a Ga niet ie erie na — ye FIRST ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Ps =-3.0 BY ji We POW 2 LL DIRECTOR WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1881 S.A SmirHsonian Institution, Bureau or Erunovoey, Washington, D. C., July, 1880. Prof. Spencer F. Barrp, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.: Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith the first annual report of the operations of the Bureau of Ethnology. By act of Congress, an appropriation was made to continue researches in North American anthropology, the general direc- tion of which was confided to yourself. As chief executive officer of the Smithsonian Institution, you entrusted to me the immediate control of the affairs of the Bureau. This report, with its appended papers, is designed to exhibit the methods and results of my administration of this trust. If any measure 6f success has been attained, it is largely due to general instructions received from yourself and the advice you have ever patiently given me on all matters of importance. I am indebted to my assistants, whose labors are delineated in the report, for their industry, hearty co-operation, and en- thusiastic love of the science. Only through their zeal have your plans been executed. Much assistance has been rendered the Bureau by a large body of scientific men engaged in the study of anthropology, some of whose names have been mentioned in the report and accompanying papers, and others will be put on record when the subject-matter of their writings is fully published. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, J. W. POWELL. IlI-lV BNITHSONIAZ Skw YD AI LIBRARIES 7 i ; s = 5 w ‘ - Pons » PAGS er ©! Ey (COON Ey NS) REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR. Page. Mntrod UGLOTY gas nr ease sei et ee ee eee eee ae eam cea tye ras oeene oa XI Bibliography of North American philology, by J. C. Baling esece eee e ee aoe XV Linguistic and other anthropologic researches, by J. O. Dorsey..--...--------- XVII Nosh Tesearches; Dy Swi RiO Pas seca ace nian eeceee cep eee ceeees ececes XVII Linguistic and general researches among the Klamath Indians, by A.S.Gatschet. x1rx Studies among the Iroquois, by Mrs. E. A. Smith----........--..22.22.22.---- XXII Winks by bror Ofsy i Mas Olesen ae mere cee ee esee ee ae sana etee en eee XXII The study of gesture speech, by Brevet Taeat: Col. Sous Mallery -- Scece 2O.aUnt Studies on Central American picture writing, by Prof. E. S. Holden ..........- XXV The study of mortuary customs, by Dr. H. C. MARTOW aoe acct eee eee. XXVI Investigations relating to cessions of lands by Indian tribes to the United States, Wa Os (Ch SONGS ss cosines qo80. a od HO res Sen ees a Hema BA aOS nocd PEoBESA ceo COE eSaeed XXVII Explorations by Mr. James Stevenson..-... -....----.-..2-s-222 cece eee eoenee Xxx Researches among the Wintuns, by Prof. J. W. Powell................----.-.. XXXII The preparation of manuals for use in American research -...--.....-...-.---- XXXII Linguistic classification of the North American tribes. .......-..----...---..-. XXXIII ACCOMPANYING PAPERS. ON THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE, BY J. W. POWELL. Page. BrOGess DyACOMPINNION, seen =e. Co ses ese eeee cae ons Ce Seas a- ase woalc ewer e as 3 Process)by, voealic mutation seen. case esacee osawen sossus cnmieceecises o-caocs 5 PROCESS Dy NtON AMON ce ce nea estas eens sepeiies cna so see See ea seee Sorcises 6 Process by placement..-.-.--.....--.. Se aes saree cree ase anna Aa masias Cee 6 Differentiation of the partsiomspeechiess-saeer essa ee aoa cise cess case 8 SKETCH OF THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, BY J. W. POWELL. The genesis of philosophy --.--.----- Se ey eee wna ca oaelesen aisticiawanic cases 19 iwolorand stages of philosophyicaascoreeneeee cer secre aabts encase ses sere 21 Mythologic philosophy has four stages .-....-.-...---- ..---.----------------- 29 Outsrowth from mytholoric: philosapliy.-=--s-ecs---=- -ssacceees asses eee e- 33 The course of evolution in mythologic philosophy .-.-..-.......----.--------- 38 WANG ULONON IO) Oo SSA Se SIRS SERIE 6 = 8 aa So be eee EISae aoa SOS SE EeES 43 The Cin-ati-tiv Brothers discuss matters of importance to the Utes ........ 44 OnigimiOmtho OCHO... oo oo -nsak es Soe ee meee nee ees eases cae 45 heiso--KOSiWal -(N-Bt8—.- i. seri aes oo ecteee Sa eeeae seine oe soe aa a ae een 47 Lavoie hasta tight with; the S00) s=n--sseese sn efesaa aan ee eee ae 52 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. WYANDOT GOVERNMENT, BY J. W. POWELL. Page. ARG) Ey nl he aes 585 55 SOs gcse sa ssoe Stee sass SSS5 sao SoaSeh ses Stoscsecss 59 The gens... 2. cata ene mewn cence am eens ea een nism == ana = ee eee 59 Whe phratisy) esa ates ae let eee 60 Government saa ae area ete na ee le 61 Civil: government: season eee eee ane el eel 61 Methods of choosing councillors....-....-.. ..--.....-.------ ------------- 61 Functions of civil government. = —<.— == =m eis = =e eae olen ee = 63 Marriage regulations........---. ..-.-.-.------ Been DoeeoTofoow acon seHece 63 ETN) er ETHOS) - Soho coe cenosaras scceembee cone chorea coocse onset cokes 64 Regulations of personal adornment --...----. ..- 55. 6.22 -- -- one one woe - =e 64 Regulations of order in encampment ...--------- .-----.----------- ------ 64 Property Tig hts)2o--p see ee= ==) ee ae aaa eee el eee ae eee 65 Rights) of Persous eae a— HaS0CS See Bese Gene Bed nen bSco ee Cn oSreeenoooS 194 (GOTIGS) pet se pnes poconoce cece CeO) BG CCE RL OO ROE Nba r BAB BS nIEee EEC EOE Caaes 195 TROIS! code Onc cee BOSE DESE OSCE BE cu cebo DD COCOMOCoUA HUME EE ceed reeeee ce manors 197 IBITOB se sacs Re aaa omnes nae ennai one nieweie in cee erinnie(e enim e/<=mermm a= = 198 SiH Pees MOTs Gens ce ese Sessa ce oea5 Sees Gee So beicecs Sone nse ae mes eos 199 STUDIES IN CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE WRITING, BY E. S. HOLDEN. TERS OP THT IE ONS) Sacesheadcoee secdoce anon lou asec see heoo0s Saiemrses ceaaccce 206 Imnimod WebOryie ase olan = alee nee ern a ele) le =n min ml 207 Materials for the present investigation -....-.--.-..-.-----------------+------- 210 System of nomenclature...... ---...---. ------ +++ 220 2222 eo ee eee eee eee 211 In what order are the hieroglyphs read?........-.---------------------------- 221 The card catalogue of hieroglyphs... .......--. -------------------------------- 223 Comparison of plates I and IV (Copan) .-.....-.--. .----- -------------+ ---+-- 224 Are the hieroglyphs of Copan and Palenque identical?...--...---------------- 227 Huitzilopochtli, Mexican god of war, etc ...-...----------.------------------- 229 Tlaloc; or his Maya representative ....-.....-.----------- ---- ------+-++------ 237 (Culkmileein Op Orci ooo cose osse ceeeee He soeeeses seemed cscee ese sneeeec. 239 Comparison of the signs of the Maya months --.--.--------------------------- 243 CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES TO THE UNITED STATES, BY C. C. ROYCE, Character oteunes in dianstit| ys a= ee ee eet oe eee sone seme eee! ae 249 IndianWOundarlesseeese seaees sees eee eee mee Be eRe a eee Saye ae, MEDS Original and secondary cessions.-.*.........--.----.------------------------- 256 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, BY COL GARRICK MALLERY. linimarsktha yA aes cee, SESS stan oA aSo nase Shoonp sonar sae ceenecersasaees sage 269 uvISions: Of PestUTe Spee Che sae e aaa ae eee ee eee ee ee 270 The origin of sign language ---------- --- 8. 222 en ne nnn nee s 273 Gestures of the lower animals = << 22 een. oo esse siesee oii ae lo oom woe 275 (Ges taeS Ob ry OU Oy CHT Oe ete eee te area eee lalla 276 Gestures) men talidisordenes sect ae aie eee eer tee a ele 276 Uminsiretedideat- Mute esa ee ee see ea ee ete es eae 277 Gesturesio£ the, blind!:..-<2. see aac een eee See ee ee corer eats aie alee 278 Toss of speech by isolation ~~~. -- nee nn nn nnn oe wenn 278 IGA inl OPEN) Pee eee ea Spe o soon otoe coosemacocnnoccose osceceacecce 279 Gestures as an occasional resource ---< 222-25. - sees eon one nen ones woe 279 Gesturesiof dluent talkerss.-. wats ase ae eee aaa t ceiatanecte wins) semen Ieee Vill TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page. The origin of sign language. Involuntary response to gestures...-.. .-.... ------------ Mite coodcec pevarece 280 Natural pantomime: |. <5 2-2) 25 2552 esses sociale dye see ea eee eee 280 Some theories: upon’ primitive lanpuare ion. e-smes == -eee eee eeeeeeeeee 282 (CLOT RIOS cmcis esses asnose sosace cosaso coco css ganeco sesso snsdesscsece = 284 History of gesture languaren ass -s- 2 one =e ane: See eee eee 285 Modern: uselof gesture speecheeanss-= ses eee eee ae aaa nen aoe Use by other peoples than North American Indians ..-...-----.----------- 294 Use! by: modernvactors!andioraitorspee == eee ee nen ee eee 308 Our Indian conditions favorable to sign language --.---- Se oee Ono ScSsSSc6.cceec6 311 Theories entertained respecting Indian signs -....-----.--_-.----------------- 313 Not correlated with meagerness of language..--..---- DeEwaeso oes sero ess 314 Its origin from one tribe'or region! === 222-2 see ee eee ee 316 Is the Indian system special and peculiar? ..-.....--...-...--.-.----.--.-- 319 To what extent prevalent as a system ..-.......-----.------.-----.----.-- 323 Are signs conventional or instinctive? ........----------.-.- rename aes 340 Classes of diversitiesinisigns!-2----s-+- - see sen a elen a nee etree 341 Results sought in the study of sign language ......---. .----.-----.---------- 346 Jenny yy) NC NS ocee aaee cece cece eee SoorenooteeSsoscSsesseacce 346 RO LAELOLAS Opa EV OL ey erate ee 349 Sign language with reference to grammar........-.--..---.-----------.-- 359 Gestures aiding archwologic research .--......--- 2.2 ece5-- 2. e 223 - wae e == 368 Notable points for further researches. ---. -- s---/--- 22-25 ce-= > seen ee eeee ees 387 Tbe NOME We) RIG. aS5 sob cscroo asoaes soseso Ss esoSason ecco scasecases 387 Danger of symbolic imterpretation.-- 2-222. 22 2-. ocean eee eee ae 388 Signs used by women/and) childrens 22 22. o- salons alma ae ee eee 391 Positive signs rendered nepative- 5. cs -222 osama oe te lee eee ae 391 Detailsiof positions/of fingers) s2e— a— se 2- = seer sae e a= tee see eels 392 Motions relative to parts of the body -------. 02-2 2. = Secs cn eee een ees) O98 Suggestions for collecting sigms ---------. ---.. -- <=. 222-2. o 26-28 wee =e 394 Mode in which researches have been made ..-....----. ------.---------------- 395 List of authorities and collaborators... ..---. ..-. ----0.---- .---. ---- 2-5 -000- 401 Algonkian .......---<0 2-00 ---- 20 eee ene n nnn on nnn am wn on wee nnn mem 403 Dakotan, 22-22. < 2c scenn nee cce)= ame se eee nnn enna =a am aan wel ein laa aie 404 Jroquoian) << ono. coon oie onan owen enone ee wees semi m manne en sme= foes === 405 RENO Ee cesccnase 550 coabse sein caediassb sone oosos Fase aseoeosessesss ose5 406 MONG TY S55 538i Shei ogciche oSaato oe Sees Sanson ssosass cena Sssses asesoe oss 406 ERIN ENO! Soe cece co oocm oooconesosss onan cHoesscaceecsese asst seso sénssescces 406 JE TEN se Sano Sonic CeO OS raS6 Dadond Cone SSOoeSHoSeSS odor Hose USSisonnSDO oes 406 BEE IEW eee poomoo case CES aS5 S555 sec Sess essScocconcs saSsco case sasecose 406 SSlrosvonn Sena feta oat se ea Hb El Bosses aosco SnebenSsocscrs SneSEoccUyeSpOnSsno seas chenomecorcces 407 (WAKO mal ee Sees seeoee coe ceo meso osooeneron SooSSS coSmaSonsnse OnSSssseenoss 407 VALVE Sane E ES SESS © Sena se OOOH See TEE oan g ann conaossassscdo sola os 407 Horelpnicorrespondence sas. - = can.) see an alee alle ae lela tl 407 HEALS LOM: CT Chl OTANI yaaa eater eres etter 409 Tribal (sienspese eae BEA ee AE Se SAAS RO BAC CSE se pcea cone cctacnses 458 (Proper: NAMES) aa sel= as see ete seis eae ne ware ae aera ae ae aa eee 476 Ie EAS ece aoa seas Srod doumce booe ron sonicio, Eeoddecaes pocoss seas eeteresesesetes 479 Dialogues? ts cesec ss ceres es eeeaano eee see en Sosa ena sne meen eee eee eee ee 486 Narratives. << st < ec - moh eoe nt eiee) aes =f ate alee a a te eae eee 500 Sipmals) << 25...2o5eseese. 20 sees pane eee ice ane sone Seen e ee OOO) Signals executed! by; bodilysaction=-os-s--2-4-4e4-5es=see ao eee Oe Signals in which objects are used in connection with personal action.----- 532 Signals made when the person of the signalist is not visible.-....--.------ 536 TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX Page. Scheme} of: illustration: -- <---asseseste cae eee eee eet oat eas seen O44 Outlines for arm positions in sign language .......--..----.------------------ 545 Types of hand positions in sign language .....--.---------------------:------ 547 xem ples: o= 22 = —— e { . ’ | . ‘ - ‘ - . . P . : “i = . . ie < ° . . yarrow.] INHUMATION—-WAH-PETON AND SISSETON SIOUX. 107 others. The graves of the chiefs are surrounded by neat wooden palings, each pale ornamented with a feather from the tail of the bald eagle. Baskets are usually staked down by the side, according to the wealth or popularity of the individual, and some- times other articles for ornament or use are suspended over them. The funeral cere- monies occupy three days, during which the soul of the deceased is in danger from O-mah-d, or the devil. To preserve it from this peril, a fire is kept up at the grave, and the friends of the deceased howl around it to seare away the demon. Should they not be.successful in this the soul is carried down the river, subject, however, to re- demption by Péh-ho-wan on payment of a big knife. After the expiration of three days it is all well with them. The question may well be asked, is the big knife a “ sop to Cerberus”? To Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, United States Army, one of the most conscientious and careful of observers, the writer is indebted for the following interesting account of the mortuary cus- toms of the WAH-PETON AND SISSETON SIOUX OF DAKOTA. A large proportion of these Indians being members of the Presbyterian church (the missionaries of which church have labored among them for more than forty years past), the dead of their families are buried after the customs of that church, and this influence is felt to a great extent among those Indians who are not strict church mem- bers, so that they are dropping one by one the traditional customs of their tribe, and but few can now be found who bury their dead in accordance with their customs of twenty or more years ago. The dead of those Indians who still adhere to their modern burial customs are buried in the ways indicated below. Warrior.—After death they paint a warrior red across the mouth, or they paint a hand in black color, with the thumb on one side of the mouth and the fingers separated on the other cheek, the rest of the face being paintedred. (This latter isonly done as a mark of respect to a specially braveman.) Spears, clubs, and the medicine -bag of the deceased when alive are buried with the body, the medicine-bag being placed on the bare skin over the region of the heart. There is not now, nor has there been, among these Indi- ans any special preparationof the grave. ‘The body of a warrior is generally wrapped in a blanket or piece of cloth (and frequently in addition is placed in a box) and buried in the grave prepared for the purpose, always, as the majority of these Indians inform me, with the head towards the south. (I have, however, seen many graves in which the head of the ocenpant had been placed to the east. It may be that these graves were those of Indians who belonged to the church; and a few Indians inform me that the head is sometimes placed towards the west, according to the occupant’s belief when alive as to the direction from which his guiding medicine came, and I am personally inclined to give credence to this latter as sometimes occurring.) In all burials, when the person has died a natural death, or had not been murdered, and whether man, woman, or child, the body is placed inthe grave with the face up. In cases, however, when a man or woman has been murdered by one of their own tribe, the body was, and is always, placed in the grave with the face down, head to the south, and a piece of fat (bacon or pork) placed in the mouth. This piece of fat is placed in the mouth, as these Indians say, to prevent.the spirit of the murdered person driving or scaring the game from that section of country. Those Indians who state that their dead are al- ways buried with the head towards the south say they do so in order that the spirit of the deceased may go to the south, the land from which these Indiaus believe they originally came. Women and children.—Before death the face of the person expected to die is often painted in a red color. When this is not done before death it is done afterwards; the 108 MORTUARY CUSTOMS OF NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. body being then buried in a grave prepared for its reception, and in the manner de- scribed for a warrior, cooking-utensils taking the place of the warrior’s weapons. In eases of boys and girls a kettle of cooked food is sometimes placed at the head of the grave after the body is covered. Now, if the dead body be that of a boy, all the boys of about his age go up and eat of the food, and in cases of girls all the girls do like- wise. This, however, has never obtained as a custom, but is sometimes done in cases of warriors and women also. Cremation has never been practiced by these Indians. It is now, and always has been, a custom among them to remove a lock of hair from the top or scalp lock of a warrior, or from the left side of the head of a woman, which is carefully preserved by some near relative of the deceased, wrapped in pieces of calico and muslin, and hung in the lodge of the deceased and is considered the ghost of the dead person. ‘To the bundle is attached a tin cup or other vessel, and in this is placed some food for the spirit of the dead person. Whenever a stranger happeus in at meal time, this food, however, is not allowed to go to waste; if not consumed by the stranger to whom it is offered, some of the occupants of the lodge eat it. They seem to take some pains to please the ghost of the deceased, thinking thereby they will have good luck in their family so long as they continue to do so. It is a custom with the men when they smoke to offer the pipe to the ghost, at the same time asking it to confer some favor on them, or aid them in their work or in hunting, &c. There is a feast held over this bundle containing the ghost of the deceased, given by the friends of the dead man, This feast may be at any time, and is not at any particular time, occurring, however, generally as often as once a year, unless, at the time of the first feast, the friends designate a particular time, such, for instance, as when the leaves fall, or when the grass comes again. This bundle is never per- mitted to leave the lodge of the friends of the dead person, except to be buried in the grave of one of them. Much of the property of the deceased person is buried with the body, a portion being placed under the body and a portion over it. Horses are some- times killed on the grave of a warrior, but this custom is gradually ceasing, in conse- quence of the value of their ponies. ‘These animals are therefore now generally given away by the person before death, or after death disposed of by the near relatives. Many years ago it was customary to kill one or more ponies at the grave. In cases of more than ordinary wealth for an Indian, much of his personal property is now, and has eyer been, reserved from burial with the body, and forms the basis for a gambling party, which will be described hereafter. No food is ever buried in the grave, but some is occasionally placed at the head of it; in which case it is consumed by the friends of the dead person. Such is the method that was in yogue with these Indians twenty years ago, and which is still adhered to, with more or less exactness, by the majority of them, the exceptions being those who are strict church members and those very few families who adhere to their ancient customs. Before the year 1860 it was a custom, for as long back as the oldest members of these tribes can remember, and with the usual tribal traditions handed down from genera- tion to generation, in regard to this as well as to other things, for these Indians to bury in a tree or on a platform, and in those days an Indian was only buried in the ground as a mark of disrespect in consequence of the person having been murdered, in which case the body would be buried in the ground, face down, head toward the south and with a piece of fat in the mouth. * * * The platform upon which the body was deposited was constructed of four crotched posts firmly set in the ground, and connected near the top by cross-pieces, upon which was placed boards, when obtainable, and small sticks of wood, sometimes hewn so as to give a firm rest- ing-place for the body. This platform had an elevation of from six to eight or more fect, and never contained but one body, although frequently having sufficient surface to accommodate two or three. In burying in the crotch of a tree and on platforms, the head of the dead person was always placed towards the south; the body was wrapped in blankets or pieces of cloth securely tied, and many of the personal effects es Ai YARROW.] MOURNING CEREMONIES—SIOUX. 109 of the deceased were buried with it; as in the case of a warrior, his bows and arrows, war-clubs, &c., would be placed alongside of the body, the Indians saying he would need such things in the next world. I am informed by many of them that it was a habit, before their outbreak, for some to carry the body of a near relative whom they held in great respect with them on their moves, for a greater or lesser time, often as long as two or three years before burial. This, however, never obtained generally among them, and some of them seem to know nothing about it. It has of late years been entirely dropped, except when a person dies away from home, it being then customary for the friends to bring the body home for burial. Mourning ceremonies.—The mourning ceremonies before the year 1860 were as follows: After the death of a warrior the whole camp or tribe would be assembled in a circle, and after the widow had cut herself on the arms, legs, and body with a piece of flint, and re- moved the hair from her head, she would go around the ring any number of times she chose, but each time was considered as an oath that she would not marry for a year, so that she could not marry for as many years as times she went around the circle. The widow would all this time keep up a erying and wailing. Upon the completion of this the friends of the deceased would take the body to the platform or tree where it was to remain, keeping up all this time their wailing and crying. After depositing the body, they would stand under it and continue exhibiting their grief, the squaws by hacking their arms and legs with flint and cutting off the hair from their head. The men would sharpen sticks and run them through the skin of their arms and legs, both men and women keeping up their crying generally for the remainder of the day, and the near relatives of the deceased for several days thereafter. As soon as able, the warrior friends of the deceased would go to a near tribe of their enemies and kill one or more of them if possible, return with their scalps, and exhibit them to the deceased person’s relatives, after which their mourning ceased, their friends considering his death as properly avenged; this, however, was many years ago, when their enemies were within reasonable striking distance, such, for instance, as the Chippewas and the Arickarees, Gros Ventres and Mandan Indians. In cases of women and children, the squaws would cut off their hair, hack their persons with flint, and sharpen sticks and run them through the skin of the arms and legs, erying as for a warrior. It was an occasional occurrence twenty or more years ago for a squaw when she lost a favorite child to commit suicide by hanging herself with a lariat over the limb of a tree. This could not have prevailed to any great extent, however, although the old men recite several instances of its occurrence, and a very few examples within recent years. Such was their custom before the Minnesota outbreak, since which time it has gradually died out, and at the present time these ancient customs are adhered to by but a single family, known as the seven brothers, who appear to retain all the an- cient customs of their tribe. At the present time, as a mourning observance, the squaws hack themselves on their legs with knives, cut off their hair, and cry and wail around the grave of the dead person, and the men in addition paint their faces, but no longer torture themselves by means of sticks passed through the skin of the arms and legs. This cutting and painting is sometimes done before and sometimes after the burial of the body. I also observe that many of the women of these tribes are adopting so much of the customs of the whites as prescribes the wearing of black for certain periods. During the period of mourning these Indians never wash their face, or comb their hair, or laugh. These customs are observed with varying degree of strictness, but not in many instances with that exactness which characterized these Indians before the advent of the white man among them. There is not now any per- manent mutilation of the person practiced as a mourning ceremony by them. That mutilation of a finger by removing one or more joints, so generally observed among the Minnetarree Indians at the Fort Berthold, Dak., Agency, is not here seen, although the old men of these tribes inform me that it was an ancient custom among 110 MORTUARY CUSTOMS OF NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. their women, on the occasion of the burial of a husband, to eut off a portion of a finger and have it suspended in the tree above his body. I have, however, yet to see an example of this having been done by any of the Indians now living, and the custom must have fallen into disuse more than seventy years ago. In regard to the period of mourning, I would say that there does not now appear to be, and, so far as I can learn, never was, any fixed period of mourning, but it would seem that, like some of the whites, they mourn when the subject is brought to their minds by some remark or other occurrence. It is not unusual at the present time to hear a man or woman ery and exclaim, ‘‘O, my poor husband!” ‘‘O, my poor wife!” or ‘‘O, my poor child!” as the case may be, and, upon inquiring, learn that the event happened several years before. I have elsewhere mentioned that in some cases much of the personal property of the deceased was and is reserved from burial with the body, and forms the basis of a gambling party. I shall conelude my remarks upon the burial customs, &c., of these Indians by an account of this, which they des- ignate as the ‘‘ghost’s gamble.” ~ The account of the game will be found in another part of this paper. As illustrative of the preparation of the dead Indian warrior for the tomb, a translation of Schiller’s beautiful burial song is here given. It is believed to be by Bulwer, and for it the writer is indebted to the kindness of Mr. Benjamin Drew, of Washington, D. C.: BURIAL OF THE CHIEFTAIN, See on his mat, as if of yore, How litelike sits he here ; With the same aspect that he wore When life to him was dear. But where the right arm’s strength, and where The breath he used to breathe To the Great Spirit aloft in air, The peace-pipe’s lusty wreath ? And where the hawk-like eye, alas! That wont the deer pursue Along the waves of rippling grass, Or fields that shone with dew ? Are these the limber, bounding feet That swept the winter snows? What startled deer was half so fleet, Their speed outstripped the roe’s. These hands that once the sturdy bow Could supple from its pride, How stark and helpless hang they now Adown the stiffened side! Yet weal to him! at peace he strays Where never fall the snows, Where o’er the meadow springs the maize That mortal never sows; Where birds are blithe in every brake, Where forests teem with deer, Where glide the fish through every lake, One chase from year to year! With spirits now he feasts above ; All left us, to revere The deeds we cherish with our love, The rest we bury here. yarrow. |] ; INHUMATION—APACIES. halal Here bring the last gifts; lond and shrill Wail death-dirge of the brave! What pleased him most in life may still Give pleasure in the grave. We lay the axe beneath his head He swung when strength was strong, The bear on which his bunger fed— The way from earth is long! And here, new-sharpened, place the knife Which severed from the clay, Irom which the axe had spoiled the life, The conquered scalp away. The paints that deck the dead bestow, Aye, place them in his hand, That red the kingly shade may glow Amid the spirit land. The position in which the body is placed, as mentioned by Dr. Mc- Chesney, face upwards, while of common occurrence among most tribes of Indians, is not invariable as a rule, for the writer discovered at a cemetery belonging to an ancient pueblo in the valley of the Chama, near Abiquiu, N. Mex., a number of bodies, all of which had been buried face downward. The account originally appeared in Field and Forest, 1877, vol. iti, No. 1, p. 9. On each side of the town were noticed two small arroyas or water-washed ditches, within 30 feet of the walls, and a careful examination of these revealed the objects of our search. At the bottom of the arroyas, which have certainly formed subsequent to the occupation of the village, we found portions of human remains, and following up the walls of the ditch soon had the pleasure of discovering several skeletons in situ. The first found was in the eastern arroya, and the grave in depth was nearly 8 feet below the surface of the mesa. The body had been placed in the grave face down- ward, the head pointing to the south. Two feet above the skeleton were two shining black earthen vases, containing small bits of charcoal, the bones of mammals, birds, and partially consumed corn, and above these ‘‘ollas” the earth to the surface was filled with pieces of charcoal. Doubtless the remains found in the vases served at a funeral feast prior to the inhumation. We examined very carefully this grave, hoping to find some utensils, ornaments, or weapons, but none rewarded our search. In allof the graves examined the bodies were found in similar positions and under similar cir- cumstances in both arroyas, several of the skeletons being those of children. * * * No information could be obtained as to the probable age of these interments, the pres- ent Indians considering them as dating from the time when their ancestors with Moc- tezuma came from the north. The Coyotero Apaches, according to Dr. W. J. Hofiman,* in disposing of their dead, seem to be actuated by the desire to spare themselves any needless trouble, and prepare the defunct and the grave in this manner: The Coyoteros, upon the death of a member of the tribe, partially wrap up the corpse and deposit it into the cavity left by the removal of a small rock or the stump ofatree. After the body has been crammed into the smallest possible space the rock or stump is again rolled into its former position, when a number of stones are placed around the base to keep out the coyotes. The nearest of kin usually mourn for the period of one month, during that time giving utterance at intervals to the most dis- ma] lamentations, which are apparently sincere. During the day this obligation is *U.S. Geol. Surv. of Terr. 1876, p. 473. 112 MORTUARY CUSTOMS OF NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. frequently neglected or forgotten, but when the mourner is reminded of his duty he renews his howling with evident interest. This custom of mourning for the period of thirty days corresponds to that formerly observed by the Natchez. Somewhat similar to this rude mode of sepulture is that described in the life of Moses Van Campen*, which relates to the Indians formerly inhabiting Pennsylvania : Directly after, the Indians proceeded to bury those who had fallen in battle, which they did by rolling an old log from its place and laying the body in the hollow thus made, and then heaping upon it a little earth. As a somewhat curious, if not exceptional, interment, the following account, relating to the Indians of New York, is furnished, by Mr. Frank- lin B. Hough, who has extracted it from an unpublished journal of the agents of a French company kept in 1794: CANOE BURIAL IN GROUND. Saw Indian graves on the plateau of Independence Rock. The Indians plant a stake on the right side of the head of the deceased and bury them in a bark canoe. Their children come every year to bring provisions to the place where their fathers are buried. One of the graves had fallen in, and we observed in the soil some sticks for stretching skins, the remains of a canoe, &c., and the two straps for carrying it, and near the place where the head lay were the traces of a fire which they had kindled for the soul of the deceased to come and warm itself by and to’partake of the food deposited near it. These were probably the Massasauga Indians, then inhabiting the north shore of Lake Ontario, but who were rather intruders here, the country being claimed by the Oneidas. It is not to be denied that the use of canoes for cofiins has occasionlly been remarked, for the writer in 1875 removed from the graves at Santa Barbara, California, an entire skeleton which was discovered in a redwood canoe, but it is thought that the individual may have been a noted fish- erman, particularly as the implements of his vocation—nets, fish-spears, &e.—were near him, and this burial was only an exemplification of the well-rooted belief common to all Indians, that the spirit in the next world makes use of the same articles as were employed in this one. It should be added that of the many hundreds of skeletons uncovered at Santa Barbara the one mentioned presented the only example of the kind. Among the Indians of the Mosquito coast, in Central America, canoe burial in the ground, according to Bancroft, was common, and is thus described : The corpse is wrapped in cloth and placed in one-half of a pitpan which has been cut intwo. Friends assemble for the funeral and drown their grief in musihla, the women giving vent to their sorrow by dashing themselves on the ground until covered with blood, and inflicting other tortures, occasionally even committing suicide. As it is supposed that the evil spirit seeks to obtain possession of the body, musicians are called in to lull it to sleep while preparations are made for its removal. All at once four naked men, who have disguised themselves with paint so as not to be recognized and punished by Wulasha, rush out from a neighboring hut, and, seizing a rope at- *Life and adventures of Moses Van Campen, 1841, p. 252. YARROW.] STONE GRAVES OR CISTS. lie tached to the canoe, drag it into the woods, followed by the music and the crowd, Here the pitpan is lowered into the grave with bow, arrow, spear, paddle, and other implements to serve the departed in the land beyond ; then the other half of the boat is placed over the body. \ = (ley oc fy, AS ert 5 i (Ee) iS 1. (So) “+ wan (S Die > - =p an. ( Or SP Fig. 48.—The Pal F.Catherwood ‘et. Wm.P. Northrup & Co., Sc. Buffato. r) 5 \ 2 , ¢ =) /* —" S \ ( * M} G M/S Halo Sige DUE ~ \ 1c c LNs \S AS : ; SS) — j c= nN SS - : —~— ~ = . ee = q =e — < 2 TU ee at CS wee —5\F }O\-e AEN = = = pCa ; = s we z Si CANN Za @ AKG ay = : 1S = o Seat 6 ) =|) Df: 5 ao (<—— =Tq LOANS } G y & SIS SS : 2) z 5 ={> q n oS = 5 2 p = : — — =! S) )) = er Ss yi ~ — = PASS — OM ~ i \ (— ( = a — DS ke e\ Xe E Eon }\ = sF eZ : a SS Shen \Wee GS \ (SS) (mae S)\\Ew FES ‘Q iS SFr \\sr op Soe WS ( A 5 : = =a \ = Zs = Ss >< S & Gare Barto} iS SOY LRG nt a \Ce TE ES Yee Dit ow | a zi 3) 7 OSs Good's 34 (C Qa C.E.Trill det. PRN eile = FY ETT | =< asd, | ahs SA || Group of the Cross. | | (oni R - RS) Caer / le eG —=——_ ~ SG Vy AS 7 Ve IN — > Y { ~ fo < 6 a= 9 D }) tS 9 Vie 4 —e Ys Sy >. Fic. 48.—The Palengijean Group of the Cross. Hy », C L) GE.Trill del. yee Ko LSS 4 —— 4 ; { A fp 1 ri Z \ rs TF SS : =} a\(= = eS Q y= + 7 <) “ 5 an s\h : | | 4s al <4 = mek) ENS my Yo). e = =} =) - ) Ty, QOD 5) =) > ) Sl 21s \ See ’ S - 2 oS | ear? ie . - ‘= = {i eevee Qe ==) a O) Aaa ; CS = e+e ea 42% : f; Py iv tes Oils ies ve poe fw ‘(G 5S )e ee + *) Pop Pt Spy ao ae =A, SS) O00 FB OES } j Reales) > O_O Wm. Northrup & Co., Se. Buffalo. bf - ; ‘ a > ay HOLDEN.1 THE MAYA HIEROGLYPHS. 221 IV. IN WHAT ORDER ARE THE HIEROGLYPHICS READ? Before any advance can be made in the deciphering of the hiero- glyphic inscriptions, it is necessary to know in what directions, along what lines or columns, the verbal sense proceeds. All the inscriptions that I know of are in rectangular figures. At Copan they are usually in squares. At Palenque the longest inscriptions are in rectangles. At Palenque again, there are some cases where there is a single horizontal line of hieroglyphs over a pictorial tablet. Tere clearly the only question is, do the characters proceed from left to right, or from right to left? In other cases as in the tablet of the cross, there are vertical columns. The question here is, shall we read up or down ? Now, the hieroglyphs must be phonetic or pictorial, or a mixture of the two. If they are phonetic, it will take more than one symbol to make a word, and we shall have groups of like characters when the same word is written in two places. If the signs are pictorial, the same thing will follow; that is, we shall have groups recurring when the same idea recurs. Further, we know that the subjects treated of in these tablets must be comparatively simple, and that names, as of gods, kings, etc., must necessarily recur. The names, then, will be the first words deciphered. At present no single name is known. These considerations, together with our system of nomenclature, will enable us to take some steps. Take, for example, the right-hand side of the Palenque cross tablet as given by Rav. See our figure 48, which is Plate LVI of STEPHENS (vol. ii, p. 345), with the addition of the part now in the National Mu- seum at Washington. Our system of numbering is here 2020 2021 2022 2023 2024 2025 2030 2031 2032 2033 2034 2035 * * * * * * ¥ * * * * *e * * * * ¥* * 3080 3081 3082 3083 3084 3085 Now pick out the duplicate hieroglyphs in this; that is, run through the tablet, and wherever 2020 oceurs erase the number which fills the place and write in 2020. Do the same for 2021, 2022, ete., down to 3084, The result will be as follows: Doe, CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING. RIGHT-HAND SIDE OF PALENQUE CROSS TABLET (Rav). 2020 2021 2022. 2025 2024 2025 ee ——— ——— 2030 2031 2032 2033 2034 2035 2010 2041 2042 f 2025 2020 2021 A 2050 2051 2034 | 2053 2054 2055 Oe go es 2053 2061 2062 2063 2064 2065 2070 2071 2020 2021 20222 20247 | oon ee ee : 2053 2020 2082 2083 2025 2053 2021 2091 2092 (2025 2094 2005 3000 2023 2034 | 2058 2033 3005 aD ie aed ia) 3010 2083 3012 2024 3014 2001 2053 3021 2023 2020 3024 2024 2024 2025 2021 3033 | 2025 2034+ ea det RO RA Lal esoly q 2053+ 3021 3042 3043 2035 3045 3050 2083 | 2025 2034 3054 3055 See 2082 2024 2020 2035 3063 2024 2025 2021 2031 2020 2021 2035 3045 See 3080 3081 2091 2093 2020 2021 ¥ | 14 cases of horizontal pairs; 4 cases of vertical pairs; 192 characters in all, of which 51 ap- pear more than once, so that there are but 51 independent hieroglyphs. Here the first two lines are unchanged. In the third line we find that 2043 is the same as 2025, 2044 = 2020, 2045 = 2021, and so on, and we write the smallest number in each case. After this is done, connect like pairs by braces whenever they are consecutive, either vertical or horizontal. Take the pair 2020 and 2021 for example; 2020 occurs eight times in the tablet, viz, as 2020, 2044, 2072, 2081, 3023, 3061, 3072, 3084. In five out of the eight cases, it is followed by 2021, viz, as 2021, 2045, 2073, 3073, 3085. Jt is clear this is not the result of accident. The pair 2020 and 2021 means something, and when the two characters occur together they must be read together. There is no point of punctuation between them. We HOLDEN. J THE MAYA HIEROGLYPHS. 223 also learn that they are not inseparable. 2020 will make sense with 2082, 3024, and 3062. Here it looks as if the writing must be read in lines horizontally. We do not know yet in which direction. We must examine other cases. This is to be noticed: If the reading is in horizontal lines from left to right, then the progress is from top to bottom in columns, as the case of 3035 and 3040 shows. This occurs at the end of a line, and the corresponding chiffre required to make the pair is at the other end of the next line. I have marked this case with asterisks. If we must read in the lines from right to left we must neces- sarily read in columns from bottom to top. Thus the lines are connected. A similar process with all the other tablets in STEPHENS leads to the conclusion that the reading is in lines horizontally and in columns ver- tically. The cases 1835-45, 1885-95, 191424, and 1936~46 should, however, be examined. We have now to decide at which end of the lines to begin. The reasons given by Mr. BANCROFT (Native Races, vol. ii, p. 752) appeared to me sufficient to decide the question before I was acquainted with his statement of them. Therefore, the sum total of our present data, examined by a rational method, leads to the conclusion, so far as we can know from these data, that the verbal sense proceeded in lines from left to right, in columns from top to bottom; just as the present page is written, in fact. For the present, the introduction of the method here indicated is the important step. It has, as yet, been applied only to the plates of STEPHENS’ work. The definite conclusion should be made to rest on all possible data, some of which is not at my disposition at present. Tab- lets exist in great numbers at other points besides Palenque, and for the final conclusion these must also be consulted. If each one is examined in the way I have indicated, it will yield a certain answer. The direction of reading for that plate can be thus determined. At Palenque the progress is in the order I have indicated. Whe THE CARD-CATALOGUE OF HIEROGLYPHS. It has already been explained how a system of nomenclature was gradually formed. As I have said, this is not perfect, but it is suffi- ciently simple and full for the purpose. By it, every plate in StEPHENS’ work receives a number and every hieroglyph in each plate is likewise numbered. This was first done in my private copy of the work. I then procured another copy and duplicated these numbers both for plates and single chiffres. The plates of this copy were then cut up into single hiero- 224 CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING. glyphs and each single hieroglyph was mounted on a library card, as follows: No. 2020. | Hieroglyph. | Plate LVI. Same as Numbers. Similar to Num- ; bers. The cards were 6.5 by 4.5 inches. The chiffre was pasted on, in the center of the top space. Its number and the plate from which it came were placed as in the cut. The numbers of hieroglyphs which resembled the one in question could be written on the right half of the card, and the numbers corresponding to different recurrences of this hieroglyph occupied the left half. All this part of the work was most faithfully and intelligently per- formed for me by Miss Mary Lockwoop, to whom I desire to express the full amount of my obligations. A mistake in any part would have been fatal. But no mistakes occurred. These cards could now be arranged in any way I saw fit. The simple chiffres, for example, could be placed so as to bring like ones together. _ A compound hieroglyph could be placed among simple ones agreeing with any one of its components, and so on. The expense of forming this card catalogue of about 1,500 single hie- roglyphs was borne by the Ethnological Bureau of the Smithsonian In- stitution, and the catalogue is the property of that bureau, forming only one of its many rich collections of American picture-writings. VAL COMPARISON OF PLATES I AND IV (COPAN). In examining the various statues at Copan, as given by STEPHENS, one naturally looks for points of striking resemblance or striking differ- ence. Where all is unknown, even the smallest sign is examined, in the hope that it may prove a clue. The Plate I, Fig. 49, has a twisted knot (the “square knot” of sailors) of cords over its head, and above this is achiffre composed of ellipses, and above this again a sign like a sea-shell. A natural suggestion was that these might be the signs for the name of the personage depicted in Plate I. If this is so and we should find the same sign elsewhere in connection with a figure, we should expect to find this second figure like the first in every particular. This would be Fig, 49.—Statue at Copan. Fig, 50.—Statue at Copan. NOLDEN.] THE MAYA HIEROGLYPHS 225 a rigid test of the theory. After looking through the Palenque series, and finding no similar figure and sign, I examined the Copan series, and in Plate IV, our Fig. 50, I found the same signs exactly; 7. e., the knot and the two chiffres. At first sight there is only the most general resemblance between the personages represented in the two plates; as STEPHENS says in his orig- inal account of them, they are “‘in many respects similar.” If he had known them to be the same, he would not have wasted his time in drawing them. The scale of the two drawings and of the two statues is different ; but the two personages are the same identically. Figure for figure, or- nament for ornament, they correspond. It is unnecessary to give the minute comparison here in words. It can be made by any one from the two plates herewith. Take any part of Plate I, find the corresponding part of Plate IV, and whether it is human feature or sculptured orna- ment the two will be found to be the same. Take the middle face depending from the belt in each plate. The earrings are the same; the ornament below the chin, the knot above the head, the complicated beadwork on each side of this face, all are the same. The bracelets of the right arms of the main figures have each the forked serpent tongue, and the left-arm bracelets are ornamented alike. The crosses with beads almost inclosed in the right hands are alike ; the elliptic ornaments above each wrist, the knots and chiffres over the serpent masks which surmount the faces, all are the same. In the steel plates given by STEPHENS there are even more coindences to be seen than in the excellent wood-cuts here given, which have been copied from them. Here, then, is an important fact. The theory that the chiffre over the forehead is characteristic, though it is not definitively proved, receives strong confirmation. The parts which have been lost by the effects of time on one statue can be supplied from the other. Better than all, we gain a test of the minuteness with which the sculptors worked, and an idea of how close the adherence to a type was required to be. Granting once that the two personages are the same (a fact about which I con- ceive there can beno possible doubt, since the chances in favor are lit- terally thousands to one), we learn what license was allowed, and what synonyms in stone might be employed. Thus, the ornament suspended from the neck in Plate IV is clearly a tiger’s skull. That from the neck of Plate I has been shown to be the derived form of a skull by Dr. HARRISON ALLEN,* and we now know that this common form relates not to the human skull, as Dr. ALLEN has supposed, but to that of the tiger. We shall find this figure often repeated, and the identification is of importance. This is a case in regard to synonyms. The kind of symbolism so ably treated by Dr. ALLEN is well exemplified in the con- ventional sign for the crotalus jaw at the mouth of the mask over the head of each figure. This is again found on the body of the suake in *The Life Form in Art, Trans. Amer. Phil. Soc., vol. xv, 1873, p. 325. 15 AE 226 CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING. Plate LX, and in other places. Other important questions can be settled by comparison of the two plates. For example, at Palenque we often find a sign composed of a half ellipse, inside of which bars are drawn. I shall elsewhere show that there is reason to believe the ellipse is to represent the concave of the sky, its diameter to be the level earth, and in some cases at least the bars to be the descending and fertilizing rain. The bars are some- times two, three, and sometimes four in number. Are these variants of a single sign, or are they synonyms? Before the discovery of the identity of the personages in these two plates, this question could not be answered. Now we can say that they are not synonyms, or at least that they must be considered separately. To show this, examine the ‘bands just above the wristlets of the two figures. Over the left hands of the figures the bars are two in number; over the right hands there are four. This exact similarity is not accidental; there is a meaning init, and we must search for its explanation elsewhere, but we now have a valuable test of what needs to be regarded, and of what, on the other hand, may be passed over as accidental or unimportant. One other case needs mentioning here, as it will be of future use. From the waist of each figure depend nine oval solids, six being hatched over like pine cones and the three central ones having two ovals, one within the other, engraved on them. In Plate IV the inner ovals are all on the right-hand side of the outer ovals. Would they mean the same if they were on the left-hand side? Plate I enables us to say that they would, since one of these inner ovals has been put by the artist on that side by accident or by an allowed ecaprice. It is by furnishing us with tests and criteria like these that the proof of the identity of these two plates is immediately important. In other ways, too, the proof is valuable and interesting, but we need not discuss them at this time. These statues, then, are to us a dictionary of synonyms in stone—a test of the degree of adherence to a prototype which was exacted, and a criterion of the kind of minor differences which must be noticed in any rigid study. I have not insisted more on the resemblances, since the accompanying figures present a demonstration. Let those who wish to verify these re- semblances compare minutely the ornaments above the knees of the two figures, those about the waists, above the heads, and the square knots, etc., etc. HOLDEN. ] THE MAYA HIEROGLYPHS. 227 Val ARE THE HIEROGLYPHS OF COPAN AND PALENQUE IDENTICAL? One of the first questions to be settled is whether the same system of writing was employed at Palenque and at Copan. Before any study of the meanings of the separate chiffres can be made, we must have our material properly assorted, and must not include in the figures we aré examining for the detection of a clue, any which may belong toa system possibly very different. The opinion of STEPHENS and of later writers is confirmed by my comparison of the Palenque and the Copan series; that is, it becomes evident that the latter series is far the older. In Nicaragua and Copan the statues of gods were placed at the foot of the pyramid; farther north, as at Palenque, they were placed in temples at the summit. Such differences show a marked change in customs, and must have required much time for their accomplishment. In this time did the picture-writing change, or, indeed, was it ever identical ? To settle the question whether they were written on the same system, I give here the results of a rapid survey of the card-catalogue of hiero- glyphs. A more minute examination is not necessary, as the present one is quite sufficient to show that the system employed at the two places was the same in its general character and almost identical even in details. The practical result of this conclusion is that similar char- acters of the Copan and Palenque series may be used interchangeably. A detailed study of the undoubted synonyms of the two places will afford much light on the manner in which these characters were gradu- ally evolved. This is not the place for such a study, but it is interesting to remark how, even in un- mistakable synonyms, the Pa- | so) lenque character is always the yo 7— | JS 623 ee siaen most conventional, the least pictorial; that is, the latest. Examples of this are No. 7, Fie. 51.—Synonomous hieroglyphs from Copan and Palenque. Plate V*, and No. 1969, Plate LVI. The mask in profile which forms the left-hand edge of No. 7 seems to have been conventionalized into the two hooks and the ball, which have the same place in No. 1969. The larger of these two was cut on stone, the smaller in stucco. The mask has been changed into the ball and hooks; the angular nose ornament into a single ball, easier to make and quite as significant to the Maya priest. But to us the older (Copan) figure is infinitely more significant. The curious rows of little balls which are often placed at 228 CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING. the left-hand edge of the various chiffres are also conventions for older forms. It is to be noted that these balls always occur on the left hand of the hieroglyphs, except in one case, the chiffre 1975 in the Palenque cross tablet, on which the left-hand acolyte stands. The conclusion that the two series are both written on the same sys- tem, and that like chiffres occurring at the two places are synonyms, will, I think, be sufficiently evident to any one who will himself exam- ine the following cases. It is the natwre of the agreements which proves the thesis, and not the number of cases here cited. The reader will re- -member that the Copan series comprises Plates I to XXIII, inclusive ; the Palenque series, Plate XXIV and higher numbers. The sign of the group of Mexican gods who relate to hell, z. e., a cirele with a central dot, and with four small segments cut out at four equally distant points of its cireumference, is found in No. 4291, Plate XXII, and in many of the Palenque plates, as Plate LVI, Nos. 2090, 2073, 2045, 2021, ete. In both places this sign is worn by human figures just below the ear. The same sign occurs as an important part of No. 4271, Plate XXII, and No. 4118, Plate XIII (Copan), and No. 2064, Plate LVI (Palenque), etc. No. 7, Plate V*, and No. 1969, Plate LVI, I regard as absolutely iden- tical. These are both human figures. No. 12, Plate V*, and No. 637, Plate LIL, are probably the same. These probably represent or relate to the long-nosed divinity, YACATEUCTLI, the Mexican god of commerce, ete., or rather to his Maya representative. The sign of TLALOG, or rather the family of TLALOCs, the gods of rain, floods, and waters, is an eye (or sometimes a mouth), around which there isa double line drawn. I take No. 26, Plate V*, of the Copan series, and Nos. 154 and 165, Plate XXIV, to be corresponding references to members of this family. No. 4, Plate V*, and No. 155 also correspond. No. 4242, Plate X XI, is probably related to No. 53, Plate XXIV and its congeners. Nos. 14 and 34, Plate V*, are clearly related to No. 900, Plate LIV, Nos. 127 and 176, Plate XXIV, No. 3010, Plate LVI, and many others. Plate IlI* of Copan is evidently identically the same as the No. 75 of the Palenque Plate No. XXIV. The right half of No. 27, Plate V*, is the same as the right half of Nos. 3020, 3040, and many others of Plate LVI. No. 17, Plate V*, is related to No. 2051, Plate LVI, and many others like it. The major part of No. 4105, Plate XIII, is the same as No. 124, Plate XXIV, ete. Itis not necessary to add a greater number of examples here. Thecard- catalogue which I have mentioned enables me to at once pick out all the cases of which the above are specimens, taken just as they fell under my eye in rapidly turning over the cards. They therefore represent the Fie. 52.—Yucatec Stone. ok HOLDEN. ] THE MAYA HIEROGLYPHS. 229 average agreement, neither more nor less. Taken together they show that the same signs were used at Copan and at Palenque. As the same symbols used at both places occur in like positions in regard to the human face, ete., I conclude that not only were the same signs used at both places, but that these signs had the same meaning; 7. e., were truly 57 synonyms. In future I shall regard this as demonstrated. VIII. HUITZILOPOCHTLI (MEXICAN GOD OF WAR), TEOY AOMI- QUI (MEXICAN GODDESS OF DEATH), MICLANTECUTLI (MEXICAN GOD OF HELL), AND TLALOC (MEXICAN RAIN- GOD), CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO CENTRAL AMERI- CAN DIVINITIES. In the Congrés des Américanistes, session de’ Luxembourg, vol. ii, p. 283, is a report of a memoir of Dr. LEEMANS, entitled “‘ Description de quelques antiquités américaies conseryées dans le Musée royal néer- landais Vantiquités 4 Leide.” On page 299 we find— M. G.-H.-Banp, de Arnheim, a eu la bonté de me confier quelques antiquités prove- nant des anciens habitants du Yucatan et de Amérique Centrale, avec autorisation den faire prendre des fac-similes pour le Musée, ce qui me permet de les faire connaitre aux membres du Congrés. Elles ont 6té trouvées enfouies & une grande profondeur dans le sol, lors de la construction d’un canal, vers la riviére Gracioza, prés de San Filippo, sur Ja frontiére du Honduras britannique et de la république de Guatémala par M. §.-A.-van BraaM, ingénieur néerlandais au service de la Guatémala-Company. From the maps given in STIELER’S Hand-Atlas and in BANCROF1’S Native Races of the Pacifie States I find that these relics were found 308 miles from Uxmal, 207 miles from Palenque, 92 miles from Copan, and 655 miles from the city of Mexico, the distances being in a straight line from place to place. The one of these objects with which we are now concerned is figured in Plate (63) of the work quoted, and is reproduced here as Fig. 52. Dr. LEEMANS refers to a similarity between this figure and others in Stephens’ Travels in Central America, but gives no general comparison. I wish to direct attention to some of the points of this cut. The chiffre or symbol of the principal figure is, perhaps, represented in his belt, and is a St. Andrew’s cross, with a circle at each end of it. Inside the large circle is asmaller one. It may be said, in passing, that the cross prob- ably relates to the air and the circle to the sun. The main figure has two hands folded against his breast. Two other arms are extended, one in front, the other behind, which carry two birds. Each arm has a bracelet. This second pair of hands is not described by Dr. LEEMANS. The two birds are exact duplicates, except that the eye of one is shut, of the other open. Just above the bill of each bird is something which might be taken asa second bill (which probably is not, 230 CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING. however), and on this and on the back of each bird are five spines or claws. The corresponding claws are curved and shaped alike in the two sets. The birds are fastened to the neck of the person represented by two ornaments, which are alike, and which seem to be the usual hiero- glyph of the crotalus jaw. These jaws are placed similarly with respect to each bird. In KINGSBoROUGH’s Mexican Antiquities, vol. I, Plate X, we find the parrot as the sign of TONATIHU, the sun, and in Plate XXV with NAOLIN, the sun. On a level with the nose of the principal figure are two symbols, one in front and one behind, each inclosing a St. An- drew’s cross, and surmounted by what seems to be a flaming fire. It is probably the chiffre of the wind, as the cross is of the rain. Below the rear one of these is a head with protruding tongue (the sign of QuET- ZALCOATL); below the other a hieroglyph (perhaps a bearded face). Hach of these is upborne by ahand. It is to be noticed, also, that these last arms have bracelets different from the pair on the breast. In passing, it may be noted that the head in rear is under a cross, and has on its cheek the symbol U. These are the symbols of the left- hand figure in the Palenque cross tablet. The head hanging from the rear of the belt has an open eye (like that of the principal figure), and above it is a crotalus mask, with open eye, and teeth, and forked fangs. The principal figure wears over his head a mask, with open mouth, and with tusks, and above this mask is the eagle’s head. This eagle is a sign of TLALOC, at least in Yucatan. In Mexico the eagle was part of the insignia of TErzZcATLIPOCcA, “the devil,” who overthrew the good QUETZALCOATL and reintroduced human sacrifice. The characteristics of the principal figure, 63, are then briefly as fol- lows: I. His chiffre is an air-cross with the sun-circle. II. He has four hands. Ill. He bears two birds as asymbol. IV. The claws or spikes on the backs of these are significant. V. The mask with tusks over the head. VI. The head worn at the belt. VII. The captive trodden under foot. VILL. The chain from the belt attached to a kind of ornament or sym- bol. IX. The twisted flames (?) or winds (?) on each side of the figure. X. His association with QUETZALCOATL or CUCULKAN, as shown by the mouth with protruding tongue, and with TLALOC or TETZCATLIPOCA, as shown by the eagle’s head. We may note here for reference the signification of one of the hiero- glyphs in the right-hand half of Fig. 52, 7. e.,in that half which contains only writing. The topmost chiffre is undoubtedly the name, or part of the name, of the principal figure represented in the other half. It is in pure picture- writing ; that is, it expresses the sum of his attributes. HOLDEN. J THE MAYA HIEROGLYPHS. 231 It has the crotalus mask, with nose ornament, which he wears over his face; then the cross, with the “five feathers” of Mexico, and the sun symbol. These are in the middle of the chiffre. Below these the oval may be, and probably is, heaven, with the rain descending and produe- ing trom the surface of the earth (the long axis of the ellipse), the seed, of which three grains are depicted. We know by the occurrence of the hieroglyphs on the reverse side of the stone that this is not of Aztec sculpture. These symbols are of the same sort as those at Copan, Palenque, etc., and I shall show later that some of them occur in the Palenque tablets. Hence, we know this en- graving to be Yucatec and not Aztec inits origin. If it had been seulpt- ured on one side only, and these hierdglyphs omitted, I am satisfied that the facts which I shall point out in the next paragraphs would have led to the conclusion that this stone was Mexican in its origin. TF ortu- nately the native artist had the time to sculpture the Yucatec hiero- glyphs, which are the proof of its trueorigin. It was not dropped by a traveling Aztec; it was made by a Yucatec. In passing, it may be said that the upper left-hand, hieroglyph of Plate XIII most probably repeats this name. I collect from the third volume of BANCROF1’S Native Races, chapter viii, such descriptions of HurrzILOPOCHTLI as he was represented among the Mexicans as will be of use to us in our comparisons. No display of learning in giving the references to the original works is necessary here, since Mr. BANCROFT has placed all these in order and culled them for a use like the present. It will suffice once for all to refer the critical reader to this volume, and to express the highest sense of obligation to Mr. BANCROF1?’s compilation, which renders a survey of the characteristic features of the American divinities easy. In Mexico, then, this god had, among other symbols, “five balls of feathers arranged in the form of a cross.” This was in reference to the mysterious conception of his mother through the powers of the air. The upper hieroglyph in Fig. 52, and one of the lower ones, contain this sign: “In his right hand he had an azured staff cutte in fashion of a waving snake.” (See Plate LXI of STEPHENS.) ‘ Joining to the tem- ple of this idol there was a piece of less work, where there was another idol they called TLALOCG. These two idolls were alwayes together, for that they held them as companions and of equal power.” To his temple “ there were foure gates,” in allusion to the form of the cross. The temple was surrounded by rows of skulls (as at Copan) and the temple itself was upon a high pyramid. SoLis says the war god sat ‘on a throne supported by a blue globe. From this, supposed to rep- resent the heavens, projected four staves with serpents’ heads. (See Plate XXIV, STEPHENS.) “The image bore on its head a bird of wrought plumes,” “its right hand rested upon a crooked serpent.” ‘Upon the left arm was a buckler bearing five white plums arranged in form of a cross.” SAHAGUN describes his device asa dragon’s head, * frightful in the extreme, and casting fire out of his mouth.” 2a2i CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING. 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ROYCE i, 4 . y) : - CS, a Scale 10 Miles to | inch. y CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES TO THE UNITED STATES : ILLUSTRATED BY THOSE IN THE STATE OF INDIANA. By C. C. Royce. CHARACTER OF THE INDIAN TITLE. The social and political relations that have existed and still continue between the Government of the United States and the several Indian tribes occupying territory within its geographical limits are, in many respects, peculiar. The unprecedentedly rapid increase and expansion of the white pop- ulation of the country, bringing into action corresponding necessities for the acquisition and subjection of additional terrritory, have maintained a constant struggle between civilization and barbarism. Involved as a factor in this social conflict, was the legal title to the land occupied by Indians. The questions raised were whether in law or equity the In- dians were vested with any stronger title than that of mere tenants at will, subject to be dispossessed at the pleasure or convenience of their more civilized white neighbors, and, if so, what was the nature and ex- tent of such stronger title? These questions have been discussed and adjudicated from time to time by the executive and judicial authorities of civilized nations ever since the discovery of America. The discovery of this continent, with its supposed marvelous wealth of precious metals and commercial woods, gave fresh impetus to the ambition and cupidity of European monarchs. Spain, France, Holland, and England each sought to rival the other in the magnitude and value of their discoveries. As the primary object of each of these European potentates was the same, and it was likely to lead to much conflict of jurisdiction, the necessity of some general rule became apparent, whereby their respective claims might be acknowledged and adjudicated without resort to the arbitrament of arms. Out of this necessity grew the rule which became a part of the recognized law of nations, and which gave the preference of title to the monarch whose vessels should be the first to discover, rather than to the one who should first enter upon the possession of new lands. The ex- clusion under this rule of all other claimants gave to the discovering nation the sole right of acquiring the soil from the natives and of plant- ing settlements thereon. This was a right asserted by all the commer- cial nations of Europe, and fully recognized in their dealings with each 249 250 CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES. other; and the assertion of such a right necessarily carried with it a modified denial of the Indian title to the land discovered. It recognized in them nothing but a possessory title, involving a right of occupancy and enjoyment until such time as the European sovereign should purchase it from them. The ultimate fee was held to reside in such sovereign, whereby the natives were inhibited from alienating in any manner their right of possession to any but that sovereign or his sub- jects. The recognition of these principles seems to have been complete, as is evidenced by the history of America from its discovery to the present day. France, England, Portugal, and Holland recognized them unquali- fiedly, and even Catholic Spain did not predicate her title solely upon the grant of the Holy See. No one of these countries was more zealous in her maintenance of these doctrines than England. In 1496 King Henry VII commissioned John and Sebastian Cabot to proceed upon a voyage of discovery and to take possession of such countries as they might find which were then un- known to Christian people, in the name of the King of England. The results of their voyages in the next and succeeding years laid the foun- dation for the claim of England to the territory of that portion of North America which subsequently formed the nucleus of our present posses- sions. The policy of the United States since the adoption of the Federal Con- stitution has in this particular followed the precedent established by the mother country. In the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States following the Revolutionary war, the former not only re- linquished the right of government, but renounced and yielded to the United States all pretensions and claims whatsoever to all the country south and west of the great northern rivers and lakes as far as the Mississippi. In the period between the conclusion of this treaty and the year 1789 it was undoubtedly the opinion of Congress that the relinquishment of territory thus made by Great Britain, without so much as a saving clause guaranteeing the Indian right of occupancy, carried with it an absolute and unqualified fee-simple title unembarrassed by any intermediate es- tate or tenancy. In the treaties held with the Indians during this pe- riod—notably those of Fort Stanwix, with the Six Nations, in 1784, and Fort Finney, with the Shawnees, in 1786—they had been required to ac- knowledge the United States as the sole and absolute sovereign of all the territory ceded by Great Britain. This claim, though unintelligible to the savages in its legal aspeets, was practically understood by them to be fatal to their independence and territorial rights. Although in a certain degree the border tribes had been defeated in their conflicts with the United States, they still retained sufficient strength and resources to render them formidable antagonists, especially when the numbers and disposition of their ROYCE. ] TREATIES OF FORT HARMAR. 