TAA i) ae mie BORE ERNAOUL NANA seat ab AS an Stal ores reed : ‘ ACH: a? , ened ex Ne ys at A nt i % wt KURA yea ie Wx Le Vo Pee 4 a yaaa rahi) ey Wh ‘yh UU AS fe , ' AN ry eee wr FH AA E Wid) i att e Ou hae te Jes = ale eine YAS! Bannan) + Ae VOR Wavy it HF, pe ne fir ff Wie iets i PAR nies 5 ee ay Ox te ese Ae cit Wien en ore) >, Subataayt LAL ; ee ee: Oi ewe fy pa vind Eee 28. Pee eee =: Sees bt Sitaoats owt a " ses aera 0 a id Senay has ean a », ,’ ncaa Watt ; me eee ‘ y' ARN . ; if ( i ‘i OnOU t y CRAY We aacaiitin ithe : hah inital es * i ea ate: as ent Net 90d Ae hw Cae e Ls yaw * Lae eked ey 5, OUR net SACO OOR CULO RRS Vad ew hae de Sh DAM OTD Ves. Ke “vy Sera t Be ass} Ee 55 Sa &) 3s ae Pa Re ‘ats 3 it De ar te a ot al THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONTAN INSTITUTION J. W. POWELL DIRECTOR 270340 N4Tion aL MUSE WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1896 PETE ER OF TRANS Mat TAG SMITHSONIAN [ystrtuTIon, BurEAU or Evruno.oey, Washington, D. C., July 1, 1892. Str: I have the honor to submit my Thirteenth Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. The first part consists of an explanation of the organization and operations of the Bureau; the second part consists of a series of papers, prepared chiefly by assistants, which illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. It is a pleasure to express appreciation of your unfailing support in the work intrusted to me. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, X Director. Honorable S. P. Laneey, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. lil CONTENTS Page Tntroduction)).c22 =~ ees so sees eee os Sa acyen tetas seems chee cepeniedecscusc 62 GTOGV.GUI AS68145 -.5.05 sate Nate wi data Se corms SN ee ieee ers ete ene ees Sate saacqete 62 (OfbiS) 5 ssn ee Secelcse son anne g neces Seeece ote pene asto cess asso cssscresses 72 Gouges - ..- ---- -----6 --- ene 2 nen = na nn a ne nen ens nee 82 COME GIE HClO os soc on sos sesoe Spc oegamao score saengeesemcsoescce 83 - (@hippedic elie ae mm cia ase ee at taal ee 86 Ise ini Wh 56 Sona ee mogecenon shar oscaeasesu sans saesedorscesdssseese 86 Ie Uiles) sA66 cadaso See mon CR noroee cece Soncco qesbodoussessselsstosses tans S205 87 LEHANE) ocoemorem scan CHeGse CEOs H MOne ps mibeno poco ence ces tacos once y ccc 91 (Chie) SEGUE Sc pep aoe ero cacbossuaame Cason ase sanssceSnesced ssecserar 91 IU EN sa eb. 8 pe sose cop pon ones he Sem eHoomOoancnSeecoresceces ctecrscsesese 93 Grinding and polishing stones ~-—~<~ --. one oe 93 [ab voayanteig- 17a) sl ees = an ee ee cise orig ISear Scares Se eS Sora erie eee Sk cos 94 Grooved stonesiouber tam axes ee eet arate =a eee er ee rie ee 95 AOS ah SY Naso Sees ecee came Soro ocne Peon Dron to dees Sones Series ab sca soos 96 Pil Ry soo Sekos Seeciooncic=no ob ene Sa oOOSHaSsoO SES pederisss assests ecsasss 97 Perforated stones .---.----.-- BOO Ee ROH moa pe oben Saco Soe oS Soas.S 98 IDISCOIM AVSTONES! sates a ola ee tee tll ola 99 SOE Nese a pep Renee rSose to Seecr rear cosrccerae Sool Sesame e se Se so nSeane 109 Taleb itt e Sem oecioee sone HOam Saee GRO SG Sms Smee oer Marea eco SSS OA AS Se 110 (Chins) eeesoap ace Gedaiee a tece oe - HE ce AS mnSnbecceceserascin=snensccananse 113 [EK ens pA els\o oo Ospe ase se noc eahaesdocp Bea aseee me Sues eegeessccssestcomtSe 114 Pa TS HOMLGS ase arte eat ee seh te er 115 Gere moral tS tO WG Se arate ee tee ee ee 115 MnetiOns and Put pOSOSeee == aie eet == laa ea eee ee 115 Gorgets...-----.-------------- ------ 22-2 -- == 22-2 oe ee eee 116 Ls Phot ee] hes) epee SA Teo ES eBacSaE Osos tone sone cena sdaeco sdeonecg Gone 120 IES Get i-S Enea © | SOC wa ate el el 124 1 SY foe es Se Sec ose) ieee ee QSOS Se cS otin asics ceases ees 125 Spool-shape ornaments......-...---.------ -----------------.-------- 125 BITC SE au OIS TOTO a ee ar ae ete ll 125 Shafterilbbersi ses, -ee oe sce cae erase cate eee en eet oie ale tein meee aes =) 26 ODT Ye Tees Goose b See Eee aise sobe -qecbaciodine ByScianaososroReckossds 126 Pipes cca eae ose ee ee aie a am eee 128 Chipped stone articles -....-...-.--.-.------------ ---- +--+ -+---+-++---------- 132 Materials and manufacture-se-ee s-esceseeae = eee eee 132 Spaces oe eer aye we oe nt ee ae ll eee 133 U Mibu di }oy: to 1d: Ae ees ee eee ese SRSA nO CE SAoG Home Coco onno Saeaceso fe 136 Smaller chipped implements .-..-.--..-----.---------.------------------ 139 Materials and modes of manufacture --..---.---..--------.--..------- 139 Classification of the implements.......:-....------------ ------------ 142 CONTENTS. VII Chipped stone articles—Continued. ; Page Smaller chipped implements—Continued. MLCMIORSEHUMIUS te seta ese erte ne tentan a eee oeencr ccaiecene sawic aie Sele wate 143 Whanacters:and WSes seas e-store letaee eaec tes see ee eesc avis Sens s 143 Ware er implements es cise seme s Seem os eiecte tee ae ceniec= sa 144 Maller Ob] OC use sac m eels ae ee area chee Ae eA SL eee eee. 147 PuSniMed ints =. tro tase Se ee cake pes eeeecseecs Soepe et neeuenee a, WO Siraightior taperstemsi 2s. fa 8) seeens tate ae eeisee ee eeece secs 150 Exp AN GUNS COMBS) ca ess cm Bee mfeinae oe mine eerie sien me ae 156 Perforators(. 2 526 season eee tcioe cece SCOR eae oe Oe Sie ase Soee nls ato 164 Characterand wses se ==. cos ss nscme ce secee tes emcees see oe 164 Stemilessttorms' sete ws cceee ose cosine ctelcis oe Mae Ieieeeils Beis clacacres 165 Stenim edatonmishs ames ncaa eee oe aie cians eine oto ateiiors ai yars ciaitie ie 167 Bluntrarnowibeads, Ong wasters aise eevee elata as ste stele = ete apereteres esa 168 SOTAIMET BE secet ee ce sole wears oe ore tre ee ape wise race ans SAS ere oti sieicis 169 SGI OCU oy eee re Smee eRe sein CeCe Ene ASS ok ei ac 169 Sbomill Css seen ia seiveers see tecemecisssis since saeciaee bes sot cig cals <5 169 (COTTER BRE AS 2 A SSS ole eS eS ee gan Ee rae 170 IMIR IRGR : eon Se RACE oc BESS Cae BECO BEH SENOS Bae SOR coe ner scr eaeeeeosee re 171 MascellancousmOrmsee es ects aoe sells esisciateyesmssacismie shieiecicetieceees = 174 No LesOnmbeVeledenimiscere seria assent ees sce Saeed cereseecineesssaiey 177 NRE GTC 2 ose aceSog SOSH II0Sb 355 SANS SH ea aoe aCe ae aus eee ec Seeeeee 185 Bree clon ANG mos bELabULG oom sone ans ee eee eons eee ace eee eee 185 ipbysicalidesernipuonon uierCOUNUY ==... 55+ sees ses easieeccsececees css 189 Disimbubionrandrclassiicabion ObTWIMS) -- ees s--- soeee eee ee senses ce os ene ae 192 lamstan CUdeSGLiy LOMB) emcee eee cidas cos del sel eknseweeesclasescccs see tae ae <5 195 SOMO Villages eererersatetas Rete eiateisinine cick oie mee see 2 ees eee eee a ae 195 (CEE MOE CSoc se ccocsccoodcae s GSUSES oR SAN Oa oc SOS ORB SASDRa SeosEe eer eeee 217 Bowildersmankedugiesre-mer tenes sacs Sees eee eee sce oe aiece ee sete 235 Irrigating ditches and horticultural works. ........-...--..-------------- 238 StrpecturalncharacienisblGseprs sma am senelecetamt eee so ieccia=e<12ee a sat sire 248 Masonry and ouher de tailsiss cee. se eee as eeecs eos sascceasenoasseeeweee 248 Woorand win do wiopenine sens. saee sa aefesee eeu ee = Seca snose 2s saeco esse 251 Chimmeysiand ore p laCesmermt= see ee eres amen as-is eee eee ceeee 256 (CHIE NOIR 6 ss ccaosacsonese Assocs oeesscces SodesaS G59 cas Sane so cnoenscrCS 257 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, AND IMPLEMENTS, BY J. OWEN DORSEY IST MOCMOININy WOUS scenecgn aces cso ssc0 Sos osoo Sa Saou seae pseoSuesSadsceesensae § ela!) IDR GGUINNES 2.3 5 Sosgocect sonSeg Se DONS SOU anD SoS e Senn eban er ia EE sa Uaesestogseese 269 Mains Od PCa -meaves sae) ate ter ers see nen as ton ee nee se ccee cee acini 269 TOG SeSOLED ALC OLN Ahsan eae a yeaa e cases ale Seicteige eins jectesine -ieeeia 271 DIMsLOd FeSO TONGS -eeee te ae ae tam seee seis ee tea cie ie ec ceiseeee ane ete oe 271 BOM NS el p LEMON usw ere seater alae reels ty siateis(=r= le | terete aoe ieee cee 275 ine placeskersan/-\ciap reat smite acn lade aise ce - sets cies seems ec anes eeerssee 275 Bedsrandsbed din pac ses aces ates cece Le ener Ee cesaccee cee at emenerst ea. 275 (CheaGll Pile us cd aneBtad 5965.0 sede ScecGHeeoas trotted Aeas cede Cae nater ess oie Seas 275 Children Bis WAN OS fem cere eee em er eres sia meee oacaa ee eae ee see. oe 276 BLOOM Better sateen fore tale ocean im sale felt NCR Sai eroniecin Ss Meera sien eric emiccrs 276 Bo utery sere se meres teres aa sehen nels, sae Sele Seis om ats motes Sed Me teisia io nine 276 Mortarsiands pestles penn jaceac cmc asoasce case cece -sisdeeaek ss aeeee ssa s 276 Spoons; ladles) and drinking vessels.25-\-- <= 5-2-2222 cece eect nee nce 277 VWUGTE WCRI) ge od so Senn Seiniciso BARCODE © CRCSSO BBEG OSS REA COSe Case See idae sett 277 (QUE PASC Eh ade Soadteee Sp boree cts EaeC eos S SEE OSES eee ne ar Sete, ianeane 278 VEE REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. Furniture and implements—Continued. Page FIGes and axes soe sneer aces oo wie eo) e seen enon nee eee eee aa 278 RN VOS ho sate a cie sete ciciee enie mentee ce eee eee Se er ee 278 Implements connected! with ile cao. jen. < ee 279 Smoking paraphemalig <2) 3-25 acon see eee ees 279 Wquipearetorshorses- <== - 2-2-2 aap -maae cle en eee eee ee 280 DraNelin 2 le 6 Bi eerie = tem = le ae ee a 281 BOMB. c= oss, c aca nj 2 cm aes ales See Serna ene Bee ee 281 Mirsical instnom Obs) acy. 3a a= on = =o es eee ee 281 SV VWie B10 O18 fete aan = tee eee ee ee ee 283 Clubs io" --). S2cs 23 Seeet eon weno eee eee ae nee ee eee 283 TomahawKSice cist 622 -Scencso sass sescoe ce eee ae ee 284 Sidet i aopee See ct ae Sea S RES SpOSeee Bone eosin neo oneenoencgeeceecces ase 284 BOWS iio oi eS seat ee HO eee e eee nee Sets eee ae ae 285 ATIOWG cee wecsiasei ats aoe erie oe Cae eseen es ae eee ee ee 286 Quiverse: 2-2 -oce = ae eae le nem Reena eee eee 287 Shieldsiand:armor 2.025525. ne noe oe cee oe eee ee 287 WITCATIOS :< 52sec moi ats aces Bone a ee eeiee ao i Rees ee ee 288 ANtTOUUCLON( -32 5= Bosse coe acess en sic eoetele cine Oe ee oe ee ees 295 Location-andicharactert: ae ee-= casts ae eee ese ree ae ee 295 Eistoryand. Iiterature.: = 28s oe. cscse see nee ene see een ae nese een 295 Descriptlona-=scon~ seas ase ae eee Bee OSU IC = Suessas> ORs SE SS55 HSA eo aNS 298 The Casa (Grande: group |. .-=o42=-— See oc aa eee eee Seen ee 298 Casa; Grande. ruin’ 222 oe ee eee eee eee eee 306 DbALGOLsPLOSOLV A ULON = ames cme sta ee ese eee ee ee 306 (DimenslOonge 25/022 cies lon aso ee tote ele eee eee eee 307 Detatled\deseripsiony = 2s. =e as eee eee ee eee 309 Openin Serer fee ne eela nee neler ee ee nee ee 314 Conclusions). o = mer remtein= (ess = eels eee ene eee eee 318 OUTLINES OF ZUNI CREATION MYTHS, BY FRANK HAMILTON CUSHING Introductory, =~ anne ostpos2s ccc miee se Se aeee ORES eee nee eT ee eee 325 DRhe'suryival of early ZuMitraiis =. - ssh = a - ee eee ee ae eee eee 325 Outline\of Spanish-Zuni history. -5-- os -a= ==) ee an eee eee eee eee 326 Outline of pristine: Zuni histone. sess eee eee ae ee eee nee ee 341 Outline of Zuni mytho-sociologie organization..........---.--.---------- 367 General explanations relative to the text.............----.--------.----- 373 116700) ee peo Cee a ao ate ane aac See Sen Same Bema toe sete cesSamanes cose epee 379 The genesis of the worlds, or the beginning of newness.-.------.-------.- 379 The genesis of men and the creatures. --- 2-2-5 222-5. sen eee eens eee 379 The gestation of men and the creatures........-.---...----------------- 381 The forthcoming from earth of the foremost of men...-.....--.-.---.---- 381 The birth from the sea of the Twain deliverers of men..-.-..-..---.----- 381 The birth and delivery of men and the creatures..................----.- 382 The condition of men when first into the world of daylight born.-..-.--- 383 Thejorigin of priestsjand of knowledg@s-e- sce see ene =] ea eee eee 384 The origin of the Raven and the Macaw, totems of winter and summer... 384 The origin and naming of totem-clans and creature kinds, and the division and naming of spaces:and! thingse..2scs---- <2. 4e- ose ee eee eee 386 The origin of the councils of secrecy or sacred brotherhoods. ....---.--.. 387 The unripeness and instability of the world when still young.----...---- 388 ‘The hardening of the world, and the first settlement of men.--..--.--..- 388 The beginning of the search for the Middle of the world, and the second tarrying of mMeni-...). 26 Les GOLA Oram Expl aii oy GOLM Sian ject alors er ae m= So wie een tetanic ecienie< 143 Iifimeorianonlar chipped) fimticsee aes setee sees ees ee = sce Sees Dacae 144 WsuChippedstlink! ses cnce acc cas -jocse wees cutee eses ence ce semseceens, ) 144 1, 9 Chip ech eilun tye r ee epee eraeh es ra epee cst See Alas ae eons cea oily 180: Chipped flint, somewhat bell-shape --.-----..----/+.-.-.------.--- 145 L8iChipped tint yellipticaltoutlines-- 220 s2]se2-s-cece aoe ee= ee ease 145 182. Chipped flint, leaf-shape or oval outline -..............----.-.----- 145 13s Chipped tintssas sac sise ewe te arse we eine au sticcinen oe nereisk ates 146 184. Chipped flint, large, pointed elliptical outline ........--..----.---- 146 185. (Chipped tint; lange; lone sharp pointy... <5 --2- -.---- 25-2 + === 146 1SGm Chip pedsuiint aT OOtr re saat ras eatse st lacs hsbtcein ve ee eyes scenes 147 Glo: Olen SoG he SAS BR Re a SE he CORES Ae ee ee ey nee aS oe ie 147 ike (Clinjeecelaitiay sop ooe.nen6 Hanae moosHeSncos ecnee ress BHmeeabo see peage 147 18ohe Chip pedanint pwiatb SHOW ers! -peeer emma eens essere eae eee 147 LOOM Chip pededinit year alilpecset taeeye h an eie Se feel eine se eee ener 148 IGN, Clijogelihione eee hie be peecndeqseseco seco seecosaeeseed snesece 4s 197 Chipped alin asymmetric cass seace = eee scem =e ae see nelle see eee 148 1935) Chippedsilimtyconcaveredm@es\ sacs. casos feos cee no eases = sere 148 Lod Chippedklimtworian culate seer eee eee, sacs Se sace ae aaa eet 148 NOS Chipped eflinit smal lees ee eas seco or a seca sus cies ee nomen 149 196 Chipped tints shorts convexied Cesiaasa-= saee eaeise assesses 149 fe Chippediiinbi trian colar seer cece eames cee eee eete re nee eae oe 149 19S Chipped flint; concaveled ges) Stemmed chipped flint 25. - 6 n= ao ee en eee a cee 163 2. Stemmed chipped flint, projecting shoulders.......--------- ------ 163 >; Htemmedichipped: dint 22-422. aemne ee pee te eer ete cc Or eere 163 . stemmed chipped! flint) very rough) ©22- 22s. sees = eee lee leas 164 . Perforator, not stemmed':.-3-352- <.. 2-5 see ose sehie-e een eae 165 . Perforator, not stemmed, double pointed.-........-...--.-.-.-.----- 165 . Perforator, not stemmed, double pointed.-.-......-...--.-..--------- 166 8. Perforator, not stemmed, rough base.-----.---.---.s<-«-v---------- 166 . Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base ....-.-.2--..-.--.-------- 166 . Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base ..--...-.--.-.---.-------- 166 ,. Parforator, (stemmed! 2-cos. eee eee a ae Siisje ee ctie emcee 167 52. Perforator, stemmed, very wide shoulders .--...-----.------------- 167 3: Perforator, Stemmed! ==. 2- oe eerste aa sare eee 167 = Perforator, Stem eC) = aa siseeee ele mele reel tee ate eee eee 167 ». Perforator, stemmed, with cutting point.--..--.- BIS SB SSE Ee Nees 168 }. Blunt arrowhead: or’ bunts... es 5c cests oe eett ieee eee ne ie eet 168 ILLUSTRATIONS. XVII Page HIG eof Ste MeCONClAa Pel ac ane sa cbtes ars ace ants os ree ee aide ee ee tee cee 169 OSM UO MMe CECA Clases serene ren iaran abe a Scleclse sl esses caeis Seters ose? 169 ZOOM NLOMUESSISCLADEL CELL WORM ame cleo ae cele seis eateeteie oeeta seenese es 170 ZOO MOLeMess Scraper ndeukel onan = Ss se eee sence ect see Shem. Lae 170 PASI CHOC SIES SoBe Sap Ss BOOP ORE SC CIE Ras SoereE SS SIO SSRs eae 171 AG Aes CONG ies cae he coaitae See Soe Sete a eee e ena ae weeee Seate som eee etek 171 Poowilake, chipped cor sera persa= ase oee sean noes ais ene see ee seca eee = 173 264. Flake, chipped for knife or arrowhead.......-------.-.---.-------- 174 Zoo blake slender probably dor lumens eee eeeeas tase ee cesee eee 174 Z2bboistemmed chipped'ilint.-s-s-ccseres- a+ = Sa so ee see ase eeee ce cies ae 174 267. stemmed chippedifing, winted)- 225... s2es eee aes a2 ee eee See eee 175 208. Stemmedichippeditlint ease. sac asta sone sees eae ee eae eae 175 Zed me suemmedr chip mederinity Hane diesem eae ee erie Neeralel tat raiee 175 ZO ShemmMecducnippedstunty TO see e seer are sey er ee eset erences 175 Zi stemmed: chipped int: .os-5--54- esse 4-2 2-2 esses se se ears we 2a i 176 Zia sbeMmMmed Chipped Hing yslendennceesee=josces a. oaeieiee eee elses 176 Ato a SLOMmedscuippedslinGacmece metre ee oem. see e cea eee ieee eee =a 176 214 Stemmed(chippediilint, triangular so-so. 2 sss ess scsi a sn eese sean 176 Zio SLeomMeduchippedihintaeemte= ae seeai- te ence eee ose aes ae eels net 176 276. Chipped flint, with sharp-edged stem..........-.-..-----------.--- 177 277. Stemmed chipped flint, point blunted from use...--.--.----.-.----- 177 278. Stemmed chipped flint.--.--. SORE EEE Soa nt eb BoE ESOS Bao Se an seer 177 279. Sketch map, site of small ruin 10 miles north of Fossil creek _...--- 200 280. Ground plan of ruin at mouth of the East Verde.-..-.....-......--- 201 281. Ground plan of ruin near the mouth of Fossil creek ..---.-.....---. 204 282. Sketch map, site of ruin above Fossil creek........-.---..-.------- 205 283. Sketch map of ruin 94 miles above Fossil creek ...........-...----- 206 284. Sketch map showing location of ruins opposite Verde -.......-.---- 207 285. Ground plan of ruin on southern side of Clear creek... .....--.---- 211 286. Ground plan of ruin 8 miles north of Fossil creek .... ...-.. -... -.-- 213 287. Sketch map of ruins on pinnacle 7 miles north of Fossil creek ..._.. 216 288. Remains of small rooms 7 miles north of Fossil creek. .-..-.....---- 216 289. Diagram showing strata of canyon wall ..-.-...--..-....---------- 218 AO MEV yal LECUStLOLACeICIslassamenas fe eas oe. 2 eo se cae Scenes eceseseeeek 221 20 ablaniotcayate lOodees, Croup )s~ sone see a= --a2 a= win acocse ce siescece 226 292. Sections of cavate lodges, group D_............--.----------------- 227 293. Section of water pocket .....-...---.--.--.-.- Ane een see 228 294 Planioficavauelodees,proup = ser 2 eet eo ace a ae ere eee ee Omaha pipe used on ordinary occasions...........-...-.....---.-.- Skimidnnm 233-326 2S eee eee ee ee ee ee Sere eee ser 13}oe Gb tbe me meebo eer nds SOR o Ree = SOdy HERO CODES Ssh cas SSeS eee (OME bpd oaths 5 oe aeee a= Sees sosaSISmecs sestSses aces see Sse Omahajclub)(ja"=-daona)) 2-2 oe a2 a ee = = ee ee ee eee ae Omaha club \(ja"-d4ona)).- 5 ---2 22-22 2-2 so ae sea ee ee ee Omaha‘elub/(weaq¢ade)===-.-- -< o=2 eens ee eee = eee eee Omahaiborw: (zatzi-mand6))- 225 - Seaton ne ae ae ee ee Omaha bow) (jaya 2=mands)i--S5-- ae ee eee eee ee Oma@Hanhuntin & axrO wees. eer ones ae eee ee ee eee ree Omahawiarvarro nye ote acest ee ape ae a a Omaha styleof midé-78cere-= -se ee = ne ee Map of large mound (Casa Grande)... --------=---. - 2-22. 2s eee Map of hollow mound ..---..-..-- SHS Re A CACO BAR SITIO OAAHE iS As Se Hlevationsiof walls, middleroom:..-2-2---sc-ee aera ee eon rine DlRHeTOR THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE sO yAL WL Oud: =H tel IN Oak, OGY By J. W. Powerit, Drrecror INTRODUCTION Ethnologic researches among the American Indians were continued during the fiscal year 1891-92, in accordance with acts of Congress. When the Bureau was instituted in 1879, the aboriginal population of North America was already greatly restricted in territory and considerably reduced in number, and the terri- torial restriction was progressing more rapidly than ever before with the extension of white settlement, especially over the western and northern portions of the continent. At the same time the Indians were undergoing acculturation more rapidly than ever before, by reason of frequent contact with white men in nearly all parts of their aboriginal domain. The urgent need of researches concerning the characteristics and relations of the native races, emphasized by the rapidity with which they were being restricted and modified, was recognized by students and statesmen; this recognition led to the institution of the Bureau. When the Bureau of Ethnology was organized, under author- ity of law, a plan of operation was formulated in accordance with what were deemed the most urgent needs. For two or three centuries explorers and students had observed and recorded, with pen and brush, the physical characteristics and the daily habits and customs of the American aborigines, XXI XXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. thereby producing a considerable library pertaining to the native races; and it was thought needless to compete with cas- ual observers and extend the superficial and desultory obser- vation such as is alone expedient under the ordinary conditions of exploration. Again, another Federal bureau was charged with the supervision of the current affairs of the Indians, its duties including the record of the lands allotted to, and claimed or conveyed by, the several tribes; it was accordingly deemed inexpedient to give attention primarily to the modern habitat of the tribes. At the same time, a number of students and scientific societies, especially in the eastern part of the con- tinent, were giving attention to the relics of the red men distributed over the country in the form of stone and copper implements, weapons, and ornaments, as well as in the form of earthworks and graves; but since these relics were relatively imperishable and already under investigation, it seemed the less desirable that the energies of the new bureau should be expended in examining them. A still weightier consideration in determining the direction of research was found in the fact that many of the observations of explorers and other students of the Indians suggested, sometimes faintly, sometimes more clearly, but always more or less vaguely, the existence of a system or systems of organization among the Indians, differing widely from the customary organizations of white peoples; and it was thought desirable to investigate this obscure character- istic of the aborigines as thoroughly as possible. Moreover, a wide dissimilarity in language had been brought to light; and since the earlier researches in this and other countries indicated that tribes and peoples may be classified by language more sat- isfactorily than in any other way, it was thought important to extend linguistic researches energetically. Influenced by this consideration, the Director planned for a series of researches concerning the relations of the native tribes, as expressed in language and organization. As the researches progressed, the original plan was modified from time to time, whenever the terms of law or increasing knowledge required. Conformably to a legal provision, the investigation of the prehistoric mounds was undertaken; and ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXIII for several years surveys and examinations of the aboriginal earthworks of eastern United States were carried forward, and reports thereon were published. A necessary collateral line of research, without which the full significance of the ancient earthworks could not be ascertained, related to the implements and utensils of the mound-builders, and the investigation was so expanded as to cover this subject; then it was found that the study of implements and utensils involved study of the art products and finally of the industrial arts of the build- ers, while the interpretation of the mortuary works involved extended researches concerning mortuary articles and customs in general; and in this way the researches were still more broadly expanded. Meantime, the linguistic researches were extended toward the fundamental elements of the art of expression. Among civilized peoples thought is expressed by vocables which are more or less purely arbitrary and so fully differentiated as to be essentially denotive, and ideas are recorded by means of characters which are almost wholly arbi- trary or denotive; and to such degree has the mechanism of expression been developed that the oral and visual elements of expression are interwoven with thought so completely that most men think in these denotive symbols, whereby thought is simplified and made easy. Among primitive peo- ples this denotive symbolism is not developed, and in lieu thereof an extensive and cumbrous system of connotive or associative symbols is employed. ‘This primitive system of expression represents in a general way the prescriptorial stage of human development. When the primitive peoples using such a prescriptorial system of symbols possess a definite social organization, this type of symbolism, like the higher type, becomes interwoven with thought in curious and persist- ent fashion, so that the primitive man thinks in a series of symbols which seem incongruous, extravagant, even bizarre, to the civilized thinker; and therein lies the chief difference between primitive and civilized’ modes of thought—a differ- ence so profound that few civilized men ever comprehend the mental workings of the uncivilized man, while it is doubtful whether any uncivilized man ever comprehends the mentation XXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. of his cultured brother. Thus, to the primitive thinker there is an association between directions, or points of the compass, and colors, and so directions and colors have become synony- mous in his understanding; then directions and colors are habitually enumerated in a certain order, and thus the smaller numerals are added to the body of synonyms. Again, since it is important that every man, woman, and child shall always remember the connotive symbolism, many primitive peoples arrange themselves in a definite order when sitting about the camp fire in the family group, and in this way relative posi- tions of individuals become associated with directions, colors, and numerals, and practically synonymous therewith. The associative symbolism does not stop here, but indeed goes much farther. Among some primitive peoples, individual names are applied connotively in such manner as to indicate order or rank, which is synonymous with position in the camp- ing group; and among many peoples tradition is crystallized and preserved from generation to generation by means of a wide-reaching connotive association in which direction, color, number, and names all play important parts. In many instances organs of the body enter into the system; and where- soever the connotive system is well developed, the traditions run back into myth and sometimes through myth into curi- ously elaborate cosmogony; and the myth and cosmogony are perpetuated by ceremonials in which direction, color, number, etc, perform essential roles. These are but a few of the ways in which the prescriptorial symbolism is employed; they serve only to indicate its fundamental and far-reaching character and the influence of the system on the primitive mind. By means of this symbolism, the social organization, the traditions, the myths, the ceremonials, the language, the industrial arts, and indeed all of the activities of the American Indians are interwoven to the extent that no class of activities can be studied thoroughly without careful study of other activities. As these far-reaching relations of the arts of expression were brought out through the early researches of the Bureau, the organization and plan were modified as seemed necessary. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXV Since the complex relations of the modes of expression culmi- nate and are expressed in oral language, and can be inter- preted only through this medium, special attention was given to linguistic researches. ‘These researches were in part direct, and it has been found thereby that language indicates the relations of tribes and families more clearly than other cri- teria, while at the same time the studies throw much light on the interesting subject of the evolution of language; and in part the linguistic researches have been pursued as a means to the end of gaining insight into the social organization, philoso- phy, and religion of the native tribes. Thus the problems of American ethnology, seemingly simple at the outset, have been found highly complex, and many lines of investigation have been opened. With the increase of knowledge concerning the different lines of research, the labors of the Bureau have increased in some measure, though it has always been found necessary, by reason of financial limitations, to confine attention to those branches of the work that promised to yield the largest results with the least expenditure of time and money. In accordance with the original plan of operations, special topics are assigned to individual collaborators. In general, each collaborator makes researches in the field during a part of each year, spending the remaining months in the office in the elab- oration of the field material, either for publication or for record in such manner as to facilitate future studies and comparisons. Thus the assignment of the work is primarily topical, and the field researches form the basis for office work by the field stu- dents and their collaborators. Since the institution of the Bureau, it has been the policy to convey to, and obtain from, intelligent observers all possible information concerning the Indians, and under this policy a wide correspondence has grown up. Most of that portion of the edition of its publications allotted to the Bureau for distri- bution is conveyed directly to ethnologie and archeologie stu- dents who have communicated valuabie linguistic and other notes, which have been utilized by the Director and the col- laborators in their researches. It is a pleasure to acknowledge XXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. indebtedness to the many correspondents who have enriched ethnology by their zeal in the collection of information and by their liberality in conveying it to the Bureau for the public good. FIELD OPERATIONS The field operations during the year just closed comprised (1) archeologic researches and (2) general field studies, the lat- ter being directed chiefly to mythology, technology, and lin- guistics. The archeologic work was conducted by Mr W. H. Holmes and his collaborators. The general field studies were varried forward by Mr H. W. Henshaw, Mr Albert 8. Gatschet, Mr J. Owen Dorsey, Mr James Mooney, Dr W. J. Hoffman, and Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson. ARCHEOLOGIC FIELD WORK In the conduct of the archeologic researches Mr W. H. Holmes had the assistance of Messrs Cosmos Mindeleff, Gerard Fowke, and William Dinwiddie. Dr Cyrus Thomas, with the assistance of Mr F. W. Wright and Mr Frank Hamilton Cush- ing, also contributed to this branch of the work. The survey begun in the tide-water regions of Maryland and Virginia in the spring of 1891 was continued throughout the present year. Careful attention was given to the examination and mapping of the shell deposits of the lower Potomac and Chesapeake bay, and many of the historic village sites visited by John Smith and his associates were identified and examined. The remains on these sites are identical with those of the many other village sites of the region. Mr Holmes studied the arche- ology of South, West, and Rhode rivers and of the shores of the bay above and below Annapolis. The middle Patuxent was visited, and the site of the ancient village of Mattpament was identified and examined. The valley of the Rappahannock in the vicinity of Fredericksburg, and the neighboring valleys of a number of the western tributaries of the Potomac received attention. Ancient soapstone quarries, one in Fairfax county, Virginia, and three in Montgomery county, and one in Howard county, Maryland, were studied, and collections of the quarry ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXVII rejects and implements used in quarrying and cutting the stone were obtained. In July Mr Holmes made a trip to Ohio to assist in the resurvey of several geometric earthworks at Newark and near Chillicothe. A visit was made to the great flint quarries in Licking county, between Newark and Zanesville. This well- known quarry is one of the most extraordinary pieces of abo- riginal work in the country, and the evidence of pitting and trenching, and of the removal and working up of great bodies of the flint, are visible on all sides, the work having extended over many square miles. Numerous hammerstones and large bodies of the refuse of manufacture are seen. The chief prod- uct of the work on the site here as elsewhere was a thin blade, the blank from which various implements were to be special- ized. The countless handsomely shaped and beautifully tinted arrowheads, spear points, and knives scattered over Ohio and the neighboring states are derived chiefly from this site. When the work of resurveying the earthworks at Newark and Chillicothe was finished, Mr Holmes made a journey into Indian Territory to examine an ancient quarry formerly sup- posed to be a Spanish silver mine. It was reported by Mr Walter P. Jenney, of the United States Geological Survey, that this was really an Indian flint quarry, and the visit of Mr Holmes confirmed this conclusion. Seven miles northwest of Seneca, Missouri, and 2 or 3 miles west of the Indian Terri- tory line, there are numerous outcrops of massive whitish chert, and in places this rock has been extensively worked for the purpose of securing flakable material for the manufacture of implements. The pits and trenches cover an area of about 10 acres. They are neither so deep nor so numerous as the Flint Ridge quarries. ‘The product of this quarry was also the leaf-shape blades of the usual type, the size being greater than in the other similar quarries of the country by reason of the massive and flawless character of the stone. In May, 1892, Mr Holmes examined a number of extensive quarries of novaculite in Arkansas, one of which had been visited during the previous year. A great quarry situated on the summit of a long mountain ridge at the head of Cove XXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. creek is the most extensive yet discovered in this country. The ancient excavations extend along the crest of the ridge for several miles. The largest pits are still 25 feet deep and upward of 100 feet in diameter. The product of this quarry was also leaf-shape blades of the type obtained from the other quarries, and closely analogous in size, shape, and appearance to those of Flint Ridge, Ohio. Mr Holmes next passed north- ward into Stone county, Missouri, to visit a very large cave situated about 20 miles southeast of Helena, the county seat. Neither human remains nor works of native art were found within the cave. The manufacture of chert implements had been carried on extensively in the surrounding region. From Stone county he went to southwestern Minnesota, and spent ten days in the study of the red pipestone quarry so famous in the history of the Coteau des Prairies. Evidence of the prehistoric operation of this quarry was found in the series of ancient pits extending across the prairie for nearly a mile in a narrow belt and following the outcrop of the thin layer of pipestone. The ancient copper mines of Isle Royale, Lake Superior, were next visited and mapped, and extensive collections of stone hammers were obtained from the numerous pits and trenches. Mr Holmes afterward proceeded to Little Falls, Minnesota, to examine the locality from which certain flaked quartz objects, supposed to be of paleolithic age, had been obtained. It was found that these bits of quartz were the refuse of the manu- facture of blades of quartz by the aborigines, and at a period of time not necessarily more remote than the period of quarry working already described. Mr Cosmos Mindeleff closed the field work on Rio Verde, Arizona, early in July, 1891. An account of this survey was given in the last annual report, and the results are incorporated in this report. He returned to Washington during the month, and was engaged for the remainder of the fiscal year in office work. Mr Gerard Fowke completed the exploration of James river and its northern tributaries, making interesting discoveries in ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXIX Botetourt, Bath, Alleghany, and Highland counties. He then began an examination of the prehistoric remains of Shenan- doah valley, remaining in the field until December. Later he examined the islands and coast between Savannah and St. Johns rivers, locating mounds and shell heaps. In the spring he resumed work in Shenandoah valley, making a careful and thorough investigation of every county. The results show that this region was not the seat of permanent occupancy by the aborigines, though it seems to have been a place of resort for hunters in large numbers. Mr William Dinwiddie was engaged durmg the year in mapping and examining the shell banks and other aboriginal remains of the Potomac-Chesapeake region. As Dr Cyrus Thomas was engaged most of the time during the year in necessary office work, his field work was limited. Finding more accurate information desirable in reference to certain ancient works in Vanderburg county, Indiana, he engaged Mr F. W. Wright to make a careful survey and meas- urement of them. As the result showed that they were of unusual importance on account of their peculiar character as compared with other ancient works of the same section, Dr Thomas found it necessary to make a personal examination of them. During the same trip he examined certain important mounds in Illinois, among which was the noted ‘ Cahokia” or ““Monk’s Mound,” of Madison county. His object in this case was to ascertain the present condition of this remarkable mon- ument, and to investigate certain other points in relation to which satisfactory conclusions could be reached only by per- sonal inspection. He also made during the summer another examination of the Newark works and Fort Ancient, in Ohio, in order to settle some points which previous reports had overlooked. At his suggestion the Director had a resurvey made, under the direction of Mr Henry Gannett, of the four most noted circles of the Ohio works, the planetable being used to show their exact form as they at present appear. Mr F. H. Cushing, during the summer and autumn months ~ of 1891, made some examinations on the shore of Lake Erie, XXX REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. near Buffalo, and of Lake Ontario in Orleans county, New York, where he discovered pottery of the well-known net- impressed lacustrine or littoral type, and also, at the former point, some pits or slightly indurated cavities in the sand, which he considered to be connected with the manufacture of that pottery. By experiments made without the aid of mod- ern appliances of any kind, he duplicated the ancient speci- mens found in the vicinity, and showed that these pits, lined with ordinary fishing nets, had actually been used simply and effectively for shaping pottery. He afterwards prepared an illustrated report giving the details on the subject. GENERAL FIELD STUDIES WORK OF MR H. W. HENSHAW On May 14, 1892, Mr H. W. Henshaw proceeded to New Mexico and California for the purpose of collecting material for the tribal synonymy, and also with the view of collecting such linguistic information as to permit more trustworthy classification of certain southwestern tribes. He was also commissioned to make collections for the World’s Columbian Exposition. He was able to make a considerable collection of objective material, which was arranged in the National Museum and conveyed to Chicago as a part of the exhibit of the Bureau of Ethnology. He also obtained a considerable body of linguistic and other data pertaining to the tribes of southern California; but unhappily his health became im- paired, and, while he remained in the field until the close of the fiscal year, the results of his work were not so voluminous as anticipated. WORK OF MRS M. C. STEVENSON In August, 1891, Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson resumed her investigations into the mythology, religion, and sociology of the Zuni Indians, making a careful study of the shrine worship which constitutes an important feature in the religion of those people. She added to the already valuable collection of pho- tographs and sketches of their sanctuaries, made in previous ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXI years by Mr James Stevenson, and by the aid of the war priest of Zuni secured from the tribe some interesting objects. Through ‘the influence of the war priest, the priest of the Ka-ka, and theurgists of the ‘medicine societies,” Mrs Steven- son was able to be present at Zuni ceremonials almost contin- uously from the time of her arrival to her departure in March. WORK OF DR W. J. HOFFMAN Dr W. J. Hoffman proceeded early in August to the Meno- mini reservation in Wisconsin, in response to an invitation from the mitawok or chiefs of the Mitawit (or ‘‘Grand Medicine Society”) of the Menomini Indians, to observe the ritualistic ceremonies and order of initiation of a new candidate for mem- bership, for comparison with similar ceremonials of other Algonquian tribes. In addition to the mythologic material col- lected at this attendance, he also secured much valuable infor- mation relating to the primitive customs and usages of the Menomini for use in the preparation of a monograph on that people. Specimens of their workmanship were also collected. As he had been appointed a special agent for making eth- nologic collections for the exhibit to be made by the Bureau of Ethnology at the World’s Columbian Exposition, he secured a collection of Menomini material, as well as a number of desired objects at White Karth reservation, Minnesota. In May, 1892, he visited the Crow agency in Montana, to procure a collection of articles illustrating the industries and workman- ship of the Crow Indians. It was deemed specially desirable to obtain some of the elaborate clothing for which the tribe is remarkable. A unique series of articles was obtained, after which a visit was made to the isolated band of Ojibwa at Leech lake, Minnesota, to collect various specimens desired to complete the collection illustrating early Ojibwa history. On his return, Dr Hoffman again stopped at the Menomini reservation to make final collections of ethnologic material and to complete his studies of the ritual and initiatory ceremonies of the Grand Medicine Society, a meeting of which body had been called for this special purpose. He returned to Washing- ton in June, 1892. XXXII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. WORK OF MR JAMES MOONEY Mr James Mooney, during the field months of the fiscal year, continued making collections for an exhibit at the World’s Columbian Exposition comprising objects to illustrate the daily life, arts, dress, and ceremonies of the Kiowa in the southeastern part of Indian Territory. That tribe was selected as continuing in its primitive condition more perfectly than any other which could be examined with profit. He succeeded in making a tribal collection which is practically complete, including almost every article in use among the Kiowa for domestic uses, and for war, ceremony, amusement, or dress. A number of photographs were also obtained. On his return in August this collection was labeled and arranged in cases ready for transportation to Chicago on the opening of the Exposition, and by the use of the photographs and costumes several groups of life-size figures were prepared to show char- acteristic scenes in Indian life. In November he again set forth to obtain additional infor- mation relating to the ghost dance, especially among the prin- cipal tribes not before visited. After a short stay in Nebraska with the Omaha and Winnebago Indians, neither of whom, it was found, had taken any prominent part in the dance, he went to the Sioux villages at Pine Ridge agency, South Dakota, the chief seat of the late outbreak, where he collected a large number of songs of the dance and much miscellaneous infor- mation on the subject. From there he went to the Paiute in Nevada, among whom the messiah and originator of the ghost dance resides. Here he obtained the statement of the doctrine from the lips of the messiah himself, took his portrait (the only one ever taken), and obtained a number of dance songs in the Paiute language. He then returned to the Cheyenne and Arapaho Indians in Indian Territory, among whom he had begun the study of the dance, and obtained from them the original letter which the messiah had given them, containing the authentic statement of his doctrine and the manner in which they were to observe the ceremonial. He returned to Washington in February. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXIII In May he again started out to gather additional ethnologic material, especially with regard to the Kiowa, and to obtain further collections for the World’s Columbian Exposition. Going first among the Sioux, he proceeded next to the Sho- shoni and northern Arapaho villages, in Wyoming, and then to the Kiowa country, in Indian Territory, where he was still working at the close of the fiscal year. WORK OF MR J. OWEN DORSEY Reverend J. Owen Dorsey, from January 14 to February 21, 1892, made a trip to Lecompte, Rapides parish, Louisiana, for the purpose of gaining information from the survivors of the Biloxi tribe... He found only one person, an aged woman, who spoke the language in its purity, and two others, a man and his wife (the latter the daughter of the old woman), whose dia- lect contains numerous modifications of the ancient language. From these three persons he obtained several myths and other texts in the Biloxi language, material for a Biloxi-English dic- tionary, local names, personal names, names of clans, kinship terms, list of flora and fauna with their Biloxi names, and grammatic notes. He filled many of the schedules of a copy of the second edition of ‘ Powell’s Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages” (English-Biloxi in this instance). He brought to Washington a few botanical specimens, for which he had gained the Biloxi names, in order to obtain their scien- tific names from the botanists of the Smithsonian Institution. He photographed three Biloxi men and two women, all who could be found. There were about seven other Biloxi resid- ing in the pine forest 6 or 7 miles from Lecompte, but they would not be interviewed. The Biloxi language contains many words which resemble their equivalents in other Siouan languages, some being identical in sound with the correspond- ing words in Dakota, Winnebago, ete. The Biloxi has more classifiers than are found in the other languages of this family, and, while it uses adverbs and conjunctions, it often expresses a succession of actions by mere juxtaposition of two, three, or more verbs. In the paucity of modal prefixes it may be com- pared with the Hidatsa and Tutelo, and in the use of d and 13 ETH —HIl XXXIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. tit may be classed with the Kwapa and Hidatsa. The infor- mation now gained permits a tabular comparison of the Biloxi with the Hidatsa, Winnebago, Kataba, and Tutelo, those five being regarded as the archaic languages of the Siouan family. WORK OF MR ALBERT §$. GATSCHET Mr Albert 8. Gatschet, having met with little success in his previous attempt, in 1884, to study the Wichita language in the field, continued to watch for better opportunities. In 1892 he met twelve young men of that tribe in the Educa tional Home (branch of the Lincoln Institute) at Philadelphia, and selected four of the brightest of their number, who seemed to be the most promising through their advanced knowledge of English. With their help he gathered about three thousand terms of Wichita, which is a Caddoan dialect, also a large number of paradigms and sentences, and a few mythologic texts. A thorough interchangeability of the consonants makes the study peculiarly difficult. Maria Antonia, a young Costa Rica woman residing in Phil- adelphia, was questioned concerning what she remembered of her native tongue, the Guatuso. About one hundred and twenty vocables were recorded as the result of the inquiry. Mr Gatschet’s field work extended from the beginning of March to the beginning of June, 1892. OFFICE RESEARCHES The Director devoted some time to the revision and corree- tion of a report on the ‘Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico,” as it passed through the press. In this work he was efficiently aided during the earlier part of the year by Mr H. W. Henshaw. Although not voluminous, this document comprises, in specialized form, one of the classes of data which the Bureau has been engaged in collecting since its institu- tion; while a part of the information was obtained from both the earlier and the current literature of the subject, as well as from the voluminous correspondence of the Bureau. Although the copy was prepared with care, it was found desirable to reex- ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXV amine the various sources of information and to incorporate the latest data obtained from correspondence and from recent publications, and the labor of revision was thereby materially enhanced. The memoir is printed in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau. Mr H. W. Henshaw was largely occupied during the earlier part of the fiscal year in the general administrative work of the office. In addition to these duties, he was employed, up to the middle of May, in the preparation of the tribal synony- my, which has been described in previous reports. In this work Mr Henshaw had the assistance of Mr F. W. Hodge, who devoted particular attention to the Piman and Yuman linguistic stocks, as well as to the several stocks represented among the Pueblo Indians. Satisfactory progress was made in the accumulation of material for this work, which is recorded on cards in such manner as to be either available for publication at any time, or accessible for reference until the work is so far completed as to warrant printing. The cards are arranged in drawers in cases provided for the purpose. They are already of great and constantly increasing use, not only to the collab- orators of the Bureau but to students of ethnologic and histor- ical subjects from other governmental bureaus and departments. In connection with the administrative work, Mr Henshaw was occupied for some time in preparing the exhibit of the Bureau for the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago. Colonel Garrick Mallery, United States Army, was occupied chiefly in writing in final form a comprehensive paper on the “Picture Writing of the American Indians,” which presents the result of several years of personal exploration and study of all accessible material on that subject. At the close of the year the manuscript and the drawings for the large number of nec- essary illustrations had been transmitted through the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution to the Public Printer. Colonel Mallery was also, during the greater part of the year, charged with administrative duties and with the execution of a variety of special works under the instructions of the Director. The office work of Mr W. H. Holmes consisted in the com- pletion of papers on the pottery and shellwork of the abo- rigines of the United States. A third paper was written, on the XXXVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. textile fabrics obtained from the mound region; and a fourth, on the stone implements of the tide-water country, was sub- stantially completed. A fifth paper, on the general archeology of the region, was commenced. At the commencement of the official year Dr Cyrus Thomas was engaged in examining and correcting the proof of his ‘“‘Cat- alogue of Prehistoric Works East of the Rocky Mountains,” which was published in the latter part of 1891 as a Bulletin of the Bureau. This examination involved in many cases the necessity of a reference to the authorities quoted. Much of his time during the year was employed in writing the final pages of the report on the field work and explorations which for several years had been in his charge, and in adapt- ing it to a change in the form and manner of its publication which had been made necessary. This involved the rewrit- ing of many pages and a material condensation of the intro- ductory portion relating to the distribution of types of mounds. It was completed by the close of the fiscal year and filed for publication, nearly all the illustrations having been drawn and prepared for engraving. Dr Thomas devoted all his spare time to the study of the Maya codices and to the preparation of a report on the discov- eries he made therein. One of these, which is deemed of much interest and importance, is that, when the Dresden codex, which is considered the most ancient of those known, was written, the year consisted of 365 days, and that the cal- endar was arranged precisely as it was found to be by the Spanish conquerors. His most important discovery, made during the closing days of the year, was the key to the signifi- vation of the hieroglyphic characters of the codices, by which it is probable that the inscriptions may ultimately be read. This discovery, which the tests so far applied appear to con- firm, consists, first, in the evidence that the characters as a rule are phonetic, and, second, in ascertaining the signification of a sufficient.number to form a basis for the interpretation of the rest. If this discovery proves to be what, from the evi- dence presented, it appears to be, it will be of incalculable importance to American archeology. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXVII Early in the year the work of Mr Cosmos Mindeleff com- menced in repairing and securing the preservation of the Casa Grande ruin. This work was ordered by act of Congress, and plans for its execution had been prepared by Mr Mindeleff while in Arizona during the previous year. These plans pro- vided for the excavation of the interior of the ruin and under- pinning of the walls with brick and cement, the use of tie-beams to hold the walls in place and render them more solid, the restoration of the lintels over door and window openings, and the fillmg of the cavities above the lintels with brick and cement. The work was completed in November, and was inspected and accepted. Although all that was deemed neces- sary to preserve the ruin could not be done with the appropri- ation provided, still it is believed that enough was done to preserve it in its present condition for many years. All the work done was directed to the preservation of the ruin, no attempt at restoration being made. In June, 1892, the Presi- dent, in accordance with the authority vested in him by Con- gress, reserved from settlement twelve quarter sections about the ruin, comprising an area of about 480 acres. A number of specimens obtained during the excavation were shipped to Washington and deposited in the National Museum. During a part of the year Mr Mindeleff was engaged in the preparation of a report on his field work of the previous year. This report, entitled “Aboriginal Remains in Verde valley, Arizona,” was completed and appears in this volume. Aside from a comprehensive treatment of the ruins in the valley of the Verde the report contains the first illustrations published of ancient irrigating ditches, and the first comprehensive data, including illustrations, relating to cavate lodges. It is fully illustrated from photographs, plans, and surveys made by the author. Subsequently Mr Mindeleff commenced a. scientific report on Casa Grande ruin, Arizona, which also appears else- where in this volume. No new work was undertaken in the modeling room during the year, as the entire force was occupied in preparing dupli- cates of models previously executed for use at the World’s Columbian Exposition and elsewhere. Six models, in addition to other material, were sent to Spain, to be exhibited at the XXXVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. Historical Exposition at Madrid. The series comprised models of the Pueblo of Zuni, New Mexico, the Pueblo of Walpi, Arizona, and Mummy Cave cliff ruin, Arizona, all of large size, together with three smaller models of ruins. An indefinite leave of absence without pay was granted to Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing in December, 1886, in order that he might organize and conduct. the important explorations in southern Arizona and the Zuni country provided for by Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston. His successful prosecution of this work was suddenly interrupted in the spring of 1889 by a severe and prostrating illness, which disabled him until the summer of 1891. He was therefore unable to resume promised work on his older Zuni material for the Bureau until August, 1891, when he began the preparation of a memoir on the Zuni myths of creation and migration as related to the mythic drama-dance organization, or Adkd, of the Zunis—the so-called Kachina ceremonials of the other southwestern Pueblo tribes. Mr Cushing’s discoveries, as set forth in this essay, confirm and substantiate the opinion held by the Director that all primitive so-called dance ceremonials are essentially dramatic, and they go so far as to indicate also that all primitive ceremonials, of whatever nature, are essentially dramaturgic, thus making his contribution of general as well as of special significance. In January, 1892, Mr Cushing again reported at Washing- ton and was regularly engaged as an ethnologist of the Bureau on February 1, and he has since been occupied in elaborating his paper on the myths of the drama dances and on a study of manual concepts or the influence of primitive hand usages on mental development in the culture growth of mankind. The memoir on the former subject appears in this volume. Mrs Stevenson returned from the field in March, 1892, and was employed for the remainder of the fiscal year in preparing her field notes for publication. Mr Gerard Fowke was engaged during December and Jan- uary in preparing a report of his season’s work in archeology, arranging and classifying the specimens procured, and embody- ing in reports, previously prepared, the results of recent dis- coveries. His report is appended hereto. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XXXIX The oftice work of Dr Hoffman consisted in arranging the material gathered during the preceding field season and in preparing for publication an account of the Midéwiwin, or so- called “Grand Medicine Society,” of the Ojibwa Indians of White Earth, Minnesota. This work, which forms one of the papers accompanying the seventh annual report, embraces new material, and consists of the traditions of the Indian cos- mogony and genesis of mankind, the “materia medica” of the shamans, and the ritual of initiation, together with the musical notation of the chants and songs used. During the winter and spring months a delegation of Meno- mini Indians from Wisconsin visited Washington, and Dr Hoffman frequently conversed with them to obtain information explanatory of the less known practices of the Menomini ceremony of the Mitawit, or their “ Frand Medicine Society,” for the purpose of comparison with the ritual as observed by the Ojibwa. In addition a large mass of mythologic material was obtained, as well as texts in the Menomini language. On returning from the field in August, 1891, Mr James Mooney spent about ten weeks in arranging his Kiowa collec- tion for the World’s Columbian Exposition, writing out a series of descriptive labels, and in copying all the more important documents relating to the ‘ghost dance” from the files of the Indian Office and the War Department. He then again went into the field, as above stated, returning to Wash- ington in February, 1892. About three months were then occupied in arranging the material thus obtained and in writing the preliminary chapters of his report on the ghost dance. He also superintended the preparation, at the National Museum, of a number of groups of life-size figures to accom- pany the Kiowa collection at the World’s Fair. Reverend J. Owen Dorsey continued the arrangement. of Kwapa texts with interlinear and free translations and critical notes. He revised the proof of ‘Omaha and Ponka Letters,” a bulletin prepared from (egiha texts collected by himself. He finished the collation of all the Tutelo words recorded by Dr Hale, Mr J. N. B. Hewitt, and himself, with the result that he had 775 words in the Tutelo-English dictionary. He XL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. furnished a list of several hundred linguistic and sociologic questions to be used among Indian tribes. These questions were in addition to those contained in the second edition of the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, and were based on original investigations made by Mr Dorsey among the Siouan tribes He prepared for publication the follow- ing articles: Siouan Onomatopes (sound-roots), illustrated by charts; The Social Organization of Siouan Tribes, illustrated by figures consisting chiefly of material gained by himself from the Dakota tribes, the Omaha, Ponka, Kwapa, Osage, Kansa, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, Winnebago, and Tutelo; Nani- bozhu in Siouan Mythology; Games of Teton Dakota Children (translated and arranged from the original Teton manuscript in the Bushotter collection of the Bureau of Ethnology). He also prepared a paper on Omaha Dwellings, Furniture, and Implements, which accompanies this report. After his return from Louisiana Mr Dorsey devoted most of his time to the arrangement of the material collected in his Biloxi note-books. He prepared a Biloxi-English dictionary of 3,183 words on about 7,000 slips in alphabetic order. He arranged the Biloxi texts for publication, adding to the myths (with their interlinear and free English translations and. criti- cal notes) a list of several hundred Biloxi phrases. In his article on the Biloxi kinship system, he gave 53 kinship groups, of which number only 27 have their counterparts in the Dakota, (/egiha, and other Siouan languages of the Mis- souri valley. The elaboration of all the Biloxi material was not completed at the end of the fiscal year. Mr Albert S. Gatschet assisted in augmenting and improving the data for the tribal synonymy, extracting material from a number of books and original reports especially referring to southern and southwestern Indians. His main werk during the year was directed toward extracting and arranging some of the more extensive vocabularies made by him previously in the field. After completing the Tonkawe of Texas, he carded each word of the Shawano and Creek languages obtained by him, copied the historical and legendary texts of both, and extracted the lexic and grammatic elements from them to serve ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLI as the groundwork for future grammars. The known records of the Virginia or Powhatan languages were also made acces- sible by carding the terms. During the fiscal year Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was a part of the time engaged in careful study of the grammatic forms of the Iroquoian languages, especially in ascertaming the number and order in which the affixes may be used with one and the same stem or base He was also engaged in translating, extracting, and transferring to cards from the ‘‘Découvertes et Ktablissements des Frangais dans ’ Amérique septentrionale,” by Pierre Margry, matter relating to the manners, customs, beliefs, rites, ceremonies, and history of the Iroquois. This matter is now placed on about 20,000 cards. He continued his work on the Tuskarora dictionary and directed attention to developing the full number of ordinary sentences in which every generic noun may be employed for the purpose of establishing a measure of the capacity of the vocabulary for the expression of thought. Mr James C. Pilling continued his bibliographic work throughout the year, giving special attention to the Atha- pascan family. Work on this family was begun early in the fiscal year; on October 13 the manuscript was sent to the printer, and at the close of the year all but afew pages of the final proofs were read. The bibliography of the Athapascan languages forms a bulletin of xiii-+-125 pages. While this volume was being put in type Mr Pilling began the collec- tion of material for other bibliographies relating to the lan- guages of the northwestern coast of America—the Chinookan, Salishan, and Wakashan made. During the month of May, 1892, Mr Pilling made a brief visit to libraries in Boston and Cambridge in connection and satisfactory progress has been with the compilation of material relating to these northwestern languages. Mr De Lancey W. Gill continued in charge of the work of preparing and editing the illustrations for the publications of the Bureau. XLII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. The total number of illustrations prepared during the year yas 980. These drawings may be classified as follows: WanasCapesie- =~ e=sisee = see eee eee eee 6 IMBDE solani es siete fons eS aS ee ee 6 OD COB Sate = aoe wm Sale oem meee me rae ee 300 Diagrams. So so2ccochs2 5s secs poss sean as 2 eee ee eee 31 Miscellaneous 2. $222 2%5-5,552.sheesae tee ee 637 The number of illustration proofs handled during the year was as follows: Eighth Annual Report, 308; Ninth Annual Report, 459. In addition, 678 illustrations for the Tenth Annual Report were transmitted to the Public Printer. The photographic laboratory remains under the able manage- ment of Mr J. K. Hillers. A small but valuable collection of portraits of North American Indians was secured by him dur- ing the year from sittings; twenty-six negatives were obtained. The following table shows the size and number of photographic prints made: ON De nace she 0 eee SI eee eee 45 LD by lds 28 2s 59 eh apm Bo: a a ce ee 274 Sib LO nes gare he cece ei ee 7a ets ae ne 546 EEN aes eee neem een tit Rat eer eee ccm eae 875 Lh ga eee eRe ee teeta eS ee Se oe 1, 187 PUBLICATIONS The publications issued during the year are as follows: (1) ‘Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-86, by J. W. Powell, Director.” This report contains an introductory report by the Director, 27 pages, with accompanying papers, as fol- lows: ‘‘Indian Linguistic Families of America north of Mex- ico,” by J. W. Powell; “The Midéwiwin or ‘Grand Medicine Society’ of the Ojibwa,” by W. J. Hoffman; ‘The Sacred For- mulas of the Cherokees,” by James Mooney. The report forms a royal octavo volume of Ixi+409 pages, illustrated with 39 fig- ures and 27 plates, one of which is a folding plate in a pocket at the end of the volume. (2) “Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. 11, part ” This part contains the Klamath-English and English-Kla- math Dictionary, by Albert Samuel Gatschet, and concludes his work relating to ‘The Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon.” The volume is a quarto of 711 pages. Il. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLII (3) ‘Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. v1,” containing the following papers by James Owen Dorsey: ‘The (legiha Language, part 1, Myths, Stories, and Letters,” and “The (legiha Language, part mu, Additional Myths, Stories, and Let- ters.” The report forms a quarto volume of xviii+794 pages. (4) “Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. vn, “A Dakota-English Dictionary, by Stephen Return Riges, edited by James Owen Dorsey.” This is a quarto volume of x-++665 pages. (5) Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, “Omaha and Ponka Letters.” by James Owen Dorsey. This work forms an octavo volume of 127 pages. (6) Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, “Catalogue of Prehistoric Works East of the Rocky Mountains,” by Cyrus Thomas. This document is an octavo volume of 246 pages, with 17 maps. (7) Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, “ Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages,” by James Constantine Pilling. This work forms an octavo volume of 614 pages, with 82 plates of facsimiles of title-pages of rare works. FINANCIAL STATEMENT Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30. 1892, ‘‘For continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or compensation of all neces- sary employees” (Sundry civil act, approved March 3, 1891. $50, 000. 00 Balance July 1, 1891, as per last annual report. .........----- 12, 774. 24 $62, 774. 24 Halanlesiom COMPONEAUOMr a. oso. Lceroe come caso ces cee 36, 560. 33 ura CLIN DLeXPONSES ssa me see a ean ce ie eam en - $3, 660. 05 TUT CHEN Oe ine 32 las bohie= She seecd Hepat aseesene 963. 69 Field subsistence........--...-.-.--- Ree LIS eS 719. 20 Wield expensesiceee. aia =— <= 2c cee eon esc are sees 1, 675. 25 BIeLdemMa henner tem a= a8 aes erie Sate mioeaeese ee ne 166. 19 JINGH Ed Mise Sacocmoss OneSE RE Cn DSS AERA A REC AEaeE eae 380. 55 DUP DLMOS tree enn eee ee a eee acess a eeut cscs 1, 867.98 WLAONeRys ehersaseiasaas there ee emetic cisies see 80. 38 Officer furnitures 22. 2c cae js aes veee oe eosin le 138. 25 PUD LC aGIONS == aan ees ei esas ates ae eee e eae 566. 63 Dra winos sees = se asec -ceeeris es cieeinak ReneS ones 908. 77 Maboratonyvas Up Mulesir asian. asec tes ene cneee 27. 80 ING RTH oS coceedoccbcbedan coppao cbormeseeenonecs 2 51.11 ——— 11, 205.85 47, 766. 18 [Dp ENTRIES ape ee aS SCR, RS Re ean 15, 008. 06 XLIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. CHARACTERIZATION OF ACCOMPANYING PAPERS SUBJECTS TREATED Six special treatises are appended to, and form the body of, this report. The first is an illustrated paper on the textile art of the aborigines of eastern United States; it comprises descriptions and illustrations of textile art products preserved from the prehistoric past in various ways, and the relies are interpreted by means of the records of explorers and pioneers. The second paper is a synoptical description of the stone art of the native races, also of eastern United States, as exempli- fied in the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology; this article, too, being profusely illustrated. The third treatise pertains to the chiefly prehistoric aboriginal works of the Verde valley, Arizona. It elucidates clearly, by means of maps, plans, and pictures, as well as by verbal statement, the mode of life of the aborigines of the far southwest, while yet they remained free from accultural influences. To it the fourth paper is closely related in subject, though distinct in the sources of information. It is a description of the dwellings, furniture, and implements of one of the tribes of the northern plains, based on direct observations of the evanescent structures pro- duced by the wandering tribesmen. The fifth paper com- prises a detailed and illustrated account of the prehistoric “Great House” (Casa Grande), which was already ruined when Coronado traversed the arid plains of the southwest in 1540, and which has been deemed by statesmen of such im- portance as a relic of the past that steps have been taken to insure its preservation. ‘The sixth treatise is a part of the rich body of tradition preserved among the Zuni Indians, trans- lated almost literally into the English, with a brief introduc- tion explaining the bearings of the singularly picturesque cos- mogony of this tribe. Considered geographically, two of the papers treat of east- ern United States, one of the northern-central portion of the country, and three of the arid region of the southwest, all finding their subjects within the national domain. Classified ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLV topically, four of the papers are contributions to archeology or the prehistoric condition of the native races, while one per- tains to the customs and another to the beliefs of the aborigi- nal tribes; the preponderance of the archeologic material being due partly to the fact that one of the branches of research pertaining to this subject is just terminating. Collectively, the papers cover a considerable part of the field of research which it is the province of the Bureau to carry on; and while, with the exception perhaps of the report on Casa Grande ruin, none of them can be regarded as exhaustive monographs, several are of such completeness as to represent fairly, and indeed fully, the most advanced knowledge concerning their subjects. PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART OF EASTERN UNITED STATES In 1881 the law under which the Bureau of Ethnology was organized was modified by the addition of a specific provision that a part of the appropriation should ‘be expended in con- tinuing archeological investigation relating to mound-builders and prehistoric mounds.” Conformably to this provision, a survey of the prehistoric mounds and other earthworks scat- tered over the Mississippi valley and eastern United States was at once undertaken. At that time the mounds represented a serious problem of American archeology, most students inclin- ing to the opinion that they were constructed by a race ante- rior to, and more highly cultured than, the Indians found in the same districts by explorers. Accordingly the surveys and other researches were planned and conducted in such manner as to throw light on the much-discussed question, Who were the mound-builders? To this end the studies were made com- parative; the mounds themselves were compared from locality to locality and from district to district, throughout the section of the country in which they occur; and they were compared, also, with tumuli, cairns, pyramids, and other works of earth and stone in different countries. This comparison proved sug- gestive but not conclusive; it indicated a close relationship among the American mounds, and a more remote relationship to the earthworks of other countries. In order to render the XLVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, conclusion more definite, the examination was extended in various directions. The mounds were excavated and their contents scrutinized; the relics found therein were, like the mounds themselves, compared from locality to locality and from district to district, and also with the relies from foreign earthworks; then the osseous remains and artificial relics of the mounds were compared with the skeletons and art products of the historical period; and it was eventually found that the mound relics are in every respect essentially similar to those of the Indian tribes. Thus, after some years of patient research, extending over a large section of the country and embracing many thousand mounds, the question as to the builders of these works was gradually set at rest—it was shown to the satisfaction of the ethnologists and archeologists engaged in the work, and of other students of the subject in this country and abroad, that the builders of the mounds were unquestion- ably the historical Indians and their ancestors. The general results of this research have been set forth in a previous report; but the more special results of several of the collateral lines of study were excluded from that report by reason of the great volume of the material, and were reserved for other publications. One of these collateral lines of study which was found especially significant, as indicating relations between the mound-builders and the historical Indians, per- tained to textile fabrics. This study was conducted by Mr W. H. Holmes; its results are incorporated in the first of the accompanying treatises. In the excavation of the mounds, traces of textile fabries were frequently found. Generally the perishable textile ma- terials were so far decomposed that little could be learned of the processes of manufacture; but when the fabric was wrapped around, or otherwise juxtaposed with, implements and orna- ments of copper, it was preserved by the cupric oxide, and under certain other conditions also the fabrics were so well preserved as to permit careful examination. Thus, as the excavations progressed, a considerable quantity of textile fab- rics was brought to light and subjected to comparative study. Meantime, opportunities for the examination of prehistoric fab- ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLVII ries from caverns and rock shelters, in which textile material is sometimes preserved through the influence of niter, copperas, and other earthy salts, were utilized; and, as the material from such localities was brought to light, it was compared with the textiles recovered from the mounds. The comparison was then extended to the fabrics produced by the historical Indians, spe- cial attention being given to the fabrics found in use among the Indians by the earliest explorers. The comparisons indi- cated similarity in all essential respects. As stated by Mr Holmes, ‘There are among them [the coarse cloths of the mound-builders] some finer examples of weaving than those obtained from the caves and shelters of Tennessee and Ken- tucky, but there is nothing specifically different in material or methods of combination, and there is nothing whatever to sug- gest a higher stage of culture than that of the historical Indian” (page 35). As the researches and comparisons were extended, the pot- -tery of the mounds and that found in use among the aborigines came under examination. Skilled in the recognition of textiles, Mr Holmes soon found that such pottery frequently bears impressions of woven fabrics, and he devised a method of tak- ing casts from the fabric-impressed pottery by which the char- acter of the fabric was shown much more clearly than in the negative impression. A large number of fabrics from the mounds were thus restored, and they were compared with restorations from the pottery of the historical Indians and of the primitive peoples of other countries, as well as with the fabrics themselves. This comparison indicated that the fab- rics impressed on the mound pottery, like those found intact in the mounds, are essentially similar to the fabrics produced by the red men found roaming the plains and woodlands of this country, and that ‘All tell the same story of a simple, primitive culture, hardly advanced beyond the grade sepa- rating the savage from the barbarous condition” (page 45). There are two modes of comparison, occupying different planes: The first is the direct or analogic comparison in which the objects themselves are juxtaposed (in reality or ideally, with the aid of memory and picture) and their external charac- XLVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. ters identified or discriminated. This is the common mode of comparison, such as was employed in comparative anatomy during the last generation, and such as is always employed in the earlier stages of research. The second method is that of rational or homologic comparison, in which the objects com- pared are considered as assemblages of characters, each con- veying a meaning; and when the objects are juxtaposed (really or ideally) the comparison is made, not between external fea- tures, but between the meanings of these features. This is the method pursued in comparative anatomy today, and pursued everywhere in the more advanced stages of scientific develop- ment. The first method yields an adventive classification which is often of great convenience and utility, but which does not necessarily express fundamental relations; the second method yields an essential classification in which fundamental relations are expressed—and it is found, as the meanings of characters are accurately interpreted, that the essential classi- fication is an arrangement by sequence or genesis. Now ethnology, including archeology and other branches of the science of man, have hardly reached the more advanced stage of homologic comparison or genetic classification; but, in the researches of the Bureau of Ethnology, efforts have constantly been made to raise the science to the higher plane represented by genetic classification. To this consummation no collabo- rator has contributed more than Mr Holmes, who, in his studies of textiles, of pottery, and of stone art, has constantly sought to interpret the special features of objects, and in this way to ascertain modes and conditions of development. By pursuing this method of research and after acquainting himself through study and actual imitation with manufacture processes, Mr Holmes has been able not only to compare the fabrics from the mounds, caves, and wigwams, but to compare the processes of manufacture; and he has thus placed himself in a position to speak with much greater confidence concerning the makers of these fabrics than it would be possible to do with any amount of material arranged by the adventive classification. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. XLIX It may be noted that Mr Holmes is now engaged on elabo- rate studies of the stone and fictile arts of the aborigines, the results of which are designed for publication in other reports, and that these researches have been conducted in the same advanced way—i. e., by means of homologie comparison—and have yielded results in complete accord with those flowing from the study of the textiles. STONE ART In the course of the excavation of the mounds a large num- ber of relics of various kinds were recovered; and these were carefully preserved and brought to the office of the Bureau for study and comparison, and were afterward placed in the United States National Museum. Partly because of extensive use, partly because of its imperishable nature, the prevailing material of these relics is stone. A large number of the stone implements, weapons, ornaments, etc, were collected from the mounds; and in many cases these stone articles were associated with skeletons or with mortuary vessels and cere- ments in such manner as to prove that they were habitually used by the builders of the mounds. As the archeologic surveys progressed, many articles of stone were found in the fields, forests, and plains, on the sur- face of the ground, sometimes in the vicinity of, sometimes far removed from, the prehistoric mounds; others were obtained either directly from living Indians in different parts of the country, or from white men who had received them from Indians or who had at least a definite history of the articles con- necting them with the native makers, and frequently the use of the articles acquired in this way was ascertained through direct observation or through circumstantial account. Many articles picked up at random on the surface or extracted from mounds by farmers and hunters or by skilled archeologists were also added to the collection. On assembling the stone art products from the mounds, those picked up on the surface, and those obtained directly from the Indians, it was found that all are essentially alike. It is true that sometimes all of the objects found in a single 13 ETH——IV L REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. mound are of superior design and excellent finish, and indeed the relics found in the burial mounds are, on the average, finer than those found on the surface; but in most of the mounds articles of ordinary and even decidedly inferior work- manship are pot uncommon. On making allowance for the selection exercised in connection with Indian burial customs, whereby the finest possessions of the deceased are most likely to be inhumed or destroyed, it became evident that the surface relics and the historical articles are alike in the grade of cul- ture represented. This similarity in art products is one of the lines of evidence linking the meund-builders with the histori- val Indians. One of the collaborators of the Bureau engaged in surveys and examinations of the mounds was Mr Gerard Fowke. To him the task of arranging and classifying the stone art pro- ducts was intrusted. One of the results of his excellent work is the accompanying paper on stone art. In classifying the .material Mr Fowke followed the usage of archeologists in this and other countries, arranging the objects in part by pro- cesses of manufacture, in part by form, and in part by func- tion; and in every class the functions were ascertained by comparison with the observations of anthropologists through- out the world, as recorded in the literature of the subject. As will be seen from the tables and illustrations incorporated in the paper, the body of material with which Mr Fowke had to deal, and on which his descriptions are directly based, was quite rich. Thus the grouping of the grooved stone axes is founded on more than 200 specimens; the descriptions of celts rest on over 600 polished and 400 chipped specimens, or more than 1,000 in all. Of even so rare a class of relics as the hematite celt there are nearly a score of specimens; of the bulky and elaborate implements known as spuds there are 10 good examples, and of the beautifully finished articles com- monly designated plummets 26 are described; while of the laboriously carved wheel-shape gaming articles known as discoidal stones there were no fewer than 800 in the collection. Of the articles classed as ceremonial, including gorgets, banner stones, ete, nearly 200 are described in detail or by type. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. LI Collectively, the battered or polished stone objects number several thousand, and the chipped stone articles are still more numerous. ‘Two hundred and fifty of the specimens are illus- trated by careful drawings, many of which show profiles or sections, as well as the faces of the articles. Mr Fowke’s paper forms an illustrated descriptive catalogue of the stone art products collected in connection with the mound surveys. It is believed that the paper will be found of great interest and value to the many archeologists and col- lectors of the country. ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY, ARIZONA There is a large tract in southwestern United States char- acterized by arid climate, dearth of water, and scantiness of vegetation. Much of this tract is mountainous, portions are broad plateaus, and other portions are extensive lowlands relieved by scattered mountain peaks and ranges. Structurally it consists chiefly of extensive and thick formations of Meso- zoic and Cenozoic age, often lying in horizontal sheets. Locally these formations are broken by faults and tilted in various directions, and sometimes they are crumpled and folded; and over considerable areas they are associated with, or overlain by, lavas and other igneous rocks. During the later geologic ages, that portion of the tract com- prising parts of Nevada, Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico, with all of Arizona and much of Sonora in the neighboring Republic of Mexico, has suffered a general tilting southwest- ward; and this tilting or warping of the earth-crust has mate- rially affected the geography of the region. In the first place, the northeastern half of the tract was lifted into a vast plateau, and thereby the temperature was lowered and precipitation increased; by reason of the warping the streams flowing in southerly and westerly directions were stimulated, and through the increased precipitation they gained still further in power; and accordingly this portion of the tract was corraded into a labyrinth of canyons, among which the Grand Canyon of the Colorado is most notable. At the same time, the streams flowing in northerly and easterly directions were para- LII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. lyzed by the diminishing declivity of their ways, and some of their valleys were converted into basins, while others were robbed by the transgression of the more active streams flow- ing southwestward. In the southwestern half of the tract the rainfall remained slight, and the feeble streams born of the rare storms spent their energy in carrying débris from the mountains into the valleys, whereby the area of desert plains was still further increased. To this series of movements many of the peculiarities of the region are due; excepting the Little Colorado (which has been affected by peculiar conditions) and its tributaries, the principal streams flow west- ward, southward, and southwestward; their waters gather in the mountains or northeastern plateaus, and they flow for a’ time through canyons which gradually diminish in depth as the streams approach tide level—for the mean slope of the surface is greater than the mean slope of the stream; and dur- ing the dry season and sometimes throughout the year the streams are smaller in the lower courses than in the upper regions—for the waters are drank by the thirsty soil and absorbed by the heated air. South of the Gila and all the way to Rio Yaqui, halfway down the Gulf of California, the parched land yields no water to the sea. In their upper reaches the streams corrade, in their lower courses they deposit the débris gathered toward their sources; they degrade above and aggrade below, and thereby the great geologic process of gradation is in this region completed without the aid of the sea, save asa source of vapor. So the southwestern part of the tract is a region of arid plains of aggradation, beneath which the Mesozoic and Cenozoic formations are largely buried; the northeastern part is a region of arid plateaus, in which these formations crop out over the surface and in rugged canyon walls; while the central portion is a broad zone, in which the later formations crop out in low plateaus and mesas, and in which the southwestward-flowing streams are often flanked by alluvial terraces and floodplains. These geographic condi- tions, originating in clearly defined geologic processes, have affected the habitability of the tract since men first appeared therein—indeed, to these conditions the peculiarities of south- western aboriginal culture are to be ascribed in large measure. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. LIII The valley of Rio Verde (the ‘green river” of the Spaniards) is a typical section of the middle zone of the great arid tract. Its waters gather among great volcanic mesas by which the southwestward slope of the sedimentary formations is broken; they flow southward in gradually shallowing canyons, chiefly of the bedded sedimentary rocks, falling into Rio Salado (the salted river), whose waters are so largely evaporated as to leave the residue brackish, and thence into the Gila. When swollen by storms, the Verde builds floodplains or overflows the plains of previous storms, and on these plains and terraces the hardy vegetation of the subarid regions greedily seizes and persistently maintains a preemption; so that the valley winds through the barren mesas, gray, pink, or black in tint, as < verdant ribbon. By this verdure the Spanish conquerors were attracted more than three centuries ago; but long before their coming the native peoples gathered along the fruitful river- banks to alternately practice a primitive horticulture in the valley bottom and find refuge from predatory neighbors in the rugged valley sides. Mr Cosmos Mindeleff (the younger of the two Mindeleff brothers, long associated in archeologic work) spent several months in making surveys of, and researches concerning, the ruined villages, lodges, and irrigating works, which remain as the sole record of the prehistoric population of Verde valley. He found a large number of ruins, of which many were so well preserved as to indicate not only the style of architecture but, in many cases, the purposes and customs of the builders. Through careful comparison of the ruins themselves, of the implements and utensils found in connection therewith, of the irrigation works, of the relation of the sites to natural features, etc, he has been able to restore at least the main lines of the picture representing this region during prehistoric times. The principal villages were built of stones, sometimes rude, sometimes rough dressed. They were usually great clusters of houses, or of rooms united in a single structure. They were often located without regard to defense; but they were placed on or near broad stretches of tillable bottom land. ‘The remains of irrigation works indicate that the artificial control of the waters was extensive and successful. LIV REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. Mr Mindeleff concludes that the ruins of the lower Verde valley represent a comparatively late period in the history of the tribes living in pueblos. He infers also that the period of occupancy was not along one. His estimate of the prehistoric population is notably moderate. His careful drawings and other illustrations of the ruins, based on careful surveys and measurements, will, it is believed, be found of great and per- manent value. OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, AND IMPLEMENTS The northern plains of central United States are in many ways antithetic to the arid southwest; the rainfall is consider- able, and fairly distributed throughout the year; the water- ways are shallow, so that the flowing and ground waters are accessible to animals and within easy reach of the roots of plants; and a fairly luxuriant flora and rich fauna have long occupied the region. At an unknown yet probably not remote period, measured in years, and well within the recent time of geology, the bison spread over the plains, and by reason of exceptionally favorable conditions soon became the dominant animal form of the region, pushing far into the mountains on the west and still farther into the woodlands on the east. The development of living things is a succession of contests against enemies or inimical conditions, and a domi- nant form, animal or vegetal, soon comes to be beset on all sides by enemies, and frequently the development of the enemies follows hard upon the development of the dominant organ- isms; but the American bison seems to have come up with such rapidity as to outstrip the development of natural ene- mies; and the growth of the species chanced to be so related to the aboriginal occupation that it was first controlled and afterward checked by humanagency. While the buffalo and the plains Indians were contemporaries, each influenced the other in some measure ; and on the human associate, at least, the influence was potent. Some students have opined that, by reason of the extension of the buffalo into the cis-Missis- sippi woodlands, the Indians of the interior were transformed ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. LV from farmers to hunters. Whether or not this be true, it is cer- tain that the plains Indians depended largely on the buffalo for subsistence, as well as for clothing and shelter, when first seen by white men. Thus their industries, which, like those of all primitive peoples, were adjusted directly to their condi- tions, were controlled largely by the presence of the buffalo. After the introduction of the horse, the Indians were able more effectively than before to capture their sluggish and naturally peaceful associates, and their industries came to be still more profoundly affected by the proximity and wealth of this source of food, clothing, and habitations. It was in the closing episodes of this stage in the history of the plains Indians that the Reverend James Owen Dorsey came in contact with the Omaha tribe, first as a missionary and later as a scientific collaborator of the Bureau of Ethnology. The Indians were still in the prescriptorial stage of culture ; and thus some of their dwellings, in their arrangement, design, and ornamentation; their ceremonials, costumery, and furni- ture, and some of their weapons and implements, were of special interest. As Mr Dorsey observes, there were no sacred rites connected with lodge-building or tent-making at the time of examination; yet the symbolism elsewhere or othertime connected with such ceremonials persisted. The more permanent lodges of the Omaha were of earth or else of bark or mats; but the skin tents were common and characteristic. In a general way the tents of the northern plains Indians are well known through the descriptions and illustrations of many explorers; but few observers have noted the minor features of construction with care, and Mr Dorsey’s descriptions are for this reason of special interest. So also the descriptions of the calumet or ceremonial pipe, and of the musical instruments, etc, are of value because of the painstaking study given to minor details as well as to general features. CASA GRANDE RUIN The territory of the pueblos and cliff houses merges south- westward into the land of low-lying plains, composed chiefly of alluvial deposits, though isolated buttes and narrow yet LVI REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. rugged ranges rise from its surface. The land of the canyons and the land of alluvial plains belong to the same province, and their characteristics, as already set forth, are due to a gen- eral southwestward tilting. In the canyons the aboriginal habitations and temples were of stone, which was everywhere abundant; in the plains the structures were of earthen grout or cajon—a puddled mass of soil, perhaps mixed with pebbles, molded into walls in successive layers, each allowed to dry in the sun before the next layer was added; sometimes this type of structure was modified by the incorporation of upright or horizontal beams or poles, and sometimes the cajon was combined with a sort of wattled structure composed of stems and ribs of cacti, etc; but in general cajon was an important element in the construction of the more permanent: structures of the lowland. A considerable part of current knowledge concerning the construction of the larger buildings of the plain springs from studies of the Casa Grande (the “Great House” of Spanish explorers), not far from the present town of Florence, Arizona. This structure was discovered, already in ruins, in 1694, by Padre Kino; and it has ever since been a subject of note by explorers and historians. Thus its history is exceptionally extended and complete. By reason of the early discovery and its condition when first seen by white men, it is known that Casa Grande is a strictly aboriginal structure; and archeologic researches in this country and Mexico afford grounds for consid- ering it a typical structure for its times and for the natives of the southwestern region. Many other structures were mentioned or described by the Spanish explorers, but the impressions of these explorers were tinctured by previous experiences in an inhospitable region, and their descriptions were tinged by the romantic ideas of the age. Moreover, nearly all of these structures disappeared long ago—indeed, with the exception of Casa Grande ruin, there is hardly a structure left by which the early accounts of Spanish explorers in North America can be checked and interpreted. Casa Grande is therefore a relic of exceptional importance and of essentially unique character. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. LVII Several years ago Casa Grande ruin was brought into gen- eral notice throughout the United States in consequence of southwestern explorations; and in 1889, in response to a peti- tion from several illustrious Americans, the Congress of the United States, at the instance of Senator Hoar of Massachu- setts, made an appropriation of $2,000 for the purpose of undertaking the preservation of this ruin. This appropriation was expended in works urgently required to prevent the fall- jug of the walls and final destruction of the ruin; they included metal stays for the walls, with brickwork for the support and protection of the walls at their bases. Subsequently an area of about 480 acres, including the ruin, was reserved from settle- ment by Executive order. A custodian was also appointed, and has since been continued. The accompanying description of this notable ruin, by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, is based on examinations and surveys made before the preservative works were commenced. The memoir accordingly presents an accurate picture of the ruin in the con- dition to which it was brought by the destructive agencies of nature and the relatively slight injury by vandals. The his- tory of the operations for the preservation of the ruin, with suitable illustrations, is reserved for a future report. OUTLINES OF ZUNI CREATION MYTHS Under primitive conditions of life, the habits and customs of people directly reflect the environment by which they are sur- rounded, and these habits and customs in turn shape thought. In this way there has been developed among each primitive people of the earth a series of opinions concerning the relations of the things about them among each other and to mankind; and sometimes such a group of opinions is elaborated into a system of philosophy. Now, all primitive philosophies are more or less mythic and unreal—indeed, the whole course of intellectual development among mankind has been one of con- stant elimination of unreality. Thus the primitive philosopy is in greater or less degree a mythology; and the myths are inti- mately interwoven with history and tradition in such manner LVIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. that each primitive people has a more or less definite and detailed cosmogony. In view of the mode of development of the primitive cosmogony, it is not surprising to find an intimate connection between the story of the earth, sun, and stars and the imme- diate surroundings of the people among whom the cosmogony was developed. Thus the myths of a people who have lived long by the sea relate to water monsters, and perhaps to great inundations, as well as to other phenomena with which they are acquainted; the myths of primitive mountaineers relate to ancient animals, akin to those roaming the mountain sides but much larger and more sagacious, and also to great torrents in the gorges, to thunder and lightning, perhaps to caverns, and to other phenomena of their experience; the myths of desert tribes relate to springs or streams, to plants that afford suste- nance, perhaps to great storms, and to other phenomena of their peculiar experience. In this way the myths of the tribes are connected with natural provinces of the earth inhabited by tribes, and as these provinces intergrade, so the myths intergrade. Moreover, since the experiences of a people in a given province on one continent are like unto the experiences of the people of a similarly conditioned province on another continent, there is a curious likeness in the myths of remote countries; and this parallelism in mythologies is one of the phenomena of ethnology which is frequently misinterpreted, and which requires constant consideration on the part of stu- dents. There are few more striking illustrations of the connection between the experiences and the mythology of a people than that found among the Zuni Indians of southwestern United States. Pressed by a hard environment, including an arid habitat and hostile neighbors, these Indians have been driven into unusual habits and customs, and into an association with plants, animals, and men of such character as to produce a peculiarly acute intelligence. This intelligence is manifested in part in the arts of the tribe, and is manifested also in their elaborate systems of symbolism and mythology. Thus the myths of the Zuni are of especial interest; they represent an ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT. LIX unusual development of the primitive concepts concerning the relations of things, yet one which is thoroughly characteristic of the Indian’s character, as well as with the prescriptorial culture-stage. Moreover, the Zuni myths are of exceptional interest in that they relate to the preservation and cultivation— indeed to the artificialization—of maize, one of the most useful food plants of the earth. There are indeed certain stages in the history of the artificialization of this grain plant which can not be interpreted save through the traditions and myths of this and other tribes. In his memoir accompanying this report, Mr Cushing sets forth a part of the interesting and suggestive cosmogony of the Zuni, so nearly as possible in its aboriginal form. Mr Cushing has had the advantage of long life with the tribe, into which indeed he was formally adopted; he has the advantage, also, of peculiar aptitude in entering into the cumbrous system of prescriptorial expression, and is thus able to appreciate the aboriginal concepts in unusual degree. For these reasons his rendering of the Zuni creation myths is regarded as notably accurate and trustworthy. The memoir is introduced by a sketch of Zuni history, and by a brief exposition of the mythology of this interesting tribe. This introduction may be commended to readers of the report as a faithful picture of the Zuni tribe in the light of history and ethnology combined. PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART ieee PN UNITED STATHS WILLIAM HENRY HOLMES CONTENTS TELA MCHONW ss we crass oe eal eieetoniaaeialeats Shen cic om sana soem teeny sas weir eee RS ae a SKATE CTT OH er Ga56 actos oases Seeeee nage SBE eS see Ap ee aa Se. ne ieee Dehinitronvo tell ovan tee sete eee me cee Seer ne oes dene Smee Te ec Materialsrand ProcessOsiaa a2 eee ee ase See sae ce Ate = Seneca sia a ciepes aes ss MOWUPces Oh INtOLMaulomas eee ses lees iasisiecige ede meacs sec e ees ccel iProductsvon theranteassseceaesaeeae ao stecee es secicie s aeiaececciee ce eee etee ss AVWicrUl Le wy ON Keene teeta = erate eet Noes iste, ig Seco hesew ceases wes ISSN codsceonseé cose coseoacsnSdoe 6 nate Sacer ese Se aeeee ey aeane sees Uy DESO le DAS GUT preter erse ere eee mato ae Hee mine ais seid se ame ee ae THRE con Bao SebetS Sone A Ooo Sea Rtg pBOd Saee ae Seen eee eee (CHAGIIGS Wee S555 ote do AariS te ater NORE As Be EOOSe Oe cence sae ee ae SONIC 5 sso cknr eed Ga SS RH Sarna seco os BSUS Hoes SSE Sessa e eee eee WIEVIGWIS .oohss beseseeaeer Ssobsnsssosesscctdosss sey 2soo ale! a Se ee See liable taDIiGSeeee emer tenes an are covered; they fold this cloth around the body and are well clothed from the x Z Sis TI WN JSS Fic. 6.— Analysis of the weaving of fringed skirt- Threads natural size waist to the knees; whenthey have no limbourg they use in the same way a deer skiing Se When the girls reach the age of eight or nine years they are clothed from the waist to the ankles with a fringe of threads of mulberry bark, fastened to a band Histoire de la Louisiane Du Pratz. Paris, 1758, vol. 1, p. 191. THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FRINGED SKIRT. = a) a HOLMES] STYLES OF WEAVING. 33 which is attached below the abdomen; there is also another band above the abdo- men which meets the first at the back; between the two the body is covered infront by a network which is held there by the bands, and at the back there are merely two large cords, each having a tassel.' : Of equal interest to the preceding is the badly frayed bag shown in plate v. It is 20 inches in length and 13 inches in depth. The style 2 ILL ee Fic. 7.—Former costumes of woman and girl in Louisiana (after Du Pratz). of weaving is the same as that of the two preceding examples; a pecu- liar open effect is produced by the rotting out of certain strands of dark color, which were arranged in pairs alternating with eight lighter threads. The construction of the border or rim of this bag is quite remarkable. As shown in figure 8, the upper ends of the vertical 1 Histoire de la Lowmsiane, Du Pratz. Paris, 1758, vol. 11, p. 193. 3 13 ETH 3d4 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 strands are gathered in slightly twisted groups of four and carried up free for about two inches, when they are brought together and plaited with remarkable neatness into a string border. As if to convey to the curious investigator -of modern times a complete knowledge of their weavers’ art, the friends of the dead deposited with the body not only the fabrics worn during life but a number of skeins of the fiber from which the fabrics were probably made. This fiber has been identified as that of the Cannabis sativa, or wild hemp. Two of the skeins are shown in plate v. The presence of these unworked materials makes it probable that the individual burned was a female, for the distaff and the loom have been and are universal emblems of the practical enslavement of that sex. A small but very instructive group of burial fabrics is pre- served in the National Museum. These specimens were found with a desiccated body in 1877 in a cave 8 miles from Mammoth cave, Kentucky. They consist ofa num- ber of bags and other articles woven in the usual styles of bast and hemp. Nearly all of the articles are worn or fragmentary, but the fiber is wonderfully pre- served and the original colors are as fresh as if the burial had taken place but yesterday. There are three wide-mouthed, shallow bags, resembling the one from Tennessee illustrated in plate v. The largest is 54 inches long when closed, and 15 inches deep. Both web and woof are of bast. There is a border of open work bound by a plaited band as seen in figure 8, and the manner of weaving is identical with that shown in that figure. The second bag is 22 inches long and 16 deep. The web is of bast, the woof of hemp. The smaller specimen is 14 by 9 inches and is made exclusively of hemp, and is thus much more pliable than the others. The small remnant of a larger bag shows a web of heavy, plaited bast strands resembling the specimen impressed on pottery and shown in a, plate 1x. Besides these pieces there is a bit of heavy, compactly woven stuff, resembling the broad part of a sling, which shows traces of a geometric pattern, and a piece of flattish rope 12 feet long and 12 inches broad plaited very neatly of hempen twine. Among anumber of cave relies from Kentucky donated to the Museum by Mr. Francis Klett, are some textile articles. Among these is a san- dal or moccasin woven or plaited very neatly of bast. It is shown in = 1 Ke 2 \ ee =" =O Fic. 8.—Border of bag. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V FRAYED BAG AND SKEINS OF HEMP FIBER. HOLMES| TWINED STYLE OF WEAVING. 35 figure 9. Prof. F. W. Putnam and other explorers of these caves have obtained numerous textile articles of interest. CHARRED REMAINS OF FABRICS FROM MouNDs. That the well-preserved fabrics just illustrated represent fairly the textile work of the mound-builders is practically demonstrated by the evidence furnished by the mounds themselves. From hundreds of sources come the same story; and it is not necessary here to enter into any elaborate discussion of the subject or to multiply illustrations. I present in plates vi and VII specimens of mound fabrics which, since they were burned with the dead, undoubtedly formed part of the cloth- ing of the living or were wrappings of articles deposited with the bodies. These coarse cloths may be considered as fairly representing the weaving of the mound-builders. There are among them some finer examples of weaving than those obtained from the caves and shelters of Tennessee and Kentucky, but there is nothing specifically differ- ent in material or methods of combination, and there is nothing what- Y ZA NENG WAV) UN / —AN AACN YINIVANN SU SHS SANG, 4a { AVA Vi \ NINE LYAWANG \ AN) VAN NW N2 NY IN] N .. NBN) INUN AVA AOD WY Fie. 9.—Sandal or moccasin from a Kentucky cave. ever to suggest a higher stage of culture than that of the historic Indian. The fiber is quite fine and is more probably of hemp than of the bark of trees. The strands are generally well twisted and even, the twist being in most cases to the right, or as if twisted on the thigh with a downward movement of the right-hand, the thread being held in the left. As in the case of cave fabrics as well as the work of the modern peoples of the region, the weaving is nearly all in the twined style, of which there are two varieties; one in which each strand of the web is in turn inclosed simply by the woof twisted in pairs, and the other in which alternate pairs of the web strands are inclosed by the twined pairs of the woof. Cloths woven in the first method are often quite close, as the woof threads are readily pressed or pounded down on one another entirely hiding the web strands, giving a fabric of much compactness and strength. The second variety is usually some- 36 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART. [ETH ANN. 13 what open and net-like, and very often the pairs of twined woof strands are placed far apart, as shown in several of the illustrations given in this paper. The finest mesh observed is in the first of these styles, and includes about twenty intersections to the inch. From the Ohio mounds also there are examples of plain as well as of diagonal interlacing. In appearance the cloth is much the same as that done in the twined style. In a few cases a border or selvage of very simple construction is seen. A iooped margin for the passage of a gathering cord is common. In plate vi a number of bits of charred cloth are shown; being quite black the camera fails to give them with clearness, but the drawings presented in plate vir serve to make clear all details of the strands and their combination. The charring has taken place in cremating the dead, in the burning of offerings or through accidental subjection to heat. In some cases very considerable portions of the cloth are found, but it is usually in a very fragile state and little has been preserved. Specimens preserved in this way are obtained from a large area, including the Ohio and a large portion of the Mississippi valleys. FABRICS PRESERVED BY CONTACT WITH COPPER. The preservation of woven textures through association in burials with implements or other articles of copper is of common occurrence. Our museums contain many examples of copper celts retaining on their surfaces portions of cloth so well preserved that the fibers retain much of their original strength as wellas color. In plate vi11 three examples are shown from a mound near Davenport, Iowa, and a fourth from a mound near Savannah, Georgia. The fabrics on a and b are of the twined style and, although occurring 800 miles apart, are identical in every respect. The cloth on cis very closely woven and has the appearance of simple interlacing. The finest piece of work 3 that has come to my notice is a bit of cloth from 5 a mound in Pike county, Ohio. It has from Fig, 10.—Fine, closely woven thirty-five to forty strands to the inch. and looks eloth preserved by contact : : 2 with copper beads. much like coarse twilled goods. It is wovenin the twined style, however, and is therefore of native origin. It was preserved by contact with a large number of copper beads, four of which are shown in the cut, figure 10. Traces of basketry are rarely preserved either by charring or by con- tact with copper. Matting is occasionally preserved in these ways. Figure 11 illustrates a piece of rush matting found fixed to the surface of a bit of copper in a mound near Augusta, Georgia. The weaving of the hair of many species of quadrupeds, the buffalo, the opossum, the rabbit, ete., is noted by a number of authors, and a few BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VI CHARRED CLOTH FROM MOUNDS IN OHIO. “= HOLMES] COPPER-PRESERVED FABRICS. 37 specimens of haircloth have been recovered from mounds. Mr. Henry R. Howland found in a mound near Alton, Illinois, two varieties of cloth preserved by contact with a copper ornament representing a turtle- shell; they are described as follows: Closely fitting over the outer surface of the copper shell is, first, a woven cloth of a vegetable fibre, similar in its general character to the outer matting above described, but of a stronger and better preserved fibre, apparently more like that which forms the woven coating of the Davenport axes. This is covered in turn with a softer, finer fabric, now of a dark-brown color, formed of twisted strands, laid or matted closely together, though apparently not woven. The material of which these strands are formed proves, under microscopic examination, to be animal hair. ! An illustration of ancient split cane matting is presented in figure 12. The specimen was obtained from Petite Anse island, near Vermilion bay, southern coast of Louisiana, and a photograph was presented to the Smithsonian Institution in 1866, by J. F.Cleu. The following descrip- tion, as given by Prof. Joseph Henry, ap- = pears on the label attached to the specimen: This fragment of matting was found near the sur- = face of the salt, and about 2 feet above it were re- mains of tusks and bones of a fossil elephant. The peculiar interest in regard to the specimen is in its occurrence in situ 2 feet below the elephant re- mains, and about 14 feet below the surface of the soil, thus showing the existence of man on the island : eye : een -11.— i f at- prior to the deposit in the soil of the fossil elephant. ae Se Ra cease me The material consists of the outer bark of thecommon Copper. southern cane (Arundinaria macrosperma), and has been preserved for so long a period both by its silicious character and the strongly saline condition of the soil. FABRICS IMPRESSED ON POTTERY. It was a common practice among the aborigines to employ woven fabrics in the construction and ornamentation of earthenware. I[in- pressions were thus left on the clay, and by baking these were rendered as lasting as if engraved on stone. From no other source do we obtain so wide a range of fabrics. The fabric-marked vases and sherds are obtained from mounds, graves, and village sites all over the country. There is not a state within the Mississippi or Atlantic drainage that does not furnish some example of the preservation of native fabric impressions on earthenware. The perfection with which every character of these textures is preserved is well shown in a number of the figures here introduced. A somewhat extended study of this subject was published in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, and illustrations of nearly all the styles of weaving were given. As indicated by subse- Recent Archological Discoveries in the American Bottom. Bulletin of the Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences, March 2, 1877, p. 208 38 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 quent investigations, a number of slight inaccuracies of analysis and drawing occur in that paper, but they are of such minor importance that detailed correction is unnecessary. It would seem that imprints of cloth woven in the plain interlaced style appear to be quite rare, although it is difficult, from the impres- sions on clay, to distinguish this from other forms when the threads are closely impacted. In somewhat rare cases the interlacing is so arranged and alternated as to give diagonal effects as in a specimen Fle. 12.—Split cane matting from Petite Anse island, Louisiana. shown in figure 13. These effects are peculiar to the interlaced fabrics, not being produced in twined or netted work. It has been supposed that vessels of clay were often modeled in bask- ets, and that the native earthen ware preserved numerous impressions of baskets. On closer analysis these impressions turn out to be the applica- tion of pliable cloths, or of cords singly or in groups, or of stamps covered with textiles or having geometric textile-like patterns engraved on them. T can not recall a single example from eastern United States in whieh it is entirely clear that the clay vessel was modeled in a basket. The impressions of basket work occasionally seen are only partial, having been applied after the vessel was practically finished. I present in figure 13, a small earthen vessel from a mound in North Carolina, the entire exterior surface of which is marked with a fabric, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Vil | hii LINN hgie Til ae oe ie eee Maton bai Me sg IN ii NY PANNTITT wh Whe W uv Me ANS Dae Z\\Y A f ny vlall) ts SNP yk a) Sinn, i e wy i) ly, pave i Vata Ny NN 04 \) bX, NO \) \ NA ys ye a ae? \ WALA wy Ran NN KY Ye \y acd “4 Dy Pr \ \9) Ny f ee ine wy We AMEN oN = Ss SO ASS nee oe aoe ae Zee a> SS, DRAWINGS OF CHARRED FABRIC FROM MOUNDS, = sa ? *~ = cl HOLMES] FABRIC-IMPRESSED POTTERY. 39 a pliable cloth or bag woven in the twined styled. The impressions are not the result of a single application of the texture, but consist of several disconnected imprintings as if the hand or a paddle covered with cloth had been used in handling the vessel or in imparting a desired finish to the surface. Fig, 13.—Fabric marked vase from a mound in North Carolina. Specimens of diagonal fabrics, restored from potsherds, are given in figures 14 and 15. The first is a very neatly woven diagonal from the ancient pottery of Polk county, Tennessee. Two series of cords have been interwoven at right angles to each other, but so arranged as to produce the diagonal effect. One series of the cords is fine and well N Pr 6) y MN) g ‘ Se SHES Oe r fff SS Fia,. 14.—Diagonal fabric, ancient pottery of Tennessee. twisted, the other coarser and very slightly twisted. The second is a piece of matting restored from the impression on a small piece of pot- tery collected in Alabama. It was probably made of rushes or heavy blades of grass. Twined weaving prevails in the fabrics impressed on pottery as in those from all other aboriginal sources. An example of the simplest 40 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART. [era ANN.13 form, obtained from a small fragment of pottery found in Polk county, Tennessee, is shown in figure 16. Twoseries of threads are interwoven at right angles, the warp being arranged in pairs and the woof singly. — i = =—"l- = =i = = === - == | <1. mn we Fic. 15.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Alabama. At each intersection the pairs of warp threads are twisted half around upon themselves, inclosing the woof threads and holding them quite Fia. 16.—T wined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee. firmly, so that the open net-like effect is well preserved even under strain or in long continued use. There are many varieties of this form an 1 er a Yoon \s [\ a Fie. 17.—Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee. of fabric resulting from differences in size and spacing of the threads. These differences are well brought out in the succeeding figures. In figure 17 we have a characteristic example of this fabric, obtained from a fragment of pottery from a mound at Sevierville, Tennessee. PL. Vill THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY COPPER CELTS WITH REMNANTS OF CLOTH. HOLMES] FABRIC-IMPRESSED POTTERY. 41 The impression is quite perfect. The cords are somewhat uneven, and seem to have been only moderately well twisted. They were probably made of hemp fiber. It will be observed that the threads of the web are placed at regular intervals, while those of the woof are irregularly placed. It may be noticed that in one case the woof has not been doubled, the single thread having, as a consequence, exactly the same relation to the opposing series as corresponding threads in simple inter- Fia. 18.—Twined fabric from ancient salt vesse:, Illinois. lacing. The impression, of which this is only a part, indicates that the cloth used in shaping the vessel was considerably distorted when applied to the soft clay. Nowhere else are found so many fine impressions of fabrics on clay vessels as in the ancient salt-making localities of the Mississippi valley. The huge bowls or vats used by the primitive salt-maker have gener- ally been modeled in coarse, open fabrics, or have had cloths impressed —— =, eZ (NS Fic. 19.—Twined fabric from ancient salt vessel, Illinois. upon them for ornament. In figures 18 and 19 fine examples of these impressions are given. The latter engraving illustrates a specimen in which every detail is perfectly preserved. Only a small portion of the original is shown in the cut. It is noticeable that the cords are quite heavy and well twisted, although the spacing is somewhat irregular. 42 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 The example given in figure 20, impressed on a fragment of clay from Arkansas, has an ornamental border ee by pce the cords of Be ee a Les we with ea ee ip GP pee Fic. 20.—Twired fabric from a piece of clay, Arkansas. the web, which seem to haye been five in number, each one passing over four others before recrossing the frame. A specimen showing a somewhat different border is given in figure 21. 7, EZ EE“ ALE Z LZ << Ss ss <== = BZ a ZE SEES SLL_E_ Bi UNTGT JU Sana TTY STE R TT £L Ze Ban wh NN aes SRP PEECEEEERED NANA QS CE ESECCEEREELRCELGEEE Fic. 21.—Twined fabric trom ancient pottery, Tennessee. Fic. 22.—Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Missouri. The interesting specimen illustrated in figure 22 was obtained from a small fragment of pottery found in Ripley county, Missouri. The HOLMES} TWINED FABRICS. 43 combination of the two series of strands clearly indicates the type of fabric, the twisted cords of the woof being placed very far apart. The warp is of braid formed by plaiting strands of untwisted fiber, probably bast. All the details are shown in the most satisfactory manner in the clay cast. yi ON Rs) Bs \fh \ WAY AN Fic. 23.—Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Carter county, Tennessee. In figure 23 we have a similar fabric closely woven or impacted. I have made the drawing to show fillets of fiber appearing at the ends; these do not appear in the impression. It is highly probable, however, Fic. 24.—Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee. that these fillets are plaited bands, as in the preceding example. They are wide and flat, giving somewhat the effect of basket-work of splints or rushes. VL, Vf, AY f yf VA U IN Vi GMM CWWK_ VEZ A _ Y i a: TD OE TO MEAT VO Fia. 25.—Twined fabric from ancient pottery, Tennessee. Another variety of the twined fabrics, distinguished by peculiarities in the combinations of the threads, is illustrated in figures 24 and 25. The threads of the warp are arranged in pairs as in the specimens ] 44 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 already described, but are twisted in such a way as to inclose two of the opposing series instead of one, each succeeding pair of warp threads taking up alternate pairs of the woof threads. Figure 25 is froma Z 7, A NS 4 BT iW. a se me AS MA. Lee = a yy iy Hye [GGIREA Fass oe UE, ae. Z GULL STA ULE E Z DP ZZ LL e777), Sa tZ2 er LL Ls PLSD INE

