Le A BN Aes) hv to ae . ConA! aa tah fy ten 3 aah SAA, Ta * en Heine eae te we ded oh Naan eee ww Rar “s gauging Ea ie ; * SS 14 90 rey res a aia : MS : > ne Una neni ae Se | itn Satara INOUE A NW yeeneof em ATA : Rete ratancee yn N NOD Sa Soho x yar eek) ya vey cies : ean wat fies es ie iy f Woe a at Adcifas ROT IU Deis Ra a. bid aN aa! — 5 ¥ = Seay Sy volte Se os PNA 49 NEO APD SRS Potent: rn oh nt ie (Mi ee iy ene a isis pein ae see eh Peay a Ro oe Wie ow yo CUTAN At . 4 fo i Wie? Ua Vad ae wk ‘ i i 4 a 5 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION ANSP Bia TRUER EE OO 1 1, E: DIRECTOR LIN ARNO) IAI biS ey eb aL WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1896 LET OF TRAN SM PETA SmirHsoniaAn Iysrirution, Bureau or Erunoxocy, Washington, D. C., July 1, 1893. Str: I have the honor to submit my Fourteenth Annual Report as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. The preliminary portion comprises an exposition of the operations of the Bureau during the fiscal year; the remainder consists of a series of memoirs on anthropologic subjects, pre- pared by assistants, which illustrate the methods and results of the work of the Bureau. Allow me to express my appreciation of your constant aid and your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your obedient servant, =e Director Honorable 8. P. Lanauey, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. II ~ q ae i i Te, x ‘\ —- « tel Son Tite inetd TR 0 Tbe ix” orate sie ico pr Poe <> See sna: tts ate = “< ai A Pes Sc Re) cS ee ee et Rite oe cht ee 5: cpt ‘fe Hees Gre (eee .- BA yn ll Sete ar at “. . a he ™ “ fe aie ugh ae . a thet he See tae i | i Sree) ia. i i ieee = ’ , en. ; at ety bone Re ane we 7 ca Set Oe eon ae. | t aes ae Ae i igh aia: : Lier aie eae a ia ae . Bier it ig hey > Cet SES eee. ¢ £. t ¥¥ ay ris t <= Dia a ci 5 . ba * CONTENTS REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Page MMELOC HCH ON hte wini aie aea = oan oiets lols wei ante Sires see see He ae eee eee sete sateen XXVII Operationsyntteld:andiofice: 23-5242. see ea ees eee ace ee eee eon ee eee THOT Work in pictography and sign language...-...-..-.----.-------------- XXXI Wiorkeinanrcheology sco: <= amc ccian meter ss toe ase ee a See eee XXXIV WOrksIn'SOClOLOL Y= ea- oo sm skeee nae =e ees aeeee eee eee aes = XXX VIL NWionk= Inblin @MistiCals somslece a ere aetna ee nl ee aa eee, sae aay eee XXXIX Wiork:in: bibliography:.sssse soso tssseocis teach Sv aceSe eect se aaeeneeerce XLII Workin mythology sac: tees socsencetee eines oan ena os geek eee eeeeeas XLIV Work on the synonymy of Indian tribes ........--......----.---------- XLV Wiorksimpsy.GhOlOn yee se emame cream acenae ee aaa === (cee lamar ere XLV Hxplorations seer css eee eee ae lesa s Seh ea sec een ae See eee XLVI Miscellaneousworlkwae- seers soe seinen sess Joan eae oaalece se XLVI Wluis trations eeaseseeeerte ee eear ener nas osama ae eine ier aaa XLVII Bulblication ses merr eet cette acti men ane ates carats ol oer siete ree etree XLVI Hinancial statementrensssercae sa snae see koel 22 oe eo siccea sss esoeenseeeiee= XLIX Characterization of accompanying papers ....-...-.----------------------- L Subjects treated@emmeneaseser = -\ascsoss-fosa255 socal oats seenieaae iG diley Men ominielin Qi ans iepeeta iste eins aise aaa sae == aan eieereeeiane L The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542. ..........---..-------2------+----- LIV he Ghost-dancemelipionieese\se =< 4 eee elma ieee eeloe eae eee lea lar ae LVUL ACCOMPANYING PAPERS THE MENOMINI INDIANS, BY WALTER JAMES HOFFMAN UNCP UC hOM eee eer nee re aioe (een ona cise fe ees sysicis = isis Aeets eiae ota ters 11 MistonysOtgulemuMVyOstiPatlON.. 222 cate 5 Sosa Bese enn one eaee shoo Bede dapeos teen be Seo Reco ce 287 (OPUS KE Peels. assy Pebaleees Gadeeneold Seed CASH Sone seeuebeeecce 2essnes= 287 Maple sugar .........-.-- Seeb dato ceeo aan A-neideceaa aceon’ tode Soda leceass 287 VIRGINS Crip ta ai oA Bageeig Geos Bees Snenea Bera CObs ce se scac coc aeHe eeeacke 290 IBGITIOS ATIC ISM ae RELOOU seo ees sales eta eee ene siete ae rami ia 291 COPING 2 aee Sic cin BS SSB ee ece- ce SUS R eae Sbordac be bo SEDO So eSace Aon Sener 292 WOGE SIENA sscece s.sedeoceS Sanco s HAseS= SES Uesnob Goo oneses pe Sara semoes Ssesecs 294 Thay OCHOA. ae seoeeSag aecbce SonBcaSKdd Sab oapceeeSEEEasee. cscs = seaecrc 294 WiOr umm Mo IN S25 See heres neneesaseecs poeee4 Gaeees SenaeOeeeses S=s5se 295 Diol Naar eens S See ee enedes sesesosreroseecen ee scar nH eeesce coescs 295 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542, BY GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP ntroductorysn oe sews seri trea ate eee rn ete anaes te a= =ra 339 Itinerary of the Coronado expeditions, 1527-1547 ....-.-.---.---.------------ 341 TEV han ONO eae cgms oe oe ene Sue menCOobeS depo secoUeReEs Heaeeeeeed 345 The causes of the Coronado expedition, 1528-1539... ....---------------- 345 Alvar Nunez ©abezatdeiViaed a= eee eee eels sesame soa om atone 345 The governors of New Spain, 1530-1537. -.----.----.--------- aes taetee 390 ‘The reconnoissance of Friar Marcos de Niza.-.---.-.-----.----------- 353 Thevetection Priam Marcos’ reportiss---22- -22----s-==seeeee-- aan 362 The expedition to New Mexico and the great plains _----.---------------- 373 The organization of the expedition........---.---------------------- 373 The departure of the expedition. .....-.---..--------------------+-+---- 382 The expedition by sea under Alarcon..-....-------------------------- 385 The journey from Culiacan to Cibola.......-...----.---------+------ 386 VIII REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Historical introduction—Continued Page The expedition to New Mexico and the great plains—Continued The capture of the Seven Cities..-..-.--.--------------------------- 388 Thevexploration of the country 2-1 -= = 2-4-2 e == ee eS) Mhe| Spaniards’ ab Aun = soe - a lem we ee alee 389 The discovery of Tusayan and the Grand canyon..---.---..----- 390 The Rio Grande and the great plains....---.---.---..---------.-- 390 The march of the army from Culiacan to Tiguex.-...-...---.--------- 3$1 The winter of 1540-1541 along the Rio Grande.......-.--..---------- 392 TUN) hbo sr} 0) Wiss 55 s2h666 sosss asses coemes comes cS Soss cues 392 Mh eystories abo ub Quy irae a ere eee ar eee 393 The journey across the buffalo plains -........-...------------------- 395 UMN repre s seh Eee) Soon ee osc Sno gcsosc saoeso seamen asasesosess 399 Thewtiriars cemam an) thecountity. ea seee eee eee eee eee eee 400 AMG) pebael WEN ets) PN aas Gan Sao Obpese Hoosen doses aaeioge pees NLOTS A401 Mie end tofC onowad Ofc sees ease eae ee ee eee ere 402 Some results of the expedition. .-.--..-...-....---..----.-----...-------. 403 Thediscoverysol Coloradomiveles sa. a= sales eee aan ieee 403 The voyare of -Alarconeeeeee pees | =e ee seen eee ee eee eee eee 403 Mhe journey, of Melehion Diaz 220. 22 -- = seeaeeleseiama nae eee senior 406 The Indian uprising in New Spain, 1540-1542...... .....-.---..--.---- 408 Further attempts at discovery. -.-.....------------- eS HET Sree 411 ThewoyareotiCabrillomes= se -- eaten tose ae aces eee ae 411 Villalobos sails\across the Pacific...-..----.-.... ----....---.-.-- 412 Theinarrative of Castanedayscee sos o- 9. 2220 - ees ew noe eee eee ae) same c= 413 Love ye MPO ae sso See ooseas coer oD sear shee coe eeb ooze SSSese 413 The |S panishitexts == se ease eee at. nm ateee ete eee eee eee reer aretaae 414 IPFOCINIO Nas = as se see ee alee see ss ainie eat een te ete alae eee 414 Primeraiparbetecanes sete es cee Wop! .. 224s cee ese ee ae eee 1054 6. Wimbindoma'n— The whitlwind >) 2 -see-- soe see ee 1054 7. Kosi’ wimbi'ndomd —'There is dust from the whirlwind..-.-.. 1054 8. Dombi'naso'wina’ —The rocks are ringing -.-.---------..----- 1055 9. Su'ng-a ro‘ yonji'— The cottonwoods are growing tall.-.....---. 1055 LEEW h il OREN som ccm Go Snigs pSeS oe EnoSs SUA Se So ceeoos caSase macoRstce 1056 WUTGYST Gt) < Seta mcag ee AS mena 2. Su aan eeneegs Sabana Ions Secsace qc acer SaaaeeAS 1057 ‘ribalisynonymy 2 45- oe eee ceca ee ese eee re en tees ee eee eee ete 1057 Dn Dallisi Pyke 2 ae wee ee eee = i=1s orm ace ae Wee en ae ee ee eee ene 1057 Sketch ofthoesttibesse shane Soca: ce eos eee oe eee ee epee eee 1058 Sonrsrot thei slows ap seee eeeccin- ee Mee se eee eee ee an aeee 1061 1. Opening song: d’te he'ye e‘yayo— The father says 80 -.-.-.---- 1061 2. Michi'nkshi naipe—My son, let me grasp your hand ...--.---- 1061 3. He tuwe'cha he—Who think you comes there? . ......---.---- 1064 4. Wana' yar ma’niye—Now he is walking. .-....---.------------- 1064 5. Lechel miyo'qan-kte— This is to be my work. ..---...----.------ 1065 6. Michinkshi'yi tewa'qila che—I love my children. .-.-.-.--..---- 1065 7. Mila kin hiyu'michi'chiyana—Give me my knife. .-..--...----- 1065 8. Le lel aie! — IS ONG Say S eeteta te alate aim an oom) = mien lal alm oie 1068 9. Niya'te'ye' he'u‘we—It is your father coming........--...----- 1068 10. Miyo'qan kin wanla’ki— You see what I can do..--..---..----- 1068 11. Michi’nkshi mita’waye—It is my own child ........-----.----- 1069 12. A’te he’w'we— There is the father coming. .-...---..-----..--- 1069 13. Wa'sna wa'tin-kta—I shall eat pemmican .....-..-.-..--.---- 1069 14. A’te lena ma‘qu-we—The father gave us these ........-.-..---- 1069 15. Ina’ he'kuwo’— Mother, come home..---.-----.-------.-------- 1070 16. Wa'na wanasa’pi-kta— Now they are about to chase the buffalo. 1070 17. He! Kii'yanka a'gali‘ye— He! They have come back racing... 1071 18. Mi'ye wanma'yanka-yo! —Look at me!........-.--..-----.----- 1071 19. Maka’ sito’'maniyan— The whole world is coming - -.----------- 1072 20. Le'na wa'kani— These sacred things .---..---..----.-:-------- 1072 21. Miyo'qan kin chichu’che—I have given you my strength. .----- 1073 22, Michi'nkshi tahe’‘na— My child, come this way.-.-...--.-------- 1073 23. Wana wiché'shka— Now set up the tipi...°-.....-...--------- 1073 24. A’te mi/chuye—Father, give them to me....-....--..---.----- 1074 25. Hanpa wecha'ghe—I made moccasins for him....---.---------- 1074 26 Waka'nyan inya'nkin-kte—The holy (hoop) shall run.....-.---- 1075 SHOT Oia? = 5 SSR OR eh oes Cops cu en ere seb Su coca ened comaad onmaccne 1075 The Kiowa andsMiowarspaehese nese =<. a= — ncn aoe eens 1078 Loko iol ey EMANO thy Sone sein Soe BBoae Sore aooS css ssc Sees asemeS 1078 LOC AT BOISE Ne cece 5 shoe se SHE Ma eed ome eepaceaaso reeks fescasss 1078 Sketchiofitiiey Ka onw.aee er te ae ate eee a= oe ee iain ae eae eee 1078 dhe Kio wale Ap aC Be neta ee eee sete aaa ee eee aera eee 1081 CONTENTS The songs—Continued The Kiowa and Kiowa Apache—Continued SOMES TINS) UOC is oh coo son eecs seserace toe on eooeeectouas Soaee> soceae seam 262 Isbell ities cece Babee EEE See On acOse esate enon bapeee oc ccamrnaane as 264 Sectionko te bankai ch bee ee ere ee es a ae alm late ele 266 UIT oe oo ce ean come ee SoRone paSene Nese CBereecd sce coee= Cason oeenac 269 Beaded garters showing art figures.--.--------------------------- 270 Beaded garters showing art figures --.----------------------------- 272 Beaded garters showing art figures..----.------------------------- 274 Beadedin ee lel sees seem essere aa tale tam i a ml alam 217 Dancer’s beaded medicine bag..--...--.-------------------------- 278 Trap for small game..----..---.-----.---- ------------------------ 281 Varieties of arrowheads: 2-2-2222. 22- ome -eenie == - e n = a 283 Birchbark sap buckets and yoke....--...------------------------- 285 (Ghheay pane ype WAKER c 6 cee sd ses sc Sneed eee Renu Racers von sae ese 287 Camp of berry pickers... ----..---.---- -----------------=-22<--- 289 Wioodenicanoeror Cae Otte eee aa marae eal ee lat 291 Cutting timbers for bark canoe.-..---..-------------------------- 293 Setting up bark canoe... --........-------- ----- ------------------ 295 The New Spain and New Mexico country --.---------------------- 345 The Ulpius globe of 1542...-....---. Beh i SEE es aie OS. Sebastian @abotismaprotpled sss ooo oe oem tee =i 353 Map of the world by Ptolemy, 1548.....----.--------------------- 357 Battista Agnese’s New Spain, sixteenth century.--.--------.----- 361 The City of Mexico about 1550, by Alonzo de Santa Cruz.-.-.------ 365 Helier sia, DEED ¢oaccs saoacccons cheese paesec 2ese Done eee SD aIsa a 369 ».0.¢ XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. LV. LVI. LVIL. LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXVIII. LXIX. LXx. LXXI. LXXII. LXXIII. LXXIV. LXXyV. LXXVI. LXXVII. LXXVIII. LXXIX. LXXxX. LXXXI. LXXXII. LXXXIII. LXXXIV. LXXXYV. LXXXVI. LXXXVII. LXXXVIII. LXXXIX. XC. XCI. iC: XCIII. XCIV. XCV. XCVI. XCVII. REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Mercator’s northwestern part of New Spain, 1569 ..........-...-- Mercator’s interior of New Spain, 1569 ...-....................... Abr. Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1570 -........-...-..--.- Dourado’s Terra Antipody Regis Castele Inveta, 1580-.-. -.-..--- Western hemisphere of Mercator, 1587 ..-.----.----------------- Northern half of De Bry’s America Sive Novvs Orbis, 1596-. -.-. Wytfliet’s Vtrivsqve Hemispherii Delineatio, 1597...--....---.-- Wytfliet’s New Granada and California, 1597..-....-----..------- Wytfliet’s kingdoms of Quivira, Anian, and Tol, 1597.-....----- Matthias Quadus’ Fasciculus Geographicus, 1608 -......--.-----. The buitalohiGomara, i ob4 eso se eee nee ee ee ee eee The buftaloof Dhevet,1508 22 soe semen eee as eee ThrelbudialooL Deby 195 see eam eee eae. OnvthestertacesrabeZ nies saa eee en rea eer tae WOU ao hieh AN = AeA noe co Sone eeon sos dace Sore Bsesce Auni/courtyshowin ew. Dal COM Ayaan eters eee alleen ee ea JAVA UN Hee Se 3S oe ea On ce Sese SSR oor obasoe eS aSereS Zunis in typical modern costume....-...---.---...---.---------- Hopi maidens, showing primitive Pueblo iofiesisstetays Basa adarces Hopi grinding and paper-bread making --.----.---------+------- Isfoyont PA RAR TREN. 535 oobeesosonessenecscce soosse soos seencer Le OSA; WENN SNS nas ees sees ooos SoSserosanhe Sosa Sse ssrs Pere UNOS cmamaneKeer yas LW EDEN ook Opes conse oe Soe r cee scenscess The Tewa pueblo of P’o-who-gi or San Ildefonso... ..-.-------- IRN WN GO AIG ie as See Sen ns see nes aoceueEs Gone see esee rere eesane Ruins of Spanish church above Jemez.........--.-----.. .----.-- TY UGS) HMONG) he Shihoe. Sos poe Aan ears epacassSe Hear cossedoene DheyKerespueblorotiC oc hitieereee- ae seer e2=e=)aeeeeeeeree MheWewa;pueb loots Nami esa ae eee ee ee AUNam'be) in dianikin alr GOSbUIM Ome ema aes == eee ieee NINH MeL YEN MEO CE TAH LS) Poems man oe es Ssoe ses Soneoos Seedes seces The Keres pueblo of Katishtya or San Felipe--.----.-.----.------ The south town of the Tiwa pueblo of Taos_.......------------. The Tewa pueblo of K’hapéo or Santa Clara -......----..------. The Tewa pueblo ot Ohke or San Juan-.--...--- ..-..---.------- INTRO REINA NS Sa ce see cinaéssose ace neonoaerooT soe SSS S56 FAST aUbV C11 OC OS sete ei eae arte er sieat alee tonee Facsimile of pages of Castaneda’s relacion-....-----.----------- Facsimile of pages of Castanieda’s relacion...--..---..-....----- Facsimile of pages of Castaneda’s relacion.----...---.---------- Map of the Indian reservations of the United States showing the appoximate area of the Ghost dance .----. .-...----. .--------- The prayer-stick ....-....- | A aese wae eee eee a) een keen aes Chief Josephysn=-3s.h- cos5 ecans gosh me seals seers sine ieee ses areas Map showing the distribution of the tribes of the upper Colum Smohalllavandiiisipriests =.=... <6 ester aan eee pai eee Smohalla church on Yakima reservation...-..-.-...-------------- NSM ee Shaan MEN Gime nes Ree Sas ee oS Sencssaec cer cor Winter view in Mason valley showing snow-covered sagebrush - - Sioux ghost shirts from Wounded Knee hattlefield.-.--.---.---- Sioux sweat-house and sacrifice pole...............--.---------- Map of the country embraced in the campaign against the Sioux. Map of Standing Rock agency and vicinity ...-...----.---------- Map of Wounded Knee battlefield.-............-...----.....-.. ILLUSTRATIONS XXI Page SOWA, Avia wig [baile eo ncsece tens soc concoce cupore ep oeeeaneossere 873 XCIX. Battlefield of Wounded Knee. —-... .--.-=.-------..-.------------ 875 (Oh leis yaboyetlts Wolo tS oe soos sa deeuReesevecc cee SE See nses 877 CI. Grave of the dead at Wounded Knee-------- .------.-------- ---- 879 CII. Battlefield after the blizzard ..--...-....-----.---..----.-------- 881 CUI. Arapaho ghost shirt, showing coloring..--.------.-------------- 895 CIV. Arapaho ghost shirt—reverse -..-.-..--------------------------- 897 (Chify IM (Chin assencseshuss sean eedcocaoeneceddeoc cSscamenbeseeee 898 (CYS Weve iloh tne) Qty eubaee hel OSs Sones Cage moose cope eaeeeocecS 908 CVI Torri etiianOn ee coches cssges Bho acidecameore nonobpencs Base Soe 910 (OMNI. MOP steer alee ns cases osvedaeero sec cage see sed sess acu. 913 CIX. The Ghost dance (buckskin painting). .------------------------- 915 CX. Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance...-...----.---------- 916 CXI. Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance--...----.------------ 918 CXMe the! Ghostidance——smaillicin cle see terete re = mat eee ele als tial = i 921 CXIII. The Ghost dance—lJarger circle.------..----.-----.------------- 923 GXTVi7 The Ghostidance—lamreeinclenssereee= se =~ eee ea ee 925 Gxaye the Ghoshidance—prayin peep eee ere see seer era 927 CxXxVIe Lhe Ghostidancte—imspimation a tsece os. =e ieee ee aan = 929 CCbOWalls WNiey(Chosin Games) WiGnl 6 sok ooede aaseone poeeu cocenaeseeas oe 931 GXVIIE LheiGhostidance—unconscious!-- 2... ios ne oat eer a= == 933 OhUDSS ANN GROnT CHINES cage ses cobenconcn Hass baud seca Boe osceSs custo er 935 (Op. wn oe Gy Weld | ~ 52S = sce coor ce ae eeeboc es Seer ae Sree oer ees Sse onec 962 CXXI. The sweat-lodge: Kiowa camp on the Washita...--..--.-------- 981 CXXII. Dog-soldier insignia....-. ..---..--.-----.------ ------ --=--- ---- 988 BIGURE Ih Coppers penn pOutee etree elae aie ele le alale ee il 37 PL Neto Ot INO TNO ooedaces pacer does so Bo soe doses Sano secs aane 49 BY Jebyambnioy oy! HUNG tienen glee See 6 eS So ces So poe ae osno soseSse 50 BI TeteaneunCoN ISON. Seo SS oes eo ooe soe se csseso saobeo asses 59 bai@eremonialisttocaure ol LOI0 ee amarante oleate eral 71 (jy (Chinen onal GM, Cos 5o5 copesasce koe ocec dap ene dodasoeqsdce Bsee 73 Tle (GENTS [POE cccceosesences Saks abancoecascoshesmoosaysososccsees 74 8. Graves where feast was held. ----- 22-2 = ween ene eee == === 75 §. Diagram of medicine lodge of 1890.-..---...---.-----------.---- 75 LO te Medicnrercnuml and) SUL ka ee etn area aeees see eee eee ata ee 77 Wal, (Groietl Tei. 2 eee eeeoes cacers coop nee ocics cues Epeeemassaaessns ae 78 12; Presents suspended from pole-----.- ..---.------2----------------= 80 135 Ofter-skinimedicinel bape a. =seese =e eerie eee ene ee mea 83 14. Inside construction of snake-bag.----.- Hpesg ness acc sSociacde cour 97 [bas Dancelof wood ened plese see eee ee eee neal eee 98 16. Kimée’An’s trick with claw and mirror........-------------.------ 100 17. Koni/pamik or emblem of the society..-....--..----.------------ 101 18. Diagram showing movement of mitii’wok....-.-.----------------- 103 Is hre IN fateyenoVeine ONS oo sna sass acceso ss cees coamae eer yee dampao dee eee 06 195 Ballstickoes-eeeeeeeeee = eee eee eee etree nance meas sac encase 128 20) ‘Csbi/saqikanior jue oleny esse eee eee ree eee ae ae aera an = 147 Pile drealleve RHE) so55 c50 sos ose ses obser eccdeceders sols ccassoaecmre 148 22. Thimble charm containing love powder..--.-.-.--..------------- 155 93. Dancing place of the Dreamers_.-----...-.-..------------------- 158 24. Diagram of the Dreamers’ dancing place.----------------------- 159 255 Place ot therdnmm eases a ea eee ee ae em ale eee i 160 26. Ancient form of protecting graves..-...-.----.-----.------------ 239 27) Modern) STAs eNOXs- seems Aare eee eee sae ae erie aoe ier 240 28. Graves of Osh’ koshtanduhis witee.= sc c-ss a= ces Seeetec ee es = epee 240 XXII FIGURE 29 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 9 Le 43. 44. 45, 46. . Design of second variety of working in beads ..---....---.------ » Lhird form'of working in beads\2-----5----- see eee sees = 50. . Arrowshaft showing mode of feathering -......---..----.-------- ss Ue is fon eNkenitetenn trast ete = see a= ee eee ees oe aes . Uterstoneikniter sores senm-n meee een eke acces a aeee cremate ter aee + Apache:stone;point=-22 ss..se sas) sea coe seen asce cosecsen seamen. » birchbark wesselstor maple sapeesece-s.2-2- o22 2a eee eeeee oes . Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet, 1808 and 1831. ...----.------ . Greenvillettreaty meédalls.c--acs5-3- cass 05 He secee eee oe ane -aiee se . Lecumtbhan Aes... ce ee coe eee Se Ske ees wee tere ee emer Sblantison) treaty pipes. easement ne seen fees a2 caette eee eee ; Kanakik the Kickapooiprophet-2--2-- 222-2. --5- 22. 222225 sean « Kainalcik’s\heaveni- 22-23. saeesetee seine soso sess spon 5e een eee SONS WEKLG eset ee ce ar ae ee renee ee See iors Saye em ene > Nakai-dokiinisidance=wheel seeeamen ace oe oo eee eee nismohallais flag: o-cs2-nca2ssee eee eae eata ees cass eae nee Rees » Charles'Ike, Smohallainterpretersess-42-0--=--- <-- ==) see eee oe . Diagram showing arrangement of worshipers at Smohalla service. - John Slocum and hous Wowaluchseessseee a= -aae ae eae eee eae mbhakerchurch atid ebay essceeseeeeeeree race see eee eee eee PWION OKA ss retin oa cc eto ite oe eRe ete ene Se cele ee eee coe i Navaho indians 2.-= a=). saa) se ets em se ays nee oe} ane ete nee Sista thes opispuchbloot. Wal plea=s=eeeree eer ean eae eee aaa { AU SlOWwx.warrior—Weasel Bears. onsen - 2525 sae eee ese eseels REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Woodenvbowtforigamp linge. -aas- oe ee eee encase amMpOULIMe dew. <7 Wee Sees ee ee ae ee ee eee Holding snow-snake preparatory to throwing.-.-.-.---..--------- Tecnumthalsipipeissaeas-s-e 7aee eee aoe eee See eens eee Inlaid'istone: pipe 2s. .2-2cee aesies cesta ase see eee Bark domictle:for summer Use) 9-2 2)22- sca. 52 = ele ee eee Bedstead of ‘saplings, =. 6\..2+ 2: 2525 222522286 = ee een eee Wooden mortar and pestle.--. 2 2-=-2-25-4,222422-- eee cose se eeees= Bim) logformalkinoysplints:se= 2 seee ee ee eee Mallet iqicsce 2.2% ete ete an ee ae Cee eee eee See Knife of native workmanshipy jase. eee e eee an eee Coiliofbasketistrips 222 c see -na-mcc- seco eae ae eee eee Minished“basketchec ee ~~ —-s Introduction. CONTENTS History of the investigation .----.-----------------------++--+----+------- hits Of the tribe ce sn elses ee =a cee neice nina ne als ones een ING {mn We. soos cokocsesec besode sony cee sds Se eOoeoueEs seSescsepe Discovery and early history. ...----------------------------------------- Treaties with the Federal Government..-..-...----.-.----.---------------- Present locati OD 22-2 on nw we enews wn ens ee wns nn en ne eee rn rr eee Population and characteristics..----.--------.---------------------++-------- Antiquities - . Tribal government, totems and chiefs --..-.-----.---------------+---------+-- The lines of chiettalDGy =a--.---2 == 5 <= see i ar wit ai ° * nt =~ . , Sei Wg Rn a Oi od [ILLUSTRATIONS Page Puate I. Part of Wisconsin showing location of Menomini reservation. ..... 33 LE RGxrowp) of mounds mearikeshenae a2 1-5 4-- sec 32s 2eee eer eee sees a seese 37 IM, ‘Certificate of Tshekfitshake’mau .......-.--2------ ---22-cecneocene 46 TER BOE ofPAUcwane col Osh kGsh eae =ee ree ergo eae sem 48 VY. Building of medicine lodge ..---.. Se eee espa aca ero nrceriat cerirece 71 VI. Interior of ceremonial structure of 1890......-.......-.--.. .---..- 73 Wi Sham an‘s\ triekewitihe snake bape sees srceccsss-be = coeeaneee eases Sean eee eas Rete 261 42. Snowshoe for men—Menomini type... ..---. ------------------------ 264 43. Ojibwa and Menomini children’s snowshoe ....----.---------------- 265 44. Snowshoe for women—Ojibwa type. ..--.-----.---------------------- 265 45. Frame holding unfinished beadwork ..---..