251 adjoining and more remote allies were taken into consideration. The breadth and boldness of the territorial claims thus asserted by the United States were not long in producing their natural effect. The ac- tive and sagacious Brant succeeded in reviving his favorite project of an alliance between the Six Nations and the northwestern tribes. He ex- perienced but little trouble in convening a formidable assemblage of In- dians at Huron Village, opposite Detroit, where they held council to. gether from November 28 to December 18, 1786. These councils resulted in the presentation of an address to Congress, wherein they expressed an earnest desire for peace, but firmly insisted thatall treaties carried on with the United States should be with the gen- eral voice of the whole confederacy in the most open manner; that the United States should prevent surveyors and others from crossing the Ohio River; and they proposed a general treaty early in the spring of 1787. This address purported to represent the Five Nations, Hurons, Ottawas, Twichtwees, Shawanese, Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, Pottawatomies, and the Wabash Confederates, and was signed with the totem of each tribe. Such a remonstrance, considering the weakness of the government under the old Articles of Confederation, and the exhausted condition im- mediately following the Revolution, produced a profound sensation in Congress. That body passed an act providing for the negotiation of a treaty or treaties, and making an appropriation for the purchase and ex- tinguishment of the Indian claim to certain lands. These preparations and appropriations resulted in two treaties made at Fort Harmar, Jan- uary 9, 1789, one with the Six Nations, and the other with the Wian- dot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawatima, and Sac Nations, wherein the Indian title of occupancy is clearly acknowledged. That the government so understood and recognized this principle as entering into the text of those treaties is evidenced by a communication bearing date June 15, 1789, from General Knox, then Secretary of War, to Presi- dent Washington, and which was communicated by the latter on the same day to Congress, in which it is declared that— The Indians, being the prior occupants, possess the right of soil. It cannot be taken from them unless by their free consent, or by right of conquest in case of ajust war. To dispossess them on any other principle would be a gross violation of the fundamental laws of nature, and of that distributive justice which is the glory of a nation. The principle thus outlined and approved by the administration of President Washington, although more than once questioned by inter- ested parties, has almost, if not quite, invariably been sustained by the legal tribunals of the country, at least by the courts of final resort ; and the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States bear consist- ent testimony to its legal soundness. Several times has this question in different forms appeared before the latter tribunal for adjudication, and in each case has the Indian right been recognized and protected. In 1823, 1831, and 1832, Chief Justice Marshall successively delivered 252 CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES. the opinion of the court in important cases involving the Indian status and rights. In the second of these cases (The Cherokee Nation vs. The State of Georgia) it was maintained that the Cherokees were a state and had uniformly been treated as such since the settlement of the country ; that the numerous treaties made with them by the United States recognized them as a people capable of maintaining the relations of peace and war; of being responsible in their political character for any violation of their engagements, or for any aggression committed on the citizens of the United States by any individual of their community; that the condition of the Indians in their relations to the United States is perhaps unlike that of any other two peoples on the globe; that, in gen- eral, nations not owing a common allegiance are foreign to each other, but that the relation of the Indians to the United States is marked by peculiar and cardinal distinctions which exist nowhere else; that the Indians were acknowledged to have an unquestionable right to the lands they occupied until that right should be extinguished by a voluntary cession to our government; that it might well be doubted whether those tribes which reside within the acknowledged boundaries of the United States could with strict accuracy be denominated foreign nations, but that they might more correctly perhaps be denominated domestic depend- ent nations; that they occupied a territory to which we asserted a, title independent of their will, but which only took effect in point of posses- sion when their right of possession ceased. The Government of the United States having thus been committed in all of its departments to the recognition of the principle of the Indian right of possession, it becomes not only a subject of interest to the stu- dent of history, but of practical value to the official records of the gov- ernment, that a carefully compiled work should exhibit the boundaries of the several tracts of country which have been acquired from time to time, within the present limits of the United States, by cession or relin- quishment from the various Indian tribes, either through the medium of friendly negotiations and just compensation, or as the result of mili- tary conquest. Such a work, if accurate, would form the basis of any complete history of the Indian tribes in their relations to, and influence upon the growth and diffusion of our population and civilization. Such a contribution to the historical collections of the country should com- prise : " 1st. A series of maps of the several States and Territories, on a scale ranging from ten to sixteen miles to an inch, grouped in atlas form, upon which should be delineated in colors the boundary lines of the various tracts of country ceded to the United States from time to time by the different Indian tribes. 2d. An accompanying historical text, not only reciting the substance of the material provisions of the several treaties, but giving a history of the causes leading to them, as exhibited in contemporaneous official cor- respondence and other trustworthy data. ROYCE. ] HISTORICAL ATLAS—INDIAN BOUNDARIES. 253 3d. A chronologic list of treaties with the various Indian tribes, ex- hibiting the names of tribes, the date, place where, and person by whom negotiated. 4th. An alphabetic list of all rivers, lakes, mountains, villages, and other objects or places mentioned in such treaties, together with their location and the names by which they are at present known. 5th. An alphabetic list of the principal rivers, lakes, mountains, and other topographic features in the United States, showing not only their present names but also the various names by which they have from time to time been known since the discovery of America, giving in each case the date and the authority therefor. INDIAN BOUNDARIES. The most difficult and laborious feature of the work is that involved un- der the first of these five subdivisions. The ordinary reader in following the treaty provisions, in which the boundaries of the various cessions are so specifically and minutely laid down, would anticipate but little difficulty in tracing those boundaries upon the modernmap. In this he would find himself sadly at fault. In nearly all of the treaties concluded half a century or more ago, wherein cessions of land were made, occur the names of boundary points which are not to be found on any modern map, and which have never been known to people of the present genera- tion living in the vicinity. In many of the older treaties this is the case with a large proportion of the boundary points mentioned. The identification and exact loca- tion of these points thus becomes at once a source of much laborious research. Not unfrequently weeks and even months of time have been consumed, thousands of old maps and many volumes of books exam- ined, and a voluminous correspondence conducted with local historical societies or old settlers, in the effort to ascertain the location of a single boundary point. To illustrate this difficulty, the case of ‘“ Hawkins’ line” may be cited, a boundary line mentioned in the cession by the Cherokees by treaty of October 2, 1798. An examination of more than four thousand old and modern maps and the scanning of more than fifty volumes failed to show its location or to give even the slightest clue to it. A somewhat extended correspondence with numerous persons in Tennessee, includ- ing the veteran annalist, Ramsey, also failed to secure the desired infor- mation. It was not until months of time had been consumed and prob- able sources of information had been almost completely exhausted that, through the persevering inquiries of Hon. John M. Lea, of Nashville, Tenn., in conjunction with the present writer’s own investigations, the line was satisfactorily identified as being the boundary line mentioned in 254 CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES. the Cherokee treaty of July 2, 1791, and described as extending from the North Carolina boundary “north to a point from which a line is to be extended to the river Clinch that shall pass the Holston at the ridge which divides the waters running into Little River from those running into the Tennessee.” It gained the title of ‘“‘ Hawkins’ line” from the fact that a man named Hawkins surveyed it. That this is not an isolated case, and as an illustration of the number and frequency of changes in local geographical names in this country, it may be remarked that in twenty treaties concluded by the Federal Government with the various Indian tribes prior to the year 1800, in an aggregate of one hundred and twenty objects and places therein recited, seventy-three of them are wholly ignored in the latest edition of Colton’s Atlas; and this proportion will hold with but little diminution in the treaties negotiated during the twenty years immediately succeeding that date. Another and most perplexing question has been the adjustment of the conflicting claims of different tribes of Indians to the same territory. In the earlier days of the Federal period, when the entire country west of the Alleghanies was occupied or controlled by numerous contiguous tribes, whose methods of subsistence involved more or less of nomadic habit, and who possessed large tracts of country then of no greater value than merely to supply the immediate physical wants of the hunter and fisherman, it was not essential to such tribes that a careful line of demarkation should define the limits of their respective territorial claims and jurisdiction. When, however, by reason of treaty negotiations with the United States, with a view-to the sale to the latter of a specific area of territory within clearly-defined boundaries, it became essential for the tribe with whom the treaty was being negotiated to make asser- tion and exhibit satisfactory proof of its possessory title to the country it proposed to sell, much controversy often arose with other adjoining tribes, who claimed all or a portion of the proposed cession. These con- flicting claims were sometimes based upon ancient and immemorial occu- pancy, sometimes upon early or more recent conquest, and sometimes upon a sort of wholesale squatter-sovereignty title whereby a whole tribe, in the course of a sudden and perhaps forced migration, would settle down upon an unoccupied portion of the ter1itory of some less numerous tribe, and by sheer intimidation maintain such occupancy. In its various purchases from the Indians, the Government of the United States, in seeking to quiet these conflicting territorial claims, have not unfrequently been compelled to accept from two, and even three, different tribes separate relinquishments of their respective rights, titles, and claims to the same section of country. Under such circum- stances it can readily be seen what difficulties would attend a clear ex- hibition upon a single map of these various coincident and overlapping strips of territory. The State of Illinois affords an excellent illustration. \ roxcr.] CONFLICTING BOUNDARY CLAIMS OF INDIAN TRIBES. 255 The conflicting cessions in that State may be briefly enumerated as fol- lows: 1. The cession at the mouth of Chicago River, by treaty of August 3, 1795, was also included within the limits of a subsequent cession made by treaty of August 24, 1816, with the Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pot- tawatomies. 2. The cession at the mouth of the Illinois River, by treaty of 1795, was overlapped by the Kaskaskia cession of 1803, again by the Sac and Fox cession of 1804, and a third time by the Kickapoo cession of 1819. 3. The cession at ‘Old Peoria Fort, or village,” by treaty of 1795, was also overlapped in like manner with the last preceding one. 4, The cessions of 1795 at Fort Massac and at Great Salt Spring are within the subsequent cession by the Kaskaskias of 1803. 5. The cession of August 13, 1803, by the Kaskaskias, as ratified and enlarged by the Kaskaskias and Peorias September 25, 1818, overlaps the several sessions by previous treaty of 1795 at the mouth of the Ili- nois River, at Great Salt Spring, at Fort Massac, and at Old Peoria Fort, and is in turn overlapped by subsequent cessions of July 30, and August 30, 1819, by the Kickapoos and by the Pottawatomie cession of October 20, 1832. 6. The Sae and Fox cession of November 3, 1804 (partly in Missouri and Wisconsin) overlaps the cessions of 1795 at the mouth of the Hlinois River and at Old Peoria Fort. It is overlapped by two Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie cessions of July 29, 1829, the Winnebago cessions of August 1, 1829, and September 1°, 1832, and by the Chip- pewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie cession of September 26, 1833. 7. The Piankeshaw cession of December 30, 1805, is overlapped by the Kickapoo cession of 1819. 8. The Ottawa, Chippewa, and Pottawatomie cession of August 24, 1816, overlaps the cession of 1795 around Chicago. 9. The cession of October 2, 1818, by the Pottawatomies (partly in Indiana), is overlapped by the subsequent cession of 1819, by the Kick- apoos. 10. The combined cessions of July 30, and August 30, 1819, by the Kickapoos (partly in Indiana), overlap the cessions of 1795 at the mouth of the Illinois River and at Old Fort Peoria; also the Kaskaskia and Peoria cessions of 1803 and 1818, the Piankeshaw cession of 1805, and the Pottawatomie cession of October 2, 1818, and are overlapped by the subsequent Pottawatomie cession of October 20, 1832. 11. Two cessions were made by the Chippewas, Ottawas and Potta- watomies by treaty of July 29, 1829 (partly located in Wisconsin), one of which is entirely and the other largely within the limits of the country previously ceded by the Sacs and Foxes, November 3, 1804. ‘12. The Winnebago cession of August 1, 1829 (which is partly in Wisconsin), is also wholly within the limits of the aforesaid Sac and Fox cession of 1804. 256 CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES. 13. Cession by the Winnebagoes September 15, 1832, which is mostly in the State of Wisconsin and which was also within the limits of the Sac and Fox cession of 1804. 14. Pottawatomie cession of October 20, 1832, which overlaps the Kaskaskia and Peoria cession of August 13, 1803, as confirmed and en- larged September 25, 1818, and also the Kickapoo cession by treaties of July 30 and August 30, 1819. From this it will be seen that almost the entire country comprising the present State of Illinois was the subject of controversy in the matter of original ownership, and that the United States, in order fully to ex- tinguish the Indian claim thereto, actually bought it twice, and some portions of it three times. It is proper, however, to add in this connec- tion that where the government at the date of a purchase from one tribe was aware of an existing claim to the same region by another tribe, it had the effect of diminishing the price paid. ORIGINAL AND SECONDARY CESSIONS. Another difficulty that has arisen, and one which, in order to avoid confusion, will necessitate the duplication in the atlas of the maps of sev- eral States, is the attempt to show not only original, but also secondary cessions of land. The policy followed by the United States for many years in negotiating treaties with the tribes east of the Mississippi River included the purchase of their former possessions and their removal west of that river to reservations set apart for them within the limits of country purchased for that purpose from its original owners, and which were in turn retroceded to the United States by its secondary owners. This has been largely the case in Missouri, Arkan- sas, Kansas, Nebraska, and Indian Territory. The present State of Kansas, for instance, was for the most part the inheritance of the Kan- sas and Osage tribes. It was purchased from them by the provisions of the treaties of June 2, 1825, with the Osage, and June 3, 1825, with the Kansas tribe, they, however, reserving in each case a tract suffi- ciently large for their own use and occupancy. These and subsequent cessions of these two tribes must be shown upon a map of “ original cessions.” After securing these large concessions from the Kansas and Osages, the government, in pursuance of the policy above alluded to, sought to secure the removal of the remnant of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois tribes to this region by granting them, in part consideration for their eastern possessions, reservations therein of size and location suitable to their wishes and necessities. In this way homes were provided for the Wy- andots, Delawares, Shawnees, Pottawatomies, Sacs and Foxes of the Mississippi, Kickapoos, the Confederated Kaskaskias, Peorias, Pianke- ROYCE. ] CESSIONS IN THE STATE GF INDIANA. PAT shaws, and Weas, the Ottawas of Blanchard’s Fork and Roche de Bout, and the Chippewas and Munsees. arrangement of the fingers. It is traditional yee ™® that he sketched the Madonna’s hands for the C2 Spasimo di Sicilia in eleven different positions ic BY before he was satisfied. Lay No allusion to the bibliography of gesture \e speech, however slight, should close without including the works of Mgr. D. De Haerne, who has, as a member of the Belgian Chamber of Fic. 74. Representatives, in addition to his rank in the Roman Catholic Church, been active in promoting the cause of education in general, and especially that of the deaf and dumb. His admirable treatise The Natural Language of Signs has been translated and is accessible to American si jh mautery.] HISTORY OF GESTURE SPEECH——-MODERN USE. 293 readers in the American Annals of the Deaf and Dumb, 1875. In that valuable serial, conducted by Prof. E. A. Fay, of the National Deaf ‘ Mute College at Washington, and now in its twenty-sixth volume, a large amount of the current literature on the subject indicated by its title can be found. MODERN USE OF GESTURE SPEECH. Dr. TYLOR says (Larly History of Mankind, 44): “We cannot lay down as a rule that gesticulation decreases as civilization advances, and say, for instance, that a Southern Frenchman, because his talk is illustrated with gestures as a book with pictures, is less civilized than a German or Englishman.” This is true, and yet it is almost impossible for per- sons not accustomed to gestures to observe them without associating the idea of low culture. Thus in Mr. Darwin’s summing up of those characteristics of the natives of Tierra del Fuego, which rendered it difficult to believe them to be fellow-creatures, he classes their “ violent gestures” with their filthy and greasy skins, discordant voices, and hide- ous faces bedaubed with paint. This description is quoted by the Duke of Argyle in his Unity of Nature in approval of those characteristics as evidence of the lowest condition of humanity. Whether or not the power of the visible gesture relative to, and its influence upon the words of modern oral speech are in inverse proportion to the general culture, it seems established that they do not bear that or any constant proportion to the development of the several languages with which gesture is still more or less associated. The statement has frequently been made that gesture is yet to some highly-advanced lan- guages a necessary modifying factor, and that only when a language has become so artificial as to be completely expressible in written signs—in- deed, has been remodeled through their long familiar use—can the bodily signs be wholly dispensed with. The evidence for this statement is now doubted, and it is safer to affirm that a common use of gesture depends more upon the sociologic conditions of the speakers than upon the degree of copiousness of their oral speech. 294 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. USE BY OTHER PEOPLES THAN NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. The nearest approach to a general rule which it is now proposed to hazard is that where people speaking precisely the same dialect are not numerous, and are thrown into constant contact on equal terms with others of differing dialects and languages, gesture is necessarily resorted to for converse with the latter, and remains for an indefinite time as a habitor accomplishment among themselves, while large bodies enjoy- ing common speech, and either isolated from foreigners, or, when in con- tact with them, so dominant as to compel the learning and adoption of their own tongue, become impassive in its delivery. The ungesturing English, long insular, and now rulers when spread over continents, may be compared with the profusely gesticulating Italians dwelling in a maze of dialects and subject for centuries either to foreign rule or to the in- flux of strangers on whom they depended. So common is the use of gestures in Italy, especially among the lower and uneducated classes, that utterance without them seems to be nearly impossible. The driver or boatman will often, on being addressed, involuntarily drop the reins or oars, at the risk of a serious accident, to respond with his arms and fingers in accompaniment of his tongue. Nor is the habit confined to the uneducated. King Ferdinand returning to Naples after the revolt of 1821, and finding that the boisterous multitude would not allow his voice to be heard, resorted successfully to a royal address in signs, giv- ing reproaches, threats, admonitions, pardon, and dismissal, to the entire satisfaction of the assembled lazzaroni. The medium, though probably not the precise manner of its employment, recalls Lucan’s account of the quieting of an older tumult— tumultum Composuit vultu, dextraque silentia fecit. This rivalry of Punch would, in London, have occasioned measureless ridicule and disgust. The difference in what is vaguely styled tempera- ment does not wholly explain the contrast between the two peoples, for the performance was creditable both to the readiness of the King in an emergency and to the aptness of his people, the main distinction being that in Italy there was in 1821, and still is, a recognized and cultivated language of signs long disused in Great Britain. In seeking to account for this it will be remembered that the Italians have a more direct descent fromthe people who, as has been above shown, in classic times so long and lovingly cultivated gesture asasystem. They have alsohad more gener- ally before their eyes the artistic relics in which gestures have been pre- served. It is a curious fact that some English writers, notably Addison (Spec- tator, 407), have contended that it does not suit the genius of that nation ~ to use gestures even in public speaking, against which doctrine Austin vigorously remonstrates. He says: “There may possibly be nations whose livelier feelings incline them more to gesticulation than is com- mon among us, as there are also countries in which plants of excellent use MALLERY.] SIGN LANGUAGE IN SICILY. 295 to man grow spontaneously; these, by care and culture, are found to thrive also in colder countries.” It is in general to be remarked that as the number of dialects in any district decreases so will the gestures, though doubtless there is also weight in the fact not merely that a language has been reduced to and modified by writing, but that people who are accustomed generally to read and write, as are the English and Germans, will after a time think and talk as they write, and without the accompaniments still per- sistent among Hindus, Arabs, and the less literate of European nations. The fact that in the comparatively small island of Sicily gesture lan- guage has been maintained until the present time in a perfection not observed elsewhere in Europe must be considered in connection with the above remark on England’s insularity, and it must also be admitted that several languages have prevailed in the latter, still leaving dialects. This apparent similarity of conditions renders the contrast as regards use of gestures more remarkable, yet there are some reasons for their persist- ence in Sicily which apply with greater force than to Great Britain. The explanation, through mere tradition, is that the common usage of signs dates from the time of Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse, who prohibited meetings and conversation among his subjects, under the direst penalties, so that they adopted that expedient to hold communication. It would be more useful to consider the peculiar history of the island. The Sicanians being its aborigines it was colonized by Greeks, who, as the Romans as- serted, were still more apt at gesture than themselves. This colonization was also by separate bands of adventurers from several different states of Greece, so that they started with dialects and did not unite in a common or national organization, the separate cities and their territories being gov- erned by oligarchies or tyrants frequently at war with each other, until, in the fifth century B.C., the Carthaginians began to contribute a new admix- ture of language and blood, followed by Roman, Vandal, Gothic, Herulian, Arab, and Norman subjugation. Thus some of the conditions above sug- gested have existed in this case, but, whatever the explanation, the ac- counts given by travelers of the extent to which the language of signs has been used eyen during the present generation are so marvelous as to de- serve quotation. The one selected is from the pen of Alexandre Dumas, who, it is to be hoped, did not carry his genius for romance into a pro- fessedly sober account of travel: “Tn the intervals of the acts of the opera I saw lively conversations carried on between the orchestra and the boxes. Arami, in particular, recognized a friend whom he had not seen for three years, and who re- Jated to him, by means of his eyes and his hands, what, to judge by the eager gestures of my companion, must have been matters of great interest. The conversation ended, I asked him if I might know without impro- priety what was the intelligence which had seemed to interest him so deeply. ‘O, yes,’ he replied, ‘that person is one of my good friends, who has been away from Palermo for three years, and he has been telling me that he was married at Naples; then traveled with his wife in 296 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Austria and in France; there his wife gave birth to a daughter, whom he had the misfortune to lose; he arrived by steamboat yesterday, but his wife had suffered so much from sea-sickness that she kept her bed, and he came alone to the play.’ ‘My dear friend, said I to Arami, ‘if you would have me believe you, you must grant me a favor.’ ‘What is it?’ said he. ‘It is, that you do not leave me during the evening, so that I may be sure you give no instructions to your friend, and when we join him, that you ask him to repeat aloud what he said to you by signs.” ‘That I will,” said Arami. The curtain then rose; the second act of Norma was played; the curtain falling, and the actors being re- called, as usual, we went to the side-room, where we met the traveler. ‘My dear friend, said Arami, ‘I did not perfectly comprehend what you wanted to tell me; be so good as to repeat it.’ The traveler repeated the story word for word, and without varying a syllable from the trans- lation which Arami had made of his signs; it was marvelous indeed. “Six weeks after this, I saw a second example of this faculty of mute communication. This was at Naples. I was. walking with a young man of Syracuse. We passed by a sentinel. The soldier and my com- panion exchanged two or three grimaces, which at another time I should not even have noticed, but the instances I had before seen led me to give attention. ‘Poor fellow,’ sighed my companion. ‘What did he say to you?’ I asked. ‘Well,’ said he, ‘I thought that I recognized him as a Sicilian, and I learned from him, as we passed, from what place he came; hesaid he was from Syracuse, and that he knew me well. Then I asked him how heliked the Neapolitan service; he said he did not like it at all, and if his officers did not treat him better he should certainly finish by deserting. I then signified to him that if he ever should be reduced to that extremity, he might rely upon me, and that I would aid him all in my power. The poor fellow thanked me with all his heart, and I have no doubt that one day or other I shall see him come.” Three days after, I was at the quarters of my Syracusan friend, when he was told that a man asked to see him who would not give his name; he went out and left me nearly ten minutes. ‘Well,’ said he, on returning, ‘just as I said” ‘What?’ said I. ‘That the poor fellow would desert.’” After this there is an excuse for believing the tradition that the revolt called “the Sicilian Vespers,” in 1282, was arranged throughout the island without the use of a syllable, and even the day and hour for the massacre of the obnoxious foreigners fixed upon by signs only. In- deed, the popular story goes so far as to assert that all this was done by facial expression, without even manual signs. NEAPOLITAN SIGNS. It is fortunately possible to produce some illustrations of the modern Neapolitan sign language traced from the plates of De Jorio, with trans- lations, somewhat condensed, of his descriptions and remarks. In Fig. 76 an ambulant secretary or public writer is seated at his ‘S{UOT[O PUB Jo}IAM-Io}JeT o[qud weyodean—‘oy ‘ong TING iW Fic. 78.—Neapolitan hot-corn vender. MALLERY.] NEAPOLITAN GESTURE SIGNS. 297 little table, on which are the meager tools of his trade. He wears spec- tacles in token that he has read and written much, and has one seat at his side to accommodate his customers. On this is seated a married woman who asks him to write a letter to her absent husband. The secretary, not being told what to write about, without surprise, but some- what amused, raises his left hand with the ends of the thumb and finger joined, the other fingers naturally open, a common sign for inquiry. “What shall the letter be about?” The wife, not being ready of speech, to rid herself of the embarrassment, resorts to the mimic art, and, with- out opening her mouth, tells with simple gestures all that is in her mind. Bringing her right hand to her heart, with a corresponding glance of the eyes she shows that the theme is to be love. For emphasis also she curves the whole upper part of her body towards him, to exhibit the in- tensity of her passion. To complete the mimic story, she makes with her left hand the sign of asking for something, which has been above de- seribed (see page 291). The letter, then, is to assure her husband of her love and to beg him to return it with corresponding affection. The other woman, perhaps her sister, who has understood the whole direction, re- gards the request as silly and fruitless and is much disgusted. Being on her feet, she takes a step toward the wife, who she thinks is unadvised, . and raises her left hand with a sign of disapprobation. This position of the hand is described in full as open, raised high, and oscillated from right to left. Several of the Indian signs have the same idea of oscillation of the hand raised, often near the head, to express folly, fool. She clearly says, “What a thing to ask! what a fool you are!” and at the same time makes with the right hand the sign of money. @--.. This is made by the extremities of the thumb and index rapidly rubbed against each other, and is shown more clearly in Fig. 77. It is taken from the handling and counting of coin. This may be compared with an Indian sign, see Fig. 115, page 544. So the sister is clearly disapproving with her left hand and with her right giving good counsel, as if to say, in the combination, “What a fool you are to ask for his love; you had better ask him to send you some money.” In Naples, as in American cities, boiled ears of green corn are vended with much outery. Fig. 78 shows a boy who is attracted by the local cry ‘ Pollanchelle tenerelle!” and seeing the sweet golden ears still boil- ing in the kettle from which steams forth fragrance, has an ardent desire to taste the same, but is without a soldo. He tries begging. His right open hand is advanced toward the desired object with the sign of asking or begging, and he also raises his left forefinger to indicate the number one—* Pretty girl, please only give me one!” ‘The pretty girl is by no means Cajoled, and while her left hand holds the ladle ready to use if he 298 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. dares to touch her merchandise, she replies by gesture “ Te voglio da no cuorno!” freely translated, “Tl give you one ina horn!” This gesture is drawn with clearer outline in Fig. 79, and has many significations, according to the subject-matter and context, and also as applied to different parts of the body. Applied to the head it has allusion, de- seending from high antiquity, to a marital mis- fortune which was probably common in prehis- toric times as well as the present. It is also often used as an amulet against the jettatwra or evil eye, and misfortune in general, and directed toward another per- son is a prayerful wish for his or her preservation from evil. This use is ancient, as is Shown on medals and statues, and is supposed by some to refer to the horns of animals slaughtered in sacrifice. The position of the fingers, Fig. 80, is also given as one of Quintilian’s oratorical gestures by the words ‘ Duo quoque medii sub pollicem veniunt,” and is said by him to be vehement and connected with re- proach or argument. In the present case, aS a response to an impertinent or disagreeable petition, it simply means, ‘instead of giving what you ask, I will give you nothing but what is vile and useless, as horns are.” Fic. 79. Fig. 81 tells a story which is substantially the foundation of the slen- der plot of most modern scenic pantomimes preliminary to the bursting forth from their chrysalides of Harlequin, Columbine, Pantaloon, and company. ca proaching the mouth, denoting the taking of nourishment. Having now suggested this, the Fic.124. Fig. 125. Fic. 126. Chinese character for birth, Fig. 126, is under- Stood as the expression of a common gesture among the Indians, particu- larly reported from the Dakota, for born, to be born, viz: Place the left hand in front of the body, a little to the right, the palm downward and slightly arched, then pass the extended right hand downward, forward, and upward, forming a short curve underneath the left, as in Fig. 127 (Dakota V). This is based upon the curve followed by the head of the child during birth, and is used generically. The same curve, when made with one hand, ap- pears in Fig. 128. It may be of interest to compare with the Chinese child the Mexican Fic. 123. Jp n~7------=-----% Fie. 127. MALLERY. | SIGNS IN CHINESE CHARACTERS. B57 abbreviated character for man, Fig. 129, found in Pipart in Compte Rendu du Cong. Inter. des Américanistes, 2" Session, Luxembourg, 1877, 1878, II, 359. The figure on the right is called the abbreviated form of that by its side, yet its origin may be different. The Chinese character for man, is Fig. 130, and may have the same obyious conception as a Dakota x A} sign for the same signification: | “IJ “Place the extended index, point- | Fig 129. i ing upward and forward before the lower portion of the abdomen.” i The Chinese specific character for wo- + man is Fig. 131, the cross markde- i A noting the wrist, and if the re- 4 mainder be considered the hand, i Fic. 130. the fingers may be imagined in the : position made by many tribes, and espe- ‘, cially the Utes, as depicting the SS / pudendum muliebre, Fig. 132. ees ric.131. The Egyptian generic character Fic. 128. for female is 3 (Champollion, Dict.,) believed to represent the curve of the mamm supposed to be cut off or separated from the chest, and the gesture with the same meaning was made by the Chey- enne Titchkematski, and photographed, as in Fig. 133. It forms the same figure as the Egyptian character as well as can be done by a position of the human hand. The Chinese character for to give water is Fig. 134, which may be compared with the common Indian gesture to drink, to give water, viz: ‘Hand held with tips of fingers UNG o IHS brought together and passed to the mouth, as if scooping up water”, Fig. 135, obviously from the primitive custom, as with Mojaves, who still drink with scooped hands. Another common Indian gesture sign for water to drink, I want to drink, is: “Hand brought downward past the mouth with loosely extended fingers, palm toward the face.” This appears in the Mexican character for drink, Fig. 136, taken from Pipart, loc. cit., p. 301. (hk Water, i. e., the pouring out of water with the drops fall- ing or about to fall, is shown in Fig. 137, taken from the same author (p. 349), being the same arrangement of them as in the sign for rain, Fig. 114, p. 344, the hand, how- fF ever, being inverted. Rain in the Mexican picture writing is shown by small circles oh yi inclosing a dot, as in the last two figures, but not connected together, each having Fic. 136. Fic.137. a short line upward marking the line of descent. mn, FG. 182. Fic. 134 358 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. With the gesture for drink may be compared Fig. 138, the Egyptian Goddess Nu in the sacred sycamore tree, pouring out the water of life to the Osirian and his soul, represented as a bird, in Amenti (Sharpe, from a funereal stelé in the British Mu- seum, in Cooper’s Serpent Myths, p. 49). The common Indian gesture for river or stream, water, is made by passing the horizontal flat hand, palm down, forward and to the left from the right side in a serpentine manner. The Egyptian character for the same is Fig. 139 (Champollion, Dict., p. 429). The broken line is held to represent the movement of the water on the surface of the stream. When made with one line less angular and more waving it means water. It is interesting to compare with this the identical character in the syllabary invented by a West African ne- AAAAjqy gro, Mormoru Doalu Bukere, for water, ~~~, mentioned AAW by TytLor in his Harly History of Mankind, p. 103. YY The abbreviated Egyptian*sign for water as a stream F1G. 139. is Fig. 140 (Champollion, loc. cit.), and the Chinese for the same is as in Fig. 141, In the picture-writing of the Ojibwa the Eyptian abbreviated charac- ter, with two lines instead of three, appears with the same sig- nification. The Egyptian character for weep, Fig. 142, an eye, | | | with tears falling, is also found in the pictographs of Fic. 40. — the Ojibwa (Schoolcraft, I, pl. 54, Fig. 27), and is also made by the Indian gesture of drawing lines by the index repeatedly downward from the eye, though perhaps more frequently made by the full sign for rain, described on page 344, made with the Fr back of the hand downward from the eye—“ eye rain.” The Egyptian character for to be strong is Fig. vee ¥ic.142. 143 (Champollion, Dict., p. 91), which is sufficiently — Fis. 14s. obvious, but may be compared with the sign for strong, made by some tribes as follows: Hold the clinched fist in front of the right side, a lit- tle higher than the elbow, then throw it forcibly about six inches toward the ground. A typical gesture for night is as follows: Place the flat hands, hori- zontally, about two feet apart, move them quickly in an upward curve toward one another until the right lies across the left. “‘ Darkness coy- ers all.” See Fig. 312, page 489. == The conception of covering executed by deline- * 3 ating the object covered beneath the middle IED Ike point of an arch or curve, appears also clearly in the Egyptian characters for night, Fig. 144 (Champollion, Dict., p. 3). Fic. 141. MALLERY. | SIGNS IN EGYPTIAN CHARACTERS. 359 The upper part of the character is taken separately to form that for sky (see page 372, infra). The Egyptian figurative and linear characters, Figs. 145 and 146 (Champollion, Dict., p. 28), for calling upon and invocation, also used as an interjection, scarcely require the quotation of an In- dian sign, being common all over the world. The gesture sign made by several tribes for many is as follows: Both hands, with spread and slightly curved fingers, are held pendent about two feet apart = Fic.145. before thethighs; then bring them toward oneanother, Fis. 146. horizontally, drawing them upward as they come together. (Absaroka I; Shoshoni and Banak 1; Kaiowa 1; Comanche 111; Apache 11; Wichita II.) “An accumulation of objects.” This may be the same motion in- dicated by the Egyptian character, Fig. 147, meaning to gather (*) together (Champollion, Dict., p. 459). The Egyptian character, Fig. 148, which in its linear J) Fic. 147. formis represented in Fig. 149,and meaning to go, to come, Fis. 148. locomotion, is presented to show readers unfamiliar with hieroglyphics how a corporeal action may be included in a linear character without being obvious or at least certain, unless it should be made clear by com- parison with the full figurative form or by other means. This WX linear form might be noticed many times without certainty or Fic. 149. perhaps suspicion that it represented the human legs and feet in the act of walking. The same difficulty, of course, as also the same pros- pect of success by careful research, attends the tracing of other corporeal motions which more properly come under the head of gesture signs. SIGN LANGUAGE WITH REFERENCE TO GRAMMAR. Apart from the more material and substantive relations between signs and language, it is to be expected that analogies can by proper research be ascertained between their several developments in the manner of their use, that is, in their grammatic mechanism, and in the genesis of the sentence. The science of language, ever henceforward to be studied historically, must take account of the similar early mental processes in which the phrase or sentence originated, both in sign and oral utterance. In this respect, as in many Others, the North American Indians may be considered to be living representatives of prehistoric man. SYNTAX. The reader will understand without explanation that there is in the gesture speech no organized sentence such as is integrated in the lan- guages of civilization, and that he must not look for articles or particles or passive voice or case or grammatic gender, or even what appears in those languages as a substantive or a verb, as a subject or a predicate, or as qualifiers or inflexions. Thesign radicals, without being specifically any of our parts of speech, may be all of them in turn. There is, how- 360 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. ever, a grouping and sequence of the ideographic pictures, an arrange- ment of signs in connected succession, which may be classed under the scholastic head of syntax. This subject, with special reference to the order of deaf-mute signs as compared with oral speech, has been the theme of much discussion, some notes of which, condensed from the speculations of M. Rémi Valade and others, follow in the next para- graph without further comment than Hay invite attention to the pro- found remark of LEIBNITZ. In mimic construction there are to be considered both the order in which the signs succeed one another and the relative positions in which they are made, the latter remaining longer in the memory than the former, and spoken language may sometimes in its early infancy have reproduced the ideas of a sign picture without commencing from the same point. So the order, as in Greek and Latin, is very variable. In nations among whom the alphabet was introduced without the inter- mediary to any impressive degree of picture-writing, the order being (1) language of signs, almost superseded by (2) spoken language, and (3) alphabetic writing, men would write in the order in which they had been accustomed to speak. But if at a time when spoken language was still rudimentary, intercourse being mainly carried on by signs, figurative writing had been invented, the order of the figures would be the order of the signs, and the same order would pass into the spoken language. Hence LEIBNITZ says truly that “the writing of the Chinese might seem to have been invented by a deaf person.” The oral language has not known the phases which have given to the Indo-European tongues their formation and grammatical parts. In the latter, signs were conquered by speech, while in the former, speech received the yoke. Sign language cannot show by inflection the reciprocal dependence of words and sentences. Degrees of motion corresponding with vocal in- tonation are only used rhetorically or for degrees of comparison. The relations of ideas and objects are therefore expressed by placement, and their connection is established when necessary by the abstraction of ideas. The sign talker is an artist, grouping persons and things so as to show the relations between them, and the effect is that which is seen ina picture. But though the artist has the advantage in presenting in a permanent connected scene the result of several transient signs, he can only present it as it appears at a single moment. The sign talker has the succession of time at his disposal, and his scenes move and act, are localized and animated, and their arrangement is therefore more varied and significant. It is not satisfactory to give the order of equivalent words as repre- sentative of the order of signs, because the pictorial arrangement is wholly lost; but adopting this expedient as a mere illustration of the sequence in the presentation of signs by deaf-mutes, the following is quoted from an essay by Rev. J. R. Keep, in American Annals of the MALLERY. ] SYNTAX OF DEAF-MUTE SIGNS. 361 Deaf and Dumb, vol. xvi, p. 223, as the order in which the parable of the Prodigal Son is translated into signs: “Once, man one, sons two. Son younger say, Father property your divide: part my, me give. Father so.—Son each, part his give. Days few after, son younger money all take, country far go, money spend, wine drink, food nice eat. Money by and by gone all. Country every- where food little: son hungry very. Go seek man any, me hire. Gen- tleman meet. Gentleman son send field swine feed. Son swine husks eat, see—self husks eat want—cannot—husks him give nobody. Son thinks, say, father my, servants many, bread enough, part give away can—I none—starye, die. I decide: Father I go to, say I bad, God dis- obey, you disobey—name my hereafter son, no—I unworthy. You me work give servant like. So son begin go. Father far look: son see, pity, run, meet, embrace. Son father say, I bad, you disobey, God dis- obey—name my hereafter son, no—I unworthy. But father servants call, command robe best bring, son put on, ring finger put on, shoes feet put on, calf fat bring, kill. We all eat, merry. Why? Son this my for- merly dead, now alive: formerly lost, now found: rejoice.” It may be remarked, not only from this example, but from general study, that the verb “to be” as a copula or predicant does not have any place in sign language. It is shown, however, among deaf-mutes as an assertion of presence or existence by a sign of stretching the arms and hands forward and then adding the sign of affirmation. Time as referred to in the conjunctions when and then is not gestured. Instead of the form, “When I have had a sleep I will go to the river,” or “After sleeping I will go to the river,” both deaf-mutes and Indians would ex- press the intention by “‘Sleep done, I river go.” Though time present, past, and future is readily expressed in signs (see page 366), it is done once for all in the connection to which it belongs, and once established is not repeated by any subsequent intimation, as is commonly the case in oral speech. Inversion, by which the object is placed before the ac- tion, is a striking feature of the language of deaf-mutes, and it appears to follow the natural method by which objects and actions enter into the mental conception. In striking a rock the natural conception is not first of the abstract idea of striking or of sending a stroke into vacayey, seeing nothing and having no intention of striking anything in particular, when suddenly a rock rises up to the mental vision and receives the blow; the order is that the man sees the rock, has the inten- tion to strike it, and does so; therefore he gestures, “TL rock strike.” For further illustration of this subject, a deaf-mute boy, giving in signs the compound action of a man shooting a bird from a tree, first represented the tree, then the bird as alighting upon it, then a hunter coming toward and looking at it, taking aim with a gun, then the report of the latter - and the falling and the dying gasps of the bird. These are undoubtedly the successive steps that an artist would have taken in drawing the pic- ture, or rather successive pictures, to illustrate the story. It is, how- 362 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. ever, urged that this pictorial order natural to deaf-mutes is not natural to the congenitally blind who are not deaf-mute, among whom it is found toberythmical. It is asserted that blind persons not carefully educated usually converse in a metrical cadence, the action usually coming first in the structure of the sentence. The deduction is that all the senses when intact enter into the mode of intellectual conception in proportion to their relative sensitiveness and intensity, and hence no one mode of ideation can be insisted on as normal to the exclusion of others. Whether or not the above statement concerning the blind is true, the conceptions and presentations of deaf-mutes and of Indians using sign language because they cannot communicate by speech, are confined to optic and, therefore, to pictorial arrangement. The abbé Sicard, dissatisfied with the want of tenses and conjunc- tions, indeed of most of the modern parts of speech, in the natural signs, and with their inverted order, attempted to construct a new language of signs, in which the words should be given in the order of the French or other spoken language adopted, which of course required him to sup- ply a sign for every word of spoken language. Signs, whatever their character, could not become associated with words, or suggest them, until words had been learned. The first step, therefore, was to explain by means of natural signs, as distinct from the new signs styled method- ical, the meaning of a passage of verbal language. Then each word was taken separately and a sign affixed to it, which was to be learned by the pupil. If the word represented a physical object, the sign would be the same as the natural sign, and would be already understood, provided the object had been seen and was familiar; and in all cases the en- deavor was to have the sign convey as strong a suggestion of the mean- ing of the word as was possible. The final step was to gesticulate these signs, thus associated with words, in the exact order in which the words were to stand in a sentence. Then the pupil would write the very words desired in the exact order desired. If the previous explanation in natural signs had not been sufficiently full and careful, he would not understand the passage. The methodical signs did not profess to give him the ideas, except in a very limited degree, but only to show him how to express ideas according to the order and methods of spoken lan- guage. As there were no repetitions of time in narratives in the sign language, it became necessary to unite with the word-sign for verbs others, to indicate the different tenses of the verbs, and so by degrees the methodical signs not only were required to comprise signs for every word, but also, with every such sign, a grammatical sign to indi- cate what part of speech the word was, and, in the case of verbs, still other signs to show their tenses and corresponding inflections. It was, as Dr. Peet remarks, a cumbrous and unwieldly vehicle, ready at every step to break down under the weight of its own machinery. Nevertheless, it was industriously taught in all our schools from the date of the found- MALLERY. } SYNTAX OF SIGN LANGUAGE. 363 ing of the American Asylum in 1817 down to about the year 1835, when it was abandoned. The collection of narratives, speeches, and dialogues of our Indians in sign language, first systematically commenced by the present writer, several examples of which are in this paper, has not yet been sufficiently complete and exact to establish conclusions on the subject of the syntactic arrangement of their signs. So far as studied it seems to be similar to that of deaf-mutes and to retain the characteristic of pantomimes in figuring first the principal idea and adding the accessories successively in the order of importance, the ideographic expressions being in the ideo- logic order. If the examples given are not enough to establish general rules of construction, they at least show the natural order of ideas in the minds of the gesturers and the several modes of inversion by which they pass from the known to the unknown, beginning with the dominant idea or that supposed to be best known. Some special instances of expedients other than strictly syntactic coming under the machinery broadly designated as grammar may be mentioned. DEGREES OF COMPARISON. Degrees of comparison are frequently expressed, both by deaf-mutes and by Indians, by adding to the generic or descriptive sign that for “pig” or “little.” Damp would be “ wet—little”; cool, ‘*cold—little”; hot, “warm—much.” The amount or force of motion also often indicates cor- responding diminution or augmentation, but sometimes expresses a dif- ferent shade of meaning, as is reported by Dr. Matthews with reference to the sign for bad and contempt, see page 411. This change in degree of motion is, however, often used for emphasis only, as is the raising of the voice in speech or italicizing and capitaliziag in print. The Prince of Wied gives an instance of a comparison in his sign for excessively hard, first giving that for hard, viz: Open the left hand, and strike against it several times with the right (with the backs of the fingers). Afterwards he gives hard, excessively, as follows: Sign for hard, then place the left index-finger upon the right shoulder, at the same time extend and raise the right arm high, extending the index-finger upward, perpen- dicularly. Rey. G. L. Deffenbaugh describes what may perhaps be regarded as an intensive sign among the Sahaptins in connection with the sign for good ; i.e., very good. “Place the left hand in position in front of the body with all fingers closed except first, thumb lying on second, then with forefinger of right hand extended in same way point to end of forefin- ger of left hand, move it up the arm till near the body and then toa point in front of breast to make the sign good.” For the latter see Ex- TRACTS FROM DICTIONARY page 487, infra. The same special motion is prefixed to the sign for bad as an intensive. Another intensive is reported by Mr. Benjamin Clark, interpreter at the Kaiowa, Comanche, and Wichita agency, Indian Territory, in which after the sign for bad is made, that for strong is used by the Comanches 364 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. as-follows: Place the clinched left fist horizontally in front of the breast, back forward, then pass the palmar side of the right fist downward in front of the knuckles of the left. Dr. W. H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon U.S. A., writes as follows in response to a special inquiry on the subject: “ By carrying the right fist from behind forward over the left, instead of beginning the motion six inches above it, the Arapaho sign for strong is made. For brave, first strike the chest over the heart with the right fist two or three times, and then make the sign for strong. “The sign for strong expresses the superlative when used with other signs; with coward it denotes a base coward; with hunger, starvation ; and with sorrow, bitter sorrow. I have not seen it used with the sign for pleasure or that of hunger, nor can I learn that it is ever used with them.” OPPOSITION. The principle of opposition, as between the right and left hands, and between the thumb and forefinger and the little finger, appears among Indians in some expressions for “above,” “below,” “forward,” “back,” but is not so common as among the methodical, distinguished from the natural, signs of deaf-mutes. It is also connected with the attempt to express degrees of comparison. Above is sometimes expressed by holding the left hand horizontal, and in front of the body, fingers open, but joined together, palm upward. The right hand is ther placed hori- zontal, fingers open but joined, palm downward, an inch or more above the left, and raised and lowered a few inches several times, the left hand being perfectly still. If the thing indicated as “above” is only a little above, this concludes the sign, but if it be considerably above, the right hand is raised higher and higher as the height to be expressed is greater, until, if enormously above, the Indian will raise his right hand as high as possible, and, fixing his eyes on the zenith, emit a duplicate grunt, the more prolonged as he desires to express the greater height. All this time the left hand is held perfectly motionless. Below is gestured in a corresponding manner, all movement being made by the left or lower hand, the right being held motionless, palm downward, and the eyes looking down. The code of the Cistercian monks was based in large part on a system of opposition which seems to have been wrought out by an elaborate pro- cess of invention rather than by spontaneous figuration, and is more of mnemonic than suggestive value. They made two fingers at the right side of the nose stand for “friend,” and the same at the left side for “enemy,” by some fanciful connection with right and wrong, and placed the little finger on the tip of the nose for “fool” merely because it had been decided to put the forefinger there for “wise man.” PROPER NAMES. It is well known that the names of Indians are almost always conno- tive, and particularly that they generally refer to some animal, predicating MALLERY. ] COMPARISON—PROPER NAMES. 365 often some attribute or position of that animal. Such names readily ad- mit of being expressed in sign language, but there may be sometimes a confasion between the sign expressing the animal which is taken as a name-totem, and the sign used, not to designate that animal, but as a proper name. A curious device to differentiate proper names was ob- served as resorted to by a Brulé Dakota. After making the sign of the animal he passed his index forward from the mouth in a direct line, and explained it orally as “that is his name,” 7. e., the name of the per- son referred to. This approach to a grammatic division of substantives may be correlated with the mode in which many tribes, especially the Dakotas, designate names in their pictographs, 7. e., by a line from the mouth of the figure drawn representing a man to the animal, also drawn with proper color or position. Fig. 150 thus shows the name of Shu" ka Luta, Red Dog, an Ogal- lalla chief, drawn by him- self. The shading of the dog by vertical lines is de- signed to represent red, or gules, according to the her- aldic scheme of colors, which is used in other parts of this paper where it seemed useful to designate Fic. 150. particular colors. The writer possesses in painted robes many examples in which lines are drawn from the mouth to a name-totem. It would be interesting to dwell more than is now allowed upon the peculiar objectiveness of Indian proper names with the result, if not the intention, that they can all be signified in gesture, whereas the best sign-talker among deaf-mutes is unable to translate the proper names occurring in his speech or narrative and, necessarily ceasing signs, resorts to the dactylie alphabet. Indians are generally named at first according to a clan or totemic system, but later in life often ac- quire a new name or perhaps several names in succession from some ex- ploit or adventure. Frequently a sobriquet is given by no means com- plimentary. All of the subsequently acquired, as well as the original names, are connected with material objects or with substantive actions so as to be expressible in a graphic picture, and, therefore, in a pictorial sign. The determination to use names of this connotive character is shown by the objective translation, whenever possible, of those European names which it became necessary to introduce into their speech. Wil- liam Penn was called ‘‘Onas,” that being the word for feather-quill in the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French governor of Canada was “Montmagny” which was translated by the Iroquois ‘*Onontio”— “Great Mountain,” and becoming associated with the title, has been applied to all successive Canadian governors, though the origin being 366 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. generally forgotten, it has been considered as a metaphorical compli- ment. Itis also said that Governor Fletcher was not named by the Troquois “ Cajenquiragoe,” “the great swift arrow,” because of his speedy arrival at a critical time, but because they had somehow been informed of the etymology of his name—“‘arrow maker” (Fr. fléchier). GENDER. This is sometimes expressed by different signs to distinguish the sex of animals, when the difference in appearance allows of such varied portrait- ure. Au example is in the signs for the male and female buffalo, given by the Prince of Wied. The former is, “Place the tightly closed hands on both sides of the head, with the fingers forward ;” the latter is, “‘Curvethe two forefingers, place them on the sides of the head and move them several times.” Theshort stubby horns of the bull appear +o be indicated, and the cow’s ears are seen moving, not being covered by the bull’s shock mane. ‘Tribes in which the hair of the women is differently arranged from that of men often denote their females by corresponding gesture. In many cases the sex of animals is indicated by the addition of a generic sign for male or female. TENSE. While it has been mentioned that there is no inflection of signs to ex- press tense, yet the conception of present, past, and future is gestured without difficulty. A common mode of indicating the present time is by the use of signs for to-day, one of which is, “‘(1) both hands extended, palms outward; (2) swept slowly forward and to each side, to convey the idea of openness.” (Cheyenne II.) This may combine the idea of now with openness, the first part of it resembling the general deaf-mute sign for here or now. Two signs nearly related together are also reported as expressing the meaning now, at once, viz.: “ Forefinger of the right hand extended, up- right, &e. (J), is carried upward in front of the right side of the body and above the head so that the extended finger points toward the center of the heavens, and then carried downward in front of the right breast, forefinger still pointing upright.” (Dakota I.) ‘‘Place the extended index, pointing upward, palm to the left, as high as and before the top of the head; push the hand up and down aslight distance several times, the eyes being directed upward at the time.” (Hidatsa 1; Kaiowa I; Arikara 1; Comanche IIL; Apache Il; Wichita II.) Time past is not only expressed, but some tribes give a distinct modi- fication to show a short or long time past. The following are examples: Lately, recently—Hold the left hand at arm’s length, closed, with fore- finger only extended and pointing in the direction of the place where the event occurred; then hold the right hand against theright shoulder, closed, but with index extended and pointing in the direction of the left. The hands may be exchanged, the right extended and the left retained, MALLERY.] GRAMMATIC DEVICES IN SIGNS. 367 as the case may require for ease in description. (Absaroka I; Shoshoni and Banak 1.) Long ago.—Both hands closed, forefingers extended and straight; pass one hand slowly at arm’s length, pointing horizontally, the other against the shoulder or near it, pointing in the same direction as the opposite one. Frequently the tips of the forefingers are placed together, and the hands drawn apart, until they reach the positions described. (Absaroka I; Shoshoni and Banak I.) The Comanche, Wichita, and other Indians designate a short time ago by placing the tips of the forefinger and thumb of the left hand together, the remaining fingers closed, and holding the hand before the body with forefinger and thumb pointing toward the right shoulder; the index and thumb of the right hand are then similarly held and placed against those of the left, when the hands are slowly drawn apart a short distance. For a long time ago the hands are similarly held, but drawn farther apart. Hither of these signs may be and frequently is preceded by those for day, month, or year, when it is desired to convey a definite idea of the time past. A sign is reported with the abstract idea of future, as follows: “The arms are flexed and hands brought together in front of the body as in type-position (W). The hands are made to move in wave-like motions up and down together and from side to side.” (Oto I.) The authority gives the poetical conception of “ Floating on the tide of time.” The ordinary mode of expressing future time is, however, by some figurative reference, as the following: Count off fingers, then shut all the fingers of both hands several times, and touch the hair and tent or other white object. (Apache III.) ‘‘ Many years; when I am old (white- haired).” CONJUNCTIONS. An interesting instance where the rapid connection of signs has the effect of the conjunction andis shown in NATCI’S NARRATIVE, infra. PREPOSITIONS. In the TENDOY-HUERILTO DIALOGUE (page 489) the combination of gestures supplies the want of the proposition fo. PUNCTUATION. While this is generally accompanied by facial expression, manner of - action, or pause, instances have been noticed suggesting the device of interrogation points and periods. Mark of interrogation. The Shoshoni, Absaroka, Dakota, Comanche, and other Indians, when desiring to ask a question, precede the gestures constituting the inform- ation desired by a sign intended to attract attention and ‘asking for,” viz., by holding the flat right hand, with the palm down, directed to the 368 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. individual interrogated, with or without lateral oscillating motion; the gestural sentence, when completed, being closed by the same sign and a look of inquiry. This recalls the Spanish use of the interrogation points before and after the question. Period. A Hidatsa, after concluding a short statement, indicated its conclusion by placing the inner edges of the clinched hands together before the breast, and passing them outward and downward to their respective sides in an emphatic manner, Fig. 334, page 528. This sign is also used in other connections to express done. The same mode of indicating the close of a narrative or statement is made by the Wichitas, by holding the extended left hand horizontally before the body, fingers pointing to the right, palm either toward the body or downward, and cutting edgewise downward past the tips of the left with the extended right hand. ‘This is the same sign given in the ADDRESS OF Kin CHE-iss as cut off, and is illustrated in Fig. 324, page 522. This is more ideographic and convenient than the device of the Abyssinian Galla, reported by M. A. d@Abbadie, who denoted a comma by a slight stroke of a leather whip, a semicolon by a harder one, and a full stop by one still harder. GESTURES AIDING ARCHAOLOGIC RESEARCH. The most interesting light in which the Indians of North America can be regarded is in their present representation of a stage of evolu- tion once passed through by our own ancestors. Their signs, as well as their myths and customs, form a part of the paleontology of humanity to be studied in the history of the latter as the geologist, with similar ob- ject, studies all the strata of the physical world. At this time it is only possible to suggest the application of gesture signs to elucidate picto- graphs, and also their examination to discover religious, sociologic, and historic ideas preserved in them, as has been done with great success in the radicals of oral speech. SIGNS CONNECTED WITH PICTOGRAPHS. The picture writing of Indians is the sole form in which they recorded events and ideas that can ever be interpreted without the aid of a tra- ditional key, such as is required for the signification of the wampum belts of the Northeastern tribes and the quippus of Peru. Strips ot bark, tablets of wood, dressed skins of animals, and the smooth sur- faces of rock have been and still are used for such records, those most ancient, and therefore most interesting, being of course the rock etch- ings; but they can only be deciphered, if at all, by the ascertained principles on which the more modern and the more obvious are made. Many of the numerous and widespread rock carvings are mere idle sketches of natural objects, mainly animals, and others are as exclu. MALLERY.] EVOLUTION OF PICTOGRAPHS, 369 sively mnemonic as the wampum above mentioned. Even since the Columbian discovery some tribes have employed devices yet ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt as markers for the memory. An account of one of these is given in E. Winslow’s Relation (A. D. 1624), Col. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d series, ix, 1822, p. 99, as follows: “Tnstead of records and chronicles they take this course: Where any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground about a foot deep, and as much over, which, when others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as occasion serveth there- with. And lest such holes should be filled or grown over by any acci- dent, as men pass by they will often renew the same; by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in mmemory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many historical discourses which will be related unto him.” Gregg, in Commerce of the Prairies, New York, 1844, I, 286, says of the Plains tribes: “When traveling, they will also pile heaps of stones upon mounds or conspicuous points, so arranged as to be understood by their passing comrades; and sometimes they set up the bleached buffalo heads, which are everywhere scattered over those plains, to indicate the direction of their march, and man y other facts which may be communi- cated by those simple signs.” A more ingenious but still arbitrary mode of giving intelligence is practiced at this day by the Ab- naki, as reported by H. L. Masta, chief of that tribe, now living at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to say “I am — going to the east,” a stick is stuck in the ground pointing to that direction, Fig. 151. “Am not gone far,” another stick is stuck across the former, close to the ground, Fig. 152. “Gone far” is the reverse, Fig. 153. The number of days journey of proposed absence is { shown by the same number of BNA aN sticks across the first; thus Fig. 4 { . . 3 cin 154 signifies five days’ journey. ———— ~ Cutting the bark off fromatree ——= aes ee _— Fic. 151. on one, two, three or four sides 7 eet ra fo a= near the butt means“ Havehad —eSs— ge SS poor, poorer, poorest luck.” epee DS aN Cutting it off all around the tree <—e a ae means “Tam starving.” Smok- Fie. 152, ing a piece of birch bark and hanging it on a tree means “I am sick.” 370 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, Where there has existed any form of artistic representation, however rude, and at the same time a system of ideographic gesture signs pre- vailed, it would be expected that the form of the latter would appear in the former. The sign of river and water mentioned on page 358 being established, when it became neces- sary or desirable to draw a character or design to convey the same idea, nothing would be more natural than to use the graphic form of delinea- tion which is also above described. Fic. 153. It was but one more and an easy step to fasten upon bark, skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures that still in pigments or carvings preserve their skeleton outline, and in their ideog- raphy approach, as has been shown above, the rudiments of the pho- netiz alphabets that have been con- structed by other peoples. A tran- sition stage between gestures and pictographs, in which the left hand is used as a supposed drafting surface es upon which the index draws lines, Fic. 154. is exhibited in the DIALOGUE BETWEEN ALASKAN INDIANS, infra, page 498, This device is common among deaf-mutes, without equal archieo- logic importance, as it may have been suggested by the art of writing, with which they are generally acquainted, even if not instructed in it. The reproduction of apparent gesture lines in the pictographs made by our Indians has, for obvious reasons, been most frequent in the at- tempt to convey those subjective ideas which were beyond the range of an artistic skill limited to the direct representation of objects, so that the part of the pictographs which is still the most difficult of interpre- tation is precisely the one which the study of sign language is likely to elucidate. The following examples of pictographs of the Indians, in some cases compared with those from foreign sources, have been se- lected because their interpretation is definitely known and the gestures CSE. corresponding with or suggested by them are well deter- mined. The common Indian gesture sign for sun is: “Right hand closed, the index and thumb eurved, with tips touching, thus approximating a circle, and held toward the sky,” the position of the fingers of the hand G) ©) ws, forming a cirele being shownin Fig. 155. Two of the Egyptian characters for sun, Figs. 156 and 157, are plainly the uni- versal conception of the disk. The latter, together with indications of rays, Fig. 158, and in its linear torm, Fig. 159, (Champollion, Dict., 9), Fic. 156. Fic. 157. MALLERY. ] PICTOGRAPHS—-SUN—STAR—DAY. 371 constitutes the Egyptian character for light. The rays emanating from the whole disk appear in Figs. 160 and 161, taken from a MS. contrib- uted by Mr. G. K. GILBERT of the United States Geo- logical Survey, from the rock etchings i Q of the Moqui pueblos in Arizona, The TF 8454 » same authority gives from the same Hig. 158. Fie. 159. locality Figs. 162 and 163 for sun, Fic.160. Fic. 161. which may be distinguished from several other similar etchings for star also given by him, Figs. 164, 165, 166, 167, by always showing some indi- cation of a face, the latter being absent in the characters denoting star. With the above characters for sun com- pare Fig. 168, found at Cuzco, Peru, and taken from Wiener’s Pérou et Bolivie, Paris, 1880, p. 706. The Ojibwa pictograph for sun is seen in Fig. 169, taken from Schooleraft, loc. JS EE cit., v. 1, pl. 56, Fig. 67. ITEL UE A gesture sign for sunrise, morning, is: Forefinger of right hand crooked to represent half of the sun’s disk and pointed or extended to the left, then slightly elevated. (Cheyenne II.) In this connec- tion it may be noted that when the gesture is care- + fully made in open country the pointing 3. 164. x. 165. s. 166. +. 167. tate iGo AG ING Uns Fis. 167 Would generally be to the east, and the body turned so that its left would be in that direc- tion. In aroom in a city, or under circumstances where the points of the compass are not specially attended to, the left side sup- poses the east, and the gestures relating to sun, day, &ce., are made with such reference. The half only of the disk represented in the above gesture appears in the fol- oe lowing Moqui pueblo etchings for morning and ge. 168. sunrise, Figs. 170, 171, and 172. (Gilbert, J/S.) A common gesture for day is when the index and thumb form a circle (remaining fingers closed) and are passed from east to west. Fig. 173 shows a pictograph found in Owen's Valley, California, a sim- ee Fic 170. Fic. 171. Fic. 172. Fic. 173. ilar one being reported in the Ann. Rep. Geog. Survey west of the 100th Meridian for 1876, Washington, 1876, pl. opp. p. 326, in which the circle may indicate either day or month (both these gestures having the same execution), the course of the sun or moon being represented perhaps in mere contradistinction to the vertical line, or perhaps the latter signi- fies one. 372 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Fig. 174 is a pictograph of the Coyotero Apaches, found at Camp Apache, in Arizona, reported in the Tenth Ann. Rep. U. S. Geolog. and Geograph. Survey of the Territories for 1876, Washington, 1878, pl. lxxvii. The sun and the ten spots of approximately the same shape represent the days, eleven, which the / party with five pack mules a passed in traveling through the country. The separating & lines are the nights, and may ie P /, include the conception of cov- (oy) ov) ering over and consequent ob ae O : scurity above referred to (page 354). \ A common sign for moon, month, is the right hand closed, leaving the thumb and index ex- M tended, but curved to form a half circle and the 8 hand held toward the sky, in a position which is illustrated in Fig. 175, to which curve the Moqui Bs etching, Fig. 176, and the identical form in the ancient Chinese has an obvious resemblance. b The crescent, as we commonly figure the satel- lite, appears also in the Ojibwa pictograph, Fig. () 177 (Schooleratt, I, pl. 58), which is the same, with a slight addition, as the Egyptian figurative character. Q The sign for sky, also heaven, F517 is generally made by passing the index from east to west across the zenith. This curve is apparent in the Ojibwa pictograph Fig. 178, re- ported in Schooleraft, 1, pl. 18, Fig. 21, and is abbreviated ae in the Egyptian character with the same =| meaning, Fig. 179 (Champollion, Dict., p. 1). FiG. 178. Fic. 179. Wi. 174. Fic. 177. A sign for cloud is as follows: (1) Both hands partially closed, palms facing and near each other, brought up to level with or slightly above, but in front of the head; (2) suddenly sep- arated sidewise, describ- ing a curve like a scal- a ; lop ; this scallop motion eal IONS is repeated for “many Fic. 180. Fic. 181. Fic. 182. clouds.” (Cheyenne II.) The same conception is in the Moqui etchings, Figs. 180, 181, and 182 (Gilbert MS.) The Ojibwa pictograph for cloud is more elaborate, Fig. 183, reported in Schooleraft, I, pl. 58. It is composed of the sign for 2 sky, to which that for clouds is added, the latter being re- Ds versed as compared with the Moqui etchings, and pictur- yf esquely hanging from the sky. HN TEI The gesture sign for rain is described and illustrated on page 344, The pictograph, Fig. 184, reported as found in New Mexico by SPEECH. 373 MALLERY.] CLOUD—RAIN—LIGHTNING auabeurt Simpson (Bx. Doe. No. 64, Thirty-first Congress, first session, 850, pl. 9) is said to represent Mantes nmais adjutants sounding a blast to him for rain. The small character inside the curve which represents the sky, ' corresponds with the gest- Peay uring hand. The Moqui etching (Gilbert MS.) for rain, ti. @, a cloud from which the drops are falling, is given in Fig. 185 > b=) y The same authority gives ; twosigns for lightning, Figs. ao 186 and 187. In the latter the sky is shown, the chang- ing direction of the streak, and clouds with rain fall- ing. The part relating specially to the streak is por- ar trayed in a sign as follows: Right hand elevated be- fore and above the head, forefinger pointing upward, brought down with great rapidity with a sinuous, undulating motion; finger still ex- Fic. 187. Fic. 189. tended diagonally downward toward the right. (Cheyenne II.) Figs. 188 and 189 also represent lightning, taken by Mr. W. H. Jack- son, photographer of the late U. S. Geolog. and Geog. Survey, from the decorated walls of an es- Fic. 190 tufa in the Pueblo de 4 Jemez, New Mexico. The former is blunt, for harmless, and the latter ter- minating in an arrow or spear point, for destructive or fatal, lightning. A common sign for speech, speak, among the Indians is the repeated 4 motion of the index in a straight line forward from the mouth. This line, indicating the voice, is shown in Fig. Fic. 191. 190, taken from the Dakota Calendar, being the expression for the fact that “ the-Elk-that-hollows walking,” a Minneconjou chief, ‘‘made med- 0] 4 374 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. icine.” The ceremony is indicated by the head of an albino buffalo. A more graphic portraiture of the conception of voice is in Fig. 191, rep- resenting an antelope and the whistling sound produced by the animal on being surprised or alarmed. This is taken from MS. drawing book of an Indian prisoner at Saint Augustine, Fla, now in the Smithsonian Institu- tion, No. 30664. Fig. 192 is the exhi- bition of wrestling for a turkey, the point of interestin the present connection being the lines from the mouth to the objects of con- versation. Itis taken from the above-men- tioned MS. drawing book. The wrestlers, ac- ; cording to the foot = prints, had evidently come together, when, meeting the return- ing hunter, who is wrapped in his blan- ket with only one foot protruding, they separated and threw off their blankets, leggings, and mocea- sins, both endeavor- ing to win the tur- key, which lies be- tween them and the donor. In Fig. 193, taken from the same MS. drawing book, the conversation is about the lassoing, shooting, and final killing of a buffalo which has wandered to a camp. The dotted lines indicate footprints. The Indian drawn under the buffalo having secured the animal by the fore feet, so informs his companions, as indi- cated by the line drawn from his mouth to the object mentioned; the left-hand figure, having also secured the buffalo by the horns, gives his nearest comrade an opportunity to strike it with an ax, which he no MALLERY.] PICTOGRAPHS—SPEECH—VOICE. 375 doubt announces that he will do, as the line from his mouth to the head of the animal suggests. The Indianin the upper left-hand corner is told by a squaw to take an arrow and join hiscompanions, when he turns his head to inform her that he has one already, which fact he demonstrates by holding up the weapon. Fic. 193. The Mexican pictograph, Fig. 194, taken from Kingsborough, II, pt. 1, p. 100, is illustrative of the sign made by the Arikara and Hidatsa for tcll and conversation. Tell me is: Place the flat right hand, palm up- ward, about fifteen inches in front of the right side of the face, fingers pointing to the left and front; then draw the hand inward toward and against the bottom of the chin. For conversation, talking between two persons, both hands are held before the breast, pointing forward, palms up, the edges being moved several times toward one another. Perhaps, however, the picture in fact only means the common poetical image of “flying words.” 310 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Fig. 195 is one of Landa’s characters, found in Rel. des choses de Yuca- tan, p. 316, and suggests one of the gestures for talk and more especially that for sing, in which the extended and separated fingers are passed forward and slightly downward from the mouth—‘ many voices.” Although the last opinion about the bishop is unfavorable to the authenticity of his work, yet even if it were prepared by a Maya, un- der his supervision, the latter would probably have given him some gen- uine native conceptions, and among them gestures would be likely to occur. The natural sign for hear, made both by In- dians and deaf-mutes, consisting in the motion of the index, or the index and thumb joined, in a straight line to the ear, is illustrated in the Ojibwa pictograph Fig. 196, ‘hearing ears,” and those of the same people, Figs. 197 and 198, the latter of which is a hearing serpent, and the former means “T hear, but your words are from a bad heart,” the hands being thrown out as in the final part of a gesture for bad heart, which is . made by the hand being closed and held near ae the breast, with the back toward the breast, x then as the arm is suddenly extended 4 the hand is opened and the fingers \ separated from each other. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) 3 5 The final part of the gest- aa sae ure, representing the idea of bad, not connected with heart, is illustrated in Fig. 236 on page 411. The above Ojibwa pictographs are taken from Schooleratt, loc. cit. 1, plates 58, 53, 59. Fig. 199, a bas-relief taken from Dupaix’s Monuments of New Spain, Fia. 194. Fic. 195. Fic, 196. MALLERY.] PICTOGRAPHS—HEAR—KILL. 377 in Kingsborough, loc. cit. IV, pt. 3, p. 31, has been considered to be a royal edict or command. The gesture to hear is plainly depicted, and the right hand is directed to the persons addressed, so the command ap- pears to be uttered with the preface of Hear Ye! Oyez! The typical sign for kill He or killed is: Right hand ta clinched, thumb lying along 5 finger tips, elevated to near + the shoulder, strike down- ward and outward vaguely in the direction of the ob- ject to be killed. The abbreviated sign is simply to clinch the right hand in the manner described and strike it down and out from the right side. (Cheyenne IJ.) This gesture also appears among the Dakotas and is illustrated in Fig. 200. UCB Tb Fig. 201, taken from the Dakota Calendar, illustrates this gesture. It Fic. 201. 378 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. represents the year in which a Minneconjou chief was stabbed in the shoulder by a Gros Ventre, and afterwards named “Dead Arm” or “Killed Arm.” ing being that the hands are raised a in surprise, astonishment. =— The Menomoni Indians now begin their prayers by raising their hands inthe same manner. They may have been influenced in this respect by the attitudes of their missionaries in prayerand benediction. TheApaches, who have received less civilized tui- tion, ina religious gesture correspond- ing with prayer spread their hands opposite the face, palms up and back- ward, apparently ex- pressing the desire to receive. Fig. 206 is a copy of an Egyptian tab- = let reproduced from Cooper’s Serpent Myths, page 28. A priest kneels before the great goddess Ranno, while suppli- eating herfavor. The conception of the au- thor is that the hands are raised by the sup- ; plicant to shield his SS face from the glory of the divinity. It may be compared with signs for asking for mercy and for giving mercy to another, the former being: Extend both forefingers, pointing upward, palms toward the breast, and hold the hands before the chest; then draw them inward toward their respective sides, and pass them upward as high as the sides of the head by either cheek. 380 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche 111; Apache 11; Wichita Il.) The latter, to have mercy on another, as made by the same tribes, is: Hold both hands nearly side by side before the chest, palms forward, forefinger only extended and pointing upward; then move them for- ward and upward, as if passing them by the cheeks of another person from the breast to the sides of the head. A similar gesture for supplication appears in Fig. 207, taken from Kings- borough, loc. cit., III, pt. I, p. 24. An Indian gesture sign for smoke, and also one for fire, has been de- Fic. 206. scribed above, page 344. With the former is connected the Aztec de- sign (Fig. 208) taken from Pipart, loc. cit., I, 352, and the latter appears in Fig. 209, taken from Kingsborough, III, pt. I, p. 21. A sign for medicine-man, shaman, is thus described: “ With its index- finger extended and pointing upward, or all the fingers ex- tended, back of hand outward, move the right hand from just in front of the forehead, spirally upward, nearly to arm’s length, from left to right.” (Da- kota IV.) Fig. 210, from the Dakota Calendar, represents the mak- ing of medicine or conjuration. In that case the head and horns of a white buf- Fic. 207. falo cow were used. Fig. 211 is an Ojibwa pictograph taken from Schoolcraft, loc. cit., repre- senting medicine-man, meda. With these horns and spiral may be collated Fig. 212 which portrays theram-headed Egyptian god Knuphis, or Chnum, the spirit, in a shrine on the boatof the sun, canopied 0 by the serpent-goddess Ranno, who is also seen facing him in- DY» side the shrine. This is reproduced from Cooper’s Serpent Myths, Fic. 208. p. 24. The same deity is represented in Champollion, Gram., p. 115, as reproduced in Fig. 215. Fig. 214 is an Ojibwa pictograph found in Schooleraft, I, pl. 58, and given as power. It corresponds with the sign for doctor, or medicine-man, made by the Absarokas by passing the extended and separated index Fic. 205. Cis, Ciiiigag G S & am iinarinn eal MALLERY. ] PICTOGRAPHS—SHAMAN—TRADE. 381 and second finger of the right hand upward froin the forehead, spirally, and is considered to indicate ‘‘superior knowledge.” Among the Otos, as part of the sign with the same meaning, both hands are raised to theside of the head, and the extended in- dices pressing the temples. Fig. 215 is also an Ojibwa pictograph from Schooleraft I, p\.59, and is Said to signify JJeda’s power. It corresponds with another sign made for medicine-man by the Absarokas and Coman- ches, viz, The hand passed upward before the forehead, with in- dex loosely ex- tended. Com- bined with the sign for sky, be- Fic.211. fore given, page 372, it means knowledge of superior matters; spiritual power. The common sign for trade is made by extending the forefingers, hold- ing them obliquely upward, and crossing them at right angles to one another, usu- ally in front of the chest. This is often abbreviated by merely crossing the fore- fingers, see Fig. 278, page 452. It is illustrated in Fig. 216, taken from the Prince of Wied’s Travels in the Interior of North America; Fig. 212. London, 1843, p. 352. eae: To this the following explanation is given: “The cross signifies, ‘I will barter or trade” Three animals are drawn on the right hand of the cross; one is a buffalo; the two others, a weasel (J/ustela Canadensis) and an otter. The writer offers in exchange for the skins of these animals (proba- \ bly meaning that of a white buffalo) the articles Fic. 214. which he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has, in the first place, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun; to the left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten Fic. 210. Fic. 215. 382 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. separated by a longer line; this means, I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for the skins of the three animals on the right hand of the cross.” Fig. 217 is from Kingsborough, III, pt. 1, p. 25, Uf, and illustrates the sign for to give or to present, YG, made by the Brulé-Dakotas by holding both hands by edgewise before the breast, pointing forward and ty, upward, the right above the left, then throwing Y them quickly down- Uy ward until the forearms aan reach a horizontal po- 4 sition. Fig. 218 is taken uy YS ~~ «from the Dakota Cal- Ba caes endar, representing a successful raid of the Absarokas or Crows upon the Brulé-Sioux, in which the village of the latter was surprised and a large number of horses captured. That capture is ex- ; hibited by the horse-tracks — fiji) ini] U1) LAA moving from the HEEL UE) AN village, the gest- TAA wich is often | made by acirele formed either by the opposed thumbs and forefingers of both hands or by acireular mo- tion of both hands, palms in- ward, toward each other. In some cases there is a motion of Fic. 217. the circle, from above downward, as formed. Fig. 219, from Kingsborough I, pt. 3, p. 10, represents Chapultepec, A ANE, “Mountain of the Locust,” by one enormous locust on top of A894 a hill. This shows the mode of augmentation in the same 0929 manner as is often done by an exaggerated gesture. The curves at the base of the mountain are intelligible only as being formed in the sign for many, described on pages 359 Fic. 218. and 488. Fig. 220, taken from Pipart, loc. cit., is the Mexican pictograph for soil cultivated, i. e., tilled and planted. Tig. 221, from the same authority, . = NY ro -—BEAR, 413 with short, sharp jerking motions. (Dakota I.) ‘From the motion of the bear inrunning.” This is also reported as an Arapaho sign. (Da- kota lV.) The paws and claws are represented. Seize a short piece of wood, say about two feet long, wavein the right hand, and strike a blow at an imaginary person. (Omaha I.) Another: Seize a short thing about six inches long, hold it as dagger, pretend to thrust it downward under the breast-bone repeatedly, and each time farther, grunting or gasping in doing so; withdraw the stick, holding it up, and, showing the blood, point to the breast with the left forefinger, meaning to say so do thou when you meet the bear. (Omaha 1.) Another: Pretend to stab yourself with an arrow in various parts of the body, then point towards the body with the left-hand forefinger. (Omaha I.) Arms are flexed and hands clasped about center of breast; then slowly fall with arms pendulous and both hands in type-position (Q). The sign is completed by slowly lifting the hands and arms several times in imita- tion of the animal’s locomotion. Movement and appearance of animal’s front feet. (Oto I.) Hold the closed right hand at the height of the elbow before the right side, palm downward, extend and curve the thumb and little finger so that their tips are nearly directed toward one another before the knuckles of the closed fingers ; then push the hand forward several times. (aiowa I; Comanche IIL; Apache 11; Wichita ll.) ‘‘Paw and long claws.” Fig. 238. Hold both closed hands before the body, palms down, and about eight inches apart; reach forward a short distance, relaxing the fingers as if grasping something with them, and draw them back againas the hands are withdrawn to their Ss former position. Ordinarily but one hand is used, as F.239. in Fig. 239. (Utel.) “Seratching, and grasping with the claws.” The right hand thrown in the position as for horse, as follows: Klevate the right-hand, extended, with fingers joined, outer edge toward the ground, in front of the body or right shoulder, and point- ing forward, resting the curved thumb against the palmar side of the index, then extend both hands with fingers extended and curved, sepa- rated, palms down, and push them forward several times, mak- ing ashortarch. (Apache I.) “The animal that scratches with long claws.” Fig. 240 is from a Moqui rock etching, contributed by Mr. G. re. 240. K. Gilbert, showing the pictorial mode of representing the animal. 414 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Deaf-mute sign : Claw both shoulders with the fingers. ( Wing.) —— Grizzly. Right hand flat and extended, held at height of shoulder, palm for- ward, then bring the palm to the mouth, lick it with the tongue, and return it to first position. (Omaha I.) ‘Showing blood on the paw.” Other remarks upon the signs for bear are made on pages 293 and 345, BRAVE. Close the fists, place the left near the breast, and move the right over the left toward the left side. ( Wied.) A mo- tion something like this, which I do not now distinetly recall—a short of wrenching motion with the fists in front of the chest—I have seen used for strong. If Wied’s sign-maker’s hand first struck the region over the heart (as he may have done) he would then have indicated a “strong heart.” which is the equivalent for brave. (Matthews.) This sign is used by the Sioux at the present day to denote small. (McOhesney.) I have seen a similar sign re- peatedly, the only variation being that the right Hig.: 241. fist is passed over and downward, in front of the left, instead of toward the left side. (Hoffman.) Fig. 241. Clinch the right fist, and place it to the breast. (Absaroka 1; Sho- shoni and Banak 1.) Both hands fists, backs outward, obliquely upward, near together, right inside of left, are moved forward from in front of the chest, two or three times and back again to original position and then the right-hand fist is thrown with some force over the left on a curve. Hndurance is expressed by this sign, and it is connected with the sun-dance trials of the young man in testing his bravery and powers of endurance before admission to the ranks of the warriors. (Dakota I.) Push the two fists forward about a foot, at the height of the breast, the right about two inches behind the left, palms inward. (Dakota IV.) “The hands push all before them.” Hold the left arm in front as if supporting a shield, and the right drawn back as if grasping a weapon. Close the fists, lower the head, moving it a little forward (with a “ lunge”) as well as the arms and fists. (Omaha I.) “Tam brave.” MALLERY. ] BEAR—BRAVE 415 Another: Index and thumb extended parallel, palm to left, the other fingers bent. Shake the open fingers several times at the person referred to, the forearm being held at an angle of about 20°. (Omaha I.) “ You are very brave; you do not fear death when you see the danger.” Strike the breast gently with the palmar side of the right fist. ( Wy- andot 1.) Place the left clinched hand horizontally before the breast, palm toward the body, and at the same time strike forcibly downward in front of it with the right fist, as in Fig. 242. Sometimes the right fist is piaced back of the left, then thrown over the latter toward the front and downward, as in Fig. 241 above. The same gesture has also been made by throwing the palmar side of the right fist edgewise downward in front of the knuckles of the left, as in Fig. 243. In each instance the left fist is jerked upward very perceptibly as the right one is thrust down- ward. (Kaiowa1l; Comanche IIL; Apache Il; Wichita I1.) Strike the clinched fist forcibly toward Wigs EE the ground in front of and near the breast. (Arikara 1.) —— He is the bravest of all. Make the sign for BRAVE and then the left forefinger, upright, back inward about twelve inches in front of left breast, right index similarly held near the right breast, move them at the same time outward or forward, obliquely to the left. (Dakota 1.) Nv Raise right hand, fingers extended, palm downward (W 1), swing it around “over all,” then point to the man, raise 2s 8 left fist (A 1, changed to left and palm inward) to a point in front of and near the body, close fingers of right hand and place the fist (A 2, palm inward) between left fist and body and then with violent movement throw it over left fist, as though break- ing something, and stop at a point in front of and a little below left fist, and lastly point upward with right hand. (Sahaptin I.) ‘Of all here he is strongest.” 1 1 1 i) 1 1 1 1 i} i} \ x The right fist, palm downward, is struck against the breast several times, and the index is then quickly elevated before the face, pointing upward. (Apache I.) 416 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Move the fist, thumb to the head, across the forehead from right to left, and cast it toward the earth over the left shoulder. (Apache III.) Deaf-mute natural signs: Run forward with a bold expression of the countenance. (Zarson.) Not to run back but to run forward. (Ziegler.) Deaf-mute sign : Left hand held asif pressing a loaf against the chest. Make a motion with the right hand, palm upward as if cutting through the fingers of the left with a sawing motion. ( Wing.) Other remarks connected with the signs for brave appear on pages 352, 353, and 358, supra. CHIEF. The forefinger of the right hand extended, pass it perpendicularly downward, then turn it upward, and raise it in a right line as high as the head. (Long.) ‘‘ Rising above others.” Raise the index finger of the right hand, holding it straight upward, then turn it in a circle and bring it straight down, a little toward the earth. (Wied.) The right hand is raised, and in position (J) describes a semicircle as in beginning the act of throwing. The arm is elevated perfectly erect aside of the head, the palm of the index and hand should be outward. There is an evident similarity in both execution and con- ception of this sign and Wied’s ; the little variation may be the result of different interpretation. The idea of superiority is most prominent in both. (Boteler.) “A prominent one before whom all succumb.” The Arikaras understood this sign, and they afterwards used it in talking to me. (Creel.) Wied’s air-picture reminds of the royal scepter with its sphere. Raise the forefinger, pointed upwards, in a vertical direction, and then reverse both finger and motion; the greater the elevation the “ bigger” the chief. (Arapaho I.) Place the closed hand, with the index extended and pointing upward, near the right cheek, pass it upward as high as the head, then turn it forward and downward toward the ground, the movement terminating a little below the initial point. See Fig. 306 in TrENDOY-HUERIYO DIALOGUE, p. 487. (Arapaho I1; Cheyenne V; Ponka IL; Shoshoni 1.) (1) Sign for MAN, as follows: Right hand, palm inward, elevated to about the level of the breast, index carelessly pointing upward, suddenly pointed straight upward, and the whole hand moved a little forward, at the same time taking care to keep the back of the hand toward the per- son addressed ; (2) middle, third, little finger, and thumb slightly closed MALLERY.] BRAVE—CHIEF. 417 together, forefinger pointing forward and downward ; (3) curved motion made forward, outward, and downward. (Cheyenne II.) ‘He who stands still and commands,” as shown by similarity of signs to sit here or stand here. Extend the index, remaining fingers closed, and raise it to the right side of the head and above it as far as the arm can reach. Have also seen the sign given by Wyandot I. (Ojibwa V.) The extended forefinger of the right hand (J), of which the other fin- gers are closed, is raised to the right side of the head and above it as far as the arm can be extended, and then the hand is brought down in front of the body with the wrist bent, the back of hand in front and the extended forefinger pointing downward. (Dakotal.) ‘Raised above others.” Move the upright and extended right index, palm forward, from the shoulder upward as high as the top of the head, then forward six inches through a curve, and move it forward six inches, and then downward. its palm backward, to the height of the shoulder. An Arapaho sign, Above all others. He looks over or after us. (Dakota IV.) Elevate the extended index before the shoulder, palm forward, pass it upward as high as the head, and forming a short curve to the front, then downward again slightly to the front to before the breast and about fifteen inches from it. (Dakota V1, VII, VIIL; Hidatsa 1; Arikara 1.) Right hand closed, forefinger pointing up, raise the hand from the waist in front of the body till it passes above the head. (Omaha I.) Another: Bring the closed right hand, forefinger pointing up, on a level with the face; then bring the palm of the left hand with force against the right forefinger; next send up the right hand above the head, leaving the left as it is. (Omaha I.) The right arm is extended by side of head, with the hand in position (J). The arm and hand then descend, the finger describing a semicircle with the arm as a radius. ‘The sign stops with arm hanging at full length. (Oto I.) “The arm of authority before whom all must fall.” Both hands elevated to a position in front of and as high as the shoul- ders, palms facing, fingers and thumbs spread and slightly curved; the hands are then drawn outward a short distance towards their respective sides and gently elevated as high as the top of the head. (Wyandot I.) “One who is elevated by others.” Elevate the closed hand—index only extended and pointing upward— to the front of the right side of the face or neck or shoulder; pass it quickly upward, and when as high as the top of the head, direct it for- ward and downward again toward the ground. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche Ill; Apache 11; Wichita 11.) 27 AE 418 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Close the right hand, index raised, extended, and placed before the breast, then move it forward from the mouth, pointing forward, until at arm’s length. (Ute I.) , Head, of tribe. Place the extended index, pointing upward, at some distance before the right shoulder, then place the left hand, with fingers and thumb ex- x tended and separated, just back of the index; then in passing the index upward as high as the head, draw the left hand downward a short distance, as in Fig. 244. Su- perior to others. (Absaroka 1; Arikara I.) Place both flat hands before the body, palms down, and pass them horizontally outward toward their respect- ' ive sides, then make I the sign for CHIEF. H (Arikara I.) “Chief H of the wide region and oe those upon it.” ' ! After pointing out - the man, point to the / ground, all fingers ys closed except first < (J 1, pointing down- ‘° ward in stead of up- ward), then point up- ward with same hand (J 2), then move hand Fig. 244. to a point in front of body, fingers extended, palm down- ward (W 1), andmove around hori- zontally. (Sahaptin I.) “In this place he is head over all.” Fig. 245. Grasp the forelock with the right hand, palm backward, pass the hand upward about six inches and hold it in that position a moment. (Pat- Ute 1.) Fig 245. : Elevate the extended index vertically above and in front of the head, holding the left hand, forefinger pointing upward, from one to two feet below and underneath the right, the position of the left, either elevated or depressed, also denoting the relative position of the second individual to that of the chief. (Apache I.) War. Head of a war party; Partisan. ’ I Vi5 First make the sign of the pipe; then open the thumb and index finger of the right hand, back of the hand outward, moving it forward and upward in a curve. ( Wied.) For remarks upon this sign see page 354. MALLERY. ] HEAD CHIEF—WAR CHIEF. 419 Place the right hand, index only extended and pointing forward and upward, before the right side of the breast nearly at arm’s length, then place the left hand, palm forward with fingers spread and extended, midway between the breast and the right hand. (Arapaho IL; Chey- enne V; Ponka 11; Pani 1.) First make the sign for BATTLE, viz: Both hands (A 1) brought to the median line of the body on a level with the breast and close together ; describe with both hands at the same time a series of circular move- ments of small circumference; and then add the sign for CHIEF. (Da- kota I.) “TVirst in battle.” ——— of a band. Point toward the left and front with the extended forefinger of the left hand, palm down; then place the extended index about twelve inches behind the left hand, pointing in the same direction. (Arapaho IL; Cheyenne V; Ponka Il; Pani 1.) Place the extended index at some distance before the right shoulder, pointing forward and slightly up- ward, then place the left hand with fingers and thumb extended and sep- arated over the Fic. 246. index, and while pushing the index to the front, draw the left hand backward toward body and to the left. Ahead of others. (Absaroka 1; Arikara ts) Fig. 246. Point the extended index forward and upward before the chest, then place the spread fingers of the left hand around the index, but at ashort distance behind it, all pointing the same direction. Ahead of the re- mainder. (Avrikara I.) Grasp the forelock with the right hand, palm backward, and pretend to lay the hair down over the right side of the head by passing the hand in that direction. (Pai-Utel.) Fig. 247. The French deaf-mute sign for or- der, command, may be compared with several of the above signs. In it the index tip first touches the lower lip, then is raised above the head and brought down with violence. (Len- seigninent primaire des sourds-muets 3 par M. Pélissier. Paris, 1856.) Fic, 247. 420 SIGN LANGUAGE AMCNG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Not only in Naples, but, according to De Jorio, in Italy generally the conception of authority in gesture is by pressing the right hand on the flank, accompanied by an erect and squared posture of the bust with the head slightly inclined to the right. The idea of substance is conveyed. —-—, Warrior lower than actual, but distinguished for bravery. Place the left forefinger, pointing toward the left and front, before the left side of the chest, then place the extended index UNE 2a near (or against) the fore- finger, and, while passing the latter outward toward the left, draw the index toward the right. (Absarokal; Arikara 1; Shoshonil.) Fig. 248. DEAD, DEATH. Throw the forefinger from the perpendicular into a horizontal posi- tion toward the earth, with the back downward. (Long.) Hold the left hand flat over the face, back outward, and pass with the similarly held right hand below the former, gently striking or touching it. (Wied.) The sign given (Oto and Missouri I) has no similarity in execution or conception with Wied’s. (Boteler.) This sign may convey the idea of wnder or burial, quite differently executed from most others reported. Dr. McChesney conjectures this sign to be that of wonder or surprise at hearing of a death, but not a distinct sign for the latter. The finger of the right hand passed to the left hand and then cast down. (JMacgowan.) Hold the left hand slightly arched, palm down, fingers pointing toward the right about fifteen inches before the breast, then place the extended index nearer the breast, pointing toward the left, pass it quickly forward underneath the left hand and in an upward curve to termination. (Arapaho 11; Cheyenne V; Ponka 11; Pani 1.) Place the palm of the hand ata short distance from the side of the head, then withdrawing it gently in an oblique downward direction and inclining the head and upper part of the body in the same direction. (Ojibwa IL.) See page 353 for remarks upon this sign. Hold both hands open, with palms over ears, extend fingers back on brain, close eyes, and incline body a little forward and to right or left very low, and remain motionless a short time, pronouncing the word Ke-nee-boo slowly. (Ojibwa IV.) MALLERY. | DEAD—DEATH. 421 Left hand flattened and held back upward, thumb inward in front of and a few inches from the breast. Right hand slightly clasped, fore- finger more extended than the others, and passed suddenly under the left hand, the latter being at the same time gently moved toward the breast. (Cheyenne II.) ‘‘Gone under.” Both hands horizontal in front of body, backs outward, index of each hand alone extended, the right index is passed under the left with a downward, outward and then upward and inward curved motion at the same time that the left is moved inward toward the body two or three inches, the movements being ended on the same level as begun. “Up- set, keeled over.” For many deaths repeat the sign many times. The sign of (Cheyenne II) expresses “gone under,” but is not used in the sense of death, dead, but going under a cover, as entering a lodge, under a table, &c. (Dakota I.) Make the sign for ALIVE, viz.: The right hand, back upward, is to be at the height of the elbow and forward, the index extended and point- ing forward, the other fingers closed, thumb against middle finger; then, while rotating the hand outward, move it to a position about four inches in front of the face, the back looking forward and the index pointing upward; then the sign for No. (Dakota IV.) Another: Hold the left hand pointing toward the right, palm obliquely downward and backward, about a foot in front of the lower part of the chest, and pass the right hand pointing toward the left, palm downward, from behind forward underneath it. Or from an upright position in front of the face, back forward, index extended and other fingers closed, carry the right hand downward and forward underneath the left and about four inches beyond it, gradually turning the right hand until its back is upward and its index points toward the left. An Arapaho sign. Gone under or buried. (Dakota IV.) Hold the left hand slightly bent with the palm down, before the breast, then pass the extended right hand, pointing toward the left, forward under and beyond the left. (Dakota VI, VII.) Hold the right hand, flat, palm downward, before the body; then throw it over on its back to the right, making a curve of about fifteen inches. (Dakota V1; Hidatsa 1; Arikara I.) The gesture of reversal in this and other instances may be compared with picture-writings in which the reversed character for the name or totem of a person signifies his death. One of these is givenin Fig. 249, taken from Schooleraft’s Hist. Am. Tribes, 1, p. 356, showing the cedar burial post or adjedatig of Wa- bojeeg, an Ojibwa war chief, who died on Lake Superior about 1793. He 422 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. belonged to the deer clan of his tribe and the animal is drawn reversed on the post. Extend right band, palm down, hand curved. Turn the palm up in Z moving the hand down towards the earth. (Omaha I.) The countenance is brought to a sleep- ing composure with theeyes closed. This countenance being gradually assumed, the head next falls toward either shoulder. The arms having been closed and crossed upon the chest with the hands in type positions (B B) are relaxed and drop si- multaneously towards the ground, with the fall of the head. This attitude is maintained some seconds. (Oto and Mis- sourt I.) “The bodily appearance at death.” Place the open hand, back upward, fin- gers a little drawn together, at the height UGS EERE of the breast, pointing forward; then move it slowly forward and downward, turning it over at the same time. (Iroquois I.) ‘*To express ‘gone into the earth, face upward.” The flat right hand is waved outward and downward toward the same side, the head being inclined in the same direction at the time, with eyes closed. ( Wzyandot I.) Hold the left hand loosely extended about fifteen inches in front of the breast, palm down, then pass the index, pointing to the left, in a short curve downward, forward, and upward beneath the left palm. (Aaiowa I; Comanche 111; Apache IL; Wichita 11.) Bring the left hand to the left breast, hand half clinched (H), then bring the right hand to the left with the thumb and forefinger in such a position as if you were going to take a bit of string from the fingers of the left hand, and pull the right hand off in a horizontal line as if you were stretching a string out, extend the hand to the full length of thearmfromyouand let thein, x dex finger point outward at the ail conclusion of the sign. (Comanche 1.) ‘Soul going to happy hunting- grounds.” MALLERY. ] DEAD—DEATH—TO DIE. 423 The left hand is held slightly arched, palm down, nearly at arm’s length before the breast; the right extended, flat, palm down, and pointing forward, is pushed from the top of the breast, straightfor- ward, underneath, and beyond the left. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) Fig. 250. Close both eyes, and after a moment throw the palm of the right hand from the face downward and outward toward the right side, the head being dropped in the same direction. (U¢te I.) Touch the breast with the extended and joined fingers of the right hand, then throw the hand, palm to the left, outward toward the right, leaning the head in that direction at the same time. (Apache I.) Close the eyes with the tips of the index and second finger, respect- ively, then both hands are placed side by side, horizontally, palms down- ward, fingers extended and united; hands separated by slow horizontal movement to right and left. (utchin I.) Palm of hand upward, then a wave-like motion toward the ground, (Zuni 1.) Deaf-mute natural signs : Place the hand upon the cheek, and shut the eyes, and move the hand downward toward the ground. (Ballard.) Let your head lie on the open hand with eyes shut. (Cross.) Use the right shut hand as if to draw a screw down to fasten’ the lid to the coffin and keep the eyes upon the hand. (Hasenstab.) Move the head toward the shoulder and then close the eyes. (Zarson.) Deaf mute signs : The French deaf-mute conception is that of gently falling or sinking, the right index falling from the height of the right shoulder upon the left forefinger, toward which the head is inclined. The deaf-mute sign commonly used in the United States is the same as Dakota V1; Hidatsa 1; Arikara 1; above. Italians with obvious con- ception, make the sign of the cross. To Die. Right hand, forefinger extended, side up, forming with the thumb a U; the other fingers slightly curved, touching each other, the little finger having its side toward the ground. Move the hand right and left then forward, several times; then turn it over suddenly, letting it fall toward the earth. (Ojibwa V; Omahal.) “An animal wounded, but staggering a little before it falls and dies.” 424 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Dying. Hold the left hand as in dead; pass the index in the same manner underneath the left, but in a slow, gentle, interrupted movement. (Kai- se Fie. 251. owa 1; Comanche IIL; Apache IL; Wichita II.) “Step by step; inch by inch.” Fig. 251. Nearly, but recovers. Hold the left hand as in dead; pass the index with a slow, easy, in- terrupted movement downward, under the left palm, as in dying, but before passing from under the palm on the opposite side return the index in the same manner to point of starting; then elevate it. (Aaiowa I; Comanche III; Apache 11; Wichita II.) Fig. 252. Other remarks upon the signs for dead are given on page 353. Goop. The hand held horizontally, back upward, describes with the arm a horizontal curve outward. (Long.) This is like the Eurasian motion of benediction, but may more suggestively be compared with several of the signs for yes, and in opposition to several of those for bad and no, showing the idea of acceptance or selection of objects presented, instead of their rejection. Place the right hand horizontally in front of the breast and move it forward. (Wied.) This description is essentially the same as the one I furnished. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) I stated, however, that the hand was moved outward (i. e., to the right). I do not remember seeing it moved directly forward. In making the motion as I have described it the hand would have to go both outward. and forward. (Matthews.) The left arm is elevated and the hand held in position (W). The arm and hand are thus extended from the body on a level with the chest; the elbow being slightly bent, the arm resembles a bent bow. The right arm is bent and the right hand, in position (W), sweeps smoothly over the left arm from the biceps muscle over the ends of the fingers. This sign and Wied’s are noticeably similar. The difference is, the Oto sign MALLERY.] DYING—GOOD. 425 uses the left arm in conjunction and both more to the left. The concep- tion is of something that easily passes; smoothness, evenness, ete., in both. (Boteler.) Wave the hand from the mouth, extending the thumb from the index and closing the other three fingers. This sign also means I know. (Burton.) (1) Right-hand fingers pointing to the left placed on a level with mouth, thumb inward; (2) suddenly moved with curve outward so as to present palm to person addressed. (Cheyenne II.) Pass the open right hand, palm downward, from the heart, twenty- four inches horizontally forward and to the right through an are of about 90°. (Dakota lV.) ‘ Heart easy or smooth.” Another: Gently strike the chest two or three times over the heart with the radial side of the right hand, the fingers partly flexed and pointing downward. An Arapaho sign. (Dakota IV.) Place the flat right hand, palm down, thumb touching the breast, then move it forward and slightly upward and to the right. (Arapaho II; Cheyenne V; Ojibwa V; Dakota VI, VII, VIIL; Kaiowa1; Comanche III; Apache IL; Wichita L1.) Pass the flat hand, palm down, from the breast forward andina slight curve to the right. (Dakota V1; Hidatsa 1; Arikara 1.) The extended right hand, palm downward, thumb backward, fingers pointing to the left, is held nearly or quite in contact with the body about on a level with the stomach; it is then carried outward to the right a foot or two with a rapid sweep, in which the forearm is moved but not necessarily the humerus. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) Move right hand, palm down, over the blanket, right and left, several times. (Omaha I.) Another: Hit the blanket, first on the right, then on the left, palm down, several times. (Omaha 1.) Another: Point at the object with the right forefinger, shaking it a little up and down, the other fingers being closed. (Omaha 1.) Another: Same as preceding, but with the hand open, the thumb crooked under and touching the forefinger; hand held at an angle of 45° while shaking a little back and forth. (Omaha I.) Another: Hold the closed hands together, thumbs up; separate by turning the wrists down, and move the fists.a little apart; then reverse movements till back to first position. (Omaha I.) Another: Hold the left hand with back toward the ground, fingers and thumb apart, and curved; hold the right hand opposite it, palm 426 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. down, hands about ‘six inches apart; shake the hands held thus, up and down, keeping them the same distance apart. (Omaha I.) Another: Hold the hands with the palms in, thumbs up, move hands right and left, keeping them about six inches apart. (Omaha 1.) Another: Look at the right hand, first on the back, then on the palm, then on the back again. (Omaha I.) The flat right hand, palm down, is moved forward and upward, start- ing at a point about twelve inches before the breast. (Wyandot I.) Hold the flat right hand forward and slightly outward from the shoul- der, palm either upward or downward, and pass it edgewise horizontally to the right and left. This sign was made when no personality was involved. The same gesturer when claiming for himself the character of goodness made the following: Rapidly pat the breast with the flat right hand. (Pima and Papago I.) Throw right hand from front to side, fingers extended and palm down, forearm horizontal. (Sahaptin I.) Make an inclination of the body forward, moving at the same time both hands forward from the breast, open, with the palm upward, and gradually lowering them. This is also used for glad, pleased. (Iro- quois I.) Bring both hands to the front, arms extended, palms outward ; elevate them upward and slightly forward; the face meanwhile expressive of wonder. (Comanche I.) Bring the hand opposite the breast, a little below, hand extended, palm downward (W), and let it move off in a horizontal direction. If it be very good, this may be repeated. If comparatively good, repeat it more violently. (Comanche I.) Hold the right hand palm down, pointing to the left, and placed hori- zontally before the breast, then raise it several times slightly. Good and glad. (Kutchin 1.) Deaf-mute natural signs : Smack the lips. (Ballard.) Close the hand while the thumb is up, and nod the head and smile as if to approve of something good. (Hasenstab.) Point the forefinger to the mouth and move the lips with a pleased look as if tasting sweet fruit. (Zarson.) Use the sign for handsome by drawing the outstretched palm of the right hand down over the right cheek ; at the same time nod the head as if to say “yes.” (Ziegler.) MALLERY.] GOOD—HABITATION. 427 Deaf-mute signs: Some of the Indian signs appear to be connected with a pleasant taste in the mouth, as is the sign of the French and American deaf-mutes, wav- ing thence the hand, either with or without tonching the lips, back up- ward, with fingers straight and joined, in a forward and downward curve. They make nearly the same gesture with hand sidewise for general assent: “Very. well!” The conventional sign for good, given in the illustration to the report of the Ohio Institution for the education of the deaf and dumb, is: The right hand raised forward and closed, except the thumb, which is ex- tended upward, held vertically, its nail being toward the body; this is in opposition to the sign for bad in the same illustration, the one being merely the exhibition of the thumb toward and the other of the little finger away from the body. They are English signs, the traditional conception being acceptance and rejection respectively. Italian signs : The fingers gathered on the mouth, kissed and stretched out and spread, intimate a dainty morsel. The open hand stretched out horizontally, and gently shaken, intimates that a thing is so-so, not good and not bad. (Butler.) Compare also the Neapolitan sign given by De Jorio, see Fig. 62, p. 286, supra. Cardinal Wiseman gives as the Italian sign for good “the hand thrown upwards and the head back with a prolonged ah!” Loe. cit., p. 543. Heart is. Strike with right hand on the heart and make the sign for Goop from the heart outward. (Cheyenne II.) Touch the left breast over the heart two or three times with the ends of the fingers of the right hand; then make the sign for Goop. (Da- kota IV.) Place the fingers of the flat right hand over the breast, then make the sign for Goop. (Dakota VIL.) Move hand to position in front of breast, fingers extended, palm down- ward (W), then with quick movement throw hand forward and to the side to a point 12 or 15 inches from, body, hand same as in first position. (Sahaptin I.) For further remarks on the signs for good, see page 286. HABITATION, including HousE, LopGE, Tip1, WiGWwAM. HOUSE. The hand half open and the forefinger extended and separated; then raise the hand upward and give it a half turn, as if screwing something. (Dunbar.) 428 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. ' Cross the ends of the extended fingers of the two hands, the hands to be nearly at right angle, radial side up, palms inward and backward, thumbs in palms. Represents the logs at the end of alog house. (Creel; Dakota TV.) Partly fold the hands, the fingers extended in imitation of the corner of an ordinary log house. (Arapaho I.) Both hands outspread near each other, elevated to front of face; sud- denly separated, turned at right angles, palms facing; brought down at right angles, suddenly stopped. Representing square form of a house. (Cheyenne LI.) The fingers of both hands extended and slightly separated, then those of the right are placed into the several spaces between those of the left, the tips extending to about the first joints. (Absaroka I.) “From the arrangement of the logs in a log building.” Both hands extended, fingers spread, place those of the right into the spaces between those of the left, then move the hands in this position a short distance upward. (Wyandot I.) ‘Arrangement of logs and ele- vation.” Both hands are held edgewise before the body, palms facing, spread the fingers, and place those of one hand into the spaces between those of the other, so that the tips of each protrude about an inch beyond. (Hidatsa 1; Kaiowa I; Arikara 1; Comanche 111; Apache 11; Wichita Il.) “The arrangement of logsin a frontier house.” Fig. 253. In connec- tion with this sign compare the pictograph, Fig. 204, page 379, supra. In ordinary conversa- tion the sign for white man’s house is often dropped, using in- stead the genericterm employed for lodge, and this in turn is often abbreviated, as by the Kaiowas, Comanches, Wichitas, and others, by merely placing the tips of the extended fore- fingers together, leaving the other fingers and thumbs closed, with the wrists about three or four inches apart. 3. 253. soth hands held pointing forward, edges down, fingers extended and slightly separated, then place the fingers of one hand into the spaces MALLERY.] LODGE—TIPI—WI1GWaAM. 429 between the fingers of the other, allowing the tips of the fingers of either hand to protrude as far as the first joint, or near it. (Shoshoni and Banak J.) “From the appearance of a corner of a log house—protruding and alternate layers of logs.” Fingers of both hands interlaced at right angles several times; then the sign for LoDGE. (Kutchin 1.) Deaf-mute natural signs : Draw the outlines of a house in the air with hands tip to tip at a right angle. (Ballard.) Put the open hands together toward the face, forming a right angle with the arms. (Larson.) , Stone; Fort. Strike the back of the right fist against the palm of the left hand, the left palm backward, the fist upright (‘idea of resistance or strength”); then with both hands opened, relaxed, horizontal, and palms backward, place the ends of the right fingers behind and against the ends of the left; then separate them, and moving them backward, each through a semicircle, bring their bases together. The latter sign is also that of the Arapahos for house. An inclosure. (Dakota lV.) The first part of this sign is that for stone. LopGE, Tip1, WIGWAM. The two hands are reared together in the form of the roof of a house, the ends of the fingers upward. (Long.) Place the opened thumb and forefinger of each hand opposite each other, as if to make acircle, but leaving between them a small interval; afterward move them from above downward simultaneously (which is the sign for village); then elevate the finger to indicate the number— one. ( Wied.) Probably he refers to an earthen lodge. I think that the sign I have given you is nearly the same with all the Upper Missouri Indians. (Matthews.) Place the fingers of both hands ridge-fashion before the breast. (Burton.) Indicate outlines (an inverted V, thus A), with the forefingers touch- ing or crossed at the tips, the other fingers closed. (Creel; Arapaho I.) Both hands open, fingers upward, tips touching, brought downward, and at same time separated to describe outline of a cone, suddenly stopped. (Cheyenne II.) Both hands approximated, held forward horizontally, fingers joined and slightly arched, backs upward, withdraw them in a sideward and downward direction, each hand moving to its corresponding side, thus 430 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. combinedly describing a hemisphere. Carry up the right and, with its index pointing downward indicate a spiral line rising upward from the center of the previously formed arch. (Ojibwa V.) ‘From the dome- shaped form of the wigwam, and the smoke rising from the opening in the roof.” Both hands flat and extended, placing the tips of the fingers of one against those of the other, leaving the palms or wrists about four inches apart. (Absaroka 1; Wyandot 1; Shoshoni and Banak 1.) ‘From its exterior outline.” Both hands carried to the front of the breast and placed V-shaped, inverted, thus A, with the palms looking toward each other, edge of fin- gers outward, thumbs inward. (Dakota I.) ‘ From the outline of the tipi.” With the hands nearly upright, palms inward, cross the ends of the extended forefingers, ‘he right one either in front or behind the left, or lay the ends together; resting the ends of the thumbs together side by side, the other fingers to be nearly.closed, and resting against each other, palms inward. Rep- resents the tipi poles and the profile of » the tipi. (Dakota IV.) Eo Ie Place the tips of the fingers of both hands together in front of the breast, with the wrists some distance apart. (Dakota V.) Fig. 254. Fingers of both hands extended and separated; then interlace them so that the tips of the fingers of one hand protrude beyond the backs of those of the opposing one ; hold the hands in trontof the breast, pointing upward, leaving the wrists about six inches apart. (Dakota VII, VII; Hidatsa 1; Ponka 11; Arikara 1; Pani 1.) The extended hands, with finger tips upward and touching, the palms facing one another, and the wrists about two inches apart, are held before the chest. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1 ) Place the tip of the index against the tip of the forefinger of the left hand, the remaining fingers and thumbs closed, before the chest, leay- ing the wrists about six inches apart. (aiowa 1; Comanche Ill; Apache Il; Wichita II.) “Outline of lodge.” This is an abbreviated sign, and care must be taken to distinguish it from to meet, in which the fingers are brought from their respective sides instead of upward to form the gesture. Another: Place the tips of the fingers of the flat extend: d hands to- gether before the breast, leaving the wrists about six inches apart. (Katowa 1; Comanche IIL; Apache IL; Wichita I1.) MALLERY.] LODGE—GOING OUT OF A LODGE. 431 _ Another: Both hands flat-and extended, fingers slightly separated ; then place the fingers of the right hand between the fingers of the left as far as the second joints, so that the fingers of one hand protrude about an inch beyond those of the other; the wrists must be held about six inches apart. (Kaiowal; Comanche IIL; Apache I1; Wi- chita II.) -‘ Outline of Indian lodge and crossing of tent-poles above the covering.” Fig. 255. Fig. 256 represents a Sahaptin sign given to the writer by a gentleman long familiar with the north- western tribes of Indians. The conception is the same union of the lodge poles at the top, shown in several other signs, differently executed. Place the tips of the spread fingers of both hands against one another pointing upward before the body, leaving a space of from four to six inches between the wrists. Fig. 257. The fingers are sometimes bent so as to more nearly represent the outline of a house and roof. Fig. 258. This, however, is accidental. (Pai-Ute I.) a2. “ Represents the boughs and branches used in the construction of a Pai- Ute ‘ wik-i-up.’” : Place the tips of the two flat hands together before the body, leaving a space of about six inches between the wrists. (Ute 1.) ‘Outline of the shape of the lodge.” FIG. 255. Left hand and right hand put together in shape of sloping shelter (utchin . I.) Fig. 259. Fic. 258 Fic, 259. —— Great Council House. Place both flat and extended hands in front of the shoulders, pointing forward, palins facing ; then pass them straight upward and slightly in- ward near the termination of the gesture. This appears to combine the gestures for much, large, and lodge. (Arikara 1.) —, Coming or going out of a. Same as the sign for entering a lodge, only the fingers of the right hand point obliquely upward after passing under the left hand. (Dakota I.) “Coming out from under cover.” Hold the open left hand a foot or eighteen inches in front of the breast, palm downward or backward, fingers pointing toward the right 432 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS and pass the right, back upward, with index extended, or all of the fingers extended, and pointing forward, about eighteen inches forward under- neath the left through an are from near the mouth. Some at the same time move the left hand toward the breast. (Dakota IV.) , Entering a. The left hand is held with the back upward, and the right hand also with the back up is passed in a curvilinear direction down under the other, so as to rub against its palm, then up on the other side of it. The left hand here represents the low door of the skin lodge and the right the man stooping down to pass in. (Long.) Pass the flat right hand in short curves under the left, which is held a short distance forward. (Wéied.) I have described the same sign. It is not necessary to pass the hand more than once. By saying curves, he seems to imply many passes. If the hand is passed more than once it means repetition of the act. (Mathews ; McChesney.) The conception is of the stooping to pass through the low entrance, which is often covered by a flap of skin, sometimes stretched on a frame, and which must be shoved aside, and the subsequent rising when the entrance has been ac- complished. A distinction is reported by a correspondent as follows: “Tf the intention is to speak of a person entering the gesturer’s own lodge, the right hand is passed under the left and toward the body, near which the left hand is held; if of a person entering the lodge of another, the left hand is held further from the body and the right is passed under it and outward. In both cases both hands are slightly curved and com- pressed.” As no such distinction is reported by others it may be an individual invention or peculiarity. A gliding movement of the extended hand, fingers joined, backs up, downward, then ascending, indicative of the stoopmg and resumption of the upright position in entering the same. (Arapaho 1.) (1) Sign for LopG®, the left hand being still in position used in mak- ing sign for LopGE; (2) forefinger and thumb of right hand brought to a point and thrust through the outline of an imaginary lodge repre- sented by the left hand. (Cheyenne I1.) First make the sign for LODGE, then place the left hand, horizontal and slightly arched, before the body, and pass the right hand with ex- tended index underneath the left—forward and slightly upward beyond it. (Absaroka 1; Dakota V; Shoshoni and Banak 1; Wyandot 1.) Left hand (W), ends of fingers toward the right, stationary in front of the left breast; pass the right hand directly and quickly out from the breast under the stationary left hand, ending with the extended fingers of the right hand pointing outward and slightly downward, joined, palm downward flat, horizontal(W). (Dakotal.) ‘Gone under; covered.” MALLERY.] ENTERING A LODGE—HOUSE. 