Ss SF) Nt 4 We Zio Fic. 26.—Twined fabric, with patterns, Ohio valley. small piece of pottery exhumed from a mound on Fain island, Jefferson county, Tennessee. The threads of the woof are quite close together, those of the web being far apart. Fic, 27.—Net from ancient pottery, District of Columbia. That the native love of decoration had a marked influence on the weavers’ art in its simplest and rudest as well as higher forms is well THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IX BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY BITS OF FABRIC-MARKED POTTERY, WITH CLAY CASTS OF SAME een nuk ad 7 a | aA ie bs HOLMES] WHAT THE ART TEACHES. ' 45 evinced even in the meager vestiges brought to light by researches in the mounds. Decorative borders and fanciful combinations of strands are shown in some of the preceding cuts, and figure 26, copied from a pottery fragment obtained in the Ohio valley, indicates a more ambi- tious attempt at embellishment. The fabric was evidently of ornate design and the execution excellent. Plate Ix is intended to convey a clear notion of the nature and appearance of fabric-marked pottery and of the manner of securing positive impressions in clay. Three bits of pottery from Illinois are placed at the left, and the three casts appear at the right. All illus- trate open fabries of comparatively simple pattern done in the charac- teristic twined style. Nets were in use by the Indians of Florida and Virginia at the time of the discovery, and the ancient pottery of the Atlantic states has preserved impressions of innumerable specimens. The piece shown in figure 27 is from a small fragment of pottery picked up in the District of Columbia. The impression is so perfect that the twist of the cord and the form of the knot may be seen with ease. Most of the examples from this locality are of much finer cord and have a less open mesh than FG. 28.—Net from ancient pottery, North Carolina. the specimen illustrated. The net illustrated in figure 28 is from a specimen of North Carolina pottery. Netting of this class was still in use among the natives of the Chesapeake region when the English colonies were founded. The lesson of the prehistoric textile art of eastern United States is simple and easily read, and goes far to round out the story of native occupation and culture. Colonial records furnish definite knowledge of the woven fabrics and weaving of the nations first encountered by the whites. Graves, mounds, and caves give us an insight into the pre-Columbian status of the art, and evidence furnished by associated industries which happen to echo features of the textile art contribute to our information. Charred cloths from the great mounds are identical in material, combination of parts, and texture with the 46 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE ART. (ETH, ANN. 13 fabrics of the simple savage. Cloths preserved by contact with copper implements and ornaments characteristic of the art of the builders of the mounds do not differ in any way from the humble work of the historic peoples. All tell the same story of a simple, primitive culture, hardly advanced beyond the grade separating the savage from the barbarous condition. tobe Sha ri 0” ‘ r ‘7 me ‘are nee 7 ( > * irae ee ey. A } Fh SON Ack "BY GHRARD FOW K E J ' A oan. oe h ah fs | i] : Ms ~ f : : 1 7 a , € \ 4 ‘ . s U ‘ aan . Ce) be dae te : CONTENTS Classification of objects and materials. .............--....---.------ he arte;and their distributions. - 22-5 - ..2 oSsiee we seas soo cs oes ote = cle en ea SiO LA era cae ite ata tay ae a te attain ale maa aie aeicfa mes eimstos mia e IDES ot OIG ICON Coc Bens Gsenagshe 9-65 coo BO CREE Ad oe SRE OCE Bees Boon Hi Gronundtandiuneckedharticl esac tace saan ach ofan sto slat silanes scfm one GUO DV e Ona KOS eee rests ts deters rerio ete conte alsa see ease ae (GENIE) amas phneesbo dade acAe PACE ES De 25Sce ASD SO Seep Ae eM SESE Sea Rene (CMUEOS eoogense Sa 26H Cenc cansee bee snagea eee sososy aaneae saaece bese hige Bian OLADOES mrs emyaetes ale leloien a te oi ota sie ane ale = soeisenieeke Chipped celts ----- <2 --- sei oho sews BOT OOa: HoH oR OC OBR SpESInEsoCes VOTO UI DOK CO LGR ene ema ee era tee eater oe eee aes seeier liaise eaters ae TREO) ce cama cos bad SobaceoQdect BEECUCEDOOt Ce Da SOI CASE Sear ences Erk SAMSON eas Semmes Hemcn CE Ae ane GL OECe Oe MAI aes CONE eae JAE CAEEnS (Chie EOlEiO Es) se noosootcacos senole doctiS I Hoc an CnSennnoS stn See ep eRSe Wil ET he cenaBoucnmebe coon Lo cOCD Sac UsO OH aSas eee se eaten aie 2 Grindinpandapolishin piStONGs seen ene ean cere ae neisete see esc since ETAT OES LOT OS else ares ee ara maya ae ote tea lerai ale sional oisiala oie MIOLGE ee esac SGocto Pete clnnsaus concE Os sbic obec AGES IDS BSOe an SeAoeBoe IAs en ce oncoemtign soen bron Baseunstoson 6b ocesavcdos obese shore (WTS pactos boca nycesobegonoencets maC Sabbos eon pends onde eescemeere BIGHON DIGG iene ceooeSe2 Sant BSSISES mr n Diem qOOS Tea eeE Der en noceae aM LIS GOMES patereta estate ara ay see eran esto as afte te tate ninleln sce iatclemiemiaaiaie HUNCUONS ANGU PUMP OSCsaseeeteeetses see eielisciete setae eseiaat see ol Gorpetatrss toss seas so eae ene eae eaaecicbeneesooee So aees BAnNeMSLON OS seta elariae ele neta ole alae etnias ae see =a eistayale = == =i Bost-shapeStonesinn. eee ea aes taeaccsee tech bs ccsree a sacle PICKS ete eee tas epee eae eta ene aaa a asta olsiatemiaziae Spool -shapeomamentsy meses eet eit ceive sete ss sect cis st cise. = Bind-shapesLrones ley tase interesante a) aia'ate rican slosje eae is eee Shatimupersee eae eee eee eseere et een ees etc a aes ot kb cra cence MU Des free state ee is ei eae a ee eres tase Secs nu ree ses Sw ashes IBID OS Beene ae ite eee eee Memes eas eon eaacienee ss a ncedc-steee = Chinpedishone anbiCles wae teert. eee sere cee e eta coe ins neiaaccee cess tena Materials and manufacture 13 ETH 50 STONE ART. (ETH, ANN. 13 The arts and their distribution—Continued. Chipped stone articles—Continued. Page Smallerichipped imp lements=saam ec eees see mena tee ee meee aaa aera 139 Materials and modes of manufacture. ...........----------.------ 139 Classification of the implements ---2---- -. 22 3---2- 2-52-22 een seas 142 Stemlessflintis!ss-2 -2. sos 2-4 ses ace seme ne = eee ee eee eee 143 Charactersiand ‘mses. -s5.sces 2252+ os-eceeee sane asenee ee ose 143 ibenea et oy Uns o55cs2asean ososescoseseearnosesocrescen. Ibe! SHUG) WG Shea socae scas sesso saat ones ope oSecoeteoeeoe: 147 Stemmed ‘flints. = ---- <2: <-s-2m-ci¢-e--- <5 Rafe ee a ees 150 Sirarshtiontaperistems?. ascee mets celtaee ee ee ee 150 Paxpandingystemsice- see cnn. near ee ee ee ee eneseeeee 156 Rerforators'-eaaee se a aoe cose oe eaetee te ae Set Nei Sent pe Soe 164 Character-and uses. :.: 2 - 2.css sees sees 174 Notes on ibeveled flintts).=-2 ss. sorte ccs rsscccscinces -o ele cee een enee ete 177 Fig. ‘ ILLUSTRATIONS Museum number Page 29. Grooved ax, showing groove projections .........----------- (82379) 63 30. Grooved ax, showing pointed edge.........----....---.----- (99318) 64 31. Grooved ax, showing grooye entirely around......-...-.---- (83360) 65 32, Grooved ax, slender, showing groove entirely around...--.. (116240) 65 33. Grooved ax, showing grooved back..............-----.------------ 66 34. Grooved ax, showing grooved back....-...--..-------------- (90512) 66 35. Grooved ax, showing rounded back ........-.--.---..--.---- (71575) 67 36. Grooved ax, showing flattened curved back-.-........-.-----..----- 68 37. Grooved ax, showing flattened straight back...-...--.-.---- (71258) 68 so Grooved ax, Keokule type). = -2-- c= = 2-5 conn o ess seece ce = (71566 ) 69 39. Grooved ax, showing adze form. --...-..-....-.-------------- (84348) 69 40. Grooved ax, showing diagonal groove. .......--..----------- (72211) 69 41. Grooved ax, showing wide edge ........-.---------.-------- (90862) 69 42. Grooved ax, showing curved edge. ...-..--..----.-..-------- (91746) 70 43. Grooved ax, showing single groove projection. -.--...---.---- (62907) 70 Ad ARROO VOC BO ZO hay Hla mewierncienis Mnsio oe cle win, nace Wiaiee wine morale, (114526) 71 45. Grooved adze, showing curved blade. ...........--.-------- (131483) 71 46. Notched ax, showing polished edge ..--...--...----. .------- (62753) 72 47. Celt, showing blade thick near edge.....--..------.---.---- (71413) 73 48. Celt, showing blade thick near edge...--.-... ..--- BOAO CASE (91518) 73 49. Celt, showing long, slender form .-.--.---------------. ---- (114494) 74. 50. Celt, nearly round section .........-.-..--.------------.---- (65652) 75 Diea@elt, nearly, round: sechlony = eo oie 5-5 ese eee sen seein (65661) 75 52. Celt, showing nearly diamond section ------ sree cee neni (65698) 76 28h (Ot ao aSSee see pubes acS COS Ee OSes eE Ore SoOc asco eemen nS (112509) 77 Gil CO ooo psaaestoustS ASc ORC Hoban eee Rac acacd SeceSeaenpesascee (83111) 77 BbmeC elit americas ose BEAD CIE SOSCOnnS UBS CER CA SAE oem Se eee a (82917) 77 56. Celt, showing ‘‘bell-shape ” and roughening for handle -. (Tho. 7882) 78 57. Celt, showing rectangular section. --.......--------------- (114151) 78 58. Celt, showing wedge-shape........----..---.---------.----- (98427) 79 59. Celt, showing half-elliptical section..........-...-.---.---- (72059) 79 60. Celt, showing half-elliptical section.......-----.-.--..----- (65440) 81 GIs Celt, (showing concave Sides: --5.- 2-5. secs enn eae nn = (115504) 81 62. Thin, polished celt ...--.---- seoqcassices nose S252 cossc0Cesseu (83056) 82 GoseLhin spolishediceltm-satnaeaa sete saan ose tee eee ac -n (114021) 82 62 Thins polished celtmer sera sea ees eras sone ae alec (114157) 82 65. Celt, showing thin, gouge-form edge. ...--..-.-------------- (92034) 83 665, Celt-vebisel=fonmiys escent sect eia coe se sie a Sere Seen Sele asicten (91418) 83 GiemCeltchisel-torm' sss -secem eee eeee eee ees BNE) Sa Se Serie (82464) 83 GS Celts chisel forme me resets eee oe meee ore ee erotics (181697) 83 69s Colit,chisel-forme= = sae sae seas seat nee =e ee eta aes (82949) 84 KO@Celit, chisel -fornien sass seem aeee ee cece wees oot cee ceiciae (116300) 84 71. Celt, showing scraper-form edge ..----. BASS EMCO ROCCE CoB Renee 85 U2 CLAD Ola ease ee eee ee aoe eee nica ccelac ace 5os MORE ee (83346) 85 51 52 Fic. STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 Museum number Page 73. Scraper or adze, with projecting ridge..........-...---.---- (72289) 85 TA. A G28 OL SRCTapel. na eee aa sean eee See ee eens (90528) 85 (6s (Olu neal Cont s soe cessoneas qs-coateeans see ae es acsoesesueosce (87571) 86 UTS CON ih eyo) be cee Cer smooo toope sonect Se scetocceeaucine naceeoe (83272) 86 77. Chipped celt -.---. Be SeeS wen emcee soOnScetiasse dee saosece (113837) 86 Uh Ie Gentine soma 6 aes goon conon6 coscuesg Seneescosesssoas (91920) 87 TB 1a Gyre nis) OG) ti s= ese ceeceoenesascSorass soe coebossc ones] (113925) 87 SO Mematite/celiti22: 22". ooo aaa een ae eee tee eens (87843 ) 87 Si Pare mate (Celli artes t= 2s cea see Ses ee ere ee eet (90733) 87 82. Handled pestle, with expanding base-.-.---....------------ (90876) 88 So eestle,lougieylindrical tons se. eee eee eee ee eee (115416) = 89 Sa sPeatles conical: 244222) soo seisie/d aaeeicicie oe =e ee a ee (114254) 89 R55 Pestle sock Seeks sods ee ee ee es (65452) 90 S6;(Bestle: tte eat bee ooo cece iean ca etre Se Sette eee (71428) 90 87. Pestle, grooved for handle .......-.-----.- Se ae ee i (72276) 90 SS viPestleycnes es eee eee Lh ae ee SAAR eee (131524) 90 89> Cupped! stone or painticup = a ecese ee ee eee eee (82509) 93 90. Muller, showing polished surface ..........-.---..------.- (116134) 93 91. Muller, showing polished surface ......-.-..----.---------- (132119) 94 OO SECA OLS bONG rye melee = leate= emia lea nee ee (114344) 95 OZasGrooyed TONNE SUONO Ms see mcr esate tate ee renee eet (72277) 95 94. (‘Grooved hammers ..W\.s-.cos2n-ssens5 =~ cesses eee eee (107300) 96 95. (Diseoidal: ‘stone - 22222): snisrscie cnc acca ny =2-2-2.4sen22--5e46 a= ee ee eee (113741) 235. Stemmed chipped flint........ ....-.-...-- Sees eee ee oe eee (114340) 145 146 146 146 147 147 147 147 148 148 148 148 148 149 149 149 149 149 150 150 150 151 151 152 152 152 152 153 153 153 154 154 154 155 155 156 156 156 156 157 157 157 157 158 158 159 159 159 159 160 160 160 160 160 FOWKE] ILLUSTRATIONS. 55 Museum number Page Fic. 236. Stemmed chipped flint, slender, with small stem-_... ...--.- (116047) 161 237. Stemmed chipped flint, oval outline, notched...... ........ (97547) 161 REL [SMEG | abi PEGUTDMG ccna anns ceabod ances SoenSsseneceesos (65614) 162 239. Stemmed chipped flint, notched, very wide fiom B SSPE eRe (113894) 162 240. Stemmed chipped flint, notched, very wide stem........_.. (907396) 162 2A eSLOMmMed. chip pedstintienssaseseeseee ewes nes sees see eee ---- (82686) 163 242. Stemmed chipped flint, projecting shoulders. ............-- (91754b) 163 Au (Saonenerl Ory Her itbb ey) coo bonoooees boec oeoeneadesecoeeeese (91921c) 163 244, Stemmed chipped flint, very rough..-...................--- (91136) 164 Zs eberioraton mot stemmMedieeseeceeses seseea sean eee eee (87556b) 165 246. Perforator, not stemmed, double pointed .................-. (90843) 165 247. Perforator, not stemmed, double pointed ...............--.. (90759) 166 248. Perforator, not stemmed, rough base ....... tance Seatac Sse (91924) 166 249, Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base................-.. (87951) 166 250. Perforator, not stemmed, expanding base................-.. (88019) 166 Zl ertoratorn stemmed saeaeseaeeeeieces feces he sete tec eeee (113605b) 167 252. Perforator, stemmed, very wide shoulders .............---- (91754c) 167 253 WE OLtoratorly SbeMMeM—= wa6.— atc Soc) -iseis soe Sone as yacecaewcuctece 167 254 MRELiOLaLor she mime ddan sae eeeeee cee asec siete eee occ See) 167 255. Perforator, stemmed, with cutting point................... (132226) 168 256, Blunt/ arrowhead, or “bunt?) -. 225 s22.+ssees so2o----oe-ee (132204) 168 25 ee suemime di sela penser ae oeee sete ae nee else se ee see (182190) 169 DOR SheMMOG SClLADekue aes sein ee ceiasiscise oan eset aoe (71560) 169 Zoom LeMLess ACraperscelutormenen se ssee sees nae e ase eee (181749) 170 26027Stemlessiseraper, flake-css- sts. 8-5 sl eae sete ene (90822) 170 AG Tie COLES fee se rentals ia 5 ae See eRe aes lee ae a ts Seemed (97526) 171 262. Core..--.. Sago 8300 CoD SHUT Cone te aoe SEB Oe Hod Sao C CAST SEae (97520) 171 Zoombllakce schippeduoMschanen aes eee see ere seer eee (91968) 173 264. Flake, chipped for knife or arrowhead..................---- (97537) 174 265. Flake, slender, probably for lancet ..............----.------ (88018) 174 266. Stemmed chipped flint ................ Goea eh wotsess sie sicisiet'e (132176) 174 267. Stemmed chipped flint, winged..............2-...2.2-2 2... (132213) 175 ZOS MOLeM educhtp ped din ties ae eee ere ee eee eee s ane (132174) 175 269° Stemmed chipped! flint; barbed!)-22 22-22-2202 2-22 ec cceeectsee cose 175 270. Stemmed chipped flint, broad................-...------c-- (182235b) 175 Zc leecemmed chip pedeniinitensse= sees ee nee eee eee: ee eee 176 272. Stemmed chipped flint, slender ..................-....-.--- (132208) 176 Ziomsoermmedichip ped stint sacar eae ae ee epee ee ee Bom BOS 176 274. Stemmed chipped flint, triangular. ................-....-.2---.---- 176 iow svemmedsc hipped hin teeeeeee ase ee eee see ee (1322354) 176 276. Chipped flint, with sharp-edged stem...................-... (63150) 177 277. Stemmed chipped flint, point blunted from use -.........---...___- 177 Ze qSLemmedichipped sith = =see see eeeer eee eee eee ee nese se nee 177 SON AKT By GERARD FOWKE INTRODUCTION. BASIS FOR THE WORK. The collection of the Bureau of Ethnology includes almost every type of stone implement or ornament, and as the investigations and explora- tions of the collaborators have extended over nearly all the eastern and central portions of the Mississippi valley, it furnishes a substantial basis for showing the geographic distribution of various LOS of ob- jects in use among the aboriginal inhabitants. It has not been deemed advisable to utilize material contained in other collections. Should this be done there would be no reason for drawing upon one rather than another, and ifit were once begun the examination would finally extend to every collection made from Amer- ican localities, a study which, although perhaps desirable, would tran- scend the scope of the Bureau plans. Much that has been published in regard to the distribution of relics in various portions of the country is of little value to a paper of this kind, since few of the objects are sufficiently illustrated or referred to any class in other than the most general terms; so that it is frequently impossible to determine the group in which a given article should be placed. Partly for this reason, partly because the primary purpose is description of a certain collection made in a definite way, little space is given to the descriptive work of predecessors in the field of archeol- ogy. The general results of previous work are, however, carefully weighed in the conclusions reached. CLASSIFICATION OF OBJECTS AND MATERIALS. The ordinary division into chipped and pecked or ground implements has been adopted: the former including all such as are more easily worked by flaking, and the latter including those made from stone suitable for working down by pecking into form with stone hammers or by similar means. The system of nomenclature in general use has been retained, as it is now familiar to students of North American 57 58 STONE ART. [BTH.ANN. 13 archeology, and, while not entirely satisfactory in some respects, is perhaps as good as can be devised in the present state of knowledge. Careful study of the entire collection has failed to show the slightest difference in the form, finish, or material of implements from the same locality, whether found in mounds or graves or on the surface; hence no attempt is made to separate the two classes of objects. Allowance is to be made for the weathering of a surface specimen, but this is the only distinction. ; It is not always easy to identify a stone, even with a fresh surface; in a weathered specimen it is often impossible. For this reason the material of which a specimen is made may not be correctly named; fre- quently the alteration due to exposure will change the appearance of a rock very much, and in such a case the best that can be done is to tell what it looks most like. The material of a majority of specimens how- ever, or at least the classes of rock to which they belong, as granite, porphyry, etc., are correctly named; to give a more exact name would be possible only by the destruction or injury of the specimen. ‘There are a few terms used which may be here explained. “Compact quartzite” is a very hard, close-grained, siliceous rock, sometimes nearly a flint, and again closely approaching novaculite. “ Greenstone” may be diorite or diabase, or it may be a very compact dark sandstone or quartzite so weathered that its nature can not be determined from superficial observation. ‘‘Argillite” refers to any slaty rock; it may be so soft as to be easily cut with a knife, or nearly as hard as quartzite. Usually it is greenish in color. A comprehensive study of all available collections will no doubt mod- ify materially the classification and system of types here presented. The quotations from eminent anthropologists given below show the difficulties in the way of establishing a satisfactory system of types, or of assigning certain forms to particular localities. In most of these quotations the substance only of the author’s remarks is given. According to Dr. E. B. Tylor, the flint arrows of the Dakota, the Apache, or the Comanche might easily be mistaken for the weapons dug up on the banks of the Thames; while cores of flint in Scandinavia and of obsidian in Mexico are exactly alike,” and a tray filled with Euro- pean arrowheads can not be distinguished from a tray of American ones.’ Prof. Otis T. Mason observes that the great variety of form in such weapons after they are finished is due partly to nature and partly to the workman’s desire to produce a certain kind of implement. All sorts of pebbles lie at the hand of the savage mechanic, none of them just what he wants. He selects the best.‘ Perhaps the truth about the shape is that the savage found it thus and let it so remain.® 1 Anahuac, p. 101. 2 Tbid., p. 98. 8Dawson, Sir William; Fossil Men, p. 121. 4Smithsonian Report for 1884, p. 741. 5Tbid., p. 748. FOWKE] SIMILARITY OF ART PRODUCTS. 59 The state of things among the lower tribes which presents itself to the student is a substantial similarity in knowledge, arts, and customs, running through the whole world. Not that the whole culture of all tribes is alike—far fromit; butif any art or custom belonging to a low tribe is selected at random, the likelihood is that something substantially like it may be found in at least one place thousands of miles off, though it frequently happens that there are large intervening areas where it has not been observed. ' On the whole, it seems most probable that many of the simpler weapons, implements, etc., have been invented independently by vari- ous savage tribes. Though they are remarkably similar, they are at the same time curiously different. The necessaries of life are simple and similar all over the world. The materials with which men have to deal are also very much alike; wood, bone, and to a certain extent stone, have everywhere the same properties. The obsidian flakes of the Aztecs resemble the flint flakes of our ancestors, not so much be- cause the ancient Briton resembled the Aztec, as because the frac- ture of flint is like that of obsidian. So also the pointed bones used as awls are necessarily similar all over the world. Similarity exists, in fact, rather in the raw material than in the manufactured article, and some even of the simplest implements of stone are very different among different races.’ Tylor again says: ; When, however, their full value has been given to the differences in the produc- tions of the Ground Stone Age, there remains a residue of a most remarkable kind. In the first place, a very small number of classes, flakes, knives, serapers, spear and arrow heads, celts, and hammers take in the great mass of specimens in museums; and in'the second place, the prevailing character of these implements, whether modern or thousands of years old, whether found on this side of the world or on the other, is a marked uniformity. The ethnographer who has studied the stone imple- ments of Europe, Asia, North or South America, or Polynesia, may consider the specimens from the district he has studied as types from which those of other districts differ, as a class, by the presence or absence of a few peculiar instruments, and individually in more or less important details of shape or finish, unless, as some- times happens, they do not differ perceptibly at all. So great is this uniformity in the stone implements of different places and times, that it goes far to neutralize their value as distinctive of different races. It is clear that no great help in tracing the minute history of the growth and migration of tribes is to be got from an arrowhead which might have come from Polynesia, or Siberia, or the Isle of Man, or from a celt which might be, for all its appearance shows, Mexican, Irish, or Tahitian. If an observer; tolerably acquainted with stone implements, had an unticketed collection placed before him, the largeness of the number of specimens which he would not confidently assign, by mere inspection, to their proper countries, would serve as a fair measure of their general uniformity. Even when aided by mineralogical knowledge, often a great help, he would have to leave a large fraction of the whole in an unélassified heap, confessing that he did not know within thousands of miles or thousands of years where and when they were made. How, then, is this remarkable uniformity to be explained? The principle that man does the same thing under the same circumstances will account for much, but 1Tylor; Early History of Mankind, p. 169. 2? Lubbock, Sir John; Prehistoric Times, p. 569. 60 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 it is very doubtful whether it can be stretched far enough to account for even the greater proportion of the facts in question. The other side of the argument is, of course, that resemblance is due to connection, and the truth is made up of the two, though in what proportion we do not know.! While the several authors quoted do not fully agree, and some are even slightly self-contradictory, still, if the statements are to be taken at their face value, it would seem that efforts to make such classifica- tions are mainly a waste of time. It may be premised that in every class of implements there are almost as many forms as specimens, if every variation in size or pat- tern is to be considered; and these merge into one another impercepti- bly. Not only is this the case with individual types, but the classes themselves, totally unlike as their more pronounced forms may be, gradually approach one another until there is found a medium type whose place can not be definitely fixed. THE ARTS AND THEIR DISTRIBUTION. DIsTRICTs. As space would be needlessly occupied by attempting to name each county, the area from which specimens have been obtained is, for convenience, divided into districts. These divisions are for use in this article only, and are not intended as archeologic districts. In the tables given under each heading, the names of counties or districts show where the types described are obtained; the columns following show the number of specimens of each material mentioned in the collection of the Bureau. Where a limited area only has been examined in any, division, the name of the county is usually given; but where specimens of any kind have been obtained from different counties near one another, they are assigned to the district including those counties. The districts are as follows: Arkansas. Northeastern: Between White and Mississippi rivers. Southeastern: Between White and Washita rivers from Clarendon to Arkadelphia. Southwestern: West of Washita river and south of Arkadelphia, including Bowie and Red River counties, Texas. Central: From Dardanelles southward and eastward to the above limits. Alabama. Northeastern: Bordering Tennessee river east of Decatur. Northwestern: Bordering Tennessee river west of Decatur. 1Early History of Mankind, p. 203. FOWKE] DISTRIBUTION OF ART PRODUCTS. 61 Coosa: Bordering Coosa river southward to and including Dallas county. Tuscaloosa: Bordering the Tuscaloosa and Little Tombigbee, and extending a short distance below their confluence. Ohio. Miami valley: The country along the two Miami rivers, including Shelby county on the north and Madison and Brown counties on the east. Scioto valley: South of Franklin county, including Adams and Law- rence counties. Central: Including Union, Knox, Perry, and Franklin counties, and the area within these limits. Wisconsin. Southwestern: The counties bordering on either side of Mississippi river from La Crosse to Dubuque (Iowa). Eastern: The portion between Lake Michigan, Lake Winnebago, and the Illinois line. Southern: Dane and adjoining counties. Towa. Keokuk: The southeastern corner of the state and adjacent portions of Illinois and Missouri. Tennessee. Eastern: All the mountain district, with the extreme southwestern part of Virginia. Western: From Mississippi river to and including the tier of counties east of the Tennessee. Northern: The northern half of the interior portion. Southern: The southern half of this portion. South Carolina. Northwestern: North and west of a line from Lancaster to Columbia. .As no other portion of the state has been examined under direc- tion of the Bureau, only the name of the state is used herein, ref- erence being always to this section. Georgia. Northwestern: The portion northwest of the Chattahoochee. Southwestern: Area contiguous to the lower Chattahoochee and Flint river. Savannah: The vicinity of the city of Savannah, where a large collec- tion was gathered. 62 STONE ART. [wTH.ANN. 13 Kentucky. Northeastern: Between Kentucky, Big Sandy, and Ohio rivers. Southeastern: From Estill and Cumberland counties to the Tennessee and Virginia state lines. Central: Between Green and Ohio rivers, west of the last described districts. Southern: From Green river southward and as far westward as Chris- tian county. Western: West of Green river and Christian county. North Carolina. Western: West of Charlotte. Central: Between Charlotte and Raleigh. Illinois. Southwestern: From the mouth of the Cumberland to Washington county, and thence to the Mississippi. DESCRIPTIVE TERMS. The various forms of implements will now be considered. As stated above, the names given the various articles are those by which they are usually known; but it may be well to define some of the terms used. In the grooved axes, edge refers to the cutting portion; blade, to the part below the groove; poll or head, to that above the groove; face, to the wider or flat portion of the surface; side, to the narrower part; Sront, to that side farther from the hand, and back, to the side nearer the hand when in use. In celts, the terms are the same, so far as they are applicable; blade referring to the lower half of the implement; that is, to the portion on which the cutting edge is formed. GROUND AND PECKED ARTICLES. GROOVED AXES. The implements known as grooved axes seem to be of general distri- bution throughout the United States; being, so far can be learned from various writers, much more numerous east of Mississippi river than westofit. It must be remembered, however, that thousands of diligent collectors have carefully searched for such things in the east, while in the west little attention has been paid to them; consequently, deduc- tions are not to be made concerning their relative abundance or scarcity, until further knowledge is gained. The same remark will apply to every form of aboriginal relic. FOWKE] USE OF GROOVED AXES. 63 In the eastern and interior states, the grooved axes are far more abundant than the celts of the same size!, because as a rule only the larger implements of this class are grooved. All the ordinary varieties of axes and hatchets are found about Lake Champlain, by far the most abundant beimg celts, or grooveless axes.” According to Adair and other early observers, the southern Indians had axes of stone, around the grooved heads of which they twisted hickory withes to serve as handles; with these they deadened timber by girdling or cutting through the bark.’ According to travelers of a later generation among the western Indians, similar implements were used on the plains to chop up the vertebrze of buttaloes, which were boiled to obtain the marrow.‘ These statements, which might be multiplied, show that such objects are to be found widely scattered ; none, however, give information more definite than that the axes are “grooved,” no reference being made to the shape of the ax or the manner of grooving. The various modes of mounting axes and celts in handles are illus- trated in the Smithsonian Report for 1879. Stone axes were used in Europe by the Germans at as late a period as the Thirty Years’ war, and are supposed to have been used by the Anglo-Saxons at the battle of Hast- ings.° Axes hav:ng two grooves occur Fic. 29.—Grooved ax. showing groove projections. in considerable numbers in the pueblos of southwestern United States, but they are extremely rare elsewhere and unknown in most districts; as the objects are generally small, the utility of the second groove is not evident. The arrangement of stone axes may be based upon the manner of forming the groove. In one class are placed those which in the process of making had a ridge left encircling the weapon, in which the groove was formed. This gives the ax greater strength with the same mate- ‘rial. Usually the groove has been worked just deep enough to reach the body of the ax; that is, to such a depth that should the projections be ground off there would remain a celt-like implement (as shown in 1 Abbott, C.C., in American Naturalist, vol. x, p. 494. ?Perkins; Ibid, vol. x11, p. 738. 3 Adair; History of American Indians, p 405. ‘Long, S. H.; Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, p.-211. 6 Knight, E. H.; Smithsonian Report for 1879, p. 242. 64 STONE ART. [ETH ANN. 13 figure 29, of chlorite-schist, from Sullivan county, Tennessee). The axes of this class in the Bureau collection are shown in the following table: | 3 District 5 E 3 | 2 =] is 3 | & | @ I Ra geet tes \é/s|@#/s|a/6 Eastern Tennessee ..-----.-----.-.-.----- | 9 8 4 | Western North Carolina------- 1 | eae eer Central North Carolina: Se25 2 ---eees sso leer ee Li Savannah, Georgia -..-.------------------\e0---- 4 Jrcoe Butlericonntiy) ORG) sepen emer e hoon ze ioc ta eee 1| pase == | Tn the second class the groove is formed by pecking into the body of the ax after the latter is dressed into shape; in this pattern a regu- lar continuous line from edge to poll would touch only the margins of the groove, leaving it beneath. An apparent medium between the two is sometimes seen, in which there is a projection on the lower side of the groove only; this is due, usually, to dressing the blade down thinner after the implement was originally worked to a symmetric outline. By continuous or long use the edge of the ax becomes broken or blunted and requires sharpening, and in order to keep the proper outline to make the tool efficient, it is necessary to work the blade thinner as it becomes shorter. No such change is required in the poll, consequently a projection is formed where originally there was no trace of one. There are different methods of finishing the ax, which may appear with either form of groove. The poll may be worked into the shape of a flattened hemisphere, may be flat on top, with the part between the groove and the top straight, convex or concave, or may be worked to a blunt point, with straight or concave lines to the groove. The blade may taper from Fig. 30.—Grooved ax, showing pointed 5 : edge. the groove to the edge, with straight or curved sides, which may run almost parallel or may be drawn to a blunt-pointed edge. This latter form is probably due to breaking or wearing of the blade, which is reworked, as shown in figure 30, of gran- ite, from Boone county, Missouri. There are a very few specimens, as noted below, in which the ax gradually increases in width from the poll to the edge; but such speci- mens seem to be made of stones which had this form approximately at the beginning, and were worked into such shape as would give a suita- ble implement with the least labor. In nearly every instance the groove of an ax with a groove projection extends entirely around with practically the same depth, and the blade FOWKE] VARIETIES OF GROOVED AXES. 65 of the ax has an elliptical section. There are, however, a few with the back flattened; and while many of the second division may be similar in section, and in having the groove extend entirely around, yet in this class are to be placed nearly all of those only partly encircled by a groove or Showing some other section than the ellipse. _ Fic. 32.—Grooved ax, slen- der, showing groove en- tirely around. Fie. 31.—Grooved ax, showing groove entirely around. With these exceptions, the second class of grooved stone axes com- prises seven groups, which may be described and tabulated as follows: A. Grooved entirely around, elliptical section, polls dressed in any of the ways given above; three or four have the blunt-pointed edge (figure 31, of granite, from Bradley county, Tennessee). 3 | 6 A eel : | SAN peed NEL fet (Ef fal District. EU ASee les) acral al iin lee Nese JS/S/Alalelalalalsa i} | | Southwestern Illinois .......-.-...--.--|.--. mana a pal ~ Soe) hone 1 1 | | Eastern Tennessee ...........--- eee ray epee as | Pah a ae aa Central North Carolina... .-. 1] +} Western North Carolina. .-..... BC rl her 1 Central Arkansas. -...--...---.- 1 | sf W sosdleons Ross|county, |Ohi0.--4--ces-2se5 see eeer ~---| L|-..| 22. 2-2 Jee poems |(sta=|ai= == Green river, Kentucky ..-.....--- Bese Jeee-j----| 1 [ee HL sraeereatsrcte | ener |en== Northeastern Kentucky ...-.....------. Se sjrcee[eee- Jae ‘ Se \ all | Z aol Al Kanawha valley, West Virginia......-. eset 921 ess Ta ls | eee ete sa Mit Keokuk district, lowa.......-...--.-..- Vy) Too etl eae Pee Savannah, Georgia -......-..-...------- ste cleaaall |---| (pike 3 Miami valley, Ohio-........-. Neeene sees 25, | 1 ce ped eae | eno-|saodlnoat 13 ETH 5) 66 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 B. Long, narrow, and thin, giving a much flattened elliptical section. These are classed with axes on account of the grooves, although too thin and usually of material too soft to endure violent usage. The edges are nicked, striated, or polished, as though from use as hoes or adzes (figure 32, of argillite, from Bradley county, Tennessee). Vets les te 5 District. E % | 2 | o | 4 75) astern Tennessee eau. nee oe ns ari asicieee ieee ae ane ee ee 18 | 1 Keokuk district, lowa.-..............- ieden Eos co ete osaetas pecs 1 See Kanawha walley, West) Vireinit- =n. -- -nl-ssore|ewnmne | 1 Northeastern Alabama ---- ~~ ~~~ 2-2-2 - conn cefene swe |ae= === beseee seccee 1 | Western North Carolina-..-.....--..-..---.---- |e Sinise See eet eeas | Leconte | C. Thick, almost round section, round-pointed top, nearly straight to sharp-curved edge, sides gently curved, widest at edge or just above. Most of these show marks of use as cutting tools or hatchets. In FOWKE) FORMS OF CELTS. 15 many the top has been roughened as if for insertion into a hole cut in & piece of wood; others have this roughening around the middle or immediately above, leaving a polish at both ends, and these were hafted prubably by means of a stick or withe Peed around them. The roughening is a secondary operation, having no relation to the making of the implement; it was produced by peck- ing after the surface was polished. Ina . few cases it extends from the top well down the sides; but usually it reaches but a little way below the top, or else is in acirele around the body of the celt. Most of them have sharp edges; a few have edges either chipped or blunted and polished, showing long usage. Two from Kanawha valley (one roughened for handle) have the edges worn in on one | of the faces until they almost resemble | gouges; but that they were not intended as such is shown by the concavity being nearer one side and not reaching entirely fic.51.—Celt. nearly Fic. 60Celt, across. The length ranges from 4$ to 10 "m4 section. nearly round see inches. The type is illustrated by figures 50 and 51, both of sienite, from Lauderdale county, Tennessee. This may be regarded as the typical form of celt for eastern United States, and its geographic distribution is exceptionally wide, as shown in the table. The Bureau collection includes the following specimens of this class: | | | | E | | | | |s | | 3 | | | ery District. | BI | .|a|s a sy | | 2 S & a. (ies [Fis iS/5(2l/eisis8 lalalale|s|3ie)e Bol Loulnse asain eso peales | ja |@|ol|4/o)a2/Ajs | - - Sal | Western North Carolina ........---.--------- 4 2) 9) 16 | ed pete Pea ec | = - | Montgomery county, North Carolina... ----., 1) Pes 4lhand bee beed Bdod haos see | ae | | | Coosa district, Alabama....--......-.-.---- eee) iio hy ace oe eee Pee eae [aes SROSSUCOUT byt ODIO reese alee eters aera = Jota | Knox county, Ohio -- Miami valley, Ohio . - Eastern Tennessee. - --- | Green river, Kentucky | Northeastern Kentucky Northeastern Arkansas. - Kanawha valley, West Virginia ...........-.|.--- abl Ween sate vt | Bt) eat | Crawford county, Wisconsin..---..........--|---.|.--. STIR SNES ee Southwestern Ilinois...---.....-....-..----.|-..)_-.. PAN eR Al eel ees [fat Savannah Georpiat.<.--co ean. .-oeyeeaeeseeee | ee EY Ah) een Pe) see ae Western Tennessee: 2: .2-.2-222- 2 oe eee sce|ooe Ph) Ste I Core Ses ey (eee tee | 76 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 D. Of the form last described, except in being much thinner; some have the tops battered, showing use as wedges; length from 3 to 9 inches. | : o\s District. Slag|f\/S/eleia)als 4/8 /|n/A jn |/O|H|ol|m Eastern Tennessee. .----------.--- \11| 3] 2 brine DG |g cabal | fa eee Kanawha valley, West Virginia... .... .... 2/ 5) 2) 6 Northwestern Georgia------.----- weer ieee! yl el | A Eee race Savannah, Georgia --..----------- Mer ROE pei see) 23 Green river, Kentucky. -.--.----- eee eld ese Le Northeastern Kentucky .....-..-.|....).--.|.-.. | 2 Southeastern Arkansas ...-...--. .--. ee eu ese eed eo Central Amkangas ..222---2<-=] q ss Ra 3 e =| 3 3 A S Ce 5 | x Ses & Cl] a 5 Caldwell county, North Carolina.---...-. | | Crittenden county, Arkansas...-.........|.----- | Drew county, Arkansas ........------..-- Randolph county, Dlinois.....--.---.-.-.}---=.. .----- Eastern Tennessee .-.----.-..-.---------- | Bartow county, Georpfia,.:---22-2-< 2.02 5c2)enne cel nen Kanawha valley, West Virginia Northeastern (Kentucky, - <2: 2222<+ 2222 -|see-sasee-os-|eonmec|e- sane FOWKE] FLAT DISCOIDAL STONES. 103 J | B. Flat or slightly concave sides, edges straight and at right angles | to the sides ; diameter, 13 to 5 inches. The type shown in figure 100 a . Fie. 100.—Discoidal stone. is of sandstone from Lauderdale county, Alabama. © D | g oy | Ee o = Ay « he 8 # 2 District. + Bl beg ES | rg A Ho | Sm if | S oo|% n ed |e al 4 Lauderdale county, Alabama .....--....--.--.- fis |\e2 eee Renee ol eects |no ooo | Mississippi county, Arkansas - - MeMinn county, Tennessee - --. Kanawha valley, West Virginia 0. Sides flat; edges straight, sometimes rounding off into the sides; diameter, 24 to 6 inches; thickness, three-quarters to 24 inches. A Fic. 101.—Discoidal stone. number from southeastern Tennessee, especially the smaller ones, are quite rough, being merely pecked or chipped into shape with no subse- 104 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 quent rubbing. Figure 101 (chalcedony, from a mound in Monroe county, Tennessee) represents the type. The material is variable. . Bb 5 a | ) flo go . | =o erst bas a= | | eeliSRah lee istri ls (Sis lSIi/Sise12 le518 District. BlBals|S\ialaeisipe\s RiglSl|Sie)}2) a 28) & 3 &p | “a |\& |e |e s 5/81 P|8,8)48)|8 |3sis Sljnalal/O;R ALT EMS —— = | | } | | | Southeastern Tennessee. .-.------.-----|---- 5/| 5/1 | Bi) 1M] Western Tennessee.....--.--..--------- Beer Mt Peel Se let Savannah, Georgia -.--.....-.---------- 1) GE fee sale ee Mississippi county, Arkansas-..--...--. |--2- +++ Se da bo 1 | D. Like the last, except much smaller. Very few are polished over the entire surface; some are rubbed more or less on the edges or sides, but a majority have the edge rough as it was chipped or pecked out; many have either the edge or sides in the natural state. From those smoothly polished to those very rudely worked the gradation is such that no dividing line can be drawn. This is true, also, of the smaller specimens of other types. Some of the quartzite specimens are very loose in texture. From seven-eighths to 2 inches in diameter and one- fourth to three-fourths of an inch thick. S|. 8) 6 /38| 8 g =x | & . i=) ~~ ° District. g 3 a £ Es iS 83/3 sis Hl Ee) Sl ela| sles a} a) a Sla/4/S/alee2a/els Eastern Tennessee. .--- TERS GY Ta Poe Ta || Bartow county, Georgia. - 1 a) ae ene ores Savannah, Georgia...-.-.------- Soe Berl 1 | lect Meret cool a La aA Kanawha valley, West Virginia.|....| 7 }.--.|.-..|..-.| 20 esl ee fey a Northeastern Kentucky-.------ rere | eR Scere | wre steel Heed||seise]) OT jjeioctlaosie FE. Convex on both sides, edges straight. One of white quartz from Caldwell county, North Carolina, has the sides much curved, making Fia. 102.—Discoidal stone, convex. the stone very thick in proportion to its width; there is a deep pit on each side, the entire surface being highly polished. Diameter, 2 to 33 FOWKE] CONVEX DISCOIDAL STONES. 105 inches; thickness, three-fourths to an inch and a half. Illustrated by figure 102 (of porphyry, from a grave in Caldwell county, North Carolina). E | | z é o |_| E E Oo ie) . Dn District. = e/g | wo o | 2 a Mer S 4 8) j2/e/8is! |e! |Slelsle S| [ele BIEISIE|A Sis leis! BIS lS/Slslslsislale Slclalslflitlelalslclielaislslseisisisla SlSIS(E/ElS/S(E/S/S/PSl8 | eles i818 15 Ba lala |S |Slole a |S |4]a [5 | ]5 |S |o la a Eastern Arkansas..-....----.----- By ee Ls | a7, 1 eel oe ON al |e i Eastern Tennessee (many of these rough and entirely without MOLISH eee se eaten ccs 1 38 |29 1/1/31 }27)}8|1,;1)2 Kanawha valley, West Virginia (CHINN) eoASetoAd pcacccoes eee 524 Hoe|lese Bee) bee] | Bs) Sete on eal ase ae] 56 eee Beall Ase orl er ose Savannah, Georgia. -----..-.-..--- cote Salles) eg MD Vea eles le cel ee ety le lie Union county, Mississippi --..-..-- Be8) acl sae hoe) feta ode Sees eae el (cel race ed hese ees) ec eeel ese) tare ai Caldwell county, North Carolina ..|...|...|...|--.|---| 1 |10 |---|.--]---|--.| 4 ]--- sis | rea) Olt aaa | el F, Same form as the above; 14 to 2 inches in diameter, one-half to seven-eighths of an inch thick. | 3 a i 2 Dn us| | | Bits 4 | o : District. Beal icy lia lech seh || teh || o|/a]a a >» Weey I etalczt |< eau [lel ese less r} D oO N N o = ~~ ~ — a) Sifrislisalg D Le} a 8 a BK Hie |m ig Cet alelels!i sa )] 8 | a@\/ ag] 4g 5 alaleislisisia|g)/8/es Sslalalelelalds/alAala Elmore county, Alabama ...-....--- ees ce eek 1 aah ail 1 Western North Carolina... i} 2 | Eastern Tennessee . - - -- Lena's 2 es Bartow county, Georgia ab || a aly) 4 | aes ees Savannah, Georgia ..-...-....-..--. eee cee [eres | pens ll eee | eieetetteriate Kanawha valley, West Virginia. ...|..-.)....|.-..]..-.|-.--|---.'---- P lesa beer Drew county, Arkansas .......----- Gar 2| Seon | Maree | Mah Beeeee oes oe [evee|eeee foo] | | G. Flat or slightly convex on one or both sides, edge straight, one side wider than the other. Some have the edge battered or chipped, Fie. 103.—Discoidal stone. and it is always at the angle of the edge with the wider side. From 18 to 34 inches in diameter, and three-fourths to an inch and a half “| 106 STONE ART. (EPH. ANN. 13 thick. The specimen shown in figure 103 (of compact quartzite, from Bartow county, Georgia) is typical. The material is quite diverse. | Quartz hornblende. District. Sandstone. Quartzite. Compact quartzite. Chalcedony. Schist. Flint. Granite. Quartz. iw) = t i) Eastern Tennessee. --..--------- Savannah, Georgia ---.. - z Bartow county, Georgia ---. b Selb rel cisic eae | eral] eer |e Nad She =e Kanawha valley, West Virginia.) 2 |.-..|.-..|.--.] 1 |.--.|-.------ etd Hae poe Caldwell county, North Carolina.'--.- am bois heic BT Paser| eees eae) ott) i! a) Mississippi county, Arkansas -.|---.|.--.|----|---- naga banc bead bene base pee i 1 There are also of this type, one of very hard black stone (not identi- fied) from Red River county, Texas, three-fourths of an inch in diame- ter; one of barite from Bartow county, Georgia, one inch in diameter, three-fourths inch thick; and one of granite, from Chester county, South Carolina, an inch in diameter. There are also one of quartzite from Drew county, Arkansas, with a shallow pit on each side; one of Fic. 104.—Discoidal stone. the same material from southeastern Tennessee, with a deep pit gouged in smaller side; and from the same locality, three of quartzite, one of quartz, and one of sandstone, each with a deep pit in the larger side. All of these are small and none of them polished. H. Convex sides and curved edges; size asin group G. The type (figure 104) is of quartz, from Caldwell county, North Carolina. District. Sandstone. Conglomerate. Quartzite. Jasper conglomerate. Limestone. Catahoula parish, Louisiana.. ---.-..---- Seccce| Seoo%e Eastern Tennessee -.-..--..--. --- Caldwell county, North Carolina. Northeastern Arkansas. -.--.-- FOWKE] ROUGH DISCOIDAL STONES. 107 IT. Same form, rough and not polished; 1 to 22 inches in diameter, one-half to 1 inch thick. | | . | o mt ~ - 2 E é District. = oe hes Pa (Pa iS f z = a) “94 ela lale) ii; Lél/e |eH | a] 6] a Eastern Tennessee .-........-..-..---.--- BO) | Seeees | Seer 3 11} 10} Northeastern Arkansas ae 1 |.----- 6) | eceee ances 13 Caldwell county, North Carolina .........|------ |e |e eeslic oneal Hosaze | Kanawha valley, West Virginia...-...-.. 36 | 1 | Sentte| ERemac ieee ac Veer | | | | I | J. Sides slightly convex, edge slightly curved; 24 to 34 inches in diameter, three-quarters to an inch and a half thick. Ay | oS | i} = | cea) | n . ese this ol District. z en GS alesse SiS /8/3/4\/e/2/8 cs 17] Ho 2 |S 2 sc) S: Sia] a || &) | 3) a ol =] =e y | & | 2 2 nl\eIl\eC\/Old/ol/a|an =| 4 Kanawha valley, West Virginia \evidently | | | used for a hammerstone) -..-------------- yaw | Soe Seca anterne ll @nnesseGee-aenen en eeaa <5 ==-\=- Pa ey ZENE stellt Pah St |e eae se Lauderdale county, Tennessee. .-.---------. Base tae Ee ere] 5 | Caldwell county, North Carolina. ....-...-.. Beale} 1 |----| Fulton county, Georgia ....-......-.-------- eed Bese nal | K. Sides flat; edges convex; roughly finished, no polish; 14 to 24 inches in diameter, three-eighths to three-fourths of an inch thick. District. | Sandstone. Quartzite. Kanawha valley, West Virginia. --.--....------- gant owsgeceees | 1 | Denes WastemislennesseOm sabe ees seas enaedatee meta eee | L. Not polished; roughly chipped edges; 2 to 34 inches in diameter. Alone | a SP eee alice District. $ 8 eo | EFS 2 = a a) pie | ls n | oS iS) | a) | Mississippi county, Arkansas ...-.-------------------- | 1 | 1 | 1 3 | Bartow county, Georgia..-..-....-. ------------------- erin 1 sceus Se |eaz>-= Union county, Mississipp1-.----.---------------------- 3 scnete Poco oes 3+ M. Edges V-shape; 12 to 24 inches diameter, 1 to 14 inches thick. The type (figure 105) is of granite, from Randolph county, Illinois, with insunk pecked sides and polished edge. A specimen from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, is of flint, with only the edge worked; appar- 108 STONE ART. (WTH. ANN. 13 ently a hammer. One from Craighead county, Arkansas, has flat sides and the entire surface polished; another from McMinn county, Ten- nessee, is also polished entire. A good spec- imen from Cocke county, Tennessee, is of flint, one side rubbed flat, the other a rounded cone, highly polished. N. Sides hollowed out; edges straight or slightly curved; very thick; used as mor- iy tars, hammers, or pestles. This form gradu- Fig. 105.—Discoidal stone, with ally merges into disk-shaped, pitted, or ivrshaped eters: entire-dressed hammers, which in turn run into the ordinary hammerstones. The types are figures 106 (quartzite, from Bradley county, Tennessee) and 107 (quartzite, from Nicholas county, Kentucky). There are in this : group from eastern Tennessee three of quartzite, 24 by 44 inches, 44 by 53 inches, and 12 by 34 inches, and one of granite, 22 by 3 inches; from Cald- well county, North Carolina, one of granite; and from Montgomery county, North Carolina, three of quartzite. The last four are evidently hammers or pestles. In addition there is a speci- men from Jackson county, Illinois, of ferruginous sandstone, 3 inches in Fic. 106.—Discoidal stone, used as mortar. diameter. On one side there is a pit and on the other a shallow, mor- tar-like cavity extending entirely across. — O. One side flat, the other rounded; of conven- 1ent size for grasping. In some the bottom is quite smooth. There is sometimes a pit in one or both sides, more frequently in the bottom. They wereused as mullers or pestles; in the latter, either the side or the edge may have been the pounding Fic. 107.—Discoidal stone, 3 = probably used as hammer. surface. The line between these implements and the cylindrical, dome-topped pestles can not be drawn (see figure 91). District. Quartzite. Sandstone. Master Ten Vessee x ct. ee ae ee a eee ae ire | Southwestern Wisconsin ....:.........-..-.....------- Kanawha valley, West Virginia. ......---- Crittenden county, Arkansas..-............. Jackson county, North Carolina -....-..--..- Warren (COmM yO) DO reer aera les eee tetera are eet SBvemmiehy MeO re aera = aaa ae lo eae ele a FOWKE] DISCOIDAL POTSHERDS. 109 P. Sides flat; edge convex; same size and use as last. District. Sandstone. | Quartzite. | Granite. Southeastern Tennessee. --.....-------.---------------- Kanawha valley, West Virginia--.-..-..-..------------ Warren county, Ohio -.-..--.-..----- Madison county, Alabama .-.-......-...---------------- o Q. From southeastern Tennessee and northwestern Georgia there are many disk-shape fragments of pottery, small, thin, and coarse, with the edges roughly chipped; and from northeastern Kentucky there are similar pieces, except that they have been fashioned from fragments of limestone and sandstone. These specimens are illustrated by figure 108 (pottery, from a mound in Bartow county, Georgia). SPuUDs. It has been a puzzle to archeologists to assign to any class the peculiar stones — jy44. 108.—Discoidal pottery frag. called “spuds.” They are usually of a HiGlie comparatively soft material, carefully worked and polished, and bear no marks of rough usage. On the other hand, they seem too large for ornament. Perhaps their office may have been in some ceremony or game. Something similar in form seems to be denoted in the following extracts: Col. James Smith’ says, speaking of the Indians of western Penn- sylvania, that as soon as the elm bark will strip in spring, the squaws, after finding a tree that will do, cut it down, and with a crooked stick, broad and sharp at the end, take the bark off the tree, and of this bark make vessels. The Twana Indians, who formerly lived at the south end of Hoods canal, Washington, in barking logs use a heavy iron implement about 3 feet long, widened and sharpened at the end;? and the tanbark workers of our day use an instrument of somewhat similar form. The ordinary spud is too weak to endure such usage, though it is claimed by old people living in the Shenandoah valley, Virginia, that in the last century the Indians in that locality used an implement, of this pattern for stripping the bark from trees. The implement may have been used in dressing hides, the hole being for attachment of a handle. ‘Captivity Among the Indians, Lexington, 1799; reprinted, Cincinnati, 1870, p.36. ? Kells, Myron; Hayden Surv., Bull. 3, 1877, p.81. 110 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 A celt of argillite, highly polished, from Loudon county, Tennessee, of the pattern shown in figure 64, has a neatly drilled cylindrical hole about a third of the way from the top; but such cases are unusual. The spuds may be divided into three general classes, as follows: A. Blade circular in outline, including 180 degrees or more, or semielliptical with either axis transverse ; sides of stem straight or slightly curved, parallel or slightly tapering to top, which is either straight or slightly rounded; shoulder nearly at right angles to stem, with sharp or rounded corners or some- times barbed; stem and blade not differing wae ee greatly in length. The type of the class, Fic. 109.—Spud. presented in figure 109, is of clay slate, from a mound in Monroe county, Tennessee. The other six specimens in the collection were distributed as shown in the table. 6 = 5 J t A s 3 oe £ ws . 5 7] ° of Ss B= District. c 2 aN a $ Ed Shes | & 8 zB | eines 5 eter est |e css i) 1 Western North Carolina. --.-..----------.------ 1 TN ee ol 1 Monroeicountiy. LennGssee 2. - sso ose eae oiete | Sener | ener UU) esses Philips'conunty, A resnsas sas == see eae ee ae] oe eee eee ee 1 Pulaski county, Arkansas. .....--.-.----.------ |oanmme| eso =2=|nea=in = [n-ne wae | Bb. Lower part of the blade a half circle or less; top square or slightly rounded; stem rapidly widening, with increasing curve to the blade, making an angle with it; stem and blade nearly the same length. A specimen of green slate, from Mississippi county, Ar- kansas, is illustrated in figure 110. An- other, of compact quartzite, comes from Loudon county, Tennessee. C. Handle or stem round; very much longer than the blade, which is semicircular or semielliptical, with square or barbed “il shoulders. Illustrated in figure 111 (prob- ¢ fil ably of chloritic slate, from Prairie county, \\)!\ Arkansas). Mil PLUMMETS. She specimens known as plummets vary considerably in form, size, and degree of Fria. 110.—Spud. finish, indicating diversity of purpose, and different writers have assigned to them various uses. FOWKE | DISTRIBUTION OF PLUMMETS. 111 According to Abbott, one of these relics was found at Salem, in a mortar.! Stevens says, quoting from Schooleraft, that the Pennacook Indians used sinkers very much like a plummetin shape.* In Florida very rough plummets with deep grooves are found in the shell mounds, which were no doubt used as sinkers. The Indians of southern California use them as medicine stones to bring rain; the Eskimo use similar stones as sinkers, but have them perforated at the end. The larger ob- jects of this form may have been used as pestles.