------------------------- 269 46. Design of first variety of working in beads...-.....---.------------ 270 47. Design of second variety of working in beads.........---.---------- 271 48. Third form of working in beads ......-..-----.----.-.-- ---- ---- ---- 272 49. Groundplan of trap for small game ........------------------------ 2738 50. Apache iron point..... 0-22... 2... 1.22.5 <- 2 ee 2 ce nee aan 277 51. Arrowshaft showing mode of feathering.-.....----------.---------- 277 52 itestone Isnitemeer eon se See sie oan elena teat aie olen. Eee beta 282 5B, (Utewstone iknitepsewe een ck ceiniersivle Co eae oo seen etes stellen nial ee eee 283 54. Apache stone point -.---. .-.. 22-2 woe. eee ne ween wan ene nae 284 55. Birchbark vessel for maple sap .........------0------0<--------=--- 289 THE MENOMINI INDIANS By WALTER JAMES HuFFMAN, M. D. INTRODUCTION HISTORY OF THE INVESTIGATION The circumstances under which the materials for the accompanying memoir were procured are as follows: Having succeeded, in the years 1887-1890, in obtaining from the Ojibwa Indians of northern Minnesota instruction in the ritual and ceremonials of initiation into the Midé/wiwin or “Grand Medicine Soci- ety” of that tribe, together with copies of hitherto unknown mnemonic charts and songs, on birch bark, relating to their genesis and cosmog- ony, the results were published in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. : In consequence of this exposition of what was to them a secret of vital importance, the attention of some Menomini shamans, who visited Washington during the first three months of 1890, was gained, and, after protracted conferences, the proposition was made by the chief, Nio’pet, that a visit to their reservation, at Keshena, Wisconsin, be made; that, after proper instruction by some shamans to be appointed, due initiation into their society, termed the Mitii/wit, would be con- ferred, in order that their version of the traditions and dramatized forms of initiation could be studied and preserved ‘for the information of future generations of the Menomini,” these arrangements being made in anticipation of the consent of the chiefs of the society. The first visit was therefore made to Keshena in 1890, followed by four subsequent visits, to attend to the necessary instruction and cere- monials of the society. It was during these visits that other new and interesting facts were obtained—material relating to their mythology, social organization and government, customs, industries, and gentile system and division into gentes and phratries, together with linguistic data germane to the subject in general. These facts were believed to be entirely new to ethnology, as the Menomini had not hitherto received careful attention by students, the 11 12 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 fugitive papers relating to this tribe being exceedingly brief, and often difficult of access to the general reader. HABITAT OF THE TRIBE The Menomini Indians are located on a reservation in the north- eastern part of Wisconsin, and occupy almost the same territory in which they were found by Nicollet in 1634. Their history is intimately connected with that of the Winnebago, as they have lived with or beside that tribe from very early times, although their language shows them to belong to the Algonquian stock, and more nearly related to the Ojibwa than to any other. THE TRIBAL NAME The word Menomini is from Omii/nominé/i’ (mino’me, rice, and inii/neu’ or inii/ni, man). Shea! says the “name is the Algonquin term for the grain Zizania aquatica—in English, Wild Rice. The French called both the grain and tribe Fol Avoin—Wild Oats.” The tribe has been designated in literature under a variety of syn- onyms, of which the following are a list, together with the authorities therefor, and such additional notes of the respective authors as may be deemed of interest. Some of the changes in orthography are due to misprints, but still have a certain value in identification. The people of the tribe designate themselves ‘‘Menomini,” or “ Menomoni” giving preference to the latter, in which the sound of o is heard, although the letter i of the former term is more in harmony with the etymology of the word. Synonymy Addle-Heads.—Jeftreys, Natural and Civil History of the French Dominions in North and South America, pt. 1, London, 1761, p. 48. Falsavoins.—(Johnson, London Doe. xxxvi, 1763) Does. Col. Hist. New York, vol. vii, Albany, 1856, p. 583. (Probably that portion of the tribe living near Green bay; enumerates 110 as belonging to Ottawa confederacy. ) Falsovoins.—(Harrison, 1814) Drake, Life of Tecumseh, and of his Brother, the Prophet, ete, Cincinnati, 1852, p. 162. Felles avoins.—(State of British Plantations in America, in 1721) Docs. Col. Hist. New York, vol. vy, Albany, 1855, p. 622. Folle Avoine.—Relations des Jésuites (1671), tome iii, Quebec, 1858, p. 25. Folle Avoines.—(Mem. of 1718) Docs. Col. Hist. New York, vol. ix, Albany, 1855, p. 889. Folles, Les.—Featherstonhaugh, A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor, ete, vol. i, London, 1847, p. 174. Follesavoine.—(Vaudreuil, 1720) Margry, Découvertes, tome vi, Paris, 1866, p.511. Folles Avoines.—(Cadillac, 1695) Margry, Découvertes, tome v, Paris, 1883, p. 121. Fols, Les.—(Baden, 1830) Ann.delaProp.delaFoi . . . , tomeiv, Lyons, 1853,p.537. Fols Avoin.—Pike, An Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi, ete, Philadelphia, 1810, p. 13. Fols Avoines.—Brown, Western Gazetteer, Auburn, 1817, p. 265. Folsavoins.—(Johnson, 1763) Does. Col. Hist. New York, vol. vii, Albany, 1856, p. 583. 1 Coll. Hist. Soc. Wisconsin, vol. iii, for 1856, Madison, 1857, p. 134. HOFFMAN] MENOMINI SYNONYMY 13 Fols-avoise.— (Schermerhorn, 1812) Col. Massachusetts Soc., vol. ii, 2d ser., Boston, 1814, p. 10. Fulawin.—(Dalton, 1783) Col. Massachusetts Hist. Soc., vol. x, 1st ser., Boston, 1809, p. 123. Macomilé.—(La Chesnaye) Margry, Découvertes, tome vi, Paris, 1886, p. 6. Mahnomonie.—James in Tanner’s Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures, etc, New York, 1830, p. 326. Malhomines.—Charlevoix (1721), vol. ii, London, 1761, p. 61. Malhoming.—Bacqueville de la Potherie, Histoire de ’ Amérique Septentrionale, tome li, Paris,1753, p. 90. Mathominis.—Ibid., p. 70. Malhomins.—La Potherie, op. cit., tome i, p. 206. Malhominy.—(Cadillac, 1695) Margry, Découvertes, tome v, Paris, 1883, p. 121; La Potherie, op. cit., tome ii, p. 49. Malhommes.—Jettreys’ Natural and Civil History, op. cit., p. 48. Mathommis.—(Perrot, 1720) Mémoire sur les Mceurs, coustumes et relligion des Sau- vages de |’ Amérique Septentrionale, Leipzig and Paris, 1864, p. 127. Malomenis.—(Frontenac, 1682) Does. Col. Hist. New York, Albany, 1855, p. 182. Malomimis.—La Uontan, New Voyages to North America, vol. i, London, 1703, p. 231. Malomines.—Garcilaso, La Florida de! Inca, ete, Madrid, 1723, vol. ii, p. 290. (Quotes—erroneously—from La Hontan.) Malominese.—Blue Jacket (1807) in Drake, Life of Tecumseh, etc, op. cit., p. 94. Malominis.—La Hontan, op. cit., p. 104. Malouin.—Sagard (1615), Histoire du Canada, ete, tome ii, Paris, 1866, p. 424. Malouminek.—Relations des Jésuites (1658), op. cit., p. 21. Malouwmines.—Warren (1852), Col. Minnesota Hist. Soc., vol. v, St. Paul, 1855, p. 33. (So designated by the French.) Manomanee.—Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, ete, London, 1859, p. 29. Manomines.—Henry, Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories, etc, New York, 1809, p. 107. Marowmine.—Relations des Jésuites (1640), tome i, Quebec, 1858, p. 35. Mathomenis.—La Potherie, op. cit., tome ii, 1753, p. 70. Mathominis.—Ibid., p. 81. Melhominys.—(Croghorn, 1759) Proud, History of Pennsylvania, in North America, ete, vol. ii, Philadelphia, 1797-98, p. 296. Melominees.—Perkins and Peck, Ann. of the West, St. Lonis, 1850, p. 713. Memonomier.—Vater, Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde, pt. ili, sec. 3, Berlin, 1806-17, p. 406. Mennominies.—(Goldthwait, 1766) Col. Massachusetts Hist. Soc., Ist ser., vol. x, Boston, 1809, p. 121. Menomenes.—( Pike, 1806) Schoolcraft, Inf. Respecting Ind. Tribes, vol. iii, Philadel- phia, 1853, p. 262. Menomenies.—Brown, Western Gazetteer, Auburn, 1817, p. 265. Menominees.—(Treaty of 1825) U.S. Ind. Treaties, Washington, D. C., 1837, p. 376. Menominie.—(Treaty of 1826) U.S. Ind. Treaties, Washington, D, C., 1837, p. 155. Menominny.—Featherstonhaugh, A Canoe Voyage, ete, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 25. Menomoee.—Gale, Map of the Upper Mississippi, 1867. Menomonees.—( Edwards, 1788) Col. Massachusetts Hist. Soc., 2d ser., vol. x, Boston, 1823, p. 86. Menomonei.—McKenney, Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., Washington, D. C., 1825, p. 90. Menomones.— Long’s Narrative of an Expedition to Source of St. Peter’s River, vol. ii, London, 1825, p. 171. Menomonies.—Boudinot, Star in the West, Trenton, 1816, p. 100. Menomonys.—Lapham, Indians of Wisconsin, map, 1870. Menonomees.—(La Pointe Treaty, 1842) Col. Minnesota Hist. Soc., vol. vy, St. Paul, 1855, p. 494. 14 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 Menonomies.—Howe, Historical Collections of Virginia, Charleston, 1852, p. 436. Meynomenys.—(Johnson, London Doce. xxxvi, 1763) Doe. Col. Hist. New York, vol. vii, Albany, 1856, p. 583. (Mentions 110 as belonging to the Ottawa confederacy.) Meynomineys.—(Johnson, 1764) Ibid., p. 648. Mineamies.—(James Madison, MS., 1778) Schooleraft, Inf. respecting Ind. Tribes, vol. iii, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 560. Miniamis.—Keane, in Stanford’s Compendium, London, 1878, p. 522. Minominees.—Jones, History of the Ojibway Indians, London, 1861, p. 39. Minomonees.—(Edwards, 1788) Coll. Massachusetts Hist. Soc., 1st ser., vol. ix, Boston, 1804, p. 92. Minonimies.—(Warren, 1852) Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc., vol. v, St. Paul, 1885, p. 33. Minoniones.—Boudinot, Star in the West, Trenton, 1816, p. 107. Minoomenee.—Jones, History of the Ojibway Indians, London, 1861, p. 178. Monomins.—Henry, Travels and Adventures in Canada, ete, New York, 1809, p. 107. Monomonees.—Schooleraft, Inf. respecting Ind. Tribes, vol. v, Philadelphia, 1855, p. 145. Monomony.—Long, Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter, London, 1791, map. Monomunies.—(Lindesay, 1749) Doe. Col. Hist. New York, vol. vi, Albany, 1855, p. 538. Moon-calves.—Jetfreys, Natural and Civil History, op. cit., p. 48. Mynomamies.—Imlay, A Topograph. Deserip. of the Western Territory of North America, London, 1797, p. 292. Mynomanies.—( Hutchins, 1778) Schooleraft, Inf. Respecting Ind. Tribes, vol.vi, Phila- delphia, 1857, p. 714. Omanomineu.—Father Zephyrin, Prayer Book in Menomoni, St. Louis, 1882. Omanomini.—Kelton, Annals of Fort Mackinac, Chicago, 1882, p.149. (So called by the Ojibwa.) O-mun-o-min-eeg.—( Warren, 1852) Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc.,vol.v, St. Paul, 1885, p. 33. Oumalominis.—(Prise de Possession, 1671) Margry, Découvertes, tome i, Paris, 1875, p: 97. Oumaloiiminek.—Relations des Jésuites (1670), iii, Quebec, 1858, p. 94. Oumalounines.—Relations des Jésuites (1671), iii, Quebec, 1858, p. 25. Oumalouminetz.—Relatious des Jésuites (1670), iii, Quebec, 1858, p. 100. Oumaominiecs.—(Du Chesnean, 1681) Doc. Col. Hist. New York, vol. ix, Albany, 1855, p. 161. Ounaboims.—(Prise de Possession, 1671) Doc. Col. Hist. New York, op. cit., p. 803. Wathominies.—McKenney and Hall, History of the Indian Tribes of North America, ete, vol. iii, Philadelphia, 1854, p. 79. White Indians.—Long, Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter’s River, ete, vol. ii, Philadelphia, 1824, p. 175. Wild Oats (Nation of the).—Of various authors. Wild Rice.—(Doe. of 1701) Doe. Col. Hist. New York, vol. ix, Albany, 1855, p. 722. Wild Rice Eaters.—Lapham, A Paper on the number. . . of the Indians of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, 1870, p. 3. DISCOVERY AND EARLY HISTORY Although the Jesuits had early penetrated the country west of Lake Michigan, and although La Salle had, in 1682, taken formal possession of the valley of the Mississippi in the name of Louis the Great, King of France and Navarre, it was not until 1699 that Lemoine d’Iberville planted the germ whence sprang the colony of Louisiana.' Thencefor- ward various posts were established at remote points, to facilitate intercourse between the outlying missions and settlements and to guard 1 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, vol. i, Boston, 1886, p. 61. HOFFMAN] NICOLLET WITH THE MENOMINI 15 against invasion along the several waterways. Detroit guarded the approach from Lake Erie; Michilimackinac protected the entrance to Lake Michigan; while the forts at St. Joseph and at the head of Green bay (called La bay) commanded the routes between the lakes and the Mississippi. Sieur Jean Nicollet arrived on the ‘“‘ Baie des Puants,” or Green bay,! about the year 1634, although the account of his voyage thither was not recorded by Pere Barthelemy Vimont until 1643. Nicollet’s arrival in the land of the Menomini was heralded by some young Winnebago Indians, who had been sent ahead; so that when he landed ‘this marvelous man” must necessarily have made a profound impression, appearing as he did in a robe of China damask profusely decked with flowers and birds of various colors, and “ carrying thunder in his hands.” This gaudy display, together with the firing of pistols, caused the terror-stricken women and children to flee. Between 4,000 and 5,000 people partook of the feasts, at one of which, it is recorded, 120 beavers were consumed.? In the notice of the discovery of the Menomini by Nicollet, no aceu- rate information is given as to their geographic position. Pere Gabriel Dreuillettes, who enumerated the several tribes located on Green bay, says that the first ‘“‘nation,” or the nearest to the village or town of St. Michel, was called in Algonquian, Oupouteouatimik (Potawatomi), and comprised about 700 men or 3,000 souls, including 100 men of the “Nation of the Petun,” or Tobacco nation. The second nation was that of the Noukek, the Ouinipegouek (Winnebago), and the Malou- minek (Menomini). These people, located a short distance only from the Potawatomi, gathered a certain reed which grew naturally on their prairies and which was deemed equal to Indian corn. There were also 200 Algonkin, who formerly resided on the rivers and along the northern coast of Lake Huron, but who had here sought refuge.* The enumeration of tribes by Pere Dreuillettes continues, placing the Maskotin out on the prairie, distant three days’ journey by water; and various southward tribes are enumerated, with extravagant popu- lation—for instance, the Aliniouek (Illinois), living in 60 villages, were said to number 20,000 men, or in the vicinity of 100,000 souls. The Noukek of this record were no doubt identical with the Nouquet, or Noquette, who lived on the northern extremity of Green bay on what today is designated the Bay of Noquet. Under this name, also, were the Menomini referred to in some old accounts; but no tribe at present 1From the French designation, ‘‘la grande baie.” 3 On depescha plusieurs ieunes gens pour aller au deuant du Manitouirinion, c'est A dire de Vhomme merueilleux; on y vient, on le conduit, on porte tout son bagag’e. Il estoit reuestu d'vne grande robe de damas de la Chine, toute parsemée de fleurs et d'oyseaux de diuerses couleurs. Si tost qu'on l'apperceut, toutes les femmes et les enfans s’enfuirent, voyant vn homme porter le tonnerre en ses deux mains (c’est ainsi qu’ils nommient deux pistolets qu'il tenoit). La nouuelle de sa venué s'espandit incontinent aux lieux cireconuoisins: il se fit vne assemblée de quatre ou cing mille hommes; chacun des principaux fit son festin, en l'vn desquels on seruit au moins six-vingts Castors.—Rela- tions des Jésuites, 1643, pp. 3, 4. 3 Relation des Jésuites, 1658, p. 21. 16 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 existing preserves this designation, the, absorption of the group into some other body being probably the cause of the disappearance of the name. The Fox Indians occupied the valley of Fox river in 1714, when a French expedition under de Louvigny invaded their territory, without result; but their final expulsion from that country occurred in 1746, when their allies, the Sauk tribe, with whom they appear to have had a common origin, were also forced to leave. The Menomini finally appear to have concentrated about the head of Green bay and along Menomini and Fox rivers, but nothing of interest concerning them is found for some years, though they and other tribes appear to have distinguished themselves at intervals in war expeditions. The Menomini, together with the Ottawa, Winne- bago, Potawatomi, and other northwestern tribes, rendered conspic- uous service in the defeat of Braddock, in 1755, at Fort du Quesne, where they were led and commanded by Sieur Charles de Langlade. They also participated in the battle before Quebec on the Plains of Abraham. Glode (son of Old Carron), Osauwishkeno (the Yellow Bird), Kachakawasheka (the Notch-maker), and the elder Carron, were pres- ent at the fall of Montcalm.! On June 7, 1726, peace was effected between M. de Ligney and the chief of the Fox, Sauk, and Winnebago tribes (‘‘Pauns a la Baie”); and to make this peace ‘certain and stable” it was thought proper to grant to the chief of the first-named tribe his request that a French officer be stationed in that country, to aid him in ‘restraining his young men from bad thoughts and actions.” In consequence of this amicable arrangement a detachment of French troops was sent to gar- rison La Bay (afterward called Fort Edward Augustus), which post was thenceforward occupied by the French until 1761. This, like many other posts throughout the French possessions, was not strictly of a military character, from the fact that numbers of French settlers had congregated near there for protection; not on account of agricultural pursuits—for such were greatly neglected—but chiefly to establish and maintain traffic with the natives, furs being the chief product desired. These settlers were generally under the government of the comman- dant. The relations between these French settlers and the natives were undoubtedly of an amiable character, as the general attitude and con- duct of the French were rather of a conciliatory nature, whereby their representatives gained unusual confidence and good will among the natives—an attachment which was furthermore strengthened through the frequent selection by the French of Menomini wives. After the British and colonial forces had attained the conquest of Canada and the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the governor-general, had sur- 1 Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1856, vol. iii, 1857, pp. 212-214. 2¥From translation of M. de Ligney’s memoir of June 7, 1726, 1n Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1854, vol. i, 1853, p. 21. HOFFMAN] FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR iY rendered, the victors began to take possession of the western posts. Thus, in 1761, Green bay was governed by a small force of 17 men of the Sixtieth (or Royal American) regiment, in command of Lieutenant Gorrell. This party arrived at Green bay on.October 12, at a time of the year when it was customary for the Indians to be off on their annual hunting expedition; so that there was but one family remain- ing at the post.! Lieutenant Gorrell states that he had found in his orders very little regarding the Indians, so that when leaving he applied to Captain Donald Campbell, at Detroit, for further instrue- tions; the latter referred him to Sir William Johnson, then present, who told him orally that unless he did his best to please the Indians he had better not go there. On account of the absence of the Indians, no council was held with the tribes until May 23, 1762; at this time the chiefs of the Menomini and Winnebago were present and received strings of wampum in return tor prisoners. According to Gorrell’s journal, the number of Indian warriors dependent on the post was 39,100. The number of Menomini warriors specified is only 150, which would indicate a total population of about 800. After the peace of 1763, when the French troops were withdrawn and their places filled by the English, discontent among the Indians became apparent, and gradually became more and more hostile and in time developed into a conspiracy for the extermination of the English throughout the entire western frontier. This hostility was due to a variety of circumstances. The French had been the fast friends of the Indians, had been judicious and lavish in the distribution of gifts, and had liberally supplied all who desired arms, ammunition, and clothing, until the tribesmen had almost forgotten their aboriginal modes of living and had become dependent on the garrisons and trading establish- ments; but with the advent of the English all this was changed, and the penuriousness with which these now necessary articles were dealt out—when they were not entirely withheld—caused great distress and consequent dissatisfaction.2 Another source of trouble was the immigration of settlers and the occupancy of Indian lands by white men, while suspicion and anger were engendered by false reports carried from place to place by the “ couriers de bois” or bushrangers—degraded itinerants who traversed the forest in search of furs and peltries which they carried to the trading posts, reaping profits which they felt would become greatly reduced should the traders themselves penetrate the wilds. The Indians, becoming alarmed at the rumored advent of the traders, who were said to be exacting and of murderous disposi- tion, made preparations to defend themselves, and finally concluded to take the initiative and, if possible, prevent intrusion by a people who 1 Gorrell’s Journal, Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1854, vol. i, 1855, p. 25 et. seq. 2 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, Boston, vol. i, 1886, pp. 172 et seq. 14 ETH ) “4 18 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 were enemies of the French. A short time later, Pontiac made felt his power in the northwest; and although the destruction of many posts and settlements resulted, the French inhabitants were usually spared. In 1673, when the attack on Michilimackinae was planned, some Menomini joined the expedition; and they were present at, although they were not participants in, the massacre. It had been the plan of Pontiae to capture also the fort at Green Bay, avd a band of Indians at Milwaukee, consisting chiefly of Ottawa, Ojibwa, and Potawatomi, was detailed for the work. But the Menomini Indians were friendly to the English and prevented the attack, and when instructions were received by Lieutenant Gorrell to abandon the post, Carron and his Menomini tribesmen conducted the party to Mackinaw. ‘For his faithful adherence to the English and rejection of the councils of Pontiac, Carron was subsequently presented with a large silver medal by the British authorities, with a certificate of his chieftainship and good services.” ! When, in 1764, Sir William Johnson sent messengers to the various tribes of the Great Lakes, calling them to a council to be held at Niagara for the purpose of urging them to remain friendly to the English, a delegation of 499 Menomini went from Green bay,” confident of deserving recognition for their services to Gorrell and his band of soldiers. They were received with cordiality and greeted as brothers, and on the adjournment of the council they departed well pleased with their experience.* The English did not again occupy the post on Green bay, and the Menomini did not render service to them until at the outbreak of the Revolution, when a party under Charles de Langlade, in company with another large Indian force, went to Montreal and there held a council. About 1780, Captain Dalton, Superintendent of Indian A ffairs for the United States, in an estimate of the Indian tribes employed by the British in the Revolutionary war, estimated that the Fulawin (Menomini) had furnished about 150 warriors.