between longitudes 109° and 110°. This is, according to the best maps, about the distance between the Sonora River and the Gila, called Nexpa by the chronicler.” (American Review for November, 1848, Dy Os) } I cannot agree with Mr. Squier in the foregoing statement, for the reason that the distance between the Sonora River and the Gila, according to the latest map issued by the Engineer Department of the Army, is not 120 miles, but as much as 290 miles; and, therefore, as many as eight or ten days’ journey instead of four. ** Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 160. 326 CORONADO’S MARCH. Now this certainly shows that Castaneda believed Chichilticale was situated at the head of the Gulf of California. But according to Coro- nado’s report to the viceroy Mendoga, this assuredly was not the case; for he says: “I departed for the Corazones, and always kept by the sea- coast as near as I could judge, and, in very deed, I still found myself the farther off, in such sort that, when I arrived at Chichilticale, I found myself ten days’ journey from the sea, and the father provincial (Marcos de Nica) said that it was only five leagues distant, and he had seen the same. We all conceived great grief, and were not a little confounded, when we saw that we found everything contrary to the information which he had given to your lordship.”* In another place, Coronado states that the transport ships which had been ordered to codperate with him had been seen off the country of the Corazones, on their way to “discover the haven of Chichilticale, which Marcos de Nica said was in five-and-thirty degrees.”} The above certainly shows that both De Nica and Castaneda at one time believed that Chichilticale was at the head of the gulf; and it is probable that both the transport vessels and army were ordered to communicate with each other at that point, on the supposition that it was a good harbor, and would be a capital place for a depot of supplies before entering the great desert, But Coronado’s report effectually explodes the idea of its having been found such; and if there were more proof on this point needed, it would appear in the fact that neither Alarcon, who commanded the fleet and passed up the Colorado River in search of the army, nor Melchior Diaz, who explored all around the head of the gulf, make any mention of having seen the place, which they most assuredly would have done had they passed anywhere near it. But where was the exact location of Chichilticale? In my opinion it was on the Rio Gila at Casa Grande, in latitude 33° 4/ 21” north, and longitude 111° 45’ west from Greenwich, and the following are my reasons therefor: It is distinctly stated by Castaieda that the place was marked by a Casa Grande, which, though then in ruins on account of having been destroyed by the natives, had evidently been used as a fortress; that it had been built of red earth, and was evidently the work of a civilized people who had come from a distance.t Now, the first ruin to be seen on the Gila, ascending it from its mouth, and the only one along its whole course which bears any resemblance to that mentioned by Castaneda, and of which we have any record, is that described by Father Font, who, with Father Garces, saw it in 1775, *Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii, p. 448. tIbid. { Castaneda’s Relations, pp. 40, 161, 162. Mr. Morgan, in a foot-note to his paper before referred to, says: “There is no ruin on the Gila at the present time that answers the above description,” and seems to have come to this conclusion, because Captain A. R. Johnston, United States Army, in his journal, (U.S. Ex. Doc. No. 41, 1848, p. 596,) says, “The house was built of a sort of white earth and pebbles, probably containing lime.” Emory merely says, ‘* The walls were formed of layers of mud,” (Thirtieth Con- gress, First Session, Ex. Doc. No. 7, p. 82;) and Bartlett in his Personal Narrative, p. 272, informs us that ‘The walls are laid with large square blocks, and the material is the mud of the valley mixed with gravel.” Mr. N. H. Hutton, civil engineer, assistant to Lieutenant Whipple, in his explorations for the Pacific Railroad in 1853-54, and at present my assistant, assures me that he has seen the locality and the ruins, and that the Casa had evidently been built of the earth in the vicinity, which is of a reddish color, though in certain reflections of the same the building appeared whitish, on account of the pebbles contained inthe mass. Castaneda in his Relations, p. 41, says: “Cette maison, construite en terre rouge;” and p. 161, “La terre de ces pays est rouge.” In addition, what more natural than that Emory and Bartlett, finding the color of the building nothing different from that of the soil in that region, should fail to say anything about it? CORONADO’S MARCH. B2T on their journey to Monterey and the port of San Francisco, and which same ruin was subsequently visited and described by Emory, of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, in 1847. Father Font’s description of it is as follows: “On the 3d of October, 1775, the commandant ordered us to halt, in order that we might visit the Casa Grande, known by the name of Monte- suma, situated one league from the Rio Gila. Wewere accompanied by some Indians, and by the governor of Uturituc, who related to us on the way the tradition he had received from his ancestors about this house, some of the particulars of which are doubtless fabulous and others again true. “* The latitude of the locality we found by an observation of the sun to be 33$°. “The Casa Grande, or palace of Montesuma, must have been built five hundred year’s previously, (in the thirteenth century,) if we are to believe the accounts given by the Indians; for it appears to have been con- structed by the Mexicans at the epoch of their emigration when the devil, conducting them through different countries, led them to the promised land of Mexico. The house is seventy feet from north to south, and fifty from east to west.* The interior walls are four feet in thick- ness; they are well constructed; the exterior walls are six feet thick. The edifice is constructed of earth, in blocks of different thickness, and has three stories. We found no traces of stairways; we think they must have been burnt when the Apaches burnt this edifice.” t Emory’s description, evidently of this same building—for the old maps place Father Font’s Casa Grande on the Rio Gila, just above the Pima village, where Emory locates it—is as follows: ‘ About the time of noon halt, a large pile which seemed the work of human hands was seen to the left. It was the remains of a three-story mud-house sixty feet square, pierced for doors and windows. The whole interior of the house had been burnt out, and the walls much defaced.” This description, though not precisely the same as that of Father Font, yet is sufiiciently close, with the identity of the location, as before stated, to show that they have reference to the same building. Now, Emory by astronomical observation found the latitude of his camp near this locality to be 33° 4/ 21” north, and the longitude west from Green- wich 111° 45’. Father Font, as before stated, determined the latitude to be 335°: but as Emory had, without doubt, far superior instruments, his results are preferable. We have then, as we think, located Chichilticale, the site of Casa Grande, with a strong probability of accuracy. * On Squier’s map of Coronado’s route, accompanying the paper on this subject, in the Transactions of the Ethnological Society, (vol. 2,) by Albert Gallatin, I perceive that he makes Coronado to cross the Gila at Casa Grande, but places the latter in about latitude 32°, and longitude 110°; or more’ than a degree too far south, and nearly two degrees too far to the east. Now, as Juan Jaramillo, who was a captain in Coro- nado’s expedition, in his report says the general direction of their march from Chichilticale to Cibola was northeast,§ a line drawn from Chichil- * A Spanish foot is 0.91319 of an English foot. (United States Ordnance Manual.) t Journal of Father Font, of the college of Santa Cruz of Queretaro. Appendix VII, | Casteneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans’ Collections ; see also Humbolit’s ‘ Essai Poli- tique Sur la Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne,” edition of 1811, pp. 36, 297, 292. t Notes of a military reconnoissance made by Lieutenant Colonel William H. Emory, Corps of Topographical Engineers, in 1846-47, with the advance guard of the Army of the West, p. 82. § Juan Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans’ Collections, pp. 368, 369 328 © CORONADO’S MARCH. ticale as laid down on Squier’s map would not pass through or near Zuni, (identical on his map with Cibola,) as it ought to do, but more than a degree to the eastof it; thusshowing his position of Chichilticale manifestly erroneous. Again, onthe map of kh. H. Kern, accompanying “ Schoolerafi’s History of the Indian Tribes of North America,” he places Chichilticale as much as a degree of latitude south of the Gila and in longitude 109°, Here ‘again a line in a northeast direction from Chichiltic vale would not pass, as it should, through or near Zuni, (identical, as Kern thinks, with Ci- bola,), but more than two degrees to the eastward of it ; which also shows his position of © hichilticale > very considerably out of the Way. The next and most important inquiry is the exact locality of the seven cities of Cibola. Gallatin, Squier, Whipple, Professor Turner, and Kern, have contended for Zuni and its vie ‘inity. Emory and Abert, on ' the contrary, have conjectured that Cibolletta, Moquino, Pojnati, Cover 0, Acoma, Laguna, and Poblacon, a group of villages some ninety miles to the eastward of Zuni, furnish the site of the seven cities; and Mr, Mor- gan, as I have before remarked, in the North American Review for April, 1869, has advanced the idea that the ruins on the Chaco, lying about one hundred miles to the northeast of Zuii, more completely satisfy all the conditions of the problem which the accounts of Coron- ado’s journey, by Castaneda and others, have imposed on its solution. Tomy mind, however, Zuni and vicinity present the strongest claims to being considered the site of the renowned cities, and the followi ing are my reasons therefor : It seems that from Chichilticale to Cibola, the direction of Coronado’s route, according to Jaramillo, as before remarked, was generally north- east ; and from Coronado’s report L extract in relation to it as follows. He is speaking of what occurred after leaving Chichilticale : “T entered the confines of the desert, on Saint John’s day eve, and to refresh oursformer travels we found no grass, but worser way of moun- tains and bad passages where we had passed already ; and the horses being tired were greatly molested therewith; but after we had passed these thirty leagues, we found fresh rivers and g grasses like that of Cas- tile, &c.; and there was flax, but chiefly near the banks of a certain river, which, therefore, was called Ei Rio del Lino, that is to say, the River of Flax ; we found no Indians at all for a day’ s travel, but after- ward four Indians came out unto us in peaceable manner, saying that they were sent ov er to that desert place to signify unto us that we were welcome.” * In addition to the foregoing, Castaiieda says that in about fifteen days from Chichilticale “ they arrived within eight leagues of Cibola, upon the banks of a river they called the Vermejo, on account of its red color ;”+ and Jaramillo remarks that in approaching Cibola “ always in the same direction, that is to say, toward the northeast, they came to a river which they called the Verme jo; that here they met one or two In- dians, who afterwards they recognized as belonging to the first village of Cibola; and that they reached this village in two days from when they had first met them.” Now let any one consult the accompanying map, reduced from the latest map issued by the Engineer Bureau at Washington, and he will * Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii, p. 449. + Castaieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 41. ¢ Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 369. CORONADO’S MARCH. 329 see that Coronado’s march from Chichilticale, or Casa Grande, must have been very nearly coincident with the route there laid down, to wit: in a northeasterly direction for the first thirty leagues, over the rough Pinal and Mogollon Mountains; and then getting on the tributaries of the Rio del Lino, or Flax River, where he found “fresh water and grasses,” he followed up the Vermejo, or Colorado River, to Cibola, or Zuni of the present day and its vicinity, where he found the other six cities. The distance by such route, between Chichilticale and Zuni, would be about 270 miles, or require a journey of 17 days, (about 16 miles a day,) the time it took Coronado to accomplish the distance ;* and this agrees quite exactly with the distance, 80 leagues, as given by Castaneda in another place. t But there are other good reasons for this belief. At Zuni and its vicinity, within a distance of about 16 miles, and on the banks of the Vermejo, or Little Colorado River, there are the ruins of as many as six pueblos, all showing that they were once built of stone; and, with the present Zuni, doubtless they constituted the “seven cities” which, ac- cording to Coronado, were all built “within four leagues together,” ¢ and according to Castafieda were “situated in a very narrow valley be- tween des Montagnes Eecarpées,”§ which may have been intended to mean escarped mesas, or table lands, just as close in the valley of the Little Colorado or Rio de Zuni. In my report to the Chief of Topographical Engineers of my recon- noissance made in the Navajo country in 1848, I described Zuni as fol- lows: “The pueblo of Zuni, when first seen about three miles off, appeared like a low ridge of brownish rocks, not a tree being visible to relieve the nakedness of its appearance. It is a pueblo or Indian town, situ- ated on the Rio de Zuni. This river at the town has a bed of about 150 yards wide. The stream, however, at the time we saw it, only showed a breadth of about 6 feet and a depth of a few inches. It is represented as running into the Colorado of the West. The town, like Santo Do- mingo, is built terrace-shaped, each story—of which there are generally three—as you ascend being smaller laterally, so that one story answers, in fact, for the platform of the one above it. It, however, is far more compact than Santo Domingo, its streets being narrow, and in places presenting the appearance of tunnels or covered ways, on account of the houses extending at these places over them.” || ‘Lieutenant A. W. Whipple, Corps Topographical Engineers, visited the ruins of old Zuni in 185354, and in his report to the War Depart- ment thus describes the place: “We took a trail and proceeded two miles south to a deep caiion, where were springs of water. Thence by a zigzag course we led-our mules up the first bench of ascent. At vari- ous points of the ascent, where a projecting rock permitted, were barri- cades of stone walls, from which, the old man (his guide) told us, they had hurled rocks upon the invading Spaniards. Having ascended, according to our estimate, 1,000 feet, we found ourselves upon a level surface covered with thick cedars. The top of the mesa was of an irregu- lar figure a mile in width, and bounded on all sides by perpendicular cliffs. Three times we crossed it, searching in vain for the trace of a * Castaneda’s Relations, pp. 41, 42. t{Ibid., p. 182. t Coronado’s Relations, Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 451. § Castafieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 164. | “Journal of a military reconnoissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the Navajo country, made by Lieutenant J. H. Simpson, Corps of Topographical Engineers, in 1849,” United States Senate Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st session, 1850 ; also, Lip- pincott, Grambo & Co., Philadelphia, 1852, pp. 89 and 90. 330 CORONADO’S MARCH. ruin. But the guide hurried us on half a mile further, when appeared the ruins of a city indeed. Crumbling walls from 2 to 12 feet high were crowded together in confused heaps over several acres of ground. Upon examining “the pueblo we found that the standing walls rested upon ruins of ereater antiquity. The primitive masonry, as well as we could judge, must have been about 6 feet thick. The more-recent was not more than a foot, but the small sandstone blocks had been laid in mud mortar with considerable care.” * Now I take it that old Zuni was one of the seven towns of Cibola, called by Coronado ‘“ Grénada, because it was somewhat like to it ;”t and the narrow winding way, ascending which Coronado was knocked down by stones hurled upon him by the : defenders,t was in all probability the very zigzag approach mentioned by Whipple, and which he found so | difficult in his ascent to the ruins. The other six towns were doubtless Zuni of the present day, and those whose ruins are to be found still further up the valley, showing they had been stone structures, and to which I refer in my report before referred to, as follows: “‘ Within a few yards of us are several heaps of pueblo ruins. Two of them, on examination, I found to be of elliptical shape and approximating 1,000 feet in cireuit. The. buildings seem to have been chiefly built on the periphery of an ellipse, having a large interior court; but their style and the details of their construction, except that they were built of stone and mud mortar, are not distinguishable in the general mass. The areas of each are now so overgrown with bushes and so much commingled with mother earth as, except on critical examina- tion, to be scarcely distinguishable from natural mounds. The usual quantum of pottery lies scattered around. The governor of Zuni, who is again on a visit to us, informs us that the ruins I have just described, as also those seen a couple of miles back, are the ruins of pueblos which his people formerly inhabited.”§ There are other circumstances of relative position of places which point most indubitably to the same conclusion, as follows: Castaneda repeatedly states that Cibola was the first inhabited province they met going north from Chichilticale after they crossed the desert, and the last they left before entering the desert on their return to Mexico. Again, the present relations to each other of Zuni and the Moqui Pueblos, and also of Acoma, perched on a mesa height, in regard to courses and dis- tances tally sufficiently near with the positions of Tusayan and Acuco, as given by Castaiieda, namely, the former northwest 25 leagues and the latter eastwardly five days’ journey from Cibola,|| as to make it exceed- ingly probable that they refer to the same localities.¢ Again, Castanedo, * Pacific R. R. Reports, vol. iii, pp. 68, 69. + Coronado’s Relation, Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 451. t“Cependant il fallait s’emparer de Cibola ce qui n’était pas chose facile, car le chemin qui y conduissat était étroit et tortneux. Le Général fut renversé d’un coup de pierre en montant 4 Vassaut,” &c. Castaneda’s Rel., Ternaux Compans, p. 43. § Sali s Journal, p. 97. || Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 58, 67, 68, 69, 70, 165. 4]Mr. Squier, in his article on the “ Ancient Monuments, &e. Py fal "New Mexico and Cal- ifornia,” in American Review for November, 1848, gives the position of Tusayan from Cibola, both northeast and northwest from Cibola, and on his map accompanying Mr. Albert Gallatin’s Essay, in the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, vol. ii, he has placed it in a northeast direction. The proper direction of Tusayan with regard to Cibola is northwest. (See Castafieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 165.) Besides Cardenas, on his way to the Rio del Tizon, (Colorado,) passed through Tusayan from Cibola, which makes it all very natural if Tusayan was northwest from Cibola, but would not be so if it was in a northeast direction, as laid down on Mr. Squier’s map. : CORONADO’S MARCH. 33 describing the valley in which the province of Cibola was situated, - says, ‘‘Cest une vallée trés-etroite entre des montagnes escarpées,”* which is an exact description of the valley of the Rio de Zuni, confined between the walls of inclosing mesas. Again, Jaramillo says “ this first village of Cibola is exposed a little towards the northeast, and to the northwest in about five days’ journey is a province of seven villages called Tusayan,f all of which exactly accords with the exposed position to the northeast of old Zuni and correctly describes the location of the Moqui villages. But there is some historical evidence upon this point which I consider irrefragable, and which certainly makes Zuni and Cibola identical places. Referring to the relation of a notable journey made by Antonio de Espejo to New Mexico, in 1583, to be found in Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii, I read as follows: ‘‘Antonio de Espejo also visited Acoma, situated upon a high rock which was about 50 paces high, having no other en- trance but by a ladder or pair of stairs hewn into the same rock, whereat our people marveled not a little. ; *“ Twenty-five leagues from hence, toward the west, they came to a certain province called by the inhabitants themselves Zuni, and by the Spaniards Cibola, containing a great number of Indians, in which pro- vince Francisco Vasquez de Coronado had been, and had erected many crosses and other tokens of Christianity, which remained as yet stand- ing. Here also they found three Indian Christians who had remained there ever since the said journey, whose names were Andrew de Culia- can, Gaspar de Mexico, and Antonio de Guadalajara, who had about forgotten their language, but could speak the country speech very well; howbeit after some small conference with our men they easily under- stood one another.” Now turning to Castaneda’s Relations, where he gives an account of Coronado’s leaving the country for Mexico, I find his language as fol- lows: ‘* When the army arrived at Cibola it rested for a while to pre- pare itself for entering the desert, for it is the last point inhabited. We left the country.entirely peaceful; there were some Indians from Mexico who had accompanied us, who remained there and established them- selves, (il y ent méme quelques Indiens du Mexique qui nous avaient ac- compagnés, qui y restérent et s’y établirent.”)t Thus it would seem that the two accounts. of Espejo and Castaneda correspond in such a manner as not to leave the slightest doubt that Zuni of the present day is the Cibola of old. Coronado left three of his men at Cibola, who were found living there by Espejo and his party forty years afterwards; they had nearly forgotten their original lan- guage, but yet, after awhile, managed to converse with some of Espejo’s men. What more natural, and, indeed, what could have been a more interesting topic than the adventures of these men; how they got there, and whether Zuni was veritably the far-famed Cibola that forty years previously had excited the attention of the governments of New and Old Spain. Espejo, under the above circumstances, reporting that the Spaniards called Zuni Cibola, certainly could not have meant anything else than that he believed it veritably such. I have been thus particu- lar with regard to this testimony, for the reason that Mr. Morgan, in his essay already referred to, while he recognizes the historical fact of Zuni having been called by the Spaniards, according to Espejo’s Relations, _ Cibola, in 1583, yet advances the idea that after all Espejo probably * Castafieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 164. t Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 370. $Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 217. 332 CORONADO’S MARCH. . only meant to express that they conjectured the places to have been identical. It seems to me that what I have advanced shows most conclusively that Cibola and Zuni are identical localities, and nothing could be said which could make it more certain; but as corroborative I will state that I have seen in the excellent library of the Peabody Institute of Baltimore an atlas entitled “‘The American Atlas, or a Geographical Description of the whole Continent of America, by Mr. Thomas Jeffreys, Geogra- pher, published in London in 1773.”. On map No. 5 of this atlas, Zuni and Cibola are laid down as synonymous names, and the locality they express is precisely that of Zuni of the present day.* Again, on a “ Carte contenant le Royaume du Mexique et La Floride,” in the “‘ Atlas Historique par Mr. © * * * avec des dissertations sur VHistoire de ‘chaque etat par Mr. Guendeville,” tome vi, second edition, published in Amsterdam, 1752, I find Zuni and Cibola laid down as synonymous. In this connection it may be proper to observe that the claims of Ci- boletta, Moquino, Poquate, Covero, Acomo, Laguna, Poblacon, as con- jectured by Emory and Abert to/be regarded as the seven cities of Cibola, are rendered null by the historical fact mentioned by Castaneda, and also by Jaramillo, that the latter were situated on the Rio Vermejo, (Little Colorado,) a tributary of the Southern Ocean;t and also by the circumstance of the army, on its march from Cibola to Tiguex, finding Acuco (Acoma) five days’ journey to the eastward of Cibola, a cireum- stance which could not have taken place if Acuco (Acoma) were one of the seven towns of Cibola. Besides, Castafeda, in enumerating the villages dispersed in the country, expressly states that ‘‘ Cibola is the first province; it contains seven villages; Tusayan, seven; the rock of Acuco, one, &¢.,t which certainly shows that Cibola and Acuco were separate and district provinces. Again, I cannot see that the ruins of the Chaco, which, according to my explorations and reading are probably, on account of their extent and character, the most remarkable yet discovered in this country, have any just claims, as advanced by Mr. Morgan, to be regarded as the seven cities of Cibola;§ first, for the reason that they are not, as required by historical fact, situated on the Rio Vermejo, (Little Colorado,) or tribu- tary of the Rio del Lino or Flax River; second, they are not so situated with regard to the desert passed over by Coronado, between Chichilticale and Cibola, as to make the statement of Castaneda pertinent, to wit, * On this atlas is indorsed, ‘‘ Presented to the Peabody Institute by the Hon. John P. Kennedy, April 1, 1864. By this map the great dispute between Daniel Webster and | Lord Ashburton (relating doubtless to the northeastern boundary) was settled, particu- larly by nap No. 5.” +‘ All the streams we met, whether rivulet or river, as far as that of Cibola, and I believe even one or two days’ journey beyond that place, flow in the direction of the South Sea, (Mer du Sud,) meaning the Pacifie Ocean ;” further on they flow to the North Sea, (Mer du Nord,) meaning the Gulf of Mexico. Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 370. { Castaneda’s Relations, Ternanx Compans, pp. 181, 182. § Mr. Morgan, in his essay before referred to, having already made large extracts from my report to the Government on these ruins, I deem it unnecessary to say any- thing further in relation to them than to refer the reader for a more detailed account to said report. It is interesting, however, in this connection, to present the following extract from Humboldt’s Essai sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne, page 305, which in all probability refers to these very ruins: “The Indian traditions inform us that some twenty leagues to the north of Moqui, near the embouchure of the river Zejuannes, a river of the Navajos, was the first resting place (demeure) of the Aztecs after their sortie from Atzlan.” Again, on his map accompanying his Essay, is the following: “Premiere demeure des Azteques sortés d’Atzlan en 1160, tradition in certaine,” in lon- gitude about 112°30”, latitude 37°. CORONADO’S MARCH. 335 that Cibola was the first village to be met after passing the desert, and the last on leaving the peopled country to enter the desert; third, the Moqui villages (undoubtedly Tusayan) do not lie to the northwest from the ruins on the Chaco, as they should ‘do if these ruins were Cibola, but to the south of west; and fourth, the route of Coronado’s army eastward from there to Cicuyé, by the way of Acuco, (Acoma,) would have been very much and unnecessarily out of the proper direction. Mr. Morgan mentions the fact stated by Coronado, that it was eight days’ journey from Cibola to the buffalo range. ‘This, he thinks, could very well have taken place on the hypothesis of the Chaco ruins having been Cibola, but not on the supposition of Zuni. But the distance of Zuni to the buffalo range east of the Rio Pecos is aul about 230 miles, which certainly could ‘have been reached in eight days, allowing the journey he does of 30 miles per day. But to proceed with the principal points of Coronado’s route eastward from Cibola. I believe that all authorities who have written on the subject concur in the view that the Pueblo of Acoma, or Hak-koo-kee- ah, as it is now called in the Zuni language, is the Acuco of Colorado. * The singular coincidence of the names, as well as the striking resein- blance of the two places as described by Castaneda and Abert, which cannot be predicated of any other place in New Mexico, together with the proper relation of Acbma to Zuni (Cibola) and Tiguex in distance _ and direction, all show that they are identical. t The next province Coronado entered was that of Tiguex. Mr. Gallatin has located it on the Rio Puerco. His language relating to it is as fol- lows: ‘‘Having compared those several accounts (of Castafieda and Jaramillo) with Lieutenant Abert’s map and with that of Mr. Gregg, it * Lieutenant Colonel J. H. Eaton, United States Army, writing on this subject, re- marks: “In a conversation with a very intelligent Zuni Indian I learned that the Pueblo of Acoma is called in the Zuni tongue Hak-koo-kee-ah, (Acuco,) and this name was given to me without any previous question which would serve to give him an idea of this old Spanish name. Does not this, therefore, seem to give color to the hypothesis that Coronado’s army passed by or near to the present Pueblo of Zuni, and that it was their Cibola, or one of the seven cities of Cibola.” (Schooleraft’s History of the Indian Tribes of the United States, part iv, p. 220.) t The following graphic description of Acoma is from Abert: ‘“ After a journey of 15 miles we arrived at Acoma. High on a lofty rock of sandstone, such as I have de- scribed, sits the city of Acoma. On the northern side of the rock the rude boreal blasts have heaped up the sand so as to form a practical ascent for some distance; the rest of the way is through solid rock. At one place a singular opening or narrow way is formed between a huge, square tower of rock and the perpendicular face of the cliff. Then the road winds round like a spiral stairway; and the Indians have, in some way, fixed logs of wood in the rock, radiating from a vertical axis, like steps. These afford foothold to man and beast in clambering up. “We were constantly meeting and passing Indians, who had their ‘ burros’ laden with peaches. At last we reached the top of the rock, which was nearly level, and con- tains about sixty acres. Here we saw a large church, and several continuous blocks of buildings, containing sixty or seventy houses in each block. (The wall at the side that faced outward was ‘unbroken, and had no windows until near the top. The houses were three stories high.) In front, each story retreated back as it ascended, so as to leave a platform along the whole front of the. story. Sees platforms are guarded by parapet walls about three feet high. In order to gain admittance you ascend to the second story by means of ladders. The next story is gained by the same means; but to reach the ‘azotia, or roof, the partition walls on the platform that separates the quarters of different families have been formed into steps. This makes quite a narrow staircase, as the walls are not more than one foot in width.” (Report of Lieutenant J. W. Abert, Corps Topographical Engineers, of his examination of New Mexico in the years 1846~47, Ex. Doc. 41, 30th Congress, Ist session, pp. 470, 471.) / aoe CORONADO’S MARCH. appears to me probable that the Tiguex country lay, not on the main Rio Norte, but on its tributary, the Rio Puerco and its branches, and that the river which the Spaniards called Cicuyé, and on which they were obliged to build a bridge, was the main Rio del Norte.”* Mr. W. H. Davis, author of ‘El Gringo; or New Mexico and Oe People,” published in 1853, takes the same view. Mr. Squier believes the Rio de Tiguex to have been the Rio Grande, and the Rio de Cicuyé the Pecos, but locates Tiguex on the Rio Grande, above the mouth of the Puerco. Messrs. Kern and Morgan take the same view. According to my investigations I believe the Rio Tiguex to have been the Rio Grande, and the Rio de Cicuyé the Rio Pecos; but while I am willing to admit there are some grounds for the hypothesis that Tiguex was located on the Rio Grande above the mouth of the Puerco, yet I think there are still stronger grounds for the belief that it was situated on the Rio Grande below that river. Castaneda says, ‘‘ Three days’ journey from Acuco (Acoma) Alvarado and his army arrived in a province which was called Tiguex.”t Again, ‘The province of Tignex contains twelve villages, situated on the banks of a great river in a valley about two leagues broad. It is bounded on the west by some mountains, which are very high and cov- ered with snow. Four villages are built at the foot of these mountains and three others upon the heights.”{ Now, as Coronado and his army marched eastward § from Acuco, ‘Acoma,) and they accomplished the distance in a three days’ journey and then came toa large river, on the banks of which was situated the province of Tignex, it is clear that as the Rio Grande is the first large river to be met eastward from Acuco (Acoma) at a distance varying from sixty to eighty miles, depending on the route taken, this was the great river referred to, or the Rio de Tiguex. The idea of Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Davis that the Puerco was this river is, I think, entirely untenable, for*the reason that this river in its best stage is only about one hundred and twenty miles long, and frequently, as I myself have observed, so dry that its existence ‘could only be in- ferred from its dry bed and the occasional pools of water to be met along its track. It certainly, then, could not with any propriety be called a great river, as the Rio de Tiguex was represented to be. Tn addition, we jearn that the euides who conducted the army back to Cicuyé, on its return from its search after Quivira, declared that the Rio de Cicuyé threw itself into the Rio de Tiguex more than twenty days’ journey (or over four hundred miles) below where they struck it ;”|| which would have been an absurdity if the Tiguex were the trifling Rio Puerco, and the Cicuyé the Rio Grande, as Mr. Gallatin supposed; but which is all very plain on the hypothesis that the 'Tiguex was the Ttio Grande, and the Cicuyé the Pecos. But where was the exact location of the province of Tiguex? It was certainly below Hemez and Quirix, (San Felipe,{]) for the chron- * Transactions American Ethnological Society, vol. 2, p. 73. t Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 71. t Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 167, 168. § Ibid, p. 67. || Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 135. 7 On the old maps, as also on Humboldt’s, illustrating his “ Nouvelle Hispagne,” I notice the pueblo of San Felipe is laid down as “§. Felipe de Cuerez,” which I am in- formed is its name at this day. Indeed, Gregg, speaking of certain pueblos in New Mexico, says, “ those of Cochiti, Santo Domingo, | San Felipe, and perhaps Sandia, speak the same tongue, though they seem formerly to have been distinguished as Queres ” (Commerce of the Prairies, 2d edition, vol. i, p. 269.) CORONADO’S MARCH. 335 icler states that farther to the north (from Tiguex) is the province of Quirix, which contains seven villages; seven leagues to the northwest (which may mean from Quirix or Tiguex) that of Hemez, which con- tains the same number, &c.;* the text says, “‘nord-est,” but this is evidently a mistake, as the oldest maps extant place Hemez where it is now situated, on the Rio de Hemez, to the west of the Rio Grande. The foregoing would seem to show conclusively that Tiguex was sit- uated below Quirix, and possibly, under one of the constructions given above, only seven leagues or twenty-four miles below Hemez, whicn would place it on the Rio Grande just about the mouth of the Rio de Hemez, or about 80 miles above the mouth of the Puerco, where the authorities above given have placed it. But yet the extract before given from Castaneda expressly states also that the “ Province of Tig- uex was situated upon the banks of a great river (Rio de Tiguex) in a valley about two leagues broad, and bounded on its west by some very high, snowy mountains,” &c. Now, the only locality which will answer this description is that part of the valley of the Rio Grande bounded on its west by the Socorro Mountains, situated just below the mouth of the’ Puerco. These are the first mountains to be met in descending the river from Santo Domingo, or from even above that pueblo, (ail the intervening heights being merely table-lands and therefore not so elevated as to be termed snowy,) and they fix the locality, in my judgment, as I have. before stated, below the mouth of the Puerco. I have, therefore, on my map located the province of Tiguex on the Rio Grande below the Rio Puerco, at the foot of the Socorro Mountains. which bounds it on its west; and itis somewhat confirmatory of this position that on the map No. 5 of ‘Thomas Jeffreys’ Atlas,” before re ferred to as excellent authority, I find Tigua, no doubt intended for the same place, or province, located in the valley of the Rio Grande, just where I have located Tiguex, namely, at the foot of the Socorro Moun- tains. The next important place in the route of Coronado from Tiguex was Cicuyé. Castantedo says: “After a journey of five days from Tiguex, Alvarado (with his detachment of twenty men) arrived at Cicuyé, a very well fortified village, the houses of which are four stories high.”t Again, ‘The armyquitted Tiguex on the 5th of May (1531) and took the route to Cicuyé, which is twenty-five leagues distant.”t Jaramillo states the direction to have been “ northeast.”§ In another place Castaneda remarks that ‘ Cicuyé is built in a narrow valley, in the midst of moun- tains covered with pines. It is traversed by a small stream, in which we caught some excellent trout.”|| Now, all this points, as I believe, to the ruins of Pecos, on the Rio Pecos, as the site of Cicuyé, and in this I agree with Mr. Squier and Mr. Kern. These ruins are in a northeast direction from the supposed position of Tiguex, and about five days’ journey distant. They are also situated in a narrow valley in the midst of mountains covered with pines, and the site is traversed by a small silvery stream, in which may be caught some excellent trout. I certainly know no other place that in so many respects suits the conditions of the problem; but the —_——- * Castafieda’s Relations, Ternanx Compans. t Castanieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 71. t Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 113. § Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 371. || Castatieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 179. 336 CORONADO’S MARCH. . following remark by Castafeda has perplexed investigators not a little. He remarks, that ‘‘ when the army quitted Cicuyé to go to Quivira we entered the mountains, which it was necessary to cross to reach the plains, and on the fourth day we arrived at a great river, very deep, which passes also near Cicuyé. Jt is for this reason we call it the Rio de Cicuyé. Here we were obliged to build a bridge, which employed us four days.”* The difficulty has been to reconcile the statement that Cicuyé (Pecos) was on or near the Rio Cicuyé, and yet that after four days’ travel, after ‘traversing some mountains in a northeasterly direction, the army should again cross it by a bridge. Now all this, I think, can be reconciled by reference to the accom- panying map, on which ‘will be found laid down a route, the only ee I believe, existing at the present day between Pecos and Las Végas, on the Rio Gallinas, a tributary of the Rio Pecos, where the plains com- mence.t The general direction of the road is northeast. It traverses some very rough mountains, and the distance between the two laces is about fifty miles, which might have necessitated, considering the rough- ness of the route, a journey of four days, as the conditions require. Be- sides, the Gallinas is liable to be flooded from the melting snows of the neighboring sierras in the month of May and fore-part of June; this naturally would make necessary at such times a bridge to cross it. Emory, speaking about Las Végas and its vicinity, says: *“* As we emerged from the hills into the valley of the Végas, our eyes were greeted for the first time with waving corn. The stream (the Gallinas) was flooded, and the little drains by which the fields were irrigated full to the brim.”z My idea is, then, that this stream being a tributary of the Pecos and larger than the latter at Cicuyé, (Pecos,) it was, in all probability, called for those reasons the Rio de Cicuyé, though the place by this hame was situated distant from it on another branch of the same river, where the ruins of the Pecos village are now to be seen. I will also state, as strongly confirmatory of this location of Cicuyé, that on map No.5 of the “American Atlas, by Thomas Jefireys, pub- lished in 1775,” twice before referred to, I find laid down, in about the present locality of Pecos, a place named ‘ Sayaqué,” which might well answer for Cicuyé. But where was Quivira? “the last” (place,) as Castafleda remarks, ‘which was visited by Coronado.” Mr. Squier, on his map, before re- ferred to, has the route pursued by Coronado laid down as extending indefinitely in a northeastwardly direction, from Cicuyé (Pecos;) but still, in his essay before referred to, says ‘‘ there is no doubt that Vas- quez Coronado penetrated, in 1541, to the region of Gran Quivira, vis- ited and described by Gregg eS that is the Quivira which on modern maps is laid down in latitude about 34° north, and longitude 106° west from Greenwich, or about 100 miles directly south from Santa Fé. Lieu- tenant Abert and My. Kern have expre essed the same thing; the latter locating Coronado’s routé, not in a northeast direction from Cicuyé and extending about six hundred miles, as required by the stasements of Cas- taneda, Coronado, and Jaramillo; but in a direction almost directly the reverse—at first eastw ardly and ‘then westwardly, so as: to make him reach a place called Quivira in modern times, but located only about * Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 115, 116. + This is the only route which for years has been taken by travelers and others from Fort Leavenworth to Santa Fé t Emory’s Report, Ex. Doe. No. 7, 30th eee ai Ist session, p. 26. § American Review for November, 1848, p. 6 CORONADO’S MARCH. 337 one hundred miles from Cicuyé (Pecos,) and that almost in a due south direction. Mr. Gallatin says, ‘‘Coronado appears to have proceeded as far north as near’ the 40° of latitude,” * in search of Quivira. Again, quoting from him, ‘“ Quivira, (referring to that about one hun- dred miles south from Santa Fé, in latitude 34° and longitude 106°,) about fourteen miles east of Abo, was not visited by Lieutenant Abert; but its position was correctly ascertained. It is quite probable that the place now known by that name was the true Quivira of the Indians at the time of Coronado’s expedition. But whether deceived by a treach- erous Indian guide, as they assert, or having not understood what the Indians meant, which is quite probable, the Spaniards gave the name of Quivira to an imaginary country situated north and represented as abounding in gold.” t Now, it is something singular that, so far as I have been able to inves- tigate, there is no such place as Quivira laid down on the old maps in the locality where modern maps show it—namely, in latitude 34°, lon- gitude 106°; but there is a place of that name laid down on these maps in about latitude 40°, as high as Coronado located it. I am therefore inclined to believe that at the time of Coronado’s expedition the former Quivira did not exist. At all events, it is scarcely credible that such a remarkable city as Quivira was represented to be, so fall of gold, &c., situated as it was, only about fifty miles from Tiguex, the headquarters of Coronado’s army, and which might have been reached in two days, could have been kept from the knowledge and observation of the army for about a year and a half, during all the time that a portion of it was sta- tioned at that place. Again, Gregg, (an excellent authority,) speaking of the ruins of Qui- vira, remarks: ‘* By some persons these ruins have been supposed to be the remains of an ancient pueblo, or aboriginal city. That is not proba- ble, however, for though the relics of aboriginal temples might possibly be mistaken for those of Catholic churches, yet it is not to be presumed that the Spanish coat of arms would be found sculptured and painted on their facades, as is the case in more than one instance.” t No; Iam of opinion that Coronado and his army marched just as Cas- taneda, Jaramillo, and Coronado have reported; that is, generally in a northeast direction, over extensive plains, through countless herds of buffaloes and prairie-dog villages, and at length, after getting in a man- ner lost, and finding, as the chronicler says, they had gone “ too far toward Florida,”§ that is, tothe eastward, and had traveled from Tiguex for thirty-seven days, or a distance of between 700 and 800 miles, their provisions failing them, the main body turned back to Tiguex; and Coronado, with thirty-six picked men, continued his explorations north- wardly to the 40° of latitude, where he reached a province which the Indians called Quivira, in which he expected to find a city containing remarkable houses and stores of gold, but which turned out to be only the abode of very wild Indians, who lived in miserable wigwams, and knew nothing about gold. * Transactions American Ethnological Society, vol. ii, p. 64. ~ t Ibid., p. 95. t Gregg’s Commerce of the Prairies, 2d ed., p. 165. § On some of the old maps Florida embraces all the country west of the Rio Grande and south of Canada. See “ Atlas Historique, par Mr. C * * * ; Avec des dissertations sur Histoire de Chaque état, par Mr. Gnendeville,” before alluded to, published in 1732. Again, Hakluyt remarks: ‘The name of Florida was at one time applied to all that tract of territory which extends from Canada to the Rio del Norte.” (See his introduction to “ The Discovery and Conquest of Peru by Don Fernando de Soto,” p. 10.) 22 s 69 338 CORONADO’S MARCH. Coronado’s description of the region is as follows: “The province 0: Quivira is 950 leagues (3,230 miles) from Mexico. The place I have reached is the 40° of latitude. The earth is the best possible for all kinds of productions of Spain, for while it is very strong and black, it is very well watered by brooks, springs, and rivers. I found prunes like those of Spain, some of which were black, also some excellent grapes and mulberries.” * Jaramillo, who accompanied Coronado to Quivira, speaking of this region, says: “* This country (Quivira) has a superb appearance, and such that I have not seen better in all of Spain, neither in Italy nor France, nor in any other country where I have been in the service of your Majesty. It is not a country of mountains; there are only some hills, some plains, and some streams of very fine water, (des ruis-seaux de fort belle eau.) It satisfied me completely. I presume that itis very fertile and favorable for the cultivation of all kinds of fruits.”t In another portion of his Relations he mentions having crossed a large river, to which they gave the name of “ Saint Peter and Saint Paul,” which very probably was the Arkansas, and after traveling sey- eral days farther north, they came to the province of Quivira, where they learned that there was a still larger river farther on, to which they gave the name of * Teucarea,” and which I believe to have been the Missouri.¢ Again, Castaneda says: “It is in this country (that of Quivira) that the Espiritu Sancto, (Mississippi, ) which Don Fernando de Soto discoy- ered in Florida, takes its source. * * * * The course of this river is so long, and it receives so many affluents, that it is of prodigious length to where it debouches into the sea, and its fresh waters extend far out after you have lost sight of the land.’’§ All the authors who have written on this subject seem to have discredited Coronado’s report that he explored northwardly as far as the 40° of north latitude; but not only do the reports of Castaneda and Jaramillo bear him out in his statement, but the peculiar description of the country as given by them all—namely, that it was exceedingly rich ; its soil black; that it bore, spontaneously, grapes and prunes, (wild plums;) was watered by many streams of pure water, &c.; and the cir- cumstance of this kind of country not being found anywhere in the probable direction of Coronado’s route, except across the Arkansas and on the headwaters of the Arkansas River; all this, together with the allusion to a large river, the “ Saint Peter and Saint Paul, ” (proba- bly the Arkansas,) which they crossed before reaching Quivi ira, in lati- * Following the orders of your Majesty (Don Antonio de Mendoga, ) I have observed the best possible treatment toward the natives of this province, and of all others that I have traversed. They have nothing to complain of me or my people. I sojourned twenty-five days in the province of Quivira, as much to thoroughly explore the country as to see if I could not find some further occasion to serve your Majesty, for the guides whom I brought with me have spoken of provinces situated still farther on. That which I have been able to learn is, that in all this country one can find neither gold nor any other metal. They spoke to me of small villages, whose inhabitants for the most part do not cultivate the soil. They have huts of hides and of willows, and change their places of abode with the vaches (buffaloes.) The tale they told me ‘then (that Quivira was a city of extraordinary buildings and full of gold) was false. In inducing me to part with all my army to come to this country, the Indians thought that the country being desert and without water, they would conduct us into places where our horses and ourselves would die of hunger; that is what the guides have confessed. They told that they had acted by the advice of the natives of these coun- tries. (Coronado’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 360, 361.) — t Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 378. { Jaramillo’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 375, 377. § Castaiieda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, p. 195. CORONADO’S MARCH. 339 tude 40° north; and to a still larger river further on (probably the Mis- souri)—makes it exceedingly probable that he reached the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is now the boundary between the States of Kansas and Nebraska, well on towards the Missouri River; and in this region I have terminated his explorations north on the accompanying map.* In regard to the return route of the army of Coronado, which he dispatched to Tignex before he reached Quivira, it is expressly men- tioned that they passed by some salt ponds, and, as I believe they are only to be found in that region of country between the Canadian and Arkansas Rivers, on the Little Arkansas River, a tributary of the latter, in about latitude 37°, and longitude 99°, I have located this’ route as passing by these ponds, with some probability of its being correct.t Another point of the return route of the army was where it struck the Rio Cicuyé, about thirty leagues below the bridge, where it had crossed it on their outward march.t Besides the provinces I have endeavored to locate there were a num- ber, as I have already stated, visited by Coronado, or his officers, which were situated on the Rio Tiguex, (Rio Grande,) or some of its tribu- taries, as follows: Quirix, containing seven villages; in the Snow Mount- ains, seven; Ximena, three; Chea, one; Hemes, seven; Aguas Calien- tes, three; Yuque-yunque of the mountain, six; Valladolid or Braba, one; Tutahaco, eight. Quirix was unquestionably San Phelipe de Queres of the present day; Chea, Silla; Hemes, Hemez ; Aguas Calientes, the ruins which I have seen at Ojos Calientes, twelve miles above Hemez, on the Rio de Hemez; and Braba, Taos. The situation of all the places named accord so well with that given by Castaneda as to leave but little doubt that they are -entical. In addition, in relation to Braba, Castaneda states that it was the last town on the Rio Tiguex, north, and was “built on the two banks of a stream which was crossed by bridges built of nicely-squared pine tim- ber.” Gregg, speaking of Taos, which is the last pueblo on the Rio Grande north of Santa Fé, says: “There still exists a pueblo of Taos, composed for the most part of but two edifices of very singular con- struction, on each side of a creek, and formerly communicating by a bridge. The base story, near 400 feet long and 150 wide, is divided into numerous apartments, upon which other tiers of rooms are built, one above another, forming a pyramidal pile of fifty or sixty feet high, and comprising some six or eight stories.”"§ The identity, therefore, of the two places I think certain. All the vilages along the Rio de Tiguex, (Rio Grande,) explored by Castaneda, were included in a district thirty leagues (102 miles) broad and one hundred and thirty (442 miles) long. Castafieda, speaking of the origin of the people who inhabited these regions, says: “ This circumstance, the customs and form of government * This hypothesis is also strengthened by the fact that the Turk who guided Coro- nado stated that he was “a native of the country on the side of Florida,” that is, toward the east from the Rio Tiguex, (Rio Grande,) in the valley of which he was at that time; that in his country was “a river two leagues broad,” &c.; and that when he reached Quivira he told the Spaniards “that his country was still beyond that.” (See Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 72, 77, 131.) t See ante, p. 40. { Between the outward and return route the Canadian River is deeply canoned for fifty miles, which doubtless necessitated the army on its return either to cross it where it did when going to Quivira, or at least fifty miles below that point; and doing the latter, it naturally struck the Pecos proportionally lower down from the bridge. § Gregg’s Commerce of the Prairies, 2d ed., vol, ii, p. 277. 340 CORONADO’S MARCH. / of these nations, which are so entirely different from those of all the other nations we have found up to the present time, prove that they came from the region of the Great India, whose coasts touch those of this country on the west. They may have approached by following the course of the river after crossing the mountains, and may have there fixed themselves in the locations that seemed most advantageous to them. As they multiplied they built other villages along the banks, until the stream failed them by plunging into the earth. When it reappears it flows toward Florida. It is said that there are other villages on the banks of this river, but we did not visit them, preferring, accord- ing to the Turk’s advice, to cross the mountains to its source. I believe that great riches would be found in the country whence these Indians came. According io the route they followed they must have come from the extremity of the Eastern India, and from a very unknown region, which, according to the conformation of the coast, would be situated far in the interior of the land betwixt China and Norway. There must, in fact, be an immense distance from one sea to the other, according to the form of the coast as it has been discovered by Captain Villalobos, who took that direction in seeking for China. The same occurs when we follow the coast of Florida; it always approaches Norway up to the point where the country ‘des baccalaos,’ or codfish, is obtained.”* The foregoing reflections seem crude to us who are better informed with regard to the geograpby of the earth’s surface; but when we con- sider that in the days of Castafieda the whole of that portion of the continent lying east of the Rio Grande was called Florida, and but lit- tle, if anything, was known of the exact relations of the northern part of our continent with the other portions of the world, they do not appear irrelevant. Tn conclusion, I think it proper to observe that the “ Relations” of Coronado, Castaneda, Jaramillo, and Alarcon, though somewhat vague in style, and therefore requiring a great deal of study to comprehend their meaning with certainty, are nevertheless written in a straight-forward, natural manner, and are manifestly entitled to credence whenever they describe what came under their observation. When, however, they describe the tales of others their narratives partake the character of the marvelous; but, even then, if we carry along with us the idea that they do not mean to deceive, but only to give expression to what might possibly be trne—but which they do not assert to be so—their narratives must be regarded not only as truthful, but as meritorious, and emi- nently deserving of careful study and reflection. * Castaneda’s Relations, Ternaux Compans, pp. 183, 184. THE SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF THE LOWER RACES OF MAN, AN ADDRESS TO THE WORKINGMEN OF LIVERPOOL. By Sim Jonn Lusegock, Lart., M.P., FR.S. GENTLEMEN: The subject on which I have been requested to address you this evening is one of much interest, but also of such vast extent, that I shall make no apology for entering at once upon it, without any introductory remarks. I will only observe that I do not propose to de- scribe the arms or implements, houses or boats, food or dress of savagés, all no doubt very interesting, but which time will not permit me to dis- cuss; my object will rather be, if possible, to illustrate the mental con- dition and ideas of the lower races of men, a subject necessarily of great interest to the philosopher, but also of immense practical importance to an empire like ours, which extends to every quarter of the globe, and contains races of men in every stage of civilization. Even those who consider that man was civilized from the beginning, and look upon savages as the degenerate descendants of much superior parents, must still admit that our ancestors were once mere savages, and may find therefore much interest in this study; but it no doubt ap- pears far more important to those who think, as I do, that the primitive condition of man was one of barbarism, and that the history of the human race has, on the whole, been one of progress. I do not of course suppose that every people must necessarily advance; but those who do not, will assuredly be replaced, sooner or later, by more worthy races. Nor does progress take place alike, or pari passu, inallnations. The Greeks, though very advanced in arts, were extremely backward in other respects. Even the most civilized races show traces, and often more than traces, of their former barbarism. Nor do I mean that our modern savages in all respects reproduce the .condition of our ancestors in early times; on the contrary, even the Australians have now codes of laws and rules which have grown up gradually, and cannot have existed originally. I feel satisfied, however, that from the study of modern savages we can gain a correct idea of man as he existed in ancient times, and of the stages through which our civilization has been evolved. As regards their habits indeed, and the material conditions of life, savages differ greatly. The Esquimaux, in the land of ice and seals, the hunters of the American forests and prairies, the beautiful island- ers of the still more beautiful islands in the Pacific, the Tartars of the Siberian steppes, the Negroes of tropical Africa, necessarily differ greatly in their diet, their clothes, their houses, &c.; but, on the other hand, as regards ideas and customs, the case is different, and we find * 342 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF very remarkable similarities even in the most distinct races and the most distant regions of the globe. I propose, therefore, on the present occasion, more especially to call your attention to the social or family relations, and the religious ideas of the lower races. —_: i Our ideas of relationship, founded as they are on marriage, seem so ‘ natural and obvious, that we are at first inclined to regard them as having been original and common to them; this, however, as I shall attempt to show you, would be a mistake. Indeed, the position ot woman is, among the lower savages, melancholy in the extreme, and precludes all those tender and sacred feelings to which so much of our best and purest happiness is due. Again, the religion (if so it can be called) of savages differs greatly ; nay, in some respects, is the very opposite of ours. The whole mental condition of the savage, indeed, is so dissimilar from ours that it is often very difficult for us to follow what is passing in his mind, or to understand the motives by which he is actuated. Many things appear natural, and almost self-evident to him, which pro- duce a very different effect upon us. ‘‘ What,” said a Negro once to Bur- ton, ‘‘am I to starve while my sister has children whom she can sell?” Thus, though savages always have a reason, such as it is, for what they do and what they think, these reasons often seem to us irrelevant or absurd. Moreover, the difficulty of understanding what is passing in their minds is, of course, much enhanced by the differences of language. These have produced many laughable mistakes. Thus, when Labil- lardiére inquired of the Friendly Islanders (whose language we now perfectly understand) what was their word for 1,000,000, they seem to have thought the question absurd, and gave him a word which has no meaning; when he asked for 10,000,000, they said ‘ looole,” which I will leave unexplained; for 100,000,000, ‘ laownoua,” which means ‘non- sense;” while, for still higher numbers, they gave him, in joke, certain coarse expressions, which he has gravely recorded in his table of nu- merals. A mistake made by Dampier led to more serious results. He had met some Australians, and apprehending an attack, he says, “I dis- charged my gun to save them, but avoided shooting any of them, till, finding that we were in great danger from them, and that though the’ gun a little frightened them at first, yet they had soon learned to despise it, tossing up their hands, and crying pooh, pooh, pooh; and coming on afresh with a great noise, I thought it high time to charge again and shoot one of them, which I did.” Thus, this wretched savage lost his life because Dampier did not remember that pooh, pooh, or puff, puff, is the name which savages, like children, apply to guns. ; Again, the modes of salutation among savages are sometimes very curious, and their modes of showing their feelings quite unlike ours. Kissing seems to us so natural an expression of affection, that we. should expect to find it atl over the world. Yet it was unknown to the Australians, the New Zealanders, the Paponans, the West African Negroes, and the Esquimaux. The Polynesians and the Malays always sit down when speaking to a superior. In some parts of Central Africa it is considered respectful to turn the back to a superior. Captain Cook asserts that the inhabitants of Mallicolo, an island in the Pacific Ocean, show their admiration by hissing ; the Todas of the Neilgherry Hills, in India, are said to show respect by raising the open e LOWER RACES OF MAN. 343 right hand to the brow, resting the thumb on the nose; it is asserted that among the Esquimaux it is customary to pull a person’s nose as a compliment; a Chinaman puts on his hat where he should take it off, and among the same curious people a coffin is regarded as a neat and appropriate present for an aged person, especially if in bad health. Under these circumstances we cannot wonder that we have very con- tradictory accounts of the character and mental condition of savages. Nevertheless, by comparing together the accounts of different travelers, we can, to a great extent, eliminate these sources of error, and we are much aided in this by the remarkable similarity between very different races. So striking, indeed, is this likeness, that different races, in sim- ilar stages of development, often present more features of resemblance to one another than the same race does to itself in different stages of its history. Some ideas, indeed, which seem to us at first inexplicable and fantas- tic, are yet very widely distributed. I will only allude to two. Probably every Englishman who had not studied other races, would be astonished to meet with a nation in which, on the birth of a baby, the father and not the mother was put to bed and nursed. Yet, though this custom seems so ludicrous to use, it prevails very widely. Father Dobritzhoffer tells us that among the Abigrones of South America, “no sooner do you hear that a woman has borne a child, than you see the husband lying in bed, huddled up with mats and skins, lest some ruder breath of air should touch him, and for a number of days abstaining religiously from certain viands; yeu would swear it was he who had had the child. * z * Thad read about this in old times, and laughed at it, never thinking I could believe such madness; and I _ used to suspect that this barbarous custom was related more in joke than in earnest, but at last I saw it with my own eyes among the Abigrones.” Other travelers mention the existence of a similar custom in Green- land, in Kamtchatka, in parts of China, in Borneo, in the north of Spain, in Corsica, and in the south of France, where it was called “faire la convade.” It is of course evident that, a custom so ancient and so widely distri- buted must have its origin in some idea which satisfies the savage mind. Several explanations have been suggested. Professor Max Miiller says, ‘It is clear that the poor husband was at first tyrannized over by his female relations, and afterward frightened into superstition. He then began to make a martyr of himself, till he made himself really ill, or took to his bed in.self-defense.” Lafitau, to whom we are indebted for an excellent work on the manners of the American Indians, regards it as arising from a dim recollection of original sin, rejecting the explanation given by some of the savages themselves, and which I have little doubt. is the correct one, that they do it because they believe that if the father is engaged in any rough work, or was careless in his diet, the infant would suffer. This idea, namely, that a person imbibes the characteristics of an ani- mal which he eats, is very widely distributed. The Malays at Singapore used to give a large price for the flesh of the tiger, not because they liked it, but because they believed that the man who eats tiger will be- come as wise and powerful as that animal. The Dyaks of Borneo have a prejudice against the flesh of the deer, which the men may not eat, though it is allowed to the women and children. The reason given is that if the men were to eat venison, they would become as timid as deer. . 344 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF The Caribs will not eat the flesh of pigs or of tortoises lest they should get small eyes. The Dacotahs of North America eat the liver of the dog, that they may become as wise and brave as that animal. The New Zealanders, after baptizing an infant, used to make it swal- low pebbles, so that its heart might be hard and incapable of pity. So also after a battle, they used to cook and eat the bravest and wisest of their fallen enemies, expecting thus to secure a share of their wisdom and courage. Another curious idea very prevalent among savages is their dread of having their portraits taken. The better the likeness the worse they wiitk for the sitter; so much, life could not be put into the copy except at the expense of the original. Once, when a good deal annoyed by some North American Indians, Kane got rid of them instantly by threatening to draw them if they remained. Catlin tells an amusing but melancholy anecdote in illustration of this feeling among the same people. On one occasion he was making a like- ness of a chief named Mahtocheega, in profile. This, when observed, excited much commotion among the Indians. ‘ Why was half his face left out?” they asked, ‘Mahtocheega was never afraid to look a white man in the face.” Mahtocheega himself does not seem to have taken any offense, but Shonka, a hostile chief, took occasion to taunt him. “The Englishman,” he said, ‘knows that you are but half a man; he has painted but one-half of your face, and knows that the rest is good for nothing.” This taunt led to a fight, in which poor Mahtocheega was killed, and the whole affair was very unfortunate for Mr. Catlin, who had much difficulty in making his escape, and lived some time in fear of his life. i We cannot wonder that writing should appear to the savage even. more mysterious and uncanny than drawing. . Carver allowed the Canadian Indians to open a book wherever they pleased, and then told them the number of leaves on each side. The only way they could account for this, he says, ““was by conelnding that the book was a spirit and told me whatever I asked.” Further south the Minnatarrees, seeing Catlin intent over a copy of the New York Commercial Advertiser, were much puzzled, but at length concluded that it was a cloth for sore eyes. One of them eventually bought it at a high price. This belief in the mysterious character of writing has led to its being used in many parts of the world as:a medicine. The Central Africans are a religious people according to their lights, and have great faith in the efficacy of prayers. When any one is ill, they write a text out of the Koran on a board, wash it off, and make the patient drink it. The French traveller, Caillié, met with a man who had a great reputation for sanctity, and who made his living by writing prayers on a board, washing them off, and then selling the water, which was sprinkled over various objects, and supposed to improve and protect them. It was soon observed that the charms were no protection from fire-arms; but that did not the least weaken the faith in them, because they said, as guns were not invented in Mohammed’s time, he naturally provided no specific against them. ORNAMENTS. Savages are passionately fond of ornaments. If in the very low races the women are often wholly undecorated, this is only because the men keep all the ornaments to themselves. THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 345 As a general rule, we may say that races inhabiting hot climates ornament themselves; those of colder countries, their clothes. In fact, all savage races who have much of their skin uncovered, delight in painting themselves in the most brilliant colors. Although perfectly naked, the Australians of Botany Bay were,,as Captain Cook quaintly puts it, “ very ambitious to be fine.” Through the nose they wore a bone, as thick as a man’s finger, and five or six inches long. This was of course very awkward, as it prevented them from breathing through the nose; but they submitted cheerfully to the inconvenience for the sake of the appearance. They had also necklaces made of shells neatly cut and strung together, earrizgs, bracelets of small cord, and strings of plaited human hair, which they wound round their waists. Some also had gorgets of large shells hung round their neck; and on all these ornaments they placed a high value. They also painted themselves, red and white being the principal colors. The red was laid on in broad patches; the white generally in stripes, or on the face in spots, often with a circle round each eye. Spix and Martius thus describe the ornaments of a Coroado woman, whom they saw in Brazil: “On the cheek she had a cirele, and over that two strokes; under the nose several marks resembling an m; from the corners of the mouth to the middle of the cheek were two parallel lines, and below them on both sides many straight stripes; below and between her breasts there were some segments of circles, and down her arms the figure of a snake was depicted.” She also wore a necklace of monkey’s teeth. Indeed, savages wear necklaces and rings, bracelets, and anklets, armlets and leglets; even, if I may say so, bodylets. Round their bodies, round their necks, round their arms and legs, their fingers, and even their toes, they wear ornaments of all kinds. Lichtenstein saw the wife of a Beetuan chief, in South Africa, wearing no less than seventy-two brass rings. Nor are they particular as to the material—copper, brass or iron, leather or ivory, stones, shells, glass, bits of wood, seeds or teeth— nothing comes amiss. In the Louisiade Archipelago, McGillivray saw several bracelets made, each of a human lower jaw, crossed by a collar bone; and other travelers have seen brass curtain rings, brass keyhole plates, lids of sardine cases, and other such incongruous objects, worn with much gravity and pride. Many races are very careful about their hair. The Feejee Islanders train it into elaborate wigs, which take some years to arrive at perfec- tion, so that they cannot sleep as we do, but are compelled to use neck- rests. The islanders north of Australia, though among the lowest of savages, are in the habit of dyeing their hair red. Not content with hanging things on their bodies wherever nature has enabled them to do so, savages often cut holes in themselves for the purpose. The Esquimaux, from Mackenzie River westward, make two openings in their cheeks, one on each side, in which they wear stone ornaments shaped like a large shirt-stud, and which may be called cheek-studs. Throughout a great portion of Western America, and in parts of Africa, it is the custom to wear a large piece of wood in the lower lip. A small hole is made in the lip during infancy, and it is then enlarged by degrees, the size of the lower lip being the principal criterion of beauty. Other races, in the same manner, enlarge the lobe of the ear, until it - 346 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF sometimes reaches the shoulder. Others file the teeth in various man- ners. Dr. Barnard Davis has a Dyack skull from Borneo, in which the six front teeth are each ornamented by having a small brass pin driven into them. Ornamentation of the skin, again, is almost universal among the lower races of men. In some cases every individual follows his own fancy; in others, each class has its own pattern. Thus, the Bormouese of Central Africa have twenty cuts or lines on each side of the face, one in the center of the forehead, six on each arm, six on each leg, four on each side of the chest, and nine on each side just above the hips. This makes ninety-one large cuts, and the process is said to be extremely painful, especially on account of the heat and flies. The most familiar example, however, of this mode of ornamentation is the tattooing of the New Zealanders, which also causes much inflam- mation of the skin and great suffering. Many other cases might be given in which savages ornament them- selves, as they suppose, in a manner which must be very painful. Even the shape is forcibly altered by some races of men. Thus the Chinese cripple their ladies by preventing the growth of the feet; and some of the American races even entirely alter the shape of the head, by tight bandages applied to the newly-born infant, a process which one would have expected to affect the intellect, though, as far as the existing evidence goes, it does not appear to do so. LAWS. Those who have not devoted much attention to the subject have generally regarded the savage as having, at least, one advantage over civilized man, that, namely, of enjoying an amount of personal freedom greater than that of individuals belonging to more civilized communities. There cannot be a greater mistake. The savageis nowhere free. All over the world his lite is regulated by a complicated set of rules and customs as forcible as laws, of quaint prohibitions, and unjust privileges— the prohibitions generally applying to the women, and the privileges to the men. The Australians, says Mr. Laing, “instead of enjoying perfect per- sonal freedom, as it would at first appear, are governed by a code of rules and a set of customs which form one of the most cruel tyrannies that has ever perhaps existed on the face of the earth, subjecting not only the will, but the property and life of the weak to the dominion of the strong. The whole tendency of the system is to give everything . to the strong and old, to the prejudice of the weak and young, and more particularly to the detriment of the women. They have rules by which the best food, the best pieces, the best animals, &c., are prohibited to the women and young men, and reserved for the old. The women are generally appropriated to the old and powerful, some of whom possess from four to six wives; while wives are altogether denied to young men, unless they have sisters to give in exchange, and are strong and courageous enough to prevent their sisters from being taken without exchange.” In Tahiti “the men were allowed to eat the flesh of the pig and of fowls, and a variety of fish, cocoa-nuts, and plantains, and whatever was presented as an offering to the gods, which the females on pain of death were forbidden to touch, as it was supposed they would pollute them. ~ THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. . 347 The fire on which the men’s food was cooked was also sacred, and was forbidden to be used by the females. The baskets in which their pro- vision was kept, and the house in which the men ate, were also sacred, and prohibited to the females under the same cruel penalty.” “No believe,” says Sir George Grey, “that man in a savage state is endowed with freedom, either of thought or action, is in the highest degree erroneous.” Moreover, if savages pass unnoticed many actions which we deem highly criminal, on the other hand they strictly forbid others which we regard as altogether immaterial. Thus the Mongols of Siberia think it wrong to touch fire with a knife, to use one for taking meat out ofa pot, to cut up wood near a hearth, to lean on a whip, to pour liquor on the ground, to strike a horse with the bridle, or break one bone against another. Even in the choice of their wives, savages in many cases have rules which greatly restrict their power of selection. In Australia (where, by the way, the same family names are common over almost the whole continent) no man may marry a woman of the same name as his own, even though she may be no relation whatever. In Eastern Africa, Burton says that “some clans of Somal Arabs will not marry one of the same family.” Throughout India we find that the hill tribes are divided into septs or clans, and that a man may not marry a woman belonging to his own clan. The Kalmucks of Tartary are divided into hordes, and a man may not marry a girl of his own horde. ‘The bride,” says Bergman, “is always - chosen from another stock; among the Derbets, for instance, from the Torgot stock, and among the Torgots from the Derbet stock.” The same custom prevails among the Circassians and the Samoyeds - of Siberia. The Ostyaks and Yakuts also regard it as a crime to marry a woman of the same family, or even of the same name. Among the North American Indians every tribe is divided into clans, generally from three to eight clans in each tribe, and no man is allowed to marry a woman of his own clan. Again, far from being informal or extemporary, the salutations, cere- monies, treaties, and contracts of savages are characterized by the very opposite qualities. Eyre mentions that, in their intercourse with one another, natives of different Australian tribes are exceedingly punctilious. Mariner gives a long account of the elaborate ceremonies practiced by the Ton- gans, and of their almost superstitious regard for rank. Thus, the king was by nomeans the man of highest rank. The Tooitonga, Veachi, and several others preceded him. Indeed the name Tooitonga means liter- ally “ Sovereign of Tonga;” the office, however, was wholly of a religious character, the Tooitonga being regarded as descended from the gods, if not as a deity himself. The Egbas, a Negro race of West Africa, are described by Burton as extremely ceremonious, and have a great variety of salutations, appli- cable to every possible occasion. If an inferior meets a superior, there are several modes of showing respect. Captain Burton calculates that every one spends at least one hour a day in these troublesome ceremonies. In the religious ceremonies of Tahiti, Williams mentions that ‘ how- ever large or costly the sacrifice that had been offered, and however near its close the most protracted ceremony might be, if the priest omitted or misplaced any word in the prayers with which it was accompanied, or if his attention was diverted by any means, so that the prayer was 348 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF ‘hai’ or broken, the whole was rendered unavailable; he must prepare other victims, and repeat his prayers over from the commencement.” Again, in Feejee, which is inhabited by a totally different race, we are told that public business was conducted with tedious formality. Old forms are strictly observed and innovations opposed. An abun- dance of measured clapping of hands, and subdued exclamations, charac- terize these occasions. Whales’ teeth and other property are never exchanged or presented without a tedious ceremonial. But little consideration is required to show that this is quite natural. In the absence of writing, evidence of contracts must depend on the tes- timony of witnesses; and it is necessary, therefore, to avoid all haste which might lead to forgetfulness, and to imprint the ceremony as much as possible on the minds of those present. Among the lower races of men the chiefs scarcely take any cognizance of crime. As regards private injuries, every one protects or revenges himself. Thus, among the North American Indians, even in cases of murder, the family of the deceased only punish tbe aggressor if they ean. The chiefs and rulers do not feel called on to interfere. Indeed, it would seem that the object of legal regulations was at first not so much to punish the offender as to restrain and mitigate the vengeance of the aggrieved party. The amount of legal revenge, if I may so call it, is often strictly regu- lated, even where we should least expect to find such limitations. Thus, in Australia* ‘crimes may be compounded for by the criminal appear- ing and submitting himself to the ordeal of having spears thrown at him by all such persons as conceive themselves to have been aggrieved, or by permitting spears to be thrust through certain parts of his body,’ such as through the thigh, or the calf of the leg, or under the arm. The part which is to be pierced by a spear is fixed for all common crimes, and a native who has incurred this penalty sometimes quietly holds out his leg for the injured party to thrust his spear through.” So strictly is the amount of punishment limited, that if, in inflicting such spear wounds, a man, either through carelessness, or from any other cause, exceeded the recognized limits, if, for instance, he wounded the femoral artery, he would in his turn become liable to punishment. Such cases as these seem to throw great light on the origin of the idea of property. As soon as any rules were laid down regulating the nature or amount of revenge for disturbance in possession, or when the chief thought it worth while himself to settle disputes so arising, and thus, while increasing his own dignity and influence, to check quarrels which might otherwise prove injurious to the tribe, the natural effect would be to develop the idea of mere possession into that of property. Since, then, crimes were at first regarded as mere personal matters, in which the aggressor and his victim alone were interested, every crime, even murder, might be atoned for by the payment of a sum of money. Among the Anglo-Saxons every part of the body had a recognized value. Thus, the loss of a front tooth was valued at six shillin gs; that of a beard was reckoned at twenty shillings; while the breaking ol a thigh was only put at twelve, and of a rib at three; facts which “show both the high value of money, and also the importance attached by our ancestors to their personal appearance. Moreover, these payments had reference to the injury done, and had no relation to the crime as a crime. This is, no doubt, the origin of the great difference in the penalties * Sir G. Grey’s Australia, s. 2, p. 243. THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 349 inflicted by ancient laws on manifest and non-manifest thieves, that is, on offenders caught in the act, and those only detected after delay. Thus, in the old Roman law the manifest thief, who was caught in the act, or with the goods still upon him, became the slave of the person robbed; while the non-manifest thief was only compelled to pay twice the value of what he had stolen. | The same principle occurs in the German and in the North American Indian laws, thus following the rule of private vengeance, and the pro- portion of revenge likely to be taken by an aggrieved person under such circumstances. The severity of early codes, and the uniformity of punishment which characterizes them, is probably due to the same cause. An individual who felt himself aggrieved would not weigh very closely the amount of vengeance he was entitled to inflict; and as it would be the object of » early lawgivers to encourage resort to the public tribunals, and to dis- courage private vengeance, they would naturally feel it undesirable that the penalty imposed by law should at first be much less than that which custom allowed the party aggrieved to take for himself. MARRIAGE AND RELATIONSHIPS. Another subject on which savages entertain notions very different from ours is that of relationships. All our ideas of relationship are founded on marriage and on the family. We regard a child as related equally to its father and its mother; we make no difference between a father’s brother and a mother’s brother on the one hand, a father’s sister and a mother’s sister on the other. They are respectively uncles and aunts. But among savages it is not so. The relationship to the clan almost supersedes that to the family. The position of the women is very unfor- tunate. They are treated like slaves, or almost like domestic animals. Thus, in Australia, little real affection exists between husband and wife, and young men value a wife principally for her services as a slave; in fact, when asked why they are anxious to obtain wives, their usual reply is, that they may get wood, water, and food for them, and carry what- ever property they possess. The position of women in that country seems, indeed, to be wretched in the extreme. “Few women,” says Eyre, “will be found upon examination to be free from frightful scars upon the head, or the marks of spear weunds about the body. I have seen a young woman who, from the number of these marks, appeared to have been almost riddled with spear wounds.” And it seems that, if they are at all good-looking, their position is, if possible, even worse than otherwise. Even in marriage, there is, among the lowest races of men, little feeling of love; many of the lower languages are sadly deficient in terms of affection. Pure love-songs are almost unknown, or very rare, among the lowest races of men. From the nature of their dwellings, there is much less privacy than among ourselves; the clan feeling is strong, and the tribe generally has an interest in the produce of the chase or fishery of each. These and other circumstances strengthen the feeling for the tribe as against that for the family. Many instances, indeed, are recorded among the lower races of men where marriage may be said to be unknown, and where children must, therefore, be regarded as related by tribal rather than family connections. Traces of this state of things exist in some cases long after the actual condition has ceased to exist. Thus, even in our own language, words which now indicate relation- \ 350 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF ship had, originally, no such signification: the word daughter, for in- stance, meaning literally ‘‘milkmaid,” and thus dating back to a time when our ancestors did not recognize the “family” as it now exists among us. Mr. Morgan has pointed out a very interesting illustration of the same fact in the language of the Sandwich Islands. The word ‘‘waheena” gtands equally for wife, wife’s sister, brother’s wife, and wife’s brother’s wife. So again, ‘kaikee,” child, also signifies brother’s wife’s child and wife’s brother’s wife’s child. The same ideas of relation- ship are indicated by the application of the word “ kana,” t. e. husband. That this does not arise from mere poverty of language is evident, because the same system discriminates between other relationships we do not distinguish from one another. Perhaps the contrast is most clearly shown in the words for brother- in-law and sister-in-law. Thus, if a woman is speaking, the word for sister-in-law =husband’s brother’s wife, is punalua, and for sister-in-law= husbands sister, kaikoaka; but brother-in-law, whether sister’s husband or husband’s brother, is kana=husband. On the contrary, when a man is speaking, the word for sister-in-law=wife’s sister or brother’s wife, is waheena=wife ; but brother-in-law=wife’s brother, is katkoaka, and for wife’s sister’s husband, punalwa. Thus, a woman has husbands and sisters-in-law, but no brothers-in-law, while a man has wives and brothers- in-law, but no sisters-in-law. The same idea runs through all other relationship, cousins being regarded as brothers and sisters. So again, while the Romans distinguished between father’s brother = patmas, and mother’s brother = avunculus; and again, father’s sister=amita, and mother’s sister=matertera; the two first in Hawaian are makua kana. Thus, the idea of marriage does not in fact exist in the Sandwich Island system of relationship. Uncleships, auntships, cousinships, are ignored, and we have only grandparents, parents, brothers and sisters, children, and grandchildren. Here it is clear that the child is related to the group. It is not specially related either to its father or its mother, who stand in the same relation as mere uncles and aunts, so that every child has several fathers and several mothers. To our English ideas, the question of the origin of marriage seems devoid of difficulty, nay, even of significance. The married state is one with which we are so familiar, it is so interwoven with all our family life, all our sense of social duty, that we are apt to regard it as universal and aboriginal. This, however, is not the case. Facts like those just refer- red to—and, if time permitted, many others might be given—show that the condition of the lowest races of men is that not of individual marriage as it exists among us, but of communal marriage, if I may call it so. Even, however, under the system of communal marriage, a man who had captured a beautiful girl in some marauding expedition would wish to keep her to himself. She did not belong to the tribe; they had no right to her; he might have killed her if he had chosen; and if he preferred to keep her alive, it was no affair of theirs; she was as much his indi- vidual property as his spear or his bow. Hence a form of individual marriage would rise up by the side of the communal marriage. This theory explains the extraordinary subjection of the woman in marriage; it explains the very widely distributed custom of “exogamy,” or that custom which forbids marriage within the tribe; the necessity of expia- tion for marriage, as an infringement of tribal rights, since, according to old ideas, a man had no right to appropriate to himself that which belonged to the whole tribe; and, lastly, the remarkable prevalence of the form of capture in marriage. THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 351 Among the rudest races capture is far more than a form, and it is customary for men to steal women by force from other tribes. Hearne, who knew the North American Indians thoroughly well, and whose statements have been confirmed by subsequent travelers, as for instance by Franklin and Richardson, assures us that among the North- ern tribes, it has ever been the custom for the men to wrestle for any woman to whom they are attached; and of course the strongest always carries off the prize. ‘‘A weak man,” he adds, ‘is seldom permitted to keep a wife, that a stronger man thinks worth his notice,” which, he says, “keeps up a great spirit of emulation among the young men.” It must be observed that this is not regarded as any arbitrary exercise of power, but it is a recognized right that a strong man may carry off the wife of a weaker one if he can; and it would appear that even the women acqui- esee in this custom without a murmur. I will now give a few instances, in order to show how widely this custom of marriage by capture prevails among the lower races of men, and that traces of it linger even among those higher in the scale of civ- ilization. In Australia, the ardent lover steals on the dark object of his affections, knocks her down with his club, and drags her off in triumph. This violent affection is not resented by the relations of the woman, if they are not able to rescue her at the moment. On the contrary, she is recog- nized as the legal wife of her captor. In Bali, one of the islands between Java and New Guinea, it is stated to be the practice that girls are stolen away by their lovers, who carry them off by force to the woods; when brought back from thence the poor female becomes the slave of her rough lover, by a certain compen- sation being paid to her relatives. Speaking of the Khonds, a tribe in India, Major General Campbell mentions that, on one occasion, hearing loud cries, he went to see what was the matter, and found a man carrying off a girl, while twenty or thirty friends protected him from the attacks of a number of women, who were attempting to rescue the bride. The struggle continued until the bridegroom reached his own house, and General Campbell was assured that, among the Khonds, marriages were always solemnized in this manner. Among the Kalmucks of Central Asia the marriage ceremony is even more romantic. The girl is put on a horse and rides off at full speed. When she has got enough start the lover starts in pursuit; if he catches her, she becomes his wife; but if he cannot overtake her, the match is broken off; and we are assured, which I can well believe, that no Kal- muck girl was ever caught against her will. Again, among the Ahitas of the Philippine Islands, when a man wishes to marry a girl, her parents send her before sunrise into the woods. She has an hour’s start, after which the lover goes to seek her. If he finds her and brings her back before sunset, the marriage is ac- knowledged ; if not, he must abandon all claim to her. ‘The aborigines of the Amazon Valley,” says Wallace, ‘have no par- ticular ceremony at their marriages, except that of always carrying away the girl by force, or making a show of doing so, even when she and her parents are quite willing.” M. Bardel mentions that among the Indians round Conception, in Chili, on the other side of the Andes, after a man has agreed on the price of a girl with her parents, the recognised mode of proceeding is that he surprises her, or is supposed to do so, and carriés her off to the woods for a few days, after which the happy couple return home. 352 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF As regards Europe, we find just the same thing; the Romans had a similar custom, and traces of it occur in Greek history. ; So deeply rooted is the feeling of a connection between force and marriage, that we find the former used: as a form long after all necessity for it as a reality had ceased to exist; and it is very interesting to trace, as Mr. McLennan has done, the gradual stages through which a stern reality softens down into a mere symbol. For, as communities became larger and more civilized, the actual cap- ture became inconvenient, and, indeed, impossible. Gradually, therefore, it sunk more and more into a mere form, In North Friesland the bride makes a show of resistance, and is lifted by mock force into the wagon which is to take her home. Hence, no doubt, the custom of lifting the bride over the doorstep, which occurs or did occur among the Romans, the redskins of Canada, the Chinese, and the natives of Abyssinia. Hence, also, perhaps our custom of the honeymoon; and hence, also, may be, as Mr. McLennan has suggested, the slipper is thrown in mock anger after the departing bride and. bridegroom. ‘The latter suggestion is indeed very doubtful; still it is remarkable how persistent are all customs and ceremonies con- nected with marriage. Thus our “bridecake,” which so invariably accompanies a wedding, and which must always be cut by the bride, may be traced back to the old Roman form of marriage by “‘ confarreatio,” or eating together. So also among the Iroquois, the bride and bride- groom used to partake together of a cake of sagamite, which the bride always offered to her husband. Again, among several of the Indian Hill tribes, the bride prepares some drink, sits on her lover’s knee, drinks half herself, and gives him the rest. It requires strong evidence, which, however, exists in abundance, to satisfy us that marriage was, in its origin, independent of all sacred and social considerations; that it had nothing to do with mutual affection or consent; indeed,‘ that all appearance of consent was forbidden; so that it was symbolised not by any demonstration of warm affection on the one side, and tender devotion on the other, but by brutal violence and unwilling submission. Yet, as already mentioned, the evidence is overwhelming. Marriage by capture, either as a reality or as a form, has been shown to exist in Australia, and among the Malays, in Hindostan, Central Asia, Siberia, and Kamtchatka, among the Esquimaux, the northern redskins of America, the aborigines of the Amazon Valley, in Chili and in Tierra, del Fuego, in the Pacific Islands, in the Philippines; among the Arabs, Negroes, and Cireassians ; and, until lately, in various parts of Northern Europe. i I will now proceed to the consideration of the statement that the second stage in the development of the idea of family consists in the recognition of relationship to the mother, that to the father being still overlooked. In almost all tropical countries polygamy is very frequent; the chiefs especially take to themselves a large number of wives. In Western Africa, for instance, the king of Ashantee made it a point of honor to have always 3,333 wives. Among hunting races, though polygamy is less prevalent, men who are powerful, either physically or socially, fre- quently appropriate to themselves the wives of those who are weaker. Hither of these conditions—either the multiplicity of wives, or frequent changes, would weaken very much the tie between father and child. Hence, probably, the curious fact, that in many parts of the world a man’s property does not descend to his own children, but to those of his THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 353 sister; relationship, and, consequently, inheritance, being held to descend in the female line, and not in the male, as among ourselves. This is the case among the Negroes of Guinea, among the Berbers in North Africa, and the Arabs in the East. It occurs among several of the Hindostan tribes, among the Battas of Sumatra, the red Indians of North America, the black islanders of the Pacific, and elsewhere. Obviously, however, as civilization progressed, and the moral feelings became stronger, a feeling of opposition to these arrangements would arise. As family life became more developed, the affection between father and child would become stronger; and as property became more important, men would wish their goods to descend to their own children, who would themselves obviously desire to inherit their father’s property. And as man, like a pendulum, always passes from one extreme to another, so, having long considered that children were related to their mother, but not to their father, when they recognized the relation on the paternal side, they went into the other extreme, and neglected that to the mother. How completely the idea of relationship through the father, when once recognized, superseded that through the mother, we may see in the very curious trial of Orestes—the son of Agamemnon and Clytem- nestra—as recorded by an ancient Greek poet. Clytemnestra murdered Agamemnon, whose death was avenged by Orestes. For this act he was fabled to have been prosecuted before the Greek gods by the Furies, whose duty it was to punish those, and those only, who had slain their relatives. In his defense Orestes asked them, why they did not punish his mother, Clytemnestra, for the murder of her husband, Agamemnon, and when they answer that marriage does not constitute blood-relation- ship, he pleads that, by the same rule, they cannot touch him, because, he says, a child is a relation to his father, but not to its mother. This view, which seems to us so unnatural, was nevertheless supported by Apollo and Minerva, and being adopted by a majority of the judges, led to the acquittal of Orestes. Hence we see that at first the feeling of clanship prevailed rather than that of family, and that children were regarded as related to the tribe rather than to their parents; that, secondly, they were considered to be related to the mother, but not to the father; thirdly, to the father, but not to the mother; lastly, and lastly only, as among ourselves, to both father and mother. ‘We see, therefore, that the lowest savages are entirely deficient in the idea of marriage and of family, and that the position of women is wretched in the extreme. The ideas of relationship, founded on mar- riage, have only gradually been acquired, and thus civilization has raised the position of woman, and making her a helpmeet instead of a slave, has purified and softened all the conditions of social life. The higher position of woman is one of the points in which we see most clearly the enormous advantage of civilization over barbarism. RELIGION. The religious condition of the lower races of mankind is one of the most difficult, although, at the same time, most interesting portions of _ Iny subject. It is most difficult, partly because it is far from easy to communicate with men of a different race on such an abstruse subject; partly because many are reluctant to discuss it; but mainly because, even among those nominally professing the same religion, there are always in reality great 498 354 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF differences; individuals—as I shall endeavor to show you is also the case with nations—acquiring continually grander, and therefore more correct ideas, as they rise in the scale of civilization. Still, as new religious ideas arise, they do not destroy, but are only superinduced upon the old ones; thus the religion of the ancestors be- come the nursery tales of their descendants, and the old Teutonic deities of our forefathers are the giants and demons of our children. It has hitherto been usual to classify religions either according to the name of the founder or the objects worshipped. Thus one division of the lower religions has been into Fetichism, defined as the worship of material substances; Sabeism, that of the heavenly bodies, the sun, moon, and stars; and Heroism, or the deification of men after death. This and other similar systems are simple, and have certainly some ad- vantages, especially as regards the lower races of men and the lower forms of religion. They are not, however, really natural systems; there is no real difference between the worship of the sun and that of a rock or lake. No doubt to us the sun seems a grander deity, but of the main facts on which that opinion rests the savage is entirely ignorant. Moreover, Heroism is found among races as low in the scale of civili- zation as either Fetichism (in the above definition, which, however, I.do not adopt) or Sabeeism, and indeed the three forms of religion indicated above may coexist in one people, and even in the same individual. The true classification of religions should, as it seems to me, rest, not on the mere object worshipped, but on the nature and character ascribed to the deity. It is a much disputed question, into which I will not now enter, whether the lowest races have any religion or not. However this may be, it is at least clear that the religion of the lower savages is very unlike that of most advanced races. Indeed, in many respects it is the very opposite. Their deities are evil, not good; they may be forced into compliance with the wishes of man; they require bloody, and rejoice even in human, sacrifices; they are mortal, not im- mortal; part of nature, not the creators of the world; they are to be approached by dances rather than by prayers; and often approve of vice rather than of what we esteem as virtue. The ideas of religion among the lower races of man are intimately associated with, if indeed they have not originated from, the condition of man during sleep, and especially from dreams. Sleep and death have always been regarded as nearly related to one another. Thus, in classical mythology, Somnus, the god of sleep, and Mors, the god of death, were both fabled to have been the children of Nox, the goddess of night. So, also, the savage would naturally look on death as a kind of sleep, and would expect and hope—hoping on even against hope—to see his friend awake from the one as he had eften done trom the other. Hence, probably, one reason for the great importance ascribed to the treatment of the body after death. But what happens to the spirit during sleep? The body lies lifeless, and the savage not unnaturally concludes that the spirit has left it. In this he is confirmed by the phenomena of dreams, which consequently to the savage have a reality and an importance which we can scarcely appreciate. During sleep the spirit appears to desert the body, and, as in our dreams, we seem to visit other countries and distant regions, while the body remains as it were lifeless; the two phenomena were naturally placed side by side, and regarded as the complements one of the other. THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 355 Henee, the savage considers the events in his dreams as real as those which happen when he is awake, and hence he naturally feels that he has a spirit which can quit the body—if not when it likes, at least under certain circumstances. Thus, Burton states, that, according to the Jorubans, a Western A fri- can tribe, ‘dreams are not an irregular action and partial activity of the brain, but so many revelations from the spirits of the departed.” So strong , again, was the North American faith in dreams, that on one occasion, when an Indian had dreamed that he was taken captive and tortured, he induced his friends to make a mock attack upon him, and actually ‘submitted to very considerable suffering, in the hope that he would thus fulfill his dream. The Greenlanders also believe in the reality of dreams, and think that at night their spirit actually goes hunting, visiting, courting, and so on. It is of course obvious that the body takes no part in these nocturnal adventures, and hence it is natural to conclude that they have a spirit which can quit the body. Lastly, when they dream of their departed friends or relatives, savages firmly believe that they are visited by the spirits of the dead, and hence believe, not indeed in the immortality of the soul, but in the existence of a spirit which survives, or may survive, the body. Again, savages are seldom ill; their sufferings generally arise from wounds ; their deaths are ener ally violent. “AS an external injury received, say, in war, causes pain, so when they suffer internally, they attribute it to some enemy within them. Hence, when an Austr alian, perhaps after too heavy a ‘meal, has his slumbers ‘disturbed, he is at no loss for an explanation, and supposes that he has been attacked by some being whom his companions could not see. This is well illustrated in the following passage from Captain Wilkes’s voyage: “Sometimes,” he says, “ when “the Australian is asleep, Koin, as they call this spirit, seizes upon one of them and carr ies him off. The person seized endeavors in vain to cry out, being almost strangled. At daylight, however, Koin departs, and the man finds himself again safe by his own fire side.” Here it is evident that Koin is a personifica- tion of the nightmare. In other cases the belief that man possesses a spirit seems to have been suggested by the shadow. Thus, among the Feejeeans: “Some,” says Mr. Williams, “ speak of man as havieg two spirits. His shadow is ‘called the ‘dark spirit, which they say goes” to Hades. The other is his like- ness reflected in water or a looking: glass, and is supposed to stay near the place in which a man dies. Probably this doctrine of shadows has to do with the notion of inanimate objects having spirits. I once placed ® good-looking native suddenly before a mirror. He stood delighted. ‘Now,’ said he softly, ‘I can see into the world of spirits.’” But though spirits are naturally to be dreaded, on various accounts, it by no means follows that they should be conceived as necessarily wiser or more powerful than man. Of this our spirit-rappers and table- turners afford us a familiar illustration. So also, the natives of the Nicobar Islands put up scarecrows round their villages to frighten away hostile spirits. The natives of Kamtchatka insult their deities if their wishes are unfulfilled. They even feel acontempt for them. “If Kutka,” they say, “‘had not been stupid, would he have made inaccessible moun- tains and too rapid rivers ?” The Lapps made images of their gods, putting each in a separate box, on which was written the name of the deity, so that each might know its own box. 356 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF The Kyoungtha, of Chittagong, are Buddhists. Their village temples: contain a small stand of bells, and an image of Boodh, which the villa- gers generally worship morning and evening; ‘ first,” as Captain Lewin states, “ringing the bells to let him know they are there.” The Sinto temples of the Sun Goddess in Japan also contain a bell, intended, as Bishop Smith tells us, “to arouse the goddess, and to awaken her atten- tion to the prayers of her worshippers.” Casalis states that when a Kaffir is on a marauding expedition, he gives utterance to those cries and hisses in which cattle-drivers indulge when they drive a herd before them, thinking in this manner to persuade the poor divinities of the country they are attacking, that he is bring- ing cattle to their worshippers, instead of coming to take it from them. Many other illustrations might be given, but these are sufficient to show how low and degraded is the savage conception of the Divine nature. Gradually, however, as the human mind expands, it becomes capable of higher and higher realizations. I will now describe very shortly the religions of some savage races, beginning with the lowest, which may be called Animism. The religion of the Australian, if it can be so called, consists of a belief in the existence of ghosts, or spirits, or at any rate of evil beings who are not mere men. This belief cannot be said to influence them by day, but it renders them very unwilling to quit their camp-fire by night, or to sleep near a grave. They have no idea of creation, nor do they use prayers; they have no religious forms, ceremonies, or worship. They do not believe in a Supreme Deity, or in the immortality of the soul, nor is morality in any way connected with their religion. An interesting account of the religious condition of the northern natives has been given by a Mrs. Thomson, a Scotchwoman, who was wrecked on that coast, and lived alone with the natives for nearly five years, when she was rescued by a English ship. The Australians all over the continent have an idea that when the blacks die they turn into whites. Mrs. Thomson herself was taken for the ghost of a woman named Giom, and when she was teased by the children, the men would often say, ‘Leave her alone, poor thing; she is nothing, only a ghost.” This, however, did not prevent a man named Baroto making her his wife, which shows how little is really implied in the statement that the Australians believe in the existence of spirits. In reality they do no more than believe in the existence of men slightly different from and somewhat more powerful than themselves. FETICHISM. The Fetichism of the Negro is a step in advance, because the influence of religion is much raised in importance. Nevertheless, from one point of view, Fetichism may be regarded as an anti-religion; for the Negro believes that by means of the Fetich he can coerce and control the deity. Indeed, Fetichism is mere witchcraft. We know that all over the world would-be magicians think that if they can obtain a part of an enemy, or even a bit of his clothing, they thus obtain a control over him. Nay, even the knowledge of the name is supposed to confer a certain power. Hence the importance which savages attach to names. Thus, for instance, the true name of the beautiful Pocahontas, a celebrated Virginian chieftainess, was Matokes; but this name was carefully con- cealed from the English, lest it should give them a power over her. Tor THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 357 the same reason the Romans carefully concealed the name of the patron saint of their city. In other cases it was thought sufficient to make an image to represent the original. Thus, even in the 11th century, and in Europe, some unfortunate Jews were accused of murdering a certain Bishop Eberhard, by making a wax figure to represent him, and then burning it, whereby the bishop died; this indeed was a common form of witchcraft. Now, Fetichism seems a mere extension of this belief. The Negro supposes that the possession of a Fetich representing a deity makes that deity his slave. A Fetich, therefore, differs essentially from an idol. The one is intended to raise man to the contemplation of the deity; the other to bring the deity within the control of man. Aladdin’s lainp is a familiar instance of a F etich; and indeed, if witchcraft be not confused with religion, Fetichism can hardly be called a religion. The low religious conceptions of the Negroes are well illustrated in the general belief that the Fetich sees with its eyes as we do; and so literally is it the actual image which is supposed to see, that, when the Negro is about to do: anything of which he is ashamed, he hides his Fetich in his w aisteloth, so that it may not be able to see ‘what is going on. Fetichism, strictly speaking, has no temples, idols, priests, sacri- fices, or prayer. It involves no belief in creation, or in a future life, and, @ fortiori, none in a state of future rewards and punishments: it is entirely independent of morality. TOTEMISM. The next stage in religious progress is that which may be called Totemism. The savage does not abandon his belief in Fetichism, from which indeed no race of man has yet entirely freed itself, but he superin- duces on it a belief in beings of a higher and more mysterious nature. In this stage everything is deified—stones, rivers, lakes, mountains, the heavenly bodies, even animals and plants. Various theories have been suggested to account for the origin of the deification of such objects. I believe that it arose principally in this way: A chief being named after some tree or animal, say the Black Bear, or the Eagle, his family would naturally take the same name. They would then come to look on the animal after which they were named, first with interest, then with respect, and at length with a sort of awe. In Australia, we seem to find the Totem, or, as it is there called, the ‘* Kobong,” in the very process of deification. Sir George Grey tells us that each family takes some animal or plant as its sign or ‘ Kobong.” No native will intentionally kill or eat his “‘ Kobong,” which shows that there is a mysterious feeling connected with it; but we are not told that in Australia the Kobong is regarded as a deity. In America, on the other hand, the redskins worship their Totem, from which they believe themselves to be actually descended. If we remember how low is the savage conception of a deity, we shall see that the larger and more pow erful animals do, in fact, to a great extent, fulfill his. idea. This is especially the case with nocturnal animals, such as the lion and tiger. As the savage crouching by the side of his camp-fire at night listens to the cries and howls of the animals prowling round, or watches them stealing like shadows among the trees, what wonder if he weaves mysterious stories about them, and eventually fancies them something more mysterious than mere mortal beings. 358 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF The worship of the serpent is very prevalent. Its bite, so trifling in appearance, and yet so deadly, producing fatal effects rapidly, and ap- parently by no adequate means, suggests to the savage almost irresisti- bly the notion of something divine, according to his notions of divinity. There were also some lower, but powerful considerations, which tended greatly to the development of serpent-worship. The animal is long- lived, and easily kept in confinement; hence the same individual might be preserved for a long time, and easily exhibited at intervals to the multitude. In Guinea, where the sea and the serpent were the principal deities, the priests encouraged the worship of the latter expressly, as we are told, because offerings presented to the sea were washed away by the waves, which was not the case with those offered to the serpent. It is somewhat more difficult to understand the deification of inani- mate objects. In fact, however, savages scarcely believe in the exist- ence of inanimate objects. Chapman mentions that the Bushmen in South Africa thought his big wagon was the mother of his small one. Hearne tells us, that the North American Indians never hang up two nets together, for fear they should be jealous of one another, and that they prefer a hook which has caught a big fish to fifty which have not been tried. The South Sea Islanders not only believed that their animals had souls, but also that this was the case with inanimate objects. Hence, the savage broke the weapons and buried with the dead, so that their souls might accompany that of their master to the land of spirits. Hence, also, on one oceasion the king of the Koussa Kaffirs having bro- ken a piece of iron from a stranded anchor, died soon after, upon which the Kaffirs immediately concluded that the anchor was alive and had killed their king. Some such accident probably gave rise to the ancient Mohawk notion, that some great misfortune would befall any one who spoke while cross- ing Saratoga Lake. A strong-minded English woman on one occasion purposely did so; and, after landing, rallied her boatman on his super- stition; but I think he had the best of it after all, for he at once replied, that the Great Spirit was merciful, and knew that a white woman could not hold her tongue. We find, indeed, the worship of lakes and rivers, or traces of it, all over the world. Even our own island is full of saered wells and springs, and Scotland and Ireland especially abound with legends about water- spirits. I have myself seen a well in Rosshire hung round with the offerings of the peasantry, consisting principally of rags and half-pence. The worship of upright stones is also very widely distributed. This form of worship has been explained by M. Dulaure as arising from the respect paid to boundary stones. I do not doubt that, in the case of some particular stones, it may have so arisen. The heathen deity, Hermes, or Termes, was evidently of this character, and hence we may explain the peculiar and apparently antagonistic peculiarities attached to him. ‘‘Mercury or Hermes,” says Lempriére, ‘‘was the messenger of the gods; he was the patron of travelers and shepherds; he conducted the souls of the dead into the infernal regions, and not only presided over orators, merchants, and declaimers, but was also the god of thieves, pickpockets, and all dishonest persons. He invented letters and the lyre, and was the originator of the arts and sciences.” It is difficult at first to see the connection between these various offices, characterized as they are by such opposite peculiarities. Yet they all follow from the custom of making boundaries by upright stones. THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 359 Hence the name of Hermes or Termes, a boundary or terminus, while the name of the corresponding Roman deity, Mercury, is connected with the word “march,” or boundary, whence our title of marquis, meaning originally a person to whom was intrusted the duty of guarding the “ march,” or neutral territory, which in the troublous times of old it was customary to leave between the possessions of different nations. These marches, not being cultivated, served as grazing grounds; to them came merchants to exchange on neutral ground the products of their respective countries; here also, for the same reason, treaties were negotiated; here also international games and sports were held. Up- right stones were used to indicate places of burial; and lastly, on them were inscribed laws and decrees, records of remarkable events, and the praises of the deceased. Hence Mercury, represented by a plain upright stone, was the deity of travelers, because he was alandmark ; of shepherds, as presiding over pastures; he conducted the souls of the dead into the infernal regions, because even in the very early days upright stones were used as tomb- stones; he was the god of merchants, because commerce was carried on mainly at the frontiers; and of thieves out of sarcasm. He was the messenger of the gods, because ambassadors met at the frontiers; and of eloquence, for the same reason. He invented the lyre and presided over games, because contests in music, &c., were held on neutral ground ; and he was said to have invented letters, because inscriptions were engraved on upright pillars. Stone-worship in its lower phases has, however, I think, a different origin, and is merely a form of that indiscriminate worship which characterizes the human mind in one phase of development. Fire, again, is worshipped all over the world. In ancient times it was far from being so easy to light a fire as it is now that we have lucifer matches and various other appliances for the purpose. In some parts of Tasmania and Australia the natives, if their fires went out, preferred to go long distances to get a fresh spark from another tribe rather than attempt to light one for themselves. In somewhat more advanced communities, as, for instance, in some of the North American tribes, and in the familiar instance of Rome, certain individuals were told off to keep a fire continually burning. Thus would naturally arise the idea that this fire was something sacred and holy. The name of the slassical goddess of fire, Vesta, or Hestia, means lit erally a hearth. The worship of fire naturally reminds us of that of the heavenly bodies, and especially of the sun and moon. When once the idea of religion had arisen, no one can wonder that they should be regar ded as deities. To us indeed this worship seems to contain much that is grand; and while many writers have refused to believe it possible that man could ever really have worshipped animals and plants, almost all have regarded that of the sun and moon as natural and appropriate. Yet the sun and moon do not appear to have suggested the idea of divinity to the savage mind by any other process than that already alluded to in the case of animals. The lowest races have never raised their minds to the contemplation of the sun or moon as deities. This worship commences only in the stage above Fetichism, that is to say, as a form of Totemism; but it reaches its greatest importance at a sub- sequent stage of religious development. Before quitting Totemism, it may be well to observe that even objects most inappropriate, according to our ideas, have been deified by various races. Thus, in Central India, the Todas are said to worship a buffalo bull, 360 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF pouring out libations of milk, and offering prayers to it. The Kotas worship two silver plates, which they regard as husband and wife. They have no other deity. The Kinumbas worship stones, trees, and ant-hills. The Toreas, another neighboring hill tribe, worship especially a gold nose-ring, Which probably once belonged to one of their women. Many other inanimate objects have also been worshipped. Debrosses mentions an instance of a king of hearts being made into a deity. The South Sea Islanders, who represent a distinctly higher phase of civilization than the hill tribes of Hindostan, or the red Indians of North America, present us also with a higher form of religion. Their deities are conceived as more powerful. In many islands there are tradi- tions of a powerful being whoraised the land from below the waters, and in Tonga, until lately, it is said that the very hook was shown with which this was effected; still the deities cannot be regarded as creators, because both earth and water existed before then. Neither was the religion of the South Sea Islanders connected with morality. Their deities were not supposed to reward the good or to punish the evil. In the Tonga and other islands the common people were not supposed to have souls at all. In Tahiti the natives believed in a future life, and even in the existence of separation between the spirits, some going to a much happier place than others. This, however, was not considered to depend on their conduct during life, but on their rank—the chiefs going to the happier, the remainder of the people to the less desirable locality. The Feejeeans believe that, as they die, such will be their condition after death. Moreover, the road to mould, or heaven, is long and diffi- cult; many souls perish by the way, and no diseased or infirm person could possibly succeed in overcoming all the dangers of the road. Hence, as soon as a man feels the approach of old age, he notifies to his children that it is time for him to die. A family consultation is then held, a day appointed, and the grave dug. Mr. Hunt gives a striking description of such a ceremony once witnessed by him. A young man came to him and invited him to attend his mother’s funeral, which was just going to take place. Mr. Hunt accepted the invitation and joined the PL OueSSIO but was surprised to see no corpse. He asked where the mother was, when the young man pointed out his mother, who, in Mr. Hunt’s els was walking along ‘tas gay and lively as any of those present.” When they arrived at the grave, she took an affectionate farewell of her children and friends, and then cheerfully submitted to be strangled. So “general, indeed, was this custom in the Feejee Islands, that in many villages there were literally no old people, all having been put to death ; and if we are shocked at the error which led to such dreadful results, we may at least see something to admire in the firm faith with which they acted up to their religious “belief. It will be observed that, up to ‘this stage, religion is entirely deficient in certain characteristics with which it is generally regarded as inti- mately associated. The deities are mortal; they are not ere ators; no importance is attached to true prayers; virtue is not rewarded, nor vice punished; there are no temples or priests; and, lastly, there are no idols. . Up to this stage, indeed, we find the same ideas and beliefs scattered throughout the whole world, among races in the same low stage of men- tal development. From this point, however, differences of circumstance, differences of government, differences of character, materially influence the forms of religious belief, Natives of cold climates regard the sun as beneficent, THE LOWER RACES OF MAN. 361 those of the tropics consider him as evil; hunting races worship the moon, agriculturists the sun; again, in free communities thought is free, and, consequently, progressive; despots, on the contrary, by a natural instinct, endeavor to strengthen themselves by the support of spiritual terrors, and hence favor a religion of sacrifices and of priests rather than one of prayer and meditation. Lastly, the ghar acter of the race impresses itself on the religion. Poetry especially exercises an immense influence, as, for instance, has been well shown by Max Miiller and Cox to have been the case with the Greeks, the names of the Greek gods reappearing in the earlier Vedic poetry as mere words denoting natural objects. Thus, Dyaus, in ancient Sanscrit, means simply the sky; and the expression, the “sky thunders,” meant originally no more than it does with us. The Greeks and Romans, however, personified Dyaus, or Zeus; thus, they came to regard him as a deity, the god of thunder, the lord of heaven, and thus built up a whole mythology out of what were at first mere poetical expressions. Time, however, does not permit me to enter on this inter- esting part of the subject. I trust, however, that what I have said shows that the opinions of savages, as regards religion, differ essentially from those prevalent among us. ‘Their deities are scarcely more powerful than themselves; they are evil, not good; they are to be propitiated by sacrifices, not by prayer; they are not creators; they are neither omnis- cient nor all-powerful; they neither reward the good nor punish the evil; far from conferring immortality on man, they are not even, in all cases, immortal themselves. Where the material elements of civilization developed themselves with- out any corresponding increase of knowledge, as, for instance, in Mexico and Peru, a more correct idea of Divine power, without any correspond- ing enlightenment as to the Divine nature, led to a religion of terror, which finally became a terrible scourge of humanity. Gradually, however, an increased acquaintance with the laws of nature enlarged the mind of man. He first supposed that the deity fashioned the earth, raising it out of the water, and preparing it as a dwelling- place for man; and subsequently realized the idea that land and water were alike created by Divine power. After regarding spirits as alto- gether evil, he rose to a belief in good as well as in evil deities, and gradually subordinating the latter to the former, worshipped the good spirits alone as gods, the evil sinking to the level of demons. From believing only in ghosts, he came gradually to the recognition of the soul; at len gth uniting this belief with that in a beneficent and just being, he connected morality with religion, a step the importance of which | it is scarcely possible to over-estimate. Thus we see that as men rise in civilization their religion rises with them ; that far from being antagonistic to religion, without science, true religion i is impossible. The Australians dimly imagine a being, spiteful, malevolent, but weak, and dangerous only in the dark. The Negro’ s deity is more powerful, but not less hateful. Invisible, indeed, but subject to pain, mortal like himself, and liable to be made the slave of man by enchantment. The deities of the South Sea Islanders are some good, some evil; but on the whole, more is to be feared from the latter than fo be hoped ‘trom the former. They fashioned the land, but are not truly creators, for earth and water existed before them. They do not punish the evil, nor reward the good. They watch over the affairs of men; but if, on the one hand, witchcraft has no power over them, neither, on the other, can 362 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF prayer influence them; they require to share the crops or the booty of their worshipers. Thus, then, every increase in science—that is, in positive and ascer-. tained knowledge—brings with it an elevation of religion. Nor is this progress confined to the lower races. Even within the last century, science has purified the religion of Western Europe by rooting out the dark belief in witchcraft, which led to thousands of executions, and hung like a black pall over the Christianity of the Middle Ages. Yet, in spite of these immense services which science has confessedly rendered to the cause of religion, there are still many who look on it as hostile to religious truth, forgetting that science is but exact knowledge, and that he who regards it as incompatible with h#s religion, practically admits that his religion is untenable. Others, again, maintain that although science or religion cannot indeed be at variance, yet that the teaching of scientific men, or rather of some scientific men, is in open hostility with religion. What justification is there, however, for thisidea? No scientific man, so far as I know, has ever been supposed to have taught anything which he did not himself believe. ‘That surely was their right—nay, their duty ; their duty alike to themselves, to you, for their devotion to truth is their best claim to your confidence—nay, to religion also, for nething could be more fatal to religion than that it should be supposed to require the suppression of truth. No, the true spirit of faith looks on the progress of science, not with fear but with hope, knowing that science can influence our religious con- ceptions for good only. Whether, then, as some suppose, science is destined profoundly to modify our present religious views, or not—into which question I do not now wish to enter—no one heed on that account regard it with appre- hension or with distrust. Far from it, we must be prepared to accept any conclusions to which the evidence may lead; not in the spirit of resignation or of despair, but in the sure and certain hope that every discovery of science, even if it may conflict with our present opinions, and with convictions we hold dear, will open out to us more and more the majestic grandeur of the universe in which we live, and thus enable us to form nobler and there- fore truer conceptions of religious truth. The time, then, has surely now come, when scientific men need no longer stand on the defensive, but may call on the state, which is now making a great effort to establish a national system of education, and has ever shown itself ready to assist in the prosecution of scientific research—may call on the clergy, who exercise so great an influence— no longer to ignore in our elementary and other schools the great dis- coveries of the last thousand years, but to assist us in making them more generally known to the people of this country; confident that a better acquaintance with the laws which regulate the beautiful world in which we live would not only diminish the evils from which we suf- fer, and add greatly to the general happiness, but also tend to develop our moral nature—to elevate and purify the whole character of man. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. By Tuomas Henry HuXLeEyY. [The following article was published, in 1865, in “ A Catalogue of the Collection of Fossilsin the Museum of Practical Geology,” &c. Although evidently written, at least in part, long before its publication, it still remains one of the clearest and most com- plete summaries of the subject yet published, and as the want of such a summary has been frequently expressed, it is here reproduced. On account, however, of its length, certain passages of simple local interest have been omitted.—H. ] I.—PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS. The formation of the collection of fossils in the Museum of Practical Geology has been a necessary result of the operations of the geological survey of Great Britain, whose officers have been engaged for many years past in determining the structure of the British islands; that is, in ascertaining what is the nature and the order of superposition of the various irregular masses or regular ‘“ strata,”* piled one upon another, which compose these like all other parts of the earth’s crust. Tf rocks and stones were soft and easily cut, nothing would be easier than the solution of these questions. It would be merely necessary to make a sufficiently deep vertical cutting of the country in any required direction, and the true order of the beds would be at once visible on the walls of the section. But it is needless to say that in practice cut- ting into rocks is a very difficult and a very expensive operation, and that the making of such artificial sections as these, for geological pur- poses, is wholly out of the question. The geological surveyor is, there- fore, obliged to trust very largely to the accidental occurrence of natural sections, such as are afforded by the sea cliffs or the scarped hills which may occur in his line of work, and to such artificial aids as are inciden- tally yielded by the sinking of shafts or the cutting of railroads. It becomes, consequently, of essential importance to him to possess a means of identifying the beds which he finds in one section with those in another. Similarity or dissimilarity of mineralogical composition will not always help him, as this quality not only varies in the same stratum, but is similar in widely different strata; so that beds of limestone in one place may correspond as regards age and position with sandy or clayey strata elsewhere. On the other hand, the continuity of a stratum be- tween any two points examined would be clear and decisive as to its identity at the two points, but this evidence, for the reasons just stated, is but rarely attainable; and where, as so frequently happens, the strata have been disturbed from their original position, widely separated, or partially destroyed between the two points, it becomes hopeless to seek for any such proof. Were there no other test of the nature of a stratum at any given point than its mineral character, and its continuity with some other stratum whose place in the series was known, we might *Srratum.—A single layer of the earth’s crust, whatever its composition, is techni- cally termed a stratum. For simplicity’s sake, the often highly irregular masses of igneous rock which enter largely into the composition of the earth’s crust, and which might not technically be termed “strata,” may be left out of consideration. 364 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. have a series of local topographies, but no science of geology; nor could those great laws ever have been established by which the geologist, acquainted with the surface rock of a country, is enabled to predict with much confidence what may, and what cannot, be found beneath it. These laws are in truth entirely based on the study of the “fossils ” contained in the rocks; it is upon this science of fossils, or ‘ palaeon- tology,”* that another and most important method of determining the nature and order of the strata rests. Universal experience has shown that every series of strata contains assemblages of fossils which are peculiar to and characteristic of it; which are usually found in it, and never found out of it; and observation has further demonstrated that the strata thus characterized are arranged in an order of superposition which is everywhere constant. It follows, therefore, that the fossils con- tained in a stratum of rock are capable of revealing to us, at once, the position of that stratum in the whole series, and of informing us what lies above and what below it. A common example will illustrate the practical value of the informa- tion thus obtained. It is shown by experience that in these islands extensive beds of good workable coal are never found below that particular series of strata termed, collectively, the ‘ carboniferous formation.” Nevertheless, fos- silized vegetable matters occur in other strata, and have not unfre- quently misled owners of estates into undertaking ruinously expensive and wholly fruitless mining operations, which would never have been commenced had they availed themselves of the information afforded by the fossils of the surface rocks. For it is clear that a preliminary exami- nation of these fossils will show at once whether they belong to strata below the carboniferous rocks or above them. If the former be the case, then the sinking a shaft is absurd, as every blow of the pickaxe must take the miner, in reality, further away from the object of his search; if the latter, on the other hand, success is at any rate possible, though the expediency of making the attempt will depend upon many contin- gencies. Now it is clear that, if the fossils contained in the rocks constituting the surface in every district of Great Britain had been examined, it would be possible, by coloring a map of these islands in such a manner that all those parts whose fossils indicated their inferiority to the carboniferous formation should be blue, and all those which lay above it should be red, to indicate at once to the miner where his search for coal might possibly be successful, and where it must necessarily fail. And, furthermore, if the fossils on which the coloring was based were placed i in a museum for public inspection, it would be open to every one to examine for him- self the evidence on which the map stood, and to satisfy himself of the accuracy of this part of the work of the surveyors. What is here supposed to be done with reference to this one set of beds—the carboniferous formation—has, in effect, been performed by the labors of the geological surveyors of Great Britain for all the strata which enter into the composition of the British Islands. The place where each constitutes the surface rock is marked by an appropriate color on the maps of the survey. The fossils which have served as the standards of comparison in determining the nature of the strata are open to general inspection in the Museum of Practical Geology. In one sense, therefore, the collection of fossils is simply the product of and key to the maps of the survey. * PALAEONTOLOGY. —Derived from three Greek words, signifying “ancient” and “being ” and “discourse.” The science of ancient beings. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 365 Important as it is, however, to the welfare and prosperity of the country that an accurate record should exist of the composition of its share of the earth’s crust, whence the miner, the metallurgist, and the mineralogist extract so many products of the ‘utmost value to man, and, indeed, indispensable to the maintenance of his present complex state of civilization to suppose that this immediate and so-called “ practical” object of the collection is the only, or even the most important, end that it subserves, would be as great an error as that of the barbarous Oriental, who sees nothing but a convenient stone quarry in those mas- sive pyramids, on whose walls the instructed Eastern traveler reads the history of an ancient world, and learns the more, the more knowledge and capacity he brings to the inquiry. In truth, the history, not merely of one but of a series of ancient worlds, is written upon the rocks which compose the solid coating of the globe in signs the meaning of which is decipherable with far more ease and certainty than that of “hieroglyphic or cuneiform inscriptions ; or we might say that, as it is the custom in these times to deposit the coins and medals of the age under the founda- tion stones of a building, so the Great Artificer has, as he laid each course of stone in the world’s foundations, deposited coins and medals of His striking, the remains of the then existing system of organic life, the bones and shells of the contemporaneous living beings. But a history in an unknown tongue can be profitable only to those who will take the trouble to acquire : a knowledge of the construction of the language, and of the signification of its words and signs. Now, natural history, or the science of the structure and habits of living beings, is the grammar and dictionary of the language of fossils. To understand all ‘that fossils teach, natural history must have been the study of a life; but a clear comprehension and careful recollection of a few of its simpler principles will be suflicient to enable a person of in- telligence, unversed in science, to appr ehend the wider bearings of the collection. To afford this assistance is the sole object of the pres- ent explanatory preface. It is intended to awaken even a casual visitor to a sense of the profoundly interesting problems which the collection forces upon our consideration ; to enable him to comprehend how it is that the naturalist reads here, as plainly as if it were stated in to-day’s paper, and with considerably more faith than he would place in any mere human affirmation, that the earth has undergone a great series of changes, stretching over enormous periods of time; that its living popu- lation has not always been what it is now, but that the present kinds of animals and plants have been preceded by others widely differing from them, and these by others, and so on, for an indefinite series of altera- tions; that these changes have been accompanied by constant altera- tions in climate and in the level of the land and sea; finally, that the period of time of which these records furnish the history is inconceiva- bly immense. These are weighty articles of belief, and nothing can seem, at first, to be less likely than that the accumulation of oddly marked and shaped stones, which are visible on the shelves around, should contain abund- ant evidence of their validity and truth; but so it is. How it is, will be rendered clear by what follows. I].— BRIEF EXPOSITION OF THOSE PRINCIPLES OF NATURAL HISTORY WHICH ARE OF THE MOST IMPORTANCE TO °*THE UNDERSTANDING OF FOSSILS. It has been stated that natural history is the key to palaeontology, and hence, before attempting to learn the meaning of fossils, it is necessary 366 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. to be acquainted with those principles of biological science which bear most directly upon the subject: 1. The most important of all the generalizations of natural history, and, indeed, one of the most brilliant. additions which the progress of modern science has made to human knowledge, is the law that all ani- mals and plants are associated and arranged according to certain fixed laws. Thus, to select an example from the animal kingdom: There is an immense variety of hoofed ruminating animals, antelopes, sheep, oxen, deer, giraffes, camels; but notwithstanding the extreme difference in the aspect of these well-known creatures, the anatomist discovers that os exhibit a great number of common characters. Thus— . All possess a backbone, or vertebral column, separating the great wetter of the nervous system from those of the alimentary and circu- latory apparatus, and the latter is situated on the ventr al, front, or downward face of the body; none have more than two pairs of limbs; the chief central nervous sy ‘stem is not pierced by the alimentary canal. b. All have a heart with four cavities; possess lungs and a midriff or diaphragm ; and have two facets on the hinder part of the skull, for ar- ticulation with the foremost bone of the spinal column. In all, each half of the lower jaw is in a single piece, and is articulated directly with the skull by a convex head; they all possess mammary glands for suckling their young. @; The teeth are in all more or less deficient in the front part of the upper jaw; they all possess complex stomachs, and not more than two completely developed long bones in the middle region of the fore and hind feet. It would be easy to make a drawing embodying all these peculiari- ties, and that drawing would stand in ‘precisely the same relation to the group of “ ruminants” (technically called “ Ruminantia”) as the ground plan of a single house does to the street which the architect means to build of houses of that size and general form. The superstructure of each house may, if the architect pleases, be totally different in style, without in any way interfering with his general plan; and similarly, in each particular ruminant, the : common plan is preserved, while the de- tails of the “ elevation,” the size, the figure, the proportions, the orna- mentation in the way of color and horns, vary to an immense extent. Having thus acquired a notion of the “common plan” of the rumi- nantia, it F will be found, on turning to other equivalent groups or “ orders” of the Mammalia, (or animals which suckle their young,) that a corre- sponding common plan may be found for each; and when all these common plans are compared together, it will be discovered that there are certain respects in which they agree. All mammalia, in fact, possess the anatomical characters enumerated under the preceding heads a@ and 6. Hence, a drawing exhibiting these features would serve as a “common plan” of the mammalia, and the common plans of the orders of mammals, ruminantia,* carnivora, &c., might be regarded as modifications of the plan of all mammals in the ‘same sense as each ruminant is a modifica- tion of the common plan of allruminants. But now, if we were to extend our researches further, and compare mammals w ith birds, reptiles, am- phibia, and fishes, we should discover a still more remarkable fact, viz: that all these creatures, and only these of all living things, possess the character enumerated ‘under the first head. Hence, a drawing or dia- gram embodying these characters would represent the common plan of * Strictly speaking, the group Ruminantia is only a part of the modern order Artiodae- tyla, but it was convenient here to use the term in its old sense and value, or rather sub-order Artiodactyla of the order Ungulata.) PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 367 these animals, which are collectively termed the Vertebrata ; and it would stand in the same relation to the common plans of birds, mammals, rep- tiles, amphibia, and fishes, as the ruminant plan did to oxen, sheep, and antelopes. By earrying investigations of this kind into the rest of the animal kingdom it has been shown that every animal whatsoever is a modifica- tion of one or other of five great common plans—the plan of the Vertebrata, that of the Annulosa, that of the Celenterata, and that of the Protozoa. This division of the animal kingdom is not generally adopted in this country; that most prevalent recognizes the branches Vertebrata, Ar- ticulata, Molusca, Radiata, and Protozoa. It is most important, however, not to form a wrong idea as to the real import of these ‘“‘“common plans.” We must regard them simply as de- vices by which we render more clear and intelligible to our own minds the great truth that the parts of living bodies are associated together according to certain definite laws, Why it is that an animal which suckles its young should invariably possess a double articular surface at the back of its skull, should have the articular surface of its lower jaw convex or flat and not concave, and should always be provided with hairs and never with feathers, we know as little as why the earth turns from west to east, and not from east to west; but if the morphological law which expresses this invariable coexistence, or correlation, of organic peculiarities has been as regularly verified by our experience as the as- tronomical law, we may, for all practical purposes, reckon as securely upon the constancy of one relation as upon that of the other. It is, indeed, remarkable to how great an extent we may depend upon these laws, and how seemingly unimportant, and in the present state of physiology inexplicable, many of the most constant correlations of ani- mal parts are. Thus the profoundest of “teleologists”* will, probably, hesitate to attempt to account, by any physiological reasoning, for the above-stated invariable occurrence of true hairs in those animals only which suckle their young and have two occipital condyles; but, never- theless, if a single hair be placed before a naturalist he will be able, in many cases, not ‘only at once to decide that the animal to which it belongs possesses a backbone, has four limbs, suckles its young, has a heart with four distinct cavities, possesses lungs; but he may beable to go into minute details as to the structure of its brain, "and the arrangement ‘and number of its teeth. How does he know these things? Simply because experience teaches him that the structure of the hair in question is found as a constitu- ent part of only one particular plan of organization, and, therefore, may be depended upon as an indication of all the other pec uliarities of that plan. Just as w hen a particular characteristic fossil is found we may predi- cate what other fossils will be found in the same bed, without having the least idea of the why and the wherefore of the association; so the apparently trivial and unimportant hair indicates, we know not why, all the other structural peculiarities which experience shows to be associated with it. We shall find the application of these truths by and by in con- sidering the methods by which fossils are determined. Important consequences flow from the fact that the forms of living beings are modeled upon common plans, and, from the kind of relation which oes between any actual form and its plan. Thus the vertebrate plan, as has been seen, undergoes five modifications, each of which con- stitutes the common plan of a large assemblage of animals—ot mammals, * TRLEOLOGY The douts ‘ine of final causes. “ Teleologist,”’ one who seeks for the final causes of phenomena. 368 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. of birds, of reptiles, of amphibians, and of fishes; and if we select any of these subordinate plans we find it again modified so as to constitute the plans of the minor subdivisions of these great assemblages. The reptilian plan is modified in one way to form the plan of the turtle tribe, in another to constitute that of the crocodiles, in another that of the lizards, of the snakes, and so forth. And, in like manner, the common plan of any great division of the animal kingdom is seen, in nature, to be modified into a series of more and more altered and s specialized plans, each of which is common to the members of a progressively smaller sub- division of the group, until at length we arrive at the smallest assem- blage of beings w hich can be said to possess a particular common plan; or, in other words, which exhibits characters common to all its constitu. ents, and not possessed by those of any other group. lt is by reason of these singular relations among the forms of living beings that what is termed a “natural classification” is possible. In the ordinary business of life, whenever it is necessary to recollect and have at command a multiplicity of objects, we “classify” those cbjects; we arrange them in groups or packets dis stinguished by particular marks and havi ing a particular order. Thus itis ‘that the merchant art ranges his wares, the librarian his books, the lawyer his papers; and the naturalist, in like manner, would find it utterly impossible to grapple with the details ot the two or three hundred thousand distinct forms of living beings, which are the object of his study, unless he could in some way classify and arrange them. Now the aim of classification may vary. Many persons imagine that natural history is the knowledge of the names which have been affixed to animals and plants by men of science; and the wish of such persons is to have a classification so contrived as to enable them, with the least possible trouble, to ascertain what name has been affixed to an object, or, better still, to determine that no name has been given to it, when they have the satisfaction of baptizing it themselves. These “natural- ists,” necessarily, desire in a classification only a good index and diction- ary of the names of animals and plants, and it matters not by what marks they designate their groups so long as those marks are easily discovera- ble and readily remembered. Thus, plants might be divided according to the number of stamens in the flower, while animals might be classed ane ne to the number of their teeth, the shape and number of their legs, &c.; and arrangements of this kind, if skillfully made, might have no small value and use in helping us to discover what animals and plants are, and what are not known, but it is clear they would be purely arbi- trary; there would be no necessar y relation between the members of the various groups beyond the single point in which they agree; in other words, the classification would “be ‘‘artificial” and not “natural. a But the low conception of the objects of the science of natural history, from which such artificial classifications flowed, has given place to other and higher views, and with it all artificial systems have become exploded, or relegated to their proper place as mere aids to the memory. The nat- uralist of the present day, in fact, stands to him of the past in the relation of a Niebuhr, a Hallam, ora Guizot, to the gossiping compiler of achronique scandaleuse, or, at best, to a Froissart or a Burnett. Without despising the importance of a knowledge of the names and habits of living beings, he sees beyond this, and overruling it, a higher and a nobler aim—the investigation of the laws of life, of the principles discoverable amid the multiform structures of living beings, and of the relations in which they stand to one another and to the surrounding universe. For such objects an artificial classification is useless, if not obstructive. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 369 The laws of life can only be obtained by observation of the facts of life and generalization from those facts, and the philosophical naturalist seeks that classification which shall best enable him to remember facts and generalizations already won, and shall most efficiently assist him to obtain others. As Cuvier has well expressed it, modern classification endeavors to throw the facts of the structure of living beings into the fewest possible general propositions. Each living being, therefore, has been compared with all others, and those from which it is not separated by any constant difference are grouped together as one “species.” The different species have next been compared, and those which agree in some one or more characters, while they differ from all others in these characters, are arranged into a larger group, called a “genus.” By a like procedure, genera have been erouped into “families ;” these into “orders,” orders into “classes,” and classes into “subkingdoms,” which last are the pri- mary subdivisions of the animal and vegetable “kingdoms” respectively. The resemblances and differences upon which the groups are founded, being based on a comparison of the whole organization of living beings, are thorough and fundamental, and, as it were, indicated by nature her- self. Hence this mode of classification has been termed “natural,” in contradistinetion to those previously referred to, the divisions of which are founded on insulated and superficial relations. But it is obvious that if animals and plants were not constructed upon common plans, it would be impossible to throw them into groups expressive of their greater or less degree of resemblance, such as those of the natural classification. In fact, the doctrine of “‘common plan” and of “natural classification” are but two ways of expressing the great truth, that the more closely we examine into the inner nature of living beings, the more clearly do we discern that there is a sort of family resemblance among them all, closer between some, more distant between others, but still pervading the whole series. There is yet another way in which this doctrine has been expressed. In every group there is some average form, some form which occupies a sort of central place, around which the rest seem to arrange themselves; and this form may therefore be taken as the representative of the group, as the nearest actual embodiment of the common plan. Such a form is commonly called the type of the group; and in this sense an antelope might be termed the type of the Ruminantia j; a dog of the Carnivora. It is in this sense that the word “type” will be used in these pages; but it is proper to remark that the term is not uncommonly applied to the most characteristic and marked form of a group. In this sense a cat rather than a dog would, perhaps, be selected as a typical carnivore. The phrase “family resemblance” has been used above, and it, perhaps, expresses better than any other the sort of likeness which exists among the members of anatural group; specific and generic alliance having the same sort of relation as brotherhood and cousinhood. But it is import- ant to remember that the classification of animals and plants stands on its own basis, and is entirely independent of physiological considera- tions. For the purposes of the classifier it is wholly immaterial whether, as some maintain, ‘‘species” are immutable and have taken their origin independently of one another, directly from the hand of the Creato MT ; or whether, as others think, they are indefinitely modifiable, and have all resulted from the changes induced by external influences upon some common stock. If all forms of living beings were fossil, and we knew nothing about life, the natural classification of animals and plants would be exactly what it is now; except as it might be affected by the resulting 248 370 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY deficiencies in our knowledge. At the same time, the inquiry into the permanence or modifiability of species is, in itself, of the highest i import- ance and interest; and it will be necessary to advert to the bearings of the little definite evidence we at present possess upon the subject i in some of the following pages. (Here follows in the original, on pages xix—xxix, a review of the sub-kingdoms and classes of animals: but as there are several disputed points, and as the author himself has since modified his views, they are not reproduced.) The Protozoa, as a whole, are evidently simpler in structure and less variously endowed than the Cehlenterata; the Cehlenterata than the Mollusca or Annulosa; and none of the last approach either birds or mammals in complexity. Again, a lamprey is a simpler animal than a horse, a worm than a bee. These indubitable facts are commonly expressed by the phrase that the simpler animals are lower and less perfect than the higher, and this indeed, in one sense, they truly are. But we should greatly err in sup- posing ‘that less perfection implies imperfection; or in imagining that the less perfect animal is in any way unfitted for the conditions under which it lives. Were it so, its race would necessarily sooner or later cease to exist. If we look closely into the matter, it will be found that by “less pertect” and “low in the scale of life,” one of two things is meant, either firstly, that the creature of which the assertion is made is a less compli- cated apparatus; or secondly, that the parts of which it is composed differ from one another comparatively little in form and structure. It is worth while to consider each of these cases more fully. Every animal (indeed it might be said every living thing) has in the gross the same kind of work to do: it has to take in the ‘food necessary for its support; it has to change this into other products and to mold them into its own peculiar form. Lastly, it has to exhibit that kind of reaction upon external impressions which is known as ‘‘ irritability.” Absorption, metamorphosis, and irritability, these are the three great “ functions” of all animals. Now the difference between one animal and another, as to the mode in which the functions are performed, is very similar to the difference which exists between one human society and another, as to the mode in which the affairs of life are carried out. All human wants may be summed up in two words: sustenance and freedom; but the mode in which men secure the satisfaction of their wants varies with the perfec tion of their social state. In savage life every man procures his own food, and relies for his security from constraint upon the strength of his ownarm. But this state of thingsis manifestly incompatible with any great advance, either in those arts which minister to the physical, or in those which satisfy the moral nature. If a man has to find his food every day he will not spend much time in cooking it; and if he is liable to be attacked by an eneiny at all hours, he is pretty sure never to at- tain to much eminence as a painter or a violinist. By the necessity of the case, then, where every man has to do everything for himself, noth- ing will ‘be done very well; no man will be much better than another, and none will be very far above the level of mere animal existence. Contrast this state of things with that which obtains among the active members of a highly civilized society, such as our own. Hach devotes himself to one occupation, striving to earry out that in the best possible manner; and trusting to others who devote themselves to other specialities for the satisfaction of all the rest of his wants. There is a “division of labor ;” the wants of mankind are split up, as it were, into PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. rf a hundred subdivisions, and every man charges himself with the satis- faction of one of these subdivisions, hoping that, in exchange, his own ninety-nine wants will be satisfied by others. So that, in one sense, a hundred civilized men may be said to be the equivalent of but one sav- age; while, if, on the other hand, we regard the nature of the products of civiliz ition, and balance the sum of the work done on each side, the advantage on the side of civilization is infinite. It is precisely this division of the physiological* labor, the organism, which constitutes the first of the two great kinds of difference between animals. Some Protozoa have no definite aperture for the taking in of food, no muscles, and no limbs. Every part of the body-wall may serve in turn as mouth or locomotive organ. In others there is a mouth, but no definite alimentary canal, and the contractile locomotive apparatus is limited to one part of the body. In the Celenterata the mouth and digestive cavity are permanently appropriated to that office, though not separate from the rest of the cavity of the body. The motor organs are still more definite and serve as organs of prehension and offense. In the Mollusca the digestive cavity is permanent and completely separated from the walls of the body. A blood system is developed to carry the nutritive matter to all parts of the body. Another portion of the organ- ism is converted into muscle, and can do little but contract ; another has nothing to do but to form shell; another, the nervous system and organs of sense, is charged with the sole duty of putting the different parts of the organism in relation with one another, and with the external world. Thus, in the mollusk, each part of the organism is charged with a special function, and, to the same extent, has become dependent on others. The stomach that digests depends on the blood for its own nourishment. The muscle that enables the animal to seize its prey would perish without the aid of the stomach and the blood, and would be ineffectual without the nervous system which guidesit. The mollusk does no more in the long run than the Amaba; it absorbs food, it modi- fies it, and it exhibits irritability, but the manner in which it does all these things is infinitely superior, and enables it to display powers of which the Ameba exhibits no trace. It is needless to pursue the argument further, or it would be easy to show that the difference between man and the mollusk, as physiological machines, is of the same kind as that between the mollusk and the pro- tozoon ; in short, physiological periection is in proportion to the division of the labor of the whole organism among organs specially adapted to particular offices. : The other sense in which perfection is attributed to living beings is morphological.t The Mollusca, asa whole, are more perfect than the Celenterata, because they exhibit a greater number of specialized and diversiform parts and organs, quite irrespective of the functions of those parts and organs; and the vertebrata, in their fundamental char- acter, the possession of a true primordial internal skeleton, exhibit a oreater complexity of structure than any mollusk, or any annulose animal. It of course usually happens that physiological and morphological complexity go hand in hand, but it should be remembered that the con- junction is not a necessary one. ‘The lowest vertebrate animal, for in- * PuyYsIOLOGY.—The science which treats of the forces exerted by living beings irrespective of their forms; except so faras these contribute to the exertion of these forces. +t MorpHoLoGy.—The science which treats of the forms of living beings without re- gard to their functious. ole PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. stance, is in some morphological respects more complex than the highest mollusk, but physiologically it is less so. One other commonly-used phrase, expressive of the relation between different kinds of living beings, requires explanation, as its employment in an erroneous sense has led to grave errors. There is a current im- pression that the lower animals correspond with the embryonic condi- tions of the higher; that, in the course of their development, the lower animal advances up to a certain point and then stops, while the higher @9es8 On. This notion, however, is entirely incorrect; there is no known adult animal w hich would be 1 egarded by any naturalist as of the same species with any early condition of another animal, if the two were submitted to him for comparison. In no stage of their existence would a compe- tent naturalist regard embryonic reptiles, or mammals, as fishes; in no stage would he take an insect for a worm, or a cuttlefish for any lower mollusk. The whole of this idea, the truth of which has been assumed so often in geological speculations, rests upon a misunderstanding of an undoubted tact, namely, that there is a time in the development of each when all members of a sub- kingdom resemble one another very closely, and that they remain alike for a longer or shorter period according to the closeness or remoteness of their affinity. Thus there is a time when the embryo of a fish could be hardly distinguished from that of a rep- tile, a bird, ora mammal. But the embryo ‘fish sooner becomes unlike a mammal "than the embryo reptile or bird; and the embryo quadru- pedal mammal remains longer like a human embryo than does that of a fish or reptile. Thus all animals in their youngest condition have, for a longer or shorter time, a similar form, from which each div erges to take its spe- cial configuration; if one may So say, they travel alone the same road for a shorter or lon ger distance, and then each goes aside to its own place. But this is a very different matter from any one form being an arrest of development of another. Of two men traveling together along the great North road, one may be going to Newcastle and the other to York. But it would be a very insufficient and erroneous description of the journey of the one to say that is was merely that of the other cut short. 3. The next great principle of natural history of which some definite notion must be obtained, is the doctrine of what is called the “ distribu- tion” of living beings. It is a matter of familiar experience that ele- phants, lions, and rhinoceroses are not at present indigenous in Gree Britain; and humming birds, crocodiles, and flying fish are as strange to us as are the white bear, the ermine, and the musk ox. Nevertheless, the latter animals are found abundantly in more northern latitudes, while the former swarm within the tropics. Were any one to visit the countries in which the white-bear and the crocodile respectively abound, he would discover that there was a certain northern limit beyond which the crocodile was never seen; and, on the other hand, that the white bear never ranzes south of a given ‘latitude. In other words, the white bear and the crocodile are found within, or are distributed over, certain limited spaces of the earth’s surface, and lines drawn on a globe’ so as to inclose these spaces, would indicate the “ geographical distribution” of these animals. There are hardly any species of animals and plants which are not in like manner confined withim limited geographical areas, and hence if we were to set out from England, and travel either due south or due north, PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. ate we should find that a gradual change would take place in the fauna* and flora of the countries traversed, their inhabitants differing more and more widely from those of this country, the more nearly they approxima- ted either the pole or the equator. Nor is this result other than might be naturally expected, for we know how closely dependent the health and strength of animals and plants are upon the amount of heat, ght, and moisture to which they are exposed; and in traveling dre north or due south, these climatal conditions necessarily become very greatly altered. A corresponding change in the flora and fauna is observed when, in a mountainous country, we ascend from the plains to the line of perpet- ual snow; and the animal and vegetable inhabitants of the sea in like manner vary in character and abundance at different depths. But these cases also seem readily intelligible, for elevation has much the same effect on climate as northing; and every fathom of increased depth in the sea corresponds with a certain diminution in the amount of light and a certain alteration in temperature. Again there seems to be no difficulty in understanding why, as we find to be the case, terrestrial animals and plants differ from those whose existence is spent in the water; nor why, among purely aquatic crea- tures, the inhabitants of fresh water are usually widely different from those of the sea. The discrepancy in form seems quite in harmony with the discrepancy in external circumstances. But there are some other facts connected with distribution, the cause of which is by no means so obvious. If the traveler, instead of moving to the north or to the south of this country, journeyed east or west, keep- ing as nearly as possible within similar climatal conditions, he would, nevertheless, still find that the successive faunas and floras through which he passed were widely different; and if a voyager were to cir- cumnavigate the globe between the parallels of 40° and 60° 8., touch- ing at ports in the continents of Africa, Australia, and America, the differences between the indigenous animals of each country would be immense, and altogether out of proportion to the changes in climatal conditions. The globe, then, may be marked out by boundary lines, some of which run northerly and southerly, and others easterly and westerly, into a number of districts or ‘‘ provinces,” each of which is characterized by a peculiar assemblage of animals and plants. And again, each district might be subdivided by lines parallel with the horizon, into zones of depth and of height, in each of which a certain group of this assem- blage would flourish. It must be remembered, however, that neither zones nor provinces are capable of a strict limitation, there being always a border-land between every two, in which the inhabitants of both are mixed. The phenomena of distribution in depth are particularly worthy of attention, from their bearing on geology; for it is obvious that if we are enabled to lay down certain rules with regard to the depth at which particular forms live, we shall be able, when we find these forms in an ancient sea-bed, to form a judgment as to the depth of that sea-bed, and hence, in many cases, to gather valuable indications as to the proximity or distance of dry land. Every one who has walked along the sea shore is familiar with certain forms of life—barnacles, limpets, periwinkles, *The term “ Fauna” is applied to the whole of the animal inhabitants, ‘ Flora” to the whole of the plants, of a district or country. Thus, the fauna of Africa means all the animals found in Africa; the flora of India, the flora of Kent, means all the plants found in India and Kent respectively. In speaking thus it will be understood that the “indigenous” animals and plants, or those which naturally exist in a country, are alone referred to. 374 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. dogwhelks, shore crabs, which cover the rocks between high and low water marks. During calm weather he might imagine that these consti- tuted the chief inhabitants of the sea; but should a heavy gale of wind set in landwards, he is soon undeceived, for the waves, tearing up the sea bottom at depths greater than those which are ordinarily, “exposed by the recession of the tide, cast on shore vast numbers of new crea- tures, such as whelks, sandstars, corallines, and great masses of sea- weed. with whole colonies of animals attached to them, which habitually remain in the deeper regions. Not satisfied with such accidental revelations, modern investigators have systematized and extended the explorations of marine depths by means of the use of the “dredge,” a simple apparatus, long used by oyster fishermen to procure their merchandise, and, of course, equally applicable to the dragging up of other inhabitants of the floor of the sea. It results from a long series of such observations that at least five zones, each characterized by peculiar forms of animal or vegetable life, may be distinguished at different depths. They are, 1st, the “littoral” zone, Cor responding 2 with the interval between high and low watermar ks; 2d, the “cireumlittoral” zone, extending from Jow water mark to the lowest limit at which the coral- like plant Nullipora is found, a depth, in our latitudes, of between fifteen and twenty fathoms; 3d, the “median” zone, characterized by the abundance of Polyzoa and Sertularide which it exhibits, and by the predominance of carnivorous forms among its Mollusca; it extends in our seas to about fifty fathoms; 4th, the ‘ infra- median,” and, 5th, the *“‘abyssal” zones lie beyond this, but can be hardly said at present to be well defined. It is in them that our corals and Brachiopoda flourish. Much attention has of late been paid to the investigation of the deep sea animals and plants, and numerous species have been found at very great depths. As might have been expected, from the greater uniformity of physical conditions at such depths, the same species have been found at very distant localities, and exhibit a wide geographical range in latitude as well as longitude. Another peculiarity more marked even than could have been anticipated i is the affinity and even identity of many species with tertiary and cretaceous forms. The extreme limits of vegetable and of animallife are not known. The higher Alga, such as sea weeds and Nullipora, are, in our own latitudes, not found below twenty fathoms; but it is not improbable that the Diatomacee flourish at the furthest limits of life. Both the number of species and the number of individuals of animals diminish at greater depths. A greater profundity than two hundred fathoms is not to be reached within a very considerable distance of any part of the British coasts; but in both northern and southern seas living animals have been drawn up from more than three hundred fathoms (or 1,800 feet) below the surface. It is important to remark that the inhab- itants of these and still greater depths, however diminished in number, do not appear to become degraded in organization, but consist of Crus- tacea, Echinodermata, Gasteropoda, Lamellibranchiata, Polyzoa, and Acti- nozoa, of types quite as elevated as those which are found i in more shallow waters, but they are frequently less brilliantly colored than the latter. While the laws of distribution, as they have been at present determined, therefore, do not enable us to say precisely at what depth living animals can no longer exist, nor even to trace the influence of depth in modity- ing their forms, they seem, nevertheless, to point to certain assemblages as characteristic of certain ranges of depth. For instance, limpets and periwinkles appear to be absolutely characteristic of shallow water, being ’ PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 375 found but a very short way beyond tide marks. The lower limit of the plant Nullipora, on the other hand, seems to mark in all seas the line of demarcation between moderate depths (under one hundred fathoms) and great depths. We must remember, however, in attempting to apply these generali- zations, that as yet distribution in depth has hardly been fairly worked out, even in temperate latitudes, and that before we can safely enunciate laws of general application, a vast number of observations must be made in both tropical and arctic climates. The fact of the apparently capricious limits which have been assigned to many animals has been alluded to above. That all animals are adapted to the conditions in which they live is a truism, for if they were not so adapted they would not live, but die; but the strange fact is that we do not always find animals in those conditions for which they are adapted. Atthe present day millions of horses run wild over the Pampas of South America, and these great plains are overspread with a peculiar kind of thistle; there can be no doubt, therefore, that the climatal and other conditions of this part of the American continent are eminently fa- vorable to both horses and thistles. Nevertheless, at the period of the discovery of the Americas, neither the horse nor the thistles existed in these regions. In like manner, eighty years ago, neither horse, nor ox, nor sheep grazed the wide pastures of Australia; now they flourish and run wild there. The same is true of New Zealand. The little fresh-water muscle, the Dreissena, now so common in our canals, having swarmed over the whole country, is a recent importation from Eastern Europe. Con- ditions most favorable for its existence have existed for ages, and yet it only now reaches them artificially. However trite may be the assertion, therefore, that animals are fitted for their conditions, the converse propo- sition, that conditions imply the existence of creatures fitted to flourish in them, is manifestly untrue. Again, the existing distribution of animal life furnishes good grounds for exercising the greatest caution in reasoning from the population of one area, however vast, to that of another. A “naturalist might be per- fectly acquainted with the indigenous animal inhabitants of all South America and Australia, and yet not know that there were such things in the world as the elephant, the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus, the giraffe, the lion, the tiger, the horse, the ox, the ‘sheep, or the goat. He might be fully’ acquainted with the population of all the enormous area which contains Australia and the Pacific Islands, and yet not only be ignorant of the animals just mentioned, but might never even have heard of bears, eats, monkeys, ruminants, sloths, or ant. eaters. Finally, the exclusively African naturatist might fairly conclude from his own experience that great quadrupeds abound everywhere, and that there are no such things as kangaroos or opossums. The commonest facts in distribution, therefore, teach us that it is never safe to apply conclusions based upon the investigation of a limited area, however large, to the animal inhabitants of the rest of the world. There is yet another caution necessary in reasoning from the facts of distribution. It should be well borne in mind that the connection between a given form and the conditions in which that form flourishes is, in the great majority of cases, unknown to us. The laws of distribution are for the most part purely empirical; they are merely the expression of observed facts, of the reason of which we know nothing. If we observe species A always in a warm climate and species B always ina cold one, we may conclude if we find specimens of A and B that the climates in 376 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. which they flourished were respectively warm and cold. The force of the conclusion will depend upon the extent of our previous observation with regard to A and B. In practice, and within certain limits, such a conclusion is probably valid, but it is a very different matter if the ar- gument is put, as it more commonly is, thus: Species A and B are found respectively in hot and cold climates; therefore species a, which is very like A, though not the same, and species 6, which is very like b, though distinet, indicate that the climates in which they flourished were respectively warm and cold. This argument, it is obvious, is only valid on the assumption that cer- tain amount of similarity of form implies similarity of necessary condi- tions; and the question immediately arises: How much similarity of form implies how much similarity of condition? In the present state of science no definite answer can be given to this question. It is not understood why some genera are well-nigh universal in their distribution, others limited in their area. No comparison of the osteology of the arctic fox and of the jackal, of the pola’ bear and of the black bear, of the musk ox and of the buffalo, would enable the ana- tomist to tell which of these species inhabits an arctic, and which a warmer climate. And on the other hand, though the existing species of hippopotamuses, rhinoceroses, and elephants are now exclusively in- habitants of warm climates, it is certain that very similar species formerly flourished in climates at least.as cold as that of England, if not much colder. That these difficulties beset the enunciation of laws of distribution of general application, indicates what is tolerably certain on other grounds, that the existing ar rangement of living beings on the surface of the globe is a complex re esult, the product of thei inter: action of a number of distinct causes. It is pretty clear, indeed, from what we know of life, that the presence or absence of any particular living being, on any given spot of the earth’s surface, must depend on these conditions: 1st. The mode and place of origin of that kind of living being. 2d. Its powers of voluntary migration. 3d. The extent to which it has undergone involuntary migration in consequence of changes in the distribution of sea and land, currents, &e. 4th. The range of ‘climatal and other conditions under which alone it can exist. / If we had these data for each species, its distribution would be a matter of calculation. But unfortunately they are not yet ascertained for any species whatsoever; nor is there, with regard to one or two, that agree- ment among men of science as to the probabilities of the case which would be desirable. Thus, respecting the first condition, no one has ever witnessed the origin of a species, nor is there any scientific evidence as to the mode or place of origin of any living thing. As to the hypothetical views, all the possible alternatives have their advocates. There are those who suppose that all living beings were created at once, in one spot, whence they have subsequently migrated ; but persons of sound intellect, acquainted with the facts, usually attach themselves to one of two other views. On the one hand, some conceive that all living beings were created as we find them, and where we find them; or that, at any rate, they are the descendants of a stock created within a distance not greater than can be overcome by the voluntary or involuntary migration of the species. Those who entertain this view usually suppose that a species once created can only be modified to a very limited extent. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 318 On the other hand, their opponents maintain that there is no evidence that species were created as we find them, but that there is reason to believe that all living things are the result of the gradual modification of one or more primitive forins. Passion and the odium theologicum are too often allowed to enter into the discussion of these views. The triumph of either, except so far as it is the triumph of truth, is to the man of science, however, a matter of profound indifference; and in this spirit the arguments on both sides. are thus shortly summed up: a. Those who maintain the first view urge that all evidence tends to show that, in the ordinary course of things, living beings can only take their origin from pre-existing living beings; so that, even if the indefi- nite modifiability of species were admitted, it would yet be necessary to suppose a direct creative interposition in order to account for the first germ of all; and if we admit one direct interposition, it is said, there is no difficulty in admitting twenty or twenty thousand. To this it is replied, that, although there may be no greater difficulty in the one case than in the other, yet the assumption of creative acts, being in reality nothing more than a grandiloquent way of expressing our ignorance of the real connection of the phenomena, and our incompetence to conceive their origination, every reduction in the number of such assumptions is a clear gain to science. It is furthermore urged that the direct creation of a species is an occurrence which not only has no scientific evidence in its favor, but is, in the nature of things, incapable of being supported by such evidence. For, suppose that ina glass of water, perfectly free from a trace of organic matter, a new species of fish were suddenly to make its appearance before the eyes of half a dozen naturalists, not one of them would believe, or would be justitied in believing, that this was a direct creation out of nothing. Philosophically it would be illogical, and religiously it would be mere superstition to believe that which is in direct contradiction to our universal experience of the modes of action of the Creator.. b. It is affirmed that, in some cases, animals and plants of the same species inhabit such completely separated regions that their origin, except by independent creation, within their present area is inconceiv- able. One of the strongest cases of this kind is that afforded by a marine crustacean, sometimes seen in our fish markets, the Norway lobster, (Nephrops norvegicus.) This animal is found on the shores of Norway and of the northern parts of the British islands, but not on our southern shores, nor on the Atlantic coast of France, Spain, or Portu- gal; it reappears, however, at Nice in the Mediterranean, and abounds in the Adriatic about Venice. There appears to be no doubt that the northern and the southern forms are specifically identical, and it is naturally asked, how could these isolated detachments of one species have migrated to such widely- separated points without leaving some colonies on the only road which is open to them, viz., the western shores of Europe? And if their present distribution is not to be accounted for by migration, how is it explicable, except by supposing that the stock of each detachment was created where we find it ? Were the limits of the land and sea fixed and unchangeable, were there no such things as geological change, the problem might seem to be insoluble. But the instability of the land and the consequent inces- sant alteration of dry land and deep sea at the very same points of the earth’s surface, are the first lessons of the student of geology. This being the case, however, the argument at once loses its force; for if by the submergence of Central Europe the Mediterranean and the North 378 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. Seas ever communicated, the Nephrops would readily have spread from Norway to the Adriatic, or vice versa ; and when the central mass of Europe rose again, the area of its distribution would be cut in two, and the northern and southern fragments only left. That this is the explanation of the apparent anomaly would be proved if Nephrops norvegicus were found fossil in any of the strata constituting the present land of Central Europe. So long as this is not the case it can only be regarded as hypothesis more probable than that of special creation at two points, and hence excluding the necessity of adopting the latter.* Many cases of distribution which have been supposed to be similar to that of Nephrops, and adduced as such by the advocates of many centers of creation, have been shown to be not really of the same nature, the widely separated forms not being in reality of identical species. c. The great question, however, upon which the two schools of natu- ralists divide is: Are species permanent? In other words, is it possible that any conditions operating through any amount of time upon any number of generations of a species A, shall give rise to a distinct spe- cies B? In this, as in all other instances where thinking men entertain flatly contradictory opinions, the difficulty of coming to a mutual understand- ing appears to arise in a great measure from the want of a clear appre- hension of one another’s meaning. In the present case it is probable that no two persons attach precisely the same signification to thé word “ species.” Most naturalists admit, indeed, fhat species have a distinct physiolo- gical character, viz: that the intermixture of two species will not pro- duce a fertile race, even if it gives rise to any progeny at all; but, un- fortunately, this test is, from the nature of the case, practically inappli- cable, not only to the great majority of living animals and plants, but to all fossils. In practice, therefore, the naturalist is obliged to neglect the physio- logical characters of a species, and to confine himself entirely to those which can be founded on form and structure. In this sense a species is the smallest group to which distinctive and invariable characters can be assigned. If, to use a seemingly paradoxical expression, all living beings were extinect—if they were represented by a limited number of fossils, and lay before us as things to be arranged and classified, the practical appli- cation of this definition of species would have no difficulty. Sooner or later the whole organic world would be sorted out into the smallest parcels which could be characterized by a definition, and these would be “ species.” It is obvious that the task would be equally easy were all living beings absolutely immutable; if every member of a species were exactly hike its fellows, and if all progeny precisely resembled its parentage. If every dog, for example, were precisely like every other dog, and every puppy exactly similar to its parents, there could be no difficulty about defining the species dog, nor could there be any hesitation in deciding whether a given animal belonged to the species dog or the species wolf. Unfortunately for scientific ease, no such immutable forms exist in nature. Like everything else in the world, a living being is a compro- *Species of the genus Nephrops have, curiously enough, been found fossil in Central France (department of the Yonne) at a point about half way between the northern and southern area of N. norvegicus. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 379 mise, a resultant of all the forces which act upon it; and though, like a planet, it tends with an immense force to move in a course of its own, yet, like that planet, it is affected and perturbed more or less by all sur- rounding conditions. Hence, inasmuch as no two living beings can ever possibly have been subjected to precisely the same conditions, it is not wonderful that no two ever were, or ever will be, precisely alike; nor is it strange that species vary in proportion to the variety of the conditions to which they are exposed. It is needless to do more than refer to facts which le within every one’s experience. No person is unaware of the difference in the result produced when two seeds from the same plant, or two animals from the same brood, are exposed to Widely different conditions in respect of light, warmth, and nourishment. In all such cases, however, the modification is limited in amount, and no modification of conditions will so mask the characters of the species as to prevent their recognition in either the stunted or the overgrown individual. For every individual, therefore, it can hardly be doubted that specific characters are permanent and immutable. Do what = will with a sheep-dog puppy, you will not turn him into a wolf. It is obvious, ther efore, that thus far the influence of conditions ean be shown to have no appreciable effect in permanently modifying spe- cies; for, if the offspring of the modified individual were in all respects like its parent before the modification of the latter, it is clear that the whole influence of the modifying conditions would only bring ‘c co the same point as the parent; that the modification in any numer o% gene- rations would go no further; and that when the influence uf these con- ditions was removed, the species would at once return te its primitive and typical form. Thus , Suppose a pair of sheep-dog puppies could be converted into ereyhounds by a peculiar course of food and training ; for anything which has been yet stated they would produce puppies which would only become grey hounds under a like course, and if lett to themselves, would resume their pure and unchanged sheep-dog char- acter. Now, in nature this is not the case, by reason of the great fact of hereditary transmission. Every living ‘being i is, it has been said above, the resultant of all the forces which ‘act upon it; the statement is in- complete unless we add: and which have acted upon its parents The forces in question are divisible into two classes: the one more powerful, intrinsic, impressed upon the germ, and causing that germ invariably to tend toward the production of a given form ; the other weaker, extrinsic, consisting of all those assisting, modifying, or even destructive influences which reside in the surrounding universe, apd which are called external conditions. ; For every individual living thing, this distinetion into intrinsic and extrinsic forces is absolute; but the law of hereditary transmission obliges us to admit that it may not be so for a series of generations. For hereditary transmission means simply, that a modification under- gone by a parent more or less affects its offspring—the offspring tending to reproduce that modification. Thus in the imaginary instance given above, the offspring of the modified sheep-dog, even if placed in entirely indifferent conditions, would have a tendency to assume greyhound char- acters. The intrinsic force of that germ, its tendencies, would be thus far modified by the influence exerted by external conditions on its parent. The operation of an extrinsic force on one generation may become in the next an intrinsic force. 380 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. But it is obvious that if once the influence of hereditary transmission in modifying the tendencies of the germ (and no one denies it) be ad- mitted, it is very difficult to sav where the modification of a given species shall stop. Here, therefore, is the battle ground of those who admit and those who deny the indefinite modifiability of species. On the one side are adduced the two indubitable facts, firstly, that certain unquestionable modifications of one and the same species, such as the dog, are, as Cuvier says, more different than any wild species of the same natural yenus ; secondly, that the admission of indefinite modifiability reduces the production of species to the ordinary course of nature, and accounts equally well for all the phenomena with any other hypothesis. On the other side are the equally unquestionable truths that specific characters are retained under even extreme modifying influences with great tenacity, and that artificially produced modifications tend, if left to themselves, to return, more or less nearly, to their primitive specific character. It may be doubted, however, if these propositions are really inconsistent with the doctrine of indefinite modifiability. At present the evidence before the naturalist can hardly justify him in declaring his absolute adhesion to either view, but according as he inclines one way or the other, so will it be probable that his views as to the limits of species will vary. He who leans to the hypothesis of indefi- nite modifiability will tend to neglect, and he who inclines to that of the fixity of species will tend to exaggerate, minute differences. As the sase now stands, those who wish to adhere to the golden mean must put their trust in common sense, a perception of the ‘needs of science, and that sort of tact which can be gained only by incessant practical work- ing at species.* 4, So much for those laws of natural, history which help us to under- stand what the various forms of: living beings are, and how they vary. The next most important question is, do animals and plants, as they die, perish and leave no trace behind, or what becomes of them ? The answer to this question must be different according to the par- ticular kind of animal or plant to which reference is made. The fungus, which springs up in a night, dies, decays, and is swept away as rapidly ; and the soft. marine jelly. fish or worm may leave no more permanent traces of its existence. Carnivorous and herbivorous animals, again, destroy and efface all recognizable signs of the existence of multitudes even of those living beings which are, physically and chemically, better qualified to endure. Again, though it be a fact that the great majority of both animals and plants are provided with parts sufficiently hard and indestructible to resist the ordinary causes of decay for a very consider- able time, nevertheless exposure to damp and change of temperature in the case of the remains of land animals, and the incessant wear and tear of watery action among aquatic creatures, would sooner or later destroy, or so deface as to render unrecognizable, the trunks of the hardest wooded trees and the most solid bones and shells; and this would take place in a space of time which, however long to us, is a very brief period, geologically speaking, were it not for the very simple but. efficient preservative agencies which are brought into play by the very same causes. The hard parts of terrestrial animals and the remains of land plants are, indeed, to a great extent destroyed by their exposure to the condi- * Tt should be noted that these pages were written before the appearance of Mr. Darwin’s book on the “Origin of Species,” a work which has effected a revolution in biological speculation. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 381 tions enumerated above; but it occasionally happens that accidental floods sweep them away into low grounds, hollows, or caves, where they “rest and become covered up with the fine mud deposited as the waters subside; or living animals may be swallowed up in peat-mosses and in Swamps; or their remains may be exposed to the action of springs highly charged with caleareous matter, and thus become coated with carbonate of lime; or the wind may envelop them in drift sand; and in all these instances they will be more or less effectually protected from further change. The imbedding and preservation of the exuvia of those marine ani- mals and plants which are not destroyed by the carnivorous and herb- ivorous races, on the other hand, is hardly a matter of chance, but must always inevitably take place. The sea is incessantly wearing away the shores against which it beats, and the shallow grounds over which its currents and tides race, undermining and cutting them away, and grind- ing the fragments down by their mutual friction into boulders, shingles, pebbles, sand, and mud. It then carries away the finer materials, and spreads them over the deeper and quieter portions of its bed, where they are arranged in successive layers, which gradually rise into banks of mud and sand. Brooks and streams, constantly bringing down sim- ilar materials from the higher grounds inland, add to these deposits, or form similar ones peculiar to themselves, thus giving rise to the “ deltas” and the “bars” found at the mouths of most rivers. In all the quieter and not too deep parts of the sea bed, therefore, it is as if a con- stant though very slow rain of fine earthly particles were going on, and consequently every dead shell, every undestroyed bone, which is left on the bottom, is souner or Jater covered up and protected from further destruction. Just as the showers of fine ashes which fell from Vesuvius seventeen centuries ago so covered up and protected the remains of Herculaneum and Pompeii, that even now the smallest relics of Roman daily life are preserved for our inspection, so may the muddy deposit now taking place over alarge extent of the present sea bottom preserve, for the inspection of future generations, the remains of the creatures at present living and dying there. For the sake of clearness it has been provisionally assumed that, in all these instances, the organic bodies have been preserved by being enveloped in masses of inorganic matter ; that the mud which forms the bottom of seas and rivers is, in all cases, pulverized rock brought from other localities. It is very rare, however, to find mud purely of this character, and there are some remarkable accumulations at present taking place, of which every particle is derived from organisms which have once lived, the apparent mud, in which the large organisms are imbedded, being nothing but a mass of shells of minuter forms inter- mingled with fragments of larger ones. 5. Most important consequences flow from a recognition of the fact that the modes of preservation of the remains of animals and plants last described far outweigh every other in importance and extent. This may be made more clear by again using the instance of Pompeii and Hereulaneum as an illustration. Suppose that long aiter these cities were buried others had been built over them by some of the many bar- barian invaders of Italy, during the decline of the empire, and that after a while Vesuvius had entombed these under another shower of ashes; and that these had, after a few hundred years of existence, un- dergone a like fate, so that the whole of this part of Italy was buried’ under volcanic accumulations, on the surface ef which flourished the villages and vineyards of a race ignorant of the existence of a previous 382 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. condition of things. And now suppose a well to be sunk, or an excava- tion made for some purpose or other, down to the original foundation of Pompeii; the digger would pass through three layers of volcanic accumulations, separating the foundations of as many cities, differing in the style of their architecture, in their sculpture, their paintings, and their utensils, and clearly showing that they belonged to three separate nations. It would be quite clear, again, to the excavator, that t he high- est city must be the latest and last built, the lowest the earliest ; and he could arrive at no other conclusion than that three several races had flourished and perished, one after another, on this very spot in ancient times. For how great a space of time each race had remained, and what was the absolute antiquity of any one, or of the whole, he would be unable to say; but their relative antiquity—the chronology of the series, would be plainly indicated by the order of their superposition. Exactly the same reasoning is applicable to the beds of mud and sand which are now accumulating and gradually hardening into rock at the bottom of our present seas. Those layers which are at present being deposited, necessarily lie above those which were formed in the same locality a year ago; and these, above those of the preceding year; while, on the other hand, they will be covered up by deposits of future years. Therefore, it follows, that if ever the present sea beds are up- heaved, so that their composition may be examined, the future observer will find the beds containing the remains of marine animals and plants superimposed upon one another, in precisely the same order as they are now being formed, the oldest at the bottom, the youngest at the top; he will be furnished by their order of superposition with an accurate rela- tive chronology of the changes which are now taking place; but without the introduction of other considerations, he will, of course, be unable to assign the absolute period at which any bed was deposited, or the time occupied in the formation of the whole. The antiquarian called upon to estimate the probable absolute age of the oldest of the cities in the imaginary case stated above, would be guided by what he knew of the time required to build cities; by his- torical evidence as to the conditions under which nations replace and -extirpate one another; and by physical considerations based upon a knowledge of the mode and rate of the formation of voleanie accumula- tions of a given thickness; but even then, he would, probably, prefer to state the minimum rather than the maximum antiquity. And so the future naturalist, should he have no other light than the strata now forming themselves afford, can only be guided, in his estimate of their antiquity and of the period occupied in their formation, by his knowl- edge of the average duration of animal life, and of the rate at which sediment of a given thickness can be deposited. He may as well as- sume the remains before his eyes to be accidental “ sports of nature” at once, as speculate upon any other foundation. Just as our only means of comprehending the civil history of the past is to apply to ancient times those principles which a careful study of the actions and motives of our contemporaries leads us to believe are of universal application to mankind, so, in endeavoring to interpret the monuments of the ancient world of geology, we must be guided by what we know of the present creation; and thus having learned what living creatures now exist, how they are constructed, and how their re- mains are becoming imbedded in the rocks now forming, we are ready to enter upon the inquiry as to what forms of life animated the ancient worlds, how they were constructed, and how their remains have beep handed down from those remote ages. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 383 6. There are yet one or two collateral points which require discussion. Supposing that the present bed of the ocean were upheaved and be- came exposed to view, so that we could examine the organic contents of all the strata of mud and sand which have accumulated and hardened into stone for the last four or five thousand years, ought we to expect to find, at any one spot, a complete and unbroken series of the remains of all the creatures that have ever lived there? Assuredly not. In the first place, it has already been explained that there are many animals entirely devoid of parts sufficiently hard to be preservable, and of them every trace would have disappeared. It is important to remark that a naturalist who should have become acquainted with the present animal creation only in this way, would be ignorant of the existence of many genera and families, of some orders, and even of one or two entire classes; but no sub-kingdom would be without abundant representa- tives, and, therefore, he would be perfectly acquainted with all the great types of org ganization at present existing. There would necessarily be defects in his knowledge, bui these defects would by no means interfere with his obtaining a very clear and just, though not complete, idea of the present state ‘of things. But there are other and more formidable sources of imperfection in our palaeontological knowledge. Not only does the very nature of some animals present an insuperable bar to the preservation of a complete record of organic life in the rocks contemporaneously formed, but it is, to say the least, excessively improbable that a complete series of even those organic bodies which are preservable should be found at any one spot. For modern research teaches that the level of the land is con- stantly changing; slowly but surely, some countries are rising, while others are becoming depressed ; and there is good evidence that, in some parts of the world, several alternative movements of elevation and de- pression have taken place within a comparatively modern period. Now, whenever the bottom of the sea becomes dry land, or the dry land sinks to the bottom of the sea, there must obviously be an interruption in the series of living inhabitants, aquatic forms replacing terrestrial, or vice versa. Thus, should the sea bottom be raised into dry land, and then depressed again so as to be covered with fresh deposits, the whole mass, when subsequently elevated and exposed to view, will exhibit a break in the series of marine organic remains, corresponding in magnitude and importance with the interval during which the sea bed remained in the condition of dry land. It is probable that there is not a single spot on the earth’s surface which has not been thus subjected to many altera- tions of elevation and depression, and, hence, we may safely infer that no single series of superimposed strata can contain a complete series of even those forms of past lite which have flourished in that one region. But, if this be true of those marine animals whose chances of preser- vation are greatest, whose hard parts contain so little animal matter as to be not worth attack on the part of predacious organisms, which are sufficiently dense to resist the destructive agencies to which they must almost necessarily be exposed before they are protected by sediment, and whose locomotive powers are insufficient to enable them to escape by migration the imminent fate threatened. by changes of level, how much more fortuitous must be the preservation of those remains which, like the bones of the marine Vertebrata, contain much animal matter, and are comparatively soft, or which belong to entirely terrestrial crea- tures. And, in fact, it is among the rarest of occurrences to find the bones of a dead wild qnadruped, or bird; or to dredge up from the sea bottom a relic of a fish or of a porpoise, abundant as these animals are ‘n our seas. 584 PRINCIPLES AND METHGDS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. We turn to the examination of the collection of fossil remains, then, bearing this truth clearly in our minds, that at best it contains only an imperfect record of the past; that it is a history, some of whose leaves are certainly torn out—we know not how many or how few—though, judging by the present condition of things, we surmise that their teach- ings would not contradict any duly limited deduction from the informa tion we derive from other sources. Il.—APPLICATION OF NATURAL HISTORY TO THE ELUCIDATION OF FOSSILS, OR “* PALAEONTOLOGY.” 1. An important question meets us on the threshold, as it met those who first directed their attention to fossils: How do we know that these curiously-formed bodies, often to all appearance of one substance with the rock in which they are imbedded, really are the remains of creatures which have lived? How do we know that they are not what the ancients supposed them to be, lusus nature, sports and freaks of inorganic nature, produced in blind imitation of living bodies, just as the hoar frost on the window panes simulates the foliage of a tree? We know that fossils are the remains of animals and plants by pre- cisely the same common-sense reasoning as that which led Robinson Crusoe, seeing the impression of a human foot on the sand, to conclude that a man had been there. The foot mark might by possibility have been an accident, a lusus nature, but pending the proof that it was so the precautions of the shipwrecked mariner exhibited the soundness of his judgment. We cannot experimentally prove that fossils are truly the remains of dead animals and plants any more than we can expezimentally demonstrate that the utensils recently brought home from the arctic re- gionsreally belonged to the crew of the “ Erebus” and “Terror ;” but all the facts, the condition in which the things were found, the marks upon them, agree with this hypothesis, and none oppose it. On like grounds, our be- lief that fossils are the remains of beings which once lived has acquired firm hold and remains unshaken; the conditions under which they are found, and all their marks, agree with the hypothesis; while increasing knowledge, so far from shaking, is incessantly, and in very wonderful ways, strengthening the foundations of this as of every truth. 2. The extent to which it enables us to reason to the unknown is com- monly, andin a great measure justly, regarded as one of the best tests of the truth or falsehood of a scientific theory, and none has ever more bril- liantly stood the application of this test than that now referred to. Tor- if fossils really are the remains of living beings we may reasonably ex- pect, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, that the animals and plants of which they are the exuvia came under the operation of the same great law of the invariable correlation of organic peculiarities, which has been shown above to be manifested in the present creation, and it might be fairly anticipated that the same logical process which enables us to reason from the structure of the hair of arecent animal to its whole frame, or from the peculiarities of the wood of an existing plant to its fruit, and the minor particulars of its embryology would be equally available when applied to the extinct inhabitants of the world. The magnificent researches of Cuvier first practically demonstrated the justice of these surmises, and showed that the laws of correlation of parts deduced from the observation of living animals hold good to a won- derful extent among the extinet forms; so that to one as thoroughly acquainted as he was with the details of animal organization, an isolated fragment of a fossil bone, or an odd tooth, was, frequently, sufficient to PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 385 indicate the general affinities of the animal to which it belonged; and to justify him in making those wonderful predictions of what would be the nature of its other parts, which were so often to be verified in the course of future investigations. One of the most remarkable examples of such successful prediction is that which Cuvier himself mentions as ‘a very singular monument of the force of zoological laws, and of the use which may be made of them.” From the famous gypsum quarries which furnished so many occasions for the display of his genius and knowledge a block was brought con- taining the imperfect remains of the skeleton of a smail animal; the shape ‘of the lower jaw and the characters of the teeth were such as are alone known to exist in the order of marsupial animals, of which the opossum and the kangaroo are the most familiar examples. But. all known Jlarsupialia possess two remarkable appendages to the ‘ pelvis” or bony girdle of the hips, which are termed the ‘‘marsupial bones,” be- cause they are connected with the pouch in the female. Here was a law of invariable correlation of anatomical peculiarities (certain teeth and certain forms of jaw being always associated with the presence of these bones) of universal application to living animals; woald the law hold good for the fossil? Cuvier was so confident that it would, that he in-. vited some friends to witness the picking away of the stone from the: region where he believed the marsupial bones would be found, and the result verified his expectation, for the bones were discovered just in that. very situation. 3. It will be easily understood, however, that the whole of this train of reasoning is only valid on the assumption that a certain uniformity -has prevailed in organic nature; that the structures which we find in- variably associated now were invariably associated in earlier times; that, in short, the great laws which are expressed by our conceptions of com- mon planus have always remained the same. We know of no reason, save the invariable occurrence of the co-existence, why a peculiar form of jaw should always be accompanied by the existence of marsupial bones; and. just as certain animals now exist in which the marsupial bones are present, while the peculiar structure of jaw is absent, soit is quite within the limits of possibility that, at an earlier period of the earth’s history,. animals might have existed possessing the peculiar jaw, but deprived of. the marsupial bones. Of course, in this case iaaioe r’s reasoning would not have been conclusive, and his prophecy might not have been veritied. In point of fact it would not be safe in all cases to regard the laws of invariable anatomical correlation, deduced from the observation of the existing animal world, as applicable, without reservation, to the members. of extinct faunas. No generalization from the structure of existing ani- mals could be better established than that biconcave vertebre are found, : throughout the spinal column, only in fishes and perennibr anchiate; amphibia, or hollow bones of a certain form are characteristic of birds,. and yet we should be led into most erroneous conclusions by reasoning without hesitation from these data, to the structure and afiinities of the: animals to which certain vertebre and certain bird-like bones found in: the mesozoic strata belong. In fact, while experience shows, with a con- stantly increasing weight of proof, that the great laws of the construction, of animals have been identical throughout ali recorded time, and while, therefore, when we possess any clear indication that a fossil animal: belongs to any one of the great groups, we may safely predict that i will exhibit all the other characteristic peculiarities of that group; must be careful to remember that in many of the smaller groups Brit nations of organic peculiarities have existed of a very different nature: 258 386 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. from those which now obtain; and we must, therefore, be content to regard many of the established generalizations as only approximatively correct. As a general rule, however, it is very true that the more we learn of the world of fossils, the more clearly does the conviction force itself upon our minds, that from the earliest times of which we possess a ree- ord to the present, no change has taken place in the general scheme of the organic world. There are perhaps 15,000 established species of extinct animals, but among them there is not one whose plan of con- struction differs so far from any now known, as to require the estab- lishment of even a new class for its reception. Different naturalists will estimate the number of classes of animals now living variously; but they may be safely assumed to be at least five-and-twenty distinct mod- ifications of the five great primitive common plans; and yet so com- parativeiy slight has been the change since the earliest times, that the whole extinct ; world will not supply | us with a six-and-twentieth modifi- cation. If we descend to the next smaller divisions, to the orders, the same fact becomes apparent; at the very lowest estimate there are not fewer than between a hundred and thirty and a hundred and forty orders of animals, and out of these, at the most, not more than fourteen or fifteen are represented only by extinct forms; that is to say, in the whole range of geological series not more than ten or twelve per cent. -of ordinal types, different from those which now exist, having come into being.* 4. The history told by the records of the organic world is in perfect harmony with that which is written on the face of inorganic nature. The thickness of the crust of the earth, down to the greatest depths to which man has been enabled to penetrate, is to a great extent composed of strata of rock, the physical and chemical peculiarities of which evince their identity with the products of the present operations of nature. Beds of conglomerate containing round pebbles demonstrate that the sea beat against and broke up its rocky boundaries then as now, rounding and polishing the fragments by incessant friction as it wears them on any modern shingle beach ; fine-grained limestones and sandstones show that, then as now, the finer products of their attrition were carried away and deposited, in the form of beds of mud, upon the deeper and quieter parts of the sea bottom. Vast and frequent inter- ruptions in the regular series of bed prove that, in ancient times as at present, the solid crust oscillated, so that what was dry land became ‘covered by the sea, and what was sea bottom remained for long ages ‘dry land. And, finally, in like manner as we know that, within the period of which man is cognizant, all these changes have gone on in an ‘excessively slow and gradual manner, rapid and convulsiv e action being altogether exceptional, so we have the clearest proof that the time repre- sented by the vast succession of ancient strata is enormous and almost inconceivable, and that gradual and regular change was, then as now, the rule, catastrophe and convulsion the exception. Nevertheless, as ‘in the ancient organic world we have found that there is a certain amount of departure from what might be called the by-laws of the present cre- ation, so it is quite possible that, in the physical world of past times, changes may have now and then taken place with a rapidity and a violence to which the minute experience of man affords no parallel. An Ichthyosaurus is, in one sense, a sort of animal catastrophe, and as we are all well assured of the occurrence of this one wide deviation from *The number of orders is here purposely taken at an extreme minimum; while the highest possible value is given to the extinct groups. PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. 387 existing manifestations of the vital forces, so we must not be too sure that corresponding departures from the usual order of the physical world have not occurred in past times. The same analogies which demand this caution, however, fully justify us in concluding that throughout all geological time the great physical forces have obeyed similar laws. The gravitation of matter, its hard- ness, the effects of heat and of chemical affinity upon it, have been the same, we have every reason to believe, from the Cambrian age to the present, and, as a consequence, it cannot be doubted that the vital actions of the trilobites were governed by the same physiological laws as those by which we now live and move and have our being. For, leaving the phenomena of consciousness out of the question, physiology is but an application of physics and chemistry. 5. Now, just as the restorations of the palaeontologist imply his confi- dence in the uniformity of the great laws of morphology throughout all time, so the chronology of geology, the basis of the whole science, rests upon a like assumption with regard to the general uniformity of the laws of physics and chemistry. It would be ridiculous to argue from the superposition of ancient “beds, unless we assumed that their col- stituent particles gravitated in the same way then as now; the identity of mineral character of two beds could prove nothing, without the as- sumption that the laws governing chemical changes have always been the same; and, in like manner, we can reason on “the general habits of ancient living beings only on ‘the assumption that the great laws of physiology were the same then as now. No half measures will avail ; we must be prepared either to assume the general uniformity of ancient and modern action, or we must give up the problem, for no other hy- pothesis affords the least criterion of truth, or the slightest check upon the play of the imagination. But if we may argue from like effects to like causes, then geological chronology is as much a matter of science, and capable of being tested as thoroughly, as any other case of succes sion. The arguments on which these chronological, considerations are founded are simple and intelligible enough. Tt has been already proved that, in the present state of things, the lowest of any series of beds which have been deposited from water is of necessity the oldest. If, then, the great acaiieny of the ancient strata have also been deposited from water, if they are nothing but the hardened muddy beds of ancient seas and lakes, (a fact of which there is abundant evidence ,) then the same law necessarily applies to them—the lowest stratum is the oldest, and the superjacent beds have all been deposited during a subsequent period. The argument applies with equal force to the whole crust of the earth, and if we could tell how much time was required for the formation of each bed, we should, by adding all the periods together, arrive at the smallest possible interval which can have elapsed since the deposition of the oldest bed. We have no data sufficient to enable us to say, with any approximation to accuracy, how long it takes to deposit sufficient - mud or sand to form, when hardened, a layer of rock two feet thick; but we are quite safe in saying that neither lake nor sea ever deposited that amount upon its bed in the course of a year.* Now the total measured thickness of ancient strata, deposited ithe from fresh or salt water, is not less than 60,000 feet, (or about twelve miles,) so that, * Exceptional deposits, as, for instance, by earthquake floods, are here left out of consideration, as they can have had but little influence on the sum total of the aqueous formations. The total thickness of the latter here assumed is midway between the estimates of Professor Phillips and Sir C. Lyell. 388 PRINCIPLES AND METHODS OF PALAEONTOLOGY. even assuming them to have been deposited, without interruption, at a rate faster than any sea or lake deposits mud now-a-days, we should still require a period six times as long as that of which any human record exists, for their formation. But, in truth, when we take into account the probably immensely greater ‘time required for the formation of two feet of sedimentary deposit, the vast amount of rock which has been formed and subsequently swept away by denudation, so that it is not reckoned in estimating this total thickness of the strata, and the possibility that masses of strata, which will requite interpolation in the general series, lie hidden from our view in parts of the world which have not yet been examined, or under the present bed of the sea, the most sober calculator will hardly venture to limit the factor by which even a period of thirty thousand years should be multiplied to give the whole period recorded by the monuments of geology. The conelusions here drawn from the facts of physical geology are in perfect unison with the chronological indications afforded by fossils. Beds many feet in thickness, composed of the remains of marine ani- mals, their shells unbroken and undisturbed, and sometimes covered with parasitic growths, (just like recent dead shells which remain long undisturbed at the bottom of the ocean,) are constantly met with. Here and there are thick strata, composed. of nothing but the remains of microscopic plants and animals, which must have required a vast time for their aggregation ; elsewher e, the vestiges of huge coral reefs testify that innumerable generations of their slowly-2 erowing fabricators must have lived and died undisturbed, in one locality; and, in some places, enormous accumulations of the bones of large vertebrata, each individ- ual of which must have required many years to attain its full growth, tell the same tale. The two great astronomical truths to which the general mind has always found the greatest difficulty in assenting are, first, the doctrine that the seemingly fixed earth moves, while the apparently moving sun stands still; secondly, that the earth is but a particle, and the diameter of the system to which it belongs insignificant when compared with the vast space which separates one of the greater heavenly bodies from another. Geology presents two corresponding truths, as hard to believe and yet as well founded. ‘The first is, that the seemingly fixed land is subject to incessant oscillations, while the sea, so mobile on the small scale, remains in reality comparatively unchanged. The other is, that our historical period, even if we include the widest limit to which tra- dition would carry the records of our race, is but an insignificant portion of the countless ages which have elapsed since the animals, the remains of which are exposed to view in the Lower Silurian eases of this collec- tion, lived and died, and were buried in the oozy bed of the ocean of that period. We are, therefore, compelled to believe that a general uniformity has prevailed in the operations of physical and vital nature throughout all time of which we haveany record ; but just as the generally uniform and regular movement of the celestial bodies is quite consistent with minor and subordinate perturbations, so the proved uniformity of action of the causes in operation in the physical world by no means excludes the possibility of occasional sudden and immense changes, or “catastrophes,” as they have been called; nor does the equally evident general uniformity of plan predominant throughout the ancient fauna and flora in any way interfere with very great and important deviations from those which now exist. REMARKS ON THE “CARA GIGANTESCA” OF YZAMAL IN YUCATAN, By Dr. ArTHUR SCHOTT. Of the many remarkable relics of ancient Maya civilization, the little town of Yzamal, situated about thirty miles east of Mérida, has a con- siderable share. One of the most valuable, because mythographically most eloquent, is the so-called “Cara Gigantesca,” (gigantic face,) a colos- sal work in stucco on the east side of a solidly built stone dam, running north and south between various sacred mounds, or “ kues,” as the Mayas call them, and of which the historians of the Spanish conquests mention ten or eleven as in existence almost intact, shortly after the subjugation of the peninsula. Stephens, in his ‘‘ Incidents of Travel in Yucatan,” also speaks of the curious face on the wall, which he had visited in the courtyard of Senora Mendez. This author, however, devoted only a few cursory re- marks, together with an equally unsatisfactory illustration, to a subject which well deserves the close attention of the antiquarian. There is nothing in the features of the image which should be desig- nated as stern and harsh, as Mr. Stephens has done, for the only strange feeling this face may produce is caused by the colossal scale in which the whole work is projected. Otherwise the face, with its oblong, oval outline, exhibits what the Spanish define as a “ cara angosta,” (narrow face,) in opposition to the broad, square type of the common Indian of the land. The features are rather feminine, which is only a generally recognized peculiarity of the American aborigines. The whole face ex- hibits a very remarkable regularity and conforms strictly to the univer- sally accepted principles of beauty, which have been handed down to the art of the present day by the masters of ancient Greece.