* They might be made very efficient in twisting thread, as they revolve for a considerable time when set in motion. The general form is ovoid, sometimes quite slender, sometimes almost round; the ends may be either blunt or pointed. They may be grooved near the mid- dle or near either the larger or smallerend. Some havetwo grooves, some are only partially grooved, while others have the groove ex- tending lengthwise. Thereare forms that differ somewhat from this de- scription, but such are rare. Many small and otherwise un- Fie. 112._Plummet, grooved Worked waterworn pebbles and méar ane‘end. pieces of steatite pots from south- eastern Tennessee and from Montgomery county, North Carolina, have grooves near the middle or near one end; they were probably applied to some of the uses for which plummets were intended. The plummets in the Bureau collection may be grouped as follows: A. Grooved near smaller end. The types are illustrated in figure 112 (sandy lime- stone, from a mound in Catahoula parish, Louisiana),and figure 113 (hematite, double grooved, with notches cut in various places, from a mound in Kanawha valley, West Virginia). Other specimens are, one from Arkansas county, Arkansas, of sandstone, s and one each from Brown and Randolph counties, Illinois, Fic. 13.—Plum- both of hematite. met, double. grooved. B. Grooved near largerend. A good example, of hematit, is from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, with a second groove partially around the middle. Fie. 111.—Spud. | Primitive Industry, p. 229. 2 Flint Chips, p. 581. 3Henshaw in Amer. Jour. Arch., vol. I, pp. 105-114, Ny STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 OC. Grooved near the middle. The class is represented by a beauti- ful specimen (figure 114) of hematite, with the groove much polished and irregular, and a deep notch cut in one end, from Ross county, Ohio. Another specimen, from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, is a double conical implement of hematite, elliptical in see- tion with both ends ground off on flatter sides only. D. Grooved lengthwise. This class includes a plummet of quartzite, from Yellowstone park (figure 115), and another of hematite, much shorter than the Yel- Fie. 114.— . Plummet, lowstone specimen and arodia with blunt ends, from Kanawha valley, West Virginia. #. Grooveless. A good specimen Fic. 115 —Plummet grooved lengthwise. (figure 116) is of quartz and mica, elliptical in section, pointed at ends with one end perforated, from Yellowstone park; another, from Randolph county, Illinois, of hematite, rough, perhaps unfinished. F. Double cone, with one end ground off flat and hollowed out. The type (figure 117) is of granite, one of three from Savannah, Georgia. G. Top flattened and hollowed out; | sides incurving to the middle; lower / half a hemisphere. The class is repre- sented by figure 118 (quartzite, from Randolph county, Illinois), and figure 119 (sandstone, from Adams county, Ohio), From Kanawha valley there Fis. 116.—Plam- is one of hematite, similar in form to ia. Phasenety double perforated. | the last. cone in shape. H, Ovoid, with the smaller end ground off flat.! A good specimen of this class (figure 120) is of magnetite, from Caldwell county, North Carolina. From Savannah, Georgia, there are two of sandstone, both smaller than the type and rough; from Kanawha valley there is one of quartzite, nearly half ground away, leaving almost a hemis- phere; and from eastern Tennessee there are one of magnetite and one of quartzite, the latter nearly round. I, Cylindrical. A unique specimen, from a mound in Loudon county, Ten- nessee, is illustrated in figure 121. It Fia. 118.—Plummet. is of sandstone; a short cylinder with ineuryed sides, each end terminating in a blunt cone. ' Pear-shaped stones with the smaller end cut squarely off are frequent in Georgia; they are about the size of turkey eggs. Jones, Antiq. Southern Indians, p. 372. FOWKE] CYLINDRICAL PLUMMETS. 113 Figure 122 represents a piece of smoothly dressed steatite from Desha county, Arkansas, with a two-thirds round section, the ends rounded, with a groove near one end, which may be classed with the plummets. (nny Fig. 119.—Plummet. Fie. 120.— Plummet, Fia. 121.—Plummet. end ground flat. There are pieces of sandstone from the same locality which connect this pattern with the simpler ‘‘boat-form” stones, except that the flat side is ground smooth instead of being hol- lowed. This is only one of numerous examples where the shapes of imple- 4) ments whose “typical forms” seem ut- terly dissimilar merge into one another so gradually that no line of demarka- tion can be drawn. CONES. The relics known as ‘‘cones” have the base flat and the side curving slightly; usually the curve extends regularly over the top, but sometimes the apex is rubbed off flat. The conic surface may form an angle with the base, or the line of junction may be rounded into acurve. They vary considerably in thickness, some being nearly flat, Fie. 123.—Cone. Fic. 124,—Cone. others having a height equal to the diameter of the base. One of steatit from Savannah, as also one of sandstone from Kanawha valley, has a slight pit or depression on the flat side. Among the best examples are 13 ETH 38 114 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 one (figure 123) of steatite from Bradley county, Tennessee, and another (figure 124) of hematite from Loudon county, in the same state; one (figure 125) of compact quartzite from a mound in Ogle county, Illinois, ZA Fie. 125.—Cone. and a fourth specimen (figure 126) of granite from Kanawha valley, West Virginia. The distribution is as follows: F E 3 25) o S Jistric = = = z District. = 3 a a < 2 q R | ni) oS m | = | rad | Eastern Tennessee. .-----.-..-..--------------- 3 | Ce baer [ee oe eter Osleiconnty Wino eee een ae eee |e rey Sane | Up pene) Geen SavantiahyGeorriave cass os ee een ences | 1 aaa wae an [atop ol aemee | | | Haywood county, North Carolina ..............- meio Hh See Sees 53) !5 5555 Kanawha valley, West Virginia ......--..-..-- Peel iA eee dal it HEMISPHERES. Hemispheric stones, like the cones, can receive a name only from the form and not from any known or imagined use to which they could have been ap plied. All such specimens in the collee- tion, except,one, are from Kanawha valley, and of hematite; many if not most of them have been ground down from the nodule, and were probably paint stones originally; at least, the material rubbed from them was used as paint while the maker had their final formin view. One, however, has been pecked into shape and is en- tirely without polish. In all, the base is flat and varies in outline from almost a circle to a narrow ellipse. A section of the stone parallel to either axis of the base varies from a See ee little more to a little less than a semi- circle Typical forms, both from Bracken county, Kentucky, are illus- trated in figure 127. FOWKE] PAINT AND CEREMONIAL STONES. 115 The specimen illustrated in figure 128 (yellow quartz, from a mound in Kanawha valley) is intermediate between cones and hemispheres. The sides are polished, while the flat bottom and rounded top are roughened. As it has famt red stains, 1t may have been used as a paint-muller. Paint STONES : The articles known as paint stones scarcely come Fig 128, —Homisphere. under the head of implements. Some of the hema- tite pieces are incipient celts, hemispheres, or cones; but most of them were used merely to furnish paint, at any rate until rubbed down quite smaii. They are of every degree of firmness, some being as brittle as dry clay, others like iron. Most pieces in the collection are from Kanawha valley, but others are from south- eastern Tennessee, northeastern Arkansas, and Caldwell county, North Carolina. From the last-named section, as well as from Chester county, South Carolina, and McMinn county, Tennessee, come pieces of graphite more or less rnbbed; and one has been sent in from Elmore county, Alabama. The specimen illustrated in figure 129, from a mound, is a good example of the manner in which the ihpailas hematite was ground. Fig. 129.—Paint stone. CEREMONIAL STONES. FUNCTIONS AND PURPOSES. The so-called “ceremonial stones” are variously subdivided and named by different writers. They are supposed to have been devoted to religious, superstitious, medical, emblematic, or ceremonial purposes; to be badges of authority, insignia of rank, tokens of valorous deeds, or perhaps some sort of heraldic device; in short, the uses to which they might, in their different forms, be assigned, are limited only by the imagination. According to Nilsson the ancient Scandinavians wore “ victory stones” suspended around their necks,' and the Eskimo wear charms and amulets to bring success in fishing and hunting.? Adair (1775) says that the American Archi-magus wore a breastplate made of a white conch-shell, with two holes bored in the middle of 1t, through which he put the ends of an otter-skin strap and fastened a buck-horn button to the outside of each.* An explanation of the purpose of many of the smaller perforated stones also may be found in Nilsson’s remark! that the small ovoid or ellipsoid ones were used as buttons; a string being tied to the robe at one end, run paee ae hole and tied in a not. 1Stone Age, p 215. 2 Abbott; Primitive Industry, p. 408. * American Indians, p. 48. *Stone Age, p. 83. 116 STONE ART. LETH. ANN. 13 The various Indians of Guiana in their leisure hours often fashion highly ornamental weapons and implements which they never use except ceremonially, but keep proudly at home for show.' So, too, the Yurok and Hupa Indians of California, as well as some ot the tribes of Oregon, have very large spearheads or knives, which are not designed for use, but only to be produced on the occasion of a great dance. The larger weapons are wrapped in skin to protect the hand; the smaller ones are glued to a handle. Some are said to be 15 inches long.?. The Oregon Indians believed the possession of a large obsidian knife brought long life and prosperity to the tribe owning it.* Some of the wild tribes of the interior have something which they regard as the Jews did the Ark of the Covenant. Sometimes it is known; againit 1s kept secret. The Cheyenne had a bundle of arrows; the Ute a little stone image, and the Osage a similar stone.t The Kiowa had a carved wooden image, representing a human face; the Ute captured it, and the Kiowa offered very great rewards for its return; but the Ute, believing the Kiowa powerless to harm them so long as it was retained, refused to give it up.° The North Carolina Indians, when they went to war, carried with them their idol, of which they told incredible stories and asked coun- sel;° and as a token of rank or authority, the Virginia Indians sus pended on their breasts, by a string of beads about their neck, a square plate of copper.* These were worn as badges of authority. The na- tive tribes, from our first acquaintance with them, evinced a fondness for insignia of this kind.*® Simply for convenience the ceremonial stones in the Bureau collec- tion will here be divided into two general classes. The first, compris: ing those pierced through the shortest diameter, will be called gorgets, which name, like that of celt, has no particular meaning, but is In com- mon use. The second class will comprise all others, which will have some name that may or may not be suitable to their form, but by which they are usually called. In this class are included boat-shape stones, banner stones, picks, spool-shape ornaments, and bird-shape stones, as well as engraved tablets or stones. ? GORGETS. The relics commonly called gorgets have been found in Europe; they may be convex on one side, concave on the other, and are supposed to 1Jm Thurn in Jour. Anth. Inst. Gt. Br. and Ird., vol. x1. p. 445 2Powers; Contributions to N. A. Eth., vol. m1, pp. 52 and 79. = Chase; MS. Rept. on Shell Mounds of Oregon. Dodge; Our Wild Indians, p. 131. 6 Abbott; Primitive Industry, p. 373. ' Brickell, John; Nat. History of N.C., p. 317. 7 Wyth, Graphic Sketches, part I, plate 8. ® Schoolcraft in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., vol. 1, p. 401, pl. 1. *I am informed by Prof. Cyrus Uhomas that he noticed in the collection of Mr. Neff, Gambier, Ohio, a ‘‘boat-shape stone" attached to the underside of a stone pipe, which the owner informed him was thus attached when found. FOWKE] GORGETS AND THEIR USES. 7 be for bracers.' It is said that the Miami Indians wore similar plates of stone to protect their wrists from the bowstring.? Herndon and Gibbon remark that a gold ornament in shape like a gorget, but not pierced, is worn on the forehead by some of the Amazon Indians.* According to Schoolcraft the so-called gorgets were sometimes used as twine-twisters;‘ but Abbott holds that while some may have been twine- twisters, or may have been used for condensing Sinews or evening bow- strings (that is, reducing the strings to a uniform diameter), most were simply ornaments, as they are generally found on the breast of a buried body.* Stevens is even more conservative, holding that they were neither twine-twisters nor devices for condensing sinews or even- ing bowstrings, as they show no marks of wear in the holes.® Some writers suppose the gorgets to have been shuttles; but this supposition can hardly be entertained, although it is true, according to Chase, that the Oregon Indians passed thread with a curved bone needle.” As twine-twisters they would be about as awkward as any- thing that could be devised. As to evening bowstrings, it would seem that if a string were too large in places to pass through a hole it could not be pulled through; pounding and rolling the wet string with a smooth stone, or some such means, would be the remedy. The bracer theory is plausible; but no one seems ever to have seen a gorget used for this purpose. Few of the gorgets in the Bureau collection show such marks of wear around the edges of the hole as would be made by a cord; but the majority are thus worn at the middle, where the hole 1s smallest. Some specimens among every lot are not perforated, or only partially so; the drilling seems to have been the last stage of the work. The hole is almost always drilled from both sides, and the few in which it goes entirely through from one side would probably have had it enlarged later from the other. A number are fragments of larger gorgets, the pieces having been redrilled. Some of the specimens have various notches and incised lines, the latter being sometimes in tolerably regular order; but there is not the slightest indication that these marks had any meaning or were intended for any other purpose thau to add to the ornamental appearance of the stone. If they were to be worn at the belt or on any part of the dress they could easily have been fastened by a knotted string, or if the wearer desired he could have an ornamental button of some kind. If suspended around the neck, in order to make them lie flat against the breast they probably had a short cord passed through the perforation and tied 1 Evans; Stone Implements, p. 383. 2 Amer. Antiquarian, vol. 1, p. 100. 3 Expl. in the Valley of the Amazon, vol. 11, p. 74. 4Indian Tribes, vol. 1, p. 90. 6 Amer. Naturalist, vol. vil, p. 180. 6 Flint Chips, p. 478. 7MS. Rept. on Shell Mounds of Oregon. 118 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 above the top of the object, the suspending cord being passed through the loop thus formed. The principal division is into group A with one hole and group B with two holes, though in many cases this forms the only difference between two specimens. A. General outline rectangular, or perhaps slightly elliptical, sometimes with one end somewhat narrower than the other, or with one end rounded off, or with the corners slightly rounded. Perforation commonly near one end. The form is represented by the specimen with two perforations illustrated in figure 133, which be otherwise fully answers the description. The argillite Fie, 130.Gorget. Specimens have the broader ends striated as though used for rubbing or scraping, but in other respects conform to those of other materials. The materials are generally the softer rocks, as shown in the accompanying table: | ® : - ij | c : : o | Sal | | District = | m7 4 =| | S ° ra 2 =) | 8 | = a = Su | ~~] = e S B | a | 2 a we 4 | im | F | | 5 astern On nessG@ een sees =e lees 2) 3 DN rete 3 Wilkes county, North Carolina .........-------- |------| Seti iewweme 1 j USSELO ey COUT LU yg OP LK OE terete alate telnet ete re ee | nA) ee Teepe C | Kanawha valley, West Virginia .....-...-----.|--..-- 7 PH he chee et aie pare | | A related type is rectangular or with incurved sides (forming either aregular or broken curve) and rounded ends, and differs in having the perforation near the center. The same pattern sometimes has two holes, It is illustrated in figure 130 (striped slate, from a mound in Kanawha valley, West Virginia). There are also from the same place one each of slate, cannel coal, and clay slate, and from eastern Tenuessee one each of slate, shale, and clay slate. There are a number of small pebbles, thin and flat, with a hole drilled near , the edge, from southeastern Tennes- (es see, North Carolina, and southeastern f Arkansas. One of these, from Cald-(@ well county, North Carolina, is of banded slate; the others are of clay 3 slate or sandstone. ‘Two of them have Fic. 131.—Gorget (2). straight and zigzag lines on both faces, and notches around the edge. Allied to these are a number of pieces of flat stone from southeastern Tennessee, Kanawha valley, and North Carolina, with the faces par- tially rubbed down smooth, the edges being untouched. They are of slate, tale, or argillite. From southeastern Tennessee and North Carolina there are several pieces of steatite, which may have been for sinkers. Some have a hole FOWKE] DOUBLY PERFORATED GORGETS. 119 near one end, others a hole at each end, while still others are not per- forated. All have been worked over the entire surface, and some of them are well polished. One of these is represented in figure 131. Fia. 133,—Gorget curve from end io B. Gorgets with two holes. _. Of these there are several sub- Wilh divisions, differing more or \'l less widely in form. They are as follows: 1. Thick, with both the sides and the ends incurved or reel- shape; faces flat or slightly convex. This form is repre- sented by the specimen shown in figure 132, from a mound, Knox county, Ohio. There is another from the same place, yy. 132.—Gorget, reel- a third from Kanawha valley, abere: and a fourth from Butler county, Ohio; all of green slate. 2. Rectangular, or with sides or ends, or both, slightly curved, either convex or concave; faces flat. Shown in figure 133 (green slate, from a grave in Kanawha valley, West Virginia). | 8 . Bl s 7 oS . B | 8 Se District. | @ % £ rer Na | @ cs = Sb oo gee EE i eh Tees Ns H [79] (I 4 & Nicholas county, Kentucky, with ends V-shaped.. ..-..-|.----- 1 Kanawha valley, West Vir- Slate. Ogle county, Ilisois-..-.....- Forsyth county, Georgia Haywood county, N.C ....--- Davidson county, N.C ....-.. Chautauqua county, N. Y .... pa Rre ees lee seid berets alee oa pee : = — —- 3. Widest at middle, with single or double end; very thin; both sides flat. District. | Sandstone. Savannah, Georgia Eastern Tennessse Kanawha valley, West Virginia............. Davidson county, North Carolina. . 120 STONE ART. (ETH, ANN.13 4. Same outline but thicker; one face flat, the other convex. Rep- resented by figure 134 (shale, from Jackson county, Lllinois). The dis- tribution of the form is as follows: District. Sandstone. Slate. Tale. Eastern Tennessee .-........--.---. Haywood county, North Carolina... Davidson county, North Carolina... Savannah, Georgia .....--.........- Kanawha valley, West Virginia - --. Jackson county, Illinois.--......-.. 5. Same outline, but quite thick, approaching the ‘“ boat-shape” stones in form. In some the flat side is slightly hollowed out. A majority of them are not perforated. The type (figure 135) is of sandstone, from a mound at Adelphi, Ohio. There are also, from Butler county, Ohio, Kanawha valley, West Virginia, and Savan- nah, Georgia, one each of slate; from Ross county, Ohio, two, and from Kanawha valley, and Cocke county, Tennessee, one each, all of sandstone. There are two (of sandstone and slate) from Kanawha valley, which differ from the others in having the sides parallel, giving them a semicylindrical form. The pattern of the specimen illustrated in figure 136 (striped slate, from Butler county, Ohio, of which a number have been found in thatstate), may beclassed between the gorgets and the boat-shape stones. The shorter end of the object has, sometimes, a projection or enlargement at the top, appa: ently for suspen- sion, although no perforated examples have been found. BANNER STONES. Under the head of “banner stones” are placed ornaments having the ends at right angles to the perforation. The hole is drilled in a midrib, from which the faces slope by Fie. 134.—Gorget. either straight or curved lines to the edges. The two halves of the stone are symmetrical. In most specimens one face is flatter than the other, even plane in some cases. Some specimens are finished to a high FOWKE] TYPES OF BANNER STONES. 121 polish before the hole is started ; others have the hole completed with the exterior more or less unfinished. The specimens in the Bureau collec- tion may be classified as follows: A, Rectangular or trapezoidal, with sides and ends sometimes shghly curved inward or outward. B. Reel-shape. C. Crescentic. D, Butterfly pattern. Fig. 136. — Gor- ‘et resembling - oat-shape Fie, 135.—Gorget, boat-shape. stone The last three varieties may be considered as only modifications of the simple rectangular banner stones. By rounding off the corners of the articles or dressing them to sharp points, by cutting away portions from the sides or by trimming away the central portions at either or both ends of the perforations, all these different forms may be pro- duced. Fic, 137.—Banner stone. Fia. 138.— Banner stone. A. A typical specimen is illustrated in figure 137. It is of slate, and was taken from a mound in Kanawha valley, West Virginia. Another good example, shown in figure 138, is of sandy slate, from a grave in Monroe county, Tennessee. The geographic range of this type 1s wide, though the objects are not abundant. 122 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 31 D | oO Z st ; District S 2S o 2 as 2 5 a 2 = ac - in 2 =| I of] x 5 Dn mn | a ot| A aie is Montgomery county, North Carolina --.... 1 i | eases JEscer eee eee Kanawha valley, West Virginia..........|------|.-..-- 2 | eee | ea jaeaeee Hancock county, linois ....---..------.- el Cee ere | eee | Petr eee el Ee Savannah, Georgia ..------..-----.------- Velie | Ey Bepeee He st tel bea | Bastern Tennessee: ~:~... 2222-sa-s-c0c--22|252254|y===e Py tags ll | Saag | | 1 B. The reel-shape banner stones are somewhat variable, but are fairly illustrated in figure 139, representing a specimen of argillite from Sevier county, Tennessee. ; A related form has the middle eut out from one end, leaving two horn-like pro- Jections extending parallel with the hole. An example of this form, shown in figure 140, is of banded slate, from a mound in Kanawha val- ley, West Virginia. Fie. 139.— Banner Fia. 140.—Banner stone, stone, reel- with horn-like shape. projections. Fic. 141.—Banner stone, crescent-shape. C. The crescentic banner stones might better be termed semilunar,” since most of them are flat at one end and curved at the other. Oecasion- ; ally one has both ends curved and parallel, the sides also slightly eurved, making the article reniform. Others have the ends straight and parallel, with the sides curved or hke the zone of a circle. Two have a midrib for the hole, with the sides dressed Fia. 142.—Bamner stone, crescent-shape. down quite thin, as with the butterfly gorgets. All were finished in torm before the drill. ing was done, though some had not received their final polish. The type is illustrated in figures 141 (steatite, from northwestern North Carolina). 142 (pagodite, from Rhea county, Tennessee), and 143 (sand- EEE eee eel FOWEE] TYPES OF BANNER STONES. 123 stone, from Jefferson county, Tennessee). The last form is sometimes called a perforated ax, but the material and fragile make exclude it from every class except the ceremonial stones. Steatite. | Granite. Reddle. | District. | Savannah, Georgia....-...------------- B;| Western North Carolina Montgomery county, North Carolina -...- | | Kanawha valley, West Virginia -.--.---- Pa ati | Fnosto| Paso jotesee joveses | 2 Eastern Tennessee. ...------------------+-|:--+-= 1 | ete eter CH hee D. The “butterfly” gorgets are so named from their resemblance to a butterfly with expanded wings. The sides or wings are usually quite thin, either semicircular or | like a spherical triangle in outline. The perforated mid- ribis shorter than the wings and carefully worked. A Z Ss A} S F 1G, 148.—Banner stone, crescent-shape. Fia. 144.—Buttertly banner stone. good example, shown in figure 144, is of ferruginous quartz from Monongahela, Pennsylvania, and that illustrated in figure 145 is of banded slate from Kanawha valley. There is also one of the latter material from Lewis county, Kentucky. Fia. 145.—Butterfly banner stone. Fig. 146.—Banner stone. An aberrant form is elliptical in section at the middle, round or nearly so at the ends, the sides expanding rapidly from end to middle by 124 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 double curves. It is represented by figure 146 (ferruginous quartz, from Kanawha valley, West Virginia), and by a specimen of quartzite from Union county, Mississippi. BOAT-SHAPE STONES. There are two types of relics, perhaps ceremonial, for which no use has been determined, and which are named from their general resem- blanece to the form of a boat. They are as follows:! A. With flat face more or less hollowed, sides triangular and parallel. A number are not perforated. The type is shown in figure 147 (striped slate, from Davidson county, North Carolina). : ae =a = 32 | a |e é District. as Meare a/3 = Baus | ani vo dents Ce|/ an la; m | A) a | Davidson county, North Carolina. ..-.---.|.----- 1p) ee ers ees ee Pacmee | Southeastern Arkamsas........--.--.-.--- ily ease PM ee pus eee [eee Savannah; GeOrp las. ses eee eee eee eee | see eel related Lk 2 astern? Tenness6eso--- ~~ -s-\ce ses eee = aes | ae eie - ones eee 1 1 B. Coming to a point at each end; flat side, deeply hollowed; perfora- tions near the ends, with a groove between them in which the suspend- ing cord rested. Some havea flattened projection in which the groove Fia. 147.—Boat-shape stone, Fia, 148,—Boat-shape stone. ismade. The type (figure 148) is of steatite, from a grave in Sullivan county, Tennessee. The distribution is as follows: ‘Some perforated stones that will not come under any of these heads are here noted separately under the National Museum numbers: 131614. An elliptical piece of steatite, with notches at each end for suspension, “ tallies’ all around the edge, and four holes on the longer axis. Bradley county, Tennessee. 62879. A steatite ornament, shape like a bird’s head.—Jefferson county, Tennessee. 131856. A short, wedge-shape ornament of barite, drilled at the larger end.—Loudon county, Ten- | nessee; also a similar but much larger ornament of indurated red clay, possibly catlinite, from a mound in the same county, represented in figure 149. The edges of the holes are much worn by a cord. 90847. A small ellipsoidal steatite bead, with several deep incisions around the edge.—Kanawha valley, West Virginia. 116335. A small marble bead; form like the rim of a bottle mouth.—Bradley county, Tennessee. 113943. Three small pendants of cannel coal. One 1s in shape like the keystone of an arch, with hole at smaller end; the other two are apparently in imitation of a bear s tusk —Kanawha valley, West Virginia. 91761. A limestone celt, 65 inches long, either much weathered since made or else never highly polished, with a large hole drilled in from both sides at the center.— Bartow county, Georgia. 116067. A sandstons celt, with a hole drilled near one corner at the top.—Loudon county, Tennessee. 97764. A large polished piece of steatite, curved from end to end, or claw-shaped. One end is pointed; the other blunt and rounded, with a hole drilled through 1t.—Caldwell county, North Caro- lina. FOWKE] STONE ORNAMENTS. 125 iz | . | 3 District. | 3 3 Sy] a | D ContraloNoxthi Carolinags=- ees =e an se ee einer | 3H) Seca Eastern Tennessee. | 2 | 1 Savannah, Georgia... ------. 22 - -- nooo ween ew ener nnn sn ewe nanan f ane = == 1 Picks. The relics known as picks from their form and not at all from their function vary considerably in size. Not all are perforated. A good exam- ple, shown in figure 150,is of striped slate, from Knox county, Ohio. There are also in the collection, from Union county, Mississippi, one specimen of greenstone; from Jackson county, North Carolina, one of slate, and from Montgom- ery county, North Caro- lina, one each of steatite and slate. The last named is the half of a larger one that was broken at the part drilled, and has had Fig.150—Pick. 4 hole drilled near the larger end of this fragment, which has not been reworked. Fia. 149.— Pendant. SPOOL-SHAPE ORNAMENTS, Relics of spool shape, probably ornamental rather than industrially useful, are not uncommon in copper, though very rare in stone. The specimen shown in figure 151 is ot sand- stone, from Jackson county, Arkansas. There are also, from Prairie and Lonoke counties, one each of sandstone, and from Jackson county two of the same material; from Clark ‘ county there is one of pinkish slate, with : 5; the stem drilled between and parallel to the Fie. 151.—Spool-shape ornament. faces, the others with stems drilled lengthwise. BirRD-SHAPE STONES. Stone relies of bird form are quite common north of the Ohio river, but are exceedingly rare south of that stream. A good example, shown 126 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 in figure 152, is of granite, from Vernon county, Wisconsin, and the collection embraces another specimen, of sandstone, from Kanawha valley, West Virginia. According to Gillman, bird-shape stones were worn on the head by the Indian women, but only after marriage.' Abbott? quotes Col. Charles Whittlesey to the effect that they were worn by Indian women to denote pregnancy, and from William Penn that when squaws were ready to marry they wore something on their heads to indicate the fact. Fic. 152.—Bird-shape stone. Jones* quotes from De Bry that the conjurers among the Virginia Indians wore a small, black bird above one of their ears as a badge of their office. SHAFT RUBBERS. The shaft of an arrow is straightened by wetting and immersing it in hot sand and ashes, and bringing into shape by the hand and eye. To reduce the short crooks and knobs it 1s drawn between two rough grit stones, each of which has a slight groove in it; coarse sand is also used to increase the friction. * Again, a rock has a groove cut into it as wide as the shaft and two or three times as deep. Into this the crooked part of the shaft is forced, and by heating or steaming becomes flexible and can be easily made straight, which shape it will retain when dry.° A somewhat different device for the same purpose appears in the Bureau collection. It is illustrated in figure 153 (of fine sandstone); there was another part to correspond with that shown. The specimen is from Monongahela, Pennsylvania. TUBES. As the use of stone tubes by the Indians has given rise to consider- able discussion, the following references to the various ways in which 2 Primitive Industry, p. 371. 3 Antiq. of the Southern Indians, p. 30. 4 Schoolcraft; Indian Tribes, vol. 1, p. 212. 6 Schumacher, Paul; Hayden Surv., Bull. 3, 1877, p. 548. FOWKE] USE AND VARIETY OF TUBES. PAG Schoolcraft observed that the Dakota Indians used a horn tube in bleeding; one end was set over the cut, and the other vigorously sucked.! Powers says that the Klamath Indians use tubes for smok- ing,? while H. H. Bancroft says that the Acaxees of Mexico employ ‘- blowing through a hollow tube” for the cure of disease,* and also that the Indians of southern California inhale smoke of certain herbs through a tube to produce intoxication.‘ According to C. C. Jones the Florida and Virginia Indians used reeds in treating diseases by suck- ing or blowing through them, and also used them in cauterizing; and he observes that the Indians of Lower California employed similar processes, using stone tubes® instead of reeds. Hoffman illustrates the removal of disease through the agency of a tube of bone by a Jés’sakid’ or medicine-man of the Ojibwa.® Read calls at- tention to the fact that the old Spanish writers describe a forked wooden tube, the prongs being inserted in the nostrils, while the other end was held over smoldering herbs, and suggests that the Indians may have used stone tubes in the same way. ! The Indian mode of inhaling smoke would pro- duce the same result, whether drawn through the mouth or into the nostrils. The use of stone tubes for astronomical purposes, which has been discovered by some imaginative writers, is, of course, absurd; nevertheless they are useful in viewing distant objects on a bright day, especially when looking toward the sun. Nearly all of the tubes made of soft material with tapering perforation seem to have been gouged Fie. 153.—Shaft rubber. rather than drilled. Schumacher observes that the California Indians drilled their tubes from both ends and enlarged the hole from one end by scraping, the mouthpiece being made of a bird bone stuck on with asphaltum.® There are five classes of stone tubes in the collection of the Bureau, as follows: ; A. One end flattened and expanding into a wing on either side. This class is illustrated by figure 154 (from Kanawha valley, West Virginia). The corners of this specimen have been trimmed off; the typical form is indicated by the dotted lines. There are also from the ‘Indian Tribes, vol. 1, p. 253. ‘Contributions to N. A. Eth., vol. 11, p. 426. 8 Native Races, vol. 1, p. 589. 4Tbid., p. 566. 6 Antiquities of the Southern Indians, pp. 362-364. "Hoffman, W. J.; ‘* The Mide'wiwin of the Ojibwa.’' Seventh Annual Rep. Bur. Eth., 1885-86, p. 278, pl. Xvimr. 7 Amer. Antiquarian, vol. 1, p. 154. ® Peabody Mus., 11th Ann. Rept., p. 268 128 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 same locality one of quartzite, and from Ross county, Ohio, one of sandstone. ; B. Conical; the bore more tapering than the exterior. Represented by the specimen shown in figure 155, of sandstone, from a mound in Kanawha valley, West Virginia. 1 | 3 | s | | a Rares 3 o ari | District. 3 = ey all Sa oc o ' . afe|l2|s | Rn Rn BTSs A Sevier county, Tennessee ..-.....--.------------.----- | We ee is ease) Sea Navannah: Georgia oeocmees ae ee eee eee eee eee ene eee eee | il eee jnseeee | Western North Carolina. .-........-- a cae ee Saas coe e| Senne 1 1 | ieee Kanawha valley, West Virginia...-. --..--..-..--- Sel | cee all tae | 1 | C. Hour-glass shape, usually but not always with a narrow ring or ; projection around the smallest part. Exte- rior with gently curving outlines; the per- foration is usually in the form of a double cone, with the points at the smallest part of the tube, which may or may not be midway between the ends. A good specimen, illus- trated in figure 156, is of steatite, from Sevier county, Tennessee. D. Of nearly uniform diameter imside and out; section circular, elliptical, or flattened on one side. This form is exemplified by figure 157, a specimen from North Carolina. There are also one 4 each from Caldwell, Haywood, and Mont- gomery counties, North Carolina, all of slate. £. Round or ellip- {4 / tical in section, ? to 4 (aS rei Aaa 3 23 inehes long; prob- Fie. 155.—Tube, conical. Fig. 154.—Tube, one end flattened. ahiy beads. The collection includes spec- imens from Bradley county, Tennessee, of steatite; from Savannah, Georgia, of ferruginous sandstone; and from Union county, Mississippi, of jasper. PIPEs. So much has been written concerning pipes that few references seem necessary, and none will be given except from Col. R. I. Dodge, who, after an experience of many years among the Plains Indians, says that the latter have different pipes for different occasions, as the medicine FOWKE] CLASSES OF PIPES. 129 pipe, peace pipe, council pipe, and a pipe for common use. Each is sacred to its own purpose.! In an article so highly prized by its owner, great pains would be expended to give an ornamental appearance to one which would be ‘used on important ceremonial occasions; and it would be carved or worked in a manner gratifying to its maker or the one for whom it Fie. 156.—Tube, hour-glass form. was intended. This fact, and the statement quoted above, will explain the great variety in form from a limited area. Still, in some sections. of the country there are certain types that prevail, and may be in some cases peculiar to these localities; such, for instance, are the long stemmed pipes from western North Carolina and eastern Tennessee. In many pipes of soft stone the bowl is gouged out instead of drilled. Fic. 157.—Tube, cylindrical. The pipes in the Bureau collection embrace the following classes: A. Stem with an elliptical or somewhat triangular section; the bowl near one end, leaving a projection in front; stem hole in long end. The form is shown in figure 158. From Caldwell county, North Caro- lina there are two similar pipes of stea- tite. Another, from Preston county, West Virginia, differs only in having the stem hole in the short end. B. Sameform of stem; no projection in front, the bottom of the stem cury- ing up gradually into the front of the : bowl. This type is represented by fig- Fig. 158.—Pipe, flat base. ure 159 (of steatite, from a mound in Loudon county, Tennessee). There are also, from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, an example of talcose slate, and from Caldwell county, North Carolina, one of steatite. C. Stem having a midrib in which the hole is bored. One of stea- tite, from Caldwell county, North Carolina, has a prow; the others have not. Another of steatite from Loudon county, Tennessee, has a slender projection below the bowl, as if fer a handle. The axis of the is 1 Dodge; Our Wild Indians, p. 130. 13 ETH——9 130 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 bowl and that of the stem meet at any angle between 100° and 170°. Figure 160 represents a typical specimen, of steatite, from a mound in Fic. 159.—Pipe. Sullivan county, Tennessee. There are also, from Caldwell county, North Carolina, and Kanawha and Preston counties, West Virginia, one each, and from Sullivan county, Tennessee, two, all of steatite; and there is an example from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, of material not identified. Fic. 160.—Pipe. D. With bowls and stems either round or square; very large. A good example (figure 161) is of red sandstone, from southeastern Mis- souri; it is the only pipe in the entire collection of the Bureau on which is shown any attempt at ornamentation. From Jefferson county, Tennessee, and Savannah, Georgia, there are one each, of steatite. Fic. 161 —Pipe, ornamented. E. Cylindrical bowl], with a square-edged groove around it near the middle, below which the bottom has a somewhat celt like form, with stem hole in one side. A small hole is drilled near the edge at the FOWKE] CLASSES OF PIPES. 131 bottom, probably for the purpose of suspending feathers or other orna- ments. The type is represented by figure 162 (of limestone, from Crawford county, Wisconsin). Pipes of the same form are found also in central Ohio. F. Round stem from one-half inch to 10 inches long; bowl at ex- treme end, set on at various angles from nearly a right angle to almost a straight line. Good examples are illustrated in figure 163 (steatite, Fic. 163.—Pipe, long-stemmed. from Caldwell county, North Carolina) and 164 (also of steatite, from amound in Monroe county, Tennessee). The other specimens in the collection are distributed as shown in the table: District. | Sandstone, | Steatite. Fic. 164.—Pipe, short-stemmed. G. Same form of stem, short, with flange around the top of the bowl. Represented by oneof sand- stone, from a mound in Mon- roe county, Tennessee (fig- ure 165), and three of sand- stone and two of marble from eastern Tennessee. H, Small, stem more or = Fic. 165.—Pipe. less squared, bowl upright. Fic. 166.—Pipe. There are two examples of this class from Monroe county, Tennessee, each having a flat projection or ridge on top of the stem, which is per- forated for attachment of ornaments. The type, represented in figure 132 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 166, is of clay slate, from Monroe county, Tennessee. It will appear from the following table that the distribution of this form is limited: s | ¢ 3 | ie o District. im om 2 aru) se S = e FH | g = BS) | wm 5 | a lia . ia ae | = J eSEsekeb ete os Ceo fan) ee eS ao ereine SRS Seo 1 Sa Te Se | astern Wenneesee 21 --\-2v pectenta ata on eae aeae ie eee ) aya | 2} | Western North Carolina.....-.-....-...-- concise Sopa alaleeee a= |S seem eerie 3 | i | | | I. Egg-shape bowl, stem hole in the side. One from Bradley county, Tennessee, of argillaceous limestone, has a hole drilled from end to end, but no stem hole. It may have been made so intentionally, or the drilling may have been carried too far and the specimen left unfinished. The type is of barite, from Sevier county, Tennessee (shown in figure 167). Another specimen, from McMinn county, Ten- nessee, is of argillaceous limestone. J. Form like last, with a flange around the top ef the bowl. A typical speci- pee Fic. 167.Pipe. men, Shown in figure 168, is of steatite, from Loudon county, Tennessee. There are, also, from Preston county, West Virginia, one of sandstone, and from Cald- well county, North Carolina, two of steatite. Kx. Bowls egg-shape, but quite long and sometimes rather pointed at the bottom; stem hole in the side. This class includes the following: From Savannah, Georgia; Roane county, Tennessee; and Adams county, Ohio, one each of sandstone; from Holt county, Missouri, one of micaceous sandstone; from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, one of Fic. 168.—Pipe. indurated red clay, possibly catlinite: and from Caldwell county, North Carolina, three of steatite. CHIPPED STONE ARTICLES. MATERIALS AND MANUFACTURE. The chipped implements in the Bureau collection are nearly always made of some form of flint or similar chalcedonie rock, as it is easily chipped and can be brought to a keen edge or point. Sometimes quartz, quartzite, argillite, or even a more granular rock is used; but this is infrequent, and is due to the scarcity of the more desirable material. FOWKE] LARGER CHIPPED IMPLEMENTS. 133 In the spades and hoes first to be considered the flaking seems to have been by percussion mainly, if not entirely; the same method appears to have been employed in obtaining flakes from blocks, to work into the smaller implements. Some of the processes used in making them will be hereinafter described. SPADES. It must be admitted that most Indians depended largely on agricul- ture for subsistence; some historical works that represent them as bar- barous hunters, depending entirely on the chase, will, on the same page perhaps, relate how Virginia and New England pioneers were saved from starvation by supplies of corn, beans, and pumpkins obtained from the Indians. This being the case, some method of cultivation was necessary. It is not to be inferred that “cultivation” implies all that is now meant by the term; the Indian seems merely to have worked the hill in which his corn was planted and not the whole surface of the field, a Shallow hole being scooped out in which the gram was dropped, and as the stalk became larger the dirt was heaped up around it. The remains of many “Indian old fields” in various parts of the country show this, there being no long ridges as in cornfields of the present day, but only a great number of these detached hills. The great sear- city of implements suitable for such work argues nothing, for in most parts of the country stone easily worked and adapted to the purpose is unobtainable. There are a few flint deposits found in southern Illinois in which the material occurs in nodules that can be made with even less work than a piece of wood into suitable implements; and in the country which may be considered as belonging to this archeologic district the flint hoes and spades are tolerably abundant. In other portions of the country, wood, the shoulder blades of large animals, and mussel- shells perforated for attachment to a handle, were formerly used; the shells are frequently found, but the other materials have long since disappeared. Karly observations on the industries of the aborigines are significant. Thus, according to De Forest, the Connecticut Indians used spades rudely constructed of wood, or of a large shell fastened to a wooden handle;' and Palmer? figures a hoe made of horn, 14 by 5 by one-fourth inches, in a wooden handle 5 feet long, which is split and slipped over the smaller end; such, with others of wood and stone, were used among the Utah Indians before iron was introduced. Dawson holds that they were probably prepared in large numbers for the planting time, when the whole tribe mustered to till the fields, and that when the work was over they were gathered and hidden in some safe place until the next ! De Forest, J. W.; History of Indians of Conn., p. 5. 2 Peabody Mus., 11th Ann, Rept., p. 271. 134 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 season.'! This may have been the case to some extent, but the speci- mens found in these hiding places seldom have marks of use, and it is more probable that they were the property either of persons living at a distance or of an individual manufacturer in some particular village, being thus concealed for safe-keeping until there was a demand for them or, perhaps, to await a convenient time for transportation. A sedentary tribe would have no more reason for hiding this than any other kind of property. The chipped implements known as spades are frequently found buried in large numbers. Two caches were disclosed by high water in Fig. 169.—Chipped spade with pointed ends. Fic. 170.—Chipped spade with rounded ends. 1884, near Caseyville, Kentucky, containing, respectively, 57 and 75 specimens from 6 to 13 inches long. The most common form is that having an oval or elliptical outline, with the ends either coming to a point or rounded. Long use of those having pointed ends would wear them off until they approached the others in form; but so many of both patterns show no evidence of use 1 Fossil Men, p. 125. FOWKE] VARIETIES OF CHIPPED SPADES. 135 that this distinction must be considered intentional. The principal varieties are as follows: A. Those with pointed ends. Figure 169 represents a typical speci- men of yellow flint, from Union county, Illinois. lle = me a | District. Ee eS fhe || de 3s | 8 | | lias | Southwestern Illinois..-.....---- sides pehcka Sea oat bacco eASaeae OD 2) 2 Noutheastern-ATKANGAS. ee. o< cieteaw ene ee = ee ae mn Pi Noses Cheatham county, Tennessee...-.----.--.-------------------------+]..---- 1 ‘ | Union county, Mississippi. --..--..--------.---.-------------------- WN ee B. Those with the ends rounded. Represented by figure 170 (yellow flint, from Union county, Illinois). re | aul: District. Es c=] a = 3 o Lal al 1) Sonthwestern illinois: ee seme eee eee i) 832 2 Cheatham county, Tennessee: .-.-..----.-----.---+----|------!}------ | | Lauderdale county, Tennessee... ---.--.----------- 5os34| ] |.-----)------)---+-- | Polk county, Tennessee -..-..--. | | | Lauderdale county, Alabama Craighead county, Arkansas ..--..---.--------------+-- Ih oeemine leicdepdleagaes A specimen from Jackson county, Illinois, has had a portion of the edge broken squarely. The polish over this fractured surface shows that it was long used after breaking without being rechipped to a sharp edge. This indicates usage only in loose ground, as it evidently would be quite difficult to force the square, broken part into a hard soil or tough sod. The specimens from Polk county, Tennessee, are pecked or chipped, or both, and are quite roughly made. They are nether scratched nor polished, and may be unfinished implements of some other class, though agreeing closely with the flint spades in shape and size. C. A modification of the last form has the upper portion chipped away along the sides until it is ovoid, with a blunt point, leaving the lower part a regular curve. An example, shown in figure 171, is of grayish brown flint, from Scott county, Missouri. There are also one each from Mississippi county, Missouri, and Hopkins county, Kentucky, of the same material. D. Like the above, but much shorter in ratio to the width, and with a flatter curve. The type, figure 172, is of yellow flint. from a mound in Obion county, Tennessee. There are also three from Union county, LIli- nois, one of them with almost the same dimensions. 136 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN, 13 EB. Semicircular outline, with sides notched for securing the handle, as in arrowpoints and spearheads. Represented by figure 173, showing a specimen of gray flint from a mound in Mississippi county, Arkansas. There are four additional specimens, all from Union county, Ilinois. F. A related form, also notched for attachment of handle. Figure 174 represents an example of yellow flint, from Poinsett county, Arkansas, the only one of this shape in the collection. From Jackson county, Illinois, there is a series beginning with a small scraper and a small scraper-like celt, and passing gradually into the large spades or digging-tools, there being a number of intermedi- ate forms and sizes. Two specimens, only 6 inches long, have the glazed surface so characteristic of these implements, which could have been produced only by long-continued use in digging. From a workshop at Mill creek, Union county, Illinois, there are a large number of pieces in every stage of work. Among them can be made series of all the different types here given, from the nodule in its natural state to the completed implement. Near by is a flint deposit showing extensive aboriginal quarrying. Dawson,' in speaking of these implements, says: ‘‘The rudest of all rude implements, similar to the paleoliths of Europe, were used by the more settled and civilized agri- cultural nations.” While tlhe major- ity of them are rude, simply because there was no necessity for elabor- ate work or fine finish in tools of this class, yet there are many specimens Fig. 171.—Chipped spade, ovoid. (as, for example, the one shown in figure 171) which in symmetry and workmanship will compare favorably with the larger specimens of other types, due regard being had to the fact that the coarse flint of which they are usually made does not admit ot the most delicate execution. TURTLEBACKS. The singular name “turtleback” is.suggested instantly on seeing a specimen of the class so designated by Abbott and others, As com- monly used, it refers to rude or unfinished leaf-shape implements of any size, which may be found in great abundance almost anywhere. 1 Fossil Men., p. 119. FOWKE] CHIPPED SPADES. 137 It is used here, however, to denote more especially the disks or almond- shaped pieces of flint or chert sometimes found cached in considerable numbers. Perkins ' records the discovery of such caches in Vermont; an excep- tional case, as they are seldom found outside of the Mississippi valley. The southern portion of Illinois has furnished more than any other section; those found there are almost invariably made from nodules of bluish gray hornstone, the concentric lines being strongly marked.’ Fie. 172.—Chipped spade. The Bureau has secured a large number from southern Illinois, ranging from 34 to 74 inches in length, some nearly circular, others having a length nearly twice the breadth. All have secondary chip- ping around the edges. Many of the larger ones and most of the smaller have the edges more or less worn or polished in such manner as would result from use as knives or serapers. => Fie. 173.--Chipped spade, showing handle notches. Fic. 174.—Chipped spade. be chipped for carrying or for future work. On the other hand, Cheever” says the Indians of California usually carry a pouch ot treasures, consisting of unfinished arrowheads or unworked stones, to Fia. 175.—Chipped disk, or ‘‘ turtleback.”’ be slowly wrought out when they are industriously inclined. Catlin, too, observed that the Apache sometimes carry bowlders of hornstone -a long distance to obtain material for arrowheads;* and according to ! Flint Chips, p. 442. 2? Amer. Naturalist, vol. Iv, p. 140. Last Rambles Among the Indians, p. 187. ee FOWKE] USES OF ‘“‘TURTLEBACKS.” 139 im Thurn, the various Indian tribes of Guiana have each their special manufacture and exchange with other tribes.' Tylor says: Till lately the Patagonians, when they came on their journeys to a place where suitable flint or obsidian was to be found, would load themselves with a supply of lumps to chip into these primitive currier’s scrapers.” Both Jewitt* and Evans‘ say that stones of this character were used as sling-stones; but there is no evidence that North American Indians ever used slings. Speaking of similar stones, Tylor remarks: They were used either as knives or scrapers; with the curved side upward (or out) there would be no danger of cutting a hide in skinning game, and they could be used to cut up the flesh; while by putting the pointed end in the handle they could be used as serapers.°® The smoothed edge in so many specimens substantiates the last statement, while the theory that they are unfinished implements finds support in the fact that nearly all the nodules from which they are made have an ellipsoid form, and the present shape of the implement would result from chipping away the useless weathered surface to lessen the weight. SMALLER CHIPPED IMPLEMENTS. MATERIALS AND MODES OF MANUFACTURE. In the remaining portion of this paper, which will treat of the smaller chipped implements, a plan somewhat different from that of the pre- ceding part will be followed. As already stated, these specimens are almost invariably made of some form of flint; this term including chalcedony, basanite, jasper, chert, hornstone, and similar rocks. So common is its use that the term ‘“‘flints” is gradually being adopted as a name for all the different classes of arrowheads, knives, drills, etc. The exceptions are not numerous enough to justify separate classification, so no tables of mate- rial will be used. Further, the great abundance of such relies in all portions of the country makes useless any allusion to the number from any particular locality; about the only limitation to their discovery is the amount of time and care which one chooses to give. Before entering on the description, some quotations may be given in regard to methods of making these chipped implements. According to Evans, the Mexican Indians take a piece of obsidian in the left hand and press it firmly against the point of a small goat- horn held in the right, and by moving it gently in different direc- tions they chip off small flakes until the arrow is complete;° they also 1 Journal Anth. Inst. Gt. Br. and Ird., vol x1, p. 447. 2 Anthropology, p. 245. 3 Jewitt, Llewellyn; Grave-mounds and their Contents, p. 121. 4 Stone Implements, p. 374. 5 Op. cit., p. 245. ©Stone Implements, p. 36 (from Crayeri). 140 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 cut a notch in the end of a bone, into which the edge of the flake is inserted and a chip broken off by a sideways blow.' According to the same author, the Eskimo sometimes set the flake in a piece of split wood. The arrow is roughly chipped by blows with a hammer, either direct or with a punch interposed, and is then finished by pressing off fine chips with a point of antler set in an ivory handle.? Notonly leaf- shape barbed arrows, but also ones either with or without the stem, can be produced by pressure with a point of antler; the former, how- ever, are the more easily made, and were probably earlier in use.* The Plains Indians lay the flat side of a flake of obsidian on a blanket, or other yielding substance, and with a knife nick off the edges rapidly. In their primitive state they probably used buckskin instead of the blankets, and pointed bone or horn instead of the knife.* The Apache holds the flake or flint in his left hand, places his punch at the point where the chip is to be broken off, and it is struck by an assistant, thus knocking a chip from the under side; the flake is then turned and the process repeated, until the arrow is complete. The stone is held in the hand, as it can not be chipped on a hard substance.° A punch observed by Catlin in use by these Indians was a whale tooth 6 or 7 inches long, with one round and two flat sides. The Fuegians, according to the same authority, use a similar process and make as fine implements.*® The Eskimo make a spoon-shaped cavity in a log, lay the flake over it, and press along the margin, first on one side and then on the other, like setting a saw, until they form two sharp serrated edges. The working tool is a point of antler firmly bound into a piece of ivory. The same plan is used by widely separated peoples.’ Nilsson, in chipping out gun flints with a stone hammer, found it nec- essary to have the point operated on lie immediately above a point that rested on the rock ‘‘anvil” which he used.* ’ The Veeard or Wiyot of California used a pair of buck-horn pincers tied together with a thong at the point; they first hammered out the arrowhead in the rough, and then with these pincers carefully nipped off one tiny fragment after another.? The Klamath cover the hand with a piece of buckskin to keep it from being cut, and lay a flake along the ball of the thumb, holding it firmly with the fingers. With a point of antler from 4 to 6 inches long, they press against the edge, thus remov- ing scales from the opposite side; they turn the fake around and over frequently, to preserve symmetry.” ‘Stone Implements, p. 36 (from De Pourtales). 2 Thid., p. 35 (from Belcher). 3Tbid., p. 38. 4Crook in Smithsonian Report for 1871, p. 420. 6 Catlin; Last Rambles, pp. 184, 185. 6 Tbid., p. 290. 7Stevens; Flint Chips, p. 81 (from Belcher). SIbid., p. 84. * Powers in Contributions to N. A. Eth., vol. m1, p. 104. Tbid., p 374. FOWKE] MODE OF CHIPPING. 141 The Shasta Indian lays a stone anvil on his knee, holds the edge of the flake against it, and with his stone hammer chips off flakes, finish- ing the base first, and gently chipping the whole arrow into shape. Both obsidian and glass are used.!. The Shoshoni Indians used the same process.” A Pit River Indian has been seen to make a very sharp and piere- ing arrow from a piece of quartz, with only a piece of round bone, one end of which was hemispherical with a small crease in it (as if made by a thread) one-sixteenth of an inch deep. The arrow was made by pressing off flakes by main strength, the crease being to prevent the bone from slipping, and affording no leverage.’ John Smith (1607) says of the Powhatan Indian: His arrowhead he maketh quickly, with a little bone, of any splint of stone or glass.* The Cloud River Indian used two deer prongs, one much smaller than the other, the points ground to the form of a square, sharp-pointed file. He had also some pieces of iron wire tied to sticks and ground in the samemanner; these were better than the deer horn, because harder, and not needing to be sharpened so often. The flake was held firmly in the left hand, guarded by a piece of buckskin; he pressed off chips with the larger tool, turning the arrow end-for-end when done on one side, so as to keep the edge opposite the middle line. The notches for barbs were worked out in a similar manner with the smaller tool.° Some of the California Indians prefer agate and obsidian for their implements, as the close grain admits more careful working. They usea tool with its working edge shaped like a glazier’s diamond (apparently a piece of bone or antler with a square-cut notch on the side); the flake is held in the left hand, while the nick in the side of the tool is used to chip small fragments. Peale makes similar statements, and adds that the notches are of different sizes to suit the different stages of work.’ The Klamath Indians, according to Schumacher, have a slender stick 1} feet long, with a piece of sea-lion tooth, or antler, fastened to the end of it. Holding one end under the arm to steady it, they take a flake in the left hand, wrapped in a piece of buckskin so as to leave only the edge exposed, and by pressure with the point of the tool break off flakes aslarge as necessary, the last being quite fine, to give sharp edges to the arrow. The notches are worked out by means of a point of bone 4 or 5 inches long, without a shaft.? Chase gives a similar account, but says that iron points have now taken the place of the bone or horn points formerly used.’ 1Baxrcroft; Native Races, vol. 1, p. 342. 2Schoolcraft; Indian Tribes, vol. 1, p. 212. 3 Beckwith in Rep. Pac. R. R. Survey, vol. 1, p. 43. ‘History of Virginia. 5Rediling in Amer. Naturalist, vol. x11, p. 665. SCheever in ibid., vol. Iv, p. 139. 7Cited by Stevens, Flint Chips, p. 78. SHayden Survey, Bull. 3, 1877, p. 547. °MS. account of the Shell Mounds of Oregon. 142 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 It may not be out of place in this connection to give a few quotations in regard to the length of time required for making an arrowhead. According to the Marquis de Nadaillac, the Mexicans could turn out a hundred flint knives (probably only unworked obsidian flakes) an hour,’ while Crook says that the Plains Indians with only a knife for nicking off the edges, will make from fifty to one hundred arrows in the same period.” Chase found that a Klamath Indian required five minutes to complete a perfect arrowhead; though Stevens observes that a Shasta Indian spent an hour in chipping one from a flake of obsidian,‘ and Lubbock states that the most skillful Indian workmen can not hope to complete more than a single arrow in a day’s hard work.’ Powers also speaks of the aborigines of California as “using that infinite patience which is characteristic of the Indian, spending days, perhaps weeks, upon a single piece;”® and Tylor notes “that utter disregard of time that lets the Indian spend a month in making an arrow.” The last two references are probably to the large and finely worked pieces used for ceremonial or ornamental purposes. CLASSIFICATION OF THE IMPLEMENTS. The only practicable division of the greater part of the smaller flints is into stemmed and stemless, the former having a prolongation at the base for firmer attachment to a shaft or handle, the latter being of a triangular or oval shape. The stemmed implements may be barbed or not, and the stem either narrower or broader toward the end. The name “arrowhead” so commonly applied, fits only the minority of specimens, as none but the smaller ones could be so used; the larger are too heavy. The longest stone arrowpoint in the extensive collection of arrows in the National Museum measures two and five-eighths inches in length and is narrow and thin. An arrowpoint two inches in length is seldom seen. The larger specimens were probably knives and spear- heads; but it would be difficult to assign any certain use for a particular type, the markings on so many indicate usage for which their shape would seem to render them unsuitable. It is probable that a single specimen served a variety of purposes. Wood, bone, and shell were also used to a considerable extent, in the manufacture of implements for which flint would seem much better adapted. Thus for fish spears the southern Indians used canes, sharp- pointed, barbed, and hardened in the fire,’ while knives were formerly made of flint or cane; these are still used when the hunting knife has ! Prehistoric America, p. 170. ?Smithsonian Report for 1871, p. 420. °MS. Shell Mounds of Oregon. 4Flint Chips, p. 77. 5Prehistoric Times, p. 106 (from Dodge and Blackmore). ® Contributions to N. A. Eth., vol. 111, p. 104, 7 History of Mankind, p. 188. 5’ Adair; American Indians, p. 403. FOWKE ] IMPLEMENT NOMENCLATURE. 143 been lost.!. The California Indians had arrows tipped with hard-pointed wood for common use, and with agate or obsidian for war.’ The accompanying diagram (figure 176) will render plain the different terms used in the following descriptions: aw ...-Point. . Edge. ce ..--Face. d....Bevel.' e ...-Blade. eee ano g-=_- Stem. h ....Base. Ob sosolSlOLiceltt, ki ..--Neck. m....Barb, or shoul- der. Fie. 176.—Diagram, explaining terms. The only difference between barb and shoulder is that the barb is prolonged toward the base. The shoulder is called squared or rounded according to whether the edge of the implement makes an angle or a curve where drawn in to form the stem. In the stemless specimens the base is the end opposite the point. | A tapering stem means one narrowing toward the base; straight, one whose sides are parallel; and expanding, one which is widest at the base. StEMLESS FLINTS. CHARACTERS AND USES The stemless flints are triangular or ovalin outline. For convenience they will be divided into those small enough for arrowpoints (not above 24 inches long) and those which are too large for such purpose. The latter reach to the length of 74 inches. They are chipped to a sharp edge all around. The ratio of width to length varies from 1:4 to 4:5. These objects were mostly for use as knives, scrapers or spearheads. Some of the thicker ones were spikes for clubs. Abbott* mentions three triangular jasper implements 3 to 4 inches long from graves, associated with fragments of large bones which showed plainly that they had been used for clubs, and the Iroquois are known to have used a club with a sharp-pointed deer-horn about four inches long inserted in the lower side. Schooleraft® illustrates a pointed stone with a square 1 Adair; American Indians, p. 410. 2Cheever in Amer. Naturalist, vol. ly, p. 139. 3 The section below shows this more plainly. 4Amer. Naturalist, vol. x, p. 116. 5 Indian Tribes, vol. 11, p. 74, fig. 5. 144 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 section (apparently of the class usually ealled ‘‘ picks”), mounted in a club which is curved at the end to let the spike set in the end at a right angle to the handle; and Brickell observes that the North Carolina Indians used clubs or long poles, in the ends of which were fastened artificially sharpened stones, or horns of animals.' Morgan also notes that among the Iroquois rows of arrow-shaped chert heads about two feet in extent have been found lying side by side. They were set in a frame and fastened with thongs, forming a species of sword.? Accord- ing to Tylor the Mexicans had a similar sword, with obsidian teeth gummed in holes in a war club,* and Bourke observed at Taos pueblo a similar weapon with iron teeth.*| But the number of specimens found mounted indicates that most of them were used as knives or scrapers. LARGER IMPLEMENTS. A. With base and edges straight or slightly convex; corners square. The type illustrated in figure 177 is from Montgomery county, North Carolina. Similar forms come also from eastern Ten- nessee; central and western North Carolina; southwest- ern Illinois; Miami and Scioto valleys, and central Ohio; southwestern Wisconsin; northeastern and southwestern Arkansas; northeastern and northwestern Alabama, and Coosa valley in the same state; Kanawha valley, West Virginia; northeastern and central Kentucky; and Savannah, Georgia. B. Base straight or nearly so; edges parallel most of the length, curving abruptly to a point; Dey, with one face less convex than the other, even quite flat, giving a plano- convex section; medium size. The specimen Sowa in figure 178, from Kanawha valley, West V ee is I representative. Other example Mivrchipped tia” Come from eastern Tennessee; cen- tral North Carolina; northwestern Alabama; Rig Kanawha valley; and southwestern Illinois. C. Base straight or nearly so; corners square or slightly rounded; edges convex, curving gradu- ally and regularly to the point; usually widest about one-third of the way above the base; vary- ing much in width, and in length from 64 inches down to the arrowpoint. A few of the largest have the edges slightly expanding at their junc- tion with the base, for firmer attachment to a handle. The type is Fia. 178.—Chipped flint. ‘Nat. Hist. of rN. C., p. 318. ‘League of the Iroquois, p. 359. * Anahuae, p. 332. 4Bourke, John G.; Snake Dance of the Moquis, p.251. See also Dodge; Our Wild Indians, plate 5. FOWKE] VARIETIES OF CHIPPED FLINTS. 145 figure 179 (from Loudon county, Tennessee). Other specimens are from eastern Tennessee; central and western North Carolina; Kanawha valley; Keokuk, Iowa; Miami and Scioto valleys, and central Ohio; Paster) southern, and southwestern Wisconsin; northeastern Arkansas ; central and northeastern Kentucky ; northwestern Georgia, and Savan- nah; southwestern Illinois; and Coosa valley, Alabama. D. Narrow and thick; up to 6 inches long; convex base; edges (Straight to the base, where they expand somewhat, giving the imple- ment a bell shape. The largest specimen in the lot (figure 180) has both faces polished almost the en- tire length, a feature absent from allthe others. This example is from Caldwell county, North Carolina. The form is found also in central and western North Carolina, east- ern Tennessee, northeastern Ken- tucky; Kanawha valley; and north- eastern Arkansas. Few of the flints Fie. 179.—Chipped flint. oceur in the collection except from | i.) on reer the two localities first mentioned, where they are somewhat bell-shape. moderately abundant. H. Elliptical outline; some very thin, others resembling celts. One from Kanawha valley has the projecting facets and ridges on one face very smooth from use, those on the other being still sharp, aS when first chipped. The one figured has the edge worn smooth entirely around, seemingly from use as a cutting tool, | the ends being most worn. Represent- led by figure 181 (from Dane county, {! } Wisconsin). Found also in southern yA) (and southwestern Wisconsin; eastern } Tennessee; northeastern Arkansas; central and western North Carolina; Brown county, Ulinois; Kanawha val- ley; and South Carolina. F. With the outline a continuous a5 curve from the point entirely around, Xe Mint elliphieateat, the base being regularly rounded. This F i. a2 Chipped line. is the model of the pointed oval or leaf- oval outline. Shape flint. Sometimes one face is flatter than the other, being less worked, or in a few cases the unaltered flat side of a flake. Usually they are quite symmetrical, but occasionally one edge is more curved 13 ETH——10 146 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 than the other. The type illustrated in figure 182 is from Vernon county, Wisconsin. Other specimens are from western and central Wisconsin; eastern Tennessee; Miami and Scioto valleys, and central Ohio; southwestern Ili- nois; Kanawha valley; . ehi 11 ,sle .) Usually symmetrical and well finished; the base always (VPnst fini slender, polished, but whether from use or to add to the utility of the specimen can not be determined. From Miami valley, Ohio; Keokuk, Iowa; southwestern Wisconsin; and eastern Tennessee. R. Differing from the two last described only in being g, longer, and in having the stem always come to a point by either convex or concave lines, instead of being regu- larly convex; base never polished. From Kanawha valley, West Virginia, and central Arkansas. S. Edges usually straight, sometimes concave, rarely convex; notched in deeply from edges; seldom barbed; stem nearly always wider than the blade, and large. Base convex; occasionally somewhat concave with rounded corners, and nearly always polished. Some (including ail from the Savannah collection) are beveled and a few have blunt and rounded points, apparently broken specimens reworked. From less than an inch Mig. 237. Stemmed to nearly 3 inches long. Even among the very small pped flint, oval outline, notched. Ones, some have the base polished. An implement of this form, or of any form in which the stem is wide or with very long tangs, and especially with concave base, would be well adapted for hunting purposes. The wide stem would allow firm 13 ETH—11 162 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 attachment to a shaft, whether as an arrow or a spear, aud at the same time would be very difficult to withdraw from a wound. The shaft would impede the flight of an animal pierced by the weapon, particu- larly in weeds or bushes; though greater force would be required with these than with the more slender points to make them effective. The type delineated in figure 238 is from Warren county, Ohio, and the form is well represented also in Scioto and Miami valleys, Ohio; western North Carolina; Kanawha val- ley; eastern Tennessee; southern and south- western Wisconsin; southeastern and south- western Arkansas; northeastern Kentucky; northeastern Alabama; and about Savannah, Georgia. se See T. Convex edges; base At straight, orslightly convex or concave, with square corners, and nearly always polished; stem as wide as the blade or wider. Some rather slender, others as wide as long. Very few are beveled, except those from Savannah, all of which are thus made. From three-fourths to 24 inches long. Found in ra Fig. 239.—Stemmed_ chip- eastern Tennessee; Kana-~ ped int, notched, very wha valley (including the “'’°s*™ specimen shown in figure 239); western North Carolina; southern and southwestern Wiscon- sin; South Carolina; southwestern Arkansas; Miami valley, Ohio; and in the vicinity of Savannah. ; U. Kdges usually straight, sometimes con- vex; base regularly concave, or rounding off into a convex curve at the corners, and nearly always polished. The stem in all is wider than the blade. Thosefrom Savannah are all beveled, and but few of them have polished bases. The type, illustrated in figure 240, is from Kanawha valley, and others come from Kanawha valley; southern Wisconsin; Scioto Fia. 240.—Stemmed chipped flint, valley; eastern Tennessee; southwestern IIli- notched, very wide stem. 5 . nois; and Savannah, Georgia. V. Edges convex, seldom straight, never concave; usually well fin- ished; base concave; notch worked in from the edge above the corner so as to leave the upper portion of the tang parallel to the lower, or base; corners square. Few are beveled. The length is from 1 to 4 inches, Fic, 238.—Stemmed chipped flint. a FOWKE] CHIPPED FLINTS, WIDE STEMS. 163 the width also varying considerably; some are widest at or near the middle of the blade, others are as wide at base as at any other part. The form is illustrated in figure 241 (Union county, Illinois). The dis- tribution is wide, including southwestern Illinois; northwestern and southwestern Georgia and Savannah; northeastern Kentucky; Kan- awhavalley; South Carolina; northwestern Alabama; eastern Tennessee; eastern and southern Wisconsin; western and central North Carolina; southeastern and southwestern Arkansas; Miami valley, Ohio; Keokuk, Iowa; and Union county, Mississippi. W. Edges usually convex, sometimes straight; notched in on the edges above the corners; base con- cave; some slender, others broad. Somewhat re- sembling the two preceding types, but more roughly made. From 1 to 4 inches long. Represented by material from western and central North Carolina; Kanawha valley; eastern Tennessee; northeastern Alabama and Coosa valley, as well as from Miami valley, Ohio. Fig. 241.—Stemmed X. Small; very slender; convex edges, with wing- chipped flint. like barbs or shoulders; stem slightly expanding by curved lines. This rather rare type, Shown in figure 242 (from Ouachita county, Arkansas), is known from northeastern and southwestern Arkansas, as well as eastern Tennessee, and Savannah, Georgia. Y. Edges mostly straight, in a few convex; base straight, convex, or concave, in some specimens of each being polished; notched in on the edges just above the corners, notches usually slight; always widest at base. A few, including all from Savannah, are serrated or beveled. Very few are over an inch and a half long. They are nearly always thick. One from Kanawha valley has eiGired fiat me the point worn perfectly smooth and the edges polished Jecting shoulders. half way to the base, showing use as a drill. Points of this form would make the countersunk holes so common in gorgets and other flat stones. This form is widely distributed. The type (figure 243) is from Law- rence county, Ohio. Its range includes Miami and Scioto valleys, Ohio; northwestern Georgia and Sa- vannah; eastern Tennessee; Kanawha valley; south- western Illinois, and Brown county in the same state; western North Carolina; Coosa valley, Alabama; south- western Arkansas; South Carolina; northeastern Ken- tueky; and eastern Wisconsin. Z. Very rough finish ; blade more or less worked by ino Bees first chipping (there being usually no secondary chip- chipped fiint. ping) to convex edges; base generally the natural surface of the nodule or pebble from which the implement was made; notches worked 164 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 in roughly on the edges. They were probably knives or spears, or in some cases celts or chisels, though none show polish. With these are placed a few that seem to be the points of larger rough implements, broken and having notches worked in the fragments. Kanawha valley; and Savannah, Georgia. Fic. 255.—Perforator,stemmea, J. Stem may be of any form; wide shoulders; with cutting pot. “never barbed; point or piercer narrow, well worked, with edges parallel its entire length, and terminating in a cut- ting edge instead of a point. This form (shown in figure 255) is found only in the collection from Savannah, Georgia. 3LUNT ARROWHEADS, OR '' BUNTS.’ Certain arrowheads have the end opposite the base rounded or flat- tened instead of pointed. Commonly, both faces are worked off equally, to bring the edge opposite the middle line of the Bade though some- times it may be alittle to one side. The stem and base areof any form found in the common patterns of arrowheads. Few are barbed, though many have shoulders. For the most part, they are probably made from the ordi- lary Spearpoints or arrowheads and knives that have had the points broken off, though some seem to have been intentionally made = this way originally. A few are smooth or F1¢.256.—Biunt arrowhead, or polished at the ends, as though used as ree knives or scrapers; but most of them have no marks except such as would result from being struck or shot against some hard substance; even this being absent in many of them, as in the specimen represented in the accompanying figure. Jones says that crescent-shaped arrows were used by southern Indians for shooting off birds’ heads,! and it is known that chisel-shape arrows were much used during the Middle Ages.? This type of aboriginal implement or weapon is shown in figure 256, representing a specimen from Savannah, Georgia. Other examples ! Quoted by Dawson; Fossil Men, p. 124. ? Evans; Stone Implements, p. 253. FOWKE] VARIETIES OF SCRAPERS. 169 come from eastern Tennessee; Kanawha valley; western North Caro- lina; southern and southwestern Wisconsin; southwestern Illinois; Scioto valley, Ohio; and Savannah, Georgia. SCRAPERS. STEMMED. The same remarks as to form and method of making apply to stemmed scrapers as to blunt arrows, except that the chipping of the end is always from one face so as to produce a chisel edge. This edge is frequently smooth or polished from use. They would answer very well FEAR for smoothing downarti- cles made of wood, or for cleaning hides in tan- ning; they would also serve excellently for re- moving scales from fish, and as they are usually abundant in the vicinity of good fishing places, FIG. 257._Stemmed scraper. they were no doubt employed for this purpose. The material in the Bureau collection is represented by the specimens shown in figures 257 and 258, from Savannah, Georgia, and Danecounty, Wisconsin, respectively. Other exam- ples come from southern Wisconsin; southwestern Ilinois; Kanawha valley, West Virginia; northeastern Kentucky; Miami valley, Ohio; central North Caro- lina; eastern Tennessee; and Savannah, Georgia. STEMLESS. SEBS A few quotations regarding the use Fic. 258,_Stemmed scraper. and mode of manufacture of stemless scrapers may be given: According to Evans, they are made by laying a flake flat side up on a stone, and chipping off around the edge with a hammer. The point struck must rest directly on the under stone, and but a thin spall is struck off at each blow.’ Leidy observed that the Shoshoni by a quick blow strike off a segment of a quartz bowlder in such a way as to form a circular or oval implement flat on one side, convex on the other, which is used as a Scraper in dressing buffalo hides;? and according to Knight the Australians obtain, in exactly the same way, specimens which they use as axes.? Peale remarks that while hides are green they are stretched on the ground and scraped with an instrument resembling an adze;* and Dodge says more explicitly that when the stretched skin has become hard and dry, the woman goes to work on it with an adze-like 1 Stone Implements. Smithsonian Report for 1879, p. 236. 2? Hayden Survey, 1872, p. 653. 4Tbid, 1870, p. 390. 170 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 instrument, with a short handle of wood or elkhorn tied on with raw- hide; holding this in one hand, she chips at the hardened skin, cutting off a thin shaving at every blow.! The scrapers of this class in the Bureau collection are as follows: A. Chipped over the entire surface to the form of the ordinary celt, except that the scraping edge is in the same plane with one face. Some have a scraping edge at each end. Ina few the flat or straight face 1 is chipped off slightly, bring- ing the edge toward the mid- dle line; but this was probably done after the implement had become broken or blunted fromuse. When there is any polish, it is always on the flat face, showing use as an adze, or, possibly,asaplane. Vary- ingmuch in width, some meas- uring almostthe same in either direction, while others are more like the “chisel” ceits, though the position of the cutting edge shows their use. A typical specimen (figure 259) is from 5 oe Jackson coun- Fic. 259.—Stemless scraper, celt form. ty, Illinois 5 others come from Brown county and the southwestern part of the state generally; from northeastern Kentucky ; Keokuk, Iowa; southwestern Wisconsin; eastern Ten- nessee; and central Ohio. B. Flakes or spalls, chipped always from the concave side of the fragment. Some of the smaller specimens, usually those of somewhat circular outline, are chipped | nearly, or in some eases entirely, around the edge. Fig- ure 260 represents a specimen from Mason county, Ken- tucky. Others come from northeastern Kentucky; east- “ ern Tennessee; Holt county, Missouri; Kanawha valley; EST Fe! in = ‘ Is . % Fic. 260.—Stemless southwestern Wisconsin; Miami valley, and central Ohio; seer, flake. Coosa valley, Alabama; Union county, Mississippi; and Savannah, Georgia. CORES. The generally accepted name “cores” is applied to the blocks from which are struck off the flakes to be next described. Dr. Gillespie? claimed that objects of this kind were made so inten- tionally, and that the flakes are simply the refuse or waste material. ' Our Wild Indians, p. 256. “Gillespie, Dr. W.; Jour. Anth. Inst. Gt. Br. and Ird., vol. vi. p. 260. FOWKE] FLINT RIDGE PRODUCTS. itl He gives six reasons for this belief, but an examination of the objects themselves would show that he is in error. That some might have been used as scrapers may be true, but very few are suited for such work, and not one shows the least mark of wear that could result from this use. The specimens in the Bureau collection, with perhaps half a dozen exceptions, are from the aboriginal quarries at Flint ridge, in Licking county, Ohio, or of the material so abundant at that place. All are small, few being of a size to furnish flakes over three inches long. The flakes were un- doubtedly struck off by means of stone hammers, hundreds ot which are to be found about the quarries, or removed by pres- sure, many showing the bulb of percussion, others being per- fectly smooth on the flat face. Usually all the flakes were ob- tained from only one side of the core until it became too small to work (figure 261). Occasionally they were chipped _ from opposite sides, leaving the core of a conical or ) cylindrical shape (as represented in figure 262). Cores and finely chipped implements of the Flint ridge stone have been taken from the mounds in Kanawha valley, West Virginia, and Scioto valley, Ohio, showing that the mound-builders are to be credited with at least a part of the great amount of work done in those localities; but 1t seems a mis- take to say, aS some authors have done, that the x “turtlebacks” found in caches in southern Illinois Fa. 262.—Core. are from the same source, as the stone is entirely different, and oceurs abundantly in the vicinity in which the specimens are found. Fia. 261.—Cores. FLAKES The use to which were put the narrow, thin flakes so abundantly found in many parts of the world has caused some discussion. Schoolcraft says that the Dakota bleed patients by scarifying with these flakes; or sometimes one is fixed into the end of a piece of wood, held over a vein, and driven in as far as the wood will let it go,! the use being similar to that of themodern fleam. Harpoons in the Kurile islands are made of bone, with a deep groove along each side; in these grooves thin and sharp flat flakes are fastened with gum.? According to Evans, similar 2Nilsson; Stone Age, p. 46. Stone Implements, p. 256. gf STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 ern woodworkers. Flakes have been tound in the Swiss lakes in wooden handles in the fashion of Eskimo knives; also in Australia with skin wrapped around one end to protect the hand.! All the flakes in the Bureau collection are small, few of them being over three inches long. They are found elsewhere with a length of over a foot; but the nature of the flint occurring in the United States is seldom such as to allow flakes to be struck off equaling in size those found in Europe. Evaus says that blows with a pebble will form just such flakes as those produced by an iron hammer; the blows must, however, be deliy- ered in exactly the right spot and with the proper force. Cores some- times show markings of hammers when struck too near the edge. Flakes can be produced by using a pebble as a set or punch and strik- ing it with a stone. The use of a set was probably the exception rather than the rule, for great precision may be obtained simply with a hammer held in the hand. The Eskimo use a hammer set in a han- dle to strike off flakes, or strike them off by slight taps with a hammer of jade, oval in shape, about 2 by 3 inches, and secured to a bone handle with sinew.’ According to Tylor, the Peruvian Indians work obsidian by laying a bone wedge on the surface of a piece and tapping it until the stone cracks;*° while the Indians of Mexico hold a piece of obsidian 6 or 8 inches long between their feet, then holding the crosspiece of a T- shape stick against the breast they place the other end against the stone and force off a piece by pressure.* Nilsson says that the Eskimo set a point of deer horn into a handle of ivory and drive off splinters from the chert,” and Redding saw a Cloud river Indian make flakes thus: Holding a piece of obsidian in his hand, he placed the straight edge of a piece of split deer horn, four inches long and half an inch in diameter, at a distance from the edge of the stone equal to the thickness of the arrow he wished to make; then striking the other end with a stone he drove off a flake.6 Sehu- macher observed that the Klamath Indians heat a stone and break it into fragments at a single blow.? According to Stevens the Shasta Indian lays a stone anvil on his knee, and holding on the anvil the stone which he is working,’ strikes off a flake one-fourth of an inch thick with a stone hammer; but Powers says the Shasta Indians heat a stone and allow it to cool slowly, which splits it into flakes,® and Bancroft that they place an obsidian pebble ! Stone Implements, p. 263. 2 Thid., pp. 20, 23, and 35. 3 Anahuac, p. 99. 4 Tbid, pp. 231. 232 (note). 5 Stone Age, p. 261 (note). ® Amer. Naturalist, vol. X1It, p. 665. 7 Hayden Survey, Bul. 3, 1877, p. 547. § Flint Chips, p.77. * Contributiors to N. A. Eth., vol. 11, p. 104. a FOWKE] METHODS OF FLAKING. ies on an anvil of stone and split it with an agate chisel to the required size.) The Shoshoni or Snake Indians of the northwest work in the same way,” and certain California Indians strike off flakes from a mass of agate, jasper, or chaleedony with a stone hammer,* while the Apache break a bowlder of hornstone with a heavy stone hammer having a twisted withe for a handle.’ Schooleraft says experience has taught the Indians that some varie- ties of hornstone (flint) are less easily fractured than others, and that the conchoidal form is found best in softer varieties; also that weath- ered fragments are managed with greater difficulty than are those freshly quarried.° Evans points out that in making gunflints much depends upon the condition of the stone as regards the moisture it contains, those that have been too long exposed on the surface becoming intractable, and there is also a difficulty in working those that are too moist. Some of the workers, however, say that a flint which has been some time exposed to the air is harder than one recently dug, yet it works equall well.® o, Itis related that in former times white hunt- ers in Ohio and Kentucky, when they needed é a gunflint, would select a fragment from the ® surface, where practicable, and soak it in oil ©) dh ‘ FZ for several weeks “to make it tough;” other- \ & wise it would shatter to fragments when - struck. Frequently the large flat spalls knocked from blocks or chunks of flint in shaping them, or in obtaining pieces to work, are of such form that very little additional labor converts them into serviceable scrapers, knives, spears, or arrows. A number of such |. TIES ae pieces are found in the collection. These, scraper. however, are not considered in the flakes now to be described : A. Edges bluntly chipped (from the concave side) for use as scrapers. They may or may not have notches for attachment to a handle. An example from Kanawha valley, West Virginia, is shown in figure 263. Others come from southwestern Arkansas; Kanawha valley; Miami and Scioto valleys, and central Ohio. B. Trimmed only enough to give a general leaf shape, the faces being left unchanged; for use as knives or arrowheads, most of them being exceedingly small; notched, or with continuous edges. This form is 1 Native Races, vol. I, p. 342. 2 Schoolcraft; Indian Tribes, vo]. 1, p. 212. 8 Stevens; Flint Chips, p. 78 (from Powers). 4Catlin; Last Rambles Among the Indians, p. 187. 5 Indian Tribes, vol. 11, p. 467. ® Stone Implements, p. 17. 174 STONE ART. (ETH. ANN. 13 Tepresp uct by the specimen from Licking county, Ohio, illustrated in figure 264. It is found in central Ohio; north- eastern Arkansas; Coosa valley, Ala- bama; eastern Tennessee; and west- ern North Carolina. C. Long, slender, with three or 4 four facets on one Gan Caneel by : The edges ae as keen as oka it 1 glass, and the points are usually AMY quite sharp. Ina great many the points have been worked off by fine, secondary chipping. When this is done, it is always at the end which was struck in knocking off the flake. In some cases it may be due to the shattering effects of the blow; but F10.264.—lake, chippea 12 Many specimens the evidence is "4c Sake for knife or arrow head. plain that it was done afterward for Ply for lancet. the purpose of making a sharper point. Some flakes of this kind have notches for attachment to a shaft, prob- ably for arrows; such specimens, however, are without the secondary chipping, and the notches are at the end opposite theonestruck. A good example, shown in figure 265, is from Kanawha valley, and there are others from the same locality, as well as from Miami valley, Ohio; and Union county, Mississippi. MISCELLANEOUS Fors. From the Savannah collection there are several forms of chipped flints which, while resembling the foregoing in various ways, present characters which make it necessary to place them by themselves; and while con- taining a majority of the types described above, this collection has many that have no counterpart from any other section visited by the Bureau collectors. Some of these t> unique specimens of aboriginal art are Fic. 266.—Stemmed chipped flint. among the following: A. Edges double curved, expanding to a wide point at the shoulder; stem straight or tapering; base either straight or slightly convex. The type of the group is quite weli represented in figure 266. Ms tall FOWKE] MISCELLANEOUS FORMS. 175 B. Edges concave; base and stem straight; very wide projections or wings at the shoulders, going in by straight or curved lines to the stem (illustrated in figure 267). C. Edges concave, changing to convex at the shoulders, and curving around to the stem, which is straight or slightly expanding; base straight or very slightly convex (figure 268). D, Convex edges, widening into greatly expanding barbs; base straight; stem expanding by straight lines (figure 269). Nu F 1G. 267.—Stemmed chipped flint, E winged Fic. 268 —Stemmed chipped flint. #. Broad; double-curved edges; notched in from the base, and barbs worked so as to be narrowest near the blade, with the ends straight or round; stem expanding by straight lines; base straight (figure 270). F, Edges nearly straight to the barbs, which are worked off to a point toward the stem; base convex and wide; stem expanding by curved lines (figure 271). yy) Hs iy y) Fic. 269.—Stemmed chipped flint, Fa. 270.—Stemmed chipped flint, barbed broad. G. Rather slender; base nearly straight, either convex or concave; stem rapidly expanding; notched in from the corners, making long slender barbs which project beyond the line of the edges (as illustrated 176 STONE ART. (ern. ANN. 13 in figure 272). The same form comes from Dougherty county, south- western Georgia, as well as from Savannah. H. Straight or convex edges; base straight or slightly convex; stem to one side of the center, leaving one barb longer and larger than the other (figure 273). J, Triangular, notched in from the bottom; barbs extend down even with the base, or the base is sometimes worked back, leaving it shorter than the barbs; some are beveled (figure 274). The same form is found in southwestern Georgia. J. Broad; straight edges; base straight or concave; stem straight or expanding; long, rounded barbs (figure 275). K. From Arkansas county, Arkansas, there is an imple- ment of basanite or black jasper, of the general type of figure 180 or 182, the point being broken off. The base Pi has been worked down to a Fic. wi Stemmed sharp edge, the stem highly 4. 272_stemmea chipped chipped flint. polished on both faces. This HBr Mole polish does not extend to the faces of the blade, but both edges are rubbed smooth so far as they now extend. Whether the implement was originally pointed and used as a knife or spear, this sharp edge being given the stem after it was broken, or whether it was so made in the first place, can not be determined. Like the various forms with polished base, the specimen seems to indicate a manner of mounting or of use the reverse of what would be expected. It is shown in figure 276. Fria. 273.—Stemmed Fic. 274.—Stemmed Fic. 275.—Stemmed chipped flint. chipped flint, triangular. chipped flint. Figure 277 shows an implement from Licking county, Ohio, some- what of the form of figure 205, except that it is wider and much thinner. It is worn smooth on each edge for ? inch from the point, the point itself being quite blunt. This probably results from use as a knife or drill; though, if due to the latter cause, the material on which FOWKE] FLINTS WORN BY USE. 177 it was used must have been quite soft or thin. Similar wear is seen on implements from the same locality of the form of figures 176 and 223, but this article is smaller than those represented by the figures. In figure 278 is shown a small knife of the pattern so common in Fic. 276.—Chipped flint, with Fie. 277.—Stemmed chipped flint, sharp-edged stem. point blunted from use. specimens mounted in antlers, from the Swiss lake dwellings. In out- line it resembles the arrowheads having straight edges and a convex base; but the side view shows the purpose for which it was made, Sim- ilar pieces are found throughout central Ohio, and along Ohio river from the Kanawha to the Miami. NOTES ON BEVELED FLINTS. In the beveled flints the side-chipping producing the bevel is always to the left, as may be seen in figure 235; only one exception to this has been found. It has been supposed that this is done to give a rotary motion to an arrow. Morgan! says that “arrowheads are occasion- ally found with a twist to make the arrow revolve in its flight;” and ! League of the Iroquois, p. 358. 13 ETH 12 178 STONE ART. [ETH. ANN. 13 the same statement has often been made by others. It may be objected, however, that very few of these beveled specimens are small enough for arrowheads; and modern archers have shown that the shape does not affect the flight of the arrow. Schooleraft,! Powers,? Morgan,* and Cheever‘ say that the mod- ern Indians sometimes have a spiral arrangement of the feathers on their arrow to produce a rotary motion or “rifling.” This rotary motion is supposed to keep the arrow in a straight course, as without it a deviation from the direct line would tend constantly to increase. But as showing that the rotary motion is not always desired, Dodge says that sometimes the blade, in regard to the string notch, is set so as to be perpendicular, to go in between the ribs of game; again, so as to be horizontal, to go in between the ribs of an enemy. ® The beveled flints were probably used for skinning game, as they are better fitted for this than for anything else, and would serve such pur- pose better than almost any other form of the smaller chipped flints. The bevel is such as would be necessary if the implement were held in the right hand and pulled toward the user. There are a great many specimens in the collection, both in the ground or pecked and in the chipped implements, which can not be classified with any of the objects herein described; but they are to be considered as due rather to individual whims than as representative of a type. 1 Indian Tribes, vol. 1, p. 213. 4 Amer. Nat., vol. Iv, p. 140. 2 Cont. to N, A. Eth., vol. 1, p. 52. ® Our Wild Indians, p. 418. 3 League of the Iroquois, pp. 306, 308. P hy es, wey : ee vid es i ae ABORIGIN AL REMAINS VERDE VALLEY, ARIZONA COSMOS MINDELEFF 179 Introduction CONTENTS Rheresionand ats Mitenabure)s2 2. ssc see aces -ee pomece eee nee Physical Distribution descnipalonjvoriihe countity 2 nqecc cose eae ese ee see ee eens See an diclassinicawoOnvOl LONG ee asee steer toe Cee eee eee oe eee aretan ded ese ripil Ose aet eey= a2 es Sac seis ania a eee ee Oe eee Stone svillale Cape mertertee sie ane ee ca naar ee ereiclpat te eee oe SOs Soe ne Cavate lodges....... ..-. Sugeodlsner saenue Soe EL CRE EE PEC ORAS AUS Eup amene Bowlder-m cre EaXG LAS Se I EI I rt a a ere pe ea egy Se Irrigating ditches and horticultural works ..-.......--..-.-.--.--------- Meru Gira lichen acherisies sass ose se oecs = aie =s:cicic = = = i Siac ‘% ty a yey : hy We i P yey Nae i Aas aw a, . ; at b emo 4 ' ) - bp f ; Po ‘ teats ene i ee se See ‘ AY 4 i i, ve i i a nett ‘ 4 “ j Nt ay ! a f i t i i ' ‘ } | i ‘ ’ i i mn ert F - I ‘ ( eG H ‘ red ; if . L F { yi ) maa ‘ 5 i) « ear , 4 \ hs i "M33YO SNOLSSWIT YV3N NINY ‘LYNOO NIVW IX “Id LYOd34 IWANNY HINSSLYIHL ADSOIONHL3S 4O Nv3ayunE MINDELEFF] EFFECT OF FRESHETS. 191 present conditions may be erroneous. This change is the direct result of the recent stocking of the country with cattle. More cattle have been brought into the country than in its natural state it will support. One of the results of this overstocking is a very high death rate among the cattle; another and more important result is that the grasses and other vegetation have no chance to seed or mature, being cropped off close to the ground almost as soon as they appear. As a result of this, many of the river terraces and little valleys among the foothills, once celebrated for luxuriant grass, are now bare, and would hardly afford sustenance to a single cow for a week. In place of strong grasses these places are now covered for a few weeks in spring with a growth of a plant known as “filaree,” which, owing to the rapid maturing of its seeds (in a month or less), seems to be the only plant not completely destroyed by the cattle, although the latter are very fond of it and eat it freely, both green and when dried on the ground. As a further effect of the abundance of cattle and the scarcity of food for them, the young wil- lows, which, even so late as ten years ago, formed one of the character- istic features of the river and its banks, growing thickly in the bed of the stream, and often forming impenetrable jungles on its banks, are now rarely seen. Owing to the character of the country it drains, the Rio Verde always must have been subject to freshets and overflows at the time of the spring rains, but‘until quite recently the obstructions to the rapid collection of water offered by thickly growing grass and bushes prevented destruct- ive floods, except, perhaps, on exceptional occasions. Now, however, the flood of each year is more disastrous than that of the preceding year, and in the flood of February, 1891, the culminating point of intensity and destructiveness was reached. On this occasion the water rose in some places over 20 feet, with a corresponding broadening in other places, and flowed with such velocity that for several weeks it was impos- sible to cross the river. As a result of these floods, the grassy banks that once distinguished the river are now but little more than a tradition, while the older terraces, which under normal circumstances would now be safe, are being cut away more and more each year. In several locali- ties near Verde, where there are cavate lodges, located originaily with especial reference to an adjacent area of tillable land, the terraces have been completely cut away, and the cliffs in which the cavate lodges occur are washed by the river during high water. _ DISTRIBUTION AND CLASSIFICATION OF RUINS. All the modern settlements of the lower portion of the Verde valley are located on terraces or benches, and such localities were also regarded favorably by the ancient builders, for almost invariably where a mod- ern settlement is observed traces of a former one will also be found. The former inhabitants of this region were an agricultural people, and their villages were always located either on or immediately adjacent to some area of tillable soil. This is true even of the cavate lodges, which are often supposed to have been located solely with reference to facility of defense. Owing to the character of the country, most of the tillable land is found on the eastern side of the river, and as a consequence most of the remains of the former inhabitants are found there also, though they are by no means confined to that side. These remains are quite abundant in the vicinity of Verde, and less so between that point and the mouth of the river. The causes which have induced American settlement in the large area of bottom land about Verde doubtless also induced the aboriginal settlement of the same region, although, owing to the different systems of agriculture pursued by the two peoples, the American settlements are always made on the bottom lands themselves, while the aboriginal settlements are almost always located on high ground overlooking the bottoms. Perched on the hills overlooking these bottoms, and sometimes located on the lower levels, there was once a number of large and important villages, while in the regions on the south, where the tillable areas are as a rule very much smaller, the settlements were, with one exception, small and generally insignificant. The region treated in these pages is that portion of the valley of Rio Verde comprised between its mouth and Verde, or Beaver creek, on the north. It was entered by the writer from the south; it is not pro- posed, however, to follow a strict geographic order of treatment, but, on the contrary, so far as practicable, to follow an arrangement by types. The domiciliary ruins of this region fall easily into three general classes, to which may be added a fourth, comprising irrigating ditches and works, the first class having two subclasses. They are as fol- lows: Stone villages. a. Villages on bottom lands. b. Villages on defensive sites. Cavate lodges. Bowlder-marked sites. Irrigating ditches and works. “SOUSA 1SV3 3H1L SO HLNOW Lv NIN AIX “Td LHOd34 TVANNY HIN3S3LYIHL ASOTONHLS 4O Nv3ayunEe MINDELEFF] STONE VILLAGES AND CAVATE LODGES. 1193 The ruins of the first group, or stone villages located on bottom lands without reference to defense, represent in size and in degree of skill attained by the builders the highest type in this region, although they are not so numerous as those of the other groups. They are of the same type as, although sometimes smaller in size than, the great valley pueblos of the regions on the north and south, wherein reliance for defense was placed in massive and well-planned structures and not on natural advantages of location. In the north this class of ruin has been shown to be the last stage in along course of evolution, and there is a suggestion that it occupies the same relation to the other ruins in the Verde region; this question, however, will later be discussed at some length. The best example of this type on the lower Verde is a large ruin, located in a considerable bottom on the eastern side of the river, about a mile above the mouth of Limestone creek. This is said to be the largest ruin on the Verde; it is certainly the largest in the region here treated, and it should be noted that it marks practically the southern limit of the Rio Verde group. The ruins of the second subclass, or stone villages located on defensive sites, are found throughout the whole of this region, although the type reaches its best development in the northern portion, in the vicinity of Verde. The separation of this type from the preceding one is to a certain extent arbitrary, as the location of a ruin is sometimes determined solely by convenience, and convenience may dictate the selection of a high and defensible site, when the tillable land on which the village depends is of small area, or when it is divided into a num- ber of small and scattered areas; for it was a principle of the ancient village-builders that the parent village should overlook as large an extent as possible of the fields cultivated by its inhabitants. A good illustration of this type of ruin is found a little way northeast of Verde, on the opposite side of the river. Here a cluster of ruins ranging from small groups of domiciles to medium-sized villages is found located on knobs and hills, high up in the foothills and overlooking large areas of the Verde bottom lands. These are illustrated later. Another example, also illustrated later, occurs on the eastern side of the river about 8 miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek. The village, which is very small, occupies the whole summit of a large rock which projects into the stream, and which is connected with the mainland by a natural causeway or dike. This is one of the best sites for defense seen by the writer in an experience of many years. Cavate lodges are distributed generally over the whole northern por- tion of the region here treated. At many points throughout this region there are outcrops of a calcareous sandstone, very soft and strongly lam- inated and therefore easily excavated. This formation often appears in the cliffs and small canyons bordering on the streams, and in it are found the cavate lodges. The best examples are found some 8 miles south of Verde, in a small canyon on the eastern side of the river, and it shoe 194 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY (ETH. ANN. 13 is noteworthy that in this case stone villages occur in conjunction with and subordinate to the cavate lodges, while elsewhere within this region and in other regions the cavate lodges are found either alone or in con- junction with and subordinate to stone villages. To this latter type belong a number of cavate lodges on the northern side of Clear creek, about 4 miles above its mouth. The cavate lodges of the Verde differ in some particulars from those found in other regions; they are not exca- vated in tufa or voleanic ash, nor are the fronts of the chambers gen- erally walledup. Front walls are found here, but they are the exception and not the rule. Bowlder-marked sites are scattered over the whole region here treated, although they are more abundant in the southern part than in the north- ern. They are so abundant that their locations could not be indicated on the accompanying map (plate x1). These constitute a peculiar type, not found elsewhere in the experience of the writer, and present some points of interest. They vary in size from one room to considerable settlements, but the average size is two or three rooms. They are always located with reference to some area, generally a small one, of tillable land which they overlook, and all the data now available sup- port the inference that they mark the sites of small farming or tempo- rary shelters, occupied only during the farming season and abandoned each winter by the inhabitants, who then return to the main pueblo— a custom prevalent today among the pueblos. These sites are found on the flat bottom lands of the river, on the upper terraces overlooking the bottoms, on points of the foothills, in fact everywhere where there is an area of tillable land large enough to grow a few hills of corn. They often occurin conjunction with irrigating ditches and other horti- cultural works; sometimes they are located on small hillocks in the beds of streams, locations which must be covered with water during the annual floods; sometimes they are found at the bases of promontories bordering on drainage channels and on the banks of arroyas, where they might be washed away at any time. In short, these sites seem to have been selected without any thought of their permanency. Irrigating ditches and horticultural works were found in this region, but notin great abundance; perhaps a more careful and detailed exami- nation would reveal a much larger number than are now known. Fine examples of irrigating ditches were found at the extreme northern and the extreme southern limits of the region here treated, and there is a fair presumption that other examples occur in the intermediate country. These works did not reach the magnitude of those found in the Gila and Salt river valleys, perhaps partly for the reason that the great fall of Verde river and its tributaries renders only short ditches necessary to bring the water out over the terraces, and also partly because irrigation is not here essential to successful horticulture. In good years fair crops can be obtained without irrigation, and today this method of farming is pursued to a limited extent. PL. XV THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY MAIN COURT, RUIN AT MOUTH OF THE EAST VERDE, PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS. STONE VILLAGES. Ruins of villages built of stone, either roughly dressed or merely selected, represent the highest degree of art in architecture attained by the aborigines of Verde valley, and the best example of this class of ruin is found on the eastern side of the river, about a mile above the mouth of Limestone creek. The site was selected without refer- ence to defense, and is overlooked by the hills which circumscribe a large semicircular area of bottom land, on the northern end of which the village was located. This is the largest ruin on the Verde; it cov- ers an area of about 450 feet square, or over 5 acres, and has some 225 rooms on the ground plan. From the amount of débris we may infer that most of the rooms were but one story in height; and a reasonable estimate of the total number of rooms in the village when it was occu- pied would make the number not greater than 300 rooms. The ratio of rooms to inhabitants in the present pueblos would give a population for this village of about 450 persons. Zuni, the largest inhabited pueblo, covering an area of about 5 acres, has a population of 1,600. It will thus be seen that, while the area covered by this village was quite large, the population was comparatively small; in other words, the dense clustering and so-called beehive structure which character- ize Zuni and Taos, and are seen to a less extent in Oraibi, and which result from long-continued pressure of hostile tribes upon a village occupying a site not in itself easily defensible, has not been carried to such an extent here as in the examples cited. But it is also appar- ent that this village represents the beginning of the process which in time produces a village like Zuni or Taos. Plate x11 exhibits the ground plan of the village. It will be observed that this plan is remarkably similar in general characters to the ground plan of Zuni.! A close inspection will reveal the presence of many discrepancies in the plan, which suggest that the village received at various times additions to its population in considerable numbers, and was not the result of the gradual growth of one settlement nor the home of a large group coming en masse to this locality. It has been shown? that in the old provinces of Tusayan and Cibola (Moki and Zuni) the present villages are the result of the aggregation of many related gentes and subgentes, who reached their present location at different times and from different directions, and this seems to be the 1 Highth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-’87, Wash., 1891, pl. Ixxvi. 2 Tbid., pp. 1-228. 195 196 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 almost universal rule for the larger pueblos and ruins. It should be noted in this connection, however, that, the preceding statements being granted, a general plan of this character indicates an essentially mod- ern origin or foundation. The ground plan shows a number of courts or open spaces, which divided the village into four well-defined clusters. The largest court was nearly in the center of the village, and within it (as shown on the plan) there are traces of a small single-room structure that may have been a kiva or sacred chamber. Attached to this main court and extending eastward is another court of considerable size, and connected with this second court at its eastern end there is another one almost square in plan and of fair size. West of the main court may be seen a small court opening into it, and north of this another square space separated from the main court by a single stone wall and inclosed on the other three sides by rooms. In addition to these there are two completely inclosed small courts in the center of the southwestern clus- ter, and another one of moderate size between the southwestern and southern clusters. The arrangement of these courts is highly suggestive. The central space was evidently the main court of the village at the time of its greatest development, and it is equally evident that it was inclosed at a later period than the small inclosed courts immediately adjacent to it, for had the latter not preceded it they would not occupy the posi- tions they now do. Plate x11 represents a part of the main court, and beyond the débris can be seen a small portion of the bottom upon which the village is built. To the left, in the foreground of the illus- tration, are traces of a small detached room, perhaps the main kiva! of the village; this is also shown on the ground plan, plate x1. The smaller courts are but little larger than the largest rooms, but it will be noticed that while some of the rooms are quite large they are always oblong. This requirement was dictated by the length of avail- able roofing timbers. The cottonwood groves on the river bank would provide timber of fair size but of very poor quality, and, aside from this, roofing timbers longer than 15 feet could be obtained only at points many miles distant. In either case the hauling of these timbers to the site of the village would be a work of great labor and considerable dif- ficulty. The width of the rooms was, therefore, limited to about 20 feet, most of them being under 15 feet; but this limitation did not apply to the courts, which, though sometimes surrounded on all sides by build- ings, were always open to the sky. Itis probable that the central and northern portion of the southwest- ern cluster comprised the first rooms built in this village. This is the portion which commands the best outlook over the bottom, and it is 1 The kiva is the assembly chamber, termed estufa in some of the older writings, particularly those of the early Spanish explorers. A full description of these peculiar structures has already been published in an article on Pueblo architecture; Eighth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1886- ’87, Wash., 1891, pp. 1-228. Nicaniee | ‘M33HO T1ISSO4 JO HLNOW Lv NIN : a ADOTONHIZ 4O NVWaHNE 1AX “Id = .LHOd34 TVONNY HLiN3SLHIHL MINDELEFF] GROWTH OF ROOM CLUSTERS. 197 also on the highest ground. Following this the southern cluster was probably built; afterwards the northern cluster was added, and finally the northwestern cluster. Subsequently rooms connecting these clusters and the eastern end of the village were built up, and probably last of all were added the rooms which occupied what was originally the eastern end of the main court. This hypothetice order of building the clusters composing the village is supported by the character of the site and the peculiarities of the ground plan. Most of the rooms in the northwestern cluster and in the eastern part of the village were but one story in height, while the crowding in the interior of the village, direct evidence of which is seen on the ground plan, could take place only after the rooms surrounding that area had been located. and when hos- tile pressure from outside made it undesirable to extend the bounds of the village; in other words, at the latest stage in the growth of the village. The arrangement and distribution of the rooms within the clusters indicate an occupancy extending over a considerable period of time. A reference to the ground plan will show that continuous wall lines are the exception, and it is seldom that more than two or three rooms are grouped together in regular order. In irregularity of arrangement the inhabitants of this village followed a general habit, the result of which can be seen today in all the inhabited villages and in most of the large pueblo ruins. It indicates a steady growth of the village by the addition of rooms, one or two at a time, as they were needed. The division into clusters, however, indicates an aggregation of related gentes or subgentes banded together for protection. Given these con- ditions, (1) bands of related families living near one another; (2) hostile pressure from outside; and (3) a site not in itself easily defended, and a ground plan similar to the one under discussion must result. Single detached rooms would not be built when the village might be attacked at any time, but they might be added during periods of peace and, the conditions being favorable, they might form the nuclei of other clusters. It is possible that some of the clusters forming this village had their origin in this manner, but this question can not be determined from the ground plan, as a similar result would be produced by the advent of a small band of related families. Growth in number of rooms does not necessarily indicate growth in population, and this qualification must not be lost sight of in the dis- cussion of pueblo ground plans. Among the Pueblos of today, descent, in real property at least, is in the female line; when a man marries he becomes a member of his wife’s family and leaves his own home to live with his wife’s people. If the wife’s home is not large enough to con- tain all the members of the household, additional rooms are built adjoin- ing and connected with those previously occupied. It may be mentioned in this connection that the women build the houses, although the men supply the material and do the heavy work. The result of this custom may be readily seen: a family in which there are many daughters must 198 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 necessarily increase the space occupied by it, while a family consisting of sons, no matter how many they may be, will become extinct, so far as regards its home in the village. It is no uncommon thing to see in the villages of today several rooms in course of erection while there are a dozen or more rooms within a few steps abandoned and going to decay. Long occupancy, therefore, produces much the same effect on a ground plan of a village as a large population, or a rapidly growing one, except that in the former case irregularity in the arrangement of rooms will be more pronounced. It will be noticed that the size of rooms is more varied in the south- western and southern clusters than in the remaining portions of the village. In the southwestern cluster rooms measuring 8 feet by 18 or 20 are not uncommon. These occur principally in the central and southwestern part of the cluster, while in the northern and northeastern part the rooms are uncommonly large, one of them measuring about 40 feet in length by nearly 15 feet in width and presenting a floor area of 600 square feet. Rooms approaching this size are more common, how- ever, in the northern and northwestern clusters. In these latter clusters long narrow rooms are the exception and a number of almost square ones are seen. The smallest room in the village is in the center of the southern cluster, on the highest ground within the area covered by the ruin; it measures 6 feet by 10, with a floor area of 60 square feet, as opposed to the 600 square feet of the largest room. This small room was probably at one time a small open space between two projecting rooms, such as are often seen in the inhabited pueblos. Later the room on the south was built and the front of the space was walled up in order to make a-rectangular area, thus forming the small room shown on the ground plan. The maximum length of any room is about 40 feet, the maximum width attained is about 20 feet, and in a general way it may be stated that the average size of the rooms is considerably larger than that of the rooms in the northern ruins. From the regularity in distribution of the débris now on the ground, it appears that the rooms of the northwestern and northern clusters, including the eastern part of the village, were almost uniformly one story in height, and most of the rooms in the other clusters were also limited in height to a single story. The only places on the ground plan where rooms of two stories might have existed are the northern and central parts of the southwestern and southern clusters, and per- haps the southern side of the northern cluster; the last, however, being very doubtful. In the searcity of detached rooms or small clusters the plan of this village strongly resembles the ground plan of Zuni. Only three detached rooms are seen in the plan. One of these, situated in the main or central court, has already been referred to as probably the remains of a kiva or sacred chamber. Another single room occurs outside of the village, near its southwestern corner. This was prob- ably a dwelling room, for a kiva would hardly be located in this place. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY : \ SQ \ WY \\ WEES \\N \ SS = A : / WXGSs SS ee // S SS&Va x6 : nee if p < ~ GROUND PLAN THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII POSITE VERDE. THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. xv v aureau OF ETH! nes uw a 4 Es E Fa Ss 2 S a 2 2 o + +i we Nees al r : = Ay Fey es if | | oe MINDELEFF] ANOMALOUS FEATURES. 199 The third room is found also outside the village and at its southeastern corner. The space inclosed within the walls of this room measured about 7 feet by 4 and the lines of wall are at an acute angle with the wall lines of the village. This structure is anomalous, and its purpose is not clear. The absence of clearly defined traces of passageways to the interior of the village is noticeable. This absence can hardly be attributed to the advanced state of decay in the ruin, for nearly all the wall lines can still be easily traced. At one point only is there a suggestion of aN open passageway similar to those found in the inhabited pueblos. This occurs in the southeastern corner of the ground plan, between the southern cluster and the southern part of the northeastern cluster. It was about 25 feet long and but 6 feet wide in the clear. There were undoubtedly other passageways to the interior courts, but they were probably roofed over and perhaps consisted of rooms abandoned for that purpose. This, however, is anomalous. There are several other anomalous features in the ground plan, the purposes of which are not clear. Prominent among them is a heavy wall extending about halfway across the southern side of the village and at some distance from it. The total length of this wall is 164 feet; it is 4 feet thick (nearly twice the thickness of the other walls), and is pierced near its center by an opening or gateway 4 feet wide. The nearest rooms of the village on the north are over 40 feet away. This wall is now much broken down, but here and there, as shown on the plan, portions of the original wall lines are left. It is probable that its original height did not exceed 5 or 6 feet. The purpose of this strue- ture is obscure; it could not have been erected for defense, for it has no defensive value whatever; it had no connection with the houses of the village, for it is too far removed from them. The only possible use of this wall that occurs to the writer is that it was a dam or retaining wall for a shallow pool of water, fed by the surface drainage of a small area on the east and northeast. There is at present a very slight depression between the wall and the first houses of the village toward the north—about a foot or a foot and a half—but there may have been a depression of 2 or 3 feet here at one time and this depression may have been subsequently filled up by sediment. This conjecture could be easily tested by excavating a trench across the area between the wall and the houses, but in the absence of such an excavation the suggestion is a mere surmise. Another anomalous feature is found in the center of the southwestern cluster. Here, in two different rooms, are found walls of double the usual thickness, occurring, however, on only one or two sides of the rooms. These are clearly shown on the ground plan. The western- most of the two rooms which exhibit this feature has walls of normal thickness on three of its sides, while the fourth or eastern side consists of two walls of normal thickness, built side by side, perhaps the result of some domestic quarrel. The eastern room, however, has thick walls 200 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ern ayw. 13 on its northern and eastern sides, and in this case the walls are built solidly at one time, not consisting, as in the previous case, of two walls of ordinary thickness built side by side. An inspection of the ground plan will show that in both these cases this feature is anomalous and probably unimportant. A ruin of the same general type as that just described, but much smaller in size, is found about 6 miles farther northward on the east- ern side of the river. It is located on the river edge of a large semi- circular flat or terrace, near its northern end, and is built of flat slabs of limestone and river bowlders. It is rectangular in plan and of mod- erate size. On the southern end of the same flat are two single-room rancher’s houses and a large corral. The rooms in this ruin are oblong and similar in size and arrangement to those just described. N About 11 miles above the last-described ruin, or 17 miles above the large ruin near Lime- stone creek, there is another small ruin of the same general type as the last, located on a similar site, and in all respects, except size, closely similar to it. 5 About 3 miles below the mouth of the East Verde there is still another ruin of similar character, located on the edge of a mesa or bench overlooking the river. It is built of western side of the river, and perhaps 20 feet above it, occurs a small ruin, similar in charae- Fic. 279.—Sketch map, site ofter to the preceding. The river here makes a small ruin 10 miles north of Fos- : sil creek. long turn eastward, then flows south again, and in the angle a small bench or terrace is formed. At this point the mountains rise abruptly from the river on both sides to a height of over a thousand feet. Fig. 279 illustrates the location of this ruin. So far as could be distinguished from the hills opposite, the rooms occur in two broken lines at right angles to each other. — bowlders and slabs of rock. Like the others this ruin is rectangular in plan and of small size. About 10 miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek, on the point of a bench or terrace on the These four small ruins are all closely similar to the large ruin described above in all respects except size, and peculiarities of ground plan attendant on size. The rooms are always rectangular, generally oblong, and arranged without regularity as regards their longer axis. Except the one last described, the ruins consist of compact masses of rooms, without evidences of interior courts, all of very small size, and all located without reference to defense. The last-described ruin differs from the others only in the arrangement of rooms. There is practi- cally no standing wall remaining in any of them, and even now they can be seen for miles from the hills above. When the walls were om - ‘ or re 4 , ; i af ha z oP y 16° oy At ye iit i ! y ; f i f “S0GH3A 3LISOddO SNINY 3O M3IA 1VH3N39 SRT a ce NIAX “Id 1YOd34 Iv, Vv HIN33LYIHL ADOTIONHI3 4O NVv3aunes MINDELEFF] GROUND PLANS. 201 standing they must have been conspicuous landmarks. The masonry of all consists of flat bowlders, selected doubtless from the river bed, or perhaps sometimes quarried from the terraces, which themselves contain large numbers of river bowlders. In general appearance and in plan these ruins resemble the ruin next to be described, situated near the mouth of the East Verde. On the southern side of the East Verde, half a mile above its mouth, a small creek comes in from the south, probably dry throughout most of the year; and on a promontory or point of land left by this ereek a small ruin occurs. It is similar in plan and in character of masonry Fig. 280.—Ground plan of ruin at mouth of the East Verde. to those just described, and differs from them only in that its site is better adapted for defense, being protected on two sides by steep hills or cliffs. The ground plan of this ruin is shown in figure 280, and its general appearance in plate xiv, which also shows the character of masonry. The village overlooked a large area of low bottom land in the angle between the Verde and the East Verde, and is itself over- looked by the foothills rising behind it to the high mesas forming part of the Mazatzal mountains. The walls of this village were built of flat bowlders and slabs of lime- stone, and there is now practically no standing wall remaining. The 202 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 ground plan shows a number of places where the walls are still visible, but they extend only afew inches above the débris. There were about forty rooms, and the plan is characterized by irregularities such as have already been noticed in other plans. Although the village was of considerable size it was built up solidly, and there is no trace of an interior court. It will be noticed that the rooms vary much in size, and that many of the smaller rooms are one half the size of the largerones, as though the larger rooms had been divided by partitions after they were completed. It is probable that rooms extended partly down the slope on the west and south of the village toward the little creek before mentioned, but if this were the case all evidences have long since been obliterated. On the southern side of the village the ground plan shows a bit of curved wall. Itis doubtful whether this was an actual wall or merely aterrace. If it was a wall it is the only example of curved wall found in the region in ruins of this class. Between this wall or terrace and the adjoining wall on the north, with which it was connected, the ground is now filled in. Whether this filling occurred prior or subse- quent to the abandonment of the village does not appear. The north- eastern corner of the ruin is marked by a somewhat similar feature. Here there is a line of wall now almost obliterated and but feebly marked by débris, and the space between it and the village proper is partly filled in, forming a low terrace. Analogous features are found in several other ruins in this region, notably in the large ruin near Limestone creek. It should be noted in this connection that Mr, E. W. Nelson has found that places somewhat similar to these in the ruins about Springerville, New Mexico, always well repaid the labor of exca- vation, and he adopted as a working hypothesis the assumption that these were the burial places of the village. Whether a similar condi- tion would be found in this region can only be determined by careful and systematic excavation. The village did not occupy the whole of the mesa point on which it is located; on the east the ground rises gently to the foothills of the Mazatzal range, and on the south and west it slopes sharply down to the little creek before mentioned; while on the north there is a terrace or flat open space some 60 feet wide and almost parallel with the longer axis of the village. This open space and the sharp fall which limits it on the north is shown on the ground plan. The general view of the same feature (plate xv) also shows the character of the valley of the Kast Verde above the ruin; the stream is here confined within a low walled canyon. This open space formed a part of the village and doubtless occupied the same relation to it that interior courts do to other villages. Its northern or outer edge is a trifle higher than the space between it and the village proper and is marked by several large bowlders and a small amount of débris. It is possible that at one time there was a defensive wall here, although the ground falls so suddenly that it is almost impossible to climb up to the edge from below without artificial “BQu3A 3LISOddO SNINYH 40 LYVd NYSHLNOS XIX "Id LHOdSU TIWANNV HLINSSLYIHL ANOTONHL3 JO NW3HNo MINDELEFF] DESCRIPTION OF GROUND PLANS. 203 aid. Defensive walls such as this may have been are very rare in pueblo architecture, only one instance having been encountered by the writer in an experience of many years. The map seems to show more local relief to this terrace than the general view indicates, but it should be borne in mind that the contour interval is but 24 feet. A comparison of the ground plan of this ruin and those previously described, together with that of the ruin near the mouth of Fossil creek (plate Xvi), which is typical of this group, shows marked irregularity in outline and plan. In thecharacter of the débris also this ruin differs from the Fossil creek ruin and others located near it. Asin the latter, bowlders were used in the wall, but unlike the latter rough stone pre- dominates. In the character of its masonry this ruin forms an inter- mediate or connecting link between the ruins near Limestone creek and opposite Verde and the class of which the ruin near the mouth of Fos- sil creek is typical. In the character of its site it is of the same class as the Fossil creek ruin, being intermediate between the valley pueblos, such as that near Limestone creek, and pueblos located on defensive sites, such as the group opposite Verde. The ground plan indicates an occupancy extending over a considerable period of time and terminat- ing at or near the close of the period of aboriginal occupancy of the val- ley of Rio Verde. Another ruin, of a type closely similar, occurs on a bluff near the mouth of Fossil creek. The plan of this ruin is shown in figure 281. The village is located close to the edge of the bluff, as shown in the plan, and has an outlook over a considerable area of bottom land adjoin- ing the bluff on the east. It is probable that the cavate lodges whose location some 8 or 10 miles above the ruin, on Fossil creek, is shown on the general map (plate x1) were appendages of this village. The wall still standing extends but a few inches above the débris, but enough remains to mark the principal wall lines, and these are further emphasized by the lines of débris. The débris here is remark- ably clean and stands out prominently from the ground surface, instead of being merged into it as is usually the case. This is shown in the general view of the ruin. There are twenty-five rooms on the ground plan, and there is no evidence that any of these attained a greater height than one story. The population, therefore, could not have been much, if any, in excess of forty, and as the average family of the Pueblos consists of five persons, this would make the number of families which found a home in this village less than ten. Notwithstanding this small population the ground plan of this village shows clearly a somewhat extended period of occupancy and a gradual growth in size. The east- ern half of the village, which is located along the edge of the bluff, probably preceded the western in point of time. It will be noticed that while the wall lines are seldom continuous for more than three rooms, yet the rooms themselves are arranged with a certain degree of regu- larity, in that the longer axes are usually parallel. 204 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 The masonry of this villageis almost entirely of flat bowlders, obtained probably from the bed of the creek immediately below. The terrace on which the village was built, and in fact all the hills about it are com- posed of gravel and bowlders, but it would be easier to carry the bowl- ders up from the stream bed than to quarry them from the hillside, and in the former case there would be a better opportunity for selec- tion. Plate xvi shows the character of the rock employed, and illus- Fic. 281.—Ground plan of ruin near the mouth of Fossil creek. trates the extent to which selection of rock has been carried. Although the walls are built entirely of river bowlders the masonry presents almost as good a face as some of the ruins previously described as built of slabs of limestone, and this is due to careful selection of the stone employed. About half a mile above the mouth of Fossil creek, and on the east- ern side of the river, a deep ravine comes in from the north and east, “M3340 YV3190 4O 3GIS NYSHLNOS NO NINY 4O M3IA IVYSN39 xX “Id 1LHOd3Y IVNNNY HLNSSLHIHL ASOTONH1L3 40 NV3HNS MINDELERF] RUINS OF FOSSIL CREEK. 205 and on a low spur near its mouth there is a ruin very similar to the one just described. It is also about the same size. The general character of the site it occupies is shown in the sketch, figure 282. The masonry is of the same general character as that of the ruin near the mouth of Fossil creek, and the débris, which stands out sharply from the ground surface, is distinguished by the same cleanness. About83 miles north of Fossil creek, N on the eastern side of the Verde, occurs a small ruin, somewhat dif- erent in the arrangement of rooms from those described. Here there is a bench or terrace, some 50 feet above tlie river, cut through near its northern end by a small canyon, The ruin is located on the southern side of this terrace, near the mouth of the creek, and consists of about ten rooms arranged in L shape. The lines are very irregular, and there are seldom more than three rooms connected. The débris marking the wall lines is clean, and the lines are well defined, although no standing wall remains. About a mile above the last-de- scribed ruin, or 94 miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek, a small group of ruins occurs. The sketch, figure 283, shows the relation of the parts of this group to one another. The small cluster of rooms on the south 7° Sketch map, site of ruin above Fossil is very similar in character, location, and size to the ruin last described. The northern portion is situated on the opposite side of a deep canyon or ravine, on the crown of a hill composed of limestone, which outcrops everywhere about it, and is considerably higher than the small cluster on the south. The northern ruin is of considerable size and very com- pactly built, the rooms being clustered about the summit of the hill. The central room, occupying the crown of the hill, is 20 feet higher than the outside rooms. Ina saddle between the main cluster and a similar hill toward the southeast there are a number of other rooms, not marked so prominently by débris as those of the main cluster. There is no standing wall remaining, but the débris of the main and adjoining clusters indicates that the masonry was very rough, the walls being composed of slabs of limestone similar to those found in the large ruin near the mouth of Limestone creek, and obtained probably not 20 feet away from their present position. 206 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 The ruin described on page 200 and assigned to the first subelass occurs about half a mile north of this limestone hill, on the opposite side of the river. This small ruin, like all the smaller ruins described, was built of river bowlders, or river bowlders with occasional slabs of sandstone or limestone, while the ruin last described consists exclusively of limestone slabs. This difference is explained, however, by the character of the sites occupied by the several ruins. The limestone hill upon which the ruin under discussion is x situated is an anomalous feature, and its occur- rence here undoubtedly determined the location of this village. It is difficult otherwise to un- derstand the location of this cluster of rooms, for they command no out- look over tillable land, although the view up and down the river is exten- sive. This cluster, which is the largest in size for many miles up and down the river, may have been the parent pueblo, occu- pying somewhat the same relation to the smaller villages that Zuni occupies to the summer farming settlements of Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo Caliente; and doubtless the single-room remains, Fra. 283.—Sketch map of ruin 9} miles above Fossil creek. which occur above and below the cluster on mesa benches and near tillable tracts, were con- nected with it. This ruin is an example of the second subclass, or villages located on defensive sites, which merges into ruins of the first subclass, or villages on bottom lands, through villages like that located at the mouth of the East Verde and at the mouth of Fossil creek. On the eastern side of the Verde, just below the mouth of Beaver creek, opposite and a little above Verde, occurs one of the best exam- ples to be found in this region of a large village located on a defensive ~*~ i: *W33NO YV310 JO 3GIS NYSHLNOS NO NINY 4O MAIA galiviad smc aiiny ence nine tm ce NS SS RRR MRE Mero IXX “Id 1HOd34 TVNNNY HIN33LHIHL ADOIONH13 4O NV3HNE MINDELEFF] DEFENSIVE SITES. 207 site. Here there is a group of eight clusters extending half a mile up and down the river, and some of the clusters have walls still standing to a height of 8 and 10 feet. The relation of these clusters to each other is shown in the sketch map, figure 284. The principal ruin of the group is situated on the northern side of a small valley running eastward from the river up to the foot of a prom- inent mesa, which here bounds the eastern side of the river bottom. The valley is perhaps half a mile long and about an eighth of a mile wide. The ruin is located on a butte or knoll connected with the hills back of it by a low saddle, forming a sort of promontory or tongue of land rising from a flat space or bench, the whole some 200 feet above the river bottom. One of the clusters of rooms is located in the saddle mentioned and is connected with the main ruin. At the foot of the Fie. 284.—Sketch map showing location of ruins opposite Verde. butte on the western side there is a similar cluster, not connected, however, with the main ruin; and south of the main ruin, on the extreme edge of the little mesa or bench, there is another small clus- ter. The ruin shown on the sketch map southwest of the main ruin consists of but two rooms, with no wall now standing. All these clus- ters are Shown in their proper position on the ground plan, plate Xv1I. Plate xviil, which is a general view from the east, shows the main ruin on the butte, together with the connected cluster east of it in the sad- dle. The modern settlement seen in the middle distance is Verde. About a quarter of a mile west of the main ruin there is another small but well-preserved cluster of rooms. It occupies the narrow 208 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 ridge of a hill some 200 feet above the river. On the west and south the hill descends abruptly to the river; on the southeast and east it slopes sharply down to a broad valley on the level of the mesa bench before mentioned, but the valley is cut by a narrow and deep canyon marking the east side of the hill. This cluster is shown on the ground plan, plate xvi, though not in its proper position. Northeast of this cluster and perhaps 200 yards distant there are traces of other rooms, but they are so faint that no plan can be made out. As shown on the sketch map, figure 284, the hill is a long narrow one, and its western side falls rapidly to a large triangular area of flat bottom land lying between it and Beaver creek, which it overlooks, as well as a large area of the valley up the river and all the fine bottom lands north and east of Verde and on the northwestern side of Beaver creek. As regards outlook, and also as regards security and facility of defense, the site of the small cluster is far superior to that of the main cluster of rooms. About a quarter of a mile south aud east of the main ruin, on the opposite side of the little valley before mentioned, a mesa bench simi- lar to the one last described occurs; aad on a point of this, extending almost to the river bank, there are traces, now nearly obliterated, of a small cluster of rooms. A short distance east of this point there is a large rounded knoll, with a peculiar terrace-like bench at about half its height, The entire summit of tuis knoll was occupied by rooms, of which the walls are much broken and none remain standing. This knoll, with the ruins on its summit, is shown in plate xrx, which also gives a general view from the north of the small cluster southeast of the main ruin. The character of the valley or the Verde at this point is also shown. The sketch map, figure 284, shows the location of these ruins in reference to others of the group. The main cluster, that portion occupying the crown or summit of the butte before described, exhibits at the present time some fifty rooms in the ground plan, but there were at one time a larger number than this; and there is no doubt that rooms extended down the slopes of the hill southward and southwestward. The plan of this main cluster is peculiar; it differs from all the smaller surrounding clusters. It tells the story of a long occupancy by a people who increased largely in numbers, but who, owing to their hostile environment, could not increase the space occupied by them in proportion to their numbers. It will be noticed that while the wall lines are remarkably irregular in arrangement they are more often continuous than otherwise, more frequently continuous, in fact, than the lines of some of the smaller villages before described. The rooms are remarkably small, 10 feet square being a not unusual measurement, and built so closely together as to leave no space for interior courts. The typical rooms in the ruins of this region are oblong, generally about twice as long as broad, measur- ing approximately 20 by 10 feet. XX “Id 1YOd3Y4 IWANNY HLINSSLHIHL eed Lk ate ae a ADOIONH13 JO NV3HNE MINDELEFF] PERIOD OF OCCUPANCY. 209 In the ruin under discussion it seems that each of these oblong rooms was divided by a transverse partition into two smaller rooms, although the oblong form is also common. This is noticeable in the south- western corner and on the eastern side of the main cluster, in the southwestern corner and on the northern end of the cluster adjoining on the north, and in all the smaller clusters. It is probable that the western central part of the main cluster was the first portion of the group of structures built, and that subsequently as the demand for accommodation increased, owing to increase of population, the rooms on the eastern and southern sides of the main cluster were added, while the rooms of the older portion were divided. There is no evidence that any portion of this cluster attained a greater height than two stories, and only a small number of rooms reached that height. The small cluster adjoining on the north, and those on the southeast, southwest, and west, were built later and belong to the last period of the occupancy of the group. The builders exhibited a decided predilection for a flat site, as an examination of the sites of the various room clusters in the ground plan (plate xvi1) will show, and when the sight of the main cluster became so crowded that additional rooms could be added only by building them on the sloping hillside, recourse was had to other sites. This tendency is also exhibited in the cluster adjoining the main cluster on the north, which was probably the second in point of age. The northern end of this small group of rooms terminates at the foot of the hill which rises northeastward, while a series of wall lines extends eastward at an angle with the lines of the cluster, but along the curve of the hillside. The small northern cluster was in all probability inhabited by five or six families only, as contrasted with the main cluster, which had sixteen or seventeen, while the smaller clusters had each only two or three families. The strong presumption of the later building and occupancy of the smaller clusters, previously commented on, is sup- ported by three other facts of importance, viz, the amount and height of the standing wall, the character of the sites occupied, and the extra- ordinary size of the rooms. Although as a rule external appearance is an unsatisfactory crite- rion of age, still, other things equal, a large amount and good height of standing wall may be taken to indicate in a general way a more recent period of occupancy than wall lines much obliterated and merged into the surrounding ground level. The character of the site occupied is, however, a very good criterion of age. It was a rule of the ancient pueblo builder, a rule still adhered to with a certain degree of persistence, that enlargement of a village for the purpose of obtain- ing more space must be by the addition of rooms to those already built, and not by the construction of detached rooms. So well was this rule observed that attached rooms were often built on sites not at all adapted to them, when much better sites were available but a short 13 ETH——14 210 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 distance away; and, although detached rooms were built in certain cases, there was always a strong reason for such exceptions to the gen- eralrule. At alate period in the history of the Pueblos this rule was not so much adhered to as before, and detached houses were often built at such points as the fancy or convenience of the builder might dictate. As the traditions are broken down the tendency to depart from the old rule becomes more decided, and at the present day several of the older Pueblo villages are being gradually abandoned for the more convenient detached dwellings, while nearly all of them have suffered more or less from this cause. The tendency to cluster rooms in one large compact group was undoubtedly due primarily to hostile pressure from outside, and as this pressure decreased the inherent inconveniences of the plan would assert themselves and the rule would be less and less closely adhered to. It therefore follows that, in the absence of other sufficient cause, the presence of detached rooms or small clusters may be taken in a general way to indicate a more recent occupancy than a ground plan of a com- pact, closely built village. The size of rooms is closely connected with the character of the site occupied. When, owing to hostile pressure, villages were built on sites difficult of access, and when the rooms were crowded together into clusters in order to produce an easily defended structure, the rooms themselves were necessarily small; but when hostile pressure from surrounding or outside tribes became less pronounced, the pueblo- builders consulted convenience more, and larger rooms were built. This has occurred in many of the pueblos and in the ruins, and in a general way a ruin consisting of large rooms is apt to be more modern than one consisting of small rooms; and where large and small rooms oceur together there is a fair presumption that the occupancy of the village extended over a period when hostile pressure was pronounced and when it became less strong. It has already been shown that, owing to the social system of the pueblo-builders, there is almost always growth in a village, although the population may remain stationary in numbers or even decrease; so that, until a village is abandoned it will follow the general rule of development sketched above. Along the southern side of Clear creek, which discharges into the Rio Verde from the east, about 4 miles below Verde, there is a flat ter- race from 30 to 40 feet above the creek and some 2 or3 miles in length. Seattered over almost the whole of this terrace are remains of houses and horticultural works, which will be described later. Near the west- ern end of the terrace a low hill with flat top and rounded sides rises, and on the top of this occurs the ruin whose ground plan is shown in figure 285. This ruin commands an outlook over the whole extent of the terrace and seems to have been the home pueblo with which were connected the numerous single houses whose remains cover the terrace. The iva ak open i ate iy ie ie : or ; ¥ ban ny mG c ; ' 7 LL? i . it ms ‘ al i ma ae ‘ip hth ee ae Be ey ; , ed : n yi Ye,4. * ; ; ‘ : : e ‘ 4 oy Al : a A ‘ f ; ; d “¢ i y! A 5 : f f] 7 , e rs " a vy i. \ a , tf w . F ‘ in =e ‘ i “W339 TISSO4 JO HLYON S3TIW +L JONSNINS NV NO SNINY JO MFIA IWHAN3ZD "AN ODDWE DING BOs sos ee nr ADSOTONHLS 30 NWaHNe - SR ne RS ETE WIXX “Id LHYOd34 IWANNY HLNSSLYIHL MINDELEFF | * RUINS ON CLEAR CREEK. Pll ground plan is peculiar. The rooms were arranged in four rows, each row consisting of a line of single rooms, and the rows were placed approximately at right angles to one another, forming the four sides of a hollow square. The rooms are generally oblong, of the usual dimen- sions, and as a rule placed with their longer axes in the direction of the row. Several rooms occur, however, with their longer axes placed across the row. Thirty-eight rooms can still be traced, and there is no 2 Fig, 285.—Ground plan of ruin on southern side of Clear creek. likelihood that there were ever more than forty, or that any of the rooms attained a greater height than one story. The population, therefore, was probably never much in excess of fifty persons, or ten to twelve families. It will be noticed that the wall lines are only approximately rectan- gular. The outside dimensions of the village are as follows: North- eastern side, 203 feet; southwestern, 207 feet; southeastern, 182 feet; ile ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY [ETH. ANN. 13 and northwestern, 194 feet. The northeastern and southwestern sides are nearly equal in length, but between the southeastern and the north- western sides there is a difference of 12 feet, and this notwithstanding that the room at the western end of the southeastern row has been set out 3 feet beyond the wall line of the southwestern side. This differ- ence is remarkable if, as the ground plan indicates, the village or the greater part of it was laid out and built up at one time, and was not the result of slow growth. As already stated, long occupancy of a village, even without increase of population, produces a certain effect on the ground plan. This effect, so strongly marked in all the ruins already described, is conspic- uous in this ruin by its almost entire absence. The ground plan is just such as would be produced if a small band of pueblo builders, con- sisting of ten or twelve related families, should migrate en masse to a site like the one under discussion and, after occupying that site for a few years—less than five—should pass on to some other location. Such migration and abandonment of villages were by no means anoma- lous; on the contrary, they constitute one of the most marked and most persistent phenomena in the history of the pueblo builders. If the general principles, already laid down, affecting the development and growth of ground plans of villages are applied to this example, the hypothesis suggested above—an incoming of people en masse and a very short occupancy—imust be accepted, for no other hypothesis will explain the regularity of wall lines, the uniformity in size of rooms, and the absence of attached rooms which do not follow the general plan of the village. The latter is perhaps the most remarkable feature in the ground plan of this village. The addition of rooms attached irreg- ularly at various points of the main cluster, which is necessarily con- sequent on long occupancy of a site, even without increase of popula- tion, was in this example just commenced. The result of the same process, continued over a long period of time, can be seen in the ground plan of any of the inhabited villages of today and in most of the ruins, while a plan like that of the ruin under discussion, while not unknown, is rare. Plate xx, which is a general view of the ruin from the southwest, shows the character of the site and the general appearance of the débris, while plate xxt illustrates the character of the masonry. It will be noticed that the level of the ground inside and outside of the row of rooms is essentially the same; in other words, there has been no filling in. It will also be noticed that the amount of débris is small, and that it con- sists principally of rounded river bowlders. The masonry was peculiar, the walls were comparatively thin, and the lower courses were com- posed of river bowlders, not dressed or otherwise treated, while the upper courses, and presumably also the coping stones, were composed of slabs of sandstone and of a very friable limestone. The latter has disintegrated very much under atmospheric influences. The white "§390071 3LVAVO 3O dNOYD V 3O GN3 NYSHLYON JO M3IA IWHAN3D AIXX “Id 1HOd34 IWONNY HINJZ3ZLYIHL ASOIONHI3 4O NvaHng MINDELEFF] HEIGHT OF BUILDINGS. 2s areas seen in the illustrations are composed of this disintegrated lime- stone. The general appearance of the ruin at the present time must not be accepted as its normal condition. It is probable that the débris has undergone a process of artificial selection, the flat slabs and most available stones for building probably having been removed by neigh- boring settlers and employed in the construction of stone fences, which Ji - Ss i E = S,. mR if. \ a OQ i= S$ s & mp in Ni, 1 77 pio =vERDE Fic. 286.—Ground plan ef ruin 8 miles north of Fossil creek. are much used in this region. Even with a fair allowance for such removal, however, there is no evidence that the rooms were higher than one story. The quantity of potsherds scattered about the ruins is noticeably small. About 8 miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek. on the eastern side of the Verde, there is a ruin which, though very small, is interest- ing. At this point there is a long narrow mass of rock, the remains 214 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH ANN. 13 of a voleanie dike, some 80 or 90 feet long, which at the southern end overhangs the stream, while the other end is merged into the ground level. Atits southern end the rock is some 50 feet above the water, but 150 feet northward the dike is no longer traceable. A general view of this dike is given in plate xx1, while the ground plan, figure 286, shows the character of the site. There were rooms on all that portion of the dike that stands out prominently from the ground level, and traces of other rooms can be seen on the ground level adjoining on the north and in the causeway resulting from the breaking down and dis- integration of the dike. Remains of eight rooms in all can be traced, five of which were on the summit of the rock. The wall lines on the summit are still quite distinct and in places fragments of the original walls remain, as shown on the ground plan. The plan shows typical pueblo rooms of average size, and the masonry, though rough, is of the same character as that of other ruins in the vicinity. Facility of defense undoubtedly had something to do with the choice of this location, but that it was not the only desideratum consulted is evident from the occurrence of a large area of fertile bottom land or flat river terrace immediately adjoining the ruin on the east and over- looked by it; in iaet, the voleanic dike on which the ruin occurs oecu- pies the western end of a large semicircular area of tillable land, such as already described. Viewed, however, as a village located with ref- erence to defense it is the most perfect example—tacility of obtaining water being considered—in this region. It may be used, therefore, to illustrate an important principle governing the location of villages of this type. A study of the ground plan (figure 286) and the general view (plate XX11) will readily show that while the site and character of this village are admirably adapted for defense, so well adapted, in fact, as to sug- gest that we have here a fortress or purely defensive structure, still this adaptation arises solely from the selection of a site fitted by nature for the purpose, or, in other words, from an accident of environment. There has not been the slightest artificial addition to the natural advantages of the site. The statement may seem broad, but it is none the less true, that, so far as our knowledge extends at the present time, fortresses or other purely defensive structures form a type which is entirely unknown in the pueblo region. The reason is simple; military art, as a distinet art, was developed in a stage of culture higher than that attained by the ancient pueblo builders. It is true that within the limits of the pueblo region structures are found which, from their character and the character of their sites, have been loosely described as fortresses, their describers losing sight of the fact that the adaptability of these strue- tures to defense is the result of nature and not of art. Numerous exam- ples are found where the building of a single short wall would double the defensive value of a site, but in the experience of the writer the ee ee ae eee } we BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY UP» a ° MAP OF GROUP OF CAVATE LODGES IN WHITER THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV Firo VERDE. 80 160 FT ee 7 Scale. 3 5 BELOW CLEAR CREEK, EAST SIDE RIO VERDE. guneau OF eTHNOLOeY THIRTEE NTH ANNUA © REPORT PL. xxy Se SSS = Firo VERDE. 80 160 FT Scale. wHiTé © : ES BELOW p oF CAVATE LODGES! CLEAR CREEK, EAST SIDE RIO VERDE. MAP OF GROU an Vs 4 ty } a 7 iat , u e. MINDELEFF] DESIDERATA IN SITE SELECTION. 215 ancient builders have seldom made even that slight addition to the natural advantages of the site they occupied. The first desideratum in the minds of the old pueblo builders in choosing the location of their habitations was nearness to some area of tillable land. This land was generally adjacent to the site of the vil- lage, and was almost invariably overlooked by it. In fact this require- ment was considered of far more importance than adaptability todefense, for thelatter was often sacrificed to the former. A good example in which both requirements have been fully met is the ruin under discus- sion. This, however, is the result of an exceptionally favorable envyi- ronment; as arule the two requirements conflict with each other, and it is always the latter requirement—adaptability to defense—which suffers. These statements are true even of the so-called fortresses, of the cavate lodges, of the cliff ruins, and of many of the large village ruins scattered over the southwestern portion of the United States. In the ease of the large village ruins, however, there is another feature of pueblo life which sometimes produces a different result, viz, the use of outlying single houses or small clusters separated from the main vil- lage and used for temporary abode during the farming season only. This feature is well developed in some of the modern pueblos, particu- larly in Zui and Acoma. The principle illustrated by this ruin is an important one. Among the ancient pueblo builders there was no military art, or rather the military art was in its infancy; purely defensive structures, such as fort- resses, were unknown, and the idea of defense never reached any greater development than the selection of an easily defended site for a village, and seldom extended to the artifical improvement of the site. There is another result of this lack of military knowledge not heretofore alluded to, which will be discussed at length on some other occasion and can only be mentioned here: this is the aggregation of a number of small villages or clusters into the large many-storied pueblo building, such as the modern Zuni or Taos. About 14 miles north of the mouth of Fossil creek, on the eastern side of the river, there is another ruin somewhat resembling the last described. A large red rock rises at the intersection of two washes, about a mile back from the river, and on a bench near the summit are the remains of walls. These are illustrated in plate xx11. In general appearance and in character of site this ruin strongly resembles a type found in the San Juan region. There seem to have been only a few rooms on the top of therock, and the prominent wall seen in the illus- tration was probably a retaining or filling wall in a cleft of the rock. Such walls are now used among the Pueblos for the sides of trails, ete. It is probable that at one time there were a considerable number of rooms on the rock; the débris on the ground at the base of the rock on the western side, shown in the illustration, 1s rather scanty; on the opposite or eastern side there 1s more, and it is not improbable there 216 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 were rooms on the ground here. It is likely that access was from this side. It should be noted that this ruin, which is of a type known as “fort- ress” by some writers, is so placed as to command an extensive out- Jook over the large valley below and over the two small valleys above, as well as the considerable area of flat or bottom land formed by the junction of the small valleys. It is a type of a subordinate agricultural settlement, and had the defensive motive been entirely absent from the minds of the builders of this village it would undoubtedly have been _ located just where it now is, as this is the best site for an agricultural settlement for some distance up and down the river. Remains of walls somewhat similar to these last described occur on a butte or pinnacle on the eastern side of the river and about 7 miles N N Ae Fic. 287.—Sketch map of FG. 288.—Remains of small rooms 7 miles north of ruins on pinnacle7 miles Fossil creek. north of Fossil creek. north of the mouth of Fossil creek. From the south this pinnacle is a most conspicuous landmark, rising as it does some 2,500 feet above the river within a distance of a quarter of a mile. Theupper 50 feet of the eminence consists of bare red rock splitinto sharp points and little pin- nacies, as Shown in figure 287, which represents only the upper portion of the butte. The heavy black lines on the sketch map are walls. Some of these were doubtless mere retaining walls, but others are still stand- ing to a considerable height, and there is yet much débris on the slope of the rock forming the eastern side of the butte near its top. It is doubtful whether these rooms were ever used for habitations, and more probable that they were used as a shrine or for some analogous purpose. Perhaps a quarter of a mile northeastward, in the saddle connecting the butte with the contiguous hills in that direction, there are remains of three small rooms, located east of a low swellor ridge. Figure 288 7 pig. ie a, = i ‘ e . ad ~ = $s hes ag —— =e | > a ah is [ ra y 24 : a; t 4 4 ’ cs ee 4 Ay z “TIWM NOANVS NYSHLYON JO VLIVYELS IAXX “Id 1YOd3Y IVONNY HLN3SSLYIHL ASOTONHL] 4O Nv3aHnEe MINDELEFF] SINGLE-ROOM REMAINS. DAT shows the general character of the site, which seems to have been a favorite type for temporary structures, single-room outlooks, ete. Among the fragments of pottery picked up here were pieces of polished red ware of the southern type, and part of the bottom of a large pot of so-called corrugated ware. Half a mile northwestward, in a saddle similar to that last described, and east of the crown of a hill, are the remains of a single room, nearly square and perhaps 10 feet long. These single rooms and small cluster remains are unusual in this region, and seem to replace the bowlder- marked ruins so common south of the East Verde (to be described more fully later). Although the walls of this single-room structure were built of river bowlders, they are well marked by débris and are of the same type as those in the ruins at the mouths of the East Verde and Fessil creek. CAVATE LODGES. Cavate lodges comprise a type of structures closely related to cliff houses and cave dwellings. The term is a comparatively new one, and the structures themselves are not widely known. They differ from the cliff houses and cave dwellings principally in the fact that the rooms are hollowed out of cliffs and hills by human agency, being cut out of soft rock, while the former habitations are simple, ordinary structures built for various reasons within a cove or on a bench in the cliffs or within a cave. The difference is principally if not wholly the result of a different physical environment, i. e., cavate lodges and cave dwellings are only different phases of the same thing; but for the present at least the name will be used and the cayate lodges will be treated as a sep- arate class. There are but three regions in the United States in which cavate lodges are known to occur in considerable numbers, viz, on San Juan river, near its mouth; on the western side of the Rio Grande near the pueblo of Santa Clara; and on the eastern slope of San Francisco mountain, near Flagstaff, Arizona. To these may now be added the middle Verde region, from the East Verde to a point north of Verde, Arizona. Within the middle Verde region there are thousands of cavate lodges, sometimes in clusters of two or three, oftener in small groups, and sometimes in large groups comprising several hundred rooms. One of these large groups, located some 8 miles south of Verde on the eastern side of the river, has been selected for illustration. The bottom lands of the Rio Verde in the vicinity of Verde have been already described, and the cavate lodges in question occur just below the southern end of this large area of tillable land, and some of them overlook it. The river at this point flows southward, and extending toward the east are two little canyons which meet on its bank. North and south of the mouth of the canyons the bank of the 218 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 river is formed by an inaccessible bluff 180 or 200 feet high. These bluffs are washed by the Verde during high water, though there is evidence that up to a recent time there was a considerable area of bottom land between the river and the foot of the bluff. Plate xxtv shows the northern end of the group from a low mesa on the opposite side of the river; the eastern bank of the river can be seen in the fore- ground, while the sandy area extending to the foot of the bluff is the present high-water channel of the Verde. The map (plate xxv) shows the distribution of the cavate lodges composing the group, and plate XXVI shows the character of the site. The cavate lodges occur on two distinct levels—the first, which comprises nearly all the cavate lodges, is at the top of the slopes of talus and about 75 feet above the river; the second is set back from 80 to 150 feet from the first tier horizontally and Ce TOP OF TaLYs. —S Fic. 289.— Diagram showing strata of canyon wall. 30 or 40 feet above it. The cavate lodges occur only in the face of the bluff along the river and in the lower parts of the two little canyons before mentioned. These canyons run back into the mesa seen in the illustration, which in turn forms part of the foothills rising into the range of mountains hemming in the Rio Verde on the east. The walls of the canyon in the cavate-lodge area are composed of three distinct strata, clearly defined and well marked. The relations of the strata, at points on the northern and western sides of the north canyon, are Shown in figure 289 and plate xxv1. The lowest stratum shown in the figure is that in which almost all the cavate lodges occur. It is about 8 feet thick and composed of a soft, very friable, purple-gray sandstone. Above it lies a greenish-white bed a few inches thick, fol- lowed by a stratum of a pronounced white, about 12 feet thick. This heavy stratum is composed of calcareous clay, and the green bed of a caleareous clay with a mixture of sand. The white stratum is divided at two-thirds its height by a thin belt of greenish-white rock, and above *NOANVO 39007 3LVAVO JO LNIOd NHSHLYON NO NINY een SS NTS \ f HIAXX "Id 1LHOd34 TVANNY HIN3SSLYIHL ABOTONH13 30 Nvaune MINDELEFF] SITES OF CAVATE LODGES. 219 it there is another belt of purple-gray sandstone about 12 feet thick. The top of this sandstone forms the ground surface south of the point shown in the diagram, while on the north and east it forms the floor of the upper tier of cavate lodges. On the southern side of the canyon the lower purple stratum shows three distinct substrata; the upper is reddish purple and about 34 feet thick, the middle is purple gray, about 7 feet thick, and apparently softer than the upper and lower strata. The lodges occur in the middle purple substratum, their floors composed of the upper surface of the lower stratum and their roofs of the under surface of the upper stratum. Those on the north side arcsimilarly placed, their roofs being about 3 feet below the white, except that in several instances the upper part of the purple up to the white has fallon, making the cavity larger. This has occurred, however, since the abandonment of the caves, and the débris, still fresh looking, is in situ. The formation in which the lodges occur is not of volcanic origin, although the beds composing it were perhaps deposited by hot springs during the period of great volcanic activity which produced San Fran- cisco mountain in central Arizona and the great lava flows south of it. In view of the uncertainty on this point and the further fact that almost all the cavate lodges heretofore found were excavated in tufa, ash, or other soft voleanic deposits, the report of Mr. Joseph 8. Diller, petrographer of the U.S. Geological Survey, will be of interest. It is as follows: The coarse-grained specimen is sandstone, that of medium grain is argillaceous sandstone, and the fine-grained one is calcareous clay. The coarse-grained friable sandstone, in which the lodges have been excavated, consists chiefly of subangular and rounded grains of quartz and feldspar with asmall proportion of black particles. Many of the latter are magnetite, while the others are hornblende and various ferro- magnesian silicates. I did not detect any fragments of volcanic origin. The specimen of argillaceous sandstone is made up of thin layers of fine-grained sand of the same sort as the first, alternating with others containing considerable clay. In the clay layers, a trace of carbonate of lime was found here and there, forming a transition of the calcareous clay. The calcareous clay when placed in acid effervesces vigorously, but when allowed to stand the effervescence ceases in a few minutes and the insoluble white clay Tremalns. All the strata composing this formation are very soft; the purple- gray material of the middle layer is so soft that its surface can be rubbed off with the hand. They are also minutely stratified or laminated, and the lamin are not well cemented together, so that a blow on the roof of a cavity with a stone or other implement will bring off slabs varying from half an inch to an inch and a half in thickness. These thin strata or lamin are of unequal hardness, weathering in places several inches into the face of the rock in thin streaks of a few inches or less. The middle purple stratum exhibits this quality some- what more decidedly than the others, and this fact has doubtless determined the selection of this stratum for the location of the lodges, 220 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 as a room can be excavated in it more easily than a room of a similar size could be built up with loose rock. The almost absolute dependence of the native builder on nature as he found it is well illustrated by these cavate lodges. Ata point in the northern wallof the northernmost canyon, shown in the diagram (figure 289) and in plate XXxvVI, there is a small fault with a throw or about 23 feet, and the floors of the lodges west of the fault are just that much lower than the floors east of it. Furthermore, where the purple-gray stratum in which the lodges oceur is covered up by the rising ground surface, the cavate lodges abruptly cease. In the northern and southern ends of the group the talus encroaches on and partly covers the purple- gray stratum, and in these places the talus has been removed from the face of the rock to permit the excavation of lodges. In short, the occurrence of the cavate lodges in this locality is determined absolutely by the occurrence of one particular stratum, and when that stratum disappears the lodges disappear. So far as can be ascertained with- out actually excavating a room there is no apparent difference between the stratum in which the lodges occur and the other purple strata.above and below it. That there is some difference is indicated by the con- finement of the lodges to that particular level, but that the difference is very slight is shown by the occurrence in two places of lodges just above the principal tier, a kind of second-story lodge, as it were. It is such differences in environment as these, however, often so slight as to be readily overlooked, which determine some of the largest operations carried on by the native builders, even to the building of some of the great many-storied pueblos, and, stranger still, sometimes leading to their complete abandonment. In the region under discussion cavate lodges usually occur in con- nection with and subordinate to village ruins, and range in number from two or three rooms to clusters of considerable size. Here, how- ever, the cavate lodge-is the feature which has been most developed, and it is noteworthy that the village ruins that occur in connection with them are small and unimportant and occupy a subordinate posi- tion. There are remains of two villages connected with the cavate lodges just described, perched on the points of the promontories which form the mouths of the two.canyons before mentioned. The location of these ruins is shown in plate xxy. The one on the southern promontory is of greater extent than that on the northern point, and both are now much broken down, no standing wall remaining. A general view of the ruin on the northern promontory is given in plate xxvu, and the same illustration shows the remains of the other village on the flat top of the promontory in the farther part of the foreground. The cavate lodges are generally rudely circular in shape, sometimes oblong, but never rectangular. The largest are 25 and even 30 feet in diameter, and from this size range down to 5 or 6 feet and thence down to little cubby-holes or storage cists. Owing to their similarity, “LNOYS G3TIVM HLIM 39007 3LVAVO ADSOIONHL3 40 NvaHnge INAXX "Id 1LHYOd34 TWNNNW HIN3SLYIHL MINDELEFF} CAVATE LODGE STORAGE CISTS. Deal particularly in point of size, it is difficult to draw a line between small rooms and large storage cists, but including the latter there are two hundred rooms on the main level, divided into seventy-four distinct and separate sets. -These sets comprise from one to fourteen rooms each. On the upper level there are fifty-six rooms, divided into twenty-four sets, making a total of two hundred and fifty-six rooms. As nearly as can be determined by the extent of these ruins the pop- ulation of the settlement was probably between one hundred and fifty and two hundred persons. There is great variety in the rooms, both in size and arrangement, As a rule each set or cluster of rooms consists of a large apartment, entered by a narrow passageway from the face of the bluff, and a number of smaller rooms connected with it by narrow doorways or short passages and having no outlet except through the large apartment. Fic. 290.