* Grignon, in his Recollections of Wisconsin,° states that ‘The Green bay settlement, from its inception in 1745 to 1785, a period of forty years, had made but little progress.” Carver, who visited the locality in 1766, found that there had been no garrison since its abandonment in 1763, and that the fort had not been kept inrepair. There were but two trading establishments in 1785, the only stores at Green Bay prior to 1812. In 1810 messengers arrived from Tecumseh and the Prophet, inviting the Menomini to join the Indian confederacy against the Americans; 4 Grignon, in Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1856, vol. iii, 1857, pp. 226-227. 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vol. x, Boston, 1809, p. 122. 3 Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, p. 165 et seq. 4 Coll. Massachusetts Hist. Soc., vol. x, Boston, 1809, p. 123 (from an account published in Phila delphia, August 5, 1783). 6 Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1856, vol. iii, 1857, p. 241. HOFFMAN] NEIGHBORING TRIBES 19 but they responded in the negative and joined the British in the war of 1812-14. They served under Colonel Robert Dickson, who had arrived at Green Bay with a party of Sioux Indians; for although there was a traditional feeling of hatred by the Sioux against the Menomini and Ojibwa, still, when circumstances demanded union against a common enemy under one standard for attack or defense, all tribal differences were for the time set aside. The party under Dickson participated in the attack on the Americans at Mackinaw, but they were not actively engaged in the battle. The Winnebago, who may properly be termed the head of the Siouan family, were from the earliest historical times near neighbors of the Menomini and on friendly terms with them and also with the Ojibwa, who until 1795 or later occupied the country as far east as Lake Shawano. The Winnebago warriors occasionally came to Green Bay on a spree, passing through the Menomini and Ojibwa territory on their way. It was becauseof this constantcommingling that representa- tives of all of these tribes were generally found together in their war excursions. The expulsion of the Fox and Sauk Indians from the country on Fox river and the head of Green bay (already referred to) is specially men- tioned by Jedidiah Morse! in his report to the Secretary of War in 1822, in the following words: Major Irwin informed me, on the authority of Colonel Bowyer and an old Ottawa chief, living at Ma-nitou-wauk, the river of bad spirits, that more than a century ago, the Fox and Sae Indians, who then inhabited the country on Green bay and Fox river, were conquered and driven away by the Menominees, aided by the Ottawas and Chippewas; that the Menominees hold this country by conquest, and that their title is admitted to be good by the Sacs, Foxes, Chippawas, and Ottawas. This statement no doubt originated from Charlevoix’s remarks (1) that the Fox Indians were the original possessors of the land adjoining Fox river, and (2) that their principal settlement was about 60 miles up that river. They had made some depredations on French traders and exacted tribute of them, whereon the French commandant of the post took a party of his men in covered boats and, while distracting the attention of the Indians, opened fire on them at the same time that his Menomini allies attacked the village from the rear. Those who sur- vived the slaughter removed to Mississippi river. Carver” reached Green bay in 1766, and on his map of that date two Menomini settlements are located; the northern one on the western shore of the bay, near the present site of Oconto, while the southern camp or “castle” is on the western bank of Fox river, a short distance south of ‘‘Fort la Bay.” South of these towns the country is marked as occupied by the Winnebago, while that immediately westward is designated as “‘Saukies Land.” 1 Report to Secretary of War, New Haven, 1822, p. 57. 2Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, in the years 1766, 1767, and 1768, London, 1778, map. 20 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 14 The traditions relating to the origin of the totems of the Menomini refer to Menomini river (near the mouth) as the place where the Bear emerged from the ground, and also to Wisconsin river as the place of the subsequent meeting of this anthropomorphic being with the Wolf. These streams appear to bound the earliest traditional locality claimed by the Menomini; so, too, other mythie transactions connected with the origin of other totems relate to the same region. Further infor- mation on this subject will be found in connection with the description of the Menomini totems. TREATIES WITH THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT The Menomini had been in the service of the British in past years, and as the war of 1812-14 found them still true to their old allies, it became necessary to establish a treaty of peace between the United States and the tribe. So commissioners were duly appointed on behalf of the Federal Government, and after conference with the headmen of the tribe the following was adopted March 30, 1817.! A treaty of peace and friendship made and concluded by and between William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners on the part and behalf of the United States of America, of the one part, and the wndersigned chiefs and warriors, deputed hy the Monomenee tribe or nation of Indians, on the part and behalf of their said tribe or nation, of the other part. The parties, being desirous of re-establishing peace and friendship between the United States and the said tribe or nation, and of being placed in all things, and in every respect, on the same footing upon which they stood before the late war, have agreed to the following articles: Art. 1. Every injury, or act of hostility, by one or either of the contracting parties, against the other, shall be mutually forgiven and forgot. Art. 2. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the citizens of the United States and all the individuals composing the said Menomenee tribe or nation. Art. 3. The undersigned chiefs and warriors, on the part and behalf of their said tribe or nation, do, by these presents, confirm to the United States all and every cession of land heretofore made by their tribe or nation to the British, French, or Spanish government, within the limits of the United States, or their territories; and also, all and every treaty, contract, and agreement, heretofore concluded between the said United States and the said tribe or nation. Art. 4, The contracting parties do hereby agree, promise and oblige themselves, reciprocally, to deliver up all prisoners now in their hands, (by what means soever the same may have come into their possession,) to the officer commanding at Prairie du Chien, to be by him restored to the respective parties hereto, as soon as it may be practicable. Art. 5. The undersigned chiefs and warriors as aforesaid, for themselves and those they represent, do hereby acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the United States, and of no other nation, power, or sovereign, whatsoever. In witness whereof, the commissioners aforesaid, and the undersigned chiefs and warriors, as aforesaid, have hereunto subscribed their names and affixed their seals, this thirtieth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 1 Treaties between the United States of America and the several Indian Tribes, from 1778 to 1837, Washington, D. C., 1837, pp. 205, 206. HOFFMAN] LAND CLAIMS 21 hundred and seventeen, and of the independence of the United States the forty-first. William Clark, Tr Ninian Edwards, Li; Auguste Chouteau, Towanapee, Roaring Thunder, his x mark, Weekay, the Calumet Eagle, his x mark, Muequomota, the Fat of the Bear, his x mark, Wacaquon, or Shomin, his x mark, Warbano, the Dawn, his x mark, Inemikee, Thunderer, his x mark, Lebarnaco, the Bear, his x mark, Karkundego, his x mark, Shashamanee, the Elk, his x mark, Penoname, the Running Wolf, his x mark, Done at St. Louis, in the presence of i] DmD i E nnn dete egal ial en salsteelsa! i ee R. Wash, Secretary to the Commis- S. Gantt, Lieut. U. S. Army, sioners, C. M. Price, R. Graham, U. S. I. A. for Illinois Richard T. MeKenney, Territory, Amos Kibbe, T. Harrison, Nathaniel Mills, Nimrod H. Moore, Samuel Solomon. Dr Morse, who made an official visit to Green bay in 1820, says: The Menominees claim the whole of the waters of Green-Bay, with its islands. On its north-west shores, and on Fox river, they claim from the entrance of Menomine river, in length, one hundred and twenty miles, sonth-west and north-east; and in breadth sixty miles. On the south-east shore of the Bay, and on Fox river, from the river Rouge, on Red river, to the Grand Cockalaw, a distance of forty-five miles, and twenty-four in breadth.! Roughly estimated, this area would embrace over 8,000 square miles. The true extent of the territory claimed by the Menomini, or recog- nized as theirs by the surrounding tribes, is not positively known; though the assertion has been made that the western boundary was Mississippi river. The Winnebago, who had always been friendly with the Menomini, were no doubt coclaimants to at least a portion of the lands in the eastern or Green bay section, as may be inferred from the fact of their being a party to the treaties of relinquishment. To make intelligible the reason for the sale by these Indians of some of their lands, it is necessary to present a short sketch of the Holland Land Company of New York, which had for many years held a preemp- tive right of purchase from the Indians, covering most of the lands of western New York, this right having originated through the common- wealth of Massachusetts, and having been confirmed subsequently by the state of New York. A large purchase was made from the Indians by Phelps and Gorman, embracing nearly all the lands east of Genesee river. Of the remaining portion, lying west of the river, a large cession was ade to the Holland Land Company at a council of the Seneca Indians held in Geneseo in September, 1797, certain large reservations of choice land being excepted. 1 Op. cit., pp. 51, 52. 22 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH ANN. 14 General Albert G. Ellis,' in his ‘Account of the advent of the New York Indians into Wisconsin,” says: In 1810, the Holland Land Company sold all their pre-emptive right to the Indian reservations to David A. Ogden, for fifty cents per acre. Mr. Ogden and his asso- ciates in this purchase were afterward known as the ‘‘Ogden Company.” Up to 1817, they had sueceeded in extinguishing but a part of the Indian title; the large reservations of Cattaraugus, Alleghany, Tonnewanda, Tuscarora, and Buffalo, still remaining. The anxiety of the company to effect the extinguishment of the Indian title to these reservations, and the removal of the Indians, had exhibited itself in various forms, and sundry unsuccessful efforts, for years. In this year, a new plan was conceived, and its accomplishment set on foot, to wit:—to secure in the West, by consent and aid of the General Government, an extensive grant of lands from the western tribes, as a home or hunting ground for the several tribes holding the reservations in Western New York. This plan was pondered with great care, thoroughly matured, decided and acted upon by the Ogden company, with equal skill and vigor. One of the first steps, was to secure the consent and co-operation of the War Department, which was obtained. A band of Indians, known as the Stockbridges—more properly the Mo-he-kun- nucks—had moved from Massachusetts at an early day, having obtained a cession of some five by seven miles square from the Oneidas, on the southern border of their reser- vation, in the county of Oneida, N. Y. The Mo-he-kun-nucks sold off a small tract on their southern border, to a few associated Indians from the remnants of various bands of New England tribes, now known as the Brothertowns. These two tribes had resided for several years on their new possessions near the Oneidas. About the year 1817, a young leader, chief of the Mo-he-kun-nucks, Solomon U. Hendrick, a man of much more than ordinary energy and talent among the Indians, succeeded to the head of affairs. He regarded the languishing condition of his people as a reproach to the former name and glory .of the old Mo-he-kun-nucks, and used all his eloquence to persuade the young men to arouse, and make af least one effort to retrieve their name and character. He argued, with equal force and sound reason, that their then paralyzed condition was owing to their confinement to a small space of ground, and being surrounded and preyed upon, by the white inhab- itants, from whose pernicious contact and example, especially with regard to drunk- enness, they were sustaining a loss of all moral and physical energy and action; and urged, that their only hope for the future lay in emigration westward, and the securing of such an extent of country, as would enable them to form new settlements, at such distance from the whites, as to escape from grog-shops and whiskey. Their resident missionary, Rev. John Sergeant, fell in with and seconded the views of the young chief. In a short time the whole tribe was indoctrinated with the new scheme, and anxious for its consummation. The American Board of Missions gave their influence and aid; through whose suggestions the late Dr. Jedediah [sic] Morse, of New Hayen, became deeply interested in the plan. This gentleman counselled the Indians and their friends to take immediate measures to have a visit paid, by some discreet agents, to the Western tribes, to select a proper point for location, and open negotiations for a cession of ands. Dr. Morse himself was thought to be the very person to undertake such a mission. Application being made to the Secretary of War, Dr. Morse was commissioned to make a general tour among the North-Western Indians, with a view to forming a better understanding between those tribes and the Government. Under this appointment, this gentleman spent the summer of 1820 in visiting several of the North-Western tribes. Whatever other purposes may have occupied the attention of this commissioner, it is certain that of securing a western retreat for the Stockbridges and other New York Indian tribes was a leading one; though the writer has no evidence of any collusion in the matter, at this date, with the Ogden Land Company. Green Bay was a point specially visited by Dr. ! Rep. and Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, vol. ii, Madison, 1856, pp. 415-417. HOFFMAN] ELEAZER WILLIAMS 23 Morse, where he spent nearly three weeks, and preached the first protestant sermon ever delivered at that place. During the year 1516-17 a remarkable personage appeared among the Oneida Indians; this was no other than Eleazer Williams, a descendant of Reverend John Williams, of Deerfield memory, but who claimed to be the Dauphin of France—Louis XVII. General Ellis! says of him: In the summer of 1816, he made a tour in the State of New York, among the several tribes of the Six Nations. The Oneidas received him with kindness and attention. They were more inclined to civilization, and a party of them to christianity, than any other tribe of the Six Nations. Whether Mr. Williams borrowed the idea from Dr. Morse, the Mo-he-kun-nucks, or the Ogden Land Company, or whether it was, as he stoutly maintained, original in his own mind, certain it is, that some time in 1818, he began to broach cautiously among his Indian people a proposition of removing all the Indians of that State. as well as many of those of Canada, and the Senecas at Sandusky, to the neighborhood of Green Bay, and there unite them in one grand confederacy of cantons, but all under one federal head; the government to be a mixture of civil, military, and ecclesiastic, the latter to be pre eminent. Having secured this point among the Oneidas, he visited the other tribes of the Six Nations, and by holding out dazzling promises of future glory and aggrandize- ment, he enticed a few young men of each tribe to enter into his scheme. He next addressed the War Department, in imitation of the Stockbridges, soliciting its countenance and assistance to enable a delegation of twenty from the several tribes of the Six Nations to visit the Western tribes, for the purpose of obtaining a cession of country for anew home, The response of the Department was favorable, having donbtless been influenced by other parties moving for the same objects. Thus, it is fo be observed, that whether singular or not, there was a combination of influences, dissimilar in motive but perfectly consonant in purpose, all operating at the same moment in urging a removal of the New York Indians to Green Bay. Each one of the parties claimed the eclat of originating the scheme: we incline to the belief, however, that they all, the Land Company, the Mo-he-kun-nucks and Mr, Williams, might, and probably did conceive, at pretty near the same period of time, the idea of a new home for these Indians in the West. The late Honorable Lyman ©. Draper,’ formerly secretary of tine Wisconsin Historical Society, referring to this subject, says: Rey. Eleazer Williams, with a deputation of the Oneidas, first visited the Green Bay region with a view of finding a new home, in the summer of 1820. Reporting favorably, in August, 1821, Williams again repaired to Green Bay, himself as the deputy of the St. Regis Indians, accompanied by a delegation of Oneidas, Stock- bridges, Onondagoes, Senecas, and Munsees, who made a treaty with the Menomonees and Winnebagoes, and purchased a considerable territory from them. In September, 1822, this territory was largely increased by an additional purchase. The New York Indians emigrated from time to time in bands, and settled on their purchase. There has recently been called to my attention an editorial notice of Hleazar Williams, in The Nation (N. Y.) for May 31, 1894, which elicited a communication to the same periodical for June 14,1894. After a few preliminary remarks, the letter continues: As early as 1810, Eleazar Williams called himself ‘‘Count de Lorraine” and wore 2 large tinsel star. My grandfather was acquainted with the man and fully ! Op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 418, 419. 2 Coll. Hist. Soc. Wisconsin for 1854, vol. i, 1855, p. 68, footnote. 24 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 impressed with his ignorance and pretence. The subsequent developments of his fiction brought him to the notice of the family, and it was with this knowledge that my father, Dr. Williams of the Baldwin Locomotive Works, happened to be in Caughnawaga when those of the tribe who knew of the childhood of Eleazar were qnestioned regarding his origin. Dr. Williams was then locating and laying the railroad through the Indian reservation, and was not only intimately acquainted with Oronhiatekha (De Lorimier), the head chief, with Taiaike (Jean Baptiste Rice, better known as ‘‘Grand Baptiste”), the pilot of the Lachine rapids, and other subordinate chiefs, but was adopted by the tribe, and is still remembered by the older members as ‘‘ Raristeseres.” In the fall of 1851 two gentlemen came to Caughnawaga to investigate the story of Eleazar Williams. It was on a Sunday afternoon that De Lorimier summoned the mother of Eleazar, Mary Ann Rice (Kanontewanteta), and an old man and woman who were with the parents at the time of his birth, as well as others who could tell of his youth. It may be well to say here that Eleazar was in bad odor with the tribe. This fact has been made much of by the upholders of the French origin, and has been stated by them as due to the lapse of the man from the Romish faith, and an attempt to avenge on him the slighted creed. The real facts are that the Romish Church, if it had any feeling in the matter, rejoiced in getting rid of a black sheep, as Eleazar had made his tribe the victims of a favorite habit of his— the collection of money for a specific purpose, and its immediate conversion to his own use. All the persons gathered on that Sunday afternoon knew of the character of the man, and that was all, They were then entirely ignorant of his pretensions, and spoke only Iroquois and a French patois. They were taken singly into the room where they were to be questioned, and a Scotchman named McNab, who was a notary and greatly trusted by the Indians, acted as interrogator and interpreter. The old woman first told how she was present at the birth of Eleazar, and that he was the son of Mary Ann (Rice) Williams, and that the birth took place at Lake George, New York, where the party had gone on a fishing excursion. It was immediately after the Revolution. The old man followed and said that the birth took place as stated, and he further told how Eleazar had fallen from high rocks when a boy and received injuries to his legs and knees that had left scars. The mother then told her story in corroboration of what had been told. After all the testimony had been taken, there was no one present but felt that Eleazar Williams was an Indian. Mr. MeNab then translated to them the printed account of the pretended French origin of the man, It made the mother cry, and she said that she knew that Eleazar had done many bad things, but she did not think he would deny his own mother. The matter was talked over by the tribe, and they did not hesitate to callhimaliar, The peculiar (?) Bourbon features of Eleazar were possessed by De Lorimier, Francis Mount—by all, in fact, who were descended from white captives. Father Mareoux stated to my father that the early mission records were very incomplete, and, in general, those children born outside of the mission had no place on the record. This seems to cover the whole case.