433 Hold the open left hand a foot or eighteen inches in front of the breast, palm downward or backward, fingers pointing toward the right, and pass the right hand, palm upward, fingers bent sidewise and pointing backward, from before backward underneath it, through a curve until near the mouth. Some at the same time move the left hand a little forward. (Dakota IV.) The left hand, palm downward, finger-tips forward, either quite ex- tended or with the fingers slightly bent, is held before the body. Then the right hand nearly or quite extended, palm downward, finger-tips near the left thumb, and pointing toward it, is passed transversely under the left hand and one to four inches belowit. The fingers of the right hand point slightly upward when the motion is completed. This sign usually, but not invariably, refers to entering a house. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) Place the slightly curved left hand, palm down, before the breast, pointing to the right, then pass the flat right hand, palm down, in a short curve forward, under and upward beyond the left. (Utel.) “ Evi- dently from the manner in which a person is obliged to stoop in enter- ing an ordinary Indian lodge.” HORSE. The right hand with the edge downward, the fingers joined, the thumb recumbent, extended forward. (Dunbar.) Place the index and middle finger of the right hand astraddle the index finger of the left. [In the original the expression “third” finger is used, but it is ascertained in another connection that the author counts the thumb as the first finger and always means what is generally styled middle finger when he says third. The alteration ismade to prevent con- fusion.| (Wéied.) Ihave described this sign in words to the same effect. (Matthews.) The right arm is raised, and the hand, opened edgewise, with fingers parallel and approximated, is drawn from left to right before the body at the supposed height of the animal. There is no conceivable identity in the execution of this sign and Wied’s, but his sign for horse is nearly identical with the sign for ride a horse among the Otos. (Bote- ler.) This sign is still used by the Cheyennes. (Dodge.) A hand passed across the forehead. (Jl/acgowan.) Left-hand thumb and forefinger straightened out, held to the level of and in front of the breast; right-hand forefinger separated from the middle finger and thrown across the left hand to imitate the act of bestriding. They appear to have no other conception of a horse, and have thus indicated that they have known it only as an animal to be ridden. (Creel; Cheyenne II.) 28 AE 434 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Draw the right hand from left to right across the body about the heart, the fingers all closed except the index. This is abbreviated by mnaking a circular sweep of the right open hand from about the left elbow to the front of the body, probably indicating the mane. A Pani sign. (Cheyenne LY.) Place the first two fingers of the right hand, thumb extended (N 1), downward, astraddle the first two joined and straight fingers of the left hand (T 1), sidewise to the right. Many Sioux Indians use only the forefinger straightened. (Dakota I.) ‘Horse mounted.” The first and second fingers extended and separated, remaining fingers and thumb closed; left forefinger extended, horizontal, remaining fingers and thumb closed; place the right-hand fingers astride of the forefinger of the left, and both hands jerked together, up and down, to represent the motion of a horse. (Dakota ILL.) The two hands being clinched and near together, palms downward, thumbs against the forefingers, throw them, each alternately, forward and backward about a foot, through an ellipsis two or three times, from about six inches in front of the chest, to imitate the galloping of a horse, or the hands may be held forward and not moved. (Dakota TV.) Place the extended and separated index and second fingers of the right hand astraddle of the ex- tended forefinger of the left. Fig. 260. Sometimes all the fingers of the left hand are ex- tended in making this sign, as } in Fig. 261, though this may be the result of carelessness. Fic. 260. (Dakota VI, VII, VIL; Hi- datsa 1; Ponka 11; Arikara 1; Pani 1.) The left hand is placed before the chest, back upward in the position of an index-hand pointing forward; then the first and second fingers of the right hand only being extended, separated and pointing down- ward, are set one on each side of the left forefinger, the interdigital space resting on the forefinger. The palm faces downward and back- ward. This represents a rider astride ofa horse. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) Close hands, except forefingers, which are curved downward; move them forward in rotation, imitating the fore feet of the horse, and make puffing sound of “Uh, uh”! (Omaha I.) “This sign represents the horse racing off to a safe distance, and puffing as he tosses his head.” The arm is flexed and with the hand extended is brought on a level with the mouth. The hand then assumes the position (W 1), modified by being held edges up and down, palm toward the chest, instead of MALLERY.] HORSE. 435 flat. The arm and hand being held thus about the usual height of a horse are made to pass in an undulating manner across the face or body about one foot distant from contact. The latter movements are to re- semble the animal’s gait. (OtoI.) ‘ Height of animal and movement of same.” The index and second fingers of the right hand are placed astraddle the extended forefinger of the left. ( Wyandot I.) Place the flat right hand, thumb down, edgewise before the right side of the shoulder, pointing toward the right. (Kaiowa I; Comanche 111; Apache 11; Wichita IL.) Fig. 262. Another: Hold theright hand flat, extended, with fingers asias 263: joined, the thumb extended up- FIG. 262. ward, then pass the hand at arm’s length before the face from left to right. This is said by the authorities cited below to be also the Caddo sign, and that the other tribes mentioned originally obtained it from that tribe. (Kaiowal; Comanche I, 111; Apache IL; Wichita 11.) Fig. 263. Another: Place the extended and separated index and second fingers astraddle the extended and horizontal forefinger of the left hand. This sign is only used when communicating with uninstructed white men, or with other Indians whose sign for horse is specifically distinct. (Maiowa 1; Comanche IIL; Apache I1; Wichita II.) Place the extended index and second fingers of the right hand across the extended first two fingers of the left. Fig. 264. Size of the animal is indicated by P passing the right hand, palm down, with fingers loosely separated, for- ward from the right side, at any } height as the case may necessitate, after which the sign for HoRSE may Fic. 264. be made. (Pima and Papago 1.) Fic. 265. Place the right hand, palm down, before the right side of the chest; place the tips of the second and third fingers against the ball of the thumb, allowing the index and little fingers to project to represent the ears. Fig. 265. Frequently the middle fingers extend equally with and against the thumb, form- ing the head of the animal, the ears always being rep- 3 resented by the two outer fingers, viz, the index and lit- @@ a," tle finger. Fig.266. (Ute I.) Open the fingers of both hands, and hold the two hands before the breast, with the fingers upward and a little apart, and the palms turned toward each other, as if grasping a number of things. (Iroquois I.) Place the hands on either side of and as high as the head, then open and close the fingers rapidly four or five times. (Wyandot I.) ‘Count- ing ‘tens’ an indefinite number of times.” Clasp the hands effusively before the breast. (Apache III.) Deaf-mute natural signs 5 Put the fingers of the two hands together, tip to tip, and rub them with a rapid motion. (Ballard.) 446 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Make a rapid movement of the fingers and thumbs of both hands upward and downward, and at the same time cause both lips to touch each other in rapid succession, and both eyes to be half opened. (Has- enstab.) Move the fingers of both hands forward and backward. (Ziegler.) Add to Zegler’s sign: slightly opening and closing the hands. ( Wing.) Horses. Raise the right arm above the head, palm forward, and thrust for- ward forcibly on a line with the shoulder. (Omaha 1.) Persons, ete. Hands and fingers interlaced. (Macgowan.) Take up a bunch of grass or a clod of earth; place it in the hand of the person addressed, who looks down uponit. (OmahalI.) “ Repre- sents aS many or more than the particles contained in the mass.” Mucu. Move both hands toward one another and slightly upward. ( Wied.) I have seen this sign, but I think it is used only for articles that may be piled on the ground or formed into a heap. The sign most in use for the general idea of much or many I have given. (Matthews.) Bring the hands up in front of the body with the fingers carefully kept distinct. (Cheyenne I.) Both hands closed, brought up im a curved motion toward each other to the level of the neck or chin, (Cheyenne II.) Both hands and arms are partly extended; each hand is then made to describe, simultaneously with the other, from the head downward, the are of a circle curving outward. This is used for large in some senses. (Ojibwa V; Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) Both hands flat and extended, placed before the breast, finger tips touching, palms down; then separate them by passing outward and downward as if smoothing the outer surface of a globe. (Absaroka I; Shoshoni and Banak 1; Kaiowal; Comanche 111; Apache 11; Wichita II.) “A heap.” Much is included in many or big, as the case may require. (Da- kota I.) The hands, with fingers widely separated, slightly bent, pointing for- ward, and backs outward, are to be rapidly approximated through down- ward curves, from positions twelve to thirty-six inches apart, at the height of the navel, and quickly closed. Or the hands may be moved until the right is above the left. So much that it has to be gathered with both hands. (Dakota LY.) MALLERY. ] MANY—MUCH—QUESTION. 447 Hands open, palms turned in, held about three feet apart and about two feet from the ground. Raise them about a foot, then bring in an upward curve toward each other. As they pass each other, palms down, the right hand is about three inches above the left. (Omaha 1.) Place both hands flat and extended, thumbs touching, palms down- ward, in front of and as high as the face; then move them outward and downward a short distance toward their respective sides, thus describ- ing the upper half of a circle. ( Wyandot I.) “A heap.” Both hands clinched, placed as high as and in front of the hips, palms facing opposite sides and about : a foot apart, then bring them up- cae = ward and inward, describing an zf ; are, until the thumbs _ touch. (Apache I.) Fig. 274. Sweep out both hands as if ine © closing a large object; wave the hands forward and somewhat upward. (Apache IIL.) “Suggesting im- mensity.” Fic. 274. Deaf-mute sign: The French deaf-mutes place the two hands, with fingers united and extended in a slight curve, nearly together, left above right, in front of the body, and then raise the left in a direct line above the right, thus suggesting the idea of a large and slightly-rounded object being held between the two palms. —— And heavy. Hands open, palms turned in, held about three feet apart, and about two feet from the ground, raise them about a foot; close the fists, backs of hands down, as if lifting something heavy; then move a short dis- tance up and down several times. (Omaha I.) Remarks connected with the signs for quantity appear on pages 291, 399, and 382, supra. QUESTION; INQUIRY; INTERROGATION. The palm of the hand upward and carried circularly outward, and depressed. (Dunbar.) The hand held up with the thumb near the face, and the palm directed toward the person of whom the inquiry is made; then rotated upon the wrist two or three times edgewise, to denote uncertainty. (Long ; Comanche 1; Wichita 1.) The motion might be mistaken for the deri- sive, vulgar gesture called “ taking a sight,” “donner un pied de nez,” de- 448 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. scending to our small boys from antiquity. The separate motion of the fingers in the vulgar gesture as used in our eastern cities is, however, more nearly correlated with some of the Indian signs for fool, one of which is the same as that for Kaiowa, see TRIBAL Siens. It may be noted that the Latin “ sagax,” from which is derived “ sagacity,” was chiefly used to denote the keen scent of dogs, so there is a relation established between the nasal organ and wisdom or its absence, and that “ suspendere naso” was a classic phrase for hoaxing. The Italian ex- pressions “ restare con un palmo di naso,” “con tanto di naso,” etc., men- tioned by the canon De Jorio, refer to the same vulgar gesture in which the face is supposed to be thrust forward sillily. Further re- marks connected with this sign appear on pp, 304, 305, supra. Extend the open hand perpendicularly with the palm outward, and move it from side to side several times. ( Wied.) This sign is still used. For “outward,” however, I would substitute “forward.” The hand is usually, but not always, held before the face. (Matthews.) This is not the sign for question, but is used to attract attention before commencing a conversation or any other time during the talk, when found necessary. (JcChesney.) With due deference to Dr. McChesney, this is the sign for question, as used by many tribes, and especially Da- kotas. The Prince of Wied probably intended to convey the motion of forward, to the front, when he said outward. In making the sign for attention the hand is held more nearly horizontal, and is directed toward the individual whose attention is desired. (Hoffman.) Right hand in front of right side of body, forearm horizontal, palm of hand to the left, fingers extended, joined and horizontal, thumb ex- tending upward naturally, turn hand to the left about 60°, then resume first position. Continue this motion for about two to four seconds, de- pending on earnestness of inquiry. (Creel.) Right hand, fingers pointing upward, palm outward, elevated to the level of the shoulder, extended toward the person addressed, and slightly shaken from side to side. (Cheyenne II.) Hold the elbow of the right arm against the side, extending the right hand, palm inward, with all the fingers straight joined, as far as may be, while the elbow remains fixed against the side; then turn the ex- tended hand to the right and left, repeating this movement several times, being performed by the muscles of the arm. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo I.) Place the flat and extended right hand, palm forward, about twelve inches in front of and as high as the shoulder, then shake the hand from side to side as it is moved upward and forward. (Apachel.) See Fig. 304, in TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE, p. 486. This may be compared with the ancient Greek sign, Fig. 67, and with the modern Neapolitan sign, Fig. 70, both of which are discussed on p. 291, supra. MALLERY.] IN] ERROGATION—SOLDIER. 449 Deaf-mute natural sign : A quick motion of the lips with an inquiring look. (Ballard.) Deaf-mute sign : The French deaf-mutes for inquiry, ‘“quwest-ce que eest?” bring the hands to the lower part of the chest, with open palms about a foot separate and diverging outward. Australian sign : One is a sort of note of interrogation. For instance, if I were to meet a native and make the sign: Hand flat, fingers and thumb ex- tended, the two middle fingers touching, the two outer slightly separated from the middle by turning the hand palm upward as I met him, it would mean: ‘Where are you going?” In other words I should say ‘‘MWinna?” (what name?). (Smyth.) Fig. 275. Some comparisons and illustrations connected with the signs for question appear on pages 291, 297, and 303, supra, and under PHRASES, infra. Quintilian remarks upon this subject as follows: “In question- ing, we do not compose our gesture after any single manner; the posi- tion of the hand, for the most part is to be changed, however disposed before.” SOLDIER. , American. The upright nearly closed hands, thumbs against the middle of the forefingers, being in front of the body, with their thumbs near together, palms forward, separate them about two feet horizontally on the same line. Allin a line in front. (Cheyenne II1; Dakota IV.) Pass each hand down the outer seam of the pants. (Sac, Foi, and Kickapoo 1.) “Stripes.” Sign for WHITE MAN as follows: The extended index (M turned in- ward) is drawn from the left side of the head around in front to the right side, about on a line with the brim of the hat, with the back of the hand outward; and then for Fort, viz, on level of the breasts in front of body, both hands with fingers turned inward, straight, backs joined, backs of hands outward, horizontal, turn outward the hands until the fingers are free, curve them, and bring the wrists together so as to describe a circle with a space left between the ends of the curved fingers. (Dakota I.) ‘From his fortified place of abode.” Another: Both hands in front of body, fists, backs outward, hands in contact, draw them apart on a straight line right to right, left to left about two feet, then draw the index, other fingers closed, across the 29 AE 450 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. forehead above the eyebrows. This is the sign preferred by the Sioux. (Dakota I.) Extend the fingers of the right hand; place the thumb on the same plane close beside them, and then bring the thumb side of the hand horizontally against the middle of the forehead, palm downward and little finger to the front. (Dakota II; Ute I.) ‘Visor of forage cap.” First make the sign for SOLDIER substantially the same as (Dakota V1) below, then that for WHITE MAN, viz.: Draw the opened right hand hori- zontally from left to right across the forehead a little above the eyebrows, the back of the hand to be upward and the fingers pointing toward the left; or, close all the fingers except the index and draw it across the forehead in the same manner. (Dakota 1V.) For illustrations of other signs for white man see Figs 315 and 329, infra. Place the radial sides of the clinched hands together before the chest, then draw them horizontally Z apart. (Dakota ae ie n= eel 222 a se a “VI; Arikara I.) . “All in a line.” Fig. 276. Put thumbs to temples, and forefingers forward, meeting in front, other fingers elosed. (Apache III.) ‘Cap-visor.” , Arikara. Make the sign for ARIKARA (see TRIBAL S1IGNs) and that for BRAVE. (Arikara I.) , Dakota. Make the sign for DAKOTA (see TRIBAL SIGNS) and that for SOLDIER. (Dakota V1.) : , Indian. Both fists before the body, palms down, thumbs touching, then draw them horizontally apart to the right and left. (Arapaho Il; Cheyenne V; Ponka 11; Panil.) This is the same sign illustrated in Fig. 276, above, as given by tribes there cited for white or American’ soldier. The tribes now cited use it for a soldier of the same tribe as the gesturer, or perhaps for soldier generically, as they subjoin a tribal sign or the sign for white man, when desiring to refer to any other than their own tribe. TRADE or BARTER; EXCHANGE. TRADE. First make the sign of EXCHANGE (see below), then pat the left arm with the right finger, with a rapid motion from the hand passing it toward the shoulder. (Long.) MALLERY. } TRADE—BARTER. 451 Strike the extended index finger of the right hand several times upon that of the left. (Wéied.) Ihave described the same sign in different terms and at greater length. It is only necessary, however, to place the fingers in contact once. The person whom the prince saw making this sign may have meant to indicate something more than the simple idea of trade, 7. e., trade often or habitually. The idea of frequency is often conveyed by the repetition of a sign (as in some Indian languages by repetition of the root). Or the sign-maker may have repeated the sign to demonstrate it more clearly. (Matthews.) ‘Though some differ- ence exists in the motions executed in Wied’s sign and that of (Oto and Missouri I), there is sufficient similarity to justify a probable identity of conception and to make them easily understood. (Boteler.) In the author’s mind exchange was probably intended for one transa“tion, in which each of two articles took the plac. before occupied by the other, and trade was intended for a more general and systematic barter, indi- cated by the repetition of strokes. Such distinction would not perhaps have occurred to most observers, but as the older authorities, such as Long and Wied, give distinct signs under the separate titles of trade and exchange they must be credited with having some reason for so doing. A pictograph connected with this sign is shown on page 381, supra. Cross the forefingers of both hands before the breast. (Burton.) “Diamond cut diamond.” This conception of one smart trader cutting into the profits of another is a mistake arising from the rough resem- blance of the sign to that for cutting. Captain Burton is right, how- ever, in reporting that this sign for trade is also used for white man, American, and that the same Indians using it orally call white men “shwop,” from the English or American word “swap” or “swop.” This is a legacy from the early traders, the first white men met by the West- ern tribes, and the expression extends even to the Sahaptins on the Yakama River, where it appears incorporated in their language as swiapoin. It must have penetrated to them through the Shoshoni. Cross the index fingers. (Iacgowan.) Cross the forefingers at right angles. (Arapaho I.) Both hands, palms facing each other, forefingers extended, crossed right above left before the breast. (Cheyenne 11.) The left hand, with forefinger extended, pointing toward the right (rest of fingers closed), horizontal, back outward, otherwise as (M), is held in front of left breast about a foot; and the right hand, with fore- finger extended (J), in front of and near the right breast, is carried out- - ward and struck over the top of the stationary left (+) crosswise; where it remains tor a moment. (Dakota I.) Hold the extended left index about a foot in front of the breast, point- ing obliquely forward toward the right, and lay the extended right in- 452 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. dex at right angles across the left, first raising the right about a foot above the left, palms of both inward, other fingers half closed. This is also an Arapaho sign as well as Dakota. Yours is there and mine is there; take either. (Dakota LV.) Place the first two fingers of the right hand across those of the left, both being slightly spread. The hands are sometimes used, but are placed edgewise. (Dakota V.) Fig. 277. LES PACE Another: The index of therighthand is laid across the forefinger of the left when the transaction includes but two persons trading single article for article. (Dakota V.) Strike the back of the extended index at a right angle against the radial side of the extended forefinger of the left hand. (Dakota VI, VII.) Fig. 278. The forefingers are extended, held ob- liquely upward, and crossed at right an- Fic. 278. gles to one another, usually in front of the chest. (Mandan and Hi- datsa I.) Bring each hand as high as the breast, forefinger pointing up, the other fingers closed, then move quickly the right hand to the left, the left to the right, the forefingers making an acute angle as they cross. (Omaha 1; Ponka I.) The palm point of the right index extended touches the chest ; it is then turned toward the second individual interested, then touches the object. ‘The arms are now drawn toward the body, semiflexed, with the hands, in type-positions (W W), crossed, the right superposed to the left. The individual then casts an interrogating glance at the second person. (Oto and Missouri 1.) ‘*To cross something from one to an- other.” Close the hands, except the index fingers and the thumbs; with them open, ove the hands several times past one another at the height of the breast. the index fingers pointing upward and the thumbs outward. (Iroquois I.) ‘The movement indicates ‘exchanging,’” Hold the left hand horizontally before the body, with the forefinger only extended and pointing to the right, palm downward; then, with the right hand closed, index only extended, palm to the right, place the index at right angles on the forefinger of the left, touching at the second joints. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche IIL; Apache I1; Wichita II.) Pass the hands in front of the body, all the fingers closed except the forefingers, (Sahaptin I.) MALLERY. J BARTER—BUY. 453 Close the fingers of both hands (K); bring them opposite each shoulder; then bring the hands across each other’s pathway, without permitting them to touch. At the close of the sign the left hand will be near and pointing at the right shoulder; right hand will be near and pointing at the left shoulder. (Comanche I.) Close both hands, leaving the forefingers only extended; place the right before and several inches above the left, then pass the right hand toward the left elbow and the left hand toward the right elbow, each hand following the course made by a flourishing cut with a short sword. This sign, according to the informant, is also employed by the Banak and Umatilla Indians. (Comanche I1; Pai-Ute I.) The forefingers of both hands only extended, pass the left from left to right, and the right at the same time crossing its course from the tip toward the wrist of the left, stopping when the wrists cross. (Ute I.) “ Exchange of articles.” Right hand carried across chest, hand extended, palm upward, fingers and thumb closed as if holding something; left hand, in same position, carried across the right, palm downward. (utchin I.) Hands pronated and forefingers crossed. (Zuni 1.) Deaf-mute natural sign: Close the hand slightly, as if taking something, and move it forward and open the hand as if to drop or give away the thing, and again close and withdraw the hand as if to take something else. (Ballard.) American instructed deaf-mutes use substantially the sign described by (Mandan and Hidatsa 1). — To buy. Hold the left hand about twelve inches before the breast, the thumb resting on the closed third and fourth fingers; the fore and second fingers separated and extended, palm toward the breast; then pass the “extended index into the crotch formed by the separated fingers of thelefthand. This Wie. 279. is an invented sign, and was given to illustrate the difference between buying and trading. (Utel.) Fig. 279. Deaf-mute natural sign : Make a circle on the palm of the left hand with the forefinger of the right hand, to denote coin, and close the thumb and finger as if to take the money, and put the hand forward to signify giving it to some one, and move the hand a little apart from the place where it left the money, and then close and withdraw the hand, as if to take the thing purchased. ( Ballard.) 454 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Italian sign: To indicate paying, in the language of the fingers, one makes as though he put something, piece after piece, from one hand into the other —a gesture, however, far less expressive than that when a man lacks money, and yet cannot make up a face to beg it; or simply to indicate want of money, which is to rub together the thumb and forefinger, at the same time stretching out the hand. (Buwéler.) An illustration from De Jorio of the Neapolitan sign for money is given on page 297, supra. EXCHANGE. The two forefingers are extended perpendicularly, and the hands are then passed by each other transversely in front of the breast so as nearly to exchange positions. (Zong.) Pass both hands, with extended forefingers, across each other before the breast. (Wéed.) See remarks on this author’s sign for TRADE, supra. ; Hands brought up to front of breast, forefingers extended and other fingers slightly closed; hands suddenly drawn toward and past each other until forearms are crossed in front of breast. (Cheyenne II.) “Ex- change; right hand exchanging position with the left.” Left hand, with forefinger extended, others closed (M, except back of hand outward), is brought, arm extended, in front of the left breast, and the extended forefinger of the right hand, obliquely upward, others closed, is placed crosswise over the left and maintained in that position for a moment, when the fingers of the right hand are relaxed (as in nya): brought near the breast with hand horizontal, palm inward, and then carried out again in front of right breast twenty inches, with palm look- ing toward the left, fingers pointing forward, hand horizontal, and then the left hand performs the same movements on the left side of the body, (Dakota I.) ‘You give me, I give you.” The hands, backs forward, are held as index hands, pointing upward. the elbows being fully bent; each hand is then, simultaneously with the other, moved to the opposite shoulder, so that the forearms cross one another almost at right angles. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) YES; AFFIRMATION; It Is SO. (Compare Goon.) The motion is somewhat like truth, viz: The forefiriger in the attitude of pointing, from the mouth forward in aline curving alittle upward, the other fingers being carefully closed ; but the finger is held rather more upright, and is passed nearly straight forward from opposite the breast, MALLERY.] EXCHANGE—YES—A¥FFIRMATIVE. 455 and when at the end of its course it seems gently to strike something, though with rather a slow and not suddenly accelerated motion. (Long.) Wave the hand straight forward from the face. (Burton.) ‘This may be compared with the forward nod common over most of the world for assent, but that gesture is not universal, as the New Zealanders elevate the head and chin, and the Turks are reported by several travelers to shake the head somewhat like our negative. Rev. H. N. Barnum denies that report, giving below the gesture observed by him. He, however, describes the Turkish gesture sign for truth to be “gently bowing with head inclined to the right.” This sidewise inclination may be what has been called the shake of the head in affirmation. Another: Wave the hand from the mouth, extending the thumb from the index and closing the other three fingers. (burton.) Gesticulate vertically downward and in front of the body with the ex- tended forefinger (right hand usually), the remaining fingers and thumb , closed, their nails down. (Creel; Arapaho 1.) Right hand elevated to the level and in front of the shoulder, two first fingers somewhat extended, thumb resting against the middle finger ; sudden motion ina curve forward anddownward. (Cheyenne Il.) It has been suggested that the correspondence between this gesture and the one given by the same gesturer for sitting (made by holding the right hand to one side, fingers and thumb drooping, and striking downward to the ground or object to be sat upon) seemingly indicates that the origin of the former is in connection with the idea of “resting,” or ‘“set- tling a question.” It is however at least equally probable that the for- ward and downward curve is an abbreviation of the sign for truth, true, a typical description of which follows given by (Dakota I). The sign for true can often be interchanged with that for yes, in the same manner as the several words. The index of the horizontal hand (M), other fingers closed, is carried straight outward from the mouth. This is also the sign for truth. (Dakota I.) ‘But one tongue.” : Extend the right index, the thumb against it, nearly close the other fingers, and holding it about a foot in front of the right breast, bend the hand from the wrist downward until the end of the index has passed about six inches through an are. Someat the same time move the hand forward a little. (Dakota IV.) “A nod; the hand representing the head and the index the nose.” Hold the naturally closed hand before the right side of the breast, or shoulder, leaving the index and thumb extended, then throw the hand 456 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. downward, bring the index against the inner side of the thumb. (Da- kota VI, VII, VIII.) Fig. 280. Compare also Fig. 61, p. 286, supra, " Quintilian’s sign for approbation. The right hand, with the forefinger only ex- tended and pointing forward, is held before and near the chest. It is then moved forward one or two feet, usually with a slight curve downward. (Mandan and Hidatsa 1.) Bend the right arm, pointing toward the chest with the index finger; unbend, throwing the hand FIG. 280. up and forward. (Omaha I.) Another: Close the three fingers, close the thumb over them, extend forefinger, and then shake forward and down. This is more emphatic than the preceding, and signifies, Yes, J know. (Omaha 1.) The right arm is raised to head with the index finger in type-position (I 1), modified by being more opened. From aside the head the hands Sweep in a curve to the right ear as of something entering or hearing something; the finger is then more open and carried direct to the ground as something emphatic or direct. (Oto and Missouri I.) ‘TI hear,’ em- phatically symbolized.” It is doubted if this sign is more than an ex- pression of understanding which may or may not imply positive assent. It would not probably be used as a direct affirmative, for instance, in re- sponse to a question. The hand open, palm downward, at the level of the breast, is moved forward with a quick downward motion from the wrist, imitating a bow of the head. (Jroquois I.) Throw the closed right hand, with the index extended and bent, as high as the face, and let itdrop again naturally; butas the hand reaches its greatest elevation the index is fully extended and suddenly drawn into the palm, the gesture resembling a beckoning from above toward the ground. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche 111; Apache I1; Wichita 11.) Quick motion of the right hand forward from the mouth ; first position about six inches from the mouth and final as far again away. In first position the index finger is extended, the others closed; in final, the index loosely closed, thrown in that position as the hand is moved for- ward, as though hooking something with it; palm of hand out. (Sahap- tin I.) Another: Move right hand to a position in front of the body, letting arm hang loosely at the side, the thumb standing alone, all fingers hooked except forefinger, which is partially extended (EK 1, palm up- MALLERY. ] YES—AFFIRMATION. 457 ward). The sign consists in moving the forefinger from its partially extended position to one similar to the others, as though making a sly motion for some one to come to you. This is done once each time the assentis made. More emphatic than the preceding. (SahaptinI.) “We are together, think alike.” Deaf-mute natural sign : Indicate by nodding the head. (Ballard.) Deaf-mute sign: The French mutes unite the extremities of the index and thumb so as to form a circle and move the hand downward with back vertical and turned outward. It has been suggested in explanation that the circle formed and exhibited is merely the letter O, the initial of the word oui. Fiji sign: Assent is expressed, not by a downward nod as with ourselves, but by an upward nod; the head is jerked backward. Assent is also ex- pressed by uplifting the eyebrows. (Fison.) Turkish sign: One or two nods of the head forward. (Barnum.) Other remarks and illustraticns upon the signs for yes are given on page 286, supra. 458 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. TRIBAL SIGNS. ABSAROKA or CROW. The hands held out each side, and striking the air in the manner of flying. (Long.) Imitate the flapping of the bird’s wings with the two hands, palms downward, brought close to the shoulder. (Burton.) Imitate the flapping of a bird’s wings with the two hands, palms to the front and brought close to the shoulder. (Creel.) Place the flat hand as high as and in front or to the side of the right shoulder, move it up and down, the motion occurring at the wrist. For more thorough representation both hands are sometimes employed. (Arapaho IL; Cheyenne V; Dakota V, VI, VILL; Ponka I1; Kaiowa I; Panil; Comanche I11; Apache IL; Wichita II.) “ Bird’s wing.” Both hands extended, with fingers joined (W), held near the shoulders, and flapped to represent the wings of a crow. (Dakota II, III.) At the height of the shoulders and a foot outward from them, move the upright hands forward and backward twice or three times from the wrist, palms forward, fingers and thumbs extended and separated a lit- tle; then place the back or the palm of the upright opened right hand against the upper part of the forehead; or half close the fingers, placing the end of the thumb against the ends of the fore and middle fingers, and then place the back of the hand against the forehead. This sign is also made by the Arapahos. (DakotalV.) ‘ Toim- itate the flying of a bird, and also indicate the manner in which the Absaroka wear their hair.” Make with the arms the motion of flapping wings. (dtutine I.) The flat right hand, palm out- ward to the front and right, is held ; in front of the right shoulder, and 1B 2 quickly waved back and forth a few times. When made for the information of one ignorant of the com- mon sign, both hands are used, and the hands are moved outward from the body, though still near the shoulder. (Shoshoni and Banak 1.) “Wings, t. e., of a crow.” Fig. 281. MALLERY. | ABSAROKA——APACHE. 459 APACHE. Make either of thesigns for POOR, IN PROPERTY, by rubbing the index back and forth over the extended left forefinger; or, by passing the extended index alternately along the upper and lower sides of the extended left forefinge from tip to base. (Kaiowa I; Comanche IIl; Apache 11; Wi- f chita Il.) Fig. 282. “Tt is said that when the first Apache came to the region they now occupy he was asked who or what he was, and not understanding the language he merely made the sign for poor, which expressed his condition.” Fic. 282, Rub the back of the extended left forefinger from end to end with the extended index. (Comanche IL; Ute I.) “ Poor, poverty-stricken.” ——, Coyotero. Place the back of the right hand near the end of the foot, the fingers curved upward, to represent the turned-up toes of the moccasins. (Pima and Papago 1; Apache I.) Fig. 283. ———,, Mescalero. Same sign as for Lrpan q. v. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche IIL; Apache I; Wichita IL.) 460 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. , Warm Spring. Hand curved (Y, more flexed) and Jaid on its back on top of the foot (moccasins much curved up at toe) ; then draw hands up legs to near knee, and cut off with edges of hands (boot tops). (Apache III.) ‘Those who wear booted moccasins with turn-up toes.” ARAPAHO. The fingers of one hand touch the breast in different parts, to indicate the tattooing of that part in points. (Long.) Seize the nose with the thumb and forefinger. (Randolph B. Marcy, captain United States Army, in The Prairie Traveler. New York, 1859, p. 215.) Rub the right side of the nose with the forefinger: some call this tribe the “ Smellers,” and make their sign consist of seizing the nose with the thumb and forefinger. (Burton.) Finger to side of nose. (IMacgowan.) Touch the left breast, thus implying what they call themselves, viz: the “Good Hearts.” (Arapaho 1.) Rub the side of the extended index against the right side of the nose. (Arapaho IL; Cheyenne V ; Kaiowa 1; Comanche 111; Apache IL; Wichita Il.) Hold the left hand, palm down, and fingers extended ; then with the right hand, fingers extended, palm inward and thumb up, make a sud- den stroke from left to right across the back of the fingers of the left hand, as if cutting them off. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo I.) This is be- lieved to be an error of the authority, and should apply tothe CHEYENNE tribal sign. Join the ends of the fingers (the thumb included) of the right hand, and, pointing toward the heart near the chest, throw the hand forward and to the right once, twice, or many times, through an are of about six jnches. (Dakota lV.) ‘Some say they use this sign because these In- dians tattoo their breasts.” Collect the fingers and thumb of the right hand to a point, and tap the tips upon the left breast briskly. (Comanche I1; Ute I.) ‘ Good- hearted.” It was stated by members of the various tribes at Washington, in 1880, that this sign is used to designate the Northern Arapahos, while that in which the index rubs against or passes upward alongside of the nose refers to the Southern Arapahos. Another: Close the right hand, leaving the index only extended; then rub it up and down, held vertically, against the side of the nose where it joins the cheek. (Comanche IJ; Ute I.) MALLERY.] ARAPAHO—ARIKARA—ASSINABOIN AG1 The fingers and thumb of the right hand are brought to a point, and tapped upon the right side of the breast. (Shoshoni and Banak 1.) ARIKARA. (Corruptly abbreviated REE.) Imitate the manner of shelling corn, holding the left hand stationary, the shelling being done with the right. (Creel.) Fig. 284. With the right hand closed, curve the thumb and index, join their > ? 7 y tips so as to form a circle, and place to the lobe of the ear. (Absaroka I; Hidatsa 1.) “Big ear-rings.” Fig. 285. Both hands, fists, (B, except thumbs) in front of body, backs looking toward the sides of the body, thumbs obliquely upward, left hand sta- tionary, the backs of the fingers of the two hands touching, carry the right thumb forward and backward at the inner side of the left thumb and without moving the hand from the left, in imitation of the act of shelling corn. (Dakota I, VII, V1IL.) Collect the fingers and thumb of the right hand nearly to a point, and make a tattooing or dotting motion toward the up- per portion of the cheek. This is the old sign, and was used by them pre- vious to the adoption of the more mod- ern one representing ‘corn-eaters.” (Arikara I.) Place the back of the closed right hand transversely before the mouth, and ro- tate it forward and backward several, ; times. This gesture may be accom- Wig.285; panied, as it sometimes is, by a motion Fig. 284. of the jaws as if eating, to illustrate more fully the meaning of the rota- tion of the fist. (aiowal; Comanchel11; Wichita IL;Apachel.) ‘“Corn- eater; eating corn from the ear.” Signified by the same motions with the thumbs and forefingers that are used in shelling corn. The dwarf Ree (Avikara) corn is their peculiar possession, which their tradition says was given to them by a superior being, who led them to the Missouri River and instructed them how to plantit. (Rey. C. L. Hall, in The Missionary Herald, April, 1880.) “They are the corn-shellers.” Have seen this sign used by the Arikaras as a tribal designation. (Dakota I.) ASSINABOIN. Hands in front of abdomen, horizontal, backs outward, ends of fingers pointing toward one another, separated and arched (H1), then moved up 462 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. and down and from side to side as though covering a corpulent body. This sign is also used to indicate the Gros Ventres of the Prairie or At- sina. (Dakota I.) Make the sign of cutting the throat. (Kutine I.) As the Assinaboins belong to the Dakotan stock, the sign generally given for the Sioux may be used for them also. With the right hand flattened, form a curve by passing it from the top of the chest to the pubis, the fingers pointing to the left, and the back forward. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) “ Big bellies.” ATSINA, LOWER GROS VENTRE. Both hands closed, the tips of the fingers pointing toward the wrist and resting upon the base of the joint, the thumbs lying upon and extending over the middle joint of the forefingers; hold the left before the chest, pointing forward, palm up, placing the right, with palm down, just back of the left, and move as if picking small objects from the left with the tip of the right thumb. (Absaroka 1; Shoshoni and Banak I.) ‘Corn-shellers.” Bring the extended and separated fingers and thumb loosely to a point, flexed at the metacarpal joints; point them toward the left clavicle, and imitate a dotting motion as if tattooing the skin. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche III; Apache 11; Wichita II.). “They used to tattoo themselves, and live in the country south of the Dakotas.” See also the sign of (Dakota I) under ASSINABOIN. BANAK. Make a whistling sound “phew” (beginning at a high note and ending about an octave lower); then draw the extended index across the throat from the left to the right and out to nearly at arm’s length. They used to cut the throats of their prisoners. (Pai-Ute I.) Major Haworth states that the Banaks make the following sign for themselves: Brush the flat right hand backward over the forehead as if forcing back the hair. This represents the manner of wearing the tuft of hair backward from the forehead. According to this informant, the Shoshoni use the same sign for BANAK as for themselves. BLACKFEET. (This title refers to the Algonkian Blackfeet, properly called SArsikaA. For the Dakota Blackfeet, or Sihasapa, see under head of DAKOTA.) The finger and thumb encircle the ankle. (Long.) Pass the right hand, bent spoon-fashion, from the heel to the little toe of the right foot. (Burton.) MALLERY. ] ATSINA—BANAK—BLACKFEET. 463 The palmar surfaces of the extended fore and second fingers of the right hand (others closed) are rubbed along the leg just above the ankle. This would not seem to be clear, but these Indians do not make any sign indicating black in connection with the above. The sign does not, howeyer, interfere with any other sign as made by the Sioux. (Creel; Dakota I.) ‘Black feet.” Pass the flat hand over the outer edge of the right foot from the heel to beyond the toe, as if brushing off dust. (Dakota V, VII, VIII.) Fig. 256. Fic. 286. Touch the right foot with the right hand. (utine I.) Close the right hand, thumb resting over the second joint of the fore- finger, palm toward the face, and rotate over the cheek, though an inch or two from it. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) “From manner of painting the cheeks.” Fig. 287. 464 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Cappo. Pass the horizontally extended index from right to left under the nose. Arapaho I1; Cheyenne V; Kaiowa 1; Comanche I, 11, IL; Apache II; Wichita 1,11.) ‘‘ Pierced noses,’ from former custom of perforating the septum for the reception of rings.” Fig. 288. This sign is also used for the Sahaptin. For some remarks see page 345, CALISPEL. See PEND D’OREILLE. CHEYENNE. Draw the hand across the arm, to imitate cutting it with a knife. (Marcy in Prairie Traveller, loc. cit., p. 215.) Draw the lower edge of the right hand across the left arm as if gashing it with a knife. (Burton.) With the index-finger of the right hand proceed as if cutting the left arm in different places with a sawing motion from the wrist upward, to represent the cuts or burns on the arms of that nation. (Long.) 3ridge palm of left hand with index-finger of right. (J/acgowan.) Draw the extended right hand, fingers joined, across the left wrist as if cutting it. (Arapaho I.) Pass the ulnar side of the extended index repeatedly across the ex- tended finger and back of the left hand. Trequently, however, the index is drawn across the wrist or forearm, (Arapaho I1; Cheyenne V; Ponka Yl; Pani I.) Fig. ANG. 280 289. See p. 345 for remarks. The extended index, palm upward, is drawn across the forefinger of the left hand (palm inward), several times, left hand stationary, right MALLERY. ] CADDO—CHEYENNE. 465 hand is drawn toward the body until the index is drawn clear off; then repeat. Some Cheyennes believe this to have reference to the former custom of cutting the arm as offerings to spirits, while others think it refers to a more ancient custom of cutting off the enemy’s fingers for necklaces. (Cheyenne II.) Place the extended index at the right side of the nose, where it joins the face, the tip reaching as high as the forehead, and close to the inner corner of the eye. This position makes the thumb of the right hand rest upon the chin, while the index is perpendicular. (Sac, Pox, and Kicka- pool.) It is considered that this sign, though given to the collaborator as expressed, was an error. It applies to the Southern Arapahos. Lieutenant Creel states the last remark to be correct, the gesture hav- ing reference to the Southern bands. As though sawing through the left forearm at its middle with the edge of the right held back outward, thumb upward. Sign made at the left side of the body. (Dakota l.) “Same sign as for a saw. The Cheyenne Indians are known to the Sioux by the name of ‘The Saws.’” Right-hand fingers and thumb extended and joined (as in §), outer edge downward, and drawn sharply across the other fingers and fore- arm as if cutting with a knife. (Dakota III.) Draw the extended right index or the ulnar (inner) edge of the opeu right hand several times across the base of the extended left index, or across the left forearm at different heights from left to right. This sign is also made by the Arapahos. (Dakota lV.) “Because their arms are marked with scars from cuts which they make as offerings to spirits.” Draw the extended index several times across the extended forefinger from the tip toward the palm, the latter pointing forward and slightly toward the right. rom the custom of striping arms transversely with colors. (IKaiowa 1; Comanche Il, Lil; Apache Il; Ute 1; Wichita I1.) Another: Make the sign for Doc, viz: Close the right hand, leaving the index and second fingers only extended and joined, hold it forward from and lower than the hip and draw it backward, the course following the outline of a dog’s form from head to tail; then add the sign To HAT, as follows: Collect the thumb, index, and second fingers to a point, hold them above and in front of the mouth and make a repeated dotting mo- tion toward the mouth. This sign is generally used, but the other and more common one is also employed, especially so with individuals not fully conversant with the sign language as employed by the Comanches, &e. (Kaiowa I; Comanche I11; Apache Il; Wichitall.) ‘“ Dog-eaters.” Draw the extended index across the back of the left hand and arm ag if cutting it. The index does not touch the arm as in signs given for the same tribe by other Indians, but is held at least four or five inches from it. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) 30 AE 466 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERIUAN INDIANS. CHIPEWAY. See OJIBWA. CoMANCHE. Imitate, by the waving of the hand or forefinger, the forward crawling motion of a snake. (Burton, also Blackmore in introduction to Dodge’s Plains of the Great West. New York, 1877, p. xxv.) The same sign is used for the Shoshoni, more commonly called “ Snake”, Indians, who as well as the Comanches belong to the Shoshonian linguistic family. ‘The silent stealth of the tribe.” (Dodge; Marcy in Thirty Years of Army Life on the Border. New York, 1866, p. 33.) Rev. A. J. Holt remarks, however, that among the Comanches themselves the conception of this sign is the trailing of a rope, or lariat. This refers probably to their well-known horsemanship. Motion of a snake. (Macgowan.) Hold the elbow of the right arm near the right side, but not touching it; extend the forearm and hand, palm inward, fingers joined on a level with the elbow, then with a shoulder movement draw the forearm and hand back until the points of the fingers are behind the body; at the same time that the hand is thus being moved back, turn it right and left several times. (Creel; Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo I.) ‘Snake in the grass. A snake drawing itself back in the grass instead of crossing the road in front of you.” Another: The sign by and for the Comanches themselves is made by holding both hands and arms upward from the elbow, both palms in- ward, and passing both hands with their backs upward along the lower end of the hair to indicate long hair, as they never cut it. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo 1.) Right hand horizontal, flat, palm downward (W), advanced to the front by a motion to represent the crawling of a snake. (Dakota III.) Extend the closed right hand to the front and left; extend the index, palm down, and rotate from side to side while drawing it back to the right hip. (Arapaho II; Cheyenne V; Dakota V1, VII, VILL; Ponka UU; Kaiowa 1; Panil; Comanche 11; Apache 11; Wichita Il.) This motion is just the reverse of the sign for Shoshoni, see Fig. 297 infra. Make the reverse gesture for Shoshoni, i. e., begin away from the body, drawing the hand back to the side of the right hip while rotating it. (Comanche II.) CREE, KNISTENO, KRISTENEAUX. Sign for WAGON and then the sign for Man. (Dakota Il.) ‘This in- dicates the Red River half-breeds, with their carts, as these people are so known from their habit of traveling with carts.” Place the first and second fingers of the right hand in front of the mouth. (utine I.) MALLERY. | COMANCHEE—CREE—DAKOTA. 467 Crow. See ABSAROKA. DAKOTA, or SIOUX. The edge of the hand passed across the throat, as in the act of cutting that part. (Long; Marcy in Army Life, p. 33.) Draw the lower edge of the hand across the throat. (Burton.) Draw the extended right hand across the throat. (Arapaho I.) ‘The cut-throats.” Pass the flat right hand, with palm down, from left to right across the throat. (Arapaho II; Cheyenne V ; Dakota V1, VIIL; Ponka IL; Pani 1.) Draw the forefinger of the left hand from right to left across the throat. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo 1.) ‘A cut-throat.” Forefinger and thumb of right hand extended (others closed) is drawn from left to right across the throat as though cutting it. The Dakotas have been named the “ cut-throats” by some of the surrounding tribes. (Dakota I.) ‘“ Cut-throats.” Right hand horizontal, flat, palm downward (as in W), and drawn across the throat as if cutting with a knife. (Dakota IL, L1.) Draw the open right hand, or the right index, from left to right hori- zontally across the throat, back of hand upward, fingers pointing toward the left. This sign is also made by the Arapahos. (Dakota IV.) “It is said that after a battle the Utes .took many Sioux prisoners and cut their throats ; hence the sign ‘“ cut-throats.” Draw the extended right hand, palm downward, across the throat from left to right. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche II, 111; Shoshoni and Banak 1; Ute 1; Apachell; f Wichita IL.) ‘“Cut-throats.” Fig 290. , Blackfoot (Sihasapa). Pass the flat right hand along the outer edge of the foot from the heel to beyond -the toes. (Dakota VIIIL; Hidatsa 1; Ponka ll; Arikara 1; Pani I.) Same as Fig. 286, above. ea Pass the right hand quickly over the right foot from the great toe outward, turn the heel as if brushing something therefrom. (Dakota V.) Pass the widely separated thumb and index of the right hand over the lower leg, from just below the knee nearly down to the heel. (MKaiowa I; Comanche I11; Apache IL; Wichita 11.) 468 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. — — , Brule. Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh in a small cirele with the open right hand, fingers pointing downward. This sign is also made by the Arapahos. (Dakota lV.) ‘These Indians were once caught in a prairie fire, many burned to death, and others badly burned about the thighs; hence the name Si-ca*-gu ‘burnt thigh’ and the sign. Ac- cording to the Brulé chronology, this fire occurred in 1763, which they call ‘ The-People-were-burned-winter.’” ‘ Pass the flat right hand quickly over the thigh from near the buttock forward, as if brushing dust from that part. (Dakota V, VI, VII, VIII.) Brush the palm of the right hand over the right thigh, from near the buttock toward the front of the middle third of the thigh. (Maiowa 1; Comanche I11; Apache I1; Wichita 11.) —— ,, Ogalala. Fingers and thumb separated, straight (as in R), and dotted about over the face to represent the marks made by the small-pox. (Arapaho II; Cheyenne V; Dakota Ill, VI, VU, VILL.) ‘This band suffered from the disease many years ago.” With the thumb over the ends of the fingers, hold the right hand upright, its back forward, about six inches in front of the face, or on one side of the nose near the face, and suddenly extend and spread all the fingers, thumb included. (Da- kotalV.) “The word Ogalalameans scattering or throwing at, and the name was given them, it is said, after a row in which they threw ashes into one another’s faces.” FLATHEAD, or SELISH. One hand placed on the top of the head, and the other on the back of the head. (Long.) Place the right hand to the top of the head. (utine 1.) Pat the right side of the head above and back of the ear with the flat right hand. (Shoshoni and Banak 1.) From the elongation of the occiput. Fig. 291. Fox, or OUTAGAMI. Same sign as for Sac. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo I.) MALLERY. ] DAKOTA—FOX—HIDATSA. 469 GRos VENTRE. See HIDATSA. Hipatsa, GROS VENTRE, or MINITARI. Both hands flat and extended, palms toward the body, with the tips of the fingers pointing toward one another; pass from the top of the chest downward, outward, and inward toward the groin. (Absaroka 1; Dakota V, V1, VU, VIIL; Shoshoni and Banak I.) “ Big belly.” Left and right hands in front of breast, left placed in position first, separated about four or five inches, left hand outside of the right, hori- zontal, backs outward, fingers extended and pointing left and right; strike the back of the right against the palm of the left several times, and then make the sign for Go, GOING, as follows: Both hands (A 1) brought to the median line of body on a level with the breast, some distance apart, then describe a series of half circles or forward arch- like movements with both hands. (Dakota I.) ‘The Gros Ventre In- dians, Minitaris (the Hidatsa Indians of Matthews), are known to the Sioux as the Indians who went to the mountains to kill their enemies; hence the sign.” Express with the hand the sign of a big belly. (Dakota III.) Pass the flat right hand, back forward, from the top of the breast, downward, outward, and inward to the pubis. (Dakota V1; Hidatsa 1; Arikaral.) “Big belly.” INDIAN (generically). Hand in type-position K, inverted, back forward, is raised above the head with forefinger directed perpendicularly to the crown. Describe with it a short gentle curve upward and backward in such a manner that the finger will point upward and backward, back outward, at the termination of the motion. (Qjibwa V.) “Indicates a feather planted upon the head—the characteristic adornment of the Indian.” Make the sign for WHITE MAN, viz: Draw the open right hand hori- zontally from left to right across the forehead a little above the eye- brows, the back of the hand to be upward and the fingers pointing toward the left, or close all the fingers except the index, and draw it across the forehead in the same manner; then make the sign for No; then move the upright index about a foot from side to side, in front of right shoulder, at the same time rotating the hand alittle. (Dakota IV.) Rub the back of the extended left hand with the palmar surfaces of the extended fingers of the right. (Comanche IL.) ‘People of the same kind; dark-skinned.” Rub the back of the left hand with the index of the right. (Pai- Ute 1; Wichita 1.) 470 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. KAIOWA. Make the signs of the PRAIRIE and of DRINKING WATER. (Burton; Blackmore in Dodge’s Plains of the Great West. New York, 1877, p. xxiv.) Cheyennes make the same sign as (Comanche II), and think it was in- tended to convey the idea of cropping the hair. The men wear one side of the hair of the head full length and done up as among the Chey- ennes, the other side being kept cropped off about even with the neck and hanging loose. (Cheyenne II.) Right-hand fingers and thumb, extended and joined (as in W), placed in front of right shoulder, and revolving loosely at the wrist. (Dakota Til.) Place the flat hand with extended and separated fingers before the face, pointing forward and upward, the wrist near the chin; pass it up- ward and forward several times. (Kaiowal; Comanche II1; Apache 11; Wichita I1.) Place the right hand a short dis- tance above the right side of the head, fingers and thumb separated and ex- tended; shake it rapidly from side to side, giving it a slight rotary motion in doing so. (Comanche II.) ‘Rat- tle-brained.” Fig. 292. See p.345 for remarks upon this sign. Same sign as (Comanche II), with the exception that both hands are gen- erally used instead of the right one NEC only. (Ute I.) Make a rotary motion of the right hand, palm extended upward and outward by the side of the head. (Wichita I.) “Crazy heads.” KICKAPOO. With the thumb and finger go through the motion of clipping the hair over the ear; then with the hand make a sign that the borders of the leggings are wide. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo 1.) KNISTENO or KRISTENEAUX. See CREE. KUTINE. Place the index or second finger of the right hand on each side of the left index finger to imitate riding a horse. (Kutine I.) MALLERY.] KATOWA——-KICKAPOO—KUTINE—LIPAN—MANDAN. 471 Hold the left fist, palm upward, at arm’s length before the body, the right as if grasping the bowstring and drawn back. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) “From their pe- culiar manner of holding the long bow horizontally in shooting.” Fig. 293. LIPAN. With the index and second fingers only extended and separated, hold the hand at arm’s length to the front of the left side; draw it back in distinet jerks; each time the hand rests draw the fin- gers back against the inside of the thumb, and when the hand is again started on the next move- ment backward snap the fingers to full length. This is repeated five or six times during the one movement of the hand. The country which the Lipans at one time occupied contained large ponds or lakes, and along the shores of these the reptile was found which gaye them this characteristic appellation. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche 111; Apache 111; Wi- chita Il.) “Frogs.” Fig. 294. Fie. 293. a Fic, 294, MANDAN. The first and second fingers of the right hand extended, separated, backs outward, other fingers and thumb closed, are drawn from the left shoulder obliquely downward in front of the body to the right hip. (Dakota I.) “The Mandan Indians are known to the Sioux as ‘The people who wear a searlet sash, with a train,’ in the manner above de-.. scribed.” MINITARI. See HIDATSA. NEz Percks. See SAHAPTIN. 472 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. OsIBWA, or CHIPPEWA. Right hand horizontal, back outward, fingers separated, arched, tips pointing inward, is moved from right to left breast and generally over the front of the body with a trembling motion and at the same time a slight outward or forward movement of the hand as though drawing something out of the body, and then make the sign for MAN, viz: The right-hand is held in front of the right breast with the forefinger ex- tended, straight upright (J), with the back of the hand outward; move the hand upward and downward with finger extended. (Dakota I.) ‘Perhaps the first Chippewa Indian seen by a Sioux had an eruption on his body, and from that his people were given the name of the ‘People with a breaking out,’ by which name the Chippewas have ever been known by the Sioux.” OSAGE, or WASAJI. : Pull at the eyebrows over the left eye with the thumb and forefinger of the left hand. This sign is also used by the Osages themselves. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo 1.) Hold the flat right hand, back forward, with the edge pointing back- ward, against the side of the head, then make repeated cuts, and the hand is moved backward toward the occiput. (aiowa 1; Comanche IIL; Apache 11; Wichitall.) ‘Former custom of shaving the hair from the sides of the head, leaving but an occipito-frontal ridge.” Pass the flat and extended right hand backward over the right side of the head, moving the index against the second finger in imitation of cutting with a pair of scissors. (Comanche Il.) ‘Represents the manner of removing the hair from the sides of the head, leaving a ridge only from the forehead to the occiput.” OUTAGAMI. See Fox. PANI (Pawnee). Imitate a wolf’s ears with the two forefingers of the right hand ex- tended together, upright, on the left side of the head. (Burton.) Place a hand on each side of the forehead, with two fingers pointing to the front to represent the narrow, sharp ears of the wolf. (Marcy in Prairie Traveler, p. 215.) Extend the index and second fingers of the right hand upward from the right side of the head. (Arapaho IL; Cheyenne V; Dakota VU, VIIL; Ponka Il; Pani l; Comanche I1.) Right hand, as (N), is passed from the back part of the right side of the head, forward seven or eight inches. (Dakota I.) “The Pani Indians are known as the Shaved-heads, i. e., leaving only the scalp locks on the head.” MALLERY.] OJIBWA—OSAGE—PANI—SAHAPTIN. 473 First and second fingers of right hand, straight upward and separated, remaining fingers and thumb closed (as in N), like the ears of a small wolf. (Dakota III.) Place the closed right hand to the side of the temple, palm forward leaving the index and second fingers extended and slightly separated, pointing upward. This is ordinarily used, though, to be more explicit, both hands may be used. (Kaiowal; Comanche II1; Ute 1; Apache II; Wichita Il.) For illustration see Fig. 336, facing page 531. PEND D’OREILLE, or CALISPEL. Make the motion of paddling a canoe. (Kutine I.) Both fists are held as if grasping a paddle vertically downward and working a canoe. Two strokes are made on each side of the body from the side backward. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) Fig. 295. PUEBLO. Place the clinched hand back of the occiput as if grasping the queue, then place both fists in front of the right shoulder, rotating them slightly to rep- resent a loose mass of an imaginary substance. Represents the large mass of hair tied back of the head. (Arap- aho IL; Cheyenne V.) Ren. See ARIKARA. SAC, or SAUKI. WCE Pass the extended palm of the right hand over the right side of the head from front to back, and the palm of the left hand in the same manner over the left side of the head. (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo 1.) “ Shaved-headed Indians.” SAHAPTIN, or NEZ PERCHES. The right index, back outward, passed from right to left under the nose. Piercing the nose to receive the ring. (Creel; Dakota 1.) Place the thumb and forefinger to the nostrils. (A utine I.) Close the right hand, leaving the index straight but flexed at right angles with the palm; pass it bhori- zontally to the left by and under the nose. (Comanchell.) ‘Pierced nose.” Fig. 296. This sigu is made by the Nez Percés for themselves, accord- ing to Major Haworth. Information was received from Arapaho and Cheyenne Indians, who visited Wash- Fic. 296. 474 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. ington in 1880, that this sign is also used to designate. the Caddos, who practiced the same custom of perforating the nasal septum. The same informants also state that the Shawnees are sometimes indicated by the same sign. Pass the extended index, pointing toward the left, remaining fingers and thumb closed, in front of and across the upper lip, just below the nose. The second finger is also sometimes extended. (Shoshoni and Banak 1.) “From the cuStom of piercing the noses for the reception of ornaments.” See p. 345 tor remarks upon the signs for Sahaptin. SATSIKA. See BLACKFEET. SELISH. See FLATHEAD. SHEEPEATER. See under SHOSHONT. SHAWNES. See remarks under SAHAPTIN. SHOSHONI, or SNAKE. The forefinger is extended horizontally and passed along forward in a serpentine line. (Long.) Right hand closed, palm down, placed in front of the right hip; ex- tend the index and push it diagonally toward the left front, rotating it quickly from side to side in doing so. (Absaroka I; Shoshoni and Banak 1.) “Snake.” Fig. 297. Right hand, horizontal, flat, palm down- ward (W), advanced to the front by a mo- tion to represent the crawling of a snake. (Dakota III.) With the right index pointing forward, the hand is to be moved forward about a TBS) SEL foot in a sinuous manner, to imitate the crawling of a snake. Also made by the Arapahos. (Dakota IV.) Place the closed right hand, palm down, in front of the right hip; ex- tend the index, and move it forward and toward the left, rotating the hand and finger from side to side in doing so. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche Il, LL; Apache 11; Wichita I1.) Make the motion of a serpent with the right finger. (Hutine I.) MALLERY.] SHOSHONI—TENNANAH—UTE. 475 Close the right hand, leaving the index only extended and pointing forward, palm to the left, then move it forward and fo the left. (Pai- Ute I.) Therotary motion of the hand does not occur in this description, which in this respect differs from the other authorities. , Sheepeater. Tukuarikai. Both hands, half closed, pass from the top of the ears backward, down- ward, and forward, in a curve, to represent a ram’s horns ; then, with the index only extended and curved, place the hand above and in front of the mouth, back toward the face, and pass it downward and backward several times. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) “Sheep,” and “to eat.” SIHASAPA. See under DAKOTA. Sioux. See DAKOTA. TENNANAH, Right hand hollowed, lifted to mouth, and describing waving line gradually descending from right to left; left hand describing mountain- ous outline, one peak rising above the other. (Kutchin I.) “ Moun- tain-river-men.” UTE. “They who live on mountains” have a complicated sign which denotes “living in mountains,” and is composed of the signs Str and Mount- AIN. (Burton.) Rub the back of the extended flat left hand with the extended fingers of the right, then touch some black object. Represents black skin. Although the same sign is generally used to signify negro, an addition is sometimes made as follows: place the index and second fingers to the hair on the right side of the head, and rub them against each other to signify curly hair. This addition is only made when the connection would cause a confusion between the “ black skin” Indian (Ute) and negro. (Arapaho IL; Cheyenne V.) Left hand horizontal, flat, palm downward, and with the fingers of the right hand brush the other toward the wrist. (Dakota III.) Place the flat and extended left hand at the height of the elbow before the body, pointing to the front and right, palm toward the ground; then pass the palmar surface of the flat and extended fingers of the right hand over the back of the left from near the wrist toward the tips of the fingers. (Kaiowa 1; Comanche Ill; Apache 11; Wichita ll.) ‘Those who use sinew for sewing, and for strengthening the bow.” Indicate the color black, then separate the thumbs and forefingers of both hands as far as possible, leaving the remaining fingers closed, and pass upward over the lower part of the legs. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) “ Black or dark leggings.” 476 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. WaASAJI. See OSAGE. WICHITA. Indicate a circle over the upper portion of the right cheek, with the index or several fingers of theright hand. The statement of the Indian authorities for the above is that years ago the Wichita women painted spiral lines on the breasts, starting at the nipple and extending several inches from it; but after an increase in modesty or a change in the upper garment, by which the breast ceased to be exposed, the cheek has been adopted as the locality for the sign. (Oreel ; Kaiowa1l; Comanche II1; Apache 11; Wichita II.) Extend the fingers and thumb of the right hand, semi-closed, and bring the hand toward the face nearly touching it, repeating this sev- eral times as if going through the motion of tattooing. The Comanches call the Wichitas “ Painted Faces”; Caddos call them “ Tattoed Faces,” both tribes using the same sign. (Comanche I.) WYANDOT. Pass the flat right hand from the top of the forehead backward over the head and downward and backward as far as the length of the arm. (Wyandot I.) ‘From the manner of wearing the hair.” PROPER NAMES. WASHINGTON, CITY OF. The sign for go by closing the hand (as in type position B 1) and bending the arm; the hand is then brought horizontally to the epigas- trium, after which both the hand and arm are suddenly extended; the sign for house or ‘lodge; the sign for cars, consisting of the sign for go and wagon, @. g., both arms are flexed at a right angle before the chest; the hands then assume type position (L) modified by the index being hooked and the middle finger partly opened and hooked similarly; the hands are held horizontally and rotated forward side by side to imitate two wheels, palms upward; and the sign for council as follows: The right arm is raised, flexed at elbow, and the hand brought to the mouth (in type position G 1, modified by being inverted), palm up, and the index being more open. The hand then passes from the mouth in jerks, opening and closing successively; then the right hand (in position S 1), horizontal, marks off divisions on the left arm extended. The sign for father is briefly executed by passing the open hand down and from the loins, then bringing it erect before the body ; then the sign for cars, making with the mouth the noise of an engine. The hands then raised before the eyes and approximated at points, as in the sign for lodge; then diverge to indicate extensive; this being fol- lowed by the sign for council. (Oto and Missouri I.) “The home of our father, where we go on the puffing wagon to council.” MALLERY. | WICHITA—w YANDOT—PROPER NAMES. ATT MIssourt RIVER. Make the sign for water by placing the right hand upright six or eight inches in front of the mouth, back outward, index and thumb crooked, and their ends about an inch apart, the other fingers nearly closed; then move it toward the mouth, and then downward nearly to the top of the breast-bone, at the same time turning the hand over to- ward the mouth until the little finger is uppermost; and the sign for large as follows: The opened right hands, palms facing, fingers re- laxed and slightly separated, being at the height of the breast and about two feet apart, separate them nearly to arm’s length; and then rapidly rotate the right hand from right to left several times, its back upward, fingers spread and pointing forward to show that it is stirred up or muddy. (Dakota LV.) EAGLE BULL, a Dakota chief. Place the clinched fists to either side of the head with the forefingers extended and curved, as in Fig. 298; then extend the left hand, flat, palm down, before the left side, fingers pointing forward; the outer edge of the flat and ex- tended right hand is then laid transversely across the back of the left hand, and slid forward over the fingers as in Fig. 299. (Dakota V1; Arikara I.) “Bull Fic. 299. Fic. 298, and eagle—‘ Haliaétus leucocephalus, (Linn.) Sav?” In the pieture-writ- ing of the Moquis, Fig. 300 represents the eagle’s tail as showing the difference of color which is indicated in the latter part of the above gesture. RhusHING BEAR, an Arikara chief. Place the right fist in front of the right side of the breast, palm down; extend and curve the thumb and little finger so that their tips point toward one another before the knuckles of the remaining closed fingers, then reach forward a short distance and Fic. 300. 478 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. pull toward the body several times rather quickly; suddenly push the fist, in this form, forward to arm’s length twice. (Dakota VI; Arikara I.) “Bear, and rushing.” SPoTTED TAIL, a Dakota chief. With the index only of the right hand extended, indicate a line or curve from the sacrum (or from the right buttock) downward, backward, and outward toward the right; then extend the left forefinger, pointing forward from the left side, and with the extended index draw imaginary lines transversely across the left forefinger. (Absaroka 1; Shoshoni I; Dakota V1, VIL; Arikaral.) ‘Tail, and spotted.” STUMBLING BEAR, a Kaiowa chief. Place the right fist in front of the right side of the breast, palm down; extend and curve the thumb and little finger so that their tips point toward one another before the knuckles of the remaining closed fingers; then place the left flat hand edgewise before the breast, pointing to the right; hold the right hand flat pointing down nearer the body; move it forward toward the left, so that the right-hand fingers strike the left palm and fall downward beyond the left. (Haiowal.) ‘Bear, and stumble or stumbling.” Swirrt RUNNER, a Dakota warrior. Place the right hand in front of the right side, palm down; close all the fingers excepting the index, which is slightly curved, pointing for- ward; then push the hand forward to arm’s length twice, very quickly. (Dakota VI; Arikara lI.) **Man running rapidly or swiftly.” WILD Horse, a Comanche chief. Place the extended and separated index and second fingers of the right hand astraddle the extended forefinger of the left hand. With the right hand loosely extended, held as high as and nearly at arm’s length before the shoulder, make several cuts downward and toward the left. (Comanche III.) ‘Horse, and prairie or wild.” MALLERY.J PROPER NAMES—PHRASES. 479 PHRASES. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES; SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. Close the right hand, leaving the thumb and index fully extended and separated ; place the index over the forehead so that the thumb points to the right, palm toward the face; then draw the index across the forehead toward the right; then elevate the extended index, point- ing upward before the shoulder or neck; pass it upward as high as the top of the head; make a short turn toward the front and pass it pointing downward toward the ground, to a point farther to the front and a little lower than at the beginning. (Absaroka 1; Dakota VI, VII; Shoshoni and Banak 1; Ute 1; Apache 1.) ‘‘ White man and chief.” Make the sign for white man (American), by passing the palmar sur- face of the extended index and thumb of the right hand across the fore- head from left to right, then that for chief, and conclude by making that for parent by collecting the fingers and thumb of the right hand nearly to a point and drawing them forward from the left breast. (Kaiowa I; Comanche IILl; Apache 11; Wichita II.) “White man; chief; father.” SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR. Draw the palmar side of the index across the forehead from left to right, resting the thumb upon the right temple, then make the sign for chief—the white chief, “‘Secretary ;” then make the sign for great lodge, council house, by making the sign for lodge, then placing both hands somewhat bent, palms facing, about ten inches apart, and passing them upward from the waist as high as the face. (Arikara 1.) WHERE IS YOUR MOTHER ? After placing the index into the mouth—mother, point the index at the individual addressed—your, then separate and extend the index and second fingers of the right hand; hold them, pointing forward, about twelve or fifteen inches before the face, and move them from side to side, eyes following the same direction—J see, then throw the flat right hand in a short curve outward to the right until the back points toward the ground—not, and look inquiringly at the individual addressed. (Ute I.) ‘Mother your I see not; where is she?” ARE YOU BRAVE? Point to the person and make sign for brave, at same time looking with an inquiring expression. (Absaroka 1; Shoshoni and Banak 1.) 480) SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. Bison, I HAVE SHOT A. Move the open left hand, palm to the front, toward the left and away from the body slowly (motion of the buffalo when chased). Move right hand on wrist as axis, rapidly (man on pony chasing buffalo); then ex- tend left hand to the left, draw right arm as if drawing a bow, snap the forefinger and middle finger of left hand, and thrust the right forefinger over the left hand. (Omaha 1.) GIVE ME SOMETHING TO EAT. Bring the thumb, index and second fingers to a point as if grasping a small object, the remaining fingers naturally extended, then place the hand just above the mouth and a few inches in front of it, and make repeated thrusts quickly toward the mouth several times; then place the naturally extended right hand nearly at arm’s length before the body, palm up, fingers point- ing toward the front and left, and make a short circular motion with the hand, as in Fig. 301, bringing the outer edge toward the body as far as the wrist will permit, throwing the hand for- ward again at a higher elevation. The motion being at the wrist only. (Absaroka 1; Dakota VII, VIIL; Comanche III.) Fic. 301. I WILL SEE YOU HERE AFTER NEXT YEAR. Raise the right hand above the head (J 2), palm to the front, all the fingers closed except the index, hand slanting a little to backward, then move forward and downward toward the person addressed, describing a curve. (Omaha 1.) YOU GAVE US MANY CLOTHES, BUT WE DON’T WANT THEM. Lean forward, and, holding the hands concavo-convex, draw them up over the limbs severally, then cross on the chest as wrapping a blanket. The arms are then extended before the body, with the hands in type- position (W), to a height indicating a large pile. The right hand then sweeps outward, showing a negative state of mind. The index of right hand finally touches the chest of the second party and approaches the body, in position (I), horizontal. (Oto and Missouri I.) ‘‘Something to put on that I don’t want from you.” QUESTION. See also this title in EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY. Hold the extended and flattened right hand, palm forward, at the height of the shoulder or face, and about fifteen inches from it, shaking the hand from side to side (at the wrist) as the arm is slightly raised, resembling the outline of an interrogation mark (?) made from below MALLERY, ] PHRASES—QUESTIONS. 481 upward. (Absaroka 1; Dakota V, VI, VIL; Hidatsa I; Kaiowa I; Ari- kara 1; Comanche I, II1; Pai-Ute 1; Shoshoni and Banak 1; Utel; Apache I, 11; Wichita I1.) What? What is it? First attract the person’s notice by the sign for attention, viz: The right hand (T) carried directly out in front of the body, with arm fully extended and there moved sidewise with rapid motions; and then the right hand, fingers extended, pointing forward or outward, fingers joined, horizontal, is carried outward, obliquely in front of the right breast, and there turned partially over and under several times. (Dakota I.) What are you doing?) What do you want? Throw the right hand about a foot from right to left several times, describing an arc with its convexity upward, palm inward, fingers slightly bent and separated, and pointing forward. (Dakota IV.) When ? With its index extended and pointing forward, back upward, rotate the right hand several times to the right and left, describing an are with the index. (Dakota IV.) What are you? i. e., What tribe do you belong to? Shake the upright open right hand four to eight inches from side to side a few times, from twelve to eighteen inches in front of the chin, the palm forward, fingers relaxed and a little separated. (Dakota IV.) It must be remarked that in the three preceding signs there is no essential difference, either between themselves or between them and the general ‘sign for QUESTION above given, which can be applied to the several special questions above mentioned. A similar remark may be made regarding several signs given below, which are printed in defer- ence to collaborators. Pass the right hand from left to right across the face. (Kutine I.) —— What do you want? The arm is drawn to front of chest and the hand in position (N 1), modified by palms being downward and hand horizontal. From the chest center the hand is then passed spirally forward toward the one addressed; the hand’s palm begins the spiral motion with a downward and ends in an upward aspect. (Oto I.) ‘To unwind or open.” ——— Whence come you? First the sign for you, viz: The hand open, held upward obliquely, and pointing forward; then the hand extended open and drawn to the breast, and lastly the sign for bringing, as follows: The hand half shut, with the thumb pressing against the forefinger, being first mod- 31 AE 482 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. erately extended either to the right or left, is brought with a moderate jerk to the opposite side, as if something was pulled along by the hand. (Dunbar.) Who are you? or what is your name? The right or left hand approximates close to center of the body; the arm is flexed and hand in position (D), or a little more closed. From inception of sign near center of body the hand slowly describes the are of a quadrant, and fingers unfold as the hand recedes. We think the proper intention is for the inception of sign to be located at the heart, but it is seldom truly, anatomically thus located. (Oto I.) ‘To unfold one’s self or make known.” — Are you through? With arms hanging at the side and forearms horizontal, place the fists near each other in front of body; then with a quick motion separate them as though breaking something asunder. (Sahaptin 1.) Do you know ? Shake the right hand in front of the face, a little to the right, the whole arm elevated so as to throw the hand even with the face, and the forearm standing almost perpendicular. Principal motion with hand, slight motion of forearm, palm out. (Sahaptin 1.) ——— How far is it? Sign for Do you KNow? followed with a precise movement throwing right hand (palm toward face) to a position as far from body as con- venient, signifying far; then with the same quick, precise motion, bring the hand to a position near the face—near. (Sahaptin 1.) ‘ —— How will you go—horseback or in wagon? First make the sign for Do you KNow? then throw right hand for- ward—“go or going; then throw fore and middle fingers of right astride the forefinger of the left hand, signifying, will youride?; then swing the forefingers of each hand around each other, sign of wheel running, signifying, or will you goin wagon? (Sahaptin I.) How many ? After making the sign for question, ‘ touch the tips of as many of the extended and separated fingers of the left hand held in front of the body upright, with back outward, with the right index as may be necessary. (Dakota lI.) “Count them off to me—how many ?” Place the left hand carelessly before the breast, fingers extended and slightly separated, back to the front, MALLELY. ] PHRASES—QUESTIONS. 483 then count off a few with the extended index, by laying down the fin- gers of the left, beginning at the little finger, as in Fig. 302. In asking the question, the sign for question must precede the sign for many, the lat- ter being also accompanied by a look of interrogation. (Shoshoni and Banak I.) Has he? Deaf-mute natural sign: Move to and fro the finger several times toward the person spoken of (Larson.) Have you? Deaf-mute natural sign : Move the finger to and fro several times toward the person to whom the one is speaking. (Larson.) Are you? Deaf-mute natural signs ; Point to the person spoken to and slightly nod the head, with an in- quiring look. (Ballard.) Point with the forefinger, as if to point toward the second person, at the same time nod the head as if to say “‘yes.” (Ziegier.) The following was obtained at Washington during the winter of 1880~81 from Ta-ta"-ka Wa-ka®™ (Medicine Bull), a Brulé Dakota chief, by Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN. I AM GOING HOME IN TWO DAYS. (1) Place the flat hands in front of and as high as the elbows, palms down, pass each hand across to the opposite side of the body, the right above the left crossing near the wrist at the termination of the gesture (night), repeat in quick succession—nights, (2) elevate the extended in- dex and second finger of the right hand, backs to the front—tvwo, (3) place the tips of the extended and joined fingers of the right hand against the breast—ZJ, (4) alter touching the breast as in the preceding, pass the extended index from the breast, pointing downward, forward nearly to arm’s length, and terminating by holding the hand but continuing the motion of the index until it points forward and upward—aim going to, (5) throw the clinched right fist about six inches toward the earth at arm’s length after the completion of the preceding gesture—my home. ANALYSIS. Ha*-he’-pi no®-pa mi’-ye ti-ya’-ta wa-gle’-kta. (1) (2) (3) (5) 4 _nights two I my home am going to. It will be noticed that the gesture No. 4, ‘‘am going to,” was made be- fore the gesture No. 5, “my home,” although the Dakota words pro- nounced were in the reverse order, showing a difference in the syntax of the gestures and of the oral speech in thisinstance. The other gestures, 1, 2, and 3, had been made deliberately, the Dakota word translating 484 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. each being in obvious connection with the several gestures, but the two final words were pronounced rapidly together as if they could not in the mind of the gesturer be applied separately to the reversed order of the signs for them. The same authority obtained the above sentence in Ponka and Pani, together with the following signs for it, from individuals of those tribes. Those signs agreed between each other, but differed from the Dakota, as will be observed, in the signs to my house, as signifying to my home. (1) Touch the breast with the tips of the extended fingers—I. This precedes the signs for Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5, which correspond to Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 of the Dakota; then follows: (6) place the tips of the ex- tended fingers of the flat hands together, leaving the wrists about six inches apart—lodge, (7) and conclude by placing the clinched fists nearly at arm’s length before the body, the right several inches above the left, then throw them toward the ground—about six or eight inches— the fists retaining their relative positions—my, mine. ANALYSIS. The following is the Ponka sentence as given by the gesturer in con- nection with the several gestures as made: Seue | Na®’-ba | jae xi | a-g¢e! | ta min’/-ke | qi wi'-wi-a té/-qa, (1) (3) (2) (4) (5) (6) (7) The following is the full sentence as spoken by Ponkas without regard to gesture, and its literal translation: Na®’-ba | ja® yp a-g¢e! ta’ | min’-ke 4i wi'-wi-ya | te’-ga ze Two | night, if, | [gohome-| will} I who | lodge | my own the, to. sleep | when ward one, standing object, The Pani gestures were given with the accompanying words, viz: Pit’ ku-rét’ | ka/-ha | wi | ta-tukh’-ta | a-ka/-ru | ru-rét/-i-ru. (1) (3) (2) | (4) (5). (6) (7) I | (In) two | nights} I | am going | house to my. The orthography in the above sentences, as in others where the origi- nal text is given (excepting the Dakota and Ojibwa), is that adopted by Maj. J. W. POWELL in the second edition of the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages. Washington, 1880. The characters more particu- larly requiring explanation are the following, viz: ¢, as th in then, though. Rh, as ng in sing, singer ; Sp. luengo. y, an intermediate sound between k and g in gig. kh, as the German ch, in nacht. 4, an intermediate sound betwen ¢ and d. Nasalized vowels are written with a superior n, thus: a”, e°. The following phrases were obtained by the same authority from Anto- nito, son of Antonio Azul, chief of the Pimas in Arizona. MALLERY.) COMPARATIVE SYNTAX. 485 I Am HUNGRY, GIVE ME SOMETHING TO EAT. (1) Touch the breast with the tips of the extended fingers of the right hand-—ZJ, (2) place the outer edge of the flat and extended right hand against the pit of the stomach, palm upward, then make a sawing mo- tion from side to side with the hand—hunger, (3) place the right hand before the face, back upward, and fingers pointing toward the mouth, then thrust the fingers rapidly to and from the mouth several times— eat. ANALYSIS. A®-an’-t | pi-hu-ki’um | ..----. (1) (2) (3) I (have) hunger eat. The last sign is so intimately connected with that for hunger, that no translation can be made. GIVE ME A DRINK OF WATER. (1) Place the tips of the index and thumb together, the remaining fingers curved, forming a cup, then pass it from a point abont six inches before the chin, in a curve upward, backward and downward past the mouth—zwater, (2) then place the flat right hand at the height of the elbow in front of or slightly to the right of the body, palm up, and in passing it slowly from left to right, give the hand a lateral motion at the wrist—give me. ANALYSIS, Shu’-wu-to | do/-i’. (1) (2) water giveme. The following was also obtained by Dr. W. J. HorrMAN from Ta-ta"-ka Wa-ka", before referred to, at the time of his visit to Wash- ington. I AM GOING HOME. (1) Touch the breast with the extended index—J, (2) then pass it in a downward curve, outward and upward toward the right nearly to arm’s length, as high as the shoulder—am going (to), (8) and when at that point sud- Fic. 303. denly clinch the hand and throw it edgewise a short distance toward the ground—my country, my home. Fig 303. ANALYSIS, Ma-ko/-ce mi-ta/-wa kin e-kta/ wa-gle’ kta. (3) (2) (1) Country || myown || the == || to || Igo home || — will. 486 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. DIALOGUES. TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE. The following conversation took place at Washington in April, 1880, between TENDOY, chief of the Shoshoni and Banak Indians of Idaho, and HUERITO, one of the Apache chiefs from New Mexico, in the pres- ence of Dr. W. J. Horrman. Neither of these Indians spoke any lan- guage known to the other, or had ever met or heard of one another be- fore that occasion : Huerito.—WHO ARE You? Place the flat and extended right hand, palm forward,abouttwelve inches infrontof and as high as the shoulder, then shake the hand from side to side as it is moved forward and upward— question, who are you? Fig. 304. Fie. 304, Tendoy.—SHOSHONI CHIEF. Place the closed right hand near the right hip, leaving the index only extended, palm down; then pass the hand toward the front and left, rotating it from side to side—Shoshoni, Fig. 305; then place the closed hand, with the index extended and pointing upward, near the right cheek, pass it upward as high as the head, then turn it forward and downward toward the ground, terminating with the movement a little below the initial point—chief. Fig. 306. Huerito— How OLD ARE you? Clinch both hands and cross the forearms before the breast with a trembling motion—cold—winter, year, Fig. 307; then elevate the left MALLERY. TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE 487 hand as high as the neck and about twelve or fifteen inches before it, palm toward the face, with fingers extended and pointing upward ; then, with the index, turn down one finger after another slowly, beginning at the little finger, until three or four are folded against the palm, and look inquiringly at the person addressed—how many? See Fig. 302. Fic. 307. Tendoy.— VIF TY-SIXx. Close and extend the fingers and thumbs of both hands, with the palms forward, five times—jifty; then ex- tend the fingers and thumb of the left Fic. 308. Fic, 309, hand, close the right, and place the extended thumb alongside of and near the left thumb—sixv. Fig. 308. Huerito.— VERY WELL. ARE THERE ANY BUFFALO IN YOUR COUNTRY ? Place the flat right hand, pointing to the left, with the palm down, against the breast-bone; then move it forward and slightly to the right and in an upward curve; make the gesture rather slow and nearly to arm’s length (otherwise, i. ¢., if made hastily and but a short distance, 488 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. it would only mean good)—very good, Fig. 309; place both closed hands to their respective sides of the head, palms toward the hair, leaving the forefingers curved—buffalo, see Fig. 298, p. 477; then reach out the fist to arm’s length toward the west, and throw it forciby toward the ground for a distance of about six inches, edge downward—country, away to the west ; then point the curved index rather quickly and carelessly toward the person addressed—your. Tendoy.— YES ; MANY BLACK BUFFALO. Pass the closed right hand, with the index partly flexed, to a position about eight inches before the right collar-bone, and, as the hand reaches that elevation, quickly close the index—yes ; then inake the same sign as in the preceding question for buffalo; touch the hair on the right side of the head with the palms of the extended fingers of the right hand—black ; spread the curved fingers and thumbs of both hands, place them before either thigh, pointing down- ward; then draw them toward one another and upward as high as the stomach, so that the fin- gers will point toward one an- other, or may be interlaced—many. Fig. 310. Fie. 310. Tendoy.—D1D YOU HEAR ANYTHING FROM THE SECRETARY? IF SO, TELL ME. Clese the right hand, leaving the index and thumb widely separated, pass it by the ear from the back of the ear downward and toward the chin, palm toward the head— hear, see Fig. 316, p. 492; point to the individual addressed—you ; close the hand again, leaving the index and thumb separated as in the sign for hear and placing the palmar surface of the finger horizontally across the forehead, pointing to the left, allow the thumb to rest against the right temple; then draw the index across the forehead from left to right, leaving the thumb touch- WEES ing the head—white man ; then place the closed hand, with elevated in MALLERY. | TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE. 489 dex, before theright side of theneck or in front of the top of the shoulder; pass the index, pointing upward, as high as the top of the head; turn it forward and downward as far as the breast—chief ; pass the extended index, pointing upward and forward, forward from the mouth twice—talk ; then openand flatten the hand, palm up, outer edge toward the face, place it about fifteen inches in front of the chin, and draw it horizontally in- ward until the hand nearly touches the neck—tell me. Huerito.—HE TOLD ME THAT IN FOUR DAYS I WOULD GO TO MY COUNTRY. Close the right hand, leaving the index curved; place it about six inches from the ear and move it in toward the external meatus—told me, hear, I heard, Fig. 311; with the right hand still closed, form a circle with the index and thumb by allowing their tips to touch; pass the hand from east to west at arm’s length—day; place the left hand before the breast, the fingers extended, and the thumb resting against the palm, back forward, and, with the index, turn down one finger after another, beginning at the little finger—four ; touch the breast with the tips of the finger and thumb of the left hand collected to a point—J ; drop the hand a short distance and move it forward to arm’s length and slightly upward until it points above the horizon—go to*; then as the arm is extended, throw the fist edgewise toward the ground—my country. Tendoy.—_IN TWO DAYS I GO TO MY COUNTRY JUST AS YOU GO TO YOURS. I GO TO MINE WHERE THERE IS A GREAT DEAL OF SNOW, AND WE SHALL SEE EACH OTHER NO MORE. Place the flat hands horizontally, about two feet apart, move them quickly in an upward curve toward one another until the right lies LE Fic. 312. Fie. 313. across the left—night, Fig. 312, repeat this sign—two nights (literally two sleeps hence); point toward the individual addressed with the right 490 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. hand—you; and in a continuous movement pass the hand to the right, i. e., toward the south, nearly to arm’s length—go; then throw the fist edgewise toward the ground at that distance—your country ; then touch the breast with the tips of the fingers of the left hand—/; move the hand off slowly toward the left, 7. e., toward the north to arm’s length— go to*; and throw the clinched hand toward the ground—my country ; then hold both hands toward the left as high as the head, palms down, with fingers and thumbs pendent and separated; move them toward the ground two or three times—rain, Fig. 315; then place the flat hands j horizontally to the left of the body about two feet from the ground—deep ; (liter- ally, deep rain) snow—and raise them until about three feet from the ground— very deep—much; place the hands be- forethe body about twelve inches apart, palms down, with forefingers only ex- tended and pointing toward one an- other; push them toward and from oue another several times—see each B other, Fig. 314; then hold the flat right hand in front of the breast, pointing forward, palm to the left, and throw it over on its back toward the right—not, no more. Fria. 314. EXPLANATORY NoTE.—Where the asterisks appear in the above dia- logue the preposition ¢o is included in the gesture. After touching the breast for J, the slow movement forward signifies going to, and country is signified by locating it at arm’s length toward the west, to the left of the gesturer, as the stopping-place, also possession by the clinched fist being directed toward the ground. It isthe same as for my or mine, though made before the body in the latter signs. The direction of Tendoy’s hands, first to the south and afterwards to the north, was understood not as pointing to the exact locality of the two parts of the country, but to the difference in their respective climates. OMAHA COLLOQUY. The following is contributed by Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY: Question. FROM WHAT QUARTER IS THE WIND? Raise the curved right hand, palm in, in front of the left shoulder. Draw in toward the body a little, then from the body several times in different directions. Answer. FROM THAT QUARTER. Hand as above; draw in towards the body once, and farther with emphasis, according to the direction of the wind. MALLERY.] OMAHA AND BRULE DAKOTA COLLOQUIES. A491 BRULE DAKOTA COLLOQUY. The following signs, forming a question and answer, were obtained by Dr. W. J. HorrmMan, from Ta-ta"-ka Wa-ka" (Medicine Bull), a Brulé Dakota chief who visited Washington during the winter of 1880—81 : Question. WWE WENT TO THE DEPARTMENT |OF THE INTERIOR], SHOOK HANDS WITH THE SECRETARY AND HAD A CONVERSATION WITH HIM, DID YOU HEAR OF IT? (1) Extend and separate the thumb and index, leaving the remaining fingers closed, place the ball of the thumb against the temple above the outer corner of the eye, and the index across the forehead, the tip rest- ing on the left temple, then draw the index across to the right until its tip touches the thumb—white man, Fig. 315; (2) Elevate the extended index before the shoulder, palm forward, pass it upward, as high as the head, and forming a short curve to the front, then downward again slightly to the front to before the breast and about fifteen inches from it—chief; (3) Fingers of both hands extended and separated; then in- terlace them so that the tips of the fingers of one hand protrude beyond the backs of those of the opposing one; hold the hands in front of the breast, pointing upward, leaving 2 the wrists about six inches apart— Fic. 315. lodge; (4) Place the left hand a short distance before the breast, palm down and slightly arched, fingers directed toward the right and front, then pass the flat and extended right hand forward, under and beyond the left, forming a downward curye, the right hand being as high as the left at the commencement and termination of the gesture—enter, en- tered ; (5) Clasp the hands before the body, left uppermost—shook hands, Jriendly; (6) Place the flat right hand before the chin, palm up with fingers directed to the left, then pass the hand forward several times— talk, talked to him; (7) Reverse this motion, beginning away from the body, drawing the hand edgewise toward the chin several times—talked to me; (8) Separate the extended thumb and index as far as possible, leaving the remaining fingers closed, place the hand about six inches opposite the right ear, palm toward the head, then pass it in a curve forward and downward, terminating at the height of the elbow—hear, heard; (9) then in a continuous movement direct the extended index at the individual addressed, the face expressing a look of inquiry—you. 492 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. ANALYSIS. = Wa-si/-cu" i-ta™ca” ti-el’ ti’-ma-hel unk-i’-pi na ee Tl @) | 3) eal (4) White man | chief | lodge in | lodge within | we were at that place | and || na/-pe-u"-za-pi na ki-ci wo-un-gla-ka-pi kin | 5 | Gia) hand we hold it, | and | to each other | ” We talk | the take hold of thing na-ya-ho®-hu-o (8, 9) you hear it? It will be observed that the interrogation point is placed under the last syllable, hu-o, the latter implying a question, though the gesture was not made to accompany it, the gestures for hear and you, with a look of inquiry, being deemed sufficient to express the desire on the part of the speaker. Answer. YES, | HEARD OF IT, BUT DID NOT SEE IT. (1) Hold the naturally closed ~ hand before the right side of the breast or shoulder, leaving thein- dex and thumb loosely extended, then, as the hand is thrown down- ward and forward, bring the in- dex against the inner side of the thumb—yes. (2) Repeat gesture No. 8—heard, Fig. 316; (3) pass TONE ke the extended index forward from the right eye—saw; (4) then in a continuous motion extend all the fingers so as to place the flat hand edgewise, and pointing forward about twelve inches before the right side of the breast, and throw it outward and slightly downward—no, not. ANALYSIS. Ha-u, na-wa/-ho" tka wa"-mla/-ke Sni (1) (2) (3). (4) Yes, I heard (but) I saw it. not. DIALOGUE BETWEEN ALASKAN INDIANS. The following introductory notes are ftirnished by Mr. lvAN PETROFF, who contributes the Dialogue: It has been repeatedly stated that among the natives of Alaska no trace of gesture or sign language can be found. ‘The universal spread MALLERY.] DIALOGUE BETWEEN ALASKAN INDIANS. 493 of the Russian language in former times as a medium of trade and gen- eral intercourse has certainly prevented observations of this primitive linguistic feature in all the vast regions visited by the Russians. On the other hand, the homogeneous elements of the Innuit tongue, spoken along the whole seacoast from the Arctic to the Alaskan Peninsula, and the Island of Kadiak, has, toa great extent, abolished all causes for the employment of sign language between tribes in their mutual intercourse. Basing their opinions upon what they saw while touching upon the coast here and there, even the acknowledged authorities on Alaskan matters have declared that sign language did not and could not exist in all that country. Without entering into any lengthened dispute upon this ques- tion, I venture to present in the subjoined pages a succinct account of at least one instance where I saw natives of different tribes converse with each other only by means of signs and gestures within the bounda- ries of Alaska. In the month of September, 1866, there arrived on the Lower Kinnik River, a stream emptying its waters into Cook’s Inlet, two Indians from a distant region, who did not speak the Kenaitzelanguage. The people of the settlement at which the strangers inade their first appearance were equally ata loss to understand the visitors. At last a chief of great age, bearing the name of Chatidoolts (mentioned by Vancouver as a youth), was found to be able to interpret some of the signs made by the strangers, and after a little practice he entered into a continued conversation with them in rather a roundabout way, being himself blind. He informed me that it was the second or third time within his recollection that strangers like those then present had come to Kinnik from the northeast, but that in his youth he had frequently “talked with his hands” to their visitors from the west and east. He also told me that he had acquired this art from his father, who, as the old man expressed himself, had ‘seen every country, and spoken to all the tribes of the earth.” The conversation was carried on with the help of the old man’s sons, who described to their blind parent the gestures of the strangers, and were instructed in turn by him with what gestures to reply. This being an entirely new experience to me I at once proceeded to carefully make notes of the desultory talk, extending over several days. My object, primarily, was to make use of the signs for purposes of trade in the future. The notes thus obtained contain a narrative of the two strangers, in- terpreted to me at the time by Chatidoolts. I shall present each sign or sentence as I noted it at the time, with only casual reference to that incomplete and frequently erroneous interpretation. The two Indians wore the pointed hunting shirt of tanned moose-skin, ornamented with beads and fringes which is still common to the Kutchin tribes. They were not tattooed, but ears and noses were encumbered with pendants of dentalium and a small red glass bead. Their feet were 494 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. clothed in moccasins. One of them had a rifle of English manufacture, and his companion carried two huge knives, one of them of copper evi- dently of native manufacture. (1) Kenaitze—Left hand raised to height of eye, palm outward, moved several times from right to left rapidly; fingers extended and closed ; pointing to strangers with left hand. Right hand describes a curve from north to east— Which of the northeastern tribes is yours? (2) Tennanah.—Right hand, hollowed, lifted to mouth, then extended and describing waving line gradually descending from right toleft. Left hand describing mountainous outline, apparently one peak rising above the other, said by Chatidoolts to mean—Tenan-tnu-kohtana, Mountain- river-men. (3) K.—Left hand raised to height of eye, palm outward, moved from right to left, fingers extended. Left index describes curve from east to west. Outline of mountain and river as in preceding sign—How many days from Mountain-river ? (4) 7.—Right hand raised toward sky, index and thumb forming first crescent and then ring. This repeated three times—moon, new and full three times. (5) Right hand raised, palm to front, index raised and lowered at reg- ular intervals—walked. Both hands imitating paddling of canoe, alter- nately right and left—traveled three months on foot and by canoe. (6) Both arms crossed over breast, simulating shivering—cold, winter. (7) Right index pointing toward speaker—J/. Left hand pointing to the west—traveled westward. (8) Right hand lifted cup-shaped to mouth—water. Right hand de- scribing waving line from right to left gradually descending, pointing to the west—river running westward. (9) Right hand gradually pushed forward, palm upward, from height of breast. Left hand shading eyes; looking at great distance—very wide. (10) Left and right hands put together in shape of sloping shelter— lodge, camp. See Vig. 259, on p. 431. (11) Both hands lifted, height of eye, palm inward, fingers spread— many times. (12) Both hands closed, palm outward, height of hips—surprised. (13) Index pointing from eye forward—see. (14) Right hand held up, height of shoulder, three fingers extended, left hand pointing to me—three white men. (15) K.—Right hand pointing to me, left hand held up, three fingers extended—three white men. (16) Making Russian sign of cross—Russians. Were the three white men Russians ? (17) 7.—Left hand raised, palm inward, two fingers extended, sign of cross with right—two Russians. (18) Right hand extended, height of eye, palm outward, moved out- ward a little to right—no. MALLERY.] DIALOGUE BETWEEN ALASKAN INDIANS. 495 (19) One finger of left hand raised—one. (20) Sign of cross with right—Russian. (21) Right hand height of eye, fingers closed and extended, palm out- ward a little to right—no. (22) Right hand carried across chest, hand extended, palm upward, fingers and thumb closed as if holding-something. Left hand in same position carried across the right, palm downward—trade. (23) Left hand upholding one finger, right pointing to me—one white man. : (24) Right hand held horizontally, palm downward, about four feet from ground—small. (25) Forming rings before eyes with index and thumb—eye-glasses. (26) Right hand clinched, palm upward, in front of chest, thumb pointing inward—gave one. ‘ (27) Forming cup with right hand, similating drinking—drink. (28) Right hand grasping chest repeatedly, fingers curved and spread— strong. , (29) Both hands pressed to temple and head moved from side to side—drunk, headache. (30) Both index fingers placed together, extended, pointing forward— together. (31) Fingers interlaced repeatedly—build. (32) Left hand extended, fingers closed, pointing outward (vertically), right hand extended, fingers closed, placed slopingly against left— camp. (33) Both wrists placed against temples, hands curved upward and outward, fingers spread—horns. (34) Both hands horizontally lifted to height of shoulder, right arm extended gradually full length to the right, hand drooping a little at the end—long back, moose. (35) Both hands upright, palm outward, fingers extended and spread, placing one before the other alternately—trees, forest, dense forest. (36) Sign of cross—Russian. (87) Motions of shooting a gun—shot. (38) Sign for moose (Nos. 33, 34), showing two fingers of left hand— two. (39) Sign for camp as before (No. 10) camp. (40) Right hand describing curve from east to west, twice—two days. (41) Left hand lifted height of mouth, back outward, fingers closed as if holding something; right hand simulating motion of tearing off and placing in mouth—eating moose meat. (42) Right hand placed horizontally against heart, fingers closed, moved forward a little and raised a little several times—glad at heart. (43) Fingers of left hand and index of right hand extended and placed together horizontally, pointing forward, height of chest. Hands sep- arated, right pointing eastward and left westward—three men and speaker parted, going west and eust. 496 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. (44) Pressing both arms against chest and shivering—very cold. (45) Drawing index of each hand around corresponding legs below the knee—deep snow. (46) Drawing imaginary line with index of right hand across each foot, just behind the toes—snovw shoes. (47) Head lowered to right side into palm of hand three times—slept three times. (48) Sign for camp, as before (No. 10)—camp. (49) Pointing to speaker—Z. (50) Fingers of right hand extended and joined and pointed forward from mouth, left hand lowered horizontally to a foot from the ground —fou. (51) Left hand raised height of eye, back to the left, fingers closed, with exception of middle finger held upright; then middle finger sud- denly ciosed—trap. (52) Both hands lifted height of eye, palm inward, fingers spread—many. (53) Right hand pointing to speaker—Z. (54) Sign for trap (No. 51), as above—trap. (55) Right hand lowered to within a few inches of the ground and moved from left to right about two feet. Motions of both hands descrip- tive of playful jumping of marten around a tree or stump—marten. (56) Holding up the fingers of both hands three times until aggre- gating thirty—thirty. (57) Left forearm held up vertically, palm to front, fingers spread—tree. (58) Motion of chopping with hatchet—cut. (59) Driving invisible wedge around small circle—peeling birch bark. (60) Right hand, fingers extended and joined, moved slowly from left to right horizontally while blowing upon it with mouth—pitching seams of canoe. (61) Motions of using paddle very vigorously—paddle up stream. (62) Lifting both arms above head on respective sides, hands closed as if grasping something and lifting the body—poling canoe. (63) Sign for moon (No. 4), (crescent and ring) once—one month. (64) Right hand vertically, height of chest, palm to left, fingers extended, closed. Left hand horizontally, palm downward, pushed against right—stopped. (65) Right hand, index extended, drawing outline of mountains, one above other—high mountains. (66) Left hand lifted to left shoulder, back to front, fingers bent and closed. Right hand, fingers bent and closed, placed over left and then slowly drawn across chest to right shoulder. Motion with both hands as if adjusting pack—pack, knapsack. (67) Sign for water as before (No. 8). Both hands brought forward, palms down, arms passed outward horizontally to respective sides, palms down—lake. Both hands describing circular line backward until touch- ing collar bone—big and deep. MALLERY.] DIALOGUE BETWEEN ALASKAN INDIANS. 497 (68) Left hand raised slightly about height of nipple, three fingers closed ; index and thumb holding tip of index of right hand. Both hands moved across chest from left to right—beaver.* (69) Previous sign for many (No. 52) repeated several times—very plentiful. (70) Both hands held up with fingers spread, palm forward, twice and left hand once—height of eye—twenty-five. (71) Pointing to himself—J. : (72) Sign for trap as before (No. 51)—trapped. (73) Sign for temporary shelter (No. 10)—camped. (74) Sign for new and full moon (No. 4), once—one month. (75) Right hand passed slowly over the hair and chin. Left hand touching a pendant of white beads—old man. (76) Index of right hand held up—one. (77) Both hands partially closed and placed against breast, back of hands to front, a few inches apart—women. (78) Index and middle finger of right hand held up, palm forward ; eyes directed as if counting—two. (79) Sign for trap as before (No. 51)—trapping. (80) Left forearm vertically in front of chest, palm of hand to front, fingers spread, elbow resting upon the back of the right hand—tree. (81) Arms and hands spanning imaginary tree of some size—big. (82) Sign for tree as before (No. 57), left forearm suddenly brought down across extended right hand—fell. (83) Right hand laid on top of head, then passed over the hair and chin, left hand touching white beads—on the head of the old man. (84) Sign for old man as before (No. 75)—old man. (85) Closing both eyes with fore and middle finger of right hand ; both hands placed side by side, horizontally, palms downward, fingers extended and united, hands separated by slow horizontal movement to right and left—dead. (86) Sign for women as before (No. 77)—women. (87) Fingers of both handsinterlaced atright angles several times—Dwilt. (88) Sign for lodge as before (No. 10)—lodge.t (89) Right index describing circle around the head, height of eye (cutting hair). Right hand passed over forehead and face. Left index pointing to black seabbard (blacking faces)—mourning. (90) Index and middle finger of right hand passed from eyes down- ward across cheeks—veeping. (91) Pointing to himself—T. (92) Make the signs for shoot (Nos.33,34), and moose (No.37)—shot a moose. (93) Left hand extended horizoutally, palm upward, right hand placed across left vertically, about the middle—divided in two. (94) Right hand closed, palm downward, moved forward from right breast the length of the arm and then opened—T gave. 32 AB 498 £IGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. (95) Sign for women (No. 77)—to women. (96) Right hand, palm down, pointing to left, placed horizontally before heart and cients raised several uci? and glad. (97) Pointing to his companion—he. (98) Motion of paddling—in canoe. (99) Right arm and hand extended in N. EH. direction, gradually curved back until index touches speaker—came to me from the northeast. (100) Sign for together as above (No. 30)—together. (101) Motion of paddling—paddled. (102) Pointing to ground—to this place. (103) K. Motion of drinking water out of hand—vater. (104) Teenie circle with right index on palm of left hand extended horizontally—lake. (105) Left hand raised to height of eye, palm to front, fingers leaning Slightly backward. Fingers of left hand closed alternately—how many ? (106) 7. Holding up right hand back to front, showing four fingers, eyes looking at them as if counting—four. (107) Sign for packing with wooden breast-brace as above; three fingers of right hand shown as above—three portages. (108) K. Right hand pointing to gun of stranger—gun. Left hand raised height of eye, palm to front, and moved rapidly several times to right and left—interrogation. (109) Sign for trade as before (No. 22)—trade; i. e., where did you buy the gun? (110) 7. Sign for Mouwntain-river as above (No. 2). Pointing east- ward—from the eastward. (111) Pointing to sun and then raising both hands, backs to front, fingers spread—ten days. (112) Pointing to me—white man. (113) Left hand held up vertically, palm outward, fingers joined. Right index placed horizontally across fingers of left hand in front, about the middle joint—pallisaded. (114) Describing square with right index on flat palm of left hand— building. (115) Pointing to his gun, powder-horn, blanket, and beads—trading goods. (116) Both hands horizontal, brought forward and upward from chest and then downward—plenty. * Chatidoolts explained this to his sons as well as to me, saying that the mountain men hada peculiar mode of catching beavers with long sticks. }They never occupy a house in which one of the other Indians died. In giving this narrative I have observed the original sequence, but there were frequent interruptions, caused by consultation between Chati- doolts and his sons, and before the strangers departed again they had obtained a knowledge of some words of the Kenaitze language. MALLERY.] ALASKAN AND OJIBWA DIALOGUES. 499 OJIBWA DIALOGUE. [Communicated by the Very Rey. EDWARD JACKER. ] The following short dialogue forms part of the scanty tradition the civilized Ojibwas possess regarding their ancestors’ sign language: Two Indians of different tongue meet on a journey. First Indian points to second Indian with the outstretched forefinger of the right hand, bringing it within a few inches of his breast; next he extends both forearms horizontally, clinches all but the forefingers, and bends the hands inward; then he brings them slowly and in a straight line together, until the tips of the outstretched forefingers meet. This gest- ure is accompanied with a look of inquiry— You met somebody ? Second Indian, facing the south, points to the east, and with the out- stretched hand forms a half-circle from east to west (corresponding to the the daily course of thesun ); thenheraises the arm and points to a certain height above the southern horizon. Then the sign for meeting (as above) may be made, or omitted. After this he bends the right hand downward, and repeatedly moves the outstretched forefinger and middle finger in op- posite directions (in imitation of the motion of the legsin the act of walking). Finally he raises the right hand and stretches up the forefinger (or sev- eral fingers). To-day, when the sun stood at such a height, I met one (or several) persons traveling on foot. If the travelers met were on horseback he makes the sign for horse as described by (Dakota III), see EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY, or the identical one for going given by (Ojibwa I), which is as follows: To describe a journey on horsebaék the first two fingers of the right hand are placed astride of the forefinger of the left hand, and both represent the galloping movement of a horse. If it is a foot journey, wave the two fingers several times through the air. 500 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. NARRATIVES. The following, which is presented as a good descriptive model, was obtained by Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN, of the Bureau of Ethnology, from Natci, a Pai-Ute chief connected with the delegation of that tribe to Washington in January, 1880, and refers to an expedition made by him by direction of his father, Winnimukka, Head Chief of the Pai-Utes, to the northern camp of his tribe, partly for the purpose of preventing the hostile outbreak of the Banaks which occurred in 1878, and more particularly to prevent those Pai-Utes from being drawn into any diffi- culty with the United States by being leagued with the Banaks. NATCIPS NARRATIVE. (1) Close the right hand, leaving the index extended, pointed west- ward at arm’s length a little above the horizon, head thrown back with the eyes partly closed and following the direction—Away to the west, (2) indicate a large circle on the ground with the forefinger of the right hand pointing downward—place (locative), (3) the tips of the spread fingers of both hands placed against one another, pointing upward be- fore the body, leaving a space of four or five inches between the wrists —house (brush tent or wik’-i-up), see Fig. 257, p. 431, (4) with the right hand closed, index extended or slightly bent, tap the breast several times—mine. (5) Draw an imaginary line, with the right index toward the ground, from some distance in front of the body to a position nearer to it—from there I came, (6) indicate a spot on the ground by quickly raising and depressing the right hand with the index pointing down- ward—to a stopping place, (7) grasp the forelock with the right hand, palm to the forehead, and raise it about six inches, still holding the hair upward—the chief of the tribe (Winnimukka), see Fig. 245, p. 418, (8) touch the breast with the index—me, (9) the right hand held for- ward from the hip at the level of the elbow, closed, palm downward, with the middle finger extended and quickly moved up and down a short distance—telegraphed, (10) head inclined toward the right, at the same time making movement toward and from the ear with the extended index pointing toward it—ZI heard, i. e., understood. (11) An imaginary line indicated with the extended and inverted index from a short distance before the body to a place on the right—J went, (12) repeat gesture No. 6—a stopping place, (13) inclining the head, with eyes closed, toward the right, bring the extended right hand, palm up, to within six inches of the right ear—where I slept. (14) Place the spread and extended index and thumb of the right hand, palm down- ward, across the right side of the forehead—white man (American), (15) MALLERY.] NATCI’S NARRATIVE. 501. elevating both hands before the breast, palms forward, thumbs touch- ing, the little finger of the right hand closed—nine, (16) touch the breast with the right forefinger suddenly—and myself, (17) lowering the hand, and pointing downward and forward with the index still extended (the remaining fingers and thumb being loosely closed) indicate an imaginary line along the ground toward the extreme right—vent, (18) extend the forefinger of the closed left hand, and place the separated fore and second fingers of the right astraddle the forefinger of the left, and make a series of arched or curved movements toward the right—rode horse- back, (19) keeping the hands in their relative position, place them a short distance below the right ear, the head being inclined toward that side—sleep, (20) repeat the signs for riding (No. 18) and sleeping (No. 19) three times—four days and nights, (21) make sign No. 18, and stopping suddenly point toward the east with the extended index-finger of the right (others being closed) and follow the course of the sun until it reaches the zenith—arrived at noon of the fifth day. (22) Indicate a circle as in No. 2a camp, (23) the hands then placed together as in No. 3, and in this position, both moved in short irregular npward and downward jerks from side to side—many wik!-i-ups, (24) then indicate the chief of the tribe as in No. 7—meaning that it was one of the camps of the chief of the tribe. (25) Make a peculiar whistling sound of “phew” and draw the extended index of the right hand across the throat from left to right—Banak, (26) draw an imaginary line with the same extended index, pointing toward the ground, from the right to the body—came from the north, (27) again make gesture No. 2—camp, (28) and follow it twice by sign given as No. 18 (forward from the body, but a short distance)—two rode. (29) Rub the back of the right hand with the extended index of the left—Jndian, i. e., the narrator’s own tribe, Pai-Ute, (30) elevate both hands side by side before the breast, palms forward, thumbs touching, then, after a short pause, close all the fingers and thumbs except the two outer fingers of the right hand— twelve, (31) again place the hands side by side with fingers all spread or separated, and move them in a horizontal curve toward the right—vwent out of camp, (32) and make the sign given as No. 25—Banak, (33) that of No. 2—camp, (34) then join the hands as in No. 31, from the right to- ward the front—Pai- Utes returned, (35) close the right hand, leaving the index only extended, move it forward and downward from the mouth three or four times, pointing forward, each time ending the movement at a different point—ZI talked to them, (36) both hands pointing upward, fingers and thumbs separated, palms facing and about four inches apart, held in front of the body as far as possible in that position—the men in council, (37) point toward the east with the index apparently curving downward over the horizon, then gradually elevate it to an altitude of 45°—talked all night and until nine o'clock next morning, (38) bring the closed hands, with forefingers extended, upward and forward from their respective sides, and place them side by side, palms forward, in front— 502 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. my brother, Fig. 317, (39) (see also pp. 385, 386) followed by the gesture, No. 18, directed toward the left and front—rode, (40) by No. 7—the head chief, (41) and No. 2—camp. (42) Continue by placing the hands, slightly curved, palm to palm, holding them about six inches below the right ear, the head being in- clined considerably in that direction—one sleep (night), (43) make sign No. 14—white man, (44) raise the left hand to the level of the elbow forward from the left hip, fingers pointing upward, thumb and forefinger . closed—three, (45) and in this position draw them to- Pel, ward the body and slightly to the right—came, (46) then make gesture No. 42—sleep ; (47) point. with the right index to the eastern horizon—in the morning, (48) make sign No. 14—vhite man, (49) hold the left hand nearly at arm’s length before the body, back up, thumb and forefinger closed, the remaining fingers pointing downward— three, (50) with the right index finger make gesture No. 35, the move- ment being directed towards the left hand—talked to them, (51) motion along the ground with the left hand, from the body toward the left and front, retaining the position of the fingers just stated (in No. 49)—they went, (52) tap toward the ground, as in gesture No. 6, with the left hand nearly at arm’s length—to their camp. (53) Make gesture No. 18 toward the front—JI rode, (54) extend the right hand to the left and front, and tap towards the earth several times as in sign No. 6, having the fingers and thumb collected to a point— camp of the white men. (55) Close both hands, with the forefingers of each partly extended and crooked, and place one on either side of the forehead, palms forward—cattle (a steer), (56) hold the left hand loosely extended, back forward, about twenty inches before the breast, and strike the back of the partly extended right hand into the left—shot, (57) make a short upward curved movement with both hands, their position unchanged, over and downward toward the right—fell over, killed, (58) then hold the left hand a short distance before the body at the height of the elbow, palm downward, fingers closed, with the thumb lying over the second joint of the forefinger, extend the flattened right hand, edge down, before the body, just by the knuckles of the left, and draw the hand towards the body, repeating the movement—skinned, (59) make the sign given in No. 25—Banak, (60) place both hands with spread fingers upward and palms forward, thumb to thumb, before the right shoulder, moving them with a tremulous motion toward the left and front—came in, (61) make three short movements toward the ground in front, with the left hand, fingers loosely curved, and pointing down- ward—camp of the three white men, (62) then with the right hand open and flattened, edge down, cut towards the body as well as to the right and left—eut wp the meat, (63) and make the pantomimic gesture of handing it around to the visitors. (64) Make sign No. 35, the movement being directed to the left hand, MALLERY.] NATCI’S NARRATIVE. 503 as held in No. 49—told the white men, (65) grasping the hair on the right side of the head with the left hand, and drawing the extended right hand with the edge towards and across the side of the head from behind forward—to scalp ; (66) close the right hand, leaving the index partly extended, and wave it several times quickly from side to side a short distance before the face, slightly shaking the head at the same time— no, Fig. 318, (67) make gesture No. 4—me, (68) repeat No. 65—scalp, (69) and raising theforelock high with the left hand, straighten the whole frame with a triumphant air—make me a great “~~~ chief. (70) Close the right hand with the index fully extended, place the tip to the mouth and direct it firmly forward and downward toward the ground—stop, (71) then placing the hands, pointing upward, side by side, thumbs touching, and all the fingers separated, move them from near the breast outward toward the right, palms facing that direction at termination of movement—the Banaks went to one side, (72) with the right hand closed, index curved, palm downward, point toward the western hori- zon, and at arm’s length dip the finger downward—a/ter sunset, (73) make the gesture given as No. 14—vhite men, (74) pointing to the heart as in No. 4—and I, (75) conclude by making gesture No. 18 from near body toward the left, four times, at the end of each movement the hands remaining in the same position, thrown slightly upward—ve four escaped on horseback. The above was paraphrased orally by the narrator as follows: ‘‘ Hear- ing of the trouble in the north, I started eastward from my camp in Western Nevada, when, upon arriving at Winnemucca Station, I re- ceived telegraphic orders from the head chief to go north to induce our bands in that region to escape the approaching difficulties with the Banaks. I started for Camp MecDermit, where I remained one night. Leaving next morning in company with nine others, we rode on for four daysanda half. Soon after our arrival at the Pai-Ute camp, two Banaks came in, when I sent twelve Pai-Utes to their camp to ask them all to come in to hold council. These messengers soon returned, when I col- lected all the Pai-Utes and talked to them all night regarding the dan- gers of an alliance with the Banaks and of their continuance in that locality. Next morning I sent my brother to the chief, Winnimukka, with a report of proceedings. “On the following day three white men rode into camp, who had come up to aid in persuading the Pai-Utes to move away from the border. Next morning I consulted with them respecting future operations, after which they went away a short distance to their camp. I then followed them, where I shot and killed a steer, and while skinning it the Banaks came in, when the meat was distributed. The Banaks being disposed to become violent at any moment, the white men became alarmed, when Fic. 504 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. I told them that rather than allow them to be scalped I would be scalped myself in defending them, for which action I would be considered as great a chief as Winnemukka by my people. When I tuld the Banaks to cease threatening the white men they all moved to one side a short distance to hold a war council, and after the sun went down the white men and I mounted our horses and fled toward the south, whence we came.” Some of the above signs seem to require explanation. Natci was facing the west during the whole of this narration, and by the right he signified the north; this will explain the significance of his gesture to the right in Nos. 11 and 17, and to the left in No. 75. No. 2 (repeated in Nos. 22, 27, 33, and 41) designates an Indian brush lodge, and although Natci has not occupied one for some years, the gesture illustrates the original conception in the round form of the foundation of poles, branches, and brush, the interlacing of which in the construction of the wik/-i-up has survived in gestures Nos. 3 and 23 (the latter referring to more than one, i. ¢., an encampment). The sign for Banak, No. 25 (also 32 and 59), has its origin from the tradition among the Pai-Utes that the Banaks were in the habit of cut- ting the throats of their victims. This sign is made with the index instead of the similar gesture with the flat hand, which among several tribes denotes the Sioux, but the Pai-Utes examined had no specific sign for that body of Indians, not having been in sufficient contact with them. ‘CA stopping place,” referred to in Nos. 6, 12, 52, and 54, represents the temporary station, or camp of white men, and is contradistinguished from a village, or perhaps from any permanent encampment of a number of persons, by merely dotting toward the ground instead of indicating a circle. It will also be seen that in several instances, after indicating the na- tionality, the fingers previously used in representing the number were repeated without its previously accompanying specifie gesture, as in No. 61, where the three fingers of the left hand represented the men (white), and the three movements toward the ground signified the camp or tents of the three (white) men. This also occurs in the gesture (Nos. 59, 60, and 71) employed for the Banaks, which, having been once specified, is used subsequently with- out its specific preceding sign for the tribe represented. The rapid connection of the signs Nos. 57 and 53 and of Nos. 74 and 75 indicates the conjunction, so that they are severally readily under- stood as “shot and killed,” and “the white men and I.” The same re- mark applies to Nos. 15 and 16, “the nine and I.” MALLERY.] NATCI’S AND PATRICIO’S NARRATIVES. 505 PATRICIO'S NARRATIVE. This narrative was obtained in July, 1880, by Dr. FrANcIs H. ATKINS, acting assistant surgeon, United States Army, at South Fork, New Mexico, from TI-PE-BES-TLEL (Sheepskin-leggings), habitually called Patricio, an intelligent young Mescalero Apache. It gives an account of what is locally termed the “April Round-up,” which was the disarm- ing and imprisoning by a cavalry command of the United States Army, of the small Apache subtribe to which the narrator belonged. (1) Left hand on edge, curved, palm forward, extended backward length of arm toward the West (far westward). (2) Arm same, turned hand, tips down, and moved it from north to south (river). (3) Dipped same hand several times above and beyond last line (be- yond). (4) Hand curved (Y, more flexed) and Jaid on its back on top of his foot (moccasins much curved up at toe); then drew hands up legs to near -knee, and cut off with edges of hands (boot tops), (Warm Spring Apaches, who wear booted moccasins with turn-up toes.) (5) Hands held before him, tips near together, fingers gathered (U); then alternately opened and gathered fingers of both hands (P to U, U to P), and thrusting them toward each other a few times (shot or killed many). (6) Held hands six inches from side of head, thumbs and forefingers widely separated (Mewican, i. e., wears a broad hat). (7) Held right hand on edge, palm toward him, threw it on its back forward and downward sharply toward earth (T on edge to X), (dead, so many dead). (8) Put thumbs to temples and indexes forward, meeting in front, other fingers closed (soldiers, i. e., cap-visor). (9) Repeated No. 5 and No. 7 (were also shot dead). (10) Placed first and second fingers of right hand, others closed, astride of left index, held horizontally (horses). (11) Held hands on edge and forward (T on edge forward), pushed them forward, waving vertically (marching, i.e., ran off with soldiers’ horses or others). N. B.—Using both hands indicates double ranks of troops marching also. (12) Struck right fist across in front of chin from right to left sharply (bad). (13) Repeated No. 4 (Warm Spring Apache). (14) Moved fist, thumb to head, from center of forehead to right tem- ple and a little backward (fool). (15) Repeated No. 8 and No. 11 (soldiers riding in double column). (16) Thrust right hand down over and beyond left, both palms down (W) (came here). 506 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. (17) Repeated No. 8 (soldier). (18) Touched hair (hair). (19) Touched tent (quite white). (20) Touched top of shoulder (commissioned officer, i. e., shoulder- straps). (21) Thrust both hands up high (high rank). (22) Right forefinger to forehead; waved it about in front of face and rolled head about (primarily fool, but qualified in this case by the inter- preter as no sabe much). (23) Drew hands up his thighs and body and pointed to himself (Mes- calero Indian). (24) Approximated hands before him, palms down, with thumbs and indexes widely separated, as if inclosing a circle (captured, 1. e., corralled, surrounded). (25) Placed tips of hands together, wrists apart, held them erect (T, both hands inclined), (house; in this case the agency). (26) Threw both hands, palms back, forward and downward, moving from knuckles (metacarpo-phalangeal joint) only, several times (issuing rations). (27) Thrust two fingers (N) toward mouth and downward (food). (28) Repeated No. 25 (house); outlined a hemispherical object (wik-i- up); repeated these several times, bringing the hands with emphasis several times down toward the earth (village permanently here). (29) Repeated No. 25 several times and pointed to a neighboring hill- side (village over there). (30) Repeated Nos. 17 to 21, inclusive (General X). (31) Thrust two fingers forward from his eyes (primarily I see; also I saw, or there were). (32) Repeated No.11 (toward said hillside), (troops went over there with General X). (33) Repeated No. 4, adding, swept indexes around head and touched red paper on a tobacco wrapper (San Carlos Apaches, scouts especially distinguished by wearing a red fillet about the head) ; also added, drew indexes across each cheek from nose outward (were much painted). (34) Repeated No. 24 and No. 23 (to capture the Mescalero Indians). (35) Repeated No. 31 (there were). (36) Repeated No. 33 (San Carlos scouts). (37) Repeated No. 8 (and soldiers). (38) Clasped his hands effusively before his breast (so many! i. e., a great many). (39) Repeated No. 31 (Z sav). (40) Repeated No. 23 (my people). (41) Brought fists together under chin, and hugged his arms close to his breast, with a shrinking motion of body (afraid). (42) Struck off half of left index with right index (half, or a portion). (43) Waved off laterally and upward with both hands briskly (fled). MALTERY.| PATRICIO’S NARRATIVE. 507 (44) Projected circled right thumb and index to eastern horizon, thence to zenith (next morning, %. é., sunrise to noon). (45) Repeated No. 23 (the Mescaleros). (46) Held hands in position of aiming a gun—left oblique—(shoot). (47) Waved right index briskly before right shoulder (no, did not ; negation). : (48) Swept his hand from behind forward, palm up (Y) (the others came). (49) Repeated No. 5 (and shot). (50) Repeated No. 25 (the Mescaleros). (51) Repeated No. 7 (many dead). (52) Repeated No. 8 (soldiers). (53) Repeated No. 10 (horse, mounted). (54) Hand forward, palm down (W) moved forward and up and down (walking, i. e., infantry). (55) Beckoned with right hand, two fingers curved (N horizontal and curved) (came). (56) Repeated No. 11 (marching). (57) Repeated No. 28 (to this camp, or village). (58) Repeated No. 23 (with Mescaleros). (59) Repeated No. 24 (as prisoners, surrounded). (60) Repeated No. 33 (San Carlos scouts). (61) Placed hands, spread out (R inverted), tips down, about waist (many cartridges). (62) Repeated No. 46 (and guns). (63) Repeated No. 5 (shot many). (64) Repeated No. 4 (Warm Spring Apaches). (65) Repeated No. 23 (and Mescaleros). (66) Moved fist—thumb to head—across his forehead from right to left, and cast it toward earth over left shoulder (brave, 7. ¢., the San Car- los scouts are brave). CONTINUOUS TRANSLATION OF THE ABOVE. Far westward beyond the Rio Grande are the Warm Spring Apaches, who killed many Mexicans and soldiers and stole their horses. They (the Warm Spring Apaches) are bad and fools. Some cavalry came here under an aged officer of high rank, but of in- ferior intelligence, to capture the Mescalero Indians. The Mescaleros wished to have their village permanently here by the agency, and to receive their rations, 7. e., were peacefully inclined. Our village was over there. I saw the general come with troops and San Carlos scouts to surround (or capture) the Mescalero Indians. There were a great many San Carlos scouts and soldiers. I saw that my people were afraid, and half of them fled. Next morning the Mescaleros did not shoot (were not hostile). The 508 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. others came and killed many Mescaleros. The cavalry and infantry brought us (the Mescaleros) to this camp as prisoners. The San Carlos scouts were well supplied with ammunition and guns, and shot many Warm Spring Indians and Mesealeros. The San Carlos scouts are brave men. NA-WA-GI-JI@S STORY. The following is contributed by Mr. FRANCIS JACKER: This narrative was related to me by John Na-wa-gi-jig (literally “noon- day sky”), an aged Ojibwa, with whom I have been intimately connected for along period of years. He delivered his story, referring to one of the many incidents in his perilous life, orally, but with pantomimes so graphic and vivid that it may be presented truly as a specimen of gest- ure language. Indeed, to any one familiar with Indian mimicry, the story might have been intelligible without the expedient of verbal lan- guage, while the oral exposition, incoherent as it was, could hardly be styled anything better than the subordinate part of the delivery. I have endeavored to reproduce these gestures in their original connec- tions from memory, omitting the verbal accompaniment as far as practi- cable. In order to facilitate a clear understanding it is stated that the gesturer was in a sitting posture before a camp fire by the lake shore, and facing the locality where the event referred to had actually occurred, viz, a portion of Keweenaw Bay, Lake Superior, in the neighborhood of Portage Entry, as seen by the annexed diagram, Fig. 319. The time of the relation (latter part of April) also coincided with the actual time. In speaking of “arm,” “hand,” “ finger,” &e., the “right” is understood if not otherwise specified. Finger” stands for “ forefinger.” (1) With the exclamation “me-wi-ja” (a long time ago), uttered in a slow and peculiarly emphatic manner, he elevated the arm above and toward the right at the head, accompanying the motion with an upward wave of the hand and held it thus suspended a moment—a long time ago. (This gesture resembles sign for time, a long, of which it seems to be an abbreviation, and it is not sufficiently clear without the accompanying exclamation.) Withdrawing it slowly, he placed the hand back upon his knee. 2) He then brought up the left hand toward the temple and tapped his hair, which was gray, with the finger—hair gray. (3) From thence he carried it down upon the thigh, placing the ex- tended finger perpendicularly upon a fold of his trousers, which the thumb and finger of the right held grasped in such a manner as to ad- vantageously present the smooth black surface of the cloth—of that color, a. €., black. (4) Next, with a powerful strain of the muscles, he slowly stretched HOUGHTON ST ed “i TY ISS Standpoint of the Narrator 7 +Place wi, ae | ‘ they fished / \ 3) . ® Catholic \\\\ Wp, \ \\ HY, Methodist yi Wy Indian Mission WG 7 LANSE MAP ILLUSTRATIVE OF OJIBWA NARRATIVE = Saas Pasa = SOUTH Fic. 319.—Scene of Na-wa-gi-jig’s story. MALLERY.] NA-WA-GI-JIG’S STORY. 509 out the right arm and fist and grasping the arm about the elbow with the left, he raised the forearm perpendicularly upward, then brought it down with force, tightening the grasp in doing so (fingers pressing upon knuckle, thumb against pit of elbow)—strength. (5) Pointing first at me—you. (6) He next held out the hand horizontally and flat, palm downward, about four feet above the ground, correcting the measure a moment afterward by elevating hand a few inches higher, and estimated the height thus indicated with a telling look, leaning the head toward the side—about that height, i. e., a youth of about that size. (7) He then rapidly extended the arm about two-thirds of its length forward and toward the right, terminating the motion with a jerk of the hand upward, palm turned outward, and accompanied the motion with a nod of the head, the hand in its downfall closing and dropping upon knee—very well. (8) Musing a few moments, he next slowly extended the arm and pointed with the fingers toward and along the surface of the frozen bay—out there. (9) In an easterly direction—eastward. (10) Thence turning the arm to the right he nodded the finger toward a projection of land southward at a distance of about two miles—follow- ing in each case the direction of the finger with the eyes—and immedi- ately after placed the hand again eastward, indicating the spot with the same emphatic nod of the finger as though carrying the visible distance to a spot upon the expanse of the bay, which, bearing no object, could not be marked otherwise—two miles out there. (11) Carrying the finger toward the body, he touched his breast—Z myself. (12) Thence erected the hand, turning its palm forward, forefinger perpendicularly extended, others slightly closed, and nodded it down- ward in an explanatory manner, all in an uninterrupted movement—one, meaning in connection with the preceding gesture—ZJ for one. (13) Again, with an emphatic movement, he turned the hand upward, slightly erecting the index, thumb pointing forward, remaining fingers partially and naturally opened and more or less separated—/urthermore. (14) Then quickly and after a moment’s stop brought down the hand to a horizontal position, first and second fingers joining and fully ex- tending during the movement, and pointing forward—another, 7. e., joined by another. Repeating this motion, he at the same time called out the name Ga-bi-wa-bi-ko-ke. (15) Following the exclamation with a repetition of No. 2—gray hair— repeatedly touching the hair, meaning in this case—an old man. (16) Pointed with the finger toward the right, directing it obliquely toward the ground—at a short distance toward my right. (17) Repeated No. 15—furthermore. (18) Repeated No. 14, adding the third finger to joined fore and middle - 510 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. fingers, thumb resting upon tip of fourth—another, 7. e., joined by a third, and pronounced the words ‘o-gwis-san Sa-ba-dis (this is a corruption of the French “Jean Baptiste,” a favorite name among Christianized Indians)—John Baptist, his son, while repeating the movement. (19) “Held up the three separated fingers perpendicularly in front of the face, pushing the hand forward a little—three in all. (20) Presently lowered the hand, fingers relaxing, and carried it a short distance toward the left, thence back to the right, fingers pointing obliquely toward the ground in each case—placed to the right and left of me at a short distance. (21) He then brought the hand—back toward the right, index hori- zontally extended, remaining fingers closed, thumb placed against sec- ond finger—in front of abdomen, and moved it slowly up and down two or three times, giving it a slight jerk at the upward motion, and raising the arm partially in doing so. At the same time he inclined the body forward a little, eyes looking down—fishing. This refers to fishing on the ice, and, as may be inferred from it, to the use of hook and line. A short stick to which the line is attached serves as a rod and is moved up and down in the manner described. (22) After a short pause he elevated the hand, directing the index toward that point of the meridian which the sun passes at about the tenth hour of the day, and following the direction with the eye—about ten o’clock. (23) Turning his face toward the southwest and holding up the flat and extended hand some distance in front of it, back outward, he waved it briskly and several times toward the face—fresh breeze from the south- west. (24) Repeated No. 21 (fishing), playing the imaginary fish-line up and down regularly for a while, till all at once he changed the movement by raising the hand in an oblique course, which movement he repeated several times, each time increasing the divergence and the length of the motion—the jish-hook dont sink perpendicularly any longer, 7. e., it is moving. (25) Quickly erecting his body he looked around him with surprise— looking with surprise. (26) Shading his eyes with the hand, gazed intensively toward the south—/fixedly gazing toward the south. (27) Threw up his arm almost perpendicularly the next moment— greatly astonished. (28) Extended and slowly moved the arm from southeast to north- west as far as he could reach, at the same time exclaiming ‘mig-wam” “ice”— the ice from shore to shore. (29) Approximated the flat and horizontally extended hands, backs upward, with their inner edges touching, whereupon, suddenly turning the edges downward, he withdrew them laterally, backs nearly opposed to each other—parting. ‘ MALLERY.] NA-WA-GI-JIG’S STORY. Hi (30) Pushed the left hand, palm outward, fingers joined, edges up and, down, forward and toward its side with a full sweep of the.arm, head” following the movement—pushed in that direction, i. e., northeastward. (31) Repeated No. 23, but waved the hand only once and with a quick and more powerful movement toward the face—by the force of the wind. (32) Rotated hands in front of body, rolling them tips over tips very rapidly, fingers with thumbs nearly collected to a point—winding up the hook-line in @ hurry. (33) Quickly passed the hand toward the left breast of his coat—put- ting it in pocket. (34) And bending the body forward made motion as if picking up something—picking up. (35) Raised the hand closed to fist, arm elevated so as to form a right angle with elbow, and made a short stroke downward and toward the left—hatchet. (36) Thence moved the hand to side of breast and pushed it down the waist—putting it into belt. (37) Placed the closed hands to each side of the waist (thumbs up- ward with tips facing each other) and approximated them rapidly and with a jerk in front of navel—tightening the belt. (38) With both hands lowered to the ground, he described an elongated oval around his foot by placing tips of forefingers together in front of the toes and passing them around each side, meeting the fingers behind the heel and running them jointly backward a few inches to indicate a tail—snow-shoe. (39) Raised up the heel, resting the foot on the toes and turning it alittle toward the right, brought it back in a downward movement with a jerk—putting it on. (40) Waved the left hand emphatically forward, palm backward, fin- gers joined and pointing downward, extending them forward at term- ination of motion, at the same time pushing forward the head—starting. (41) Directed the finger of the same hand toward the light-house—to- ward that point. (42) Pointed with extended first two fingers of the same hand, thumb with remaining fingers partially extended to right and to left—com- panions. (43) Repeated No. 40 (starting) less emphatically. (44) Made several very quick jumping movements forward with the extended left fingers, joined, back upward—going very fast. (45) Repeated No. 23 (wind), increasing the force of the movement and terminating the sign with the second repetition (wave)—wind increasing. (46) Raised up the hand in front of head and then arrested it a mo- ment, palm outward, fingers extended, upward and forward—halt. (47) Partially turning the body toward the north he lowered the ex- tended hand, back forward, fingers joined and pointing downward to- ward the left of his feet and moved it closely in front of them, and with 512 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. a cutting motion toward the right, following the movement with the eye—cut off-right before feet, i. e., standing on the very edge. (48) Still facing the north, he carried the hand, back upward, fingers joined and extended, from left side of body outward and toward the right horizontally, indicating the rippled surface of turbulent water by an appropriate motion, and extending the arm to full length, fingers pointing northeastward (toward the right) at termination of motion, and accompanied the movement with a corresponding turn of the head, eyes gazing far into distance—vwater all along the shore. (49) Pushed the extended finger, back upward, forward (7. e., north- ward) in a slightly arched movement—across. (50) Directing it toward an object (tree) at a distance of about one hundred yards the next moment—a distance of about one hundred yards. (51) Repeated No. 49 (across) without interrupting the motion—that distance placed across. (52) Motions as follows: Hands naturally relaxed, edges up and down, backs outward, are with a quick movement and simultaneously carried from the epigastrium forward and toward their sides, arms be- ing extended from elbows only. The hands change their position during the movement and are ultimately placed palms upward, thumbs and fin- gers extended and widely separated, pointing forward. This is the general sign for doubt. He also turned the face from one side to the other as though interrogating his companions—what are we to do? (53) Repeated No. 35 (hatchet). (54) Raised up the finger perpendicularly, other fingers closed, thumb resting against second, and emphatically inclined it forward—only one. (55) Blevated the arm from the elbow toward the head, hand naturally relaxed, back obliquely upward, inclining the face sideward with a look of consternation, simultaneously, and again mechanically lowered it, dropping palm of hand heavily upon the knee—“bad fix.” (56) Placed the hand to his hip and raised it up, closed to fist, by a rapid and very energetic movement, ejaculating haw !—quick to the work (referring to the ax or hatchet). (57) Turning the body downward, he passed the hand, with forefinger directed toward the ground, forward, sideward, and backward, in three movements, each time turning at a right angle—measuring off a square piece on the ground, i. e., on the ice. (58) Looked and pointed toward an object some twenty feet off, then opposed palms of hands horizontally, and at a short distance from each other, connecting both movements in such a manner as to clearly illus- trate their meaning—about twenty feet wide. (59) Moved the hand—fist, thumb upward—several times quickly up and down a few inches, the arm progressing forward at every stroke— cutting it off. (60) Repeated No. 55 (bad fir), meaning in this case—bad job. (61) Opposed the palms of both hands, vertically, at a distance of MALLERY.] NA-WA-GI-JIG’S STORY. 513 eight inches, holding them thus steady a moment and estimating the thus indicated measure with the eyes—eight inches thick. (62) Then struck the palm of left with the back of arched right for- cibly—solid ice. (63) Laid the joined and extended first two fingers, palm up, across side of leg, a foot above heel, accompanying the movement with the eye—one foot deep. (64) Pushed downward perpendicularly and from same point the flat, extended hand—sinking, or giving in—and turning the hand upward at wrist, back downward, he flirted up the fingers several times quickly —- water—slush and water. (65) Passed one hand over the other as in the act of pulling off mittens—mittens. (66) Made the motion of wringing out a wet piece of cloth—wringing wet. (67) Grasped a fold of his trowsers (below the knee) and wrung it— trowsers also wet. (68) Placed palms of both hands upon legs, near to the ankles, and dragged them up to the knees—up to the knees. (69) Shivered—feeling cold. (70) Pointed with thumb backward and toward the right (designating his companion) and repeated No. 2 (hair gray)—my old companion, 1. e., Ga-bi-wa-bi-ko-ke. (71) Repeated No. 69 (feeling cold) more emphatically—more so, 1. e., suffering worse from the cold. (72) Repeated No. 59 (cutting, the ice). (73) Made sign for tired—getting tired, as follows: The left arm is partly extended forward, and is gently struck near the bend of the elbow, usually above it, with the palm of the right hand, at the same time the head is usually inclined to the left side, then in similar manner the right arm is extended and struck by the left hand, and the head in turn inclined to the right. (74) Repeated No. 35—(hatchet). (75) Turned the slightly closed left (thumb obliquely upward) over to its side, partially opening it in so doing, fingers pointing to left— passing it over to his companion at the left, i. e., Sabadis. (76) Flung forefingers of both hands, backs forward, thumbs upward, remaining fingers partially closed, toward their respective sides alter- nately—by turns. (77) Repeated No. 59 (cutting the ice). (78) Elevated the hand above head, thumb and first two fingers ex- tended and directed toward the western meridian, and shook it em- phatically and with a tremulous motion up and down while thus sus- pended—at a late hour. (79) Followed with the sign for done, finished, as follows: Left hand, with forearm horizontally extended toward the right, is held naturally 33 A E 514 sIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. relaxed, back outward, a few inches in front of body and at a right an- gle with opposite hand, which is placed on a higher level, slightly arched, edge downward, fingers joined and extended forward. Pass the right quickly and with a cutting motion downward and toward its side, at the same time withdraw the left a few inches toward the opposite direc- tion—finished our work. (80) Quickly threw up his arm, ejaculating “haw!”—let us start. (81) Passed both hands approximated in front of body, naturally re- laxed, backs outward, forward and toward their respective sides, ex- tending and widely separating the fingers during the movement, and again approximating them with quickly accelerated speed and arresting them, closed to fists, in front of body and with a jerk upward—with united efforts. (82) Placing the fists, thumbs upward, pointing forward and placed upon side of forefingers, with their wrists against the breast, he pushed them forward and downward a few inches, head slightly participating in the movement—pushing off. (83) Repeated No. 38 (snow-shoe)—with snow-shoes. (84) Immediately reassumed the position of “ pushing off” as in No. 82, slowly passing forward the fists further and further —pushing and gradually moving off. (85) Quickly passed and turned the closed left forward, upward, and backward, opening and again closing the fingers in so doing, and exe- cuting at almost the same instant a similar, but smaller, revolution with the right—turning over the snow-shoe, tail up. (86) With both hands closed to fists, left obliquely over the right and on the right side of the body, made motion as if paddling—paddling. (87) Moved and pointed finger of left towards its side, 7. e., northward —toward the shore. (88) Moved both hands, flat and extended, backs upward, toward the left side, by an even and very slow movement—moving along very slowly toward that direction. (89) Repeated No. 23—southwest wind. (90) Repeated No. 30—pushing northeastward. (91) Turned the thumb of left over to the left—Sabadis. (92) Repeated No. 32 (2inding up), reversing the motion—winding off the hook-line. (93) Approximated both hands with their tips horizontally in front of body, first two fingers with thumb collected to a point, and moving the fingers as in the act of twisting a cord, gradually receded the hands— twisting. (94) Thrust forward three fingers of the right—three, i. ¢., hook-lines. (95) Repeated No. 93, then rubbed palm of flat and extended right forward over the thigh repeatedly and with a slight pressure—twisting them tightly. (96) Approximated both hands closed to fists, thumbs upward, in MALLERY. ] NA-WA-GI-JIG’S STORY. 515 front of body and pulled them asunder repeatedly by short, quick, and sudden jerks—proving strength of line. (97) Hooked the forefinger, hand turned downward at wrist, remain- ing fingers closed, thumb resting upon first—/ish-hook. (98) Raised and curved three fingers and thrust them forward a little separated, back to the front—three, i. e., hooks. (99) Collecting fore and middle fingers of each hand to a point with thumb, he opposed tips of both hands, vertically describing with the upper hand several short circular movements around the tip of the lower— tying together. (100) Hooked the separated fore and middle fingers of the right, pointing upward, back forward, and placed the hooked finger of the left, palm forward, in front and partially between the fork of the first—in the shape of an anchor. (101) Thrust both hands, backs upward, fingers extended and sepa- rated, forward (7. e., northward), vigorously, left being foremost—throw- ing toward the shore. (102) Thence elevating the right toward the head, he thrust it down- ward in an oblique direction, fore and middle fingers extended and joined with the thumb—sinking. (103) Placing hands in the position attained last in No. 100 (throwing out toward shore), he closed the fingers, drawing the hands back toward the body and leaning backward simultaneously—hauling in. (104) Elevated the naturally closed hand to side of head, fingers opening and separating during the movement—at the same time and with a slight jerk of the shoulders inclining the head sideward—and again closed and slowly dropped it upon knee—in vain. (105) Dropped the finger perpendicularly downward, following the movement with the eye—botiom. (106) Passed the flat hand, palm down, from side to side in a smooth and horizontal movement—smooth. (107) Made the sign for stone, rock, as follows: With the back of the arched right hand (1) strike repeatedly in the palm of the left, held horizontal, back outward, at the height of the breast and about a foot in front, the ends of the fingers pointing in opposite directions. (108) Repeated No. 100—anchor. (109) Dragged the curved fore and middle fingers over the back of the extended left—dragging. (110) Waved the left—bent at the wrist, back outward—forward and upward from body, extending the arm to full length, at the same time inclining and pushing forward the head, and repeated the gesture more emphatically—trying again and again. (111) Waved both hands—backs outward, fingers slightly joined, tips facing each other and closely approximated in front of breast—forward and toward their respective sides a short distance, turning the palms upward during the movement, thumb and fingers being extended and 516 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. widely separated toward the last. At the same time he inclined the head to one side, face expressing disappointment—all in vain. (112) Repeated No. 80—Let us start anew! (113) Repeated No. 86—paddling. (114) Repeated the preceding gesture, executing the movement only once very emphatically—vigorously. (115) Waved the finger toward the place of the setting sun, following the direction with the eye—day is near its close. (116) Repeated No. 69, more emphatically—feeling very cold. (117) Repeated No. 70—Ga-bi-wa bi-ko-ke. (118) Made sign for without, dropping the hands powerless at the sides, with a corresponding movement of head—exhausted. (119) Pointed with finger toward the light-house and drawing back the finger a little, pushed it forward in the same direction, fully extend- ing the arm—that distance, 1. ¢., one mile beyond light-house. (120) Elevated both hands to height of shoulder, fingers extended toward the right, backs upward, moving them horizontally forward— left foremost—with an impetuous motion toward the last—drifted out. (121) Repeated No. 86, executing the movement a series of times without interruption and very energetically—paddling steadily and vigor- ously. (122) Pointed with the left forefinger to his breast—J myself. (123) Waved the thumb of the same hand over to left side without interrupting motion of hand—and Sabadis. (124) Moved the extended left—back upward, fingers slightly jomed— toward left side, and downward a few inches—shore. (125) Elevated it to level of eyes, fingers joined and extended, palm toward the right, approaching it toward the face by a slow interrupted movement—drawing nearer and nearer. (126) Drawing a deep breath—rclieved. (127) Repeated No. 86 very emphatically—paddling with increased courage and vigor. (128) Gazed and pointed northeastward, shading the eyes with the hand, at the same time pushing the left—bent downward at wrist, palm backward—forward in that direction, arm fully extended, fingers sepa- rated and pointing ahead at termination of motion—out there at a great distance. (129) Made a lateral movement with the hand flat and extended over the field of ice in front of him—the ice-field. (130) Described a series of waves with the flat and extended left, back upward, horizontally outward—sea getting turbulent. (181) Joyously flourished the hand above head, while pronouncing the word ke-ya-bi—only yet. ; (132) Pointed the finger toward the upturned root of a tree a few yards off, thence carrying it forward directed it toward the shore in front—a few yards from shore. MALLERY.] NA-WA-GI-JIG’S STORY—TRANSLATION. 517 (133) Pointing toward the sun first, he placed palms of both hands in * opposition vertically, a space of only an inch or two intervening, with a glance sideways at the height thus indicated—the sun just setting. (134) Made three vigorous strokes with the imaginary paddle—three more paddle-strokes. (135) Moved both hands (flat and extended, backs upward) evenly and horizontally toward the left, terminating the movement by turning hands almost perpendicularly upward at wrist, thus arresting them suddenly—the ice-raft runs up against the shore. (136) Lastly threw up the hand perpendicularly above head, and bring- ing it down, placed the palm gently over the heart with an air of solem- nity—we are saved. Free translation of the story. Many years ago—my hair, then black and smooth, has since turned gray; I was then in the prime of life; you, I suppose, were a young lad at that time—the following incident occurred to me: Yonder on the ice, two miles eastward, I was one day fishing in com- pany with two others, the old Gabiwabikoke and his son John Baptist. It was about ten o’clock in the morning—a fresh breeze from the south- west had previously been getting up—when the hook-line which I was playing up and down began to take an oblique course as though it were moved by a current. Surprised, [looked up and around me. When glancing toward the south I saw a dark streak stretching from shore to shore across the bay; the ice had parted and the wind was carrying it out toward the open lake. Inan instant I had wound up my hook-line, picked up my hatchet and snow-shoes, which I put on my feet, and hur- ried—the others following my example—toward the nearest point of land, yonder where the light-house stands. The wind was increasing and we traveled as fast as we could. There we arrived at the very edge of the ice, a streak of water about one hundred yards in width extend- ing northward along the shore as far as we could see. What to begin with, nothing but a single hatchet? We wereina bad situation. Well, something had tobe done. I measured off a square piece on the ice and began cutting it off with the hatchet, a hard and tedious labor. The ice was only eight inches thick, but slush and water covered it to the depth of a foot. Isoon had my mittens and trowsers wringing wet and begat to feel cold and tired. The old Gabiwabikoke was in a worse state than I. His son next took the hatchet and we all worked by turns. It was about two o’clock in the afternoon when we finished our work. With the help of our snow-shoes (stemming their tail-ends against the edge of the solid ice), we succeeded in pushing off our raft. Turning our snow-shoes the other way (using their tails as handles), we commenced paddling with them toward the shore. It was a very slow progress, as the wind drifted us outward continually. John Baptist managed to twist 518 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. our three hook-lines into a strong cord, and tying the hooks together in the shape of an anchor, he threw it out toward the shore. Hauling in® the line the hooks dragged over the smooth rock bottom and would not catch. Repeated trials were of no avail. We all resumed our former attempt and paddled away with increased energy. The day was draw- ing near its close, and we began to feel the cold more bitterly. Gabi- wabikoke was suffering badly from its effects and was entirely played out. We had already drifted more than a mile beyond the light-house point. John Baptist and I continued paddling steadily and vigorously, and felt relieved and encouraged when we saw the shore draw near and nearer. The ice-field, by this time, was miles away to the northeast, and a sea was getting up. At last, just when the sun was setting, only a few yards separated us from the shore; three more paddle-strokes and our raft ran up against the beach. We were safe. The oral part of the story in the language of the narrator, with a literal translation into English. (1) Me"wija a long time ago aw ninisis'san this my hair me'gwa giijina'gwak tibi’shko aw while itlooked like me'gwa gimashkaw'isian while I possessed strength (5) kin dash you and (7. e., and you) (6) ga'nabatch kikwinot'sesiwina/ban perhaps (probably) were a boy mi‘iw (19) mt minik! so many (20) (21) Gestures only. (22) mi wa'pi thus far, 7. e., at that time. that | (23) we/at gion'din then the wind blew from (24) me’gwa nin wewe'banabina'ban while I was (in the act of) fishing with the hook nin'goting gonin'gotchi at one time somewhere (out of its course) (2) (7) very well oda'bigamo nimigis'skane'ab (8)-(10) twe'di was drawn my hook line there (25) a/nin ejiwe'bak ? (11) (12) nin bejig how it happens? I one (26) Gesture only. (13) mi/narwa again (furthermore) (14) Gabiwa'bikoke “The Miner ” (15) akiwe™si old man (16) Expressed by gesture only. (17) The same as No. 13. (18) ogwis'san ga'ie, Sabadis his son too, John Baptist. (27) taat!! ho! (28) mi/gwam the ice (29) ma‘dja goes (30) (31) Gestures only. (32) we'wib quickly (383) (34) Gestures only. MALLERY. ] (35) wagak!wado"s hatchet (386) (37) Gestures only. (88) (39) nin bita'gime I put on snowshoes (40) nin madja’min we go (start) (41) Gestures only. (42) (43) mamaw’e together (44) Gesture only. (45) esh’‘kam ki!tchi no!din more big wind (46) Gesture only. (47) mi ja'igwa gima'djishkad (i. e., mi! gam) already has moved off (i. e., the ice) (48) (49) Gestures only. (50) mi/wapi thus far, 7. ¢., at such adistance (51) Gesture only. (52) a’nin dash gediji'tchigeiang ? how (?. e., what) shall we do? (53)° (54) mi e’ta beljiguwang wagak’- wado"s only one hatchet (55) ge’get gisan'agissimin indeed we are badly off. (56) haw! bak'wewada mi! - guwam! | well! (hallo!) let uscut the ice! | (57) (58) (59) Gestures only. (60) sa/nagad it is bad (hard) (61) mi epi'tading so it is thick (so thick is it) (62) Gesture only. (63) mi dash mi!nawa minik! that again much (that much again) (G4) nibi’ gon ga’ie water snow too (water and snow) NA-WA-GI-JIG’S STORY IN OJIBWA. 519 (65) nimidjik a’wanag my mittens (66) a’pitchi very much (67) nindas'san gaie my trowsers two (68) Gestures only. (69) nin gi'katch ja’igwa I feel cold already (70) aw sa kiwe"si the old man (71) nawatch’ win! more yet he | (72) Gesture only. (73) nind aie'kos ja'igua I am tired already (74) Gesture only. (75) Sa’badis John Baptist (76) memesh'kwat kaki'na by turns all (77) Gesture only. (78) witka ga‘ishkwanawo'kweg late in the afternoon (79) mi gibakwewangid now it is cut loose (80) haw! well! (ho!) (81) mama/we together (82) Gesture only. (83) a’gimag snowshoes (84) ma/djishka it is moving )-(87) Gestures only. ) aga’wa ma'djishka scarcely it moves (very little) (89) no’din wind (90) Gesture only. | (91) Sa‘badis | John Baptist (85 (88 520 (92) migiss/kaneyab hook-line (93) (94) oginisswa/biginan he twisted three cords together (95)-(98) Gestures only. (99) oginisso’bidonan (i. e., migas- kanan) he tied together three (i. e., hooks) (100) Gesture only. (101) ogiaba'gidonan dash he threw it out (102) Gesture only. (103) owikobi/donan he wants to draw it in (104) kawes’sa in vain (“‘no go”) (105)-(108) Gestures only. (109) ka/win sagakwidis'sinon (not) it don’t catch on the rock-bottom (110) mit/nawa—mo‘jag again—often (repeatedly) ) The same as No. 104. ) The same as No. 80. ) Gesture only. ) e'nigok vigorously (115) ja‘igwa ona/kwishi already evening (116) esh’kam kis'sina more cold (getting colder} (117) The same as No. 70. (118) mi ja’igwa gianiji'tang already he has given up (11 (112 (113 (114 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. (119) was'sa ja/‘igua far already (120) niwebas‘himin we have drifted out (121) Gesture only. (122) (123) mi/sa_ e'ta mij/iang (now) only we are two (124) Gesture only. (125) ja‘igwa tehi'gibig already near to shore (126) mt ja/igwa anibonen'damang now we catch new spirits more we are strong (i. e., our strength and courage increases) (128) (129) e-eh! was'sa ja/igwa’ oh! far already mi'gwam ! the ice! (130) ja‘igwa already (1381) ke’abi yet (182) go’mapi so far perhaps (133) ge’ga bangi/shimo nearly sundown (154) Gesture only. (135) mi gibima'jagang we have landed (136) mi gibima'disiang .we have saved our lives. MALLERY.] OJIBWA WORDS—ADDRESS OF KIN CHE-ESS. 521 DISCOURSES. ADDRESS OF KIN CHE-ESS. The following is the farewell address of K1iN CHE-ESS (Spectacles), medicine-man of the Wichitas, to Rey. A. J. HOLT, missionary, on his departure from the Wichita Agency, in the words of the latter: He placed one hand on my breast, the other on his own, then clasped his two hands together after the manner of our congratulations— We are friends, Fig. 320. He placed one hand on me, the other on him- self, then placed the first two fingers of his right hand between his lips—We are brothers. He placed his right hand over my heart, his left hand over his own heart, then linked the first fingers of his right and left hands— Our hearts are linked together. See Fig. 232, p. 386. He laid his right hand on me lightly, then put it to his mouth, with the knuckles lightly against his lips, and made the motion of flipping water from the right-hand fore- finger, each flip casting the hand and arm from the mouth a foot or so, then bringing it back in the same position. (This repeated three or more times, signifying talk or talking.) Fig. 321. He then made a mo- tion with his right hand as if he were fanning his right ear; this repeated. He then ex- tended his right hand with his index finger pointing upward, his eyes also being turned up- ward— You told me of the Great Father. Pointing to himself, he hugged both hands to his bosom, as if he were affectionately clasping something he loved, and then pointed upward in the way before described—I love him (the Great Father). Laying his right hand on me, he clasped his hands to his bosom as before—J love you. Placing his right hand on my shoulder, he threw it over his own right shoulder as if he were casting behind him a little chip, only when his hand was over his shoulder his index finger was pointing behind him— You go away. Pointing to his breast, he clinched the same hand as if it held a stick, and made a motion as if he were trying to strike something on the ground with the bottom of the stick eRe’ held in an upright position-—T stay, or I stay right here, Fig. 322. Placing his right hand on me, he placed both his hands on his breast and breathed deeply two or three times, then using the index finger and thuinb of each hand as if he were holding a small pin, he placed the two hands in this position as if he were holding a thread in each hand and between the thumb and forefinger of each hand close together, and Fic. 320. Fic. 321. i : t 1 x 522 SIGN LANGUAGK AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. then let his hands recede from each other, still holding his fingers in the same position, asif he were letting a thread slip between them until his hands were two feet apart— Yow live long time, Fig. 323. Laying Fi, 323. his right hand on his breast, then extending his forefinger of the same hand, holding it from him at half-arm’s length, the finger pointing nearly upward, then moving his hand, with the finger thus extended, from side to side about as rapidly as a man steps in walking, each time letting his hand get farther from him for three or four times, then suddenly placing his left hand in a horizontal position with the fingers extended and together so that the palm was sidewise, he used the right-hand palm extended, fingers together, as a hatchet, and brought it down smartly, just missing the ends of the fingers of the left hand, Fig. 324. Then placing his left hand, with the thumb and forefinger closed, to his heart, he brought his right hand, fingers in the same position, to his left, then, as / if he were holding something between his thumb and forefinger, he moved his right hand away as if he were slowly casting a hair from him, his left hand Fic. 324. remaining at his breast, and his eyes following hisright—T go abouta little while longer, but will be cut off shortly and my spirit will go away (or will die). Placing the thumbs and fore- fingers again in such a position as if he held a small thread between the thumb and forefinger of each hand, and the hands touching each other, he drew his hands slowly from each other, as if he were stretching a piece of gum-elastic; then laying his right hand on me, he extended the left hand in a horizontal position, fingers extended and closed, and brought down his right hand with fingers extended and together, so as to just miss the tips of the fingers of his left hand; then placing his left forefinger and thumb against his heart, he acted as if he took a hair from the forefinger and thumb of his left hand with the forefinger and thumb of the right, and slowly cast it from him, only letting his left hand remain at his breast, and let the index finger of the right hand point outward toward the distant horizon—A/fter a long time you die. When placing his left hand upon-himself and his right hand upon me, he extended them upward oyer his head and clasped them there— We then meet in heaven. Pointing upward, then to himself, then to me, he closed the third and little finger of his right hand, laying his thumb over them, then extending his first and second fingers about as far apart as the eyes, he brought his hand to his eyes, fingers pointing outward, ee ee eeeeneer 4 MALLERY.] ADDRESS OF KIN CHE-ESS 523 and shot his hand outward—T see you up there. Pointing to me, then giving the last above-described sign of look, then pointing to himself, he made the sign asif stretching out a piece of gum-elastic between the fingers of his left and right hands, and then made the sign of cut-off before described, and then extended the palm of the right hangl hori- zontaliy a foot from his waist, inside downward, then suddenly threw it half over and from him, as if you were to toss a chip from the back of the hand (this is the negative sign everywhere used among these In- dians)—I would see him a long time, which should never be cut off, 1. e., always. Pointing upward, then rubbing the back of his left hand lightly with the forefinger of his right, he again gave the negative sign.—No Indian there(in heaven). Pointing upward, then rubbing his forefinger over the back of my hand, he again made the negative sign—No white man there. He made the same sign again, only he felt his hair with the forefinger and thumb of his right hand, rolling the hair several times between the fingers—No black man in heaven. Then rubbing the back of his hand and making the negative sign, rubbing the back of my hand and mak- ing the negative sign, feeling of one of his hairs with the thumb and forefinger of his right hand, and making the negative sign, then using both hands as if he were reaching around a hogshead, he brought the forefinger of his right hand to the front in an upright position after their manner of counting, and said thereby—No Indian, no white man, no black man, all one. Making the “‘hogshead” sign, and that for look, he placed the forefinger of each hand side by side pointing upward— All look the same, or alike. Running his hands over his wild Indian cos- tume and over my clothes, he made the ‘“hogshead” sign, and that for same, and said thereby—All dress alike there. Then making the ‘“hogshead” sign, and that for love, (hugging his hands), he extended both hands outward, palms turned downward, and made a sign exactly similar to the way ladies smooth a bed in making it; this is the sign for happy—All will be happy alike there. He then made the sign for talk and for Father, pointing to himself and to me—You pray for me. He then made the sign for go away, pointing to me, he threw right hand over his right shoulder so his index finger pointed behind him— You go away. Calling his name he madethe sign for look and the sign of nega- tion after pointing to me—MKin Ché-éss see you no more. Fig. 322, an illustration in the preceding address, also represents a common gesture for sit down, if made to the right of the hip, toward the locality to be occupied by the individual invited. The latter closely corresponds to an Australian gest- ure described by Smyth (Lhe Aborigines of Victoria, London, 1878, Vol. Il, p. 308, Fig. 260), as follows: “ Minnie-minnie (wait a little). It is shaken down- wards rapidly two orthree times. Done more slowly towards the ground, it means ‘Sitdown.’” This is reproduced in Fig. 325. Fic. 325. 524 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. TSO-DI-A'-KO'S REPORT. The following statement was made to Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN by Tso-DI- A’-KO (Shaved-head Boy), chief of the Wichitas in Indian Territory, while on a visit to Washington, D. C., in June 1880. The Indian being asked whether there was any timber in his part of the Territory, replied in signs as follows: (1) Move the right hand, fingers loosely extended, separated and pointing upward, back to the front, upward from the height of the waist to the front of the face—tree (for illustration see Fig. 112, p. 343) ; repeat this two or three times—trees ; (2) then hold the hand, fingers extended and joined, pointing upward, with the back to the front, and push it for- ward toward different points on a level with the face—standing at various places ; (3) both hands, with spread and slightly curved fingers, are held about two feet apart, before the thighs, palms facing, then draw them toward one another horizontally and gradually upward until the wrists cross, as if grasping a bunch of grass and pulling it up—many ; (4) point to the southwest with the index, elevating it a little above the horizon— country ; (5) then throw the fist edgewise toward the surface, in that diree- tion—my, mine ; (6) place both hands, extended, flat, edgewise before the body, the left below the right, and both edges pointing toward the ground a short distance to the left of the body, then make repeated cuts toward that direction from different points, the termination of each cut ending at nearly the same point—cut down, Fig. 326; (7) hold the left hand with the fingers and thumb col- lected to a point, directed hori- zoutally forward, and make sey- eral cutting motions with the edge of the flat right hand trans- versely by the tips of the left, 5 and upon the wrist—cut off the Pe By ends ; (8) then cut upon the left eS hand, still held in the same posi- Sie ee tion, with the right, the cuts being parallel to the longitudinal ce axis of the palm—split ; (9) both “hands closed in front of the Fic. 326. ' body, about four inches apart, with forefingers and thumbs approximating half circles, palms to- ward the ground, move them forward so that the back of the hand comes forward and the half circles imitate the movement of wheels— wagon, Fig. 327; (10) hold the left flat hand before the body, pointing horizontally forward, with the palm down, then bring the right flat hand from the right side and slap the palm upon the back of the left several / x MALLERY.] TSO-DI-A’-KO’S REPORT. 525 times—load upon, Fig. 328; (11) partly close the right hand as if grasp- ing a thick rod, palm toward the ground, and push it straight forward nearly to arm’s length—take ; (12) hold both hands with fingers natur- ally extended and slightly separated nearly at arm’s length before the body, palms down, the right lying upon the left, then pass the upper ‘~% ne! ee Fic. 327. Fic, 328. forward and downward from the left quickly, so that the wrist of the right is raised and the fingers point earthward—throw off ; (13) cut the left palm repeatedly with the outer edge of the extended right hand— build ; (14) hold both hands edgewise before the body, palms facing, spread the fingers and place those of one hand into the spaces between those of the left, so that the tips of one protrude beyond the backs of the fingers of the other—log house, see Fig. 253, p. 428; (15) then place the flat right hand, palm down and fingers pointing to the left, against the breast and move it forward, and slightly upward and to the right— good. ANALYSIS OF THE FOREGOING. [There is] much | timber | [in] my | country | [of which I] cut down On Ae) @) = (6) [some], | trimmed, | split, | loaded it upon | a wagon [and] | took it @. 2-6) (10) (9) (11) away, | [where I] threw [it] off | [and] built | [a] good | house | . (12) (13) (15) - (14) Novres.—As will be seen, the word timber is composed of signs No. 1 and 2, signifying trees standing. Sign No. 3, for many, in this instance, as in similar other examples, becomes much. The word “in,” in connec- tion with country and my, is expressed by the gesture of pointing (pass- ing the hand less quickly than in ordinary sign language) before making sign No.5. That sign commonly given for possession, would, without the prefix of indication, imply my country, and with that prefix signifies inmy country. Sign No. 7, trimmed, is indicated by chopping off the ends, and facial expression denoting satisfaction. In sign Nos. 11 and 12 the gestures were continuous, but at the termination of the latter the nar- rator straightened himself somewhat, denoting that he had overcome the greater part of the labor. Sign No. 14 denotes log-house, from the man- ner of interlacing the finger-ends, thus representing the corner of a log- house, and the arrangement of the ends of the same. Indian lodge would be indicated by another sign, although the latter is often used as an abbreviation for the former, when the subject of conversation is known to all present. 526 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. LEAN WOLE’S COMPLAINT. The following remarks were obtained by Dr. W. J. HorrMAN from TCE-CAQ-A-DAQ-A-QIC (Lean Wolf), chief of the Hidatsa Indians of Da- kota Territory, who visited Washington in 1880: FOUR YEARS AGO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AGREED TO BE FRIENDS WITH US, BU'T THEY LIED. THAT IS ALL. (1) Place the closed hand, with the thumb resting over the middle of the index, on the left side of the forehead, palmar side down, then Fa, 329, draw the thumb across the forehead to the right, a short distance be- yond the head—white man, American, Fig. 329. (2) Place the naturally extended hand, fingers and thumb slightly separated and pointing to the left, about fifteen inches before the right MALLERY | LEAN WOLE’S COMPLAINT. 527 side of the body, bringing it to within a short distance—with us, Fig. 330. (5) Extend the flat right hand to the front and right as if about to grasp the hand of another individual—/riend, friends, Fig. 331. For re- marks connected with this sign see pp. 384-385. Fic. 331. (4) Place the flat right hand, with fingers only extended, back to the front, about eighteen inches before the right shoulder—/our [years], Fig. 332. Fic. 332. (5) Close the right hand, leaving the index and second fingers extended and slightly separated, place it, back forward, about eight inches before 528 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. the right side of the body, and pass it quickly to the left in a slightly downward curve—lie, Fig. 333, FIG, 333. (6) Place the clinched fists together before the breast, palms down, then separate them in a curve outward and downward to their respect- ive sides—done, finished, “that is all”, Fig. 334. Fig, 334. MALUERY.] LEAN WOLF’S COMPLAINT—ANGER—DANGER, 529 SIGNALS. The collaborators in the work above explained have not generally re- sponded to the request to communicate material under this head. It is, however, hoped that by now printing some extracts from published works and the few contributions recently procured, the attention of ob- servers will be directed to the prosecution of research in this direction. The term “ signal” is here used in distinction from the signs noted in the DICTIONARY, extracts from which are given above, as being some action or manifestation intended to be seen at a distance, and not allow- ing of the minuteness or detail possible in close converse. Signals may be executed, first, exclusively by bodily action ; second, by action of the person in connection with objects, such as a blanket, or a lance, or the direction imparted to a horse; third, by various devices, such as smoke, fire or dust, when the person of the signalist is not visible. When not simply intended to attract attention they are generally conven- tional, and while their study has not the same kind of importance as that of gesture signs, it possesses some peculiar interest. SIGNALS EXECUTED BY BODILY ACTION. Some of these are identical, or nearly so, with the gesture signs used by the same people. ALARM. See NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS, infra. ANGER. Close the hand, place it against the forehead, and turn it back and forth while in that position. (Col. R. B. Marcy, U. 8. A., Thirty Years of Army Life on the Border, New York, 1866, p. 34.) CoME HERE. The right hand is to be advanced about eighteen inches at the height of the navel, horizontal, relaxed, palm downward, thumb in the palm ; then draw it near the side and at the same time drop the hand to bring the palm backward. The farther away the person called is, the higher the hand is raised. If very far off, the hand is raised high up over the head and then swung forward, downward, and backward to the side. (Dakota I, IV.) DANGER. There is something dangerous in that place-—Right-hand index-finger and thumb forming a curve, the other fingers closed; move the right 34 A EB 530 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. hand forward, pointing in the direction of the dangerous place or ani- mal. (Omaha I.) DEFIANCE. Right-hand index and middle fingers open; motion toward the enemy signifies ‘I do not fear you.” Reverse the motion, bringing the hand toward the subject, means “ Do your worst to me.” (Omaha I.) DIRECTION. Pass around that object or place near you—she-i-he ti-dha-ga.— W hen a man is at a distance, I say to him “Go around that way.” Describe a curve by raising the hand above the head, forefinger open, move to right or left according to direction intended and hand that is used, 7. e., move to the left, use right hand; move to the right, use left hand. (Omaha 1; Ponka 1.) HAurT! To inquire disposition. Raise the right hand with the palm in front and gradually push it forward and back several times; if they are not hostile it will at once be obeyed. (Randolph B. Marcy, The Prairie Traveler. New York, 1859, p. 214.) Stand there! He is coming to you. Right hand extended, flat, edgewise, moved downward several times. (Omaha 1.) Stand there! He is going toward you. Hold the open right hand, palm to the left, with the tips of the fingers toward the person signaled to; thrust the hand forward in either an upward or downward curve. (Omaha 1; Ponka 1.) Lie down flat where you are—she-dhu bis-pé zha®/-ga. Extend the right arm in the direction of the person signaled to, having the palm down; move downward by degreesto about the knees. (Omaha 1; Ponka I.) PEACE; FRIENDSHIP. Hold up palm of hand.—Observed as made by an Indian of the Kan- sas tribe in 1833. (John T. Irving, Indian Sketches. Philadelphia, 1835, vol. ii, p. 253.) Elevate the extended hands at arm’s length above and on either side of the head. Observed by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, as made in Northern Arizona in 1871 by the Apaches, Mojaves, Hualpais, and Seviches. “No arms”—corresponding with “hands up” of road-agents. Fig. 335. Fic, 335.—A signal of peace. Fic. 336.—Signal, ‘Who are you?” Answer, “Pani.” MALLERY.] SIGNALS: DEFIANCE—SURRENDER. 531 The right hand held aloft, empty. (General G. A. Custer, My Life on the Plains, New York, 1874, p. 238.) This may be collated with the lines in Walt Whitman’s Salut aw Monde— Toward all I raise high the perpendicular hand,—I make the signal. The Natchez in 1682 made signals of friendship to La Salle’s party by the joining of the two hands of the signalist, much embarrassing Tonty, La Salle’s lieutenant, in command of the advance in the descent of the Mississippi, who could not return the signal, having but one hand. His men responded in his stead. (Margry, Decowvertes et Etablissments des Frangais dans Vouest et dans le sud de VAmérique Septentrionale, dc.) QUESTION. IT do not know you, Who are you? After halting a party coming: Right hand raised, palm in front and slowly moved to the right and left. [Answered by tribal sign.] (Marey’s Prairie Traveler, loc. cit., 214.) Fig. 336. In this illustration the answer is made by giving the tribal sign for Pani. To inquire if coming party is peaceful. Raise both hands, grasped in the manner of shaking hands, or by lock- ing the two forefingers firmly while the hands are held up. If friendly they will respond with the same signal. (Marey’s Prairie Traveler, loc. cit., 214.) SUBMISSION. The United States steamer Saranac in 1874, cruising in Alaskan waters, dropped anchor in July, 1874, in Freshwater Harbor, back of Sitka, in latitude 59° north. An armed party landed ata T’linkit village, de- serted by all the inhabitants except one old man and two women, the latter seated at the feet of the former. The man was in great fear, turned his back and held up his hands as a sign of utter helplessness. (Extract from notes kindly furnished by Lieutenant-Commander Wm, BAINBRIDGE Horr, U.S. N., who was senior aid to Rear-Admiral Pen- nock, on the cruise mentioned.) SURRENDER. The palm of the hand is held toward the person [to whom the surren- der is made]. (Long.) Hold the palm of the hand toward the person as high above the head as the arm can be raised. (Dakota I.) 532 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. SIGNALS IN WHICH OBJECTS ARE USED IN CONNECTION WITH PERSONAL ACTION. BUFFALO DISCOVERED. See also NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS. When the Ponkas or Omahas discover buffalo the watcher stands erect on the hill, with his face toward the camp, holding his blanket with an end in each hand, his arms being stretched out (right and left) on a line with shoulders. (Dakota VIII; Omaha 1; Ponka 1.) See Fig. 337. Same as (Omaha I), and (Ponka I); with the addition that after the blanket is held out at arm’s length the arms are crossed in front of the body. (Dakota I.) Camp! When it is intended to encamp, a blanket is elevated upon a pole so as to be visible to all the individuals of a moving party. (Dakota VIII.) Come! TO BECKON TO A PERSON. Hold out the lower edge of the robe or blanket, then wave itin to the legs. This is made when there is a desire to avoid general observation. (Matthews.) CoME BACK! Gather or grasp the left side of the unbuttoned coat (or blanket) with the right hand, and, either standing or sitting in position so that the signal can be seen, wave it to the left and right as often as may be nec- essary for the sign to be recognized. When made standing the person should not move his body. (Dakota I.) DANGER. See also NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS, Horseman at a distance, galloping, passing and repassing, and crossing each other—enemy comes. But for notice of herd of buffalo, they gallop back and forward abreast—do not cross each other. (H. M. Brackenridge’s Views of Louisiana. Pittsburgh, 1814, p. 250.) Riding rapidly round in a circle, “Danger! Get together as quickly as possible.” (Richard Irving Dodge, lieutenant-colonel United States Army, The Plains of the Great West. New York, 1877, p. 368.) Point the right index in the direction of the danger, and then throw the arm over the front of the body diagonally, so that the hand rests near the left shoulder, back eutward. If the person to be notified of the danger should be in the rear precede the above signal with that *‘PoLOAOdSIP OTLYUG ,, Loy [RUSIG—yee “ony TT HI | iI i Fra. 338.—Signal of discovery or alarm. ‘ MALLERY.] SIGNALS: BUFFALO—DISCOVERY. 533 tor “ Attention.” This signal can also be made with a blanket, properly grasped so as to form a long narrow roll. Perhaps this signal would more properly belong under “ Caution,” as lt would be used to denote the presence of a dangerous beast or snake, and not that of a human enemy. (Dakota 1.) Passing and repassing one another, either on foot or mounted, is used as a war-signal; which is expressed in the Hidatsa—makimaka/da- halidié. (Mandan and Hidatsa I.) DIRECTION. Pass around that place. Point the folded blanket in the direction of the object or place to be avoided, then draw it near the body, and wave it rapidly several times in front of the body only, and then throwing it out toward the side on which you wish the person to approach you, and repeat a sufficient number of times for the signal to be understood. (Dakota I.) DISCOVERY. The discovery of enemies, game, or anything else, is announced by riding rapidly to and fro, or in a circle. The idea that there is a differ- ence in the signification of these two directions of riding appears, accord- ing to many of the Dakota Indians of the Missouri Valley, to be errone- ous. Parties away from their regular encampment are generally in search of some special object, such as game, or of another party, either friendly or hostile, which is generally understood, and when that object is found, the announcement is made to their companions in either of the above ways. The reason that a horseman may ride from side to side is, that the party to whom he desires to communicate may be at a particular locality, and his movement—at right angles to the direction to the party—would be perfectly clear. Should the party be separated into smaller bands, or have flankers or scouts at various points, the only way in which the rider’s signal could be recognized as a motion from side to side, by all the persons to whom the signal was directed, would be for him to ride in a circle, which he naturally does. (Dakota VI, VU, V1.) Fig. 338. The latter was noticed by Dr. Hoffman in 1873, on the Yellowstone River, while attached to the Stanley Expedition. The Indians had again concentrated after their first repulse by General Custer, and taken possession of the woods and bluffs on the opposite side of the river. As the column came up, one Indian was seen upon a high bluff to ride rapidly round in a circle, occasionally firing off his revolver. The signal announced the discovery of the advancing force, which had been expect- ed, and he could be distinctly seen from the surrounding region. As many of the enemy were still scattered over the neighborhood, some of them would not have been able to recognize this signal had he ridden to and from an observer, but the circle produced a lateral movement visible from any point. 534 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMORICAN INDIANS. Of enemies, or other game than Buffalo. See also NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS. The discovery of enemies is indicated by riding rapidly around in a circle, so that the signal could be seen by their friends, but out of sight of the discovered enemy. (Dakota I.) When enemies are discovered, or other game than buffalo, the senti- nel waves his blanket over his head up and down, holding an end in each hand. (Omaha 1; Ponka 1.) Of game, wood, water, &c. This is communicated by riding rapidly forward and backward on the top of the highest hill. The same would be communicated with a blanket by waving it right and left, and then directly toward the game or what- ever the party might be searching for, indicating that it is not to the right or to the left, but directly in front. (Dakota I.) DRILL, MILITARY. “Tt is done by signals, devised after a system of the Indian’s own in- vention, and communicated in various ways. “Wonderful as the statement may appear, the signaling on a bright day, when the sun is in the proper direction, is done with a piece of looking-glass held in the hollow of the hand. The reflection of the sun’s rays thrown on the ranks communicates in some mysterious way the wishes of the chief. Once standing on a little knoll overlooking the valley of the South Platte, I witnessed almost at my feet a drill of about one hundred warriors by a Sioux chief, who sat on his horse on a knoll opposite me, and about two hundred yards from his command in the plain below. For more than half an hour he commanded a drill, which for variety and promptuness of action could not be equaled by any civilized cavalry of the world. All I could see was an occasional movement of the right arm. He himself afterwards told me that he used a looking-glass.” -(Dodge’s Plains of the Great West, loc. cit., pp. 307, 308.) FRIENDSHIP. If two Indians [of the plains] are approaching one another on horse- back, and they may, for instance, be one mile apart, or as far as they can see each ocher. At that safe distance one wants to indicate to the other that he wishes to be frieudly. He does this by turning his horse around and traveling about fifty paces back and forth, repeating this two or three times; this shows to the other Indian that he is not for hostility, but for friendly relations. If the second Indian accepts this proffered overture of friendship, he indicates the same by locking the fingers of both hands as far as to the first joints, and in that position raises his hands and lets them rest on his forehead with the palms MALLERY. | SIGNALS: DRILL—PEACE. 535 either in or out, indifferently, as if he were trying to shield his eyes from the excessive light of the sun. This implies, “I, too, am for peace,” or “TI accept your overture.” (Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo I.) It is interesting in this connection to note the reception of Father Marquette by an Illinois chief who is reported to have raised his hands to his eyes as if to shield them from overpowering splendor. That action was sup- posed to be made in a combination of humility and admiration, and a pretended inability to gaze on the face of the illustrious guest has been taken to be the conception of the gesture, which in fact was probably only the holding the interlocked hands in the most demonstrative pos- ture. An oriental gesture in which the flat hand is actually interposed as a shield to the eyes before a superior is probably made with the poet- ical conception erroneously attributed to the Indian. The display of green branches to signalize friendly or pacific inten- tions does not appear to have been noticed among the North Ameri- can Indians by trustworthy observers. Captain Cook makes frequent mention of it as the ceremonial greeting among islands he visited. See his Voyage toward the South Pole. London, 1784, Vol. Il, pp. 30 and 35. Green branches were also waved in signal of friendship by the natives of the island of New Britain to the members of the expedition in charge of Mr. Wilfred Powell in 1878. Proceedings of the Royal Geological So- ciety, February, 1881, p. 89. Har! Stand there! he is coming this way. Grasp the end of the blanket or robe; wave it downward several times. (Omaha I.) To inquire disposition. Wave the folded blanket to the right and left in front of the body, then point toward the person or persons approaching, and carry it from a horizontal position in front of the body rapidly downward and up- ward several times. (Dakota 1.) MAny. Wave the blanket directly in front of the body upward and downward several times. Many of anything. (Dakota 1.) PEACE, COUPLED WITH INVITA‘ ION. Motion of spreading a real or imaginary robe or skin on the ground. Noticed by Lewis and Clark on their first meeting with the Shoshoni in 1805. (Lewis and Clark’s Travels, &c., London, 1817, vol. ii, p. 74.) This signal is more particularly described as follows: Grasp the blanket by the two corners with the hands, throw it above the head, allowing it to unfold as it falls to the ground as if in the act of spreading it. 536 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. QUESTION. The ordinary manner of opening communication with parties known or supposed to be hostile is to ride toward them in zigzag manner, or to ride in a circle. (Custer’s My Life on the Plains, loc. cit., p. 58.) This author mentions (p. 202) a systematic manner of waving a blanket, by which the son of Satana, the Kaiowa chief, conveyed information to him, and a similar performance by Yellow Bear, a chief of the Arapahos (p. 219), neither of which he explains in detail. I do not know you. Who are you? Point the folded blanket at arm’s length toward the person, and then wave it toward the right and left in front of the face. You—I don’t know. Take an end of the blanket in each hand, and extend the arms to full capacity at the sides of the body, letting the other ends hang down in front of the body to the ground, means, Where do you come from? or who are you? (Dakota I.) SAFETY. ALL Quiet. See NoTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS. SURRENDER. Hold the folded blanket or a piece of cloth high above the head. “ This really means ‘I want to die right now.” (Dakota I.) SURROUNDED, We are. Take an end of the blanket in each hand, extend the arms at the sides of the body, allowing the blanket to hang down in front of the body, and then wave it in a circular manner. (Dakota I.) SIGNALS MADE WHEN THE PERSON OF THE SIGNALIST IS NOT VISIBLE. Those noted consist of SMOKE, FIRE, or DUST signals. SMOKE SIGNALS GENERALLY. They [the Indians] had abandoned the coast, along which bale-fires were left burning and sending up their columns of smoke to advise the distant bands of the arrival of their old enemy. (Schoolcraft’s History, &ec., vol. iii, p. 35, giving a condensed account of De Soto’s expedition.) “Their systems of telegraphs are very peculiar, and though they might seem impracticable at first, yet so thoroughly are they understood by the savages that it is availed of frequently to immense advantage. The most remarkable is by raising smokes, by which many important facts are communicated to a considerable distance and made intelligi- ble by the manner, size, number, or repetition of the smokes, which are MALLERY.] SMOKE SIGNALS. 537 commonly raised by firing spots of dry grass.” (Josiah Gregg’s Com- merce of the Prairies. New York, 1844, vol. ii, p. 286.) The highest elevations of land are selected as stations from which signals with smoke are made. These can be seen at a distance of from twenty to fifty miles. By varying the number of columns of smoke dif- ferent meanings are conveyed. The most simple as well as the most varied mode, and resembling the telegraphic alphabet, is arranged by building a small fire, which is not allowed to blaze; then by placing an armful of partially green grass or weeds over the fire, as if to smother it, a dense white smoke is created, which ordinarily will ascend in a con- tinuous vertical column for hundreds of feet. Having established a cur- rent of smoke, the Indian simply takes his blanket and by spreading it over the small pile of weeds or grass from which the smoke takes its source, and properly controlling the edges and corners of the blanket, he confines the smoke, and is in this way able to retain it for several moments. By rapidly displacing the blanket, the operator is enabled to cause a dense volume of smoke to rise, the length or shortness of which, as well as the number and frequency of the columns, he can reg- ulate perfectly, simply by a proper use of the blanket. (Custer’s My Tafe on the Plains, loc. cit., p. 187.) They gathered an armful of dried grass and weeds, which were placed and carried upon the highest point of the peak, where, everything being in readiness, the match was applied close tothe ground; but the blaze was no sooner well lighted and about to envelop the entire amount of grass collected than it was smothered with the unlighted portion. A slender column of gray smoke then began to ascend in a perpendicular column. This was not enough, as it might be taken for the smoke rising from a simple camp-fire. The smoldering grass was then covered with a hlanket, the corners of which were held so closely to the ground as to almost completely confine and cut off the column of smoke. Waiting a few mo- ments, until the smoke was beginning to escape from beneath, the blanket was suddenly thrown aside, when a beautiful balloon-shaped column puffed upward like the white cloud of smoke which attends the discharge of a field-piece. Again casting the blanket on the pile of grass, the column was interrupted as before, and again in due time released, so that a succession of elongated, egg-shaped puffs of smoke kept ascending toward the sky in the most regular manner. This bead-like column of smoke, considering the height from which it began to ascend, was visi- ble from points on the level plain fifty miles distant. (Zb., p. 217.) The following extracts are made from Fremont’s First and Second Ex- peditions, 1842-3-4, Ex. Doc., 28th Cong. 2d Session, Senate, Washing- ton, 1845: ‘*Columns of smoke rose over the country at scattered intervals—sig- nals by which the Indians here, as elsewhere, communicate to each other that enemies are in the country,” p. 220. This was January 18, 1844, in the vicinity of Pyramid Lake, and perhaps the signalists were Pai-Utes. 538 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. ‘While we were speaking, a smoke rose suddenly from the cotton- wood grove below, which plainly told us what had befallen him [Tabeau] ; it was raised to inform the surrounding Indians that a blow had been struck, and to tell them to be on their guard,” p. 268, 269. This was on May 5, 1844, near the Rio Virgen, Utah, and was narrated of ‘“ Diggers,” probably Chemehuevas. ARRIVAL OF A PARTY AT AN APPOINTED PLACE, WHEN ALL IS SAFE. This is made by sending upward one column of smoke from a fire partially smothered by green grass. This is only used by previous agreement, and if seen by friends of the party, the signal is answered in the same manner. But should either party discover the presence of enemies, no signal would be made, but the fact would be communicated by arunner. (Dakota I.) SUCCESS OF A WAR PARTY. Whenever a war party, consisting of either Pima, Papago, or Mari- copa Indians, returned from an expedition into the Apache country, their success was announced from the first and most distant elevation visible from their settlements. The number of scalps secured was shown by a corresponding number of columns of smoke, arranged in a hori- zontal line, side by side, so as to be distinguishable by the observers. When the returning party was unsuccessful, no such signals were made. (Pima and Papago I.) Fig. 339. A similar custom appears to have ex- isted among the Ponkas, although the custom has apparently been dis- continued by them, as shown in the following proper name: Cu-de ga-xe, Smoke maker; He who made a smoke by burning grass returning from war. SMOKE SIGNALS OF THE APACHES. The following information was obtained by Dr. W. J. Horrman, from the Apache chiefs named on page 407, under the title of TINNEAN, (Apache I): The materials used in making smoke of sufficient density and color consist of pine or cedar boughs, leaves and grass, which can nearly always be obtained in the regions occupied by the Apaches of Northern New Mexico. These Indians state that they employ but three kinds of signals, each of which consists of columns of smoke, numbering from one to three or more. ALARM. This signal is made by causing three or more columns of smoke to ascend, and signifies danger or the approach of an enemy, and also requires the concentration of those who see them. These signals are communicated from one camp to another, and the most distant bands are guided by their location. The greater the haste desired the greater —Signal or successful war-party. Fie. 339 MALLERY.] SMOKE SIGNALS. 539 the number of columns of smoke. These are often so hastily made that they may resemble puffs of smoke, and are caused by throwing heaps of grass and leaves upon the embers again and again. ATTENTION. This signal is generally made by producing one continuous column, and signifies attention for several purposes, viz, when a band had become tired of one locality, or the grass may have been consumed by the ponies, or some other cause necessitated removal, or should an enemy be reported, which would require further watching before a decision as to future action would be made. The intention or knowledge of anything unusual would be communicated to neighboring bands by causing one column of smoke to ascend. ESTABLISHMENY OF A CAMP; QUIET; SAFETY. When a removal of camp has been made, after the signal for ATTEN- TION has been given, and the party have selected a place where they propose to remain until there may be a necessity or desire for their re- moval, two columns of smoke are made, to inform their friends that they propose to remain at that place. Two columns are also made at other times during a long continued residence, to inform the neighbor- ing bands that a camp still exists, and that all is favorable and quiet. FOREIGN SMOKE SIGNALS. The following examples of smoke signals in foreign lands are added for comparison. Miss Haigh, speaking of the Guanches of the Canary Islands at the time of the Spanish conquest, says: “When an enemy approached, they alarmed the country by raising a thick smoke or by whistling, which was repeated from one to another. This latter method is still in use among the people of Teneriffe, and may be heard at an almost in- credible distance.” (Trans. Eth. Soc. Lond. vii, 1869, sec. ser., pp. 109, 110.) “The natives have an easy method of telegraphing news to their dis- tant friends. When Sir Thomas Mitchell was traveling through Eastern Australia he often saw columns of smoke ascending through the trees in the forests, and he soon learned that the natives used the smoke of fires for the purpose of making known his movements to their friends. Near Mount Frazer he observed a dense column of smoke, and subse- quently other smokes arose, extending in a telegraphic line far to the south, along the base of the mountains, and thus communicating to the natives who might be upon his route homeward the tidings of his return. ‘When Sir Thomas reached Portland Bay he noticed that when a whale appeared in the bay the natives were accustomed to send up a column 540 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. of smoke, thus giving timely intimation to all the whalers. If the whale should be pursued by one boat’s crew only it might be taken; but if pursued by several, it would probably be run ashore and become food for the blacks.” (Smyth, loe. cit., vol. 1, pp. 152, 153, quoting Maj. T. L. Mitchell’s Hastern Australia, vol. ii, p. 241.) Jardine, writing of the natives of Cape York, says that a “communica. tion between the islanders and the natives of the mainland is frequent; and the rapid manner in which news is carried from tribe to tribe, to great distances, is astonishing. I was informed of the approach of Her Majesty’s Steamer Salamander, on her last visit, two days before her arrival here. Intelligence is conveyed by means of fires made to throw up smoke in different forms, and by messengers who perform long and rapid journeys.” (Smyth, loc. cit., vol. 1, p. 153, quoting from Overland Expedition, p. 85.) Messengers in all parts of Australia appear to have used this mode of signaling. In Victoria, when traveling through the forests, they were accustomed to raise smoke by filling the hollow of a tree with green boughs and setting fire to the trunk at its base; and in this way, as they always selected an elevated position for the fire when they could, their movements were made known. When engaged in hunting, when traveling on secret expeditions, when approaching an encampment, when threatened with danger, or when foes menaced their friends, the natives made signals by raising a smoke. And their fires were lighted in such a way as to give forth signals that would be understood by people of their own tribe and by friendly tribes. They exhibited great ability in managing their system of telegraphy ; and in former times it was not seldom used to the injury of the white settlers, who at first had no idea that the thin column of smoke rising through the foliage of the adjacent bush, and raised per- haps by some feeble old woman, was an intimation to thé warriors to advance and attack the Europeans. (R. Brough Smyth, F. L. S., F. G. S., Lhe Aborigines of Victoria. Melbourne, 1878, vol. i, pp. 152, 153.) FIRE ARROWS. “Travelers on the prairie have often seen the Indians throwing up signal lights at night, and have wondered how it was done. * * * They take off the head of the arrow and dip the shaft in gunpowder, mixed with glue. * * * The gunpowder adheres to the wood, and coats it three or four inches from its end to the depth of one-fourth of an inch. Chewed bark mixed with dry gunpowder is then fastened to the stick, and the arrow is ready for use. When it is to be fired, a warrior places it on his bowstring and draws his bow ready to let it fly; the point of the arrow is then lowered, another warrior lights the dry bark, and it is shot high in the air. When it has gone up a little MALLERY.] FIRE ARROWS AND DUST SIGNALS. 5Al1 distance, it bursts out into a flame, and burns brightly until it falls to the ground. Various meanings are attached to these fire-arrow signals. Thus, one arrow meant, among the Santees, ‘The enemy are about’; two arrows from the same point, ‘Danger’; three, ‘Great danger’; many, ‘They are too strong, or we are falling back’; two arrows sent up at the same moment, ‘ We will attack’; three, ‘Soon’; four, ‘Now’; if shot diagonally, ‘In that direction.’ These signals are constantly changed, and are always agreed upon when the party goes out or before it separates. The Indians send their signals very intelligently, and seldom make mistakes in telegraphing each other by these silent monitors. The amount of information they can communicate by fires and burning arrows is perfectly wonderful. Every war party carries with it bundles of signal arrows.” (Belden, The White Chief; or Twelve Years among the Wild Indians of the Plains. Cincinnati and New York, 1871, pp. 106, 107.) With regard to the above, it is possible that white influence has been felt in the mode of signaling as well as in the use of gunpowder, but it would be interesting to learn if any Indians adopted a similar expedi- ent before gunpowder was known tothem. They frequently used arrows, to which flaming material was attached, to set fire to the wooden houses of the early colonists. The Caribs were acquainted with this same mode of destruction as appears by the following quotation: ““Their arrows were commonly poisoned, except when they made their military excursions hy night; on these occasions they converted them into instruments of still greater mischief; for, by arming the points with pledgets of cotton dipped in oil, and set on fire, they fired whole villages of their enemies at a distance.” (Alcedo. The Geograph. and Hist. Dict. of America and the West Indies. Thompson’s trans. London, 1812, Vol. I, p. 314.) DUST SIGNALS. When an enemy, game, or anything else which was the special object of search is discovered, handfulls of dust are thrown into the air to an- nounce that discovery. This signal has the same general signification as when riding to and fro, or, round in a circle on an elevated portion of ground, ora bluff. (Dakota VII, VIII.) When any game or any enemy is discovered, and should the sentinel be without a blanket, he throws a handful of dust up into the air. When the Brulés attacked the Ponkas, in 1872, they stood on the bluff and threw up dust. (Omaha I; Ponka I.) There appears to be among the Bushmen a custom of throwing up sand or earth into the air when at a distance from home and in need of help of some kind from those who were there. (Miss L. OC. Lloyd,, MS. Letter, dated July 10, 1880, from Charlton House, Mowbray, near Cape Town, Africa.) 542 SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS. NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS. The following information was obtained from WaA-u™ (Bobtail), Mo- HI/-NUK-MA-HA’-IT (Big Horse), Cheyennes, and O-Qo-HIs/-sa (The Mare, better known as “ Little Raven”), and NA/-ware (Left Hand), Arapa- hos, chiefs and members of a delegation who visited Washington, D. C., in September, 1880, in the interest of their tribes dwelling in Indian Territory : A party of Indians going on the war-path leave camp, announcing their project to the remaining individuals and informing neighboring friends by sending runners. Indicates commencement of movement in representing sign, or part of sign. x Represents the termination of movements. © Indicates the point in the gesture line at which the hand position is changed. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. CATALOGUE OF EMNGiSTicy MANUSGRIPTS IN THE LIBRARY OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. BY JAMES C. PILLING. CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS IN THE LIBRARY OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. By JAMES C. PILLING. Mr. Henry R. Schooleraft, while engaged in the preparation of his work—“ Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States”—sent to various persons residing among the Indians a “‘ Comparative Vocabulary of the Lan- guages of the Indian Tribes of the United States,” a quarto paper of 25 pages, comprising 350 words, and the numerals one to one billion. The returns from this were for the most part incorporated in his work ; a few, however, found their way into the collection of the Smithsonian Institution. In 1853~54, Mr. George Gibbs, while engaged under Gov. Isaac I. Stevens in ‘ Explorations for a route for the Pacific Railroad near the 47th and 49th parallels of north latitude,” became interested in the study of the languages of the Indians inhabiting the Northwest, and collected many vocabularies. To further extend this work, he prepared and had printed a folio paper of three leaves entitled ‘A vocabulary of 180 words which it is desired to collect in the different languages and dialects throughout the Pacific Coast for publication by the Smithson- ian Institute at Washington.” These were sent to such persons as, in his judgment, were competent to furnish the material desired, and many of them, filled or partly filled, were returned to him. A second edition of this vocabulary, 6 11., folio, was issued. In 1863 there was published by the Smithsonian Institution a pam- phlet with the following title: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections. | —160— | Instructions | for research relative to the | Ethnology and Philology | of | America. | Prepared for the Smithsonian Institution. | By | George Gibbs. | Washington: | Smithsonian Institution: | March, 1863. 2p. IL, pp. 1-51. 8°. : In his introductory remarks, Professor Henry thus states the object of the paper: “The Smithsonian Institution is desirous of extending and completing its collections of facts and materials relative to the Ethnology, Arche- ology, and Philology of the races of mankind inhabiting, either now or at any previous period, the continent of America, and earnestly solicits 555 556 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. the codperation in this object of all officers of the United States Goy- ernment, and travellers or residents who may have it in their power to render any assistance.” Under the head of Philology, Mr. Gibbs gave a brief account of some of the peculiarities of Indian languages, with general directions for the best method of collecting certain words; a simple and practical alpha- bet; and a vocabulary in English, Spanish, French, and Latin of 211 words. Speaking of the latter, he says: “In view of the importance of a uniform system in collecting words of the various Indian languages of North America, adapted to the use of officers of the government, travellers, and others, the following is recommended as a STANDARD VOCABULARY. It is mainly the one pre- pared by the late Hon. Albert Gallatin, with a few changes made by Mr. Hale, the Ethnologist of the United States Exploring Expedition, and is adopted as that upon which nearly all the collections hitherto made for the purpose of comparison have been based. For the purpose of ascertaining the more obvious relations between the various mem- bers of existing families this number is deemed sufficient. The remote affinities must be sought in a wider research, demanding a degree of acquaintance with their languages beyond the reach of transient visit- ors.” The vocabulary given in this paper was separately printed on writing paper, 10 1l., 4°, and reprinted, 6 1l., folio, and was distributed widely among the missionaries, Indian agents, travelers, and local collectors in ethnology, and has served a valuable purpose, resulting in the col- lection by the Smithsonian Institution of a large number of vocabula- ries, comprising many of the languages and dialects of the Indian tribes of the United States, British America, and Mexico. This material, as it was received, was placed in the hands of Mr. Gibbs for revision and classification—a work in which he was engaged at the time of his death, which occurred before any of it was published. In 1876, Professor Henry turned this material over to Maj. J. W. Powell, then in charge of the United States Geographical and Geologi- cal Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, to be consolidated and pub- lished in connection with like material collected by himself and his assistants while among the Indians of the western portion of the United States. A number were accordingly published in the “Contributions to North American Ethnology,” Vols. I and ILI, a quarto series issued by the Survey. Wishing to extend the work already begun by the Smithsonian Insti- tution, Major Powell, in 1877, prepared the following paper: Introduction | to the | Study of Indian Languages, | with words, phrases, and sen- tences to be collected. | By J. W. Powell. | Washington: | Government Printing Office. | 1877. Pp. 1-104, 10 ruled Il., 4°. In his opening remarks, referring to the manuscripts derived from the distribution of Mr. Gibbs’ paper, the author says: ‘It has, in fact, PILLING. ] SMITHSONIAN FORMS. Do greatly stimulated investigation, giving wiser direction to inquiry, and the results have abundantly proved the value of the ‘Instructions’ and the wisdom of its publication; and it serves to mark an epoch in the history of ethnographic investigation in America. The material which has thus been accumulated is of great amount, and its study has led to such important conclusions that it is deemed wise to prepare a new system of instruction, more comprehensive in plan and more elaborate in detail. First, it is found necessary to enlarge the alphabet so as to include a greater number of sounds, which have been discovered in the North American languages, and to mark other letters with greater pre- cision. Second, it is necessary to enlarge the vocabulary so as to mod- ify it somewhat, as experience has dictated, so that new words may be collected. Third, it is desirable that many simple phrases and sentences should be given—so chosen as to bring out the more important charac- teristics of grammatic structure.” In the preparation of this paper, the alphabet was considered to be of prime importance. Concerning it, the author says: ‘After devoting much time to the consideration of the subject, and the examination of many alphabets devised by scholars and linguists, none was found against which there was not serious objections, and the author at- tempted to devise an alphabet which would contain all the supposed requirements; but there were many difficulties in the way, and many compromises to be made in weighing the various considerations. At this stage of the work he applied to the eminent philologist, Prof. W. D. Whitney, for assistance. After much consultation and the weighing of the many considerations arising from the large amount of manuscript material in the author’s hands, Professor Whitney kindly prepared the following paper on the alphabet.” The words, phrases, and sentences to be collected are arranged in schedules, each preceded by instructions, and followed by blanks for additions, as follows: I. Persons, 15 words. II. Parts of the body, 103 words. III. Relationships: Relationships arising from the first and second generations, 58 words. Relationships arising from the third generation, 224 words. Relationships arising from the fourth generation, 24 words. Names of children in order of birth, 26 words. IV. Social organization. V. Governmental organization, 22 words. VI. Religion, 6 words. VII. Disposal of the dead, 8 words. VIII. Dress and ornaments, 39 words. IX. Dwellings, 26 words. X. Implements and utensils, 36 words. Basket-ware, 15 words. Woodenware, 7 words. Utensils of shell, horn, bone, &c., 5 words, Stone implements, 13 words. Pottery, &c., 11 words. 558 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. XI. Food, 6 words. XII. Games and sports, 5 words. XIII. Animals: Mammals, 91 words. Parts of the body, &c., of mammals, 36 words. Birds, 192 words. Parts of the body, &c., of birds, 26 words. Fish, 12 words. Parts of the body, &c., of fish, 12 words. Reptiles,6 words. Insects, 11 words. XIV. Trees, shrubs, fruits, &c., 8 words. XV. The firmament, meteorologic and other physical phenomena and objects, 41 words. XVI. Geographic terms, 8 words. XVII. Geographic names. XVIII. Colors, 13 words. XIX. Numerals : Cardinal numbers, 58 words (1-1000). Ordinal numbers, 30 words. Numeral adverbs denoting repetition of action, 23 words. Multiplicatives, 22 words. Distributives, 23 words. XX. Measures. XXI. Divisions of time, 29 words. XXIi. Standard of value. XXILL New words, 84 words. XXIV. Phrases and sentences, 545 phrases, &c. This paper was prepared with special reference to the wants of the collector, being printed on bond paper and bound in flexible cloth. It was widely distributed and, like that of Mr. Gibbs, resulted in the col lection of valuable linguistic material. In 1879 Congress consolidated the various surveys, including that of the Rocky Mountain Region, into the United States Geological Survey, but made provision for continuing the publication of the Contributions to North American Ethnology under the direction of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, and directed that the ethnologic material in Major Powell’s hands be turned over to the Institution. Thus the Bureau of Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution was organized, and Major Powell was placed at its head. By this time the growing interest manifested in the study of North American linguistics rendered necessary the preparation of a new edi- tion of the Introduction. In the words of the author: “The progress made by various students, and the studies made by the author, alike require that a new edition be prepared to meet the more advanced wants and to embody the results of wider studies. Un- der these circumstances the present edition is published. It does not purport to be a philosophic treatment of the subject of language; it is not a comparative grammar of Indian tongues; it is simply a series of explanations of certain characteristics almost universally found by stu- PILLING. ] POWELL’S INTRODUCTIONS. 5)9 dents of Indian languages—the explanations being of such a character as experience has shown would best meet the wants of persons practi- cally at work in the field on languages with which they are unfamiliar. The book is a body of directions for collectors. “It is believed that the system of schedules, followed seriatim, will lead the student in a proper way to the collection of linguistic materials; that the explanations given will assist him in overcoming the difficulties which he is sure to encounter; and that the materials when collected will constitute valuable contributions to philology. It has been the effort of the author to connect the study of language with the study of other branches of anthropology, for a language is best understood when the habits, customs, institutions, philosophy—the subject-matter of thought embodied in the language—are best known. The student of language should be a student of the people who speak the language; and to this end the book has been prepared, with many hints and sug- gestions relating to other branches of anthropology.” The title of this publication is as follows: Smithsonian Institution— Bureau of Ethnology | J. W. Powell Director | Introduc- tion | to the | Study of Indian Languages | with | Words Phrases and Sentences to be Collected | By J. W. Powell | Second edition—with charts | Washington | Government Printing Office | 1880 Pp. i-xii, 1-228, and 8 ruled leaves. 4°. The following is the TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I.—ON THE ALPHABET. Page WON GIS sese:-55 5508 bocas SacoeS HS one REaCS CSU CHT aCe moc EONS SORCOSCOC OSS oa 4 OMNES (52 ccsnoans cess osSSeu sss Ssabess cosente cosas ccosceecesas see 5 (CLSTGOAIIES oes <8 eso SSeS soe l ao COS DOG BS Sane BAO a DOTS BOONES Ce SE EE ODOC Soon SS oes 6 WHTIG ye SEO Saas SOHC eIo Be DSO BBO BOS EO Sees BESS DO n= Co GSE CEU SS eB OT EOUD Bose 6 NER 26 Shee ea ore hose =H ene Ge par CE COC Oop Sane SeOueE nor Sareea nes 7 RS DUAINGS ee ane wee eck ee eae Sone cities ce biesic sims ge scacciet aie 8 Sibtlants sess ececeerececn os cise esas wot ccecse sac sccseses cece ces eecicccscees 9 Wg Mp li) lbp Gaeta Bad ee macS (oR eseASae son G SAS cGnbSos Heo Co ee SOeSeHne 9 interropuedssOundst-= se. see a laees se) asoce cae waciee ee ec arena ce ecice sens 11 Syn uhege sounds cee oe see aaa erence tec cs saeco e-loseaee cece 12 Complex; combinations peas see eee ren se eee eee lene aan seaniacs ana = aac 13 JAUME iD o Soe a ecdscoceasne 2 Haden seeosacercoss cbcnedgcesss Supe cons sess eo0edS 14 CHAPTER IJ.—HINTS AND EXPLANATIONS. eS EUROS) ce SESS Ee GSB CO CUD OOD GEOHES BSODSS COD ROOD RCO DSDNA CHOS COSenECe 18 Zest ERE UT) WN sone Soese cos coaboaacen ose sd osenscsensesne pocesons 1s Se TOSS ANG OLN AMONG soi ecee eel one a ese sale sae = olen = 2 18 Cpe DM GMO oe ce “po neo aso soo oeoaSu CE eRgode 5.—Implements and utensils -..-..-.-..--.---- 6.—Food B= NUD O La See ete ec ay eayee oe em nara eesce cee Se veienecis’s Uecinks aes Oi—Measnres\s aces 25 Se0c.cete e-toc NOOO OOO 560 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. §: 10, Division of time) 2252 w.csjo nce on cis emaee = bene nese ee eeeepeesiee ee niesioente § 11,—Standards'ofvalite.... . 2a te:5t cs a ara nane sae ee teeeioteieesiaciseleiss § 12.—Animals.--- WIBA SIS EMC G80) coe oo ssosceccese eS sos cosene ssosce: oe cososseeonSeses cose § 14.—Geographic [6 0 eS ee SER OCD DE RAE SEO SOSCO OSS COC SRO CASS EIACE Eas §)15:— Geographic names mm wer -lome sloe sete ae eae ee eee a § 16. —The firmament, meteorologic and other physical phenomena and objects- § 17.—Kinship .... . §)18'—Sochalllomeamiz ail OV eae oe a a eee oleae § 19.—Government Nabe Wns) eoeeas seogen Econ ko TeSoHoDnos come Ss onesscoesse needa aces § 24. NeW WOrd8 ws. .- 2 oe rece cos eis warieemiseeisas aaa nip tema eae Se see aes Remarks'on Nouns! - ssc... coe. seca seasne see sneeeeeece cere eee seem § 25.—Accidents of nouns—demonstrative and adjective pronouns -...---..--- § 26.—Personal and article pronouns—transitive verbs......-..-..------------- §27,.— Possession i 2~ s.oe5 ccsctas quiets sesseasees stead ace epieeeise eee Ee aeeeeeee § 28.—Intransitive verbs—adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, and nouns used as Verbs -.-- §).29:—Vio1ce;; mode; angstense == spree eels see alan eee § 30.—Additional investigations suggested -.........--...-------..----..----- § 31.—On the best method of studying materials collected. ..--...-.--.-.---..- § 32.—The rank of Indisnglan p aa ges a= ee = eee tates ae ee eee eee CHAPTER III.—SCHEDULEsS. Schedule: #1+—Persons's soa nace ects scan seiimen = ae a etal eee eee eeeeen 2. PATbS Of TNO} 00 OC yeaetnent ane sete se ene eee eee ee eee 3.—Dres 4.—Dwe San dormamM ents ome eis sinea we eet ieee eeiee eee cence Wives a eel Sem anodes Sas enesObocooas coesos Cosh ocoSea bSacKC Bel binjalterenrr rsp etl MMM Soe een coocer acon ceocacesssmnce as0- Wooden ware = te seaeeen seen eae een aeree ee ee ere Stone: implements) = .7 222-2 sen acas sce c cee nes Comte oseeaee Shell Whorn ybOne W000 eae eee =e ee eee ee eee Basket; ware zoce2seecciceeenciceeesswse ces ee se eee ea aeeem econ (Fe 2101010 RESIS Se Sess aa OR Are AS See So SE ene aGsSaccke BooTcoo rece G.—= Colors 25 -o2ccccincecsnse sacecnceecss Re osc scones een aeeeee 8.—Numerals—Cardinal numbers ....-. .----2.--0 22. cece coc cne oo cece Ordinal num bers!2- = <--2- sec occ oaysse ene eee eee Numeraliadverbs i&Csce see seaa-e te eee sere ee eee Multiplicatives .<2 3s. ciss;- sccesnssase nen -csseeee eee Distribwtivess-o2saccsescee, eae eaccsiacceme aeons 9: Measures <:i/2)ocie ie cieniwa cern searene oe eatean Soeeeoe ee eee oon eee 10:=Divisiom of time... 2.-2...ceeen Seater een See ee 1i.—Standards'ofivalue.2.. 5.25223) .cce en ee eee eee eae 12.—Aninialse—Mammals "2.3.22. o ane oe sete ee eoaneeaeeseemeees Parts of body, &c., of mammals.--......--.-..------- Bitds 223s Ssaee ese cam aco eee eee Bene ee oases Pavts/ot body,;éce.,i0f binds) -- se eeeeeeee ee ei ish 2 22.5255 Sots hee Se: eee ee cee Parts of the body, &c., of fish --.--. .-----------. -..- Reptiles! -.— =. 22-5 cigace) sos aos s see eee eee sores Jnsects'.-..--- seen sce meawne pote Stee eee eee PILLING.) POWELL’S INTRODUCTIONS. 561 Page. Sn@T FIG) TES EAT ee oop cece Booons SSS ent Sete SeScSISHe6 DSao cect ecrpeedace 127 14 —Georraphic terms) s.ces--sscacce sce el aa= == saloons ese e esas 5 === 129 15.— Geographic names.... .-.--.---------- --------. ..---. ---------- 131 16.—The firmament, meteorologic and other physical phenomena and TAM Seco secSanso.cnas Sse oseoceberess onoseans Heese soSneS 132 17. Kinship.—Relatives.—Lineal descendants of self, male speaking. 134 Lineal ascendants of self, male speaking. 135 First collateral line, male speaking ..---. 136 Second collateral liue, male speaking ---. 187 Third collateral line, male speaking.--.-.. 139 Fourth collateral line (male branch), male SPSS NE secs coe cog sesscosccc went asses 146 Fourth collateral line (female branch), Male speakiNe essen anes aan enor 147 Lineal descendants of self, female speak- fli eens aaa hoo e Sa eince OEE e ee SoeeeeEes 148 Lineal ascendants of self, female speaking. 149 First collateral line, female speaking. ---. 150 Second collateral line, female speaking... 151 Third collateral line, female speaking-.-.. 153 Fourth collateral line (male branch), fe- malejspeaking ~~ oo - 2. cee senennna===e 160 Fourth collateral line (female branch), fe- Taalle) GyUeR ais oor occ ceecsecctorede 161 Affinities through relatives—Descendants of self, male speaking -...--....-.. 162 First collateral line, male speaking -.-..-.-.---- 163 Second collateral line, male speaking -..---.. 164 Third collateral line, male speaking -.........-.. 166 Affinities through the marriage of self, male speaking. 171 Affinities through relatives—Descendants of self, fe- male speaking -.-. .--- 172 First collateral line, fe- male speaking ----.--. 173 Second collateral line, fe- male speaking ---- .--- 174 Third collateral line, fe- male speaking ---- ---- 176 Affinities through the marriage of self, femalespeaking. 181 Ordinal names of children ...-......--....--.--...... 182 18;—Sociall organization oe. cns~- = ao oe elee es ae eee ee een 183 1) == SGT hee cee Sash Sobske sentaoe Sao sSoa cence coop esercces 185 PY SST G5 so og seon oS sstcettoced res ecense seSscece seet cabs cede 186 Die MOnitAC ys CLSLOUIN =o = ameter tee ae) olen oe ieee oleae 187 ee MOOI CIO Wee oe lac ere a ee ee enna lonianeaeaas nen Se 189 Q3i—- AMUSEMENT =s-—os.cecee cise sccceeserascseraeataecewncnsecs~--~ _ 191 SIN ETT Wind See Cones BEES SOS OS SS56 SSS COSeSe CSUs DOE SSC Mane Eene 192 25.—Number and gender of nouns—Demonstrative and adjective pro- TOT iy serisepiggs coonie Sees took GoancS sees co aee coe ee Usaeboepes 196 26.—Personal and article pronouns—Transitive verbs.-.---.-----.----- 200 Pie ORROBSIO Mae nies seen ye eee ae eine oan ae ae clean sacs oa be ceo 206 36 AE 562 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. Page. Schedule 28.—Intransitive verbs, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, and nouns ; used as verbs ---.---..--- Jeccesee 6s sees eee eerie eine = ae 210 29.—Voice, mode and tense....-.------------- -------- +--+ ---- +--+ 221 30.—Additional investigations suggested -...----.--.---.------------ 228 Experience had demonstrated the propriety of some changes in the alphabet and a considerable enlargement of the scheme as given in the first edition of the work, and in the second Major Powell has made many modifications. The schedule of relationship was so large that graphic representation was considered necessary, and charts were pre- pared which it was thought both the student and the Indian could fol- low it with comparative ease. Experience has shown that the idea was well founded. As in the first edition, blank spaces were given after each schedule for such additions as might suggest themselves to the collector; and to further facilitate the work separate. alphabet cards of convenient size accompanied the volume. This publication has not been long enough in the hands of collectors to meet with great returns, though a sufficient number have been re- ceived, filled or partly filled, to justify the Bureau in anticipating, in the not distant future, the receipt of a body of material prepared ac- cording to scientific methods which, when published, will prove a valu- able contribution to this branch of ethnologic research. Abbott (G. H.). Vocabulary of the Coquille; 180 words. 311. folio. Collected in 1858, at the Silets Indian Agency. Anderson (Alexander C.). Concordance of the Athabascan Languages, with Notes. 1211. folio. Comparative vocabulary of 180 words of the following dialects: Chipwyan, Tacully, Klatskanai, Willopah, Upper Umpqua, Tootooten, Apple- gate Creek, Hopah Haynarger. Notes on the Indians of the Northwest Coast. 1211. folio. Vocabulary of the Klatskanai Dialect of the Tahculli, Atha- basca; 180 words. 311. folio. Arny (Gov. W. I’. M.). Vocabulary of the Navajo Indians. 10 ll. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1874. Governor Arny was assisted by Prof. Valentine Friese and Rey. W. B. Forrey. Arroyo de la Cuesta (P. Felipe). Idiomas Californios. 32 pp. folio. ‘This manuscript, containing 12 short vocabularies, was copied from the original in Santa Barbara, Cal., by Mr. E. T. Murray. ‘The following are the vocabularies: Esselen, or Huelel—Mutsun; San Antonio y San Miguel; San Luis Obispo; Nopthrinthres of San Juan Baptista—Yokuts; Canal de Santa Barbara; San Luis Rey; Karkin—Mutsun; Tuichun—Mutsun (?); Saclan; Sui- sun—Wintun; Hluimen, or Uhimen—Mutsun; Lathruunun—Yokuts. Azpell (Assist. Surg. Thos. F.). Vocabulary of the Hoopa, and Kla- math; 200 words each. 1011. 4°. OnSmithsonian form. Collected in California in 1870. PILLING.) ABBOTT—BARTLETT. 563 Baer (John). Vocabularies of the Yerigen (Tchuktchi), 250 words; and of the Chaklock, 100 words. 10 ll. folio. Mr. Baer accompanied the Rogers Ex. Ex. The Yerigen words were collected in Glasenep Harbor, Straits of Seniavine, west side of Behring Straits. The Chaklock words from the inhabitants of the island of Chaklock, about two miles te the southward. Balitz (Antoine). Vocabulary of the Aleuts; 211 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in the Aleutian Islands in 1868. Ballou (E.). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Shoshone Language. 162 pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 2 ed. Col- lected at the Shoshone and Bannock Agency, Wyoming Territory, 1880-1881. None of the schedules are neglected, and many are filled and additions made. Mr. Ballou has added much to the value of his manuscript by copious etlmologic notes. Bannister (Henry M.). Vocabulary of the Malimoot, Kotzebue Sound ; 200 words. 10. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Barnhardt (W. H.). Comparative Vocabulary of the Languages spoken by the Umpqua, Lower Rogue River, and Calapooa Indians; 160 words. 4ll. folio. Barnhart (—.). Vocabulary of the Kalapuya; 211 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Vocabulary of the Lower Rogue River Indians; 211 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Barker (J. C.). Vocabulary of the Indians of Santa Tomas Mission, Lower California; 150 words. 100. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1876. Bartlett (John Russell). Vocabularies of the Cahita, Opate, and Tara- humara; 200 words each. 711. folio. Vocabulary of the Ceris; 180 words. 611. folio. Taken by Mr. Bartlett from Hermosillo, a native, January, 1852. Vocabulary of the Cochimi; 180 words. 611. folio. Vocabulary of the Coco Maricopa; 180 words. 611. folio. Vocabulary of the Coppermine Apaches; 150 words. 611. folio. Obtained by Mr. Bartlett from Mancus Colorado, a chief of the Coppermine Apaches, July, 1851. Vocabulary of the Diegeno; 150 words. 6 ll. folie. Vocabulary of the Dieguina; 180 words. 611. folio. These Indians resided for 20 miles along the coast in the neigh- borhood of San Diego. Vocabulary of the Hum-mock-a-ha-vi; 180 words. 611. folio. Vocabulary of the Kioway; 200 words. 611. folio. On Smithonian form. Collected from Esteban, a Mexican in the service of the Mexican Boundary Commission, who had been a captain seven years among the Comanches and Kioways in Texas, 564 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. Bartlett (John Russell). Vocabulary of the Piro. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected from two of the principal mon of the pueblo of Sineca, a few miles below El Paso del Norte. Vocabulary of the Tigua. 61. folio: On Smithsonian form. Collected from Santiago Ortiz (Ahebatu), head chief of Sineca, Isleta, &c. Vocabulary of the Yaqui of Sonora. 6 ll. folio, Vocabulary of the Yuma or Cuchan; 180 words. 6 ll. folio. The above material was collected by Mr. Bartlett while on the Mexican Boundary Commission. Belden (Lieut. George P.). Vocabulary of the Chinook Jargon. 2711. 12°. Alphabetically arranged. Dictionary of the Snake, Crow, and Sioux, alphabetically ar- ranged. 182 pp. 8°. Collected in 1868. Bennett (Lieut. Col. Clarence E.). Vocabulary of the Yuma; 211 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected at Fort Yuma, 1864. Berendt (Dr. Carl Herman). Vocabulary of the Maya; 200 words. 611. folio. Comparative Vocabulary of the Mexican or Nahuatl and Maya Languages. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form, with a few additions. Berson (F'.). Vocabulary of the Clear Lake Indians, California. 811. sm.4°. Collected in November, 1851. Copy of the original furnished by M. Alex. Pinart. Yuki-English and English-Yuki Dictionary. 45 pp. sm.4° Collected in 1851 from a band of Indians fifty miles south of Clear Lake, California. Copy of the original furnished by M. Alex. Pinart. Bierstadt (Albert). Vocabulary of the Sioux. 6pp. folio. OnSmithsonian form. Collected, 1863. Bissell (George P.). Vocabulary of the Coos, or Kusa, Oregon. 46 pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Vocabulary of the Umpqua. 511. 4°. Collected in 1876. Brackett (Col. A. G.). Vocabulary of the Absaraka, or Crow. . 1l pp. folio. Collected at Fort Laramie, Wyoming, 1879. Butcher (Dr. H. B.) and Leyendecher (John). Vocabulary of the Co- manche Indians ; 200 werds. 6ll. folio. Collected April, 1867. Chamberlain (Montague). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Meli- cite (Malisit) Language, River St. John, New Brunswick. In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Collected December, 1880. Chapin (Col. G.). Vocabulary of the Sierra Blanco Apaches. 1011, 4°. On Smithsonian ferm, Collected in 1867, Camp Goodwin, Arizona, Cheroki. Vocabulary of the Cherokee, or Tseloge; 88 words. 311. folio. Collector unknown. Cooper (Dr. J. G.). Vocabulary of the Gros Ventres and Blackfoot. 6 pp. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected 1861. PILLING.) BARTLETT—DORSEY. 565 Cooper (Dr. J. G.). Vocabulary of the Siksikhoié, or Blackfoot; 180 words. 7 pp. folio. Recorded March, 1861. Vocabulary of the Tshihalish; 180 words. 611. folio. Corbusier (William H.). Vocabulary of the Apache-Mojave, or Yavape; and Apache-Yuma, or Tulkepa, with ethnopaphic notes. 54 pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages—nearly com- plete. Collected at the Rio Verde Agency, Arizona, 1873, ’74, ’75. Corliss (Capt. A. W.). Vocabulary of the Lacotah, or Sioux, Brulé band. 50 pp. 4°. ‘Notes made while at Spotted Tail’s Agency of Brulé Sioux In- dians on the White River, in Dakota and Nebraska, in 1874.” In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Copied from original manuscript loaned by Captain Corliss. Clark (W.C.). Vocabulary of the Modoc of Southern Oregon. 12pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Col- lected in 1878 at Yaneks. Craig (R. O.). Vocabulary of the Skagit and Snohomish. 4ll. 4°. Collected in 1858. Cremony (John C.). Vocabulary of the Mescalero Apaches. 611. folio. Obtained by Captain Cremony at Fort Sumner, Bosque Redondo, on the Pecos River, N. Mex., in 1863. Crook (Gen. George). Vocabulary of the Hoopah of the Lower Trinity River, California; 180 words. Pall, ale Vocabulary of the Tahluwah; 180 words. 311. folio. Denig (EK. T.). Vocabulary of the Blackfoot, by E. T. Denig, Indian agent, Fort Union. 6 pp. folio. Diezman (fF. J.). Grammar of the Mosquito Indian Language, prepared by F. J. Diezman, of San Juan del Norte, Nicaragua. 1611. 4°. Prepared in 1865. Dorsey (James Owen). Myths, Stories, and Letters in the @egiha Lan- guage. 750 pp. folio. This material is in hands of the printer, and will form Part I, Vol. 6, Contributions to North American Ethnology. It comprises 70 stories and myths and 300 letters, each with interlinear translation, explanatory notes, and free translation. Grammar of the (egiha Language. 800 pp. folio. Will form Part 2 of Vol. 6, Contributions to North American Ethnology. : ¢egiha Dictionary—egiha-English and English-Gegiha, alpha- betically arranged ; contains 20,000 words. 22,000 slips. Will form Part 3 of Vol. 6, Contributions to North American Ethnology. Linguistic Material of the Iowas, Otos, and Missouris. 1,000 pp. folio. Consists of myths, stories, and letters, with interlinear trans- lation, a dictionary of 9,000 words, and a grammar. 566 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. Dorsey (James Owen). Linguistic Material of the Winnebago Language. 75 pp. folio and 2,100 slips. Consists of a letter, grammatic notes, and diction- ary of 2,000 words. Kansas and Omaha Words and Phrases. 5 pp. folio. Eels (Rev. Myron). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Chemakum. 3711. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Col- lected at the Skokomish Reservation, Washington Territory, 1878. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the S’klallam or Sclallam. 5211. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed., complete. Collected at the Skokomish Reservation in 1878. Includes plural forms and pos- sessive cases of nouns and pronouns and the partial conjugation of the verb ‘‘to eat”. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Skwaksin Dialect of the Niskwalli Language. 5211. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed., com- plete. Collected in 1878. Includes plural forms, possessive cases and diminu- tives of nouns, comparison of adjectives, cases of pronouns, and partial conjuga- tion of the verbs ‘‘to eat” and ‘“‘to drink”. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Twana Language. 5211. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed., com- plete. Collected in 1878. Includes plural forms, possessive cases and gender of nouns, comparison of adjectives, possessive case of pronouns, and partial conjuga- tion of the verbs ‘‘ to eat” and ‘‘to drink”. Eskimo. Vocabularies (60 words each) of the Asiagmut, of Norton Bay; Kuskokvims, of Norton Bay; of the Indians near Mount St. Elias; of Kadiak Island; and of the Indians of Bristol Bay. 511. folio. Euphrasia (Sister M.). Exercises in the Papago Language, by Sister M. Euphrasia, St. Xavier’s Convent, Arizona. 61l. folio. Twenty-seven exercises, and phrases and sentences. Everett (William E.). Vocabulary of the Sioux, alphabetically arranged ; by Will. E. Everett, Government Scout. 91 pp. folio. Flachenecker (Rev. George). Notes on the Shyenne Language, by Rey. Geo. Flachenecker, Lutheran Missionary, Deer Creek, Nebraska, September, 1862. 7 pp. folio. Fletcher (Robert H.). Vocabulary of the Nez Percés. 1011. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1873 in Idaho. Fuertes (E. A.). Vocabularies of the Chimalapa, or Zoque; Guichico- vian, or Mixe; Zapoteco; and Maya; 200 words each. 171l. 4°. In parallel columns, accompanied by grammatic notes. Gabb (Dr. William M.). Vocabularies of the Cochimi and Kiliwee; 211 words each. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected April, 1867. The Cochimi vo- cabulary collected in the center of the peninsula of Lower California, in the vi- cinity of San Borja and Santa Gertrude; the Kiliwee 150 miles farther north. Vocabulary of the Klamath of Southern Oregon; 150 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1864. PILLING. | DORSEY—GATSCHET. 567 Gabb (Dr. William M.). Vocabulary of the Yuma; 186 words. 6ll. folio. Collected in the vicinity of Fort Yuma. Vocabulary of the Yuma and H’tiém. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1867. Galbraith (F. G.). Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of Santa Clara, New Mexico. 1411. folio. Collected in 1880. Gardiner (Bishop —.). Some forms of the Chipewyan verb. 5 ll. folio. Gardiner (W. H.). Vocabulary of the Sisseton Dakotas, by W. H. Gar- diner, Assistant Surgeon, U.S. A. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1868. Gatschet (Albert Samuel). Vocabulary of the Achomawi, Pit River, Northeast California. 11 pp. folio. Includes dialects of Big Valley, Hot Springs, and Goose Lake. Vocabulary of the Ara (Karok), Klamath River, California, from Red Caps to Clear Creek, near mouth of Scott River; 211 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Cheroki Linguistic Material obtained from Richard M. Wolfe, Delegate of the Cherokee Nation to the United States Government. 511. folio. Principally phrases and sentences. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Clackama. In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. The Clackamas belong to the Chinuk family. Material collected at Grande Ronde Reservation, Yam- hill County, Oregon, December, 1877. Creek or Maskoki Linguistic Material obtained from General Pleasant Porter and Mr. R Hodge, Delegates of the Creek Nation to the United States Government, 1879~80. 41l. folio. Principally phrases and sentences. Kayowé Linguistic Material. 10 pp. folio. Composed principally of sentences with translation. Collected February and March, 1880, from Itéli Du™moi, or “‘ Hunting Boy”, a young pupil of the Hampton, Va., school, employed at the Smithsonian Institution, and after- wards sent to the Indian School at Carlisle, Pa. Linguistic Material of the Kalapuya family, Atfalati dialect. Pp. 1-399. sm. 4°, in five blank books. Consists of texts with interlinear translation, grammatic notes, words, phrases, and sentences. ; List of Suffixes of the Tualati or Atfalati Dialect of the Kala- puya of Oregon. Blank book, sm. 4°. Arranged in 1878. Words, Phrases, and Sentences of the Atfalati or Wapatu Lake Language. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed.—nearly complete. Collected at Grande Ronde Agency, 1877. Vocabulary of the Likamiute and Ahantchuyuk Dialects of the Kalapuya Family. 16 pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed., incom- plete. Collected at Grande Ronde Indian Agency, 1877. 568 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. Gatschet (Albert Samuel). Words, Phrases, and Sentences of the Yam- hill Dialect of the Kalapuya Family. 9pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed., incom- plete. Collected at the Grande Ronde Agency, 1877. Vocabulary of the Kansas or Kaw. 12 pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed., incom- plete. Linguistic Material collected at the Chico Rancheria of the Michopdo Indians (Maidu family), Sacramento Valley, California. 84 pp. sm.4°, blank book. Text with interlinear translation, phrases, and sentences. Collected in 1877. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Mélale Language. 3011. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Col- lected at the Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon, in 1877. Texts in the Molale Language with Interlinear Translation. 12 ll. folio. Consists of a short description of marriage ceremonies, the “Myth of the Coyote”, and a ‘‘ Raid of the Cayuse Indians”. Collected at the Grande Ronde Reserve in 1877, from Stephen Savage. Vocabulary of the Mohawk. 7 ll. folio. Collected from Charles Carpenter, an Iroquois of Brantford, in 1876. Vocabulary of the Nénstoki or Nestuccas Dialect of the Selish family. 10 ll. 4°. Collected in 1877 from an Indian called ‘‘ Jack”, of Salmon River, Oregonian Coast. On Smithsonian form. Sasti-English and English-Sasti Dictionary. 8411. sm.4°. Alphabetically arranged from materials collected at Dayton, Polk County, Oregon, in November, 1877. The informants were two young men, the brothers Leonard and Willie Smith, pure blood Shasti (or Sésti) Indians, who had come from the Grand Ronde Indian Agency, a distance of 25 miles. Their old home is the Shasti Valley, near Yreka, Cal. Shasti-English and English-Shasti Dictionary. 69 ll. sm.4°. Obtained from “ White Cynthia”, a Klamath woman living at Klamath Lake Reservation, Williamson River, Lake County, Oregon, in Sep- tember, 1877. Dialect spoken at Crescent City, Cal. Vocabulary of the SAwino or Shawnee. 7 pp. folio. Collected in 1879 from Bluejacket. Includes clans of the Shaw- nees with their totems. Shawano Linguistic Material. 24 pp. folio. Texts with interlinear translation, grammatic forms, phrases, and sentences. Collected February and March, 1880, from Charles Bluejacket, delegate of Shawano tribe to the United States Government. Tonkawa-English and English-Tonkawa Dictionary. 52 pp. sm. 4°. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Umpkwa Language. 2211. 4°. In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Collected at Grande Ronde Agency, 1877. Vocabulary of the Warm Spring Indians, Des Chutes, Oreg. ; 200 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1875. PILLING. GATSCHET—GIBBS. 569 Gatschet (Albert Samuel). Vocabulary of the Wasco and Waccanéssisi Dialects of the Chinuk Family. 7 pp. folio. Taken at the Klamath Lake Agency, Oregon, 1877. Vocabulary of the Zufian Language, with grammatic remarks: 1011. folio. Obtained from a Zui boy about 10 years old, who was attend- ing the Indian school at Carlisle, Pa., in 1880. Geisdorff (Dr. Francis). Vocabulary of the Mountain Crows. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Gibbs (George). Account of Indian Tribes upon the Northwest Coast of America. 10 11. folio. Comparisons of the Languages of the Indians of the Northwest. 2311. 8° and folio. b Miscellaneous Notes on the Eskimo, Kenai, and Atna Languages. 25 11. 4° in folio. Notes on the Language of the Selish Tribes. 1011. folio. Notes to the Vocabularies of the Klamath Languages. 7 ll. folio. Indian Nomenclature of Localities, Washington and Oregon Territories. 711. folio. Observations on the Indians of the Klamath River and Hum- boldt Bay, accompanying Vocabularies of their Languages. 25 11. folio. Principles of Algonquin Grammar. Spp. 4°. Vocabulary of the Chemakum and Mooksahk ; 180 words. 311. folio. Vocabulary of the Chikasaw ; 200 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866. Vocabulary of the Clallam ; 180 words. 311. folio. ? Vocabulary of the Cowlitz; 200 words. 10. 4°. : Vocabulary of the Creek ; 200 words. 1011. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866. Vocabulary of the Eskimo of Davis Strait; 211 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. —— Vocabulary of the Hitchittie, or Mikasuki; 200 words. 101. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866. Vocabulary of the Hoopah; 180 words. 4ll. folio. Collected at the mouth of the Trinity River, in 1852. ——- Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of Ysletta. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1868. Vocabulary of the Klikatat; 150 words. 6 ll. folio. Obtained from Yahtowet, a subchief, in 1854. Vocabulary of the Kwantlen of Fraser’s River; 180 words. Sli. folio. Collected in 1858, 570 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. Gibbs (George). Vocabulary of the Makah; 200 words. 411. 4°. Vocabulary of the Makah: 180 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Vocabulary of the Molele, Santiam Band. 311. folio. Vocabulary of the Toanhootch of Port Gambol; 180 words. 311. folio. Vocabulary of the Willopah Dialect of the Tahcully, Athapasca; 100 words. 6 ll. folio. Observations on the Indians of the Colorado River, California, accompanying Vocabularies of the Yuma and Mohave Tribes. 7 pp. folio. Vocabulary of the Mohave; 180 words. 611. folio. Obtained from a chief, Iritaba, in New York, 1863. Vocabulary of the Sawanwan; 211 words. 101]. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Vocabulary of the Yamhill Dialect of the Kalapuya; 211 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Grossman (Capt. F. E.). Some Words of the Languages of the Pimo and Papago Indians of Arizona Territory. 80 pp. 4°. English-Pimo and Pimo-English, alphabetically arranged. Ac- companied by a few grammatic notes and three stories with interlinear English translation. Collected at the Gila River Reservation during 1871. Gilbert (Grove Karl). Vocabulary of the Wallapai; 411 words. 2311. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Col- lected in 1878. Hale (Horatio). Vocabulary of the Tutelo, with remarks on the same. 30 pp. 4°. Hamilton (A.S.). Vocabulary of the Haynarger Dialect of the Tahcully, Athapasca; 180 words. 511. folio. Hamilton (S. M.). Chippewa Vocabulary; 180 words. 20 pp. folio. Hamilton (Kev. William). Vocabulary of the Iowa and Omaha; 112 words. 1211. oblong folio. Vocabulary of the Omaha, alphabetically arranged. 33 11. 49. Hazen (Gen. W. B.). Vocabulary of the Takilma; 211 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Vocabularies of the Upper Rogue River Languages—A pplegate (Umpkwa), Takilma, and Shasta; 180 words each. 311. folio. Heintzelman (Gen. —.). Vocabulary of the Cocopa; 100 words. 6 ll. folio. Copy of a MS. furnished Hon. John P. Bartlett by General Heintzel- man. Vocabulary of the Hum-mock-a-ha-vi; 180 words. 6ll. folio. Copy of a MS. furnished Hon. John P. Bartlett by General Heint- zelman, PILLING. GIBBS—MC’BETH. 571 Helmsing (J. S.). Vocabulary of the M’mat of Southwest Arizona and Southeast California; 211 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Henderson (Alexander). Grammar and Dictionary of the Karif Lan- guage of Honduras (from Belize to Little Rock). Belize, 1872. Pp. 1-340. 12° in eight blank books. Higgins (N.8.).- Notes on the Apaches of Arizona. 30 pp. folio. Includes a vocabulary of 200 words, names of tribes, etc. Husband (Bruce). Vocabulary of the Sioux. 6ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected at Fort Laramie, 1849. Jones (J. B.). Vocabulary of the Cherokee; mountain dialect; 200 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866. Jordan (Capt. Thomas). Vocabulary of the Cayuse; 180 words. 311. folio. Kantz (August V.). Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of Isleta, N. Mex. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1869. Vocabulary of the Too-too-ten ; 180 words. 6 ll. folio. Kirk (Charles W.). Hymns in the Wyandot Language. p70 ee oe Kenicott (Robert). Vocabulary of the Chipewyan of Slave Lake. 611. folio. Vocabulary of the Hare Indians, of Fort Good Hope, Mackenzie River. 611. folio. Vocabulary of the Nahawny Indians of the Mountains west of Fort Liard. 6 ll. folio. Vocabulary of the Tsuhtyuh (Beaver People)—Beaver Indians of Peace River west of Lake Athabasca; and of the Thekenneh (People of the Rocks) Siccanies of the Mountains, south of Fort Liard. 6 ll. folio. Kent (—.). List of names of Iowa Indians, with English translation. 8pp. folio. Accompanied by a similar list revised by Rev. William Hamil- ton. 7pp. folio. Keres. Vocabulary of the Keres; 175 words. 6ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collector unknown. Knipe (C.).. Nootka or Tahkahh Vocabulary ; 250 words. 711. folio. On Smithsonian form. Leyendecher (John Z.). See Butcher (Dr. H. B.) and Leyendecher (John Z.). MacGowan (Dr. D. J.). Vocabulary of the Caddo, with Linguistic notes. 8pp. folio, Vocabulary of the Comanches; 200 words. 611. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1865. McBeth (S. L.). Vocabulary of the Nez Percé; 211 words, 7 ll. folio. 572 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. McBeth (S. L.). Grammar of the Nez Percé Language. 66 ll. folio. McDonald (Angus). Vocabulary of the Kootenay; 200 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. McElroy (Patrick D.). Vocabulary of the Jicarilla Apache; 275 words. 1511. 4°. Compiled at Cimarron, Colfax County, N. Mex., in 1875. Mahan (I. L.). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Odjibwe. Pp. 8-102. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed.— nearly complete. Collected at Bayfield, Wis., in-1879. Mr. Mahan is the In- dian agent at Red Cliff Reserve, Wis. Meulen (Lieut. E. de). Vocabulary of the Kenay of Cook’s Inlet. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1870. Milhau (Dr. John J.). Vocabulary of the Anasitch (Coos Bay, No. 1); 211 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Vocabulary of Coos Bay, No. 2; 211 words. 6. folio. On Smithsonian form. Vocabulary of the Coast Indians living on the streams empty- ing between Umpqua Head and Cape Perpetua, Oregon, and on the Umpqua River for twenty miles above the mouth. 311. folio. a Vocabulary of the Hewut, Upper Umpqua, Umpqua Valley, Oregon. 180 words. 611. folio. . Vocabulary of the Umpqua, Umpqua Valley, Oregon; 180 words. 3 ll. folio. Vocabulary of the Yakona; 180 words. 3 ll. folio. Language of the Coast Indians lying between Cape Perpetua and Cape Foulweather, and up the Alseya and Yakona Rivers. Mowry (Lieut. Sylvester). Vocabulary of the Diegano; 175 words. 611. folio. Taken from the interpreter at Fort Yuma—an intelligent Die- gano who spoke Spanish fluently. Vocabulary of the Mohave; 180 words. 611. folio. Collected from Miss Olive Oatman, who was for years a prisoner among these Indians. Muskoki. Hymn: What a Friend we have in Jesus. 1 sheet folio. Translator unknown. Vocabularies of the Creek and Cherokee; 211 words in parallel columns. 1011. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1867. Collector unknown. Nichols (A. Sidney). Vocabulary of the Navajo. 1011. folio. Collected in 1868. Noosoluph. Vocabularies of the Noosoluph, or Upper Chihalis, and Kwi- naiutl. ll pp. 4°. Collector unknown. Ober (Frederick A.). Vocabulary of the Carib; Islands of Dominica and St. Vincent; 211 words. 1011. folio. On Smithsonian form. Packard (Robert L.). Terms of relationship used by the Navajo In- dians. 4ll. folio. Collected at the Navajo Reservation, New Mexico, in 1881. PILLING. } MC’BETH—POWELL. 573 Palmer (Dr. Edward). Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of Taowa; 40 words. 211. folio. Vocabulary of the Pinalefio and Arivaipa Apache; 200 words. 31. 4°. Parry (Dr.). Vocabulary of the Pima Indians ; 150 words. 6ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Forwarded by Maj. W. H. Emory, 1852. Pani. Vocabulary of the Hueco or Waco; 50 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collector unknown. Vocabulary of the Kichai; 30 words. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collector unknown. Pike (Gen. Albert). Verbal forms in the Muscoki Language. 2011. folio. Seven verbs run through various tenses and modes. Verbal forms of the Muscoki and Hichitathli. 27 11. folio. Vocabularies of the Creek or Muscogee, Uchee, Hitchita, Nat- chez, Co-os-au-da or Co-as-sat-te, Alabama, and Shawnee. 5611. folio. These vocabularies are arranged in parallel columns for compara- tive purposes, and contain from 1,500 to 1,700 words each. The manuscript was submitted to Mr. J. H. Trumbull, of Hartford, Conn., for examination, and was by him copied on slips, each containing one English word and its equivalent in the dialects given above, spaces being reserved for other dialects. They were then sent to Mrs. A. E. W. Robertson, of Tullahassee, Ind. T., who inserted the Chickasaw. These cards are also in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. Vocabulary of the Osage ; 200 words. 1111. folio. Vocabulary of the Toncawe ; 175 words. 101. 4°. Pilling (James C.). Words and Phrases in the Wundat or Wyandot Language. 3611. folio. In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed., incom- plete. Collected from John Grayeyes, a Wyandot Chief, 1880. Pope (Maj. F. L.). Vocabulary of Words from the Siccany Language. 14pp. 4°. ‘The tribe known as the Sicannies inhabit the tract of country lying to the northwest of Lake Tatla, in British Columbia, and their language is nearly the same as that spoken by the Connenaghs, or Nahonies, of the Upper Stikine.” Poston (Charles D.). Vocabulary of the Pima Indians of Arizona ; 180 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Powell (John Wesley). Conjugation of Ute Verbs. 43811. 4°, Miscellaneous Linguistic Notes on the Utes and Pai-Utes of Colorado and Utah. 1201, 4°, Notes on the Shinumo Language. 44 pp. 4°. Collected at Oraibi, N. Mex., in 1870. Notes on the Songs, Mythology, and Language of the Pai-Utes, 1871-72. 194 pp. folio. 574. CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. Powell (John Wesley). Ute Vocabulary. 1111. 4°. Contains also a brief list of duals and plurals of nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and verbs. Vocabulary of the Gosi-Ute. 7111. 4°. Collected from an Indian named Seguits, from Skull Valley, Nev., 1873. Vocabulary of the Hu-muk-a-hé-va (Mojaves); 55 words. 411. 4°. Collected in Las Vegas Valley, Nev., October, 1873. Vocabulary of the Indians of Las Vegas, Nev. 9311. 4°. Contains conjugation of the verbs ‘‘to strike” and “to eat.” Vocabulary of the Navajo. 811. folio. Collected in 1870 at Fort Defiance. Vocabulary of the Noje. 101]. 4°. Collected in 1881. Vocabulary of the Pavants of Utah. 1711. 4°. Obtained from Kanosh, a chief of the Pavants, in 1873. Vocabulary of the Paviotso. 6111. 4°. Collected from Naches, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1873. Vocabulary of the Paviotso. 77 11. 4°. Collected in Humboldt Valley, Nevada, 1880. Vocabulary of the Paviotso, Western Nevada. 25 pp. 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 2d ed., incom- plete. Collected in 1880. Vocabulary of the Shoshoni of Nevada. OT Al? Vocabulary of the Shoshoni of Western Nevada. 37 ll. 4° and folio. Collected in 1890. Vocabulary of the Tabuat Utes, Grand River, Colorado. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1868. Vocabulary of the Tantawaits (Shimawiva). 181]. 4°. Obtained from an Indian at Las Vegas, Nev., 1873. Vocabulary of the Tosauwihi—Shoshoni of Eastern Nevada. 5611. 4°. Collected from an Indian called Captain Johnson, in 1873. Vocabulary of the Uchi; 50 words. 211. folio. Vocabulary of the Ute Indians of Utah. 1611. 4°. Obtained of an Indian named Pompuwar, in 1873. Vocabulary of the Utes of Weber River, Utah. 23 pp. 8° and 4°. Collected in 1877. Vocabulary of the Utes of the White and Uinta Rivers, Utah. 621]. 4°. — — Vocabulary of the Wintu’n. 40 ll. 4°. Collected in 1880. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Kaivavwit Dialect of the Shoshoni Language. 10311. 4°. Obtained from a band of Indians living on Kaibab Creek, South- ern Utah. Words, Phrases, and Sentences of the Ute Indians of Utah Territory. 487 ]]. 49°. PILLING. ] POWELIL—ROSS. 575 Powell (J. W.). Vocabulary of the Kootenay; 185 words. 211. folio. Mr. Powell is Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Canada Powers (Stephen). Vocabulary of the Modoc; 31 words. 1 sheet folio. Vocabulary of the Tolowa; 10 words. 11. folio. Vocabularies of the Wailakki and Hupaé Languages; 211 words each. 611. folio. On Smithsonian form. Vocabulary of the Washo; 211 words. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected at Carson City, Nev., 1876. Preston (Capt. William). Vocabulary of the Delewes. lp. folio. This and the three following vocabularies were taken in 1796 by Capt. William Preston, Fourth United States Regulars, and found in a memo- randum book originally belonging to him, but now in the possession of his grandson, Prof. William P. Johnson, of the Washington and Lee University. Vocabulary of the Potawatomy ; 50 words. 1p. folio. Words and Sentences in Miami. 6 pp. folio. Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Shawannee. 7 pp. folio. Renshawe (John Henry). Vocabulary of the Hualapi. 2111, 4°. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed. Col- lected in 1878 on the Colorado Plateau, Arizona. Ridgway (Robert). Vocabulary of the Washo; 75 words. 511. folio. Collected at Carson City, Nev. Riggs (tev. Alfred Longley). Language of the Dakotas and cognate tribes; by Alfred L. Riggs, A. B., B. D., Missionary of the American Board. 2411. 8°. Riggs (fev. Stephen Return). Comparative Vocabulary of the Dakota, Winnebago, Omaha, and Ponka. 911. folio. Includes a few grammatic forms. Dictionary of the Santee Dakota—Dakota-English and English- Dakota. 820 pp. folio. This material is in the hands of the printer, and will form Part 2 of Vol. 7, Contributions to North American Ethnology. Part 1 will consist of myths and stories with interlinear translation, and a Grammar of this dialect. Tt is in an advanced stage of preparation. Robertson (Mrs. Ann Eliza Worcester). Vocabulary of the Chickasaw. On slips. See Pike (Gen. Albert). Roehrig (I*. L. O.) Comparative Vocabulary of the Selish Languages. 50 pp. folio. Includes words in Selish proper, or Flathead; Kalispelm; Spo- kan; Skoyelpi; Okinaken; S’chitsui; Shiwapmuth; Piskwaus. Comparative Vocabulary of the Selish Languages, second series. 4211. 4°. Includes words of the following dialects: Clallam, Lummi, Nook- sahk, Nanaimook, Kwantlen, and Tait. Ross (R. B.). Vocabulary of a Dialect of the Tinnean Language. 611. folio. 576 CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS. Ross (R. B.). Vocabulary of the Chipewyan. 611. folio. Vocabulary of the Natsit Kutchin (Strong Men). 611. folio. Procured from an Indian who had been several years in the Hud- son Bay Company’s service. Vocabulary of the Nehaunay of Nehaunay River. 6 ll. folio. Collected from a member of one of the tribes residing in the mountainous country between the Liard and Mackenzie Rivers. Vocabulary of the Kutcha Kutchin, Yukon River. 611. folio. Procured from Mr, Hardesty, who had resided among these In- dians for about ten years- —-— Vocabulary of the Sikani. 611. folio. Semple (J. E.). Vocabulary of the Clatsop Language; 35 words. 11. 4°. Collected in 1870, near Fort Stevens, Oregon. Sherwood (Lieut. W. L.). Vocabulary of the Sierra Blanco and Coyo- tero Apaches, with notes. 71. folio. Shortess (Robert). Vocabulary of the Chinook. 5 pp. folio. Smart (Capt. Charles). Vocabulary of the Coyotero Apaches, with notes. 811. folio. Collected in 1866 at Fort McDowell, Arizona. Smith (E. Everett). Vocabulary of the Malemute, Kotzebue Sound; 190 words. 10 pp. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Stubbs (A. W.). Vocabulary of the Kansas or Kaw. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, Ist ed.—not complete. Sutter (Emil V.). Maidu Vocabulary; 60 words. 211. folio. Collected from the Indians of Feather and Yuba Rivers. Swan (James G.). A Criticism on the Linguistic Portion of Vol. I, Con- tributions to North American Ethnology. 4ll. folio. A Vocabulary of the Language of the Haida Indians of Prince of Wales Archipelago. 19 pp. 8°. Vocabulary of the Makah. 2111. folio. Alphabetically arranged. Vocabulary of the Makah. 1011. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Tassin (Lieut. A.G.). Vocabulary of the Arrapaho; 60 words. 11. folio. Thomas (Gen. George H.). Vocabulary of the Navajo and Yuma Lan- guages. 811. 4°. 35 Navajo words; 100 of the Yuma. Thompson (Almond Harris). Vocabulary of the Navajo. 5 Il. 12° and 8 ll, 4°. Tinnéan. Vocabulary of the Hong Kutchin. 411. folio. Collector unknown. Tolmie (Dr. William F.). Vocabulary of the Cootonais or Cuttoonasha; 75 words. 11. folio. PILLING] ROSS—WRIGHT. BUC Tolmie (Dr. William F.). Vocabulary of the Kootnay ; 165 words. 311. folio. On Smithsonian form. — Vocabulary of the Tahko Tinneh; 60 words. 11. folio. Vetromile (Rev. Eugene). A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language—En- glish-Abnaki and Abnaki-English. 3 vols. folio. Material collected by Father Vetromile while missionary among the Abnakis during the years 1855 to 1873. Volume 1, pp. 1-573 contains pref- atory remarks, description of the alphabet used, synopsis of the Abnaki lan- guage, including brief grammatic remarks, a table of abbreviations, and the Abnaki-English dictionary from A to H, inclusive, Volume 2, pp. 3-595, con- tains further remarks on the grammar, and a continuation of the Abnaki-Eng- lish dictionary, I to Z, inclusive. The dictionary in each of these volumes is divided into four columns; the first containing words from the Abnaki diction- ary of the Rey. Father Rasles; the second, words in the Penobscot; the third, Mareschit; and the fourth, Micmac. Volume 3, pp., 1-791, contains the Abnaki- English dictionary, A to Z, and includes words in the Penobscot, Etchimin, Mareschit, Micmac, Montagnie, and Passamaquoddy dialects. Wabass (—.). Vocabularies of the Chinook and Cowlitz Languages. 11. folio. Collected in 1858. White (Ammi M.). Vocabulary of the Pima and Papago Indians; 200 words. 10 ll. 4°. On Smithsonian form. Collected at the Pima and Maricopa Agency, Arizona, 1864, White (Dr. John B.). Classified List of the Prepositions, Pronouns, &c., of the Apache Language. 211. 4°. — Degrees of Relationship in the Language of the Apache. pole “zikep ; Names of the different Indian Tribes in Arizona, and the Names by which they are called by the Apaches. 5. 4°. Remarks on the General Relations of the Apache Language. ells 40, Sentences in Apache, with a classification of men, women, and children with the Apache names. 15 pp. 12°. Collected in 1873 at the Apache Reservation in Arizona. — Vocabulary of the Apache and Tonto Languages. 110 pp. 12°. Collected at San Carlos Reservation in 1873, ’74, 775. Sentences in the Tonto Language. 5S pp. 4°. Willard (Celeste N.). Vocabulary of the Navajo. 1011. folio. Collected in 1869. Williamson (fev. Thomas 8.). Comparative Vocabulary of the Winne- bago, Omaha, Ponka, and Dakota, with remarks on the same. 38 pp. 4°. Wowodsky (Gov. —.). Vocabulary of the Keni of Cook’s Inlet Bay. 211. folio. Wright (fev. Allen). Vocabulary of the Chahta or Choctaw; 211 words. 1011. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. J. W. POWELL, DIRECTOR. ILLUSTRATION OF THE METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. FROM THE MANUSCRIPTS OF MESSRS. J. 0. DORSEY, A. S. GATSCHET, AND S. R. RIGGS. . 579 ILLUSTRATION OF THE METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES, HOW THE RABBIT CAUGHT THE SUN IN A TRAP. AN OMAHA MYTH, OBTAINED FROM F’. LAFLECHE By J. OWEN DoRSEY. Egi¢e mactcii’ge aka iya™” ¢iiké ena-qtci yig¢e jagig¢a-biama. It came to rabbit the his grand- the st. only dwelt with his own, they say. pass sub. mother ob. Ki haegateé/-qtci-hna” ‘abae ahi-biama. Hategattcé/-qtci a¢a-bi And morning very habitu- hunting went theysay. morning very went, they ally thither say ctéwa™ nikaci®ga wi” si snedé/-qti-hna®™ sig¢e a¢a-bitéamaé. Ki ibaha® 3 notwith- person one foot long very asa _ trail had gone, they say. And to know standing rule him ga™¢a-biama. Niaci"ga ¢i™” Ita" wita™¢i" b¢é ta minke, e¢éga®-biama. wished they say. Person oe now I-first Igo will Iwho, thought they say. mv. 0 Ha”ega*tcé/-qtci paha™-bi ega™ a¢a-biama. Ci égi¢e nikaci"ga amaé Morning very arose they having went they say. Again it hap- person the say pened mv. sub. sig¢e a¢a bitéama. Bgi¢e aki-biamé. Gé-biamd: ya"ha, wita™¢in b¢é 6 trail had gone, theysay. Itcame he reached home, Said asfollows, grand- I—first Igo to pass they say. they say: mother ayidaxe ctéwa™ nikaci*ga wi” a™aqai a¢ai te a. yyatha, uyiat¢e Imake for in spite of it person one gettingahead hehas gone. Grandmother snare myself of me dixe t& mifike, ki b¢ize t& mifke hi. Ata™ ja™ tada™, 4-biama Imake will JIwho, and I take will I who - Why youdo should? said, they say it im it wat‘ijinga aka. ° Niaci®ga Lees ha, a-biama. Ki mactcin’ge a¢a- 9 old woman’ the sub. Person hate him - said, theysay. And rabbit went biama. A¢a-bi yi cisig¢e ¢étéamda. yi ha” té i¢ape ja™/-biama. they say. Went they when again trail had gone. And night the wilting lay they say. say or Man/dé-ya"™ ¢a" ukinacke gaxa-biama, ki sig¢e ¢é-hna®™ té &di i¢a™¢a- bow _ string =e noose he nade they say, and trail went aah the there he put it ob. i ally biama. Egi¢e ha™+ega"-tcd’-qtci uyfa¢e ¢a" giya“be ahi-biama. Egi¢e 12 they say. It came morning very snare the toseehis ar-_ they say. It came to pass. ob. own rived to pass mi” ¢a> ¢izé akama. Ta ¢i"-qtci u¢a ag¢a-biama. yya"h& indddar sun the taken he had, Running very totell went homeward, Grand. what cv. ob. they say. they say. mother. éite b¢ize édega™ a™baaze-hna” hi, 4-biama. -ya"hé, man/de-ya™ ¢a? itmay I took but me it scared habitu- . said they say. Grand- bow string the be ally mother, ob. ag¢ize ka™bdédega® a™baaze-hna™i ha, 4-biama. Mahi a¢i’-bi ega™ 15 Itookmy Iwished, but meitscared habitu- . said they say. Knife had they having own ally say 581 582 METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. &di a¢a-biamé. Ki eca®/-qtci ahi-biamé. Piaji ckAxe. Hata" éga™ there went, theysay. And near very = they say. Bad you did. Why so rive ckaxe & W/di gi-ada” iv¢ick4é-g& ha, 4-biama mi” aka. Mactcin’/ge youdid ? MHithercome and formeuntieit , said,they say sun _ the sub. Rabbit 3 aka &di a¢a-bi ctéwa™ na™pa-bi ega™” hébe ihe a¢é-hna”-biamd. Ki the there went they notwith- feared they having partly nee went habitu- theysay. And y ; sub. say standing say ally yu‘e’ a¢a-bi ega’’ masa-biama man/dé-yqa" ¢a”. Gant/ki mi®’ ¢a® mat- rushed went they having cut with they say bow string the ob. And sun the on sy a knife ev. ob. cidha aid¢a-biama. Ki macteii’ge aka 4bayu hi” ¢a® nazi-biama high had gone, they say. And Rabbit thesub. space bet. hair theob. burnt they say the shoulders yellow 6 anakada-bi ega”’. (Mactcin’ge ama aki-biama.) Itcitci+, yatha, it was hot they having. (Rabbit the reached home, Itcitci+! ! grand- onit say my. sub. they say.) mother, na¢ingé-qti-ma™” ha, a-biama. guicpa¢a™+, M/na¢ingé/-qti-ma” eska™+, burnt to very Iam . said,they say. Grandchild!! burnttonothing veryIam I think, nothing for me 4-biama. Ceta?’. said, they say. So far. NOTES. 581. 1. Mactcinge, the Rabbit, or Si¢e-maka™ (meaning uncertain), is the hero of numerous myths of several tribes. He is the deliverer of mankind from different tyrants. One of his opponents is Ictinike, the maker of this world, according to the Iowas. The Rabbit’s grand- mother is Mother Earth, who calls mankind her children. 581, 7. a¢ai tea". The conclusion of this sentence seems odd to the collector, but its translation given with this myth is that furnished by the Indian informant. 581, 12. ha™+ega"tcé qtci, ““ve--ry early in the morning.” The pro- longation of the first syllable adds to the force of the adverb “ qtci,” very. 582, 3. hebe ihe a¢e-hna®-biama. The Rabbit tried to obey the Sun; but each time that he attempted it, he was so much afraid of him that he passed by a little to one side. He could not go directly to him. 582. 4. 5. ma®ciaha aia¢a-biama. When the Rabbit rushed forward with bowed head, and cut the bow-string, the Sun’s departure was so rapid that “he had already gone on high.” ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS MYTH. cv. curvilinear. sub. subject. Inv. moving. ob. object. st. sitting. TRANSLATION. Once upon a time the Rabbit dwelt in a lodge with no one but his grandmother. And it was his custom to go hunting very early in the morning. No matter how early in the morning he went, a person with METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. 583 very long feet had been along, leaving a trail. And he (the Rabbit), wished to know him. ‘ Now,” thought he, “I will goin advance of the person.” Having arisen very early in the morning, he departed. Again it happened that the person had been along, leaving a trail. Then he (the Rabbit) went home. Said he, “Grandmother, though I arrange for myself to go first, a person anticipates me (every time). Grand- mother, I will make a snare and catch him.” “ Why should you do it?” ~said she. ‘I hate the person,” he said. And the Rabbit departed. When he went, the foot-prints had been along again. And he lay wait- ing for night (to come). And he made a noose of a bow-string, putting it in the place where the foot-prints used to be seen. And he reached there very early in the morning for the purpose of looking at his trap. And it happened that he had caught the Sun. Running very fast, he went homeward to tellit. “ Grandmother, I have caught something or other, but it scares me. Grandmother, I wished to take my bow-string, but I was scared every time,” said he. He went thither with a knife. And he got very near it. “You have done wrong; why have you done so? Come hither and untie me,” said the Sun. The Rabbit, although he went thither, was afraid, and kept on passing partly by him (or, con- tinued going by a little to one side). And making a rush, with his head bent down (and his arm stretched out), he cut the bow-string with the knife. And the Sun had already gone on high. And the Rabbit had the hair between his shoulders scorched yellow, it having been hot upon him (as he stooped to cut the bow-string). (And the Rabbit arrived at home.) “ Itcitci+!!O grandmother, the heat has left nothing of me,” said he. She said, “Oh! my grandchild! I think that the heat has left nothing of him for me.” (From that time the rabbit has had a singed spot on his back, between the shoulders.) DETAILS OF A CONJURER’S PRACTICE. IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. OBTAINED FROM MINNIE FROBEN, BY A. S. GATSCHET. Maklaks shuakiuk kiuksash kaé-i gfi/V’hi hinkélam l4dshashtat, ndéna Indians in calling theconjurer not enter his into lodge, they halloo shvwhmoéknok; kiuksh toks wan kiukayank mi/luash m’na kanita pi/sh. to call (him) out; the con- red fox hanging onton assign his outside “of jurer a pole him.” Kukiaks teht’tanish gatp’nank wigata tehélya ma/shipksh. Litat- : Conjurers when treating approaching close by sit down the patient. The ex- kish wigata kiukshésh tcha’hlanshna. Shuyéga kiuks, wéwanuish pounder close to the conjurer sits down. Starts choruses the con- females jurer, tehik windta liukiaémnank nadsha/shak tehiitchtnishash. Hénshna then join in crowding around simultaneously while he treats (the sick). He sucks singing him 584 METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. ma/shish hi/nk hishudékshash, tétktish i/shkuk, hantchipka tehi/k diseased that man, the disease to extract, he sucks out then kukuaga, wishink4ga, mi/Ikaga, kako gi/ntak, kahaktok nénuktua a small frog, small snake, small insect, bone afterwards, whatsoever anything nshendshkane. Ts’t’/ks toks ké-usht tchékéle itkal; lilp toks ma/- small. A leg being frac- the (bad) he ex- eyes but be- tured blood tracts; shisht tchékélitat lgti’m shf/kélank ki/tua li/Ipat, kéi’tash tchish ing sore into blood coal mixing he pours intotheeyes, a louse too kshéwa lilpat pi’klash tuiyampgatk Ittizaktgi giug. introduces into the the white of protruding for eating out. eye eye NOTES. 583, 1. shudkia does not mean to “call on somebody” generally, but only ‘‘to call on the conjurer or medicine man”. 583, 2. wan stands for wanam ni/l: the fur or skin of a red or silver fox; kanita pi/sh stands for kanitana létchash m’nalam: “outside of his lodge or cabin”. The meaning of the sentence is: they raise their voices to call him out. Conjurers are in the habit of fastening a fox- skin outside of their lodges, as a business sign, and to let it dangle from a rod stuck out in an oblique direction. 583, 3. tchélya. During the treatment of a patient, who stays in a winter house, the lodge is often shut up at the top, and the people sit in a circle inside in utter darkness. 583, 5. liuki4mnank. The women and all who take a part in the chorus usually sit in a circle around the conjurer and his assistant; the suffix -mna indicates close proximity. Nadsha/shak qualifies the verb winota. 583, 5.-tchiitehtnishash. The distributive form of tchi’t’na refers to each of the various manipulations performed by the conjurer on the patient. 584, 1. ma/shish, shortened from mashipkash, ma/shipksh, like k’1a/ksh from Wliképkash. 584, 2.3. There is a stylistic incongruity in using the distributive form only in kukuaga (kite, frog), kAhaktok, and in nshendshkane (nshekani, npshékani, tsékani, tehékéni, small), while inserting the absolute form in wishinkaga (wishink, garter-snake) and in kako; mti/Ikaga is more of a generic term and its distributive form is therefore not in use. 583, 2. kahaktok for ka-akt ak; ka-akt being the transposed distrib- utive form kakat, of kat, which, what (pron. relat.). 584, 4. loi’m. The application of remedial drugs is very unfrequent in this tribe; and this is one of the reasons why the term “ conjurer” or “shaman” will prove to be a better name for the medicine man than that of “‘ Indian doctor”. 584, 4. ki/tash ete. The conjurer introduces a louse into the eye to make it eat up the protruding white portion of the sore eye. METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. 585 KALAK. THE RELAPSE. In THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY DAVE HILL. OBTAINED By A. S. GATSCHET. Ha nayiins hissuéksas ma/shitk kélak, tsti kiuks ni/-ulakta tchu- When another man fellsick asrelapsed, then thecon- concludes to jurer tanuapkuk. Tehti tehita; tchii y4-uks huk shlid kélak a gek. Tchi treat (him). And hetreats; and remedy this finds out (that) relapsed he. Thus huk shui’/sh saépa. Ts@i na/sh shui/sh s4yuaks hi/mtcha kélak, tehti the song-rem- indi- And one song-rem- having found (that) of the kind of then edy cates. edy out relapsed (he is), nanuk hak shui/sh tpé/wa hi/nksht kaltchitchikshash heshuampélitki all those remedies indicate (that) him the spider (-remedy) would giug. Tehuti hi’k kaltchitchiks yé-uka; ubé-us hak kaltchitchiksam cure. Then the spider treats him; a piece of of the spider deer-skin tehuténd’tkish. Tsti hinkantka ubdé-ustka tchuté; titaktak huk ’ (is) the curing-tool. Then by means of that deer-skin he treats justthesize that (him) ; of the spot kalak ma/sha, gia/tak ubé-ush kti’/shka ta/tak huk ma/sha. Tsti hak relapse isinfected, somuch ofdeer-skin hecutsout aswhere he issuffering. Then kaltchitchiks siundta nii/dskank hfi/nk ubé-ush. Tehi’yuk p’laita the ‘‘spider” song isstarted while applying that skin piece. And he over it nétatka skitash, tsii sha hi’nk udt’/pka hinii/shishtka, tsai hi’k ¢ he stretches a blanket, and they it strike with conjurer’s arrows, then it guta’ga tsula/kshtat; ga/tsa li’/pi kiatéga, tsui tsulé/ks Wika, tehti enters intothe body; aparticle firstly enters, then (it) body becomes, and at pushpushuk shlé/sh hik ubé-ush. Tsti ma/ns tankéni ak waitash now dark it tolookat that skin-piece. Then aftera after so and days while so many hé’k ptiishpiishli at ma/ns=gitk tsulii/ks-sitk shli/sh. Tsi ni sA4yuakta; that black (thing) at last (is) flesh-like tolookat. Thus I am informed; tami hi/nk shdyuakta hi/masht-gisht tchuti/sht; tstiyuk tstishni many know (that) inthismanner were effected andhethen always men cures; wa/mpéle. was well again. NOTES. 585, 1. nayiins hissudksas: another man than the conjurers of the tribe. The objective case shows that ma/shitk has to be regarded here as the participle of an impersonal verb: ma/sha nfish, and ma/sha nu, it ails me, I am sick. 585, 2. yd-uks is remedy in general, spiritual as well as material. Here a tamanuash song is meant by it, which, when sung by the conjurer, will furnish him the certainty if his patient is a relapse or not. There are several of these medicine-songs, but all of them (nénuk hi’k shui’sh) when consulted point out the spider-medicine as the one to apply in this case. The spider’s curing-instrument is that small piece of buckskin (uba-ush) which has to be inserted under the patient’s skin. It is called the spider’s medicine because the spider-song is sung during its application. =r) 586 METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. 585, 10. guti’ga. The whole operation is concealed from the eyes of spectators by a skin or blanket stretched over the patient and the hands of the operator. 585, 10. kiatéga. The buckskin piece has an oblong or longitudinal shape in most instances, and it is passed under the skin sideways and very gradually. 585, 11. tankéni ak waitash. Dave Hill gave as an approximate limit five days’ time. SWEAT-LODGES. In THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY MINNIE FROBEN. OBTAINED BY A. S. GATSCHET. Ef-ukshkni lapa spi/klish gitko. Kukiuk kélekAépkash spi/kishla The Lake people two sweat-lodges have. To weep over thedeceased they build sweat- (kinds of) lodges yépank kiéila; stutilantko spi/klish, kaila waltchatko. Spit/klish a diggingup theground; are roofed (these) sweat- with covered. (Another) sweat- lodges, earth lodge sha shi’ta kué-utch, kitchikan’sh stinaga-shitko; ski’tash a waldsha they build of willows, a little cabin looking like; blankets they spread spt’klishtat tatatak sé spaiklia. Tatataks a ht/nk wéas lila, tatataks over the sweat- wheninit they sweat. Whenever children died, or when ing-lodge a hishuaksh tchiména, snawedsh wénuitk, ki/ki kélekdtko, spt’klitcha a husband became wid- (or) the wife (is) widowed, they for carse of go sweating ower, weep death tami shashamoks-lolatko; ttmepni waitash tchik sa ht’nk spi/klia. many relatives who have five days then they sweat. ost; Shitlakiank a sha ktai hiyuka skoilakuapkuk; hitoks ktaéi ké-i tata Gathering they stones (they) heat to heap them up (after those stones never em) use) ; spuklid/?huish. Spuklish lipia hiyuka; kélpka a 4t, ilhiat atui, having been used for Sweat lodge infront they heat heated (being) when, they bring at sweating of (them) ; (them) inside once, kidshna ai i 4mbu, kliulala. Spa’kli a sha tuméni “hours”; kélpkuk pour on water, sprinkle. Sweat thenthey several hours; being quite them warmed up géka shualkoltchuk péniak k6/ks pépe-udshak éwagatat, koketat, é-ash they (and) tocoolthem- without dress only to go bathing ina spring, river, lake leave selves off wigdta. Spukli-u4pka ma/ntch. Shpotuok i-akéwa kapka, skt/tawia close by. They will sweat for long hours. To make them- they bend young pine- (they) tie to- selves strong down trees gether sha wéwakag kni/kstga. Ndshiétchatka kni/ks a sha _ shtshata. they small pene with ropes. Of (willow-) bark the ropes they make. woo GAtpampélank shkoshkilya ktaktiag ht/shkankok kélekapkash, kt-i On going home they heap up into smallstones in remembrance of the dead, stones calms shtishuankaptcha i/hiank. of equal size selecting. NOTES. No Kiamath or Modoc sweat-lodge can be properly called a sweat- house, as is the custom throughout the West. One kind of these lodges, METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. 587 intended for the use of mourners only, are solid structures, almost un- derground; three of them are now in existence, all believed to be the gift of the principal national deity. Sudatories of the other kind are found near every Indian lodge, and consist of a few willow-rods stuck into the ground, both ends being bent over. The process gone through while sweating is the same in both kinds of lodges, with the only differ- ence as to time. The ceremonies mentioned 4-13. all refer to sweating in the mourners’ sweat-lodges. The sudatories of the Oregonians have no analogy with the estufas of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, as far as their construction is concerned. 586, 1. lapa spti’klish, two sweat-lodges, stands for two kinds of sweat- _ lodges. 586, 5. shashamoks-l6latko forms one compound word: one who, or: those who have lost relatives by death; ef. ptish-lilsh, pgish-lflsh; hishuakga ptish-lilatk, male orphan whose father has died. In the same manner, kélekaétko stands here as a participle referring simul- taneously to hishuaksh and to snaéwedsh wénuitk, and can be rendered by “bereaved”. Shashdmoks, distr. form of sha-amoks, is often pro- nounced sheshamaks. Timi ete. means, that many others accompany to the sweat-lodge, into which about six persons can crowd them- selves, bereaved husbands, wives or parents, because the deceased were related to them. 586, 7. Shitilakiank ete. For developing steam the natives collect only such stones for heating as are neither too large nor too small; a medium size seeming most appropriate for concentrating the largest amount of heat. The old sweat-lodges are surrounded with large ac- cumulations of stones which, to judge from their blackened exterior, have served the purpose of generating steam; they weigh not over 3 to 5 pounds in the average, and in the vicinity travelers discover many small cairns, not over four feet high, and others lying in ruins. The shrubbery around the sudatory is in many localities tied up with willow wisps and ropes. 586, 11. Spukli-udépka ma/ntch means that the sweating-process is repeated many times during the five days of observance; they sweat at least twice a day. A DOG’S REVENGE. A DakorTa FABLE, BY MicHEL RENVILLE. OBTAINED BY REV. S. R. Riaas. Suyka way 3 ka wakanka way wakiy way tanka hnaka. Unkan Dog a; and old-woman a pack a large laid away. And suyka kon he sdonya. Unkayn wanna hanyetu, unkay wakanka dog the that knew. And now night, and old-woman istinmay keéin ka en ya: tuka wakanka kin sdonkiye éa kiktahayn 3 asleep he and there went: but old woman the knew and awake thought wanke, ¢a ite hdakinyay ape éa kiéakse, Ga nina po, keyapi. lay, and face across struck and = gashed, and much swelled, they say. 588 METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. Unykan hanlianna hehay sunka tokeéa wan en hi, ka okiya ya. And morning then dog another a there came, and bi went. wi Tuka pamahdedayn ite mahen inina yanka. ee taku iéante nisi¢a But head-down face within silent was. what of-heart you-bad 3 Hee aS omakiyaka wo, eya. Uykan, ee yaynka wo, wakaynka me-tell, he-said. And, still be-you, old-woman way teliiya omakiliay do, eya, keyapi. Unkay, Token ni¢iliay he, eya. a hardly me-dealt-with, he-said, they say. And, How eae he-said. she, Unkan, Wakin way tanka hnaka e wanmdake ¢a heon otpa awape: d, Pack a large she-laid-away Lsaw and therefore to-go-for I waited: 6 ka wanna hay tehay kehan, istinbe seca e en mde éa pa timahey and now night far then, she-asleep probably there I went and head house-in yewaya, whee Y kiktahan wanke Sta heéamoyn: ka, Si, de tukten I-poked, awake lay although this-I-did: Sel shoo, this where yau he, eye, éa itohna amape, éa deéen iyemayay ce, eye ¢a kipazo. you-come, she-said, and face-on smote-me, and thus she-me-left he-said and Stone 9 Uykay, Hunhuphe! teliiya eéaniéon do, ihomeéa wakin kin untapi And, Alas! alas! hardly she-did-to-you, therefore pack the we-eat kta ce, eye ¢a, Mni¢iya wo, eya, keyapi. Ito, Minibozanna kiéo wo, will, he-sai7 and, Assemble, he-said, they say. Now, Water-mist call, ka, Yaksa tanin Sni kico wo, Tahu wasaka kico wo, ka, Taisanpena and Biteoff mnotmanifest call, Neck strong invite, and, His-knife-sharp 12 kico wo, eya, keyapi. Uykay owasin wi¢akiéo: ka wanna owasip en call, he-said, they-say. And all them-he-called: and now all there hipi hehan heya, keyapi: Ihopo, wakanka de teliiya e¢akiGon ée; came then ee they-say: Come-on, old-woman this hardly dealt-with ; said, miniheiéivapo, hayyetu hepiya wa¢oniéa wakin way teliinda ka on bestir-yourselves, night during dried-meat pack a she-forbid and for 15 teliiya eéaki¢on tuka, ehaeS untapi kta Ge, eya, keyapi. hardly dealt-with-him but, indeed weeat will he-said, they say. Unkan Minibozanna e¢iyapi kon he wanna magazukiye éa, aypetu Then Water-mist called the that now rain-made, and, day osan magazu eden otpaza; ka wakeya owasi) nina spaya, wihutipaspe all- rained until dark; and tent all very wet, tent-pin ~ through 18 olidoka owasin tanyayn lipan. Unkay hehay Yaksa tanin Sni wihuti- holes all well soaked. And then Bite-offmanifest-not tent-fast- paspe kin owasiy yakse, tuka tanin Sni yan yakse nakaeS wakanka enings the all bit-off, but slyly bit-off so that old-woman kin sdonkiye Sni. Uykayn Tahuwasaka he wakin kon yape éa manin- the knew not. And Neck-strong he pack the seized, and away 21 kiya yapa iyeya, ka tehayn elipeya. Heéen Taisanpena wakin kon off holding-in-mouth- and far threw-it. So His-knife-sharp pack the carried, éokaya kiyaksa-iyeya. Heéeyn wakin kon hanyetu hepiyana temya- in-middle tore-it-open. Hence pack the night during they-ate- iyeyapi, keyapi. all-up, they say. 24 Heéen tuwe wamanoy keS, saypa iwaliani¢ida wamanon way hduze, Sothat who steals although, more haughty thief a marries, eyapi eée; de huykakanpi do. they-say always; this they-fable. . METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. 589 NOTES. 588, 24. This word “‘hduze” means to take or hold onés own; and is most commonly applied to a man’s taking a wife, or a woman a hus- band. Here it may mean either that one who starts in a wicked course consorts with others ‘more wicked than himself,” or that he himself grows in the bad and takes hold of the greater forms of evil—marries himself to the wicked one. It will be noted from this specimen of Dakota that there are some particles in the language which cannot be represented in a translation. The ‘‘do” used at the end of phrases or sentences is only for emphasis and to round up a period. It belongs mainly to the language of young men. ‘“‘ Wo” and “po” are the signs of the imperative. TRANSLATION. . There was a dog; and there was an old woman who had a pack of dried meat laid away. This the dog knew; and, when he supposed the old woman was asleep, he went there at night. But the old woman was aware of his coming and so kept watch, and, as the dog thrust his head under the tent, she struck him across the face and made a great gash, which swelled greatly. The next morning a companion dog came and attempted to talk with him. But the dog was sullen and silent. The visitor said: “Tell me what makes you so heart-sick.” To which he replied: “ Be still, an old woman has treated me badly.” ‘What did she do to you?” He an- swered: “An old,woman had a pack of dried meat; this I saw and went for it; and when it was now far in the night, and I supposed she was asleep, I went there and poked my head under the tent. But she was lying awake and cried out: ‘Shoo! what are you doing here?’ and struck me on the head and wounded me as you see.” Whereupon the other dog said: “ Alas! Alas! she has treated you badly, verily we will eaf up her pack of meat. Call an assembly: call Water-mist (t. e., rain); call Bite-off-silently; call Strong-neck; call Sharp-knife.” So he invited them all. And when they had all arrived, he said: “Come on! an old woman has treated this friend badly; bestir yourselves; before the night is past, the pack of dried meat which she prizes so much, and on account of which she has thus dealt with our friend, that we will eat all up”. Then the one who is called Rain-mist caused it to rain, and it rained all the day through until dark; and the tent was all drenched, and the holes of the tent-pins were thoroughly softened. Then Bite-off-silently bit off all the lower tent-fastenings, but he did it so quietly that the old woman knew nothing of it. Then Strong-neck came and seized the pack with his mouth, and carried it far away. Whereupon Sharp-knife came and ripped the pack through the middle; and so, while it was yet night, they ate up the old woman’s pack of dried meat. Moral.—A common thief becomes worse and worse by attaching him- self to more daring companions. This is the myth. Page. | Abbreviations in signs ------------..----- 338 Abiquiu, Ancient cemetery of.---.- ane Sice 111 | Abnaki, Intelligence communicated by--- 369 Absaroka, Tribal signs for ..-...-..----- 458 Abstract ideas expressed in signs 348 Acaxers and Yaquis, cairn burial. --...--- 143 Actors, modern, Use o- gestures by....--- 308 Addison, Gestures of orators ........----- 294 Adjective, The, in Indian tongues. 10 JOAN EST NYe epee es aeee a poeenS ese 197 Adultery, Wyandot law for .. .......---- 66 Adverbial particles Adverbs in Indian tongues Aerial burial in canoes, Chinooks 171 | HODULUULC RSE wee nb eee cone ene 152 ZEschylus, Theatrical gestures . --.....-- 286 PASEO MATION) SION CON. nsace feign) ann ema 286, 454 Agglutination in language. .........------ 4 SACL ERTT(G {SEL TE EAU le rede er Ae tee ster sia a a 181 PAU ATM SIOUINT OM eae meeae a vesee = a= 529, 538 Alaska cave burial ..............--------- 129 Alaskan Indians, Dialogue between. ----- 4926 MNUMMICS! . -<--e5—-——se enn Bear, Signs for. -- Bechuans burial. --<-.--- 2-5 soa = eee Beckwourth, James, Crow mourning...--. Bede, The venerable, Treatise on gestures. Beechey, Capt. F. W., Lodge burial Bell, Prof. A.Graham, Vocal articulation Of G0G8 |<<. <0. op nen an cme n-ne en ans Beltrami, J.C., Burial feast. -.----------- , Burial posts. .-.---.----- Benson, H. C., Choctaw burial Bessels, Dr.Emil, Esquimaux superstition Beverly, Robert, Virginia mummies.....- Bibilography of North American Philol- ogy Birgan, Meaning of word...--...---.----- Blackbird’s burial Blackfeet burial lodges cairn burial ans) Sow ee eens hence eee , Tribal signs for Blind, Gestures of the...-.--.------------ Bonaks, Cremation Bone cleaning of the aead Boner, J. H., Moravian mourning - Born, Signs for. --..--------------- at Bossu, M., Burial denied to suicides... --. , Signs of the Atakapa......-..- Boteler, Dr. W. C., Oto burial ceremonies. - Boundaries, Indian Box burial, Creek, Choctaw, and Chero- kee = «=: , Esquimaux , Indians of Talomeco River. -- INDEX. Page. Page, 386 | Box burial, Innuits and Ingaliks..-..-.-. 156, 158 190 156 229 411 | Bransford, Dr. J.C., U.S.N., Burial urns discovered by,---------- -------#-. 0-5 -.. 138 141 | Brasseur de Bourbourg, C.E.--..- 208, 210, 243, 244 143) || Brave, Signs for).----p----e=2=--ne===- 352, 364, 414 462 | Brebeuf, Pere de, Burial as 191 190 | Brice, W. A., Surface burial. .........---- 141 112 | Brinton, Dr. D.G., Burial of collected bones. 170 154: Brother: Sienifor cos: o2-25=4)-= a = 521 115 | Bruhier, J. J., Corsican customs ....-.--- 147 155 Persian burial....--------- 103 Brule Dakota colloquy in signs. --- 491 231 Sioux, tree and scaffold burial. -..... 158, 160 Buffalo, Sign for-.----.----..-.---- se 488 223 Signals for, discovered .-.-.--..---- 532 Burchard, J. L., Pit burial .........-.---- 124 185 | Bushmann, J.C. E, Signs of Accocessaws. 324 98 | Butler, Prof. James D, Italian signs..----- 408 Butterfield, H., Shoshone cairn burial 143 201) Burial A ping) cess eae eesea ace eee 125, 126 229 SAGE Queene Peceoneearrnemeee san 180 canoes and houses .-----.--------- 177-179 152 Bari(of Africa 2- < acne snes eee 193 197 feast, Description of, by Beltrami. 190, 191 186 , Hurons, of the...--....-.--- 191 198 TOANUS = Safer seer eee 190 131 , superstitions regarding. ... 191 fires, Algonkins.----.. passes arcs 198 xv PEN AILO keene ee ee eee 198 93 , Maquimanix.:2oncc,-22-0-2=5- 198 139 Pr i eeepis sees ss aeunsee ens atch 192 154 PAMeSsesse cose ese 195 143 SIGTAVGses=see==e 101 161 Ground, in canoes 112 462 in lopp s-o- 2c o eee ee 138, 139 278 Tn MOUNGS)s-ae eee ee eee 115 144 in standing posture........--..--- 151, 152 168 , Indians of Virginia -- 125 L660) -slroquoist=.-=-e=~= == 140 356 126 180 HWlamath and Trinity Indians. .... 106, 107 324 qa CE reece saeceacessteesces 126 96 , Lodge... ..-.. 152 253 lodges, Blackfeet 154 , Cheyenne -- 154 155 Shoshone 153, 154 155, 156 , Muscogulges 122, 123 155 , Meaning and derivation of word.. 93 INDEX. 593 Page. Page. PB TID MOUS nema cis erases ae nme = 114 | Canoes, Superterrene and aerial burial in. 171 FORE Peeocte chee oen ere eco pee eerae 1233) (Capture Sifm t0rs-o 2. ~ 2 men ns ea see eee 506 , Obongo..-.-...-..-...----.-.-..--- 139, 140 | Caraibs, Verification of death .........--- 146 of Alaric......- 181 | Card catalogue of hieroglyphs...--...----- 223 of Blackbird -.- 139 | Carolina tribes, Burial among ...... ..--- 93 228 181 | Catlin, George, Burial of Blackbird ..-..-. 139 153 , Golgotha of Mandans ..-. 170 One = 128 , Mourning cradle -.......- 181 , Parsee.....--..-------.--- melo LOS Give burial:ssccs=eescossees ee eee ms 126 i PIS ASE ACES 93 PAAR ue ares ao mae ses) ces 129 ’ Pitt River Indians... ......-..--. 151 Calaveras _.. 128,129 posts, Sioux and Chippewa-. - 197, 198 UGOS. ===: == . 127,128 , Round Valley Indians ---.. -.. 1204 \Geasions ofland.. cosa. -2--<..acc2< o2ee0~ xxvii, 249 sacrifice, Aztecs and Tarascos 190 | by the Indians, in Indiana. 257 , Indians of Northwest 180 | original and secondary .. - 256 , Indians of Panama ..... 180) Chalchihuitlicue.<...:--2----.:-.-----s-5- 237 BN RUGHEZ om en ores = eee 187,189 | Cherokee aquatic burial -.---........ 3c 180 CLUS Nite See sen aoe 179 | Chesterfield, Lord, Gestures of or: SAYDR. 311 , Wascopums...--.--...-. 189,190 | Cheyenne burial case......----- --.-..--. ~ 162, 163 = SACS ONC NOXES)|: ....cencensemee oem 94, 95 lodges. ==. 22:2<2e25=222 154 BO MMt OO Seeman ete ae eae 162 PELEIDAL ALONSO e=— == sae 464 song, Schiller’s........-.......-.-- 110,111 | Chief, Sans 1 sep ee SOE SECO SES 353, 416 HONDR eee se ees en ena aa eee alae 194 | Chiefs, Wyandot, Election of .. ----- 61,62 of Basques and others....--- Toon AC bids Sie totes esas ae esesaee eee a 304, 356 superstitions, Chippewas ---. 199, 200 | Children, Gestures of young .-.-.---.----- 276 , Indians of Washing- Chillicothe mound..-..--....-.=--<------- 117,118 ton Territory 201 | Chinese characters connected with signs . 356, 357 ark 2-2-2 - ose 200 , Expedient of the, in place of signs. 306 , Kelta... C 200 | Chinook aerial burial in canoes --...--.-- 171 , Modocs . 200, 201 aquatic burial ....-.-........--.- 180 , Mosquito Indians. 201 ALP OMe te arate : 313 , Tlasealtecs 201 mourning cradle 181, 182 , Tolowa..--.. 200 Ghippewa burial superstitions. - 199, 200 mourning .----. ---- =: 184 xe scaffold burial - -- 161, 162 and cover, eres seecanahe 138 | WidOW:sseue=) sooa-nmeeecnes = e—- 184, 185 New Mexico ......-.-- 25 138 | Chironomia, by Rev. Gilbert ‘Austin as 289 Burton, Capt. R. F., Arapaho ferret. oer 314 | Choctaw mound burial ..-........-.-.--.. 120 | scafiold bumialess..-25-- 28. -.2-4- 169 Cabéea de Vaca, Signs of Timucuas 324 | Choctaws’ funeral ceremonies -..--.----. 186 Cabins, wigwams, or houses, Burial be- Cin-au/-iiy brothers, aShoshonimyth .-. 44,45 MER NI esse ssecc oS ceceecet oes 122 | Cist burial, Doracho- ...... .......-. 115 Cabot Ole ee ees neteee eeeaeee 250 graves, Kentucky.----.. -.--.. ....- 114, 115 FI SODASHAM - ono pane een = = 250 , Indians of Illinois ...-. ..--. 114 Caddo, Tribal signifor --.------.---.----.. 464 Cistercian monks, Gestures of the. .....-. 288, 364 Caddos, Burial 103 | Cists or stone graves ...--...-. -...------ 113 Cairn burial, Acaxers and Yaquis ---. --. 143 Sat. WeSG ROR OROO SSenEeO Hep e nee 113 , Balearic Islanders .-.--..-.. 143 TenNessOO 2 6-- apaeme see cee eee 113 ; Blackfeet'.----=----—.- = 143 | ClafMam canoe burial.-----...... ......... 173, 174 , Esquimaux . - = 143 house burial. --..--..-- dig-seca5 175 , Kiowas and Comanches 143 | Clarke, Mr. Ben., Local source of sign RE SULOS heen ee eine PPE TENE) ce = 5S ee eo eo eh aaa es 317 , Reasons for Classic pantomimes. -- 286 , Shoshonis. - Classification of burial 92 Calaveras Cave..-. aes | Cleveland, Wm. J., Tree and scaffold burial 158 California steatite burial urn -.-----.----- "138 | Codex Telleriano Remensis ........--.--. 243 Campa sipnaled0L---.s2-2e----- recess a 532, 539 | Cold, Signs for.....---..--.-.--- cetecats 345, 486 Campbell, John, Burial songs ---.----.--.- 195 | Collaborators in sign language, List of---. 401 Canes sepulchrales .--.....----.--------«- 104 | Collected bones, Interment of..-.-.....---- 170 Canoe burial in ground ......-..--------- 112 | Collecting signs, Suggestions for .--...--. 394 , Mosquito Indians. 112,113 | Comanche inhumation.-.---.-...-.-..----- 99, 100 , Santa Barbara .. - 112 7 ball signs for 2-2-6 c. 2s === 466 , Clallam .......-----..-...-. 173,174 | Combination in Indian tongues. ..-- 7 2, Wb ns eee aoe se as Bees 171, 173 language, Process of. - 3,7 Canoes and houses, Burial.-...-..-.-.----- 177-179 | Come here, Signals for........------.----- 529, 582 38 AE 594 INDEX. Page. Page. Comédie Frangaise, Gestures of the .----- 309 | Deaf and dumb, American annals of the-.- 293 Comparison, Degrees of, in sign language. 363 | Deaf-Mute College, National, Test of signs of English with Indian...... 15 at tho soos ene coe w ene == soe see oeneeseee 321 Compounding in language..--.----..----- 3 | Deaf-mutes, Methodical signs of..-.-.---- 362 Congaree and Santee Indians, embalm- , Milan Convention on instruc- MONG 355 eee sees Se oe ee 132, 133 HOMO Le wera o- See eee 3807 Conjunctions in sign language.--...--.--- 367 , Signs of instructed --....--. 362, 397 Conjurers’ practice. ...----.--------.----- 583 , Signs of uninstructed.--...-. 277 Connotation of Indian nouns.-..---...----- 8 , Sounds uttered by uninstruct- Conventionality of signs...-----. ----. 333, 336, 340 Cle aot Santnececeoaescs 277 Copan, Statues of .-...---- 207, 224, 227, 228, 229,245 | Death, Signs for..-........----.-..---- 353, 420, 497 Corbusier, Dr. William H., Local source of Wecert| Signs tort. -secs—-— ee = ee eee 303 sign language. 317 | Deciphering, Principles of. -- 207 , Sign for strong. 364 | Defiance, Signals for ...-...-- 5 530 Corporeal gestures generally .--..--.-.--- 270, 273 | Delano, A., Tree burial...........-..-..-. 161 Correspondents, Foreign, on sign language. 407 | Denial of the existince of sign language, Corsican funeral custom -- -.--.----- --- 147 BIE SR 0 er ae 326 (Cortez) Hess ee eee ena ane 209))) | SOGTISIOn Sen tOn ena oer are. eee 301 Council, Indian, at Huron village-.....---. 251 | Derivation, how accomplished ......-.--. i Cox, Ross, Cremation 144 | Desaix, le Capitaine........-. --..------- 210 Coyotero Apaches, Inhumation - - - 111,112 | Description of burial feast .-.--....------ 190, 191 Cradle, mourning, Ilustration of. - - 181) || Dei\Soto!s) burial 22... 2--- oes eee 181 Crafty, Sign for. ..-..-..---+------------=< 303 | Devilism defined ......-...-.....-.------- 32 Cree, Tribal signs for....-----.----------- 466 | Devouring the dead, Fans of Africa.. 182 Creek, Choctaw, and Cherokee box burial. 155 _ , Indians of South Creeks and Seminoles, Inhumation - -----.- 95, 96 America. -.-=--< 182, 183 , ‘‘Hallelujah” ofthe ----. 195, , Massageties, Pa- : Cremation, Antiquity of.-.-..-. 143 dns, and others. 182 , Bongks:-.<..-- 144 | Dialects, Numerous, connected with ges- furnace. .....- ooeeeesecueeeses 149 ture lanpuape --:...-----5------5 278 ‘oflaneuare's-:--------22------ 3 , Ety mology of words from ...... 352 Excavation of Indian mound, North Caro- in mental disorder.....-..-..--. 276 VD Seeenisnigtinc S Sasa n ee SAceet acres 120-122 , Involuntary response to . . - 280 Exchange, Signs for...........----- > 454 , fluent talkers, of..-..-....--..-- 279 Explorations in Southwest .......-.-..--- XXX Language not proportionate to development of .......--..--.- 293, 314 Facial expression generally ......-....--- 270, 273 low tribes of men, of...... --..- 279 play, giving detailed information -. 271 lower animals, of.....--. J 275 Falling Star (myth)...-...-..--..--.----<- 27 modern actors, used by. - e 308 Family, The term, defined -.. ..--....-. : 59 modern orators, used by 311 Fans of Africa devour the dead. - 182 young children, of........-...--- 276 Fatigue, Sign for-------------..---- 3050 Ghost famblemer-ecseee eet ee eos one 195-197 Fay, Prof. , A., contributions on signs. -..309,408 | Gianque, Florian, Mound burial. ......-..- 120 Wear, Sign for --------------..-- -----..-. 506 | Gibbs, George......-......- af Soe 1 SEE 106 Feasts, Burial ......---...-...----------- 190 , Burial canoes and houses 177 Fellowhood, Wyandot institution of. - 68 | , comparative vocabulary. 555 Female, Signs for... -..-...--..-------.--. 300, 357 | Gilbert, G. K., Klamath burial............ 147 Ferdinand, King of Naples, speechin signs 294 | Mogquis burial ............. 114 Fetichism, The term, defined...--.-...-.. 32, 41 , Pueblo etchings -...... 371, 372, 373 Fingers, Details of position of, in sign lan- Gillman, Henry, Exploration of monnd.. -- 148 guage..---..---.----..---.- --- 392 | Given, Dr. O. G., Cairn burial .......-...-. 142 , Special significance in disposition Glad Sipmitormescce sea sek Sens st ee 495 of, by Italians --.............-- 285 | “Golgothas,” Mandans.....-......------- 170 Fire arrows, Signals by.----- .----.----. DAU Goods Siens fore ae ek ponents eee 424 , Signs for.---.-.-.--- wneeeeee 344, 380° Gosh-Utes, Aquatic burial amongst... 181 Wines, Burial “22 se <2 3 enn 198 | Government, Wyandot civil ...........-.- 61 Wiskenvioses) Ciste\y os. sae e 113 , Functions of. 63 Flathead, Tribal signs for -.. -...--. .-. 463 | Grammar, Sign language with reference Florida cremation mound..--..--...-- --. 148, 149 tO sexe cesta sbeecasae hates nceease ee, 359 mound burial .....--...-...--..-. 119,120 | Grammatic processes, agglutination...... 4 ood) Burial-se-< 22 =.) -- Rese oanernoaee 192 , combination ....... 3 Fool, Signs for----.-. -------.. 297, 303, 345, 505, 506 | , compounding...... 3 Ford, Lieut. Geo. E., U.S. A., Cabin burial. 123 , inflection ....-..-.. 4 Foreign correspondents on sign language. 407 , intonation ......... 6 Foreman, Dr. E., Burial urns....--.-..-... 138 , juxtaposition...... 3 Cremation .-.--...... 149 , placement ...-..... 7,8 Foster, J. W., Urn burial. .........-.. 137 , vocalic mutation -. 5 Cremation........--.-.. LN) {er Clea Thea 0) Pern oe SSeS ocho eee 343 Ox EEIDAUBIPNMOMseccnsaasians eens aos SE) Gasaves Dita Co one ear aan pe 3 a 101 Frémont, General J.C., Signs of Pai-Utes Greek vases, Figures on, explained by and Shoshonis ---- 324 modern Italian gestures .............--- 289, 290 Friend, friendship, Signs for ..-... .-.384,491,527 | Gregg, Dr. P., Surface burial..-.......... 140 Funeral ceremonies, Choctaws. -. -- - 325865 186 | Grinnell, Dr. Fordyce, Comanche inhu- , T'wanas and Clallams 176 mation ........ 99 custom, Corsican .....-......--.- 147 Wichita burial Furnace, Cremation 149 - customs ..-... 102 596 INDEX. Page. Page. Grossman, Capt. F. E., Pima burial..--.--. 98 | Ilustrations, Examples of, for collaboration Gros Ventres and Mandans, Scaffold on sign language ..........-.----------- 550 Live MASS sees aseno she ssoe soko se 161 | Indian, generically, Signs for..-.....----- 469 Grow, Sipnifor secon. hanes eee eer 343 languages, Discussion of...-....-. 516 mound in North Carolina, Excava- Habitation, Signs for.........-..-.....-.. 427 : tion of. .....------+++-+2+2+++++ 120-122 Haerne, Mgr. D. de, Works on sign lan- title, Character of --.-.. 249 CSE RRR ee te Me. heen chy a0 9292 tongues, Relative position of... ... 15 Hale Horatio Mohawk signs... 397 Indiana, Cession of land by the Indians. -- 257 “ Hallel ujah oh ObithoGrecks a 95 | Indians, Condition of the, favorable to sign Halt! Signals for......-... 1 ce. 9580)595 language ---=--.----- reese sen GMlll Hammond, Dr. J. F., Burial lodges - 154 of Bellingham Bay, lodge burial. . 154 Hand positions, Types of .........-...--- 547 of Clear Lake, cremation..-.....- 147 Hand-shaking, connected with signs-----. 385 of Costa Rica, lodge burial. - 154 Hardisty, W. L., Log burial in trees. .-.-. 166 of Illinois, cist burial..... eae 5 114 Harpokrates, Erroneous character for .--. 304 of Northwest, burial sacrifice. we 180 Hawkins Line (boundary) .......-.-.----- 253 of Panama, burial sacrifice ...... 180 Meare Siena tor = 376 of SouthAmericadevourthedead 182, 183 , Sig wore tees tee etter eee eeee eee 2 Hecastotheism, The term, defined..... _.. 30, 32 of Southern Utah. cremation. - --- 149 Hénto (Gray Eyes), Wyandot signs ...... 397 of Talomeco River, box burial. --. 155 Hereditv, Cases of, in speech .-..-...-.--. 276, 277 of Taos, inbumation Sciam 101, 102 Hocrera dons. tole eee eee 932 of Virginia, buriall=;---2-2=------ 125 Hesitation, Signs for ....... ....---.----- 291 of Washington Territory, burial Hidatsa superstitions -......... ....-.--- 199 SODErsM OSes Ree 201 Miri ballsionsttones cee meee 469 , Theories respecting the signs of - 313 ELieratiGineiiee cs OL Es) Reese = 210 | Inflection in English language..-......--- 14 Hieroglyphs EEE Reed ete 210 in language..-..-.-----.--..--. 4 are read in a certain order. 223 38 Paradigmatic.-..-.---.--.....- 7,15 (See Egyptian characters.) Inbumation SSS t eds” See ais Seearee eas 93 Hind, Henry Youle, Burial feast - 191 » Comanches ........-.- ..... 99, 100 History of sign language ...... .......-. 285 , Coyotero Apaches... -----e+ 11, 12 and customs, Limitations to the # Creeks) and |Seminglea =) —=-—— Sipelb use of, in studyof anthropology. 76, 77 » Indians of Taos - -......-.-- 101, 102 Hoffman, Dr. W. J.-....- ee Seas 99 ALOR AWS ope eae 93 Collaboration ofinsien , Otoe and Missouri Indians -.96, 97, 98 smsig a language ........... 399 TOU 8 sane er eee 98, 99 Dene we ine . Wah-peton and Sisseton burial es eee ce 111, 153 SEES sees a Sassi csne WEA Holbrook, W.C., Burial mounds........-- 118 ’ Wichitas Soa ge erage ocr nc 102, 103 Holden, Prof. E. S., Studies on Central ‘ a Yuki paneer Sard ee 99 American picture writing.......... -.. xxy | Innuit and Ingalik box burial .-...-...- 156-158 Holmes, W.H., Artistic aid of ............ 4o9 | Innuits, Sign language of. .....-. -...... 307 Tearincelbe 106. 203 Inquiry, Signs for .-.... 291, 297, 303, 447, 480, 486, 494 ’ d FY = arieic inne nteain = § = Home, Signs for -.. 22. 2. 2. 483, 485 ’ Signals for -..-...--------------- 931, 536 Homomorphy of signs with diverse mean- Insult, Sign of. RA bet phi ga ae eee 304 Sica hie) Sein PN Sent ean Oe ee 349 | Interjectional cries. ....-.......-..--...- 283 Hoan sipadiaies 298, 299 | Interment of collected bones...-........-. 170 Heese Sine Pe a 493 Interrogation, Mark of, in sign language. - 367 Hough, Franklin B., Canoe burial in the Intonation, Process of: Sen ee Ol Gee 617 grounderteaca 2 Invention of new signs in sign language-- 387 Geet Sinton 497 Involuntary response to gestures. .--..--- 280 a ae Glalies Needed oe 175 Iroquois scaffold burial... - 169,170 , Paskagoulas and BiWoxis.- 124, 125 boi ae iuisttlee = ae Huitzilopochtli....... 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, __ DSU ERE ONS socncceseocasssis | EST 236, 238, 239, 241 Isolation, Loss of speech by ....-..--..--- 278 Humboldt, Signs of Sonth Americans .... 307 Italians, Modern, Signs Of .----+-----2 +20. 285, 305 Hunger, Signs for 304, 485 | 1tzas, Aquatic burial .....-.......-...-.-- 180 , Signs for .......-... -------...- 1; Hurons, Burial feast of........ .......... 191 | Jacker, Very Rey. Edward, Disuse of signs 325 Hyperboreans, aquatic burial .--...__- 180 Japan dolmeus see ee eee Soe ee 115 Jenkes, Col. C. W., Partial cremation... - 150 Ichthyophagi, aquatic burial. ............ 180 | Johnston, Adam, Cremation myth -. ..... 144 Mlinoissmonunds 22. 5-seeee ee ssteaeke 118 | Jones, Dr. Charles C.,Stone graves of , Purchase of land for Indians in. -. 254 ‘Tennessee - . --- 114 Illustration, Scheme of, in sign language. - 544 Natchez burial . 169 INDEX. 597 Page. Lipan, Tribal sign for ...-...----.---- --- 471 List-of illustrations, Burial customs - 37 , Sign language ....-.- 205 Living sepulchers'.-.--------=..---=-2---= 182 Lockwood, Miss Mary....----- 224 odreiburial’-se-s-n¢aeeess on eee 152 ORO Wee ae 153 »MSQUIMBUX=---5---02-. o=- 154 , Indians of Bellingham Bay 154 , Indians of Costa Rica -..-.-- 154 OIOWUK. nascsepeas ke ee 152, 153 130 DPMYIR ane en ak enn pe ee nee 138, 139 Danish: 2255s: ceasseacosenses es 139 in trees, Loucheux .----.. .----- 166 Long Horse, burial of... .-------- 2 153 Loss of speech by isolation - ----- 278 Lotophagians, Aquatic burial. --- 180 Loucheux, log burial in trees ---. -.---.--- 166 TSOV.G, SITS AOE Sane =e nee 345, 521 Low tribes of men, Gestures of ..-.-...-- 279 Lower animals, Gestures of........---.--- 275 Lucian, de saltatione .......-.----..-..--- 287 McChesney, Dr. Charles E....--.--..----- 107-111 “Ghost gamble ” 195 MeDonald, Dr. A. J., Rock fissure burial. - 127 McKenney, Thomas L., Seafford burial -.- 161 Chippewa widow- 184 McKinley, William, Burial urns .--..-..-.-. 13 Macrobrian Ethiopians, Preservation of the CORO ese see a Aiea ee ao 136, 137 Mahan, I. L., Chippewa mourning ..-. --. 184 Maiming, Wyandot law for ...-..----..-.-- 66 | Man, Origin of, in connection with the study of anthropology..--...-..--- 77, 78 SISTED sp ancose s Seaseoraeae 416 Mandan ‘Golgothas”........-.--.--..--- 170 sella arg de eee cecse nen 471 Mano in fica, Neapolitan sign. .-----.--. -- 300 Manuals, Preparation of, for use in origi- mal research =... se2-s2ssesscesnce, 22225 XXXII Manuscript Troano........-----.--- ----- 234 Many, Signs for ...........-....--- 445, 496, 524, 535 Marriage regulations (Wyandot) ...-. --. 63, 64 OED A OSes : 290 Mason, Prof 0:0, Work of ).---..:-- <.- xxii Matthews, Dr. Washington, U. S. A., Hi- datsa super- stition 199 , free burial 161 | Maya characters connected with signs 356, 376 Medicine, Signs for ...-.------------ ----- 386 Medicine-man, Signs for ..--...-.---.----- 380 Menard, Dr. John, Navajo burial .--.. --. 123 Mental disorder, Gestures in.......... .-. 276 Methodical signs of deaf-mutes--.-.---....-. 362 Page. Torio, The canon Andrea de, Works on sign STE G so 5 8 a Sb ese Se ee 289 Joseph, Judge Anthony, Inhumation of SGN LER DEY She 8 S800 oe Se os ae 101 Joy, Signs for -. 300 Justice, Sign for .....-...-...--.-. 302 Juxtaposition in language .......-..-..--. 3 LCRA i ee seo ee seeese ences 126 Kaibabit myth -.-...- 28 Kaiowa, Tribal signs for. 470 LONG] eye] )rbat A eras Pe ee 156 Karok burial superstition --........-..--. 200 Kavague aquatic burial ..-. ......-.. --. 180 LIGA S) 8 Wise soe Co ae te ee eta ears Baie 142 Keating, William H., Burial scaffolds. --- 162 Burial superstitions 199 Keep, Rev. J. R., Syntax of Sign language 360 “Keeping the Ghost” .-...-....-......-.- 160 Kelta burial superstition. ...-.. ....--.-. 200 Kent, M. B., Sac and Fox burial... -.-..-. 94 Kentucky cist graves .- se Aes 114, 115 PON eS os 5 ap te Ae 133 Kickapoo, Tribal signs for........-..----- 470 al! Signa Wor eeoere se ooe ses conan soo- ~~ 377, 437 Kin ché-ss, Address of..-... ......------ 521 KonesborouphLordi...-02 ---5-2--e--2.-<. 210 Kinship society -2=.........-.----.--.-.-- 68,69 Kiowa and Comanche cairn burial.... ... 142, 143 SCY UCR ai ao calerm tae eee le 102 Klamath and Trinity Indians, burial -.--. 106, 107 Indians, General researches BOG ons san ee ooo aces xix Klingbeil, William, Partial cremation - 151 Katie Sigmtor esses. 222 c2- sscecl-oenesee 386 Kutine, Tribal signs for ..--.........----- 470 FG ALLEN Updo setae ete SS mtr SO 182 hand! Gesslons ye case nek eae anes eas 249 Language, Diversity of. ..-... poate 28 jeevOlUtiON Ofses=ercien sees =eocee 3-16 | , Limitations to the use of, in study of anthropology. ..-.. 78, 81 , Primitive, theories upon. -...-.-- 282 je ROCOSSES (Of. Sosa eep see es 3-8 POIABE OLY. a. aoe cones cle nea teee essa ccetens 186 hately: Sipnapifon eos cose see See 366 Latookas burial .-.. 126 hauda, Bishop ==. Js-22222 vecnoe tose .--- 208, 243 Landa’s hieroglyphic alphabet. -.--.....--. 208 Lawson, John, Partial embalmment. ----- - 132 Pit burial 93 Lea, John M.....----..--..- 253 Lean Wolf's Complaint, in signs........-. 526 HGeemMaNS DL. os so 6. 2 oe donee wee ees 229 Leibnitz, Signs connected with philology... 349 syntax .... 360 Leonardo da Vinei ...-:-2.22--2.02. so 3 292 Leon y Gama....... - peer 232 Letter of transmittal ....................- 89 Lie, falsehood, Signs for .....-....... 345, 393, 550 Lightning, Signs for .......------....-=--- 373 Linguistic researches. ..-...-..- oe aaeome! XVii, xviii among the Klamaths xix Mexican characters connected with signs-357, 375, 377, 380, 382 Miami Valley mound burial ........:..--- 120 Michaélius, Algonkin signs --.--...-..--. 324 Michaux, R. V., Exploration of mound on farm Offs sas. a3 Soe tccsee see = = 12 Mornlantecwtlisa-- 22-2. sseecscs+ 02> -. 229, 232 Midawan, a ceremony of initiation ........ 122 Migration regulations (Wyandot) .-.-...-. 64 598 INDEX. Page. Page. Milan convention on instruction of deaf- Mummification, Theories regarding . -.... 130 PAGE e ne none opine oes osomene hoedc 307 | Murder, Wyandot law for .....--- seedases 66 Military government (Wyandot) ....-..-. 68 | Muret, Pierre, Living sepulchres .-.....-. 182 Miller, Dr. C. C., Assistance from .-...-.-.-. 197 , Persian mortuary customs. 103 Missonri River, Sign for ......-- 477 | Muscogulge burial ............-....------ 122, 123 Mitelill, Dr. Samuel L. Jeane a mum- Mutation, Vocalic .... -. Agoseecccicons 5 MICB) aoe e ase eee eae ees here ty eee 133,134. || Myth; Bain (Hindoo)i2--- 2.2 s- > cisneesete 27 Modal particles 13 , Malling stars (Ute)-------.----..--- 27 Mode in Indian tongues 12 , Migration of birds (Algonkian). - - . 27 Modern use of sign language - .- 28 293 loon | (Ute) iran ew et non eater 25 Modification, how accomplished ...------- 7 DNOYVS6:-2 osc oes recta neces sees 26 Modoc burial superstition ....-.-..-....-. 200, 201 pOraibil.- 22-2 sss-Sse5c6¢ co eaeenoecss 25, 27 Mohawks, Inhumation . ...-.......-.---- 93 ; Wvain) (Shoshoni) <2 222. <= =o see ee 26, 27 Money, Sigmtors 22 2.2 Jere a aerate , Rainbow (Shoshoni)........--..--- 27 Monotheism defined - FRSA Tt UO 0.) lege se Cee Se Soe 24 Months, their hieroglyphs ..--..----- --. 243 | Mythic tales...-... i as cess 43-56 Moon, Indian explanation of..-. ----. --. 24 Cin- ate av Seeviies) ---- 44,45 MON Nee anne eoesesboass = sGpescc=s0 25 Originiof: | --=269.2-<-. 225 37 Moose; Sign'fors<- ice -22esec-saes see eeee 495 Origin of the echo --..--.--- 45-47 Moqui pictographs connected with signs-- 371, 373 The so-pus wai-un-iits .--.-- 47-51 Moquis burial ......-..-....-.- 114 Ta-wots has a fight with the Moravian mourning .-..--- ‘ 166 Se ssarosc 52 scene sens 52, 56 Morgan, Lewis H., Atsina signs -. ..---- 312 | Mythologie philosophy, Course of evolu- , Burial dance ----.- 192 tion of ..-..--.. 38-43 , Partial scaffold ital 169 ; Devilism=—-5--- 32 Morse, E.5S., Dotmenat in Japan. one 115 , Fetichism ..---- 32, 41 , Japanese signs 442 , Four stages of.. 29, 43 Mortuary customs of North reece , Hecastotheism . 30, 32 Undiansy. << --=55 XXVI , Monotheism.... 30,32 Parthians, Medes, , Outgrowthfrom. 33,38 ete. ....- 104 , Physitheism..-. 30,32 Persians ~ 103, 104 , Psychotheism .. 30,32 Mosquito Indians, Burial superstition of-- 201 , Zootheism ....-- 30, 32 , canoe burial in ground. 112,113 | Mythology, Indian....-.....--.--...-. .-- 19-56 Mother, Signiorae-seos essa ee ae 479 , Limitations to the use of, in Motions relative to parts of peden in sign study of anthropology .-.---- 81, 82 language .-----..20--<. --.-----0---2--- 393 | Myths, language, Hobrew ...... -....---- 28 Mound burial. ... 115 , Kaibabit- 28 CDOCTAaWS ioe Fens eee 120 | Name regulations of the Wvandot tribe -- 64 Honig aie eee eae ee 119,120" | Naolin. .=-..-(c20eeny soe 205-5 oe ee 230 Miami Valley 120 | Narratives in sign language .-.---.--. Seer 500 , Ohio 117,118 | Natchez burial sacrifice. . 187-189 Mounds sllinoisjec=ancnssee eet anemene eae 118, 119 scaffold burial. -- 169 OD SLOG eoste yy ae e eee es 118 | Natci’s narrative in signs .--- 500 Mourning ceremonies, Sioux. ...---....--- 109,110 | National Deaf-Mute College ...-...-.---- 321, 408 , Chippewa 184 | Natural pantomime .-.. .......-3.--- --. 280 cradle, Chinook - 181,182 signs 307, 340 as 181 | Navajo burial. 123 Crows - 183,184 | Na-wa-gi-jig’s story in signs ...........--- 508 customs of widows 185, 186 | Neapolitan gestures and signs. - 289, 296-305 Indians of Northwest ..... --. 179 | Negation of affirmative in sign language -- 391 Moraviany.-..))-)-22c226 -ssh ceed 166 , Signs for. -..290, 299, 300, 304, 355, 440, 494 observances, Twana and Clal erm: 420-7. Sona ecen oe eee ee eee 142 JINN etre een ce sass os eose cd 176 | New Mexico burial urn -- 138 sacrifice, feasts, food, ete -.---.- 183))| Noeht Signa for esac. se-e eee eee 358 AAS UB OO) Spee eesenricenetoke SAOneee 234 | Nishinams, Cremation among the --....--- 144 = 446'| Nomenclature'=-s0--0-eae-= eee eae 211, 220 Miiller, J.G., Mexican gods ...... -.. -.. 232 | Norris, P. W., lodge burial ...-....---..--. 153 Miiller, Max, Theories relating to lan- Norse rain myth 26 UALS qon ceeds sce ee een cence 277, 281, 283 | North Carolina Indians, Partial cremation. 150, 151 Mummies, Alaskan. .............-----.--. Northwest coast mummies. .-..........--. 135 eUMONGHOK Yo canes ope eee , Indians of, mourning .---. --. 179 , Northwest coast ....-..... eae Nothing, none, Signs for ........--. 22, AVAL SIN aes eee eee Nouns in Indian tongues - Mummification orembalmment Now, Signs for.-.-........ INDEX. 599 Page. Page. Obongo aquatic burial ...-...-...-------. 180 | Philosophy, Mythologic, Ecstasism. .-.-.-- 36 surface burial ..-....-....--..--- 139, 140 , Mythic tales... 37 Observers, Queries for, regarding burial -. 202, 203 , Monotheism ..-. 42 Occasional resource, Gestures as an. .----- 279 , Outgrowthfrom. 33-38 Qhio mound burial’. ...-...-..-....--.-.-- 117 , Physitheism .... 42 Oh-sah-ke-nek-s2 =... 7222s oe seems ee naman 94 , Psychotheism. - - 42 Ojibwa and Cree surface burial 141 , Religion .-...... 37, 38 dialogue in signs. ....-..-..--..--- 499 , Spiritism .....-- 35, 36 pictographs connected with signs. .371, 372, , Thaumaturgics - 37 376, 380, 381 , Theistic society. 35 FRLTIDSUSI OM ON =e. now een e = 472 , Tutelarism. ----- 41 Oldimun}Sten for =. .s.2--esce-- n-ne ee 338 , Zootheism ....-- 38, 39, 40 Omaha colloquy in signs..-. --..--.------ 490 of civilization -.........-..--. 21 mn yth esac. 581 of savagery 21 Onomatopeia ..-. - 2 283 , Stages of. .....--=.-.-.. meee 21 Opposite, Signs for 353 | Phrases in sign language - -- 479 Opposition in sign language ......-. .---- 364 | Phratry defined .......... -... 60, 61 Oraibimyth):-- see a2. -5- ecco se s---<= 27 | Physitheism defined 30, 32 Oral language defined . - 273 | Pictographs connected with sign language. 368 SPLIMI hVer setae ee 274 | Picture writing, Central American -. --.--- 25 Orators, modern, Gestures used by -..--- 311 , Limitations to the use of, Origin of man, in connection with the in study of anthropology 75 study of anthropology... ------ 77,78 | Pilling, J.C., Bibliography of North Amer- Bignilanguage.---2--<,--222 "= 273 ficantp HilOlop ye eenemen ements ete === xv Original and secondary cessions . -...-.--- 256 | Pimas, Inhumation among..----..--------- 98, 99 Osage, Tribal signs for....-..-.--..--..--. 472 | Pinart, M. Alphonse, Pima burial.......-. 98 ‘Ossnaries; Huropean:--.----------5------- 191 | Pinkerton, John, Virginia mummies ------ 131 Otis, Dr. George A., U.S. A., Burial case -- TY) |) Aches ssoctenco see cos esses soe esas 101 Oto and Missouri Indians, nhumation..-. 96-98 | Pit burial ......-.-.--.--------------.----- 93 Onray Beriallote ees = seca cae aos 128 | Pitt River Indians, Burial and cremation - 151 , head chief of Utes -......-...---- 315, 328 | Pi-Ute cairn burial ....-...----- esses 143 Outlawry, Wyandot institution of -....-. 67 | Placement, Process of ...-..-. -----..--- 6-8 Owsley, Dr. W.J., Cist graves ..-....-.--- 114 | Porter, Prof. Samuel, Thought without language ...-.- Palenque, Statues of ....-..--. 207, 224, 227-229, 245 | Possession, Right of -- Pani, Tribal signs for............--.------ 472 , Sign for Pantomime, Natural ... --. 280) /'Poater Burinlisi.cse &-s2ea- see snceaeu ne 197 Pantomimes, Classic. .-..--- 286 | Potherie, De la M., Surface burial .. -.--. 140 Paradigmatic inflection -. - 7,15 | Powell, J. W., Indian orthography. ..----- 484 Partial cremation 150 Inflexions in Indian lan- , North Carolina Indians. 150, 151 guages) 0-2 Usk sone 351 scaffold burial and ossuaries -.-.- 168 Linguistic classification. .. 403 Particles, Adverbial ..........-..--.------ 13 Stone graves or cists-..--- 113 phe 5 eSscee cco sesossa ess 13 | Powers, Stephen, Burial dance ..-.. - 192 PE MOMLO MATS A eee tere ects silcte =a n=l 13 Burial song ..-...- 194 , Dense. ---..-~.- Sei 13 Burial superstition - - -.- 200 Parsee: burial... 222 -cssnouoee sep ee eee 105, 106 Origin of cremation .... 144 PAnhISaNy SISOS tO ieee 22 oe ses a> =o 384, 418 Se-nél cremation. .....-.. 147 Paskaguulas and Billsxis, House burial... 124, 125 Wukw burial!o-e--c--2--- 99 Patricio’s narrative in signs ......-.-..--. 505 | Preparation of dead, Similarity of, between Peace, Signals for Comanches and African tribes. - -..----- 100 SLES LS 8 Oa eel tet ae 438 | Prepositions in Indian tongues -...-..----- 11 Pend d’Oreille, Tribal sign for...-.....---- 473 sign language -..---.----- 367 Period, Mark of, in sign language. .--.---- 368 | Preservation of dead, Macrobrian Ethio- Permanence of signs ..-----------.------- 329 IANS) ee eee = oe 136, 137 Persians, Mortuary customs of the-..-.----. 103, 104 , Werowance of Vir- Personal adornment regulations (Wyan- Pind .-.-5--.<-. 131, 132 J iat sae M ees Soot es eS 64 | Pretty, Signs for........-. See choot occas 300 Peruvian characters connected with signs. 371 | Priest, Josiah, Box burial..............--- 155 ‘*Pet-chi-6-ri’’..... Ss Peedi wean ceekes 200 | Primitive language, Theories upon -..--.- 282 Philology, Relation of sign language to. - -- 349 oral language 274 Philosophy, Genesis of . -.---..--.-..----- 19 | Prisoner, Sign for- -- 345 , Mythologic, Ancientism -.--. 33 | Processes of language - 3-8 , Course of evoln- Pronominal particles -.--.---.------------ 13 MMON\OL ~s-sene= 38-43 | Pronouns in Indian languages..-.....----- 600 INDEX. Page. Page. Proper names in sign language ------. -- 364,476 | Sayce, Prof. A.H., Origin of language in Psychology, Limitations to the use of, in POSHOTGS faae ce eee ee eee 283, 284 the study of anthropology .----. --..--- 83, 86 | Scaffold burial, Australia. 3 167 Psychotheism defined .......-...--.------ 30, 32 , Chippewas . - 161, 162 Pueblo pictographs connected with signs. 373 , Choctaw Bet 169 , Cribal sign for - -...---- ES 473 , Gros-Ventres and Man- iumainersam in sign language .- sees 367 ang) eee eeeeee oe 161 Purchases of land trom Indiazs in Ulinois 254 | . Iroquois eet 169, 170 Putnam, F. W., Stone graves or cists . 115, 116 , Natchez - eee oS 169 ROU Karas aire ere es 163, 164 Quantity, Signs for .........-.----- --. 291, 359, 445 PeLONt DUTIAL OM ceases eae 174 Queries for observers regarding burial ... 202,203 | Seaffolds, Theory regarding... - exces cae 167, 168 Question, Signs for . .. .291, 297, 303, 447, 480, 486, 494 | Schiller’s burial song. - eee ee 110 Signals for. 2as-2-e= Lnibal sions forsee oc). eos. 8.0. - ee 475 Walontini os. <)c- = seca o eee nee ene 243 Van Camper, Moses, Mode of burial of In- dians inhabiting Pennsylvania. ......._. 112 Van Vliet, Gen. Stewart, U. S. A., Tree and scaffold burial . -- 153 Waianae, pecans soe na eee eee 208 Verbs in English language .-............. 14 Indian tongues.-............-.-- 10,11 Verification of death, Caraibs............. 146 Wallasey Sipnstoneeene: saa 20-55 een 386 Vinci, Leonardo da, use of gestures ..-.-. 292 Virginia mummies. .-..........-........-.. 131,182 Vocalic mutation in lang uage, Process of Wisran, Sima fOr sc cans: eae an aceaeh ane 322 Wah-peton and Sisseton Sioux, Inhuma- 107-110 Wiaitg IPMS SOL scene aco eessee ne ee eee 291, 299 Wildd noke eee ae eee eee toe ee 210, 243 VUES Rah 0 eee See eas meee erser ae 344 Warning, Sign for------------.....-.-.... 301, 302 Wascopums, Burial sacrifice of..........- 189, 190 Washington, City of, Sign for............. 476 WWISLEL VSP TA LON e tame vane owas ae 357, 494 ANE SS Oe Oe en Se eee ee ete 101 Welch, H., Surface burial ................ 141 Werowance of Virginia, preservation of the: deade noses snes = sence nceeeesinese ssn 131, 132 White man, Signs for --.... . ..450, 469, 491, 500, 526 Whitney, J. D., alphabet, on the -......... 557 , burial cave, Description Ot Qos ee ceeeeaerenee ac, 128 , Prof. W. D., Primitive speech.. 283 Whymper, Frederic, Burial boxes. - . 156 Wichita, Tribal signs for.........-....... 476 Wichitas, Inhumation among the......... 102, 103 Widow, Chippewa.......--..-.... - 184,185 Widows, Mourning customs of . - 185, 186 Wilcox, E., Partial cremation............- 150 , Norse idea of Wiseman, Cardinal, Gesture of blind man , Italian signs Witchcraft, Wyandot law for.... -. . Woman, Sign for Wood, Rey. J. G., African surface burial. - Bari burial Obongo aquatic burial. Worthlessness, Sign for Wright, Dr. S. G., Superstitions regard- ing burial feasts Writing, origin of, Gestures connected with the for adultery. . for maiming. . for murder. of outlawry for theft government military government. -. regulations of encampment. of migration of name of community of person of religion . , Tribal sign for Yo-kai-a burial dance........-. -.... Young, John, Tree burial. Yuki inhumation......... c AUNT 3 9088 01349 9314