—Walled storage cist. As arule two or more of these smaller back rooms are attached to the main apartment, and sometimes the back rooms have still smaller rooms attached to them. In several cases there are three rooms in a series or row extending back into the rock, and in one instance (at the point marked # on the map, plate xxv) there are four such rooms, all of good size. Attached to the main apartment, and sometimes also to the back rooms, there are usually a number of storage cists, differing from the smaller rooms of the cluster only in size. These cists or cubby-holes range in size from a foot to 5 feet in diameter, and are nearly always on a level of the floor, although in some instances they extend below it. 222 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 Storage cists are also sometimes excavated in the exterior walls of the cliffs, and occasionally they are partly excavated and partly in- closed by a rough, semicircular wall. An example of the latter type is shown in figure 290. As a rule the cayate lodges are set back slightly from the face of the bluff and connected with it by a narrow passageway. Another type, however, and one not uncommon, has no connecting passageway, but instead opens out to the air by a cove or nook in the bluff. This cove was used as the main room and the back rooms opened into it in the usual way by passageways. A number of lodges of this type can be seen in the eastern side of the northern promontory or bluff. Pos- sibly lodges of this type were walled in front, although walled fronts are here exceptional, and some of them at least have been produced by the falling off of the rock above the doorway. The expedient of wall- ing up the front of a shallow cavity, commonly practiced in the San Juan region, while comparatively rare in this vicinity, was known to the dwellers in these cavate lodges. At several points remains of front walls can be seen, and in two instances front walls remain in place. The masonry, however, is in all cases very rough, of the same type as that shown in plate xxvii. c In this connection a comparison with the cavate lodges found in other regions will be of interest. In 1875 Mr. W. H. Holmes, then connected with the Hayden survey, visited a number of cavate lodges on the Rio San Juan and some of its tributaries. Several groups are illustrated in his report.! Two of his illustrations, showing, respec- tively, the open front and walled front lodges, are reproduced in plates XxIx and xxx. The open front lodges are thus described: J observed, in approaching from above, that a ruined tower stood near the brink of the cliff, at a point where it curves outward toward the river, and in studying it with my glass detected a number of cave-like openings in the cliff face about half- way up. On examination, I found them to have been shaped by the hand of man, but so weathered out and changed by the slow process of atmospheric erosion that the evidences of art were almost obliterated. The openings are arched irregularly above, and generally quite shallow, being governed very much in contour and depth by the quality of the rock. The work of excavation has not been an extremely great one, even with the imperfect imple- ments that must have been used, as the shale is for the most part soft and friable. A hard stratum served as a floor, and projecting in many places made a narrow platform by which the inhabitants were enabled to pass along from one house to another. Small fragments of mortar still adhered to the firmer parts of the walls, from which it is inferred that they were at one time plastered. It is also extremely prob- able that they were walled up in front and furnished with doors and windows, yet no fragment of wall has been preserved. Indeed, so great has been the erosion that many of the caves have been almost obliterated, and are now not deep enough to give shelter to a bird or bat. Walled fronts, the author states, were observed frequently on the Rio Mancos, where there are many well-preserved specimens. He !1Tenth Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. Survey, 1876, pp. 288-391. =v) pre? = Ror ermrnene nema aR EEE XIXX “Id LHOd3H TYNNNY HIN33SLYIHL ASOIONHL3 JO Nv3yunNe MINDELEFF] POWELL ON CAVATE LODGES. 223 described a large group situated on that stream, about 10 miles above its mouth, as follows: The walls were in many places quite well preserved and new looking, while all about, high and low, were others in all stages of decay. In one place in particular, a picturesque outstanding promontory has been full of dwellings, literally honey- combed by this earth-burrowing race, and as one from below views the ragged, window-pierced crags [see plate Xxx] he is unconsciously led to wonder if they are not the ruins of some ancient castle, behind whose moldering walls are hidden the dread secrets of a long-forgotten people; but a nearer approach quickly dispels such fancies, for the windows prove to be only the doorways to shallow and irregular apartments, hardly sufficiently commodious fora race of pigmies. Neither the outer openings nor the apertures that communicate between the caves are large enough to allow a person of large stature to pass, and one is led to suspect that these nests were not the dwellings proper of these people, but occasional resorts for women and children, and that the somewhat extensive ruins in the valley below were their ordinary dwelling places. It will be noticed that in both these cases there are associated ruins on the mesa top above, and in both instances these associated ruins are subordinate to the cavate lodges, in this respect resembling the lodges on the Verde already described. This condition, however, is not the usual one; in the great majority of cases the cavate lodges are subordinate to the associated ruins, standing to them in the relation of outlying agricultural shelters. Unless this fact is constantly borne in mind it is easy to exaggerate the importance of the cavate lodges as compared with the village ruins with which they are connected. The cavate lodges near San Francisco mountain in Arizona were vis- ited in 1883 by Col. James Stevenson, of the Bureau of Ethnology, and in 1885 by Maj. J. W. Powell. Major Powell! describes a number of groups in the vicinity of Flagstaff. Of one group, situated on a cinder cone about 12 miles east of San Francisco peak, he says: Here the cinders are soft and friable, and the cone is a prettily shaped dome. On the southern slope there are excavations into the indurated and coherent cinder mass, constituting chambers, often 10 or 12 feet in diameter and 6 to 10 feet in height. The chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger central chamber forms a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones gathered aboutit. The smaller chambers are sometimes at the same altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at a lower altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these chambers have been exca- vated. Most of them are now partly filled by the caving in of the walls and ceilings, but some of them are yet in a good state of preservation. In these chambers, and about them on the summit and sides of the cinder cone, many stone implements were found, especially metates. Some bone implements also were discovered. At the very summit of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made of voleanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled. The plaza is about 45 by 75 feet in area. Here the people lived in underground houses—chambers hewn from the friable voleanic cinders. Before them, to the south, west, and north; stretched beautiful valleys, beyond which voleanic cones are seen rising amid pine forests. The people probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys. About 18 miles still farther to the east of San Francisco mountain another ruined village was discovered, built about the crater of a vceleanie cone. This volcanic peak is of much greater magnitude. The crater opens to the eastward. On the 'Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., 1891, p. xix. 224 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 south many stone dwellings have been built of the basaltic and cinder-like rocks. Between the ridge on the south and another on the northwest there is a low saddle in which other buildings have been erected, and in which a great plaza was found, much like the one previously described. But the most interesting part of this vil- lage was on the cliff which rose on the northwest side of the crater. In this cliff are many natural caves, and the caves themselves were utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls made of volcanic rocks and cinders. These cliff dwellings are placed tier above tier, in a very irregular way. In many cases nat- ural caves were thus utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made; that is, chambers have been excavated in the friable cinders. On the very summit of the ridge stone buildings were erected, so that this village was in part a cliff village, in part cayate, and in part the ordinary stone pueblo. The valley below, especially to the southward, was probably occupied by their gardens. In the chambers among the overhanging cliffs a great many interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, and wood, and many potsherds. It will be seen that the first group described bears a remarkably close resemblance to the cavate lodges on the Rio Verde. The lodges themselves are smaller, but the arrangement of main apartment and attached back rooms is quite similar. It will be noticed also that in the second gioup described village ruins are again associated on the summit of the cliff or ridge. Major Powell ascertained that these cavate lodges were occupied by the Havasupai Indians now living in Cataract canyon, who are closely related to the Walapai, and who. it is said, were driven from this region by the Spaniards. The cavate lodges on the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, in the vicinity of the modern pueblo of Santa Clara, were also visited in 1885 by Major Powell and are thus described by him:! The clifis themselves are built of voleanice sands and ashes, and many of the strata are exceedingly light and friable. The specific gravity of some of these rocks is so low that they will float on water. Into the faces of these cliffs, in the friable and easily worked rock, many chambers have been excavated; for mile after mile the cliffs are studded with them, so that altogether there are many thousands. Some- times a chamber or series of chambers is entered from a terrace, but usually they were excavated many feet above any landing or terrace below, so that they could be reached only by ladders. In other places artificial terraces were built by con- structing retaining walls and filling the interior next to the cliffs with loose rock andsand. Very often steps were cut into the face of a cliff and a rude stairway formed by which chambers could be reached. The chambers were very irregularly arranged and very irregular in size and structure. In many cases there is a central chamber, which seems to have been a general living room for the people, back of which two, three, or more chambers somewhat smaller are found. The chambers occupied by one family are sometimes connected with those occupied by another family, so that two or three or four sets of chambers have interior communication. Usually, however, the communication from one system of chambers to another was by the outside. Many of the chambers had evidently been oceupied as dwellings. They still contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little caverns or shelves in which various vessels were placed, and many evidences of the handicraft of the people were left in stone, bone, horn, and wood, and in the chambers and about the sides of the cliffs potsherds are abundant. On more careful survey it was found that many chambers had been used as stables for asses, goats, and sheep. Sometimes they had been filled a few inches, or even 2 or 3 feet, with the excrement 1Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., op. cit., p. XXU. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXX WALLED FRONT CAVATE LODGES ON THE RIO SAN JUAN. ' iT “5 A Cade Sie, * rh a ay i yrs Sy ‘. i : etic ye : } 6 1 GY ® vp? “JONVHD OIY SHL NO S39007 3LVAVO \ eS, Scere ERE LLL LE TEESE eee g “ RISO OSE: eS Se a IXXK “Id 18Od34 TWONNVY HINZ3SLYIHL ASOIONHL3 40 NWw3uNs MINDELEFF] RIO GRANDE CAVATE LODGES. 225 of these animals. Ears of corn and corncobs were also found in many places. Some of the chambers were evidently constructed to be used as storehouses or caches for grain. Altogether it is very evident that the cliff houses have been used in comparatively modern times; at any rate, since the people owneil asses, goats, and sheep. The rock is of such a friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric deg- radation very long, and there is abundant evidence of this character testifying to the recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings. Above the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been described, evidences of more ancient ruins were found. These were pueblos built of cut stone rudely dressed. Every mesa had at least one ancient pueblo upon it, evidently far more ancient than the cavate dwellings found in the face of the cliffs. It is, then, very plain that the cayate dwellings are not of great age; that they have been occupied since the advent of the white man, and that on the summit of the cliffs there are ruins of more ancient pueblos. Major Powell obtained a tradition of the Santa Clara Indians, recit- ing three successive periods of occupaney of the cavate lodges by them, the last occurring after the Spanish conquest of New Mexico in the seventeenth century. It will be noticed that here again the cavate lodges and village ruins are associated, although in this case the village ruins on the mesas above are said to be more ancient than the cavate lodges. A general view of a small section of cliff containing lodges is given in plate xxx1, for comparison with those on the Verde. The lodges on the Rio Grande seem to have been more elaborate than those on the Verde, perhaps owing to longer occupancy; but the same arrangement of a main front room and attached back rooms, as in the cavate lodges on the Verde, was found. As the cavate lodges of the San Francisco mountain region have been assigned to the Havasupai Indians of the Yuman stock, and those of the Rio Grande to the Santa Clara pueblo Indians of the Tanoan stock, it may be of interest to state that there is a vague tradition extant among the modern settlers of the Verde region that the cayate lodges of that region were occupied within the last three generations. This tradition was derived from an old Walapai Indian whose grand- father was alive when the cavate lodges were occupied. It was impos- sible to follow this tradition to its source, and it is introduced only as a suggestion. Attention is called, however, to the tradition given im the introduction to this paper with which it may be connected. Aside from the actual labor of excavation, there was but little work expended on the Verde cavate lodges. The interiors were never plas- tered, so far as the writer could determine. Figure 291 shows the plan of one of the principal sets of rooms, which occurs at the point marked D on the map, plate xxv; and plate xxxtr is an interior view of the principal room, drawn from a flashlight photograph. This set of rooms was excavated in a point of the cliff and extends completely through it, as Shown on the general plan, plate xxv. The entrance was from the west by a short passageway opening into a cove extending back some 13 ETH 15 226 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 10 feet from the face of the cliff. The first room entered measures 16 feet in length by 10 feet in width. On the floor of this room a struc- ture resembling the piki or paper bread oven of the Tusayan Indians, was found constructed partly of fragments of old and broken metates, “Vy =---->-------4 A --<------------- D , Ve Fig. 291.—Plan of cavate lodges, group D. \S \ At the southern end of the room there is a cubby-hole about a foot in diameter, excavated at the floor level. At the eastern end of the room there is a passageway about 245 feet long leading into a smaller roughly circular room, measuring 74 feet in its longest diameter, and this in ‘d dNOYD ‘390071 3LVAVO 3O M3FIA HOINSLNI XXX “Id 1HOd3H TVONNVY HINSSLYIHL ADSOIONH1S 3O NW3NNE MINDELEFF] INTERIOR OF CAVATE LODGES. Papal turn is connected with another almost circular room of the same size. The floors of all three of these rooms are on the same level, but the roofs of the two smaller rooms are a foot lower than that of the entrance room. At the northern end of the entrance room there is a passageway 3 feet long and 24 feet wide leading into the principal room of the set. This passageway at its southern end has a framed doorway of the type illustrated later. The main room is roughly circular in form, measuring 16 feet in its north and south diameter and 15 feet from east to west. The roof is about 7 feet above the floor. Figure 292 shows a section from north- west to southwest (a, b, figure 291) through the small connected room ee ae ll oe 1a I SECTION THROUGH.A.B. SECTION THROUGH .C.D. Fic. 292.—Sections of cavate lodges, group D. adjoining on the south, and also an east and west section (ce, d, figure 291). The floor is plastered with clay wherever it was necessary in order to bring it to a level, and the coating is consequently not of uni- form thickness. It is divided into sections by low ridges of clay as shown in the plan and sections; the northern section is a few inches higher than the other. Extending through the clay finish of the floor and into the rock beneath there are four pits, indicated on the plan by round spots. The largest of these, situated opposite the northern door, was a fire hole or pit about 18 inches in diameter at the floor level, of an inverted conical shape, about 10 inches in depth, and plastered inside with clay inlaid with fragments of pottery placed as closely together as their shape would permit. The other pits are smaller; one located near the southeastern corner of the room is about 6 inches in diameter 228 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 and the same in depth, while the others are mere depressions in the floor, in shape like the small paint mortars used by the Pueblos. The room, when opened, contained a deposit of bat dung and sand about 3 feet thick in the center and averaging about 2 feet thick throughout the room. This deposit exhibited a series of well-defined strata, varying from three-fourths to an inch and a half thick, caused by the respective predominance of dung.or sand. No evidence of dis- turbance of these strata was found although careful examination was made. This deposit was cleared out and a number of small articles were found, all resting, however, directly on the floor. The articles consisted of fragments of basketry, bundles of fibers and pieces of fabrics, pieces of arrowshafts, fragments of grinding stones, three sandals of woven yucca fiber, two of them new and nearly perfect, and a number of pieces of cotton cloth, the latter seattered over the room and in several instances gummed to the floor. Only a few fragments of pottery were found in the main room, but outside in the northern passageway were the frag- ments of two large pieces, one an olla, the other a bowl, both buried in 3 or 4 inches of débris under a large slab fallen from the roof. Owing to its situation this room was one floor: vawal\ of the most desirable in the whole group. The prevailing south wind blows through it at all times, and this is doubtless the reason that it was so much filled up with sand. In the center of the room the roof has fallen at a comparatively recent date from an area about 10 by 7 feet, in slabs about an inch thick, for the fragments were within 6 inches of the top of the débris. The walls are smoke-blackened to a very slight extent compared with the large room south of it. At the northeastern and southwestern corners there are two small pockets, opening on the floor level but sunk below it, which seem to have been designed to contain water. That in the southwest corner is the larger; it is illustrated in the section, figure 293. As shown in the section and on the plan (figure 291), a low wall composed of adobe mortar and broken rock was built across the opening on the edge of the floor, perhaps to increase its capacity. This cavity would hold 15 to 20 gallons of water, a sufficient amount to supply the needs of an ordinary Indian family for three weeks or a month. The pocket in the northeastern corner of the room is not quite so large as the one described, and its front is not walled. West of the main room there is a storage room, nearly cireular in shape, with a diameter of about 6 feet and with a floor raised about 2 feet above that of the main room. Its roof is but 3 feet above the floor, and across its western end is a low bench a couple of inches above the Fia. 293.—Section of water pocket. “ZLIS GAMYVW-43a01MO08 amorous olbnd WIXX “Id JHOd3Y TWONNV HIN3SLHIHL ASOIONHL3 4O Nv3ayns MINDELEFF] CAVATE LODGE GROUND PLANS. 229 floor. In the northeastern corner there is a shallow cove, also raised slightly above the main floor and connecting by a narrow opening with the outer vestibule-like rooms on the north. These northern rooms of the lodge seem to be simply enlargements of the passageway. The northern opening is a window rather than a door as it is about 10 feet above the ground and therefore could be entered only by a ladder. The opening is cut in the back of a cove in the cliff, and is 6 feet from the northern end of the main room. At half its length it has been enlarged on both sides by the excavation of niches or coves about 4 feet deep but only 24 feet high. These coves could be used only for storage on a small scale. <--roe D> Fic. 294.—Plan of cavate lodges, group A. In the southeastern corner of the main room there is another open- ing leading into a low-roofed storage cist, approximating 4 feet in diam- eter, and this cist was in turn connected with the middle one of the three rooms first described. This opening, at the time the room was examined, was so carefully sealed and plastered that it was searcely perceptible. A different arrangement of rooms is shown in plan in figure 294 and in section in figure 295. This group occurs at the point marked A on the map. The entrance to the main room was through a narrow passage, 3 feet long, leading into the chamber from the face of the bluff, which at 230 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN, 13 this point is vertical. The main room is oblong, measuring 17 feet one way and 10 the other. At the southern end there is a small cist and on the western side near the entrance there is another hardly a foot in diameter. North of the main room there is a small, roughly circular room with a diameter of about 6 feet. It is connected with the main room by a passage about 2 feet long. On the floor of the main room there are two low ridges of clay, similar to those already described, which divide it into three sections of nearly equal size. East of the main room there is another of considerable size in the form of a bay or cove. It measures 13 feet by 6 feet, and its floor is 20 inches higher than that of the main room, as shown in the section (figure 295). Attached to this bay, at its northern end, is a small cist about 3 | oa SECTION THROUGH. A.B. Aa) Doorway. y. ER i. Yi, SECTION THROUGH C.D. Fic. 295.—Sections of cavate lodges, group 4. feet in diameter, and with its floor sunk to the level of the floor of the main room. East of the cove there is another cist about 44 feet in diameter and with its floor on the level of the cove. Adjoining it on the south and leading out from the southeastern corner of the cove or bay, there is a long passage leading into an almost cireular room 9 feet in diameter. The back wall of this room is 33 feet from the face of the cliff. The passage leading into it is 6 feet long, 24 feet wide at the doorways, bulging slightly in the center, and its floor is on the same level as the rooms it connects; its eastern end is defined by a ridge of clay about 6 inches high. “B0U3A YSMO71 SHL NO HOLIC ONILVOIYY! rr AIXXX “Td 1HOd3Y TVNNNVY HINZSLYIHL ADOIONHI3 JO Nvauns MINDELEFF] CAVATE LODGE GROUND PLANS. Boil In the eastern side of the circular room last described there is a storage cist about 3 feet wide and 2 feet deep. No fire-pit was seen in this cluster, although if the principal apartment were carefully cleaned out it is not improbable that one might be found. A cluster of rooms somewhat resembling the last described is shown in plan in figure 296. This cluster occurs at the point marked B on the map. The main room is set back 54 feet from the face of the bluff, which is vertical at this point, and is oblong in shape, measuring 194 by 113 feet. Its roof is 74 feet above the floor in the center of the room. Attached to its southern end by a passage only a foot in length is a Small room or storage cist about 5 feet in diameter. At its north- eastern corner there is another room or cist similar in shape, about 7 feet in diameter, and reached by a passage 2 feet long. This small N Doorwar. Enrrance . Fic: 296.—Plan of cavate lodges, group B. room is also connected with a long room east of the main apartment by a passage, the southern end of which was carefully sealed up and plastered, making a kind of niche of the northern end. At the south- eastern corner of the room there is a small niche about 2 feet in diam- eter on the level of the floor. The eastern side of the main room is not closed, but opens directly into an oblong chamber of irregular size with the roof nearly 2 feet lower and the floor a foot higher than the main room. This step in the floor is shown by the line between the rooms onthe ground plan. The second room is about 6 feet wide and 20 feet long, its southern end rounding out slightly so as to form an almost circular chamber. Near 232 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 the center of its eastern side there is a passageway 24 feet long leading into a circular chamber 105 feet in diameter and with its floor on the same level as the room to which it is attached. The back wall of this room is 354 feet from the face of the cliff. A group occuring at the point marked # on the map (plate xxv) is shown in plan in figure 297. It is located in a projecting corner of the bluff and marks the eastern limit of the cavate lodges at this end of the canyon. The group consists of five rooms, and has the distinction of extending four rooms deep into the rock. The main room is set back about 15 feet from the face of the bluff, about 7 feet of this dis- tance being occupied by a narrow passageway and the remainder by a cove. The depth from the face of the bluff to the back of the inner- most chamber is 47 feet. The main room measures 16 feet in length and 11 feet in width, and its roof is less than 7 feet high in the center. Near its center and opposite the long passageway mentioned there is a fire-pit nearly 3 feet in diameter. ne” | Wi WG a scale = t fn7rance Doornay. Fic. 297.—Plan of cavate lodges, group 2. At the northeastern corner of the main room there is a wide opening leading into a room measuring 8 by 7 feet, with a floor raised 2 feet above that of the principal apartment. The roof of this chamber is but 44 feet above the floor. Almost the whole eastern side of this room is occupied by a wide opening leading into another room of approximately the same size and shape. The roof of this room is only 3 feet 10 inches above the floor, and the floor is raised 6 inches above that on the west. In the northeastern corner there is a short narrow passageway leading into a small circular room, the fourth of the series, having a diameter of 4 feet. The roof of this apartment is only 3 feet above the floor. In the southeastern corner of the main room there is a narrow pas- sageway leading into a circular chamber about 8 feet in diameter. This chamber is connected with the second room of the series described by a passageway about 2 feet long, which opens into the southeastern "39014 MOT HONOYHL LND ONIMOHS ‘HOLIG ONILVOINE! G10 ee ee ADOIONH1IS JO NV3"NE AXXX “Id LHOd38 TVANNW HIN3Z3LHIHL MINDELEFF] CAVATE LODGE GROUND PLANS. 233 corner of that room. This passageway, at its northern end, is 13 feet below the room into which it opens. One of the most noticeable feat- ures about this group of rooms is the entire absence of the little nooks N ecent/ ly fallen debris. Ewrrance Doorway. Fig. 298.—Plan of cavate lodges, group 0. and pockets in the wall which are characteristic of these lodges, and which are very numerous in all the principal groups, noticeably in the group next described. 234 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 At the point marked C on the map there is an elaborate group of chambers, consisting of two groups joined together and comprising altogether eight rooms. This is shown in plan in figure 298. The rock composing the front of the main room of the southern group has recently fallen, making a pile of débris about 4 feet high. The room originally measured about 12 by 22 feet. Its eastern side is occupied by a pas- sageway leading into an adjoining chamber and by two shallow, roughly semicircular coves, apparently the remains of former small rooms. Along the northern wall of the room there are two little nooks at the floor level, and along the southern wall there are four, one of them (shown on the plan) being dug out like a pit. The roof of the room was about 6 feet above the floor. The passageway near the eastern side is 43 feet long, and is 34 feet wide—an unusual width. It opens into a roughly circular room, 8 feet in diameter, but with a roof only 34 feet above the floor. Along the northeastern side of this room there are three small pockets opening on the floor level. On the southern side of the room there is a wide open- ing into a small attached room, roughly oblong in shape and measur- ing about 64 by 44 feet. Along the southern wall of this little room there are two small pockets, and at the southwestern corner the rock has been cleared out to form a low cavity in the shape of a half dome. In the northwestern corner of the room there is another wide passage to a small room attached to the main room. This passage is now care- fully sealed on its southern side with a slab of stone, plastered neatly so as to be hardly perceptible from the southern side. The room into which this passage opens on the north is attached to the northeastern corner of the main apartment by a narrow passage, 14 feet wide and a foot long. It is roughly cireular in shape, about 6 feet in diameter, and is the only chamber in the southern group which has no pockets or cubby-holes. Of these pockets there are no fewer than twelve in the southern group. Near the northern corner of the main room there is a doorway leading into a cove, which in turn opens into the main room of the northern group. The main room of the northern group is set back about 9 feet from the face of the bluff, but is entered by a passageway about 3 feet long, the remainder of the distance consisting of a cove in the cliff. The room is 22 feet long and 13 feet wide and its roof is 64 feet above the floor. In the southwestern corner there is a small pocket in the wall, and in the northwestern corner two others, all on the floor level. In the eastern side, however, there is a cubby-hole nearly 2 feet in diameter and about 2 feet above the floor. This is arare feature. The southern end of the room opens into a kind of cove, raised 2 feet above the floor of the main room, and opening at its southern end into the main room of the southern group. In the floor of this cove there is a circular pit about 18 inches in diameter (marked in the plan, figure 298). Although resembling the fire holes already described, the position of “GHYVYMLS3M DNIMOOT ‘3GYHSA YV3N HOLIG 010 Lin - HAXXX “Id LHOd3H TWONNV HIN3ZSLYIHL ADOIONHI3 JO NW3HNe MINDELEFF] _ CAVATE LODGE WATER-PIT. 235 the pit under consideration precludes use for that purpose; it was probably designed to contain water. At the northeastern corner of the principal apartment there is an oblong chamber or storage cist, measuring 6 feet by 7 feet. Connected with the main room by a passageway 2 feet long cut in its eastern wall, there is an almost circular chamber 7 feet in diameter, and this in turn connects with another chamber beyond it by a pas- sageway 24 feet long and less than 2 feet wide. The roofs of the two chambers last mentioned are but 44 and 4 feet, respectively, above the floor, and in none of the rooms of this group, except the main apart- ment, are pockets or niches found. The whole group extends back about 45 feet into the bluff. BOWLDER-MARKED SITES. Within the limits of the region here treated there are many hundreds of sites of structures and groups of rooms now marked only by lines of water-rounded bowlders. Asarule each site was occupied by only one or two rooms, although sometimes the settlement rose to the dignity of a village of considerable size. The rooms were nearly always oblong, similar in size and ground plan to the rooms composing the village ruins already described, but differing in two essential points, viz, char- acter of site and character of the masonry. As arule these remains are found on and generally near the edge of a low mesa or hill overlooking some area of tillable land, but they are by no means confined to such locations, being often found directly on the bottom land, still more fre- quently on the banks of dry washes at the points where they emerge from the hills, and sometimes on little islands or raised areas within the wash where every spring they must have been threatened with overflow or perhaps even overflowed. An examination of many sites leads to the conclusion that permanency was not an element of much weight in their selection. Externally these bowlder-marked sites have every appearance of great antiquity, but all the evidence obtainable in regard to them indi- cates that they were connected with and inhabited at the same time as the other ruins in the region in which they are found. They are so much obliterated now, however, that a careful examination fails to determine in some cases whether the site in question was or was not occupied by a room or group of rooms, and there is a notable dearth of pottery fragments such as are so abundant in the ruins already deseribed. Excavation in a large ruin of this type, however, conducted by some ranchmen living just above Limestone creek, yielded a con- siderable lot of pottery, not differing in kind from the fragments found in stone ruins so far as can be judged from description alone. In the southern part of the region here treated bowlder-marked sites are more clearly marked and more easily distinguished than in the northern part, partly perhaps because in that section the normal ground 236 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [BTH. ANN. 13 surface is smoother than in the northern section and affords a greater contrast with the siteitself. Plate xxx1m shows one of these bowlder- marked sites which occurs a little below Limestone creek, on the oppo- site or eastern side of the river. It is typical of many in that district. It will be noticed that the bowlders are but slightly sunk into the soil, and that the surface of the ground has been so slightly disturbed that it is practically level; there is not enough débris on the ground to raise the walls 2 feet. The illustration shows, in the middle distance, a con- siderable area of bottom land which the site overlooks. In plan this site shows a number of oblong rectangular rooms, the longer axes of which are not always parallel, the plan resembling very closely the smaller stone village ruins already described. It is probable that the lack of parallelism in the longer axes of the rooms is due to the same cause as in the village ruins, i. e., to the fact that the site was not all built up at one time. The illustration represents only a part of an extensive series of wall remains. The series commences at the northern end of a mesa forming the eastern boundary of the Rio Verde and a little below a point oppo- site the mouth of Limestone creek. The ruins occur along the western rim of the mesa, overlooking the river and the bottom lands on the other side, and are now marked only by bowlders and a slight rise in the ground. But few lines of wall are visible, most of the ruins con- sisting only of a few bowlders scattered without system. From the northern end of the mesa, where the ruins commence, traces of walls can be seen extending due southward and at an angle of about 10° with the mesa edge for a distance of one-fourth of a mile. Beyond this, for half a mile or more southward, remains of single houses and small clusters occur, and these are found in less abundance to the southern edge of the mesa, where the ruin illustrated occurs. The settlement extended some distance east of the part illustrated, and also south- ward on the slope of the hill. Two well-marked lines of wall occur at the foot of the hill, on the flat bottom land, but the slopes of the hill are covered with bowlders and show no well-defined lines. Scattered about on the surface of the ground are some fragments of metates of coarse black basalt and some potsherds, but the latter are not abun- dant. The bowlders which now mark these sites were probably obtained in the immediate vicinity of the points where they were used. The mesa on which the ruin occurs is a river terrace, constructed partly of these bowlders; they outcrop occasionally on its surface and show clearly in its sloping sides, and the washes that carry off the water falling on its surface are full of them. In the northern end of the settlement there are faint traces of what may have been an irrigating ditch, but the topography is such that water could not be brought on top of the mesa from the river itself. At the southern end of the settlement, northeast of the point shown in the illustration, there are traces of a structure that may have been a "GUVYMLSV3 DNIXOO7 ‘30YSA YVSN HOLIG G10 ASOIONH13 JO Nv3aHNnE HIAXXX “Td 1HYOd3Y TVANNW HIN33L8IHL MINDELEFF] BOWLDER-MARKED SITES. Dok storage reservoir. The surface of the mesa dips slightly southward, and the reservoir-like structure is placed at a point just above the head of a large wash, where a considerable part of the water that falls upon the surface of the mesa could be caught. It is possible that, commence- ing at the northern end of the settlement, a ditch extended completely through it, terminating in the storage reservoir at the southern end, and that this ditch was used to collect the surface water and was not connected with the river. A method of irrigation similar to this is practiced today by some of the Pueblo Indians, notably by the Hopi or Tusayan and by the Zuni. In the bottom land immediately south of the mesa, now occupied by several American families, there is a fine example of an aboriginal ditch, described later. In the vicinity of the large ruin just above Limestone creek, previ- ously described, the bowlder-marked sites are especially abundant. In the immediate vicinity of that ruin there are ten or more of them, and they are abundant all along the edge of the mesa forming the upper river terrace; in fact, they are found in every valley and on every point of mesa overlooking a valley containing tillable land. It is probable that the bowlder-marked ruins are the sites of second- ary and temporary structures, erected for convenience in working fields near to or overlooked by them and distant from the home pueblo. The character of the sites oceupied by them and the plan of the strue- tures themselves supports this hypothesis. That they were connected with the permanent stone villages is evident from their comparative abundance about each of the larger ones, and that they were con- structed in a less substantial manner than the home pueblo is shown by the character of the remains. It seems quite likely that only the lower course or courses of the walls of these dwellings were of bowlders, the superstructure being perhaps sometimes of earth (not adobe) but more probably often of the type known as “jacal”—upright slabs of wood plastered with mud. This method of construction was known to the ancient pueblo peoples and is used today to a considerable extent by the Mexican population of the southwest and to a less extent in some of the pueblos. No traces of this construction were found in the bowlder- marked sites, perhaps because no excavation was carried on; but it is evident that the rooms were not built of stone, and that not more than a small percentage could have been built of rammed earth or grout, as the latter, in disintegrating leaves well-defined mounds and lines of débris. Itis improbable, moreover, that the structures were of brush plastered with mud, such as the Navajo hogan, as this method of con- struction is not well adapted to a rectangular ground plan, and if per- sistently applied would soon modify such a plan to a round or par- tially rounded one. Temporary brush structures would not require stone foundations, but structures composed of upright posts or slabs, filled in with brush and plastered with mud, and designed to last more 238 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 than one farming season, would probably be placed on stone founda- tions, as the soil throughout most of the region in which these remains oceur is very light,and a wooden structure placed directly on it would hardly survive a winter. In the valley of the Rio Verde the profitable use of adobe at the present time is approximately limited northward by the thirty-fourth parallel, which crosses the valley a little below the mouth of Limestone creek. North of this latitude adobe is used less and less and where used requires more and more attention to keep in order, although on the high tablelands some distance farther northward it is again a suitable construction. South of the thirty-fourth parallel, however, adobe construction is well suited to the climate and in the valleys of Salt and Gila rivers it is the standard construction. Adobe construc- tion (the use of sun-dried molded brick) was unknown to the ancient pueblo builders, but its aboriginal counterpart, rammed earth or pisé construction, such as that of the well known Casa Grande ruin on Gila river, acted in much the same way under climatic influences, and it is probable that its lack of suitability precluded its use in the greater part of the Verde valley. No walls of the type of those of the Casa Grande ruin have been found in the valley of the Verde, although abundant in the valleys of the Salt and Gila rivers, but it 1s possible that this method of construction was used in the southern part of the Verde region for temporary structures; in the northern part of that region its use even for that purpose was not practicable. In this connection it should be noted that all the ruins herein described are of buildings of the northern type of aboriginal pueblo architecture and seem to be connected with the north rather than the south. IRRIGATING DITCHES AND HORTICULTURAL WORKS, One of the finest examples of an aboriginal irrigating ditch that has come under the writer’s notice occurs about 2 miles below the mouth of Limestone creek, on the opposite or eastern side of the river. At this point there is a large area of fertile bottom land, now occupied by some half dozen ranches, known locally as the Lower Verde settlement. The ditch extends across the northern and western part of this area. Plate xxx1v shows a portion of this ditch at a point about one-eighth of a mile east of the river. Here the ditch is marked by a very shallow trough in the grass-covered bottom, bounded on either side by a low ridge of earth and pebbles. Plate xxxv shows the same ditch ata point about one-eighth of a mile above the last, where it was necessary to cut through alow ridge. North of this point the ditch can not be traced, but here it is about 40 feet above the river and about 10 feet above a modern (American) ditch. It is probable that the water was taken out of the river about 2 miles above this place, but the ditch was run on the sloping side of the mesa which has been recently “WNLVYLS TSAVYD ONIMOHS ‘HOLIG LNSIONY Y3SAO 44079 WMAXXX “Id LHOd3ay IVNNNY HANSSLYIHL ASOIONH1I3 30 Nvanne MINDELEFF] ANCIENT IRRIGATING DITCH. 239 washed out. No traces of the ditch were found east of the point shown in plate XxxtIy, but as the modern acequia, which enters the valley nearly 10 feet below the ancient one, extends up the valley nearly to its head, there is no reason to suppose that the ancient ditch did not irrigate nearly the whole area of bottom land. The ancient ditch is well marked by two clearly defined lines of pebbles and small bowlders, as shown in the illustration. Probably these pebbles entered into its construc- tion, as the modern ditch, washed out at its head and abandoned more than a year ago, Shows no trace of a similar marking. A little west and south of the point shown in plate xxxtv the bottom land drops off by a low bench of 3 or 4 feet toa lower level or terrace, and this edge is marked for a distance of about a quarter of a mile by the remains of a stone wall or other analogous struc- ture. This is located on the extreme edge of the upper bench and it is marked on its higher side by a very small elevation. On the outer or lower side it is more clearly visible, as the stones of which the wall was composed are scattered over the slope marking the edge of the upper bench. At irregu- lar intervals along the “YOUIP Duryedtzat yuoroue ue jo duyy—'se6z “D1 @-v aw WOITSIS csmHD 240 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 wall there are distinct rectangular areas about the size of an ordinary pueblo room, i.e., about 8 by 10 and 10 by 12 feet. In February, 1891, there was an exceptional flood in Verde river due to prolonged hard rain. The river in some places rose nearly 20 feet, and at many points washed away its banks and changed the channel. The river rose on two occasions; during its first rise it cut away a con- siderable section of the bank near a point known as Spanish wash, about 34 miles below Verde, exposing an ancient ditch. During its second rise it cut away still more of the bank and part of the ancient ditch exposed a few days before. The river here makes a sharp bend and flows a little north of east. The modern American ditch, which supplied all the bottom lands of the Verde west of the river, was ruined in this vicinity by the flood that uncovered the old ditch. Figure 299 is a map of the ancient ditch drawn in the field, with contours a foot apart, and showing also a section, on a somewhat larger scale, drawn through the points A Bon the map. Plate XXXVI is a view of the ditch looking westward across the point where it has been washed away, and plate XxxVII shows the eastern portion, where the ditch disappears under the bluff. The bank of the river at this point consists of a low sandy beach, from 10 to 50 teet wide, limited on the south by a vertical bluff 10 to 12 feet high and composed of sandy alluvial soil. This bluff is the edge of the bottom land before referred to, and on top is almost flat and covered with a growth of mesquite, some of the trees reaching a diameter of more than 3inches. The American ditch, which is shown on the map, runs along the top of the bluff skirting its edge, and is about 14 feet above the river at its ordinary stage. The edge of the bluff is shown on the map by a heavy black line. It will be observed that the ancient ditch occurs on the lower flat, about 3 feet above the river at its ordinary stage, and its remains extend over nearly 500 feet. The line, however, is not a straight one, but has several decided bends. One of these occurs at a point just west of that shown in the section. About 80 feet east of that point the ditch makes another turn southward, and about 40 feet beyond strikes the face of the bluff almost at right angles and passes under it. About 50 feet north of the main ditch, at the point where it passes under the bluff, there are the remains of another ditch, as shown on the map. This second ditch was about a foot higher than the main structure, or about 4 feet above the river; it runs nearly parallel with it for 30 feet and then passes into the bluff with a slight turn toward the north. It is about the same size as the main ditch, but its see- tion is moreevenly rounded. Figure 300 shows this ditch in section. As already stated, the American ditch is about 14 feet above the river, while the ancient ditch is less than 4 feet above the water. This decided difference in level indicates a marked difference in the charac- ter of the river. The destruction of the modern ditch by the flood of *M33YO YV310 NO SHYOM TWYNLINOILYOH GNV HOLICG LN3SIONV A XIXXX “Id 1HOd3HY IVWANNY HIN3ZSLHIHL ADOIONH13 JO NvayunNEe MINDELEFF] DITCHES AFFECTED BY FRESHETS. 241 1891 is not the first mishap of that kind which has befallen the settlers. The ditch immediately preceding the current one passed nearly over the center of the ancient ditch, then covered by 10 feet or more of allu- vial soil, and if a ditch were placed today on the level of the ancient structure it would certainly be destroyed every spring. The water that flowed through the modern ditch was taken from the river at a point about 3 miles farther northward, or just below Verde. The water for the ancient ditch must have been taken out less than a mile above the southern end of the section shown in the map. At first sight it would appear that the ancient ditch antedated the deposit of alluvial soil forming the bottom land at this point, and this Fie. 500.—Part of old irrigating ditch. hypothesis is supported by several facts of importance. It is said that ten years ago the bottom land, whose edge now forms the bluff referred to, extended some 25 or 30 feet farther out, and that the river then flowed in a channel some 200 or 300 feet north of the present one. Be this as it may, the bottom land now presents a fairly continuous sur- face, from the banks of the river to the foothills that limit the valley on the west and south, and it is certain that this bottom land extended over the place occupied by the ancient ditch; nor is it to be supposed that the ancient ditches ended abruptly at the point where they now enter the bluff. The curves in the line of the ancient ditch might indi- cate that it was constructed along the slope of a hill, or on an uneven 13 ETH—16 242 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. (ETH. ANN. 13 surface, as a deep excavation in fairly even ground would naturally be made in a straight line. The face of the bluff shows an even deposit of sand, without apparent stratification, except here and there a thin layer or facing of mud occurs, such as covers the bottom of the ancient ditch and also of the modern ditch. Singularly enough, however, over the ancient ditch, about 5 feet above its bottom, there is a stratum of sand and gravel, and on top, within a few inches of the surface of the ground, a thin stratum of mud. This mud stratum extends only about 8 feet horizontally and is slightly hollowed, with its lowest part over the center of the ditch. The gravel stratum also was laid down over the ditch, is tilted slightly southward and occurs in two layers, together about a foot thick. It first appears a few feet south of the point where the main ditch enters the bluff and over the ditch both layers are distinctly marked, as shown in plate xxxvill. Both layers are clearly marked to a distance of 4 feet north of the northern side of the main ditch; here the lower layer thins out, but the upper layer continues faintly marked almost to the edge of the small ditch. At this point the gravel stratum becomes pronounced again and continues over the small ditch, almost pure gravel in places, with a decided dip westward. At a point just beyond the northern side of the small ditch the gravel layer disappears entirely. The occurrence of this gravel in the way described seems to indicate that the ditch was built along the slope of a low hill forming the edge of the bottom land at that time, and that subsequently detritus was deposited above it and over the adjacent bottom land forming a smooth ground surface. Against this hypothesis it must be stated that no evidence whatever was found of more than a single deposit of sandy loam, although the exposures are good; but perhaps were an examina- tion made by a competent geologist some such evidence might be developed. There is one fact that should not be lost sight of in the discussion, viz, the very low elevation of the ditch above the river. The Verde is, as already stated, a typical mountain stream, with an exceptionally high declivity, and consequently it is rapidly lowering its bed. If, as already conjectured, the water for the ancient ditch was taken from the river but a short distance above the point where remains of the ditch are now found—and this assumption seems well supported by the character of the adjacent topography—the slight elevation of the bed ot the ditch above the river would indicate that, in the first place, the ditch was located, as already suggested, along the slope of a hill, and in the second place, that the ditch was built at a period of no great antiquity. The occurrence of the high blutf under which the ditch now passes does not conflict with this suggestion, for the deposition of the material composing it and its erosion into its present form and condi- tion may be the result of decades rather than of centuries of work by *"W3SYNO YV3710 “TION V GNNOYV HOLIG LNSIONV 1X "Id 1HOd3Y TVONNY HIN23LHIHL ADOIONHI3 JO NW3HNS MINDELEFF] CLEAR CREEK WORKS. 243 a stream like the Verde, and certainly a hundred, or at most a hun- dred and fifty years would suffice to accomplish it. At the present time a few floods deposit an amount of inaterial equal to that under discussion, and if subsequently the river changed its channel, as it doesat a dozen different points every spring, afew decades only would be required to cover the surface with grass and bushes, and in short, to form a bottom land similar to that now existing over the ancient ditch. In conelusion it should be noted, in support of the hypothesis that the ditch was built before the material composing the bluff was laid down, that immediately under the ditch there is a stratum of hard adobe-like earth, quite different from the sand above it and from the material of which the bluff is composed. This stratum is shown clearly in plate XxxviIl. The hypothesis which accords best with the evidence now in hand is that which assumes that the ditch was taken out of the river but a short distance above the point illustrated, and that it was built on the slope of a low hill, or on a nearly flat undulating bottom land, before the material composing the present bottom or river terrace was depos- ited, and that the ditch, while it may be of considerable antiquity, is not necessarily more than a hundred or a hundred and fifty years old; in other words, we may reach a fairly definite determination of its minimum but not of its maximum antiquity. On the southern side of Clear creek, about a mile above its mouth, there are extensive horticultural works covering a large area of the terrace or river bench. These have already been alluded to in the description of the village ruin overlooking them, but there are several features which are worthy a more detailed description. Fora distance of 2 miles east and west along the creek, and perhaps half a mile north and south, there are traces of former works pertaining to horticulture, including irrigating ditches, “reservoirs,” farming outlooks, etc. At the eastern end of these works, about 3 miles above the mouth of Clear creek, the main ditch, after running along the slope of the hill for some distance, comes out on top of the mesa or terrace nearly opposite the Morris place. The water was taken from the creek but a short distance above, hardly more than half a mile. West of the point where the ditch comes out on the mesa top, all traces of it disappear, but they are found again at various points on the terrace. Plate xxx1x shows a portion of the terrace below and opposite the rectangular ruin previously described. In the distant foreground the light line indi- cates a part of the ancient ditch. Plate xL shows the same ditch at a point half a mile below the last, where it rounds a knoll. In the dis- tance is the flat-topped hill or mesa on which the rectangular ruin previously described is located. About a hundred yards southeast of this point further traces of the ditch may be seen, and connected with it at that point are a number of rectangular areas, which were culti- vated patches when the ditch was in use. 244 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH. ANN. 13 The whole surface of the terrace within the limits described is cov- ered by small water-worn bowlders scattered so thickly over it that travel is seriously impeded. In many parts of it these bowlders are arranged so as to inclose small rectangular areas, and these areas are connected with the old ditch just deseribed. Plate xxxrx shows some- thing of this surface character; and in the right hand portion of it may be seen some of the rows of bowlders forming the rectangular areas. The rows which occur at right angles to the ditch are much more clearly marked than those parallel to it, and the longer axes of the rectangular areas are usually also at right angles to the ditch line. On the ground these traces of inclosures can hardly be made out, but from an elevated point, such as the mesa on which the rectangular ruin overlooking these works is located, they show very clearly and have the appearance of windrows. ‘Traces of these horticultural works would be more numerous, and doubtless more distinct, were it not that a considerable part of the area formerly under cultivation has been picked over by the modern settlers in this region, and immense quan- tities of stone have been removed and used in the construction of fences. This has not been done, however, in such a manner as to leave the ground entirely bare, yet bare areas occur here and there over the surface, where doubtless once existed a part of the general scheme of horticultural works. One such bare area occurs close to the edge of the terrace about a mnile and a half above the mouth of the creek. In its center is a structure called for convenience a reservoir, although it is by no means certain that it was used as such... It oceurs about 100 yards from the creek, opposite the Wingfield place, and consists of a depression surrounded by an elevated rim. It is oval, measuring 108 feet north and south and 72 feet east and west from rim to rim. The crown of the rim is 5 feet 8 inches above the bottom of the depression and about 3 feet above the ground outside. The rim is fairly continuous, except at points on the northern and southern sides, where there are slight depressions, and these depressions are further marked by extra large bowlders. At its lowest points, however, the rim is over 2 feet above the ground, which slopes away from it for some distance in every direction. Plate xL1 shows the eastern side of the depression; the large tree in the middle distance is on the bank of Clear creek and below the terrace. Plate xLit shows the northern gateway or dip in the rim, looking southward across the depression. The large bowlders previ- ously referred to can be clearly seen. A depression similar to this occurs on the opposite side of the valley, about half a mile from the river. In this case it is not marked by bowlders or stones of any description, but is smooth and rounded, corresponding to the surface of the ground in its vicinity. In the latter as in the former ease, the depression occurs on a low knoll or swell in the bottom land, and the surface of the ground slopes gently away from it for some distance in every direction. oe Mt moe ee ® —— = 9 ome (en a 2. a Pe *W33HO YV310 NO HOM LNSIONY NX “Id LJHOd3SY TIWANNV HIN3SLHIHL ASOIONH1S 40 NW3uNe MINDELEFF] ARTIFICIAL DEPRESSIONS. 245 The purpose of these depressions is not at all clear, and although popularly known as reservoirs it is hardly possible that they were used as such. The capacity of the Clear creek depression is about 160,000 gallons, or when two-thirds full, which would be the limit of its working capacity, about 100,000 gallons. The minimum rate of evaporation in this region in the winter months is over 3 inches per month, rising in summer to 10 inches or more, so that in winter the loss of water stored in this depression would be about 10,000 gallons a month, while in summer it might be as high as 35,000 or even 40,000 gallons a month. It follows, therefore, that even if the reservoir were filled to its full working capacity in winter and early spring it would be impossible to hold the water for more than two months and retain enough at the end of that time to make storing worth while. It has been already stated, however, that these depressions are situated on slight knolls and that the land falls away from them in every direc- tion. As no surface drainage could be led into them, and as there is no trace on the ground of a raised ditch discharging into them, they must have been filled, if used as reservoirs, from the rain which fell within the line that cireumscribes them. The mean annual rainfall (for over seventeen years) at Verde, a few miles farther northward in the same valley, is 11-44 inches, with a maximum annual fall of 27-27 inches and a minimum of 4:50 inches. The mean annual fall (for over twenty-one years) at Fort McDowell, near the mouth of the Rio Verde, is 10-54 inches, with a maximum of 20-0 inches and a minimum of 4:94 inches.! If these depressions were used as reservoirs it is a fair presumption that the bottoms were plastered with clay, so that there would be no seepage and the only loss would be by evaporation. Yet this loss, in a dry and windy climate such as that of the region here treated, would be sufficient to render impracticable a storage reservoir of a cross sec- tion and a site like the one under discussion. Most of the rainfall is in the winter months, from December to March, and it would require a fall of over 12 inches during those months to render the reservoir of any use in June; it would certainly be of no use in July and August, at the time when water is most needed, save in exceptional years with rainfall much in excess of the mean. On the other hand, there is the hypothesis that these depressions represent house structures; but if so these structures are anomalous in this region. The contour of the ground does not support the idea of a cluster of rooms about a central court, nor does the débris bear it out. Mr. F. H. Cushing has found depressions in the valleys of Salt and Gila rivers somewhat resembling these in form and measurement, and situated always on the outskirts of the sites of villages. Excavations were made, and as the result of these he came to the conclusion that ‘Report on Rainfall (Pacific coast and western states and territories), Signal Office U. S. War Dept., Senate Ex. Doc. 91, 50th Cong., Ist Sess., Washington, 1889; pp. 70-73 (Errata, p. 4). 246 ABORIGINAL REMAINS IN VERDE VALLEY. [ETH, ANN. 13 the depressions were the remains of large council chambers, as the floors were hard, plastered with mud, and dish-shaped, with a fire-hole in the center of each; and no pottery or implements or remains of any kind were found except a number of “sitting stones.” Mr. Cushing found traces of upright logs which formed the outer wall of the struc- ture; he inferred from the absence of drainage channels that the struc- ture was roofed, and as the ordinary method of roofing is impracticable on the scale of these structures, he supposed that a method similar to that used by the Pima Indians in roofing their granaries was employed, the roof being of a flattened dome shape and composed of grass or reeds, formed in a continuous coil and covered with earth. If the depressions under discussion, however, are the remains of struc- tures such as these described, they form a curious anomaly in this region, for, as has been already stated, the affinities of the remains of this region are with the northern architectural types, and not at all with those of the southern. There is a third hypothesis which, though not supported by direct evidence, seems plausible. It is that the depression of Clear creek, and perhaps also the one on the opposite side of the Verde, were thrashing floors. This hypothesis accords well with the situation of these depres- sions upon the tillable bottom lands, and with their relation to the other remains in their vicinity; and their depth below the surface of the ground would be accounted for, under the assumption here made of their use, by the high and almost continuous winds of the summer in this region. Perhaps the slight depressions at the northern and southern side of the oval were the gateways through which the ani- mals which trampled the straw or the men who worked the flails passed in and out. Whether used in this way or not, these depressions would be, under the assumption that the bottom was plastered with mud, not only practicable, but even desirable thrashing floors, as the grain would be subjected during thrashing to a partial winnowing. This suggestion would also account for the comparatively clean ground sur- face about the depressions and for their location on slightly elevated knolls. Seattered over the whole area formerly under cultivation along Clear creek are the remains of small, single rooms, well marked on the ground, but without any standing wall remaining. These remains are scat- tered indiscriminately over the terrace without system or arrangement; they are sometimes on the flat, sometimes on slight knolls, They num- ber altogether perhaps forty or fifty. Plate xLim shows an example which oceurs on a low knoll, shown also in plate XL; itis typical of these remains. It will be noticed that the masonry was composed of river bowlders not dressed or prepared in any way, and that the débris on the ground would raise the walls scarcely to the height of a single low story. The location of these remains, their relation to other remains in the vicinity, and their character all support the conclusion that they were *"M33YO YV310 ‘MHYOM LNSIONV OL AVM3LVD iv HIN33SLYIHL ASOTIONHL3 3O NVv3uNE nx “Id MINDELEFF ] EXTENT OF TILLAGE. 247 small temporary shelters or farming outlooks, occupied only during the season when the fields about them were cultivated and during the gathering of the harvest, as is the case with analogous structures used in the farming operations among the pueblos of to-day. Their number and distribution do not necessarily signify that all the terrace was under cultivation at one time, although there is a fair presumption that the larger part of it was, and the occurrence of the ditch at both the upper and the lower ends of the area strengthens this conclusion. As it is impossible that an area so large as this should be cultivated by the inhabitants of one village, it is probable that a number of vil- lages combined in the use of this terrace for their horticultural opera- tious; and, reasoning from what we know to have been the case in other regions, it is further probable that this combination resulted in endless contention and strife, and perhaps finally to the abandonment of these fields if not of this region. The rectangular ruin already illustrated is situated on a hill south of the terrace and overlooks it from that direction; on the opposite side of Clear creek, on the hill bounding the valley on the north, there are the remains of a large stone village which commanded an outlook over the terraces in question; and a little farther up the creek, on the same side and similarly situated, there was another village which also overlooked them. There were doubtless other vil lages and small settlements whose remains are not now clearly distin- guishable, and it is quite probable that some of the inhabitants of the large villages in the vicinity, like those near Verde, hardly 3 miles north- ward, had a few farming houses and some land under cultivation on this terrace. Thus it will beseen that there was no lack of cultivators for all the tillable land on the terrace, and there is no reason to suppose that the period when the land avas under cultivation, and ‘the period when the villages overlooking it were occupied, were not identical, and that the single-house remains scattered over the terrace were not built and occu- pied at the same period. The relation of the stone villages to the area formerly cultivated, the relation of the single-room remains to the area immediately about them, the character of the remains, and the known methods of horticulture followed by the Pueblo Indians, all support the conclusion that these remains were not only contemporaneous but also related to one another. - STRUCTURAL CHARACTERISTICS. MASONRY AND OTHER DETAILS. The masonry of the stone villages throughout all the region here treated is of the same type, although there are some variations. It does not compare with the fine work found on the San Juan and its tributaries, although belonging to that type—the walls being composed of two faces with rubble filling, and the interstices of the large stones being filled or chinked with spalls. This chinking is more pronounced and better done in the northern part of the region than in the south. The rock employed depended in all cases on the immediate environ- ments of the site of the village, the walls being composed in some cases of slabs of limestone, in other cases of river bowlders only, and in still others of both in combination. The walls of the large ruin near Lime- stone creek were composed of rude slabs of limestone with an inter- mixture of bowlders. The bowlders usually oceur only in the lower part of the wall, near the ground, and in several cases, where nothing exists of the wall above the surface of the ground, the remains con- sist entirely of bowlders. A good example of this peculiarity of con- struction is shown in plate xLIv, and plate LXv shows the character of stone employed and also a section of standing wall on the western side of the village. A section of standing wall near the center of the ruin is illustrated in plate x11. It will be noticed that some of the walls shown in this illustration are chinked, but to a very slight extent. The wall represented in plate xLv has slabs of limestone set on edge. This feature is found also in other ruins in this region, notably in those opposite Verde, though it seems to be more used in the south than in the north. An example occurring in the ruin opposite Verde is shown in plate xLv1. In this case chinking is more pronounced; the walls are from 2 to 24 teet thick, built in the ordinary way with two faces and an interior filling, but the stones are large and the filling is almost wholly adobe mortar. The two faces are tied together by extra long stones which occasionally project into the hack of one or the other face. The western cluster of the ruin last mentioned, shown on the ground plan (plate Xvit), has almost all its walls still standing, and the masonry, while of the same general character as that of the main cluster, is better executed. The stones composing the walls are smaller than those in the main cluster and more uniform in size, and the interstices are carefully chinked. The chinking is distinctive in that spalls were not used, but more or less flattened river pebbles. The different color and texture of these pebbles make them stand out from the wall distinctly, giving quite an ornamental effect. 248 —" . ay \ : | . Hh : a XL PL THIRTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY SINGLE-ROOM REMAINS ON CLEAR CREEK. M.NDELEFF] MATERIAL USED IN CONSTRUCTION. 249 That portion of the standing wall of the ruin opposite Verde, which oceurs in the saddle northeastward from the main cluster, shown on the plan in plate xvil, represents the best masonry found in this region. As elsewhere stated, this was probably the last part of the village to be built. These walls are shown in plate xLvu. It will be noticed that the stones are of very irregular shape, rendering a considerable amount of chinking necessary to produce eyen a fair result, and that the stones are exceptionally large. The masonry of this village is characterized by the use of stones larger than common, many of them being larger than one man can carry and some of them even larger than two men can handle. All the larger and more important ruins of this region are constructed of limestone slabs, sometimes with bowlders. The smaller ruins, on the other hand, were built usually of river bowlders, sometimes with an intermixture of slabs of limestone and sandstone but with a decided preponderance of river bowlders. This would seem to suggest that this region was gradually populated, and that the larger structures were the last ones built. This suggestion has been already made in the discus- sion of the ground plans, and it is, moreover, in accord with the history of the pueblo-builders farther northward, notably that of the Hopi. Plate xxi illustrates a type of bowlder masonry which occurs on Ciear creek; plate xLV111 shows the masonry of the ruin at the mouth of the East Verde, and plate xv1I shows thatof aruin at the mouthof Fossil ereek. In all these examples the stone composing the walls was derived either from the bed of an adjacent stream or from the ground on which they were built, and was used without any preparation whatever; yet in the better examples of this type of masonry a fairly good result was obtained by a careful selection of the stones. ’ 7 5 ? a — , Fig. 306 307. 308. 309. 310. 3L1. 312. 313. 314. 315. 316. 317. 318. 319. 320. 321. 322. 323. 324. 325. 326. 327. LP USAT LONS Sellows Smokes earuitelOU xe sen sey se aerate ataania= =a = aejequde’s tent ..--...--- Omaha eradle—side view Omaha mortar .-...----- Omaha calumet.........- SEinkdiro meee ssa seme Omaha club (ja"-daona) . Omaha club (weaq(ade) - Omaha hunting arrow ... Omaha cradle—plan ----- Omaha pestle..-........- Boxdnumress sess coe Omaha large flute --....- Omaha club (ja"-daona) . Omaha war arrow ....... Groundsplantofs Osa elod peleneaa ese tes ea aee eee cee eee cla ae Omaha tent .---...--.-.- Bxterior parts of an Omaha tent. s2-.--2- 0-6 22 ssees =n oases Omaha pipe used on ordinary occasions --..----..----.------------- Omahanbows (zauzisnande) ose eeh sae reer cela ee siea sais Omaha; bow; Gayat=mand6)) .-.2o-n-2-eee eee cinne J-= 6 se ceee ese OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, AND IMPLEMENTS By JAMES OWEN DORSEY INTRODUCTORY NOTE. The accompanying paper is one of the results of personal investiga- tions among the Omaha of Nebraska and cognate tribes of Indians, beginning in 1878 and continued from time to time during late years. While the paper treats of the Omaha tribe, much that is said is applicable to the Ponka, as the two tribes have long had similar envi- ronments and a common dialect, for, until 1877, their habitats were almost contiguous, and since 1880 about one-third of the Ponka tribe has been dwelling on its former reservation near the town of Niobrara, Nebraska. Acknowledgments are due Dr. O. T. Mason for many valuable sug- gestions early in the progress of the work. DWELLINGS. The primitive domiciles of the Omaha were chiefly (1) lodges of earth or, more rarely, of bark or mats, and (2) skin lodges or tents. It may be observed that there were no sacred rites connected with the earth lodge-building or tent-making among the Omaha and Ponka. EartH LODGES. When earth lodges were built, the people did not make them in a tribal circle, each man erecting his lodge where he wished; yet kin- dred commonly built near one another. The earth lodges were made by the women, and were intended prin- cipally for summer use, when the people were not migrating or going on the hunt. Those built by the Omaha and Ponka were constructed in the following manner: The roof was supported by twe series of ver- tical posts, forked at the top for the reception of the transverse con- necting pieces of each series. The number in each series varied accord- ing to the size of the lodge; for a small lodge only four posts were erected in the inner series, for an ordinary lodge eight were required, and ten generally constituted the maximum. When Mr, Say!’ visited } James’ account of Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1819-'20. 269 270 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. [eTH. ANN. 13 the Kansa Indians, he occupied a lodge in which twelve of these posts placed in a circle formed the outer series, and eight longer ones con- stituted the inner series, also describing a circle. The wall was formed by setting upright slabs of wood back of the outer posts all around the circumference of the lodge. These slabs were not over 6 feet in height, and their tops met the cross timbers on which the willow posts rested. Stocks of hard willow about 2 inches in diameter rested with their butts on the tops of the upright slabs and extended on the cross timbers nearly to the summit. These poles were very numerous, touching one another and extending all around in a radiating manner, supporting the roof like rafters. The rafters were covered with grass about a foot thick; and over the whole lodge, including the sides or slabs, earth was piled from a foot to 2 feet in depth. Such a covering lasted generally about twenty years. A hole in the middle served as an exit for the smoke. . Fic. 306.—Yellow Smoke’s earth lodge. In addition to the lodge proper there was a covered way about 10 feet long and 5 feet wide, the entrance to which had a covering of tanned or dried buffalo hides. This covering consisted of two hides hanging side by side, with the inner borders slightly overlapping. They were fastened to the passageway at the top and at the outer sides, but were loose at the bottom where they overlapped. This part was raised by a person entering the lodge. A similar covering was placed at the inte- rior end of the passageway. Subsequently to 1855, the Omaha dwelt in three villages composed of earth lodges, as follows: (1) Biku/de, a village near the agency; (2) Windja’/ge, Standing Hawk’s village, near the Presbyterian mission house; and (3) Ja™¢a‘te (“Wood Eaters,” named after an insect found DURSEY] EARTH LODGES. Bil under the bark of trees Sanssouci’s village, near the town of Decatur, Nebraska. Earth lodges were generally used for large gatherings, such as feasts, councils, or dances. Occasionally there was a depression in the center of the lodge which was used as a fireplace; but it was not over 6 inches deep. Hach earth lodge had a ladder, made by cutting a series of deep notches along one side of alog. Ona bluff near the Omaha agency I found the remains of several ancient earth lodges, with entrances on the southern sides. Two of these were 75 feet and one was 100 feet in diameter. In the center of the largest there was a hollow about 3 feet deep and nearly 4 feet below the surface outside the lodge. ODGES OF BARK OR Mats. The Omaha sometimes make bark lodges for summer occupancy, as did the Iowa-and Sak. jiu’¢ipu jin’ga, or low lodges covered with mats, were used by the Omaha in former days. Such lodges are still common among the Winnebago, the Osage, and other tribes. The ground plan of such a lodge forms an ellipse. The height is hardly over 7 feet from the ground. The tent poles are arranged thus: Each } Fie. 307.—Grouhd plan of Osage lodge. pole has one end planted in the ground, the other end being bent down and fastened to the pole immediately opposite; a number of poles thus arranged in pairs formed both wall posts and rafters. Generally there was one fireplace and one smokehole in such a lodge; but when I visited the Osage in 1883, I entered a low lodge with two fireplaces, each equidistant fromits end of the lodge and the entrance, each fireplace having its smokehole. Skin LODGES OR TENTs. The tent was used when the people were migrating, and also when they were traveling in search of the buffalo. It was also the favorite abode of a household during the winter season, as the earth lodge was generally erected in an exposed situation, selected on account of comfort in the summer, The tent could be pitched in the timber or brush, or down in wooded ravines, where the cold winds never had full sweep. Hence, many Indians abandoned their houses in winter and went into their tents, even when they were of canvas. The tent was commonly made of ten or a dozen dressed ov tanned buffalo skins. Jt was in the shape of a sugar loaf, and was from 10 to 272 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. [ErH. ANN. 13 12 feet high, 10 or 15 feet in diameter at the bottom, and about a foot and a half in diameter at the top, which served as a smokehole (jihuya"). Besides the interior tent poles (jici—3, figure 309) and the tent skin (qgiha—1), the tent had the yi¢uma*ha®, or the place where the skins were fastened together above the entrance (4). The 4i¢uma"ha” was fastened . > which was about an inch in rf diameter, was put into the mortar. The operation of pounding corn among the Omaha was called — “he.” The mortar (uhe) and pes- tle (wehe) were both made com- monly of elm, although some- times they were fashioned of white oak. Mortars were of various sizes, some of them meas- uring 2 feet in diameter. Pestles were always of hard and heavy wood, and fully 3 feet long, taper- ring from 4 inches to an inch in Fie.314.—Omaha qj; " Wega ps sabi: diameter. Fie, 313.—Omaha mortar. Spoons, LADLES, AND DRINKING VESSELS. Spoons were made of horn, wood, or pottery. The black spoons made of buffalo horn (yehe sabé), are not used by such Omaha as belong to the Buffalo gentes (Inkesabé, (atada, yesinde, etc.) which may not touch a buffalo head. Other horn spoons of light color are made of cow horn. These are of modern origin. Wooden spoons (ja%3ehe) were made of knobs or knots of trees. Spoons made of buffalo horn are found among the Omaha and Ponka, but the Osage, Kansa, and Kwapa use clam shells (qihaba, in @egiha; teiihaba, teiihuba, in Kansa), so the Kansa call a small spoon, tciihaba jinga. Spoons of buffalo horn had their handles variously ornamented by notches and other rude carving, often terminating in the head of a bird, the neck or handle of each being elevated at an angle of 50° or 60° with the bowl, which was about 3 inches in width by about 5 in length. As the handle of such a spoon usually terminates in a head or hook, it was impossible for it to slip into the bowl when the hook rested on the outside of the rim of the bowl. Food was served in bowls of a very wide and simple form and of various sizes, generally carved out of large knots of wood. These served as drinking cups (ni/i¢ata"), but now cups of tin or earthenware are used for that purpose. WATER VESSELS. When pottery was made, they used bowls and kettles. Some used wooden bowls of different sizes, the largest being about 2 feet in diameter. When they went on the hunt, they used the imijeha (or sack made of the muscular coating of the buffalo paunch, by filling 278 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. [wrHANN. 13 with grass to make it stand out and keep its shape until dried). When the inijeha was filled with water the mouth was tied, and it was kept covered and in the shade that it might remain cool. After being used for a few days it became strong smelling, and was thrown away, another taking its place. Some preferred the ‘“genan‘de uq¢a‘ha ¢a"” or pert- cardium (’?) of the buffalo, which is like sinew. This does not smell unpleasant, even when used for seven or ten days. But at the expira- tion of that time it is unfit for further service. Jugs have been introduced by the traders. OTHER VESSELS. Provision sacks or parfléche cases were made of dried buffalo hide. When used for carrying the dried meat, they were called weabasta. Atter two or three years’ use they became soft and were fit only for making moccasin soles. These sacks had the hair taken off, and were sometimes made in trunk fashion. Fruit baskets were of three kinds. The Ponka made them of the bark of a tree, called taw4‘athe, which is found on the old Ponka reser- vation in Dakota. Northern Indians make boats of this bark. The Omaha do not find the tree on their land, so they make the fruit baskets of other kinds of bark. The three kinds of baskets are as follows: Napa vi¢isé, used for chokecherries; ag¢an/kamange U¢isé, used for raspberries; and bact ti¢isé, used for strawberries. When the Ponka wished to make the baskets, they stripped off the bark in horizontal sections, not pulling upward or downward. In modern times the Omaha have learned to make sacks of thread of different colors drawn from black, red, blue, and white blankets. Different figures are woven. Each sack is about a foot deep, 16 inches from the mouth to the opposite side, and from 2 to 24 feet long. The opening is on one of the long sides, and when the articles are put in a gathering string is drawn and tied. Hors AND AXES. For hoes, the Omaha used the shoulder blades of the buffalo. Axes and hatchets are now made of iron, hence, the Omaha name, ma?/ze-pe, sharp iron. But the Kansa have the ancient name, ma”’hi-spe, answer- ing to the Dakota, wathi"’-kpe, sharp flint. The hatchet is distin- guished from the ax by adding “‘jinga,” small. Some of the stone axes and hatchets have been found on the Omaha reservation, but they could hardly have been used for cutting. It is not known what tools were used for felling trees. KNIVES. Knives were made of stone. A prominent butte, near the old Ponka agency, Nebraska, is known as “ Mahi-yu,” signifying blue knife, from the character of the stone with which its surface is covered. It is em DORSEY] FIRE-DRILLS. 279 several miles from the mouth of Ponka creek and nearly opposite the mouth of Choteau creek, South Dakota. IMPLEMENTS CONNECTED WITH FIRE. In former ages, the (egiha made fire by rubbing or turning a stick round and round between the hands. On the present Omaha reserva- tion, and in that region, the Omaha use elm roots for that purpose. In the country called gizabahéhe, near the source of Elkhorn river, there is a grass known as “duaduaéhi,” which has about a hundred fine shoots from each root, which is half the size of the head. The stalk was used for hand drills and fire sticks. One stalk was cut almost flat, and the man puts his feet on the ends to steady them. Then, holding the other stick in his hands, with one end touching the stalk on the ground, he turned it round and round till the friction produced fire. Some- times a small quantity of dry sand was placed on the flat stick. The same flat stick answered for several occasions. When the cavity made by turning the hand drill became too large, the point of contact was shifted to another part of the flat stick, and so on until the whole of that stick was used, when it was thrown away and another was obtained. Duaduahi, according to Mr. Francis La Flesche, may be found in Judi- ciary square, Washington, District of Columbia. After the coming of the white man, but before the introduction of friction matches, which are now used by the whole tribe, the Omaha used flints and tinder for making fire. Spits for roasting, etc., naqpe, or wébasna", were made of any kind of wood. For tongs they used the dedi¢a¢isande (‘ fire-holder”), made by slit- ting one end of a stick. This implement was also called, ja" jinga nini ibista (‘the stick that presses the fire against the tobacco”) , because it was used for lighting pipes. SMOKING PARAPHERNALIA. The pipes in use among the Omaha are of three kinds: the sacred pipe (niniba waqube, mysterious pipe), including the war pipes and those used by the chiefs in making peace; the niniba weawa® or Fie. 315.—Omaha calumet calumet (illustrated in figure 315), used in the calumet dance or dance of adoption,! and the hatchet pipe or ma®zepe niniba, introduced since the coming of the white man. One form of the pipe used on ordinary 1See ‘‘Omaha Sociology,'’ Third Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnology, ehap. vi. 280 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. [ETH ANN. 13 occasions is shown in figure 316. This pipe has a bowl of catlinite, and the stem is decorated with horsehair. Tobacco pouches (ninitjiha) were made of deer or antelope skin, and were ornamented with porcupine quills or a fringe of deezskin. Some- Fic. 316.—Omaha pipe used on ordinary occasions. times buffalo bladders were used for this purpose. The women used them as receptacles for their porcupine quills. EQUIPAGE FOR HORSES. Saddles (cénakag¢e) were in use before the coming of the whites. They were made of wood, around which was wrapped hide, while still “aha-nuya” (green or soft). According to Joseph La Fleche these saddles did not rub sores on the backs of the native horses (Indian ponies), but Dougherty! said, in 1819, *‘The Indians are generally cruel horse-masters, perhaps in a great measure through necessity; the backs of their horses are very often sore and ulcerated, from the friction of the rude saddle, which is fashioned after the Spanish manner, being elevated at the pummel and croup, and resting on skin saddle cloths without padding.” They ride very well, and make frequent use of the whip and their heels, the latter being employed instead of spurs. For bridles and halters they used strips of hide, out of which material they made also lariats. The bridle used consisted of a withe, one end of which was wrapped two or three times around the animal’s lower jaw, while the other was held in the hand, formmg but a single rein. This did not hinder the rider from guiding his horse, as he was able to turn him to the left by pressing the single rein against the animal’s neck, as well as by the use of the right heel against its side. When he wished to turn to the right, he pulled the rein and pressed his left hee! against the horse’s side. Whips were of three kinds. The wahi wégasapi was attached to a bone handle. The handle of a ja” uke¢i* wégasapi was made of com- mon wood. That of a za"zi wégasapi was made of Osage orange wood, which is very hard. The whip was attached to the wrist by a broad band, which passed through a hole near the end of the handle. The handle was about 15 inches long and was very stout. A specimen that has been deposited in the National Museum (a gift to the anthor from an Omaha) has a lash 2 feet long, composed of 8 thongs one-fifth of an inch wide. These are plaited together in one rounded plait for 18 inches, the rest of the lash being in 2 plaits of 4 thongs each, knotted near the ends. The lasso was called ma*’tanah-i¢ize, i. e., “that by which (a) wild (horse) is taken.” It was made by taking the hair from the head of ! Long, 8. H.; Exp. Rocky Mts., vol. 1, p. 291, Phala., 1823. DORSEY] EQUIPAGE FOR HORSES. 281 a buffalo and plaiting it into a very strong rope as thick as one’s thumb. This rope was called “qaha-¢isa®,” and was utilized by the Omaha and Ponka instead of the common lasso for catching wild horses in northwestern Nebraska. One end of the rope was formed into a noose large enough to slip over a horse’s head, and the ends of this noose were secured to a long pole by small cords. The other end of the rope, arranged in a coil, was fastened to the belt or waist of the man. He rode with the pole held in one hand and tried to thrust the noose in front of a horse. When he succeeded in passing the noose over the head of an animal, he threw away the stick, which had become separated from the noose, and held the rope alone, which he pulled toward him. When the horse was caught, the man made an Indti¢ici® (bridle or face cover), being careful to place some buffalo hair over the nose and under the chin, to guard against paining the horse, whose eyes remained uncovered. Trappings for the saddle (sin‘/de-ehé¢é) were used. Some years ago a specimen of Omaha trapping was presented by the writer to the Anthropological Society of Washington, and subsequertly was depos: ited in the National Museum. TRAVELING GEAR. Snowshoes (sé-hi"be) were worn by the Omaha and Ponka when they traversed a region north of their modern habitat. For traveling on foot a staff (hi-mang¢e) was used when it was necessary to pass over mountains; also when heavy loads had to be carried. This staff differed from the crutch (i-mang¢e). The women had macaya*, or straps, for aiding them in carrying loads of wood, ete. Boats. When they wished to cross streams they made hide boats, or mandéha. These were manufactured from dried buffalo hides, which were sewed together with sinew, and so tightly that no water could penetrate the seams. Ten branches of red willow were placed within, the ends being bent upward and fastened by withes to two other sap- lings, which extended the whole length of the boat at the inside of the gunwale. The ten pieces were the gici-ikidada". The rudder or steering oar (i¢isa’¢é) was fashioned like the oars (mandii¢ugahi), with the blade flat and of the breadth of two hands. The rowers (u¢étigahi aka) sat near the bow, and the steersman (¢isa"’¢a aka) took his seat at the stern. MusicaL INSTRUMENTS. Rattles were of five kinds. gexe were generally gourds; wata™ dexe, gourd rattles, were always round, and were partially filled with seed, fine shot, or gravel. gahanuya déxe, green-hide rattles, were of two sorts, one of which is “¢igtije,” bent a little. Specimens of this form are in the National Museum. 282 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. [prH. ANN. 13 Two kinds of rattles were called 4a-cage, i. e., “‘deers-claws,” from the composition of one variety, though the other was made of molars of the elk. The Omaha used three styles of drums. The ¢éxe-gayi b¢aska, or flat drum, is illustrated by a specimen (no. 21675) in the Nationa] Museum. The ¢éxe-gayti gaddéje is made of buffalo hide, cowhide, or the skin of a horse. An example of this drum (no, 24682) is also in the National Museum, and is illus- trated by the accompanying figure 317. The ja™ ¢éxe-gayt, or yuge ¢éxe-gayti, is a wooden or box drum, represented by the accompanying figure 318, also froma specimen (no. 58610) in the National Museum. Whistles were made of elder (bajuci-hi, or popgun wood) by pushing out the pith. No holes were made in the sides of the tube. Nistde gan’ga, or large flutes, were made of red cedar. A branch Fic. 317.—Skin drum. was cut off, rounded, split open with a knife, and hollowed out; then six holes were made in the side of one of them, and the halves were stuck together again. When one of these instruments is blown it produces quavering notes. The best specimens were made by qa¢i®-jan’ga, Big Pawnee. ‘ Fic, 318.—Box drum. The large flute is illustrated in figure 319.1 Wahi nistde, or bone flutes, were made of the long bones from the eagle wing. These small flutes have only one hole. Reed flutes, ¢iq¢e nisude, were made of a kind of reed which grows south of the Omaha territory, probably ia 1 Compare Ree fife, “AMM 129-8429, Gray and Matthews,” in the National Museum. ‘ — See — DORSEY] FLUTES. 283 Kansas. The Omaha obtained the reeds from some of the southern tribes and made them into flutes having but one hole each. Fig. 319.—Omaha large flute. WEAPONS. CLUBS. The ja"-wéti’, ‘‘striking-wood,’ is a four-sided club. It is made of ash, and is as long as from the elbow to the tips of the fingers. The ja®-daona, ‘wood with a smooth head,” is a club made of ironwood, Fic. 320.—Omaha club (ja"-daona). which is very hard. According to the late Joseph La Fleche, the Omaha form of this weapon had a steel point projecting from the ball. 284 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. (ETH. ANN, 13 Figures 320 and 321 are forms of the ja®-daona which may be seen in the National Museum (nos. 2649 and 22419). The weaq¢ade, another kind of war club, is made of some kind of hard wood. There are two vari- eties, one of which is shown in figure 322 (National Museum no, 23729). The other has a ball carved at the end of a straight handle, with awooden Fic. 321.—Omaha club (ja®-déona). point (of one piece with the ball and handle) projecting from the ball, making an angle of about 130° with one side of the handle. There isa steel point inserted in the ball, forming an angle of about 110° with the Fic. 322.—Omaha club (weaq¢ade). other side of the handle. The i*’-wate-jin’ga is somethiug like a slung shot. A round stone is wrapped in a piece of hide which is fastened to a wooden handle about 2 feet long. ‘TOMAHAWKS. The heads of tomahawks as well as of battle-axes were at first made of stone; but within the last century and a half they have been fash- ioned of iron. SPEARS. Lances, darts, or spears are designated by the general term man/déhi. The ja"/-man/déhi are made of ash, and are from 6 to § feet long. There aan —_— : DORSEY] LANCES. 285 are two kinds, of one of which the handle is round, and about an inch in diameter, and the point is flat and about the width of three fingers at its juncture with the handle. Besides these there are the lances, called waq¢exe-¢az2, of which there are two varieties. One consists of a straight pole, which has been thrust through a piece of buffalo hide that has its long end sewed together, forming a sort of covering. To this hide are fastened feath- ers of the crow and mi®’xa-sa", or swan, in alternate rows or bunches. Between the feathers are fastened square pieces of blanket. About the middle of the pole a space of nearly 6 inches is left without feath- ers, and this is the place where the spear is grasped. When the pole was not set into a metal point the lower end was cut very sharp.’ The other variety, or mandéhi ¢iguje, ‘bent spear,” is the weapon which the Dakota call “wahukeza.” It is ornamented with eagle feathers placed at intevals, one being at the end of the curved part; and it generally terminates at the bottom in an iron point. It is possible for one of these waq¢exe¢aze to reach a man about 6 feet distant; and even mounted men have been killed by them. Spears are used also in some of the dances. Around the shaft is wrapped the skin of a swan or brant. The end feather at the top is white; the other feathers are white or spotted. The bent spear is no longer employed by the Omaha, though the Osage, Pawnee, and other tribes still use it to a greater or lesser extent. Bows. Bows (man-dé) are of two kinds. One is the man-dé or za®zi-mandé (bow-wood bow), having an unbroken curve past the grip to within an Fic, 323,—Omaha bow (za"zi-mandé). inch or two of each nock.? The other kind is the yaya-mandé, so called because it has deer sinew glued on its back.’ Bows were made of hick- ory, ash, ironwood, or za®zi, the last being greatly preferred. Itis a wood resembling that of the Osage orange, with which some persons Fic. 324.—Omaha bow (jaya°-mandé). confound it; but it is black and much harder than the former, the Osage orange wood being yellow, soft, and easily cut. The za®zi is probably that which Dougherty * called “ bow-wood (Maclura awrantiaca of Nuttall).” 1See First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-'80; 1881, Pl. x, ‘‘ Tolkotin cremation.” “This may be the ‘‘self-bow’’ mentioned in the American Naturalist for July, 1886, p. 675. This 1s the sinew-backed bow above mentioned. *Long's Expedition, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 290- 286 OMAHA DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. [BTH. ANN. 13 Bowstrings were made of the twisted sinew of the elk and buffalo, as among other tribes. ARROWS. The arrows (ima") used in former days were of several kinds. The hunting arrow, used for killing the buffalo, was generally about 2 feet long, of the usual cylindric form, and armed with an elongate triangu- lar point, made at first of flint, afterward of-sheet iron. The shoulders of the arrow were rounded instead of angular, as in the ordi- nary barbed form. The point, or head, was firmly secured to the shaft by deer sinew wrapped around the neck of the point, and over that was spread some cement, made ina manner to be afterward explained. The flight of the arrow was equalized by three half-webs of feathers, neatly fast- ened near its base in the usual manner. Another kind of hunting arrow was the hidé nazi¢é, ali which was altogether of wood. About 6 inches from the ses Omaha point the shaft was triangular or quadrangular; and the point was made by holding the shaft close to a fire and turning it round and round till the heat had reduced it to the proper shape and had hard- ened it. This was used for killing fish, deer, and small game. The war arrow (b) differed from that used in hunting in having a barbed point, which was very slightly attached to the shaft, so that if it penetrated the body of an enemy it could not be withdrawn without leaving the pomt 4 a in the wound. Fic. 326.—Omaha war arrow. Children used the hidé-,4ce, or target arrow, when they began to learn the use of the bow. With this a boy could kill small birds and animals. Fic, 327.—Omaha style of hidé-j4ce. The Ponka used to make arrowshafts (ma"sa) of ja"-‘qude-hi, “ gray wood,” juneberry wood, which grew in their country, but is not found among the Omaha. Most of the Omaha made their shafts of the ma”’saqtihi, or “ real arrow-wood,” ( Viburnum) as that was the wood best suited for the purpose. Sometimes they were made of chokecherry wood; and Joseph La Fléche informs me that he has made them of ash and hickory. Arrowshafts were held lengthwise directly in a line with the eyes of the workman, who sighted along them to see if they were straight. If one was bent, he held one end of it between his teeth, while he pressed against the rest of it with his hands. They were polished by means of the polishers, or ma”’-¢iq¢ade, two pieces of sandstone, each of which had DORSEY] ARROW MANUFACTURE. 287 a groove in the middle of one side. These grooves were brought to gether, and the arrow was drawn between them. War arrows had crooked lines drawn along the shafts from the points to the other ends, down which, so I was informed by the Indians, it was intended that the blood of a wounded foe should trickle. Arrowheads (mahi*-si), when made of flint, as at the first, were called in’6 mahi"si,” stone arrowheads. In more recent times, they were manufactured of pieces of sheet iron; as, for example, hoops of pails and barrels. Arrow cement (hi'’pa), for attaching the heads to the shafts, was usually made from the skin taken off a buffalo or elk head. This was boiled a long time, till ready to fall to pieces. When the gelatinous matter forming the cement rose to the top of the water, a stick (called hi"pa-ja"jin’ga) was thrust in and turned round and round, causing the material to be wrapped around it. When cooled it was smoothed with the hand. Then the act was repeated till a large quantity was collected on the stick. When needed for use, it was warmed by placing either in the mouth or in hot water. The skin of the big turtle was also used for making cement. A set of arrows were called, collectively, ‘‘ma"wi'/da".” A set gen- erally consisted of ten arrows, but the number varied; sometimes there were two, four, or even twenty. When a man had arrows left in his quiver, he compared them with that which was in the slain animal. When he had none left, he appealed to some one who knew his style of arrow. There were no clan or gentile marks on arrows. One set was distin- guished from another by the order of the paint stripes on them, by the kind of feathers used, by the mode in which the arrowheads were made, etc. The Oto made bad arrows; those of the Pawnee were better, but they were inferior to those made by the Dakota, Ponka, and Omaha. The feathers, half-webs generally, put on arrows were those ot the eagle, buzzard, wild turkey, great owl, and goose. Sometimes hawk or crow feathers were employed. QUIVERS. Quivers (majiha) for men were made of buffalo hide; but boys’ quivers were made either of otter skins or of the skins of cougars, with the tail of the animal hanging down from the upper extremity. A skin case was attached to the quiver for carrying the bow when not in use, The wrist was defended from the percussion of the bowstring by the leather wristguard or aqande-da. SHIELDS AND ARMOR. Shields (yahawag¢e) were made of the hides of buffalo bulls. They were round and very thick, reaching to the waist of the bearer. Arrows did not penetrate them. Joseph La Fléche never heard of the use of defensive armor, such as helmet and mail, among the Omaha and Ponka. 288 OMAHO DWELLINGS, FURNITURE, ETC. (ETH. ANN. 13 He had heard of a Pawnee who made a coat from four elk skins, two forming the front and two the back. Between each pair of skins was placed sand. A helmet was made in like manner. It covered the back of the head and extended over the forehead, coming down as far as the eyes. When the Pawnee noticed an arrow coming toward him, he bowed his head forward. FIREARMS. Firearms were introduced among the Omaha prior to 1819, when Dougherty says that they preferred those called ‘Mackinaw guns.” CASA GRANDE RUIN BY COSMOS MINDELEFF 13 ETH——19 289 CONTENTS Page Mitroduetion(=.-.-2 Pere ees ease eee eb eeee ere aciscesuastceceescace ee 295 Mocauons andy Charachers= sa ceE ee amar see asa Aa ose cemee scenes eee 295 Hustorysand literatures. ences see coses< oes a ace clneSeae wees < ti =e a i=; ani = Lae Nes | | bf os . z \ oN a ee MINDELEFF] FARMING OUTLOOKS. 303 ably covered and protected by débris dropping from above, and possi- bly the profile of the mounds was already established, being only slightly modified by surface erosion since. About the center of the eastern side of the terrace, and also on the western side, the water which falls on the surface of the structure is discharged through rather pronounced depressions at these points. These depressions are not the work of running water, though doubtless emphasized by that agency, but represent low or open spaces in the original structure, probably passageways or gateways. Furthermore, before or inside each gateway there is a slightly depressed area, just where we would expect to find it under our hypothesis, and showing that the process of filling in is not yet completed. If the structure were to remain undisturbed for some decades longer these spaces would doubtless be filled up from material washed from the mounds, giving eventually a continuous slope from the base of the mounds to the edge of the terrace. On the eastern margin of the map and in the southeastern corner two small and sharply defined mounds, differing in character from any others of the group, are represented. That shown on the eastern mar- gin rises about 6 feet and the other about 10 feet above the surround- ing level, and both stand out alone, no other remains occurring within a hundred yards in any direction. These mounds seem a thing apart from the other remains in the group; and it is probable that they repre- sent the latest period in the occupancy of this site, or possibly a period subsequent to its final abandonment as a place of residence. Analogous remains occur in conjunction with some large ruins in the north, and there they represent single rooms, parts of the original structure kept in a fair state of preservation by occasional repairs while the remainder of the village was going to ruin, and used as farming outlooks long after the site was abandoned as a place of residence. As these farming outlooks have been discussed at some length in another paper! it is not necessary here to enlarge upon their function and the important part they play in Pueblo architecture. If the high mounds in question mark, as supposed, the sites of farming outlooks such as those which are found in the north, they indicate that the occupancy of the region in which they occur was continued after the abandonment of the Casa Grande structure by the people who built it or by people of similar habits and customs. An inspection of the map will show a number of depressions, some of quite large area, indicated by dotted contour lines. The principal one occurs a little west of the center of the area, and is worth more than a passing notice since similar structures are widely distributed through- out this region. It may be roughly characterized as a mound with excavated center. The ground for some distance about the structure (except for two depressions discussed later) is quite flat. From this 1A Study of Pueblo Architecture; 8th Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., 1891, pp. 86, 227, and elsewhere. 304 CASA GRANDE RUIN. (ETH, ANN. 13 flat surface as a base the structure rises to a height of 5 feet. From the exterior it has the appearance of an ordinary mound, but on reach- ing the top the interior is found to be hollowed out to a depth which even at the present day is below the surrounding surface, although not below the depressions adjoining. The main structure or mound is shown in figure 329 (an enlargement from the map). It measures on top of the crest 150 feet from north to south and about 80 feet from east to west, but covers a ground area of 200 feet by 120 feet or over half an acre. The crest is of the same height throughout, except for slight elevations on the eastern and western sides and a little knoll or Scale. e Cu Contour Interval, / Foor Fig. 329.—Map of hollow mound. swell in the southwestern corner. There is no indication of any break in the continuity of the crest such as would be found were there open- ings or gateways to the interior. The bottom of the depression in the main structure is at present about a foot below the surrounding ground surface, but it must have been originally considerably more than this, as the profile indicates long exposure to atmospheric erosion and conse. quent filling of the interior. No excavation was made and the character of the construction can not be determined, but the mound is apparently a Simple earth structure—not laid up in blocks, like the Casa Grande ruin. “NINY SJGNVHD WSVO JO M3IA WHS3N39 HIT "Id = LHOd34 IWONNY HIN3SLHIHL ADOTONH13 4O NvaHne MINDELEFF] OCCURRENCE OF DEPRESSIONS. 305 To the east and to the west are two large depressions, each about 5 feet below the surrounding ground surface, evidently the places whence the material for the construction of the mound was obtained. Yet the amount of material removed from these excavations must have been considerably in excess of that used in the construction of the mound, and this excess was doubtless utilized in neighboring constructions, since it is hardly to be supposed that it was carried away to any con- siderable distance. The purpose of this hollow mound, which is a fair type of many simi- lar structures found in this region, is not clear. Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing, while director of the Hemenway southwestern archeological expedition, found a number of these structures and excavated some of them. From remains thus found he concluded that they were sun- temples, as he termed them, and that they were covered with a roof made of coiled strands of grass, after a manner analogous to that in which pueblo baskets are made. A somewhat similar class of struc- tures was found by the writer on the upper Rio Verde, but these were probably thrashing floors. Possibly the structure under discussion was for a similar purpose, yet its depth in proportion to its size was almost too great for such use. The question must be left for determina- tion if possible by excavation. In the southern central part of the map is shown another excava- tion, covering a larger area than any of the others, of very irregular outline and from 3 to4feetdeep. It is apparently older than the others and probably furnished the material for the house structures northeast and southwest of it. Bordering the depression on the south there are some low mounds, almost obliterated, which probably were the sites of other house structures. Seattered about the area shown on the map there are several small depressions, usually more regular in outline than those described. The best example is situated near the northeastern corner of the area. It is situated in the point of alow promontory, is about 5 feet deep, almost regularly oval in outline, and measures about 50 by 100 feet. A similar depression less than 2 feet deep occurs near the northwest corner of the area, and immediately south of the last there is another, more irregu- lar in outline, and nearly 3 feet deep. There are also some small depressions in the immediate vicinity of the Casa Grande ruin and of the mounds north of it. With a single exception none of these depressions are so situated that they could be used as reservoirs for the storage of water collected from the surface, and the catchment area of the depressions is so small and the rate of evaporation in this area so great that their use asreservoirs is out of the question. It is probable that all of the smaller depressions represent simply sites where building material was obtained. Possibly the ground at these points furnished more suitable material than else- where, and, if so, the builders may have taken the trouble to transport 13 ETH 20 : 306 CASA GRANDE RUIN. (ETH. ANN. 13 it several hundred yards rather than follow the usual practice of using material within a few feet of the site. This hypothesis would explain the large size of the depressions, otherwise an anomalous feature. CASA GRANDE RUIN. STATE OF PRESERVATION. The area occupied by the Casa Grande ruin is insignificant as com- pared with that of the entire group, yet it has attracted the greater attention because it comprises practically all the walls still standing. There is only one small fragment of wall east of the main structure and another south of it. The ruin is especially interesting because it is the best preserved example now remaining of a type of structure which, there is reason to believe, was widely distributed throughout the Gila valley, and which, so far as now known, is not found elsewhere. The conditions under which pueblo architecture developed in the north were peculiar, and stamped themselves indelibly on the house structures there found. Here in the south there is a radical change in physical environment: even the available building material was different, and while it is prob- able that a systematic investigation of this field will show essentially the same ideas that in the north are worked out in stone, here embodied in a different material and doubtless somewhat modified to suit the changed environment, yet any general conclusion based on the study of a single ruin would be unsafe. In the present state of knowl- edge of this field it is not advisable to attempt more than a detailed description, embodying, however, a few inferences, applicable to this ruin only, which seem well supported by the evidence obtained. The Casa Grande ruin is located near the southwestern corner of the group, and the ground surface for miles about it in every direction is so flat that from the summit of the walls an immense stretch of country is brought under view. On the east is the broad valley of Gila river, rising in a great plain to a distant range of mountains. About a mile and a half toward the north a fringe of cottonwood trees marks the course of the river, beyond which the plain continues, broken some- what by hills and buttes, until the view is closed by the Superstition mountains. On the northwest the valley of Gila river runs into the horizon, with a few buttes here and there. On the west lies a range of mountains closing the valley in that direction, while toward the southwest and south it extends until in places it meets the horizon, while in other places it is closed by ranges of mountain blue and misty in the distance. In an experience of some years amoung northern ruins, many of them located with special reference to outlook over tillable lands, the writer has found no other ruin so well situated as this. The character of the site occupied by the ruin indicates that it belongs to a late date if not to the final period in the occupancy of this “ZONVYD VSVO YVAN 11VM ONIGNVLS WNOD'DNL-OLONE AN “Wd = 41HOd34 IWONNY HINSSLYIHL ASOTONH13 4O Nv3HNA MINDELEFF] DIMENSIONS OF CASA GRANDE. 307 region, a period when by reason of natural increase of numbers, or perhaps aggregation of related gentes, the defense motive no longer dominated the selection of a village site, but reliance was placed on numbers and character of structures, and the builders felt free to select a site with reference only to their wants as a horticultural peo- ple. This period or stage has been reached by many of the Pueblo tribes, although mostly within the historical period; but some of them, the Tusayan for example, are still in a prior stage. A ground plan of the ruin is shown in plate Lil, and a general view in plate Li. The area covered and inclosed by standing walls is about 43 feet by 59 feet, but the building is not exactly rectangular, and the common statement that it faces the cardinal points is erroneous. The variation from the magnetic north is shown on the ground plan, which was made in December, 1890. The building comprised three central rooms, each approximately 10 by 24 feet, arranged side by side with the longer axes north and south, and two other rooms, each about 9 by 35 feet, occupying respectively the northern and southern ends of the building, and arranged transversely across the ends of the central rooms, with the longer axes running east and west. Except the central room, which was three stories in height, all the rooms were two stories above the ground. The northeastern and southeastern corners of the structure have fallen, and large blocks of the material of which they were com- posed are strewn upon the ground in the vicinity. It is probable that the destruction of these corners prior to that of the rest of the build- ing was due to the disintegration of minor walls connected with them and extending, as shown by the ridges on the ground plan, north. ward from the northeastern corner and eastward from the southeast- ern corner. These walls doubtless formed part of the original struc- ture and were probably erected with it; otherwise the corners of the main structure would not have been torn out or strained enough to fall before the rest of the building was affected. It is not likely that the main building originally stood alone as at present. On the contrary there is every reason to suppose that it was connected with other buildings about 75 feet east of it, now marked by a bit of standing wall shown on the map (plate LI), and probably also with a small structure about 170 feet south of it, shown in plate Lry. These connectious seem to have been by open courts inclosed by walls and not by continuous buildings. The court east of the ruin is well marked by the contours and seems to have been entered by a gateway or opening at its southeastern corner. DIMENSIONS. It is probable that the area immediately adjacent to the ruin, and now covered by mounds, carried buildings of the same time with the main structure and was occupied contemporaneously with it or nearly so. This area, well marked on the map, measures about 400 feet 308 CASA GRANDE RUIN. [ETH. ANN. 13 north and south, and 240 feet east and west. It is not rectangular, although the eastern and western sides, now marked by long ridges, are roughly parallel. The northeastern corner does not conform to a rectangular plan, and the southern side is not more than half closed by the low ridge which extends partly acrossit. This area is doubt- less the one measured in 1776, by Padre Font, whose description was copied by later writers, and whose measurements were applied by Hum- boldt and others to the ruin itself. Font gave his measurements as those of a circumscribing wall, and his inference has been adopted by many, in fact most, later writers. A circumscribing wall is an anom- alous feature, in the experience of the writer, and a close inspection of the general map will show that Font’s inference is hardly justified by the condition of the remains today. It seems more likely that the area in question was covered by groups of buildings and rows of rooms, connected by open courts, and forming an outline sometimes regular for a considerable distance, but more often irregular, after the manner of pueblo structures today. The long north and south ridge which forms the southeastern corner of the area, with other ridges extending westward, is quite wide on top, wide enough to accommodate a single row of rooms of the same width as those of the ruin, and it is hardly reasonable to suppose that a wall would be built 10 or 12 feet wide when one of 4 feet would serve every purpose to which it could pos- sibly be put. Furthermore, the supposition of an inclosing wall does not leave any reasonable explanation of the transverse ridges above mentioned, nor of the long ridge which runs southward from the south- eastern corner of the ruin. The exterior walls rise to a height of from 20 to 25 feet above the ground. This height accommodated two stories, but the top of the wall is now 1 to 2 feet higher than the roof level of the second story. The middle room or space was built up three stories high and the walis are now 28 to 30 feet above the ground level. The tops of the walls, while rough and much eroded, are approximately level. The exterior surface of the walls is rough, as shown in the illustrations, but the interior walls of the rooms are finished with a remarkable degree of smoothness, so much so as to attract the attention of everyone who has visited the ruin. Mange, who saw the ruin with Padre Font in 1697, says the walls shine like Puebla pottery, and they still retain this finish wherever the surface has not cracked off, This fine finish is shown in a number of illustrations herewith. The walls are not of even thickness. At the ground level the exterior wall is from 34 to 43 feet thick, and in one place at the southern end of the eastern wall, is a trifle over 5 feet thick. The interior walls are from 3 to 4 feet thick at base. At the top the walls are reduced to about 2 feet thick, partly by setbacks or steps at the floor levels, partly by exterior batter, the interior wall surface being approximately vertical. Some writers, not- ing the inclination of the outer wall surface, and not seeing the interior, i “NINY SGNVYD VSVO JO LNOYS 1SAM AV Td 1L4Od34 TVNANNY HIN3SLBIHL ASOIONH13 40 nvayne a MINDELEFF] MEASUREMENTS OF THE RUIN. 309 have inferred that the walls leaned considerably away from the perpen- dicular. This inference has been strengthened, in some cases, by an examination of the interior, for the inner wall surface, while finely finished, is not by any means a plane surface, being generally concave in each room; yet a line drawn from floor level to floor level would be very nearly vertical. The building was constructed by crude methods, thoroughly aboriginal in character, and there is no uniformity in its measurements. The walls, even in the same room, are not of even thickness, the floor joists were seldom on a straight line, and measure- ments made at similar places, e. g., the two ends of a room, seldom agree. A series of precise measurements gives the following results: Out- side eastern wall, at level 5 feet above center of depressed area adjoin- ing the ruin on the east, 59 feet; western wall at same level, 59 feet linch; northern and southern walls, at same level, 42 and 43 feet re- spectively. These measurements are between points formed by the intersection of the wall lines; the northeastern and southeastern corners having fallen, the actual length of standing wall is less. At the level stated the northern wall measures but 34 feet 4 inches, and the south- ern wall 36 feet 10 inches. A similar irregularity is found in the interior measurements of rooms. The middle room is marked by an exceptional departure from regularity in shape and dimensions. Both the east and west walls are bowed eastward, making the western wall convex and the eastern wall concave in reference to the room. Precise measurements of the middle room at the second floor level, 8 feet above the base previously stated, are as follows: Eastern side, 2 feet 84 inches; western side, 24 feet 2 inches; northern side, 9 feet 34 inches; southern side, 9 feet 1 inch. The eastern room is a little more regular, but there is a difference of 11 inches between the measurements of the northern and southern ends.