—Ldward H. Williams, jr., Went- worth, June 4, 1894. Returning to a period before the consummation of the treaty of 1821, another phase of the subject may be noted. General Ellis continues: The Menomonees and Winnebagoes haying been apprised of the intended visit of their grandfathers, the Not-ta-ways, but a few days delay occurred before they appeared on the bank of Fox river, to meet their eastern brethren. The reception of the delegates was cordial by the Menomonees and Winnebagoes, and had there not been a third party to interfere, the New York Indians would probably very soon have accomplished their object. The French inhabitants and half breeds settled at Green Bay, numbered about five hundred souls; their alliance with the Indians, par- ticularly the Menomonees, was very close, and their influence with them very strong, HOFFMAN] LAND TREATY 25 almost potential. Some of the more shrewd among them very soon penetrated the ambitious design of Williams, which was no less than a total subjugation of the whole country, and the establishment of an Indian government, of which he was to be the sole dictator. The French and traders immediately organized into an oppo- sition to the whole programme of the delegates. They were familiar with the Menomonees and Winnebagoes, present at their debates, counselled and advised with them in their deliberations, and when the answer of the Menomonees and Winneba- goes was given, it was a deliberate and decided refusal to cede them an inch of soil west of Lake Michigan. It was plain to all, that the French and half breeds had answered, and not the Indians. The delegates expressed as much in their reply and affectionately requested their brothers to re-consider the matter, and answer for themselves, independent of the French and half breeds. Several days were spent by both parties in ont-door discussions. The French and half breed interest, finding their position not safely tenable, counselled a kind of compromise, which being adopted, resulted in proposing a cession to their eastern brethren, the Not-ta-ways, of a strip of land five miles in width, running across the Fox river at Little Chute as a centre, and thence to the north-west and south-east, equi-distant with their claims or possessions. In offering this cession to the dele- gates as their ultimatum, these tribes urged their limited possessions, the poverty of their hunting grounds, and their inability in consequence to subsist their people! The possessions of the Menomonees then reached from the mouth of Green Bay to the Milwaukee River, North and South, and from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi, South- east and North-west. Those of the Winnebagoes included all the remainder of what is now known as southern Wisconsin, except the inconsiderable tract west of Sugar River, claimed by the Sauks and Foxes. They were very much crowded, of course! The delegates saw that the object was, by placing them on a great thoroughfare, the Fox River, between these two tribes, to establish such a surveillance over them as effectually to prevent any design or movement the New York Indians might ever attempt, contrary to the wishes or interests of the grantees, or the French inhabi- tants. After much deliberation, and a good deal of hesitation, it was concluded on the advice chiefly of Hendrick, the Mo-he-kun-nuck chief, to accept the grant. A treaty was accordingly drawn up by Mr. Trowbridge, and signed by the parties on the 18th of August, and witnessed by the citizens and U.S, officers at the post. Five hundred dollars were paid the Menomonees and Winnehagoes at the time, and fifteen hundred dollars stipulated to be paid in goods the following year, in full for the cession. * * * * + * * In about ten days the Menomonees and Winnebagoes assembled to greet their new friends the Not-ta-ways, as they called the New York Indians, and to receive the $1,500 payment, in goods, on the cession of 1821. Such an assemblage of wild Indians, young and old, women and papooses, was seldom seen. Of the two tribes, there could not haye been less than five thousand souls, besides the New Yorkers, the French, half breeds, and Americans. The best specimen of Indian character, and especially of a war dance, ever seen by the writer, was there given for several days. The Winnebagoes, of that day at least, exhibited the largest, most perfectly formed set of both men and women, almost ever seen anywhere, The great display of action and muscle in these dances, struck the beholder with admiration and terror. The ring round the dancers contamed several thousand, all singing in chorus to the lead of the chief drummer; the voices of the Winnebago women prevailing in clarion tones above the whole. The payment of the fifteen hundred dollars worth of goods, was made with as much ceremony as possible by the delegates, accompanied by a set speech setting forth the great advantages that would be derived to their western brethren by their settling among them. After the payment and the proper receipts of acknowl- edgment on the treaties, followed feasting, dancing, and a general hilarity for two days. The delegates then invited the Menomonees and Winnebagoes to a formal council, and renewed the effort for a further extension of territory. Every argument 26 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ErH. ANN. 14 and a most liberal offer in the shape of annuities for ten years, were proposed in vain. The Winnebagoes gave the auswer, stoutly refusing further negotiations. That tribe soon left in a body to repair to their hunts. The Menomonees lingered, and were again got into council with the delegates, which conference continued for several days, and finally resulted in the great transaction which gave the New York Indians the foot- hold on Fox River, which they have in part maintained to this day. The Menomonecs, for a trifling consideration, ceded to the New York Indians a right in common to the whole of their lands. Although some two of the principal chiets were not present to join in this important cession, this treaty, as well as the one of the previous year, were approved by the President, and the New York Indians thereby recognized as joint owners with the Menomonees of all their immense territories comprising nearly half of the State af Wisconsin.' The several tribes of the New York Indians now hoped to be able to occupy, without further hindrance or trouble, their new homes, jointly with the Menomo- nees; but subsequent events proved their wishes but half attained. The whites and traders at Green Bay saw that the Menomonees had been grossly over-reached by their new friends, the New York Indians, in a bargain. They very soon showed that tribe, that in making the Not-ta-ways equal owners with them in their country, they could no longer control their own affairs, especially in the great business of treating with their great Father; that the New York Indians, if their treaties were to stand, would, in a short time, ont-general them in tactics, and probably in num- bers, and put them completely in the back ground in all public matters. The arguments had their effect, and in a short time the Menomonees repented of the bargain, and sought means to invalidate the treaties. The same ingenuity which had helped them to a dislike found a ready pretext for denying and repudiating the treaties, especially the last one. It was said, that at the treaty of 1822, several of the chiefs highest in authority were not present, which, being true, gave the tribe a good reason for denying and with-holding sanction to the arrangement. As usual in such cases, the Menomonees separated into two parties, the one adhering to the treaties and the interest of the New York Indians, the other denying them and resisting their rights to any part of the country, The adverse party had the support of all the trading interest, together with most of the half breeds, and soon became the strongest, both in point of influence and numbers. /This treaty or purchase included all the country, beginning at the Grand Kakalin, on Fox River, thence east on the lower line of the purchase of the New York Indians of the preceding year, to or equi-distant with the Man-a-wah-ki-ah (Milwaukee) river; thence down said river to its mouth; thence northerly, on the borders of Lake Michigan, to and across the mouth of Green Bay, so as to include all the islands of the Grand Traverse; thence from the mouth of Green Bay northerly, to the Bay de Noque, on Lake Michigan; thence a westerly course, on the height of land separating the waters of Lake Superior and Michigan, to the head of the Menomonee river; thence continuing nearly the same course until it strikes the north-eastern boundary line of the land purchased by the New York Indians the year preceding, and thence south-easterly to the place of beginning. This appears to have been a complete cession of “all theright, title, interest, and claim” of the Menomonees, tothe conntry described, reserving, however, ‘‘the free permission and privilege of occupying and residing upon the lands herein ceded, in common with them—the Stockbridge, Oneida, Tuscarora, St. Regis and Munsee nations; Provided nevertheless, That they, the Menomonee nation, shall not in any manner infringe upon any settlements or improvements whatever, which may be in any manner made by the said Stockbridge, Oneida, Tuscarora, St. Regis, or Munsee nations.” The consideration was one thousand dollars in goods to be paid in hand, and one thousand dollars more in goods the next year, and a similar amount the year following. This treaty was concluded September 23d, 1822. But President Monroe did not approve, to its full extent, this purchase; his approval, bearing date March 13th, 1823, is thus qualified: ‘‘The aforegoing instrument is approved so far as it conveys to the Stockbridge, Oneida, Tuscarora, St. Regis, and Munsee tribes or nations of Indians, that portion of the country therein described, which lies between Sturgeon Bay, Green Bay, Fox River, that part of the former purchase made by said tribes or nations of Indians of the Menomonee and Winnebago Indians, on the 8th of August, 1821, which lies south of Fox River, and a line drawn from the south-eastern extremity of said purchase to the head of Sturgeon Bay, and no further; that quantity being deemed sufficient for the use of the first before-mentioned tribes or nations of Indians.”’ This treaty, and that of the preceding year, may be found in full, appended to the address of Hon. Morgan L. Martin before the Wisconsin State Historical Society, January 21, 1851. * * * * * * * HOFFMAN] BUTTE DES MORTS TREATY 27 The dissatisfaction among some of the Mcnomini respecting these treaties increased with time, and things were extremely discouraging for the success of Williams’ plans and the views of the Ogden Company, until the year 1827, when the following treaty was made, viz: Articles of a treaty made and concluded at the Butte des Morts, on Fox river, in the Territory of Michigan, between Lewis Cass and Thomas L. McKenney, commissioners on the part of the United States, and the Chippeway, Menomonie, and Winnebago tribes of Indians. Art. 1. Whereas, the southern boundary of the Chippeway country, from the Plover Portage of the Ouisconsin easterly, was left undefined by the treaty con- eluded at Prairie du Chien, August 19, 1825, in consequence of the non-attendance of some of the principal Menomonie chiefs; and, whereas, it was provided by the said treaty, that, whenever the President of the United States might think proper, such of the tribes, parties to the said treaty, as might be interested in any particu- lar line, should be convened, in order to agree upon its establishment: Therefore, in pursuance of the said provision, it is agreed between the Chippe- ways, Menomonies, and Winnebagoes, that the southern boundary of the Chippeway country shall run as follows, namely: From the Plover Portage of the Ouisconsin, on a northeasterly course, to a point on Wolf river, equidistant from the Ashawano and Post lakes of said river; thence, to the falls of the Pashaytig river of Green Bay; thence, to the junction of the Neesau Kootag or Burnt-wood river, with the Menomonie; thence, to the big island of the Shoskinanbic or Smooth Rock river; thence, following the channel of the said river to Green Bay, which it strikes between the little and the great Bay de Noquet. Art. 2. Much difficulty having arisen from the negotiations between the Menomonie and Winnebago tribes and the various tribes and portions of tribes of Indians of the State of New York, and the claims of the respective parties being much con- tested, as well with relation to the tenure and boundaries of the two tracts, claimed by the said New York Indians, west of lake Michigan, as to the anthority of the persons who signed the agreement on the part of the Menomonies, and the whole subject having been fully examined at the council this day concluded, and the alle- gations, proofs, and statements, of the respective parties having been entered upon the journal of the commissioners, so that the same can be decided by the President of the United States; it is agreed by the Menomonies and Winnebagoes, that so far as respects their interest in the premises, the whole matter shall be referred to the President of the United States, whose decision shall be final. And the President is authorized, on their parts, to establish such boundaries between them and the New York Indians as he may consider equitable and just. Art. 3. It being important to the settlement of Green Bay, that definite boundaries should be established between the tract claimed by the former French and British governments, and the lands of the Indians, as well to avoid future disputes as to settle the question of jurisdiction. It is therefore agreed between the Menomonie tribe and the United States, that the boundaries of the said tracts, the jurisdiction and title of which are hereby acknowledged to be in the United States, shall be as follows, namely :—Beginning on the shore of Green Bay, six miles due north from the parallel of the mouth of Fox river, and running thence in a straight line, but with the general course of the said river, and six miles therefrom to the intersection of the continuation of the westerly boundary of the tract at the Grand Kaukaulin, claimed by Augustin Grignion; thence, on a line with the said boundary to the same; thence, with the same to Fox river; thence, on the same course, six miles; thence, in a direct line to the southwestern boundary of the tract, marked on the plan of the claims at Green Bay, as the settlement at the bottom of the bay; thence, with the southerly boundary of the said tract to the southeasterly corner thereof; and thence with the easterly boundary of the said tract to Green Bay. Provided, that if the President of the United States should be of opinion that the boundaries 28 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [BTH. ANN, 14 thus established interfere with any just claims of the New York Indians, the President may then change the said boundaries in any manner he may think proper, so that the quantity of land contained in the said tract be not greater than by the boundaries herein defined. And provided also, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to have any effect upon the land claims at Green bay; but the same shall remain as though this treaty had not been formed. Art. 4. In consideration of the liberal establishment of the boundaries as herein provided for, the commissioners of the United States have this day caused to be dis- tributed among the Indians, goods to the amount of fifteen thousand six hundred and eighty-two dollars, payment for which shall be made by the United States. Art. 5. The sum of one thousand dollars shall be annually appropriated for the term of three years; and the sum of fifteen hundred dollars shall be annually there- after appropriated as long as Congress think proper, for the education of the children of the tribes, parties hereto, and of the New York Indians, to be expended under the direction of the President of the United States. Art. 6. The United States shall be at liberty, notwithstanding the Winnebagoes are parties to this treaty, to pursue such measures as they may think proper for the punishment of the perpetrators of the recent outrages at Prairie du Chien, and upon the Mississippi, and for the prevention of such acts hereafter. Art. 7. This treaty shall be obligatory after its ratification by the President and the Senate of the United States. Done at the Butte des Mortes, on Fox river, in the Territory of Michigan, this eleventh day of August, 1827. Powoiysnoit, his x mark, Manbasseaux, his x mark, Myanmechetnabewat, his x mark, Pemabeme, his x mark, Kegisse, his x mark, L’Espagnol, his x mark, Kichiaemtort, his x mark, Hoo Tshoop, (or four legs, ) his x mark, Tshayro-tshoan Kaw, his x mark, Karry-Man-nee, (walking turtle,) his x mark, Sau-say-man-nee, his x mark, Maunk-hay-raith, (tattood breast,) his x mark, Shoank Skaw, (white dog,) his x mark, Shoank-tshunksiap, (black wolf,) his x mark, Kaw-Kaw-say-kaw, his x mark, Lewis Cass, Thomas L. McKenney. Chippeways. Shinguaba Wossin, his x mark, Wayishkee, his x mark, Sheewanbeketoan, his x mark, Mozobodo, his x mark, Gitshee Waubezhaas, his x mark, Moazoninee, his x mark, Mishaukewett, his x mark, Monominee Cashee, his x mark, Attikumaag, his x mark, Umbwaygeezhig, his x mark, Moneeto Penaysee, his x mark, Akkeewaysee, his x mark, Sheegad, his x mark, Wauwaunishkan, his x mark, Anaimikee Waba, his x mark, Ockewazee, his x mark. Menomonies. Oskashe, his x mark, Josette Caron, his x mark, Kominikey, jun. his x mark, Kimiown, his x mark, Kominikey, sen. his x mark, Keshiminey, his x mark, Woiniss-atte, his x mark, Wheank-Kaw, (big duck,) his x mark, Shoank-ay-paw-kaw, (dog head,) his x mark, Sar-ray-num-nee, (walking mat,) his x mark, Waunk-tshay-hee-sootsh, (red devil,) his xX mark, Wau-kaun-hoa-noa-nick, (little snake,) his x mark, Kaw-nee-shaw, (white crow, ) his x mark. Witnesses: Philip B. Key, Secretary, E. Boardman, Captain 2d U. S, In- Santry, Henry R. Schooleraft, U. States In- dian Agent, Henry B. Brevoort, U. S. I. Agt., HOFFMAN] STAMBAUGH TREATY 29 - Thomas Rowland, Jn. Bpt. Feois Fauvel, Clergyman, D. G. Jones, Jesse Miner, R. A. Forsyth, Henry Conner, Interpreter. S. Conant, John Kinzie, Jun.' E. A. Brush, Notr.—The above treaty was ratified with the proviso, ‘‘That the said treaty shall not impair or affect any right or claim which the New York Indians, or any of them, have to the lands, or any of the lands, mentioned in the said treaty.” The action of the United States Senate, in its ratification of this treaty, known as the “Treaty of Butte des Morts,” failed to bring about a satisfactory condition of affairs, and new commissioners were appointed in 1830 to endeavor to bring about a satisfactory conclusion of the matter. The leading Menomini were inflexible, stating that their chief men had not been consulted in the previous treaties, unau- thorized or uninfluential Indians assuming such authority without any right thereto. The expression of opposition was that the New York Indians were simply regarded as tenants at will and in no sense con- sidered as owners or controllers of the soil. The commission failed to effect anything, and it was not until 1831 that the treaty, since familiarly known as the Stambaugh treaty, was definitely concluded, and signed by the parties. Mr Ellis® remarks: The New York Indians were not parties to the treaty. In order to a proper under- standing of the subject, it is necessary to make copious extracts. The treaty sets forth the boundaries as claimed by the Menomonees, taking all the lands east of Fox River, Green Bay, and Lake Winnebago, and from Fond du Lic south-easterly to the sources of the Milwaukee River, and down the same to its mouth—this tract was ceded to the United States. They claimed westerly and north-westerly, everything west of Green Bay from the Shoskonabie (Es-co-na-ba) River to the upper forks of the Menomonee, thence to Plover Portage of the Wisconsin, and thence up that river to Soft Maple River; west to Plume River of the Chippewa, thence down the Chippewa 30 miles; thence easterly to the fork of the Monoy or Lemonweir River, and down that river to its mouth; thence to the Wisconsin Portage, thence down the Fox to Lake Winnebago. The first article of the treaty relates exclusively to the New York Indians, and isin the following words: The Menomonee tribe of Indians declare themselves the friends and allies of the United States, under whose p: rental care and protection they desire to continue; and though always protesting that they are under no obligation to rec- ognize any claim of the New York Indians to any portion of their country; that they neither sold, nor received any value, for the land claimed by these tribes; yet, at the solicitation of their Great Father, the President of the United States, and as an eyi- dence of their love and veneration for him, they agree that such part of the land described, being within the following boundaries, as he may direct, may be set apart as a home to the several tribes of the New York Indians, who may remove to, and set- tle upon the same, within three years from the date of this agreement, viz.: Begin- ning on the west side of Fox River, near the “Little Kackalin,” at a point known as the ‘Old Mill Dam,” thence north-west forty miles; thence north-east to the Oconto creek, falling into Green Bay; thence down said Oconto creek to Green Bay ; thence up and along Green Bay and Fox River to the place of beginning; excluding there- i Treaties between the United States of America and the several Indian tribes, from 1778 to 1837, Washington, 1857, pp. 412-415. 20p. cit., vol. ii, pp. 435, 436. 30 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 from all private claims confirmed, and also the following reservation for military purposes: Beginning on the Fox River, at the mouth of the first creek above Fort Howard, thence north sixty-four degrees west to Duck Creek; thence down said Duck Creek to its mouth; thence up and along Green Bay and Fox River to the place of beginning. The Menomonee Indians also reserve, for the use of the U. States, from the country herein designated for the New York Indians, timber and firewood for the United States garrison, and as much land as may be deemed necessiry for public highways to be located by the direction and at the discretion of the President of the United States. The country hereby ceded to the United States, for the benefit of the New York Indians, contains by estimation, about five hundred thousand acres, and includes all their improvements on the west side of Fox River. In consequence of this treaty the hopes of Eleazer Williams were crushed, and those of the Ogden Land Company were not encouraged. The land set apart for the New York Indians was evidently too limited for agricultural purposes. Colonel Stambaugh feared that his treaty would not be adopted by the Senate, and also that his appointment as Indian agent—which had not yet been acted upon—would not be con- firmed; so he again had the Menomini called before the commissioners and some supplements made to the treaty, by which two of the most objectionable features were remedied. The Senate refused to take up the treaty at the ensuing session, and it was not till 1832 that it was in shapé for promulgation. Even then the Menomini opposed the plan of the New York Indians to put a fort on the land south of the Little Kakalin, and their assent was necessary, so that an amicable settle- ment was not reached till 1832. In 1838 another treaty was made between the Oneida Indians and the United States regarding some money which they wanted, as sole representatives of the large cession of the treaty of 1831, by the Menomini on the western side of Fox river. The following extracts will serve to indicate the chief points upon which the Oneida were ad- vised, by their missionary, to base their claim, viz: Art. 1. The First Christian and Orchard parties of Indians, cede to the United States all their title and interest in the land set apart for them in the first article of the treaty with the Menomonees, of February 8th, 1831, and the second article of the treaty with the same tribe, October 27th, 1832. Art. 2. From the foregoing cession there shall be reserved to the said Indians, to be held as other Indian lands are held, a tract of land containing one hundred acres, for each individual, and the lines shall be so run as to include all their settlements and improvements in the vicinity of Green Bay. Art. 3. In consideration of the cession contained in the first article of this treaty, the United States agree to pay to the Orchard party of the Oneida Indians three thousand dollars, and to the First Christian party of Oneida Indians thirty thou- sand and five hundred dollars, of which last sum three thousand dollars may be expended, under the supervision of the Rey. Solomon Davis, in the erection of a church and parsonage house, and the residue apportioned, under the direction of the President, among the persons having just claims thereto; it being understood that said aggregate sum of thirty thousand and five hundred dollars is designed to be in reimbursement of monies expended by said Indians, and in remuneration of the services of their chiefs and agents, in purchasing and securing a title to the HOFFMAN] LAND TREATY OF 1848 al land ceded in the Ist article. The United States further agree, to cause the tracts reserved in the 2nd article, to be surveyed as soon as practicable.’ There are several other aiticles to this treaty, but they are unim- portant and are therefore omitted. The treaty was ratified by the Senate and promulgated on May 17, 1838, and by it the possessions of the Six Nations in Wisconsin were reduced to the present reservation of the Oneida on Duck creek, near Green bay, containing about 61,000 acres. By a treaty made October 18, 1848, between the United States and the Menomini Indians, the latter agreed to cede, sell, and relinquish to the United States ‘all their lands in the State of Wisconsin, wherever situated.” For this they were to receive certain lands ceded to the United States by the Ojibwa Indians of the Mississippi and Lake Superior in the treaty of August 2, 1847, as well as some other lands ceded (and not yet assigned) to the Winnebago, land which was guar- anteed to comprise not less than 600,000 acres. There was also a money consideration. This treaty was ratified January 23, 1849. Another treaty supplemental to this was made May 12, 1854, because of the desire of the Menomini to remain in the state of Wisconsin, and their special unwillingness to remove to the Ojibwa country west of Missis- sippi river which had been assigned them. Consequently, all lands which had been granted to them by the treaty of 1848 were relin- quished, and in consideration thereof the United States gave them ‘for a home, to be held as Indian lands are held, that tract of country lying upon the Wolf river in the State of Wisconsin, commencing at the southwest corner of township 28 north, of range 16 east, of the fourth principal meridian, running west twenty-four miles, thence north eighteen miles, thence east twenty-four miles, thence south eighteen miles, to the place of beginning, the same being townships 28, 29, and 30, of ranges 13, 14, 15, and 16, according to the public surveys.” This treaty was assented to by Osh’kosh and Keshena, and was proclaimed August 2, 1854, On February 11, 1856, another treaty was made by which the Menomini ceded to the United States a tract of land, not exceeding two townships in extent, and selected from the western part of their reservation, for the purpose of giving a reservation to the Stockbridge and Munseg Indians. This treaty was proclaimed April 24, 1856, PRESENT LOCATION Under the treaties with the United States, the Oneida, the Stock- bridge and Munsee, and the Menomini have each their respective reservations. The Oneida, numbering over 1,200, have a reservation of 60,800 acres near Green bay; the Stockbridge and Munsee Indians, num- - bering about 250, occupy a reservation southwest of the Menomini, containing 60,800 acres, while the Menomini are located on a reserva- tion of ten townships, equal in round numbers to 360 square miles or 1 Coll. Hist. Soc. Wisconsin for 1855, vol. ii, 1856, p. 447. a2 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (erH. ANN. 14 230,400 acres.! The reservation is located in the northeastern interior of the state of Wisconsin. The tract embraced within its limits is well wooded and is filled with lakes and rivers, affording an abundance of game and fish (see plate I). The Indians removed to their present home in October, 1852, most of them ascending Wolf river in canoes; yet today a canoe is looked upon by them with as much interest and curiosity as it would be in an eastern city, so rarely is one found. By an act of Congress of February 13, 1871, provision was made for the sale of a portion of the Menomini reservation, but as the consent of the Indians was not obtained, no portion of their lands have yet been disposed of.” POPULATION AND CHARACTERISTICS According to the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1892, the “‘whole number of Menomini reported on the reservation is 1,335, with 343 children of school age.” To this should be added about 300 representatives of the tribe scattered throughout the country east of the reservation, at Oconto, Menomonee, aud several other places. This would raise the aggregate population to 1,635, which corresponds with the number estimated during the summer of 1893. But little is known of the early population of the Menomini tribe, inasmuch as in most instances reference is made to villages, or simply to the warriors. If an estimate is to be based on the number of fighting men, various processes may be adopted to determine the approximate population of the entire tribe. In the Paris documents of 1718, number vil,’ the statement is made that ‘The Puans and the Folle Avoines are not numerous; each nation may number 80 or 100 men. . . . All these tribes are very indus- trious, and the women are four times more numerous than the men.” Here we have a specific comparison of numbers between the males and females, but when Charlevoix arrived at the mouth of Menomonee river, in 1721, he found a village of this tribe, and says: ‘The whole nation consists of this village, and that not very numerous.”* Lieutenant Gorrell, commandant of La Bay (Green Bay) in 1761, states that “There are, by both French and Indian accounts, 39,100 Indian warriors, besides women and children, depending on this post for supplies.”° Among the tribes enumerated he mentions 150 warriors of the Folles Avoines, occupying two towns at La Bay. According to numerous comparisons made, as pertain to other tribes, this would place the entire population at about 750 souls, thus allowing five to 1 According to the land surveys, about 10,000 acres additional are embraced in lakes and meandered streams. 2 Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1872, Washington, 1872, p. 20. 3 Does. Coll. Hist. New York, vol. ix, Albany, 1855, p. 889. 4 Journal of a Voyage to North Ameriea, vol. ii, London, 1781, p. 61. 5 Gorrell’s Journal, Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, vol. i, 1854, p. 32. “NOILVAYSS3SY JSANINONSW 40 NOILVOOT ONIMOHS NISNOOSIM 3O LYvd ‘AN'OD 8 .N318 SNIING 08 88 No(No MON ae = ) ee er OMS 927 oupMeYS © Fete YY yy YY / f VLLLELLL SL { ( x >r ! eG “11d LYOd3dY IWANNY HLIN33LYNOS “ADSOIONHL]A JO NWSHNE HOFFMAN] EARLY POPULATION 33 each warrior. In Purcell’s enumeration of “warriors, gun-men,”! ete, the Creek and Seminole Indians had about one warrior in three of the population; the Chickasaw one in four, the Choctaw, Cherokee, and Catawba one in three. If the same ratio should be applied in the enumeration of the Menomini, the population of that tribe would be nearer 600. There appears to have been a rapid increase in the population sub- sequently if we may credit Dr Morse,’ who visited Green bay in 1820, with reference to the subject of removing to that country the New York Indians. He says, “The Menominees, or Folles Avoines, have 600 warriors, 900 women, 2,400 children, total 3,900; they live in ten villages, north-west of Green Bay, on Menomine river, which is their north-east boundary, but chiefly on Fox river, on and near Winnebago lake.” A few are mentioned, also, as scattered at other places. In this enumeration the proportion of warriors to the whole number would be about one to six and a half. According to an enumeration made in September, 1842, the popula- tion was found to be 2,464, but in 1850 they were estimated at only 500 souls. In 1856 the number reported was 1,930, while in 1857 the total number was given as 1,697, comprising 358 men, 425 women, and 914 children; the discrepancy being doubtless due to inaccuracy in counting and not to death. Great difficulty has been experienced at various times in endeavoring to obtain an accurate census, as Indians are frequently governed in their statements and conduct by the motive which they conceive to prompt the agents or other authorities in procuring such enumeration. When, for instance, they believe that it is to their advantage to exaggerate their population, women have been known to report themselves with their family, and to increase the latter by borrowing an infant to swell the number; when, a few moments later, the same infant, wrapped in another blanket, would be brought forward by another woman to add to her household. On the contrary, if the question of population be such that it would be advantageous for the Indians to report as small a number as possible, scarcely any infants could be readily found. The report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1863 places the Menomini population at 1,724 souls, while some years later (in 1872) the population on the reservation was 1,362. The report of the same officer for the year 1882 places the population at 1,500; for the year 1884 at 1,400; for 1890 at 1,311, and for the year 1892, as above stated, the total is given as 1,335, not including those residing at and in the vicinity of Oconto, who number about 300. The Menomini Indians are rapidly adopting the pursuits of civilized people, considering the comparatively short period of time since they ' Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., vol. iv, 1795 pp 99-100. 2 Report to the Sec. of War, New Haven, 1822, p. 51. 3 Report Commissioner Ind. Aff.. Washington, 1843, p 440 4 History of the Catholic Missions, John Gilmary Shea, New York (1854?). 14 ETH 3 34 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 14 wore blankets and subsisted almost exclusively by the chase. But little hunting is done at this day, although deer, bear, and smaller animals are abundant. This tribe has always been friendly to the whites, and their reception of strangers is hospitable. Major Zebulon Montgomery Pike, in his “Expeditions,” mentions a meeting in Min- nesota with Shawano aud his band, who had gone hunting, and after recounting the statements concerning the personal appearance of the people, says: From my own observation, I had sufficient reason to confirm their information as respected the males; for they were all straight and well made, about the middle size; their complexions generally fair for savages, their teeth good, their eyes large and rather languishing; they have a mild but independent expression of countenance, that charms at first sight; in short, they would be considered any where, as hand- some men.,! Charlevoix, after referring to the single village which he found, and remarking that the nation was not numerous, says: ‘“’Tis really great pity, they being the finest and handsomest men in all Canada.”? It is to be regretted that this statement can not now be substantiated. . Colonel Charles Whittlesey, in his Recollections of a Tour through Wisconsin in 1832, says of the Menomini: In person they are a thick-set frame, less tall, and in better condition than most Indians, and at least equally indolent. The thief is not so common a character with them as with many other tribes. Their attachment to the United States has not been exceeded by any Indian people.’ Mr Grignon,' whose authority regarding the Menomini is beyond question, since he was himself connected with this tribe by blood and was a life-long resident among them, remarks: The Menomonees were less warlike than the Sauks and Foxes; they, at least, did not get embroiled in wars with other Indian nations as much as the other tribes My grandfather remarked, that he regarded the Menomonees as the most peaceful, brave, and faithful of all the tribes who ever served under him. This was a high compliment, but in my opinion richly merited. They have ever proved, as a nation, friendly to the whites; and in the general Indian plot of Pontiac, in 1763, the Menomonees alone kept aloof, and rendered signal services to Lieut. Gorrell and party at Green bay. Of the aggregate population of 1,635, 1,000 are reported as members of the church, services being conducted by the Franciscan fathers; while the two schools accommodate over 300 pupils, who are making satisfactory progress in education. Drunkenness is the most serious evil from which the Indians suffer, though the number of instances of intoxication is not so great aS on many reservations more favorably situated for obtaining liquor. Crime is rare among the Menomini; during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1592, only six criminals were con- victed by the Indian court. This court, which is a model of its kind, 1 Acct. of Expeds. to the Sources of the Mississippi, Phil’a, 1810, p. 83. 2 Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 61. 3 Recol. of a Tour Through Wis. in 1832; in Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsion for 1854, vol. i, 1855, p. 69. 4 Augustin Grignon, Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wis. for 1856, vol. iii, 1857, p. 265. HOFFMAN] CAPTIVES HELD AS SLAVES 35 is composed of Nio’pet, Chickeny (Mi/tshikinéu’), and Ni/aqtawa’pomi, three worthy representatives of the Menomini, the former being at the same time civil chief of the tribe, while the last named is second chief. During the early part of the present century Indian captives were held as slaves. Augustin Grignon' is responsible for the following statement: During the constant wars of the Indians, several of the Wisconsin tribes were in the habit of making captives’ of the Pawnees, Osages, Missouries, and even of the distant Mandans, and these were consigned to servitude. I know that the Ottawas and Sauks made such captives; but am not certain about the Menomonees, Chippe- was, Pottawottamies, Foxes and Winnebagoes. The Menomonees, with a few indi- vidual exceptions, did not engage in these distant forays. The Menomonees, and probably other tribes, had Pawnee slaves, which they obtained by purchase of the Ottawas, Sauks and others who captured them; but I never knew the Menomonees to have any by capture, and but afew by purchase. For convenience sake, I suppose, they were all denominated Pawnees, when some of them were certainly of other Missouri tribes, as I have already mentioned, for I have known three Osages, two Missouries, and one Mandan among these Indian slaves. Of the fourteen whom I have personally known, six were males and eight females, and the most of them were captured while young. I have no recollection as to the pecuniary value of these slaves or servants, but I have known two females sold, at different times, each for one hundred dollars. Speaking of the treatment of slaves by their owners, Mr Grignon continues: ” When these Pawnee slaves had Indian masters, they were generally treated with great severity. . . . A female slaye owned by a Menomonee woman, while sick, was directed by her unfeeling mistress to take off her over-dress, and she then delib- erately stabbed and killed her; and this without a cause or provocation, and not in the least attributable to liquor. It should also be mentioned, on the other hand; that Mas-caw, a Pawnee among the Menomonees, was not treated or regarded as a slave, and married a chief’s daughter, and lived with them till his death, and has now a gray-headed son living at Lake Shawanaw. It has already been stated that Osh’kosh, fifty years ago, publicly asserted that his family was without doubt the only one of pure Men- omini blood. From an examination of the genealogies of many of the old men, this statement does not seem at all incredible, and it may be questioned if at this day there remains a single individual free from the taint of foreign blood, either white or Indian. Concernmg this Dr Morse makes the following statement: Judge Reaume, an Indian Trader, who has resided at Green Bay thirty years, said to me—‘‘ The Menomonees, in great part, are of mixed blood, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Sacs, and Foxes, with whom they intermarry. There is an inti- mate intercourse between all these tribes, who have a common language, (the Chip- pewa), which they all understand, and many of them hunt together in the interior of the N. W. territory, on the headwaters of the Fox and Ouisconsin rivers.’’? The better informed men of the tribe at the present time are aware of the intermixture of blood, and marriages are frequently formed with 1Seventy-two years’ Recol. of Wis.; in Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wis. for 1856, vol. iii, 1857, p. 256. 2Thbid., p. 258. 3 Report to Secretary of War, New Haven, 1822, pp. 57, 58. 36 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH ANN. 14 Ojibwa, Potawatomi, and other Indian tribes, as well as with whites. This may be one of the reasons for the imperfect grammatic structure of the language as well as for its rather limited vocabulary. Reverend Alfred Brunson,! in his account of the early history of Wisconsin, refers to this tribe as follows: The Menomonees were the next tribe, in point of importance, though of prior date to some others, among the first Aboriginal occupants of what is now the State of Wisconsin. They were of the Algonquin race, but appear to have quarreled with, or rebelled against the national authorities of the Chippewas, and were probably driven from Canada on account of it, and took shelter with other straggling and adventurous bands on the common battle-field between the Algie and Dahkota races, in the vicinity of Green Bay. Ad) Charlevoix visited Green bay in 1721, and after relating his experi- ence in navigating down the western shore, says: We found ourselves abreast of a little island, which lies near the western side of the bay, and which concealed from our view, the mouth of a river, on which stands the village of the Malhomines Indians, called by our French Folles Avoines or Wild Oat Indians, probably from their living chiefly on this sort of grain. The whole nation consists only of this village, and®that too not very numerous. ’Tis really great pity, they being the finest and handsomest men in all Canada, ‘They are even of a larger stature than the Poutewatamies. I have been assured that they had the same original and nearly the same languages with the Noquets, and the Indians at the Falls. But they add that they have likewise a language peculiar to themselves, which they never communicate. I have also been told several stories of them, as of a serpent which visits their village every year and is received with much ceremony, which makes me believe them a little addicted to witchcraft. 2 The Noquets are also mentioned by Charlevoix as not a numerous nation, living on a bay or gulf of the Noquets. They originally “came from the coasts of Lake Superior, and of which there remain only a few scattered families, who have no fixed residence.” ANTIQUITIES Mounds are reported as very numerous throughout the area embraced within the boundaries of the Menomini reservation, but thus far no special examination of them has been made. The mounds are most numerous along the lake shores, especially north and northeast of Keshena, though but few relics have as yet been unearthed. Major Thomas H. Savage, the present Indian agent, informed me that he had opened several mounds, about 8 miles east of the agency, and had found human remains, as well as a few copper spearheads, one of which is illustrated in figure 1. The specimen is quite neatly made, and appears originally to have been sharpened along the edges, as the cut- ting edge is still in very good condition. The greater number of these mounds appear to be entirely barren- One group, situated between 7 and 8 miles north-northeast of Keshena, is represented in plate 11. They are situated about 400 yards west of ' Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, vol. iv, 1859, pp. 242, 243. 2Journal of a Voyage to North America, London, 1781, vol. ii, p. 61. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Ii A Wu, WY GROUP OF MOUNDS NEAR KESHENA HOFFMAN] MOUNDS NEAR KESHENA si" the shores of a small lake, and perhaps 50 feet above the water level. Pine, oak, and other trees grow plentifully all over the area. In nearly every instance there 1s present about the base of the mound a slight depression, perhaps scarcely perceptible, 1 to 6 inches in depth, and one-third or one-half as broad as the width of the mound itself. This appears to have resulted from the removal of the earth for the coustrue- tion of the mound. The height of these mounds varies from 1} to 3 feet, and they are of varying dimensions, as noted below. They are nearly all so constructed that the longitudinal axis is north-and-south. In the following measurements only approximate dimensions are given, as frequently the outlines can not be determined accurately. A num- ber of excavations were made, but no implements or other objects were found. The soil forming the mounds is usually light and sandy. The mound « (plate Ir) is slightly curved longitudinally toward the east of north; it measures 42 feet long and 14 feet broad. The surrounding depression is well marked, while the greatest height of the mound is 24 feet. The mound marked ) measures 58 feet in length by 16 in width, and shows a shallow ditch around its base. It is about the same height as the preceding. The mound ¢ is of rather curious form, and although nearly 3 feet high along its central ridge, the sides are considerably worn down. There are two projections, one at each end, the one at the northeast measuring about 20 feet across its entire width and the southwestern one 28 feet, the length of the mound from southwest to northeast being 48 feet. The depression around the out- line of this mound is pronounced. The fourth mound, d, is placed almost at right angles 4,4. Chine to the axis of the preceding and measures 30 feet in length spearpoint. and 24 in width. On the center of this mound stands a pine tree over 2 feet in diameter. Mound e measures 29 feet in length by 18 feet 1m width; both this and the preceding are less than 2 feet in height. Mound / measures 32 feet in length by 15 in width. Mound g is slightly curved toward the west of north, and measures 70 feet in length by 30 feet in average width. The mound at / is slightly narrower along the middle than at the extremities, and measures about 50 feet in length by 20 in width. A large pine tree occupies the middle of the northern extremity. (Several trenches were cut transversely through this mound.) The mound at i measures 22 feet by 12 feet in area, showing a slight indentation in the western side. Mound j measures 65 feet in length, 20 feet across at the southern extremity, and ouly 16 at the opposite end. This extremity is somewhat 38 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. LL straightened across and indented, as if it might have been an attempt at forming an animal mound. The next mound, k, toward the south, extends 80 feet from southwest to northeast, and is only 12 feet across. The surrounding depression is at several places about a foot in depth. It is much overgrown with saplings and brush, a circumstance not occurring in connection with any of the other mounds. A short distance east of mound k are two other mounds, | and m, the former measuring 50 feet in length by 18 in width, the latter 50 feet in length by 15 or 16 in width. Kast of this area, as well as north and south of it, at varying dis- tances, mounds were visible, and many others were reported. In the immediate vicinity of Keshena there are many remains of this character. North of the village is a high ridge covered with immense pines and oaks, which elevation separates the valley of Wolf river from some marshy lakes on the south. The top of this ridge is just wide enough to use as a roadway, and is about 75 feet above the river, which is distant some 200 yards. The ridge extends from south- west to northeast, and appears to have been formed by glacial action; its total length between the two areas in which it merges into the nat- ural prairie level is about one-third of a mile, and at various places along the upper surface there are the remains of mounds averaging 12 to 15 feet in diameter and from 24 to 4 feet in height. Some of these have been opened at some time during the past, and it is reported that one or two of them contained human bones. Ten miles north of Keshena, near Wolf river, there are several large circular mounds, but no examination of them has been made. This country was, previous to the appearance of the Menomini in 1852, claimed by the Ojibwa, bands of this tribe having lived east of Keshena, about Shawano lake. The Ojibwa of Wisconsin, as well as of Minnesota, allege, however, that they do not know who built these mounds; but they generally attribute them to the Dakota, who, they claim, were the first occupants of the country. Fragments of pottery are occasionally found in the vicinity of mounds, and these, likewise, are attributed by the Menomini to their predeces- sors. Occasional arrowheads of quartzite, jasper, and hornstone occur, which also are believed to have been made by the Dakota or some other Siouan tribe now residing westward from this locality. About 3 miles northwest of Keshena, near Wolf river, there is a large conical bowlder of pink granite, measuring about 6 feet in height and 4 feet in diameter at the base. This rock is in a state of disinte- gration, and is regarded by the Menomini as a manido, In a myth given elsewhere it is related that a party of Indians once called on Mii/niibtish to ask for favors, and that all of them were accommodated save one, who had the temerity to ask for everlasting life. Méa/niibtish, it is related, took this man by the shoulders and thrust him upon the HOFFMAN] MYSTIC BOWLDER 39 earth, saying, ‘“ You shall have everlasting life,” whereupon he instantly became a rock. This rock, on account of its flesh-like tint, is believed to be the remains of the unfortunate Indian, who has now become a manido. It is the custom for all passing Indians to deposit at the base of the rock a small quantity of tobacco. TRIBAL GOVERNMENT, TOTEMS AND CHIEFS THE LINES OF CHIEFTAINCY Since the time of the conspiracy of Pontiac, the Menomini Indians have figured in history to greater or less extent, and it is from such sources, as well as from tradition, that some knowledge is derived pertaining to the chiefs of the tribe. There appear to be two lines, from both of which there have arisen, from time to time, claimants to the civil chieftainship of this tribe; although the Indians generally admit that the Owa/sse, or Bear, totem 1s traditionally the oldest, as well as the gens from which the civil chief should be selected. To make intelligible the reasoning on which the Menomini base their sociologic organization, and the order of precedence and civil govern- ment, the following explanation of the mythic origin of their totems and totemic organization is presented somewhat fully. The myth was obtamed from a number of the older and influential chiefs, subchiefs, and mita’wok, prominent among whom were Nio’pet, Nia/qtowa’pomi, and Mii‘tshi Kiné/u’. ORIGIN OF TOTEMS It is admitted that originally there were a greater number of totems among the Menomini than at the present time, but that they gradually became extinct. The tradition relating to some of them is here given, the translation being literal so nearly as possible: When the Great Mystery! made the earth, he created also numerous beings termed manidos or spirits, giving them the forms of animals and birds. Most of the former were malevolent ana/maqki’t (“ under- ground beings”); the latter consisted of eagles and hawks, known as the Thunderers, chief of which was the Invisible Thunder, though rep- resented by Kiné/u’, the Golden Eagle. When Mashii’ Ma/niddo—the Good Mystery—saw that the bear was still an animal, he determined to allow him to change his form, The Bear, still known as Nanoqke, was pleased at what the Good Mystery was going to grant him, and he was made an Indian, though with a light skin. ‘This took place at Mi/nika/ni sé’pe (Menomini river), near the spot where its waters empty into Green bay, and at this place also the Bear first came out of the ground. He found himself alone, and 1Mashii/ Ma‘nido, or Great Unknown. This term is not to be understood as implying a belief in one supreme being; there are several manidos, each supreme in his own realm, as well as many lesser mysteries, or deities, or spirits. Neither is it to be regarded as implying a definite recognition of spir- ituality corresponding to that of civilized peoples, for the American Indians have not fully risen to the plane of psychotheism; compare the Siouan concept as defined by Dorsey, Eleventh Annual Report, 1894, p. 395 et seq. 40 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 decided to call to himself Kiné/u*, the Eagle, and said, ‘‘ Hagle, come to me and be my brother.” Thereupon the eagle descended, and also took the form of a human being. While they were considering whom to call upon to join them, they perceived a beaver approaching. The Beaver requested to be taken into the totem of the Thunderers, but, being a woman, was called Nama/kukiu’ (Beaver woman), and was adopted as a younger brother of the Thunderer. (The term younger brother is here employed in a generic sense, and not specifically.) The totem of the Beaver is at present termed the Powa’tinot’. Soon after- ward, as the Bear and the Eagle stood on the banks of a river, they saw a stranger, the Sturgeon (Nomii/eu), who was adopted by the Bear as a younger brother and servant. In like manner Omas’kos, the Elk, was accepted by the Thunderer as a younger brother and water-carrier. At another time the Bear was going up Wisconsin river, and becom- ing fatigued sat down to rest. Near by was a waterfall, from beneath which emerged Moqwai'o, the Wolf, who approached and asked the Bear why he had wandered to that place. The Bear said that he was on his way to the source of the river, but being fatigued and unable to travel farther, he had come there to rest. At that moment Oti’tshia (the crane), was flying by, when the Bear called to him and said: “Crane, carry me to my people at the head of the river, and I will take you for my younger brother.” As the Crane was taking the Bear on his back, the Wolf called out to the Bear, saying, ‘‘ Bear, take me also as a younger brother, for I am alone.” The Bear answered, ‘‘ Come with me Wolf, and I will accept you also as my younger brother.” This is how the Crane and the Wolf became younger brothers of the Bear; but as Moqwai/o, the Wolf, afterward permitted Aniim’,the Dog, and Abi’shiish, the Deer, to join him, these three are now recognized as a phratry, the Wolf still being entitled to a seat in council on the north side and with the Bear phratry. Ini/maqki/ty (the Big Thunder) lived at Winnebago lake, near Fond du Lae. The Good Mystery made the Thunderers the laborers, and to be of benefit to the whole world. When they return from the south- west in the spring, they bring the rains which make the earth green and cause the plants and trees to grow. I* it were not for the Thunderers, the earth would become parched and the grass would wither and die. The Good Mystery also gave to the Thunderers corn, the kind commonly known as squaw corn, which grows on small stalks and has ears of various colors. The Thunderers were also the makers of fire, having first received it from Mé’/nabtsh, who had stolen it from an old man dwelling on an island in the middle of a great lake. The Thunderers decided to visit the Bear village, at Mi/nika‘ni, and when they arrived at that place they asked the Bear to join them, promising to give corn and fire in return for rice, which was the prop- erty of the Bear and Sturgeon, and which abounded along the waters of Mi/nika/ni. The Bear family agreed to this, and since that time the HOFFMAN] THE TOTEMIC SYSTEM Al two families have therefore lived together. The Bear family occupies the eastern side of the council, while the Thunderers sit on the western side. The latter are the war chiefs and have charge of the lighting of the fire. The Wolf came from Moqwai’o O/sepe’ome (‘‘ Wolf, hiscreek”). The Dog (Aniim’) was born at Nomawi’qkito (Sturgeon bay); the Abii/shish (deer) came from Sha/wano Nipe’se (Shawano or Southern lake) and, together with the Dog, joined the Wolf at Menomini river. After this union, the Bear built a long wigwam, extending north- and-south, and a fire was kindled by the Thunderers in the middle. From this all the families receive fire, which is carried to them by one of the Thunderers, and when the people travel the Thunderers go on ahead to a camping place and start the fire to be used by all. THE TOTEMS OF THE PRESENT The Menomini totems or gentes as they exist at this day are as fol- lows, arranged in their respective phratries and in order of importance: I, Owa/sse wi/dishi/anun, or Bear phratry: (OWeeac eccas aa ae as ee Ceres .. Bear GUM Soc eh6s + Hho k de cOoeeelEs Seco mone Porcupine MGOUGMN 65 6eescedee Sue ae Boe Ace Turtle Otaitshiatereertes ea 2s Se saieraisctntoyn see nes < Crane Mogwai Omen ane oe ite Sarai areca Wolf VK Gey ae aren Revere erates ease ee era eas eke ain Otter NOTIN 2126 Ue eset re ogee acca =. Bons oer Sturgeon Natit eee ele cin tecie ian he ales Sunfish. Although the Wolf is recognized as a member of the Bear phratry, his true position is at the head of the third phratry. Il. Ina/migqki/t wi/dishi/anun, or Big Thunder phratry: KING Yee sos sack Golden Eagle Shawa/nani’........- Fork-tail Hawk Pima Sheers tee Bald Eagle Opashicoshiveeess-- Turkey-buzzard Pakiash’/tsheke’v’ .... Swift-flying Hawk Pe‘kike’kune.......- Winter Hawk (remains all winter in Wisconsin) Ke’shewa’toshe .....-. Sparrow Hawk Maq’kwoka/ni....-... Red-tail Hawk Kalkalkes sseeeerye ss Crow Ind g {te ka eee ere Raven Piwat/inot’... ...... Beaver (former name Noma/i) QOmas!kos@eeees eee Elk Una! wanink/: 3.222. - Pine Squirrel. Ill. Moqwai’o wi/dishi‘anun, or Wolf phratry: MOG Watt! OM eee ans cpeenrries cio re ee. oo 2 Ss te Wolf UATE TICES, Sete ce OS «5 25 SIS ee nee Dog 42 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [RTH. ANN. 14 According to Shu/nien and Wios/kasit the arrangement of totems into phratries and subphratries was as follows: I. The Owa’sse wi‘dishi/anun, or Bear phratry, consisting of the follow- ing totems and subphratries: OWASSO 2.5 reset ye sepa tee Bear NVI eel Oreck heer Mud vartio motes ia tT (ae ere te Poreupine / IN aMmn et IM Sie Se cya raps eres Beaver Subphratries (these OUSaES ee eae eee ee Muskrat two being brothers). II. The Kiné@/u’ wi/dishi‘anun, or Eagle phratry, consisting of the fol- lowing totems: ISMN. Chose bac tee oss song e seed Bald Eagle Walkatk@ ss seen. canine meer cease Crow JER G AS <6 BAB ee oo as! Gonoteue = + ... Raven Mins quan aimee See ee a7 eee ar - Red-tail Hawk Ca EOE N EHS NER! Sh oe coc aqean pases oGsoc Golden Eagle Remikikonauy. seep eee eee ee Fish Hawk Ill. The Ota’tshia wi’dishi’/anun, or Crane phratry, consisting of the following totems: Otaltshianw 2245 eee ane ... Crane Shakshak’eu ......- Dee e ee ee Gredbmeleron OS'I86 . aK HORE 71 pied -~ sees t \ a wv : Reign of our Sovereign Hord George t e Third, by the Grace Montréal , ce (Dx Melierne jou 4 Crcced#—_. Yannée mil # 3 ce of God of Great Britain France and foland King, Defendetf fept cent foixante 8 LK ace q a of the Faith and fo Forth) \ | V), ” / : : ; } ny Ye 4 42 be : % V/ a 4 Os " iC & S eh) BY. HIS EXGELMMCY’S COMMAND. oy | T oa ae hina é : a] : : Kee sieba HONG SOOO OE — SSS SR - : = re = a 1 pa wy» ¥ i ee nN ms po pees ak HR KA SHAKEMAU. fa a rh 0 CERTIFICATE HOFFMAN | (5) (6) OSH’ KOSH 47 found an Indian in his canoe, which was half drawn on shore, drooping lifelessly over the side of his bark, with a shot through his head. As the deed was accidental, he had no wish to conceal it, and putting the body in his canoe, paddled down to Green Bay, to the encampment of Oiscoss, as the Indian killed belonged to his party. On landing, he went straight to Oiscoss, and informed him of what had happened, when Oiscoss, who was drunk at the time, drew his knife, and plunging it repeatedly into his body, continued stabbing him till he was dead. He was arrested for murder, but as he was a man of great influence among the Indians, was acquitted. But though he had escaped the law, there was another tri- bunal, of a different kind, to which he was still exposed. There is a tra- ditional institution among the Indians, very similar to the avenger of blood. Mrs. Jourdan, as the relative of the slain, and a medicine woman, had only, according to the custom of the nation, to take a pipe and a war- club, and lay them down at the feet of any of the chiefs of the Menomonees, and pronounce the name ‘‘ Oiscoss,” in order to insure a just and immediate retribution. When the day appointed for the council at Butte des Morts drew near, fearing that unless he was reconciled with her, his life might be taken, he proceeded to her house, acknowledged the murder, threw himself on her mercy, and implored pardon. It was granted, and the only punishment he received was the fierce invective which the eloquent tongue of an indignant woman can bestow. Concerning the death of Osh’/kosh, the following is from A. D. Bonesteel, United States Indian agent at Green Bay agency, Wisconsin, who in his report to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1858 (page 31), says: The Menomonees have recently met with a severe loss in the death of Oshkosh, their principal chief [which occurred on August 31]. . . The 31st day of August was a day the like of which will never be seen again by the Menomonee nation—a day on which not only the red man but the white man mourned the loss of a brave and noble hearted man, whose place will never be filled with another as much respected and honored; as an orator his equal has never been known in the Menomonee nation, and he would rank with many of his white brethren. Nio’pet, son of Osh’/kosh, and at present head chief of the tribe, says that Ma/qkata’bit acted as regent during Osh’kosh’s minority. Several years since a scheme was proposed to remove the remains of the chief to the city of Osh’kosh, and there to erect a monument; but at present the matter is in abeyance. Osh’kosh died, and was buried near Keshena, the village on the present reservation. Osh‘kosh was married several times, his first wife being Bamba‘ni (‘‘Flying-about-the-sky”) of the Inii/miiqki/i‘, or Thunder dodi’mi, by whom there were three children— I, A’/kwiné/mi, II. Nio’pet, (7) III. Koshka/noqnéy’. On the death of Bamba/ni, Osh’/kosh married Shaka/noni/i" (“Decorated-with-plumes”), by whom there was no offspring. 48 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 14 On the death of this woman, Osh’kosh married Tomo/ko‘um, by whom he had a daughter— (8) IV. Kino‘ke. 4, OSHKIQ/HINANIUY (A/kwiné’mi—“ Young man”) of the Owii/sse dodii‘mi, was born in 1806. He was speaker for the tribe at Green Bay in 1820, when Morse visited the Menomini. He was married and has offspring— I. Joseph. 5. A’kwinit’Mt (Osh’/kosh—“ In-the mouth-of-everybody”) is of the Owii’sse dodi’mi. He was born in 1822, and in 1859 succeeded his father as chief. In 1871, while under the influence of liquor, he stabbed a man, in consequence of which he was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment, and for this reason was deposed, Nio’pet succeeding. On his release, A’/kwiné/mi endeavored to the utmost to recover his chieftaincy, but without avail. He is still a well preserved man, but without influence (his por- trait forms plate Iv). He was married to Midii/shamo/qki (‘Something coming”), also of the Owii/sse dodii’mi, and had eight or nine children, all deceased. 6. Nio/PET (Osh’/kosh—* Four-in-a-den”), a member of the Owii/sse (9) dodii/mi, was born sixty-one years ago, and, as above stated, was elected chief in 1875 after the conviction and imprison- ment of his brother A/kwine/mi. Nio’pet and his brothers are perhaps the only full-blood Menomini Indians alive today. Osh’kosh himself claimed this distinction for himself nearly fifty years ago. Nio’pet is about 5 feet 9 inches in height, of light brown color, high cheek bones, and in general expression of countenance very decidedly like a Japanese. He has been appointed judge of the Indian court, and is a man of honor and veracity, and universally respected (figure 2). Ni/aqta- wa’/pomi is second chief and an able assistant, though not a member of the same family and gens (figure 3). Nio’pet is one of the chiefs of the Mitii’wit, and is enthusi- astic in his devotion to the traditions and rites of the order. Notwithstanding the fact that he is a so-called pagan, Nio/pet has readily yielded to and in fact urged the adoption of the Christian religion by his children, and nothing affords him greater satisfaction and contentment of mind than the fact that his late favorite daughter had been a devout and active member of the church. His wife, a sister of Shu/nien, named Wa/benomitii‘mu (‘ Wabeno woman”), of the Pii/kiééa/qkiu dodi/mi, is a quite good looking but rather stout woman, by whom he has had fourteen children, the two survivors being the sons— I. Reginald, (10) II. Ernest. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV PORTRAIT OF A’KWINE’MI OSH’KOSH HOFFMAN] OSH’ KOSH GENEALOGY 49 7. KosHKa/Noqnh’ (Osh’/kosh), known also as John Oshkosh; was married (name of wife unknown) and had a son— J. A/paini’sia (married his cousin Kino/ke after the death of her husband). 8. KiNnO/KE (Osh‘kosh); was married first to Charles MeCall, second to her cousin A’paini‘sia. Fie. 2—Portrait of Nio'pet. 9, REGINALD (Nio’pet, Osh/kosh); a young man twenty-five years of age, a student in the Normal school at Lawrence, Kansas; his education is quite good, indeed it is considerably beyond the standard usually attained by Indian youth. He is direct heir to the office of chief. He was married to Miss Roey Wil- bur (who has some Menomini blood), and has one son, born February 22, 1893. ~~ 14 EYH——4 50 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 13 10. ERNEST, (Nio’pet, Osh’kosh); lives at Keshena, the headquarters of the tribe. He is twenty-one years of age, a steady young man, and promises to make a good citizen. The preceding list of descendants of Sheka/tshokwe/mau is presented graphically in the diagram on page 52, while the diagram on page 53 presents in a similar manner the genealogy of Thomas Carron, the French Canadian mixed blood, who, with some of his descendants, Fia. 3—Portrait of Ni/aqtawé'pomi, has figured so extensively and indeed creditably in the history of the Menomini tribe. The Carron’ genealogy is as follows: 1. CARRON (Thomas Carron, or Old Carron, called by the Indians Kii/ron, Ko/r0) was born about the year 1700, probably in the vicinity of Montreal, as he is mentioned as having come from that locality to join the settlement at Green Bay, Wisconsin, shortly after its founding by the Sieur de Langlade and his few companions. Carron was a French trader. He married HOFFMAN | BIOGRAPHY OF CARRON 51 Waupesesiu (“The Wild Potato”), a sister of a prominent Menomini, was inveigled into taking part with the Indians in Pontiac’s scheme for the capture of all the British frontier posts, and was also persuaded to carry among his adopted peo- ple a red wampum belt and to invite their assistance. Con- cerning Carron, Augustin Grignon,! says: At my father, Pierre Grignon’s, then residing at Green Bay, Wau-pe-se- pin was met by Old Carron, who, addressing him, said: ‘‘I know the object of your visit, and the purport of Pontiac’s message; I want no such message as that, as I mean to do no wrong to my British friends. Is it possible that you, too, are leagued with the Milwaukee band? Go back, then, to your home among them, and let me see your face no more!” Failing to influence his brother-in-law Carron, Wau-pe-se-pin gave up his mission as hopeless, and retired to his cabin, instead of retracing his steps to Milwaukee. While Carron and his faithful Menomonees were on the alert, strictly watching lest the Milwaukee band might attempt some mischief, which, however, they did not dare attempt, at length Lieut. Gorrell, the commandant of the fort, receiving instructions to abandon the post, left Green Bay, guarded to Mackinaw by Carron and a party of Menomonees; and for his faithful adherence to the English, and rejection of the counsels of Pontiac, Carron was subsequently presented with a large silver medal by the British authorities, with a certificate of his chieftainship and good services. Carron was well liked by the French, and his marriage with a Menomini woman gave him considerable influence with that tribe, so that in 1763 (at the time of Pontiac’s preparations for attacking the British posts) he had become speaker for the head chief of the Menomini, Sheka/tshokwe/man, ‘Old Chief,” or, as he is termed in history, “The Old King.” It appears from Grignon’s statement, above cited, that Old Carron, beside having offspring by his Menomini wife, “had two children each by two other women, one of them a Sauk with whom he became acquainted while on a war expedition against either the Osage or Pawnee. He was regarded as the handsomest man among the Menomini.” Carron died in 1780, at the age of eighty . years. He had the following children, by his Menomini wife— yee i Konot. ) Il. Tomau’, ) III. Kia/ron, or Shekwa/néne’, ) IV. Aia/mita, V, VI, VII, daughters, one of whom was named Katish’. 2. Konot’ (Carron); this word is the Menomini pronunciation for Claude, generally referred to in history as Glode. He was born about 1716, and at the death of his father in 1780 sue- ceeded him as chief. About the fall of 1803 Glode went on a winter’s hunt, taking his two wives and five or six children with him, and somewhere on or near the 'Coll. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, vol. iii, 1857, pp. 226, 227. LETH. ANN. 14 THE MENOMINI INDIANS AWWaMyOoHsSiy xa HG AO ADO WANA (w3t/ THONIY (8) = 77493 SITYVHD ‘WIHOTIHD ON wnoxowoL (4H out) l HSOHHSO(E) A INONYHEHS (80 Wond, ) | HSOHHSO(E) ‘NOS INO “sInYFT (Ol) “eNa7iMr~IOH Paes PHONY == WISINIVS ‘HATSOL te lk FEL NOON VHHSOY (L) ‘AWYLINONIEYM, LI (Y) eee inn (5) yin OVI 11 NISOUHTININ (3) | DINYMHOMHSO (4) INYEWY Gis | + HSOHHSO(E) Liwinimny (Z) | NUN IMHOHSL. WHIHS i) 53 CARRON GENEALOGY OF HOFFMAN] NOYYWD SYWIOH]L JO ADOTYV3SNIO ‘O1IHD INO NIBOMIHD SNS WIYOMHD FALL ‘NISOUMD LM0F NIAOTIH] ON - ee ies SIIGUMf CINK a pleats (SLY eee “TUMONHIHSY ane! 437505 ae NWHOTSIHS ONYIHSISLL Gul = INF /HSTY (27) NVA SLYHIHOY on I “NIINDHS (1Z) OTH? INO | ‘ NILOTHION ‘NILOUHDININ ‘NILOTIND KIS ‘LSINYT SNETY Yf ATOY =HSOHHSQOO TUNITY | | I INY= MYT OF TUHOONUMO=LIONSAYY LISIS[=NIITWHI WIL “SUNY NYISOYY HIINIWOD , NOEL VADIY[EZ)=OULILD NINULIY ONITYY (CZP-LIAOI NISTHSO i's ul INI SHSIY (77) smoroumyLnannih2) WYSOWI Wd ty = ISYMIYOY (02) NIMYSO MYYOL (6/) ‘WdISof ‘“NYSIS —"INOLNY 1BVLYHOUYY(E/) “NIHOOvE YY = ,2LL350f (24) ‘HdISOL (G/) WYAYSUMYLYS = OWIS "NYSNS “INITIONE “FINIOLNY ee NUSIS LIUVOUUYY HINEHS SILUEUS CINK] INFHOMUNYMIN OINCONYMO(L kL IMHOONYMYLOSY “zs0y (LONOY 40) 20079(44) i [ NVLYWEN GG) =NIHSOY INOY SIM OM, Wi giZ= VOLE) NENYHUMUHSY(]() =HSOLIeMHEY 1 34VOLUN (0p (= LONYHS(6) OlvMHOISOHZA(Q) L waminvg = (4 Nouwy ()) (é) ()OUMYStY “WOLIOSHHE(Sp | 2 : : (QE 4ONOH (9) HSILYY Wiy Wy (J=uLinwiy (9) NOLUY (b) “DIHONWONYMIY == TeWwoz (6) = LONOY (2) SNOUYYD SYWOH (}) 54 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN, If Menomonee River, of Chippewa, the chief and all his family, save two children by another marriage, sickened and died during the ensuing winter. Glode was then not very far from sixty-four years of age. He was a tall and well-proportioned man, of great personal prowess; sometimes at a ball-play, when two or three would pitch on to him to keep him back, he would dash ahead, not seeming in the least to mind them. As the orator of his nation, he was a fine speaker, and his speeches were sensible and to the purpose. He was a very successful hunter and trapper—accom- plishments quite as popular with the Indians, as to be able to speak well on public occasions. Kondot’ was married, but the name of his wife is not known. He died in 1804, and had children— ) I. Konot’, ) Il. Ka/ron, ) ILI. Dzho/seqkwai‘o, ) IV. Sha/not, ) V. Margaret, (11) VI. A’shawa’kinau. 3. Tomav’ (Carron); known also as Toman, and Tomah. He was born at Old Carron’s village, opposite Green Bay, on the western bank of Fox river, about the year 1752.2. Mr Biddle® says he was a British Indian, while Shu/nien (a grandson) informed the present writer that he came from Montreal, his mother in all probability having belonged to the Abnaki tribe. Con- cerning Tomau’ Mr Grignon says: Tomah was in early life regarded as a chief, and from my earliest recol- lection, he seemed to be as much respected, and as influential, as Glode, though the latter as his father’s successor as chief speaker or orator of the nation, really held the highest rank; and upon Glode’s death, in 1804, he became practically the head of the Menomonees, though Cha-kau-cho- ka-ma, or The Old King, was nominally the head chief, and out-lived Tomah.* Captain Zebulon M. Pike*® met Tomau’ in the spring of 1806, above Clearwater river, on the upper Mississippi, where Tomau and a large band of Fols Avoin (Menomini) were engaged in their winter hunt. He says of him: ‘This Thomas is a fine fellow, of a very masculine figure, noble and animated delivery, and appears to be very much attached to the Americans.” He remarks furthermore: ‘This chief was an extraordinary hunter; to instance his power, he killed forty elk and a bear in one day; chasing the former from dawn to eve.” Mr James W. Biddle, in his Recollections of Green Bay in 1816-17, remarks: Tecumseh in 1810 or 1811, when forming his great combination for driv- ing the Americans back, who like the waves of the sea, were encroaching = i = . 1 Grignon, in Rep. and Col. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, vol. iii, 1857, pp. 266, 267. 2Tbid., p. 267. 8Tbid., vol. i, pp. 49-63. 4Tbid., vol. iii, p. 267. ® An Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi, ete., Philadelphia, 1810, pp. 77, 78- HOFFMAN] ACCOUNT OF TOMAU’ BYE upon their hunting grounds, visited Green Bay, obtained a council and hearing from Tomah and his people, whom he addressed in a manner he best knew how to do; and in the course of which, in true Indian spirit, he pictured the glory, as well as certainty of success, and as omens of this, recapitulated to them his own hitherto prosperous career—the number of battles he had fought, the victories he had won, the enemies he had slain, and the scalps he had taken from the heads of warrior-foes. Tomah appeared sensible of the influence of such an address upon his people, and feared its consequence, for he was opposed to leading them into war. His reply was ina tone to allay this feeling, and he closed with the remark to them, that they had heard the words of Tecumseh—heard of the battles he had fought, the enemies he had slain, and the scalps he had taken. He then paused; and while the deepest silence reigned throughout the audi- ence, he slowly raised his hands, with his eyes fixed on them, and in a lower, but not less prouder tone, continued ‘‘ But it is my boast that these hands are unstained with human blood!” The effect is described as tremen- dous—nature obeyed her own impulse, and admiration was forced even from those who could not, or did not, approve of the moral to be implied, and the gravity of the council was disturbed, for an instant, by a murmur of approbation—a tribute to genius, overpowering, at the moment, the force of education and of habit. He concluded with remarking, that he had ever supported the policy of peace, as his nation was small and conse- quently weak; that he was fully aware of the injustice of the Americans in their encroachments upon the lands of the Indians, and for them feared its consequences, but that he saw no relief for it in going to war, and therefore, as a national thing, he would not do so, but that if any of his young men were desirous of leaving their hunting grounds, and follow- ing Tecumseh, they had his permission to do so. His prudent counsels prevailed.! Tomau/ and probably a hundred of his warriors accompanied Colonel Robert Dickson, in 1812, in the capture from the Americans of Fort Mackinaw, though they did not have any fighting. During this expedition Osh’kosh, subsequently head chief of the tribe, was placed under Tomaw”s special care. He and a number of chiefs also accompanied Proctor and Dickson in the attack on the fort at Sandusky. In 1814, with about eighty of his Menomini, he again accompanied Colonel Dick- son to Mackinaw. They took an efficient part in the battle in which the American commander, Major Holmes, fell. Mr Biddle affirms that Tomau’ had no hereditary claim to the chieftaincy : This was held, at the time, by a man nearly as old as himself, who was an idiot, but who they always took with them in their excursions. Tomau merely ruled as the acknowledged strongest man of the nation, and this he had continued to do for a great many years.” There is a slight difference of opinion as to the date of the death of Tomau’, Jedidiah Morse® giving the date of this event as July 8, 1818, Biddle* also observing that the tombstone on 1 Col. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1854, vol. i, 1855, pp. 53, 54. 2Thid., p. 53. 2 Report to Secretary of War, New Haven, 1822, p. 53. 4 Op. cit., i, p. 58. 56 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 14 Mackinaw island bears this date, whereas Mr. Grignon! remarks: It was in the summer of 1817, the next year after the arrival of the Americans, that Tomah died at Mackinaw, at the age of about sixty-five years. I fully agree with Mr. Biddle, that it was in 1817 that he died. He was about six feet in height, spare, with a dark-colored eye, and hand- some features, and very prepossessing ; he was, in truth, the finest looking chief I haye ever known of the Menomonees or any other tribe. His speeches were not lengthy, but pointed and expressive. He was firm, prudent, peaceable and conciliatory. He was sincerely beloved alike by whites and Indians. 3iddie says that Tomau’ died of excessive drinking under disappointment and mortification over a change in the policy of the British authorities in their treatment of the Indians. He adds:* I was present at his funeral. . . . I never saw so distressed and broken-hearted a people. They said they were no longer a nation—no longer anything. Tomah could alone command and keep them together, but now they would be scattered and .ost. Tomau’ was of the Pia/kiii’qkiu, or Prairie-chicken dodii/mi, and was married, first, to Kiwi/komu/qkit® (“ Wandering around”), a Menomini woman by whom he had two sons— (12) I. Josette. (13) II. Ma/qkata/bi. Separating from this wife he formed, according to Grignon, a second marriage, with two sisters, with both of whom he lived at the same time and until they died. By one of these he had four children, the son being— (14) ITI. Glode. 4, KA’Ron (Carron); known also by his Menomini name as She/kwa- né/ne, concerning whom neither traditional nor historical infor mation of interest is obtainable. 5. AtA’miTA (Carron). Grignon, speaking of this chief in 1854,° says I-om-e-tah was born about 1772. . . . He was upon the war-path during the war of 1812~15. He has been a very good hunter in his day. He is among a very few Menoménees who contract debts, and pay them as they promise. He is the oldest chief of his nation, being now about eighty-five; his hunting days are past, his sight is growing dim, and his manly form and benignant countenance we shall soon see no more. Aid/mita was still alive in 1857, and only one of three chil. dren remains— (15) I. Shapoi’t6k (was married to Ta/sawau, and has children). 6. Konov’ (Konot’); known also as Glode, a corruption of Claude Was married to an Ojibwa woman and moved away. 1 Col. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1857, vol. iii, p. 283. 2Tbid., vol. i, 1855, pp. 56, 57. 3 [hbid., vol. iii, p, 284. HOFFMAN] CARRON’S GENEALOGIC RECORD yt 7. KA’/Ron (Konot’). Was named after his grandfather, old Carron, and born in 1797. He married and had children (16) I. Na/matau. (17) IL. O’wiino’qnio (daughter). 8. DZHO/SEQKWAIO (Konot’); corruption of the word Josephine. Married a Mr Gauthier, and had one son— (18) I. Joseph. 9, SHANO/’T (Konot’/). Female, died unmarried. 10. MARGARET (Konot’/). Female, died unmarried. 11. A/sHAWA’KANAU (Konot’). Female; married Kilwai/tosh, a mixed-blood Ottawa, and had children— I. Nika/nawoha/ni, Il. David, Ill. Sa/batis (Jean Baptiste), IV. Sha/nik, V. Margaret. Vi. Susan. 12. JosETrE (Tomau’); known also as Sosette, and as Joseph Carron; was born in 1800. He is of the Pa/kiia/qkiu, or Prairie-chicken dodii/mi; married Wa’/bao’qkiu (‘*White- wing”), and sue- ceeded his father to the chieftaincy. He died in 1831, leaving children— (19) I. Tomau’, (20) IL. A’qkiwii’si, (21) IL. Shu/nien, (22) IV. Kesh‘’éne, (23) V. Wa’/beno mitii’mu, (24) VI. O’/kemawa/bon, (25) VIL. Kosév’. / QkATA’/BI (Tomau’, Carron). Grignon, in his Seventy-two Years’ Recollection of Green Bay says that Toman’ had two sons by his first wife, both of whom became chiefs, “‘ Mau-kau- tau-pee” and Josette Carron; and that ‘‘Mau-kau-tau-pee,” who served on McKay’s Prairie du Chien expedition, died in, or shortly after, 1820. In repeated conferences with both Shu’- nien, an exceedingly intelligent man, a brother of Ma/qkata’bi and Josette Carron, and in councils of leading men of the tribe, Tam informed that Mé/qkata/bi never held the office of chief, as successor to Tomau’, but that he had acted as regent for Osh’‘kosh. Hedied about 1820, without offspring. 14. GLOoDE (Tomau’, Carron), a corruption of the word Claude. He was of the Pia/kiiai/qkiu dodii/mi, and a son of Tomau’ by the second wife. He died in 1848 without offspring. 16, NA/MATAM (Kii/ron, Konot’, Carron); a daughter who married Kone/koshé/u, and has one daughter— I. Rose (unmarried). 58 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 17. OwAs'Nogni’o (Kii’/ron, Konot’, Carron); a daughter, married to A’potawa/nogkwét, and has children— I. Antoine, II. Angeline, III. Susan, ITV. Si/mo (married Pa‘tawa/sapan) and has children— a. Antoine, b. Susan, c. Joseph. 18. JOSEPH (Dzho’/seqkwai’o, Konot’, Carron); was born about 1818. He was married, and had one son, who died. His wife was the widow of a white trader, named Cown, with whom she had children who took the name of Gauthier— I. Joseph, married to Julia Grignon, and has offspring— a. Frank (married Mary Driscoll, a native of Ireland, and has one son, Joseph Aloysius, aged one year), b. Mary Ann, c. John, d. Lewis, e. Christine, died at age of 8 or 10 years. 19. TomAv’ (Josette); corruption of the word Thomas. He is of the Pa/kiiaé’qkiu dodii/mi; married Osii/win (‘ Yellow”) and had one daughter— I. Tanii’s (Theresa—married Dominick Morgan and had six echil- dren). 20, A/QKIWA/SI(Josette); known as CharlesCarron; alsoof the Pa’ kia’- qkiu dodé/mi; married Ka/paia’qsam. He left for the Ojibwa country, and has not since been heard of. He left one ehild— I. Ni/sepét (Elizabeth Maria), who was married to ‘¢Jim” Phalien, (deceased), and left no issue. 21. SHu/NIEN (Josette). Shu/nien (“Silver”) was born in 1827, and is today one of the finest figures, physically, among the Menomini (figure 4). He is of the Pia’/kiii/qkiu dodii’/mi; has been recog- nized as a chief of his band, and has made several trips to Washington on missions relating to the tribe. He was married twice; his first wife was Ki/waqko’wa (‘ Wandering-in-the- clouds”), who had one child— I. Owano/qiu (a daughter, who married Kapsko/it (deceased) and had nine children of whom six survive). Shu/nien’s second wife was Ka/kika/tshiwan, of the Ota/- tshia (Crane) dodii/mi, and had issue— Il. Jane (married to Shepe’qkau; no children). III. Sosé’t (Sosette=Joseph) (commonly known as Jim” Shu/- nien, a man of fine build and an enthusiastic mitii’’ dancer; he married A’/paqtau Ki/shiku/qkiu, and has two sons and two daughters). HOFFMAN] GENEALOGY OF SHU’NIEN 59 22, KESHIV’ENE (Josette); was born about 1830, and succeeded his father as chief, though during his minority Osh’kosh acted as regent. The word Keshi‘ue, signifying ‘“ The-swift-flying,” orig- inated in the following manner, as related by Shu/nien, his brother: Their father, Josette, was at one time fasting, and in a vision he thought he saw the air filled with eagles and hawks, the representatives of the Thunder phratry, flying swiftly by. This circumstance caused him to give the name ‘“‘The-swift- flying,” to his next male child, born shortly afterward. Kesh- Fie. 4—Portrait of Shu/nien. i’€ne was twice married, the first wife, Oshe’pe’t (“‘ River”) having offspring— J. O/kwemu/qkiu (=Jane, married to Joseph Law; no children). Keshi’éne’s second wife was Taki’shiku’q (*‘ Broken-clouds”), and her children were— Il. Kati’s (married Bakome, and has five children). Ill. Ma/ni (Mary, married to Bama/qsikii/u*, and has four chil- dren). IV. Noma/qkuqki/i” (Female, deceased after marriage to David Wabis, leaving one female child). 60 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH, ANN. 14 3. WA/BENO Mrvra/mu (Josette) ‘¢ Wa/beno-woman.” Was born about 1840, and is an active, well preserved, and quite good looking woman. She is married to Nio’pet, the present chief of the Menomini,' and is the mother of fourteen children of whom but two survive— I. Reginald Osh’kosh, II. Ernest Osh/kosh. 24, O/KEMAWA/BON (Josette—daughter, married Opé/taq, has two children). 25. KosE’/v (Josette—a young man), t As already stated, the Osh’kosh family at present, and evidently legitimately, furnishes the executive chief of the tribe, which personage is at the same time the presiding judge of the Indian court at Keshena. The members of the Carron family have no further authority in the affairs of the tribe than any other heads of families, though the recol- lection of the deeds of their ancestors appears to add to their name a glamor of romance, shared in even by their political opponents. LANGUAGE EMPLOYED IN CULT RITUALS Tam informed by the Franciscan fathers at Keshena that they have frequent need of words to express clearly the terminology of the cat- echism and ritual and to present intelligently the exposition of the scriptures, words which do not occur in Menomini, but for which they seek convenient and expressive terms in Ojibwa, a language noted at once for its close linguistic relationship to the Menomini, as well as for its rich vocabulary and the remarkable flexibility of its grammatic structure. z In his notes on the Indian tribes of Wisconsin,? John Gilmary Shea, speaking of the Menomini, states that “their language is a very corrupt form of the Algonquin.” This may not be surprising when the Menomini language is compared with the Algonkin proper, but still the fact remains that the Menomini appeared to him defective in some manner or other. Through long-continued practice of this character, the Indians have become sufficiently familiar with some Ojibwa words to comprehend the teachings of the fathers, but apart from this an Ojibwa conyer- sation is almost entirely unintelligible to tie Menomini, unless the language of the former had been specially acquired by intimate com- munication. It has been observed at the ceremonials of the Menomini that both Ojibwa and Potawatomi mitii’* visitors participated, and although their knowledge of Menomini was so slight as to deter them from enjoying more than casual interchange of greetings, yet they were sufficiently 1 See the Osh’kosh genealogy, p. 48. 2 Col. Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin for 1856, vol. iii, 1857, p. 134. HOFFMAN] OJIBWA CEREMONIAL TERMS 61 apt in acquiring the words of a chant, never before heard by them, to join after two or three repetitions and assist as if they had known it always. Thus these strangers unconsciously acquire a vocabulary at first of unknown meaning to them, but by repetition and association with actions and familiar gestures they ultimately become sufficiently advanced to comprehend the new language limited to this ceremonial. From the foregoing remarks it will be observed that the ceremonials of the cult societies may be tinctured, to greater or less degree, by the intrusion of extra-tribal ritualistic traditions and beliefs, the ceremo- nial forms of the Ojibwa, however, being considerably in excess of those of any other tribe. For many years there has been constant intercourse between the Menomini and the Ojibwa of Lac Court Oreille and Lae Flambeau, on account of occasional intermarriage between these tribes and the mutual attendance at the cult ceremonies. It appears probable, also, that on account of this intercourse the Menomini ritual of the Mitii’ wit, or Grand Medicine society, has been very perceptibly molded after the Ojibwa, but that during this process of adaptation much of the ancient ritual has been lost. A great portion of the phraseology of the Ojibwa ritual is in an archaic form of language, and is thus unintelligible to the ordinary, Indian, and frequently to many members of the society. This archaic phraseology naturally appears impressive and important to the general populace, and the shamans delight to dwell on such phrases, during ceremonials, not only to impress their hearers but to elevate themselves as well. Honorable W. W. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians, says: In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst them—songs and traditions that have desecnded, not orally, but in hieroglyphies, for at least a long line of generations. In this rite is also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language, which differs somewhat from that of the common every- day use.! The Menomini ceremonies of the same society are, as above stated, very much curtailed, and apparently worn down by careless transmis- sion from generation to generation. The chants are, in general, in Menomini, though that portion of the ritual pertaining to the Indian cosmogony and genesis of mankind is to a great extent mixed with Ojibwa words, and is therefore unintelligible to almost every one save those familiar with this language. It has already been shown with what persistency the Menomini and the Winnebago Indians have dwelt side by side from the earliest his- torical times, and it is a subject of interest to know with what surpris. ing similarity these two tribes have, up to a recent period, conducted their medicine ceremonials. The entire ritual and its dramatization appear to be of Algonquian elaboration; and the adaptation thereof 1 Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc., vol. v, 1885, p. 67. 62 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 by the Winnebago, a tribe belonging to another linguistic stock, would be so readily accomplished only when the tribes are in constant and intimate communication. ! The Ojibwa embellishments in the Winnebago ritual appear to have been acquired through the intermediary of the Menomini rather than from the Ojibwa direct, as the Siouan tribes in general have at all times been more or less antagonistic to the Algonquian tribes, and vice versa, excepting the Menomini, who appear always to have been of a peaceful disposition. There is another class of mystery men, or shamans, differing from the mitii’’, of which representatives are found among nearly all the Algonquian tribes even at this day. Such persons are termed tshi‘saqka, or jugglers, and are referred to in the Jesuit Relations as jougleurs and sorciers. The Nepissing Indians of Canada were even designated the Nation of Sorcerers as early as 1632, and the tales recited regarding them and their powers are of the most marvelous character. This subject will be more definitely referred to in connec- tion with the subject the of tshi/saqka. Thereisno special organization among these performers, each preferring to act independently of the other, and it is only during the performance of the invocation of guard- ians or ma/nidos that pretended conversation with the latter takes place, such pretended conversation consisting in reality of a soliloquy, the questions of the juggler being answered apparently in another tone of voice and indeed sometimes in mumbled words wholly unintelligible in character. The language employed by a juggler is the language of the tribe of which he is a member; and to acquire the power of prophecy and to become able to cause manifestations of various kinds, it is necessary to receive instruction from some one of reputed skill. His power is fur- thermore dependent upon the reputed power of his personal ma/nido, or tutelary daimon, which was selected by him in accordance with dreams, consequent upon fasting, which ordeal was experienced during his youth. There is still another class of shamans, known as the wa’/beno, i. e., “ daylight men,” or ‘men of the dawn,” who pretend to cure disease by the administration of charmed remedies. The number of wa/benoak as compared with the mitii/wok is small, the whole number in the Menomini tribe not exceeding ten or twelve. Singular as it may seem, there are more women wa‘benoak than men, though it appears that in former times the reverse was the case. The performances con- sisted in handling burning brands and live coals with apparent immu- nity from harm, thus gaining the attention and confidence of the credulous, after which their charms, amulets, or fetishes were sold, as 1 Since writing the above, Mr Frank La Flesche, of Washington, son of the late Joseph La Flesche, one of the chiefs of the Omaha Indians, informs me that his tribe acquired the ritual of the Grand Medicine society from the Winnebago. HOFFMAN] CEREMONIAL INNOVATIONS 63 required by the unsuccessful hunter, the disconsolate lover, or the unlucky gambler. No organization exists between the different pers ms of this class, each practicing his art, or pretensions, as best he may. A tambourine drum is necessary aS an accompaniment to the chant, as the personal manido is thus invoked for aid in the accomplishment of whatever task may have been assigned to the performer. More specific mention of the method of practice of these shamans will be presented under the cap- tion of “The Wa/beno.” Since the advent of the Paiute messiah, “ Jack Wilson,” a new society has been organized, designated the ‘“‘ Dreamers’ society,” i. e., a society for indulgence in drumming, dancing, and exhortation by cer- tain designated persons, to form the order of exercises. Some of the mitii/wok, who, for various reasons, have left the Medicine society, claim that the Dreamers’ society is founded on a ritual specially granted by Kishii’/ Ma/nido as a substitute for the former, that being alleged to have become degraded and debased by the introduction of innovations. inquiry into the history of the society seems to indicate, however, that the performances by the Dreamers’ society are a remote imitation of the Ghost dance, which originated several years since when the Paiute messiah made his appearance, and when many discontented and bellig- erent young men of various tribes took advantage of the craze to further their own designs. Some Menomini Indians more communicative than others have inti- mated that a time would surely come when the whole country would be restored to the Indian as it once was, when the heads of all the whites would be severed from their bodies as a scythe cuts the wheat. This belief has always had a greater or less number of helievers who were in a state of expectancy, so that when a delegation of Sioux and other Menomini river Indians arrived among the Menomini to preach the doctrine of the messiah and to give instruction in the dance, the expect- ant ones were ready to accept almost anything that appealed to their indefinite and unformed tradition. The ceremony conducted at these dances is not of the same character as that of the Ghost dance of the prairie Indians, sufficient change having been wrought since its intro- duction to prevent any apparent analogy between the two. To further illustrate the quickness with which such advantages for deception may be embraced by designing and deceitful Indians, I shall only recur to Sitting Bull of the Sioux nation, a medicine man of no mean order—as viewed by his people—but not a chief in the full sense of the word, as generally supposed from the 1ewspaper notoriety given him. During my residence among these Indians in 1872-73, I had ample opportunity to become well acquainted with him, particularly after acquiring the language and an ultimate adoption into the “ Buffalo society,” by which means a “brotherhood” was formed with Running Antelope, then orator of the northern Sioux and chief of the Unepapa branch of that tribe. 64 ; THE MENOMINI INDIANS (EVH. ANN. 14 Sitting Bull was general director of the discontented element of the Sioux nation, and acquired his influence by his audacious pretensions and by the coincident occurrence of events of minor importance, as well as by the occurrence of certain atmospheric changes which he had, in part, prophesied. Attaining some distinction in this manner, he sautiously pushed his claim to greater powers, stating that he was enabled to foretell events affecting himself and hisadherents. He pre- tended that his deceased half-brother always appeared to him in the guise of a gray wolf to warn him of any impending personal danger. In fact, this man is said to have once gone so far as to allow himself to be discov- ered by some officers talking to a wolf which haa, in utter astonishment, stopped to learn the source and nature of the peculiar noise which so suddenly broke the silence of the locality! When the attack was made upon our cavalry escort in 1875, in Yel- lowstone valley, Sitting Bull was foremost in the approaching line, chanting and “making medicine,” but when one of his chief assistants was shot down the line wavered and broke the moment the troops charged. Later on, as the Ghost dance became a better means of having his aids act the part of prophets, Sitting Bull’s words were promulgated through the mouths of the chief dancers who had appar- ently fainted and reached an ecstatic state. In this wise the hostility of a certain portion of the tribe was maintained and controlled, chiefly for personal gain, until the death of Sitting Bull, when the spell was broken. Until quite recently it was customary for each Indian youth to pass through a certain process of ‘fasting and dreaming,” whereby he might receive a manifestation from the Great Unknown as to what par- ticular animate form he might adopt as his own tutelary daimon, as termed by the Greeks, or, as more familiarly designated, his guardian mystery. The course of procedure necessary for the young aspirant for honors to pursue was to leave the camp and go into the forest, there to remain in meditation, abstaining from all food, until gradual exhaus- tion produced that condition of ecstasy during which various fornis of animals, or birds, appeared to him. The first of these forms to clearly impress itself on his mind was adopted as the special gift of the Great Mystery, and was thereafter supposed to act as an adviser in times of indecision; a monitor when the Indian was in danger, or an interces- sor with the superior ma/nidos when special power or influence was desired. During the period of probation the lad’s friends or parents would keep watch that no danger overtook him while in the forest, and furthermore, that his fasting was not carried to the point of danger to life and health. Among some of the Algonquian tribes the animal or bird forms that may thus be adopted by an Indian are sometimes the same as the totem of which he is amember. Under such circumstances the animal repre- senting the totem, and the “familiar” or ma/nido, is seldom hunted or HOFFMAN] COMPARISON WITH NAGUALISM 65 shot; but should he be permitted to hunt such an animal the hunter will first address the animal and ask forgiveness for killing him, telling him that certain portions, which are tabu, shall be set up in the place of honor in the wik6d/mik. For instance, should an Indian of the Bear totem, or one whose adopted guardian is represented by the bear, desire to go hunting and meet with that animal, due apology would be paid to it before destroying it. The carcass would then be dressed and served, but no member of the Bear totem would partake of the meat, though the members of all other totems could freely do so. The hunter could, however, eat of the paws and head, the bones of the latter being sub- sequently placed upon a shelf, probably over the door, or in some other conspicuous place.! Due reverence is paid to such a relic of the totem, and so strictly observed is this custom that no greater insult could be offered to the host than for anyoue to take down such bones and to cast them carelessly aside. Due reverence must be had by the Indian for his so-called guardian or ma/nido, neglect in this direction sometimes being considered as the direct cause of misfortune or sickness. A feast then becomes necessary as an offering to induce the ma/nido to return and to again manifest its favor to the Indian. Without going further into this special subject, as it obtains among the tribe under discussion, it may be interesting to present in this connection an account of the striking similarity of belief in the ma/nido, or nagual, of the Mexicans, as given by Herrera, who, in speaking of the religion and superstitions of the inhabitants of Cer- quin, in Honduras, says: Among the many Idols worshipp’d, there was one call’d, The great Father, and another, The great Mother, of whom they begg’d Health; to other Gods they pray’d for Wealth, Relief in Distress, to supply them with Provisions, breed up their Chil- dren, preserve their Harvest, and assist them in their Improvements, which Super- stitions continu’d long among the old Men; and the Devil deluded them, appearing in the Shape of a Lion, or a Tiger, or a Coyte, a Beast like a Wolf, or in the Shape of an Alligator, a Snake, or a Bird, that Province abounding in Creatures of Prey, which they eall’d Naguales, signifying, Keepers, or Guardians, and when the Bird dy’d the Jndian that was in League with him dy’d also, which often hapned, and was looked upon as infallible. The manner of contracting this Alliance was thus, the Indian repair’d to the River, Wood, Hill, or most obscure Place, where he call’d upon the Devils by such Names as he thought fit, talk’d to the Rivers, Rocks, or Woods, said, he went to weep, that he might have the same his Predecessors had, carrying a Cock, or a Dog to sacrifice. In that melancholy fit he fell a sleep, and either in a Dream, or Waking, saw some one of the aforesaid Birds, or other Creatures, whom he intreated to grant him Profit in Salt, Cacao, or any other Commodity, drawing Blood from his own Tongue, Ears, and other Parts of his Body, making his Contract at the same Time with the said Creature, the which, either in a Dream, or Waking, told him, 1The Abbé J. A. Mauranit says of the totemic marks of the Abnaki: ‘‘Chaque tribu avait ses armoi- ries, que consistaient en la figure d’un animal, ou d’un oiseau, ou d'un poisson. Chaque guerrier peig- nait ordinairement sur ses bras, ses jambes et sa poitrine les armes de sa tribu. Quant les sauvages allaient en voyage ou en excursion, ils peignaient leurs armes sur des arbres 4 chaque campement, surtout lorsqu’ils avaient réussi dans quelque campagne. Is faisaient aussi connaitre, par ce moyen, le nombre de leurs prisonniers et celui des chevelures qu’ils avaient levées.’’—Hist.des Abenakis, Québec, 1866, p. 23. 14 ETH dD 66 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 such a Day you shall go abroad a sporting, and I will be the first Bird, or other Ani- mal you shall meet, and will be your Nagual, and Companion at all Times, whereupon such Friendship was contracted between them, that when one of they dy’d the other did not survive, and they fancy’d that he who had no Nagual could not be rich.! The Abbé Maurault? says of this belief among the Abnaki Indians of Canada, a tribe allied linguistically to the Menomini: Comme toutes les antres nations sauvages, ils avaient une idée de la Divinité. Dieu, suivant eux, était un Grand-Esprit, qu’ils appelaient ‘‘ Ketsi Ni8ask".” Ce Grand-Esprit résidait sur une ile du grand lae (l’Océan Atlantique). Ils avaient une grande conliance en sa protection, Ils croyaient que le meilleur moyen pour attirer seur eux cette protection était de s’efforcer ’ devenir de braves guerriers et de bons chasseurs, étant persnadés que plus ils se rendaient remarquables en ces deux choses, plus ils devenaient agréables aux yeux du Grand-Esprit. Ils croyaient aussi 4’ Esprit du Mal, qu’ils appelaient ‘“ Matsi Ni8ask".” Cet Esprit était tres-puissant dans le monde. Ils pensaient que les maladies, les acci- dents, les malheurs et tous les autres maux de ce genre venaient de lui. Comme ils eraignaient beaucoup ces maux, l’Esprit du Mal était le principal objet de leur dévotion, et ils s’adressaient sans cesse A lui, le priant de ne leur faire aucun mal. Ils croyaient, en outre, qu'il y avait d’autres Esprits, d’un ordre supérieur A homme; que ces Esprits étaient toujours portés au bien, et qu’ils protégeaient l’homme contré VEsprit du Mal; c’est pourquoi, ils leur demandaient protection. CULT SOCIETIES To present more intelligibly the ritualistic observances and preten- sions of the several classes of shamans, the subject will be arranged under the following captions: I. Mité’wit, or Grand Medicine society; Il. Tshi/saqka, or Juggler; Ill. Wa/beno, or Men of the Dawn, and IV. Dreamers’ society. MITA’/WIT, OR GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY ORGANIZATION OF THE SOCIETY In order to present clearly to the reader the status of the Mitii/wit, or so-called ‘“‘Grand Medicine society,”* of the Menomini Indians of Wisconsin, it becomes necessary to refer briefly to the corresponding society and ritualistic ceremonies of the Ojibwa Indians of Minnesota. Among the latter are found four classes of mystery men, viz, (1) mide’, or “medicine man,” whose profession is incantation, exorcism of demons, and the administration of shamanic or magic remedies; (2) the je/ssak- kid, or juggler, who professes prophecy and antagonizes the evil charms of rivals; (3) the wa/beno, literally “‘ easterner,” or “ daylight man,” whose orgies are continued throughout the night only to cease 1The General History of that Vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. John Stevens, London, 1726, vol. iv, pp. 138, 139. 2Histoire des Abenakis, Québec, 1866, pp. 18-19. It will be observed that the abbé falls into the pre- vailing misapprehension as to the conception of spirituality among the Indians. 3This term originates in the designation ‘‘la grande médecine," applied to this society by the Cana dians and early French explorers. HOFFMAN] OJIBWA MEDICINE SOCIETY 67 at the approach of day, and who also professes ability to prepare lucky charms for the hunter and potent love powders for the disappointed lover; and (4) the mashkikikewinini, or herbalist, who professes knowl- edge of the properties of plants, and administers, as the name implies, “medicine broths” or decoctions and infusions, All of these, save the mide’, practice their respective professions singly and alone, and there- fore do not affiliate with others of like pretensions so as to constitute a regularly organized society, at the meetings of which the members hold ceremonial services for the instruction and initiation of candidates for membership. The midé’, on the contrary, are organized into a society termed the Midé’wiwin, which consists of an indefinite number of persous of both sexes, and is graded into four separate and distinct degrees. Admis- sion to membership in the degrees of this society is a matter of great importance, and consequently of great difficulty. The male candidates are selected usually from among those who in their youth were desig- nated for this distinction, which occurred at the period of “giving a name” by a selected midé’ priest, who thus assumed the office of god- father. From that date until the age of puberty of the boy, his parents gather presents with which to defray the expenses of preliminary instruction by hired mide’ priests, and the feasts to be given to all those who might attend the ceremonies of initiation, as well as to defray the personal services of the various medicine men directly assist- ing in the initiation. Frequently the collecting of skins and peltries and other goods that have to be purchased involves a candidate hope- lessly in debt; but so great is the desire on the part of some Indians to become acknowledged medicine men that they will assume obligations that may require years of labor or hunting to liquidate; or, should they fail, then their relatives are expected to assume the responsibility thus incurred. In this society, as maintained by the Ojibwa, are preserved the tradi tions relating to cosmogony and genesis of mankind, to the appearance on the earth of an anthropomorphic deity whose primary services con- sisted of interceding between Ki’/tshi Ma/nido and the Indians, that the latter might be taught the means wherewith they might provide themselves with the good things of the earth and with the power of warding off disease and death, and who gave to the Indian also the various plants and instructed them how to prepare the objects neces- sary to be used for special purposes in specified ways. The being who thus originally instructed the Indians is called Mi/nabo/zho, and the method pursued by him is dramatically rehearsed at the initiation of a candidate into the society of the Midé’. By the Ojibwa this entire proceeding is firmly believed to be of a sacred or religious character. There is another body among the Ojibwa termed the Ghost society, to which reference is necessary. When a child who has been set apart to be dedicated to the society of the Mide’ dies before reaching the 68 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 14 proper age to receive initiation, the father (or under certain circum- stances the mother) announces the fact to the chief priests, when a meeting of the members is called and a feast prepared at the wigwam of the mourner. Dishes of food for the dead are set apart in a separate structure. after which the chief mourner is initiated into the society as a substitute for the deceased. Thus we find among the Ojibwa two distinct services, one for the initiation of members into the society of the Mide’, the other a feast of the dead, designed to release his “shadow” and to permit it to depart to the land of mysteries, or the place of the setting sun. It will be observed, then, that the membership of the Mide’ society is not limited to any particular number of persons; and that the cere- monies of the Ghost society are held at irregular intervals and never at the death of a member of the Mide’ society. With this brief notice of the Ojibwa Mideé/wiwin, or Grand Medicine society, a description of the ceremonies as practiced by the Menomini Indians will be presented for the purpose of comparing with the pre- ceding their version and dramatie rendering of a belief and practice which no doubt survives to a certain degree among the greater number of tribes embraced within the western group of the Algonquian lin- guistic family. The Mitii/wit, or society of shamans, commonly termed the Grand Medicine society of the Meromini Indians, consists of men, women, and a few young boys and girls, who have been initiated into the mys- teries of that organization, either directly or by proxy. Initiation of the person himself may be accomplished (1) by his being adopted by a member to fill a vacancy caused by death; or (2) when proof of eligi- bility has been furnished and the necessary presents and fees are deliy- ered to the chief of the society to defray the expenses incurred in holding the ceremonies. Although initiation by proxy is rare, yet it may occur when a very sick young person is brought to the ceremonial structure for restoration to health. This is done only as a last resort, and after the usual attend- ance of shamans with their incantations and exorcisms has proved futile. The aid of Mashii’ Ma/nido is thus sought, and as the sick child may be carried in the arms of one already a mitii’’, it is soon deposited in the arms of one of the family, while the person who carried it con- tinues to take the part of a new candidate, notwithstanding the fact that he already possesses the secrets. Should the patient recover health, he or she is thenceforth regarded as a regularly initiated mem- ber, although subsequent instruction is necessary to a better under- standing of the pretensions of the society. It is customary on the death of a member of the society for the head of the family of the deceased, if he be a mitii’’, or the nearest mitii’* relation or friend, to approach the corpse at burial and to address it. The chief mourner, looking down upon the coarse box containing the remains, says: **Go, HOFFMAN] PLANS FOR THE CEREMONY 69 my brother [or substituting the term of relationship], follow the sun to the place prepared for the shades of the dead, where you will see the fire built by Na/qpote; that will light your course beyond the sun’s path. Abide there until the proper time {a certain period of a summer month is usually named], when I shall give a feast and bring a substitute to occupy your place; then shall Na‘qpote permit you to return to observe the fulfillment of my promise. Go!” The grave box is then placed over the coffin, the medicine stick erected before it, and a piece of cloth or a board is also placed before the grave box, on which is deposited from time to time small quantities of tobacco. At the return of summer the person who has made the promise of procuring a substitute prepares himself by bringing together the pres- ents necessary to be delivered as fees, and collecting food for the attend- ants and visitors. A favorite member of the family, a relation, or even a dear friend, may receive the honor of an invitation to become the candidate. In the meantime the furnisher of the feast, i. e., the person who is to procure the candidate, makes known to the chief officiating members of the society his choice, with the desire that a meeting time for initiatory purposes be decided upon, to be held at some time in the near future. The chiefs receive this communication and deliberate, meditat- ing on the course to follow and selecting several groups of assistants to aid in the ceremonies. The candidate, in the meantime, is instructed in the mysteries of the remedies known to his instructor. Hach remedy must be paid for separately, as no two preparations, or roots, or other substances are classed together as one; furthermore, the knowledge relating to different remedies is possessed by different medicine men, each of whom will dispose of the properties and uses thereof for a con- sideration only. Although four annual ceremonies of the Grand Medicine society were held near Keshena, Wisconsin, in the years 1890, 1891, 1892, and 1893, the first will be described only insofar as it pertains to the mode of adopting a member to fill a vacancy caused by death; and to make the description more intelligible it may be of importance to state under what cireumstances the writer’s admission into the Mitii/wit was obtained. CEREMONIES oF 1890 Having obtained during the years 1887-1890, from the Ojibwa In- dians at Red Lake and White Karth, Minnesota, complete instruction in the secrets and ceremonies of the Midé/wiwin, or Grand Medicine society, the information of this unique occurrence had spread south- ward into Wisconsin, as far as the Menomini reservation. In the winter of 1889-90, a number of these Ojibwa shamans went to Wash- ington in the interest of their tribe, and it happened that a small dele- gation of Menomini Indians from Keshena, Wisconsin, also visited the capital on a like errand. These two delegations were furthermore quar- tered at the same house, so that the object of my constant visits to, 70 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 14 and consultations with, the Ojibwa soon became known to the Menom- ini, who at once manifested great interest, as they themselves were members of the society of shamans. The Ojibwa then informed the Menomini of what had been done with reference to the preservation of the traditions and ritual of the Ojibwa society, and suggested to the former the propriety of having the Government publish the Menomini version of the Grand Medicine ceremonies, thus preserving for future generations their ancient beliefs and practices concerning the origin of the Indians, the history of the services of Mi/nibtsh, and the institu- tion and initiatory ceremonies of the Mitii/wit, or Grand Medicine society. Three members of the Menomini delegation were chiefs of the society, and as such were competent to decide whether it would be appropriate and in accordance with their ancient custom to permit the admission into the society of a white man and stranger. After protracted delib- eration, I was informed that in so far as they were personally concerned they very much desired that a visit be made to Keshena, where a coun- cil of the chief shamans would be called for the purpose of presenting for their approbation the subject of making public the so-called secret or mystic ceremonies. The visit to the reservation was made during the spring of 1890, when a meeting of the council was called by Nio’pet and Ni/aqtaw4/pomi, at which the chief representatives of the society unanimously agreed that I should be received at the next regular meet- ing. Then, when once within the sacred structure, | might without fear of misfortune ask any questions that I might desire, and receive explanation so far as lay in the power of the chief miti/wok. When a meeting of the society is desired, either for the benefit of the sick or for regular initiation, the proceedings are as follows: A con- sultation is held as to the designation of the four chief medicine men, the selection of a second set of four, and also a third set, each of which groups have special duties to perform during the ceremonies. Two general assistants or ushers are also chosen, whose duties consist in the proper arrangement of the interior of the structure and accesso- ries, the proper location on a ridge pole of the presents, especially the blankets, pieces of calico, mats, ete., which form part of the gifts made by or for the candidate as the price of his admission. A location for the erection of the mitii/wik6/mik! is also decided upon, and the women members of the society—usually the wives of the chief officiat- ing medicine men—who are to erect the structure and to prepare the feasts, are also designated. These preliminary arrangements being completed, the ‘giver of the feast” presents to the chief medicine man several gifts of tobacco, which are divided into small heaps, and then immediately sent by a 1¥ rom ‘miti’*,"’ a member of the society or fraternity of the Mitiwit; and ‘‘wikd’mik,”’ a corrup- tion of the word wig/wam—from ‘ wigwas’,”’ bark—a structure or lodge of bark. Though now built of poles, mats, etc., the original covering was no doubt of bark, thus giving rise to this designation, “wigwam,”’ forall bark habitations. A Vd 4180d34 TVONNY HLN33LYNO4 39C071 SNIDIGSW JO SNIGTING ADO010 Higa 40 Nw3aHuNE HOFFMAN] ERECTION OF THE LODGE 71 courier to members of the society, one heap to each member. The run- ner, on his arrival, places the tobacco before the persou for whom it is intended; he, ewan aware of the purpose of the visitor, merely says, “When and where?” The courier then informs the mitii’* as to the day and place of the ceremony, and after a short rest departs to fulfill his mission. In the meantime the medicine men have adjourned, each to attend to his own duties in so far as his individual services will be demanded, and to consult with the second and third sets or groups of medicine men designated to assist at the initiation. It is customary, when an Indian is to be initiated to fill a vacaney caused by death, for the medicine wik6/mik to be erected a short dis- tance east of the grave of the deceased member, so that the members of the society may be enabled to march westward when visiting the lowes his CSS ‘apes. Fic. 5—Ceremonial structure of 1890. grave, thus following the direction named in the ritual as followed by Na/qpote when his shade went in the direction of the setting sun, where the world is cut off. The medicine lodge (ceremonial structure) termed mitii/wik6/mik, or mnitii/wi/kidp, is erected by the medicine women detailed for the pur- pose, and is constructed on the following plan: A piece of level ground is sought at a convenient location east of the grave, when long poles, from 2 to 3 inches thick at the base, are planted at irregular intervals along the sides of an oblong. The length of the structure is usually 60 or 70 feet, and its width about 20 feet. The poles are then brought together at the top so as to form an archway, and secured by strands of basswood bark. Plate v represents the skeleton framework of the end of the structure. Mats made of rushes are then placed along the sides, the lower row touching the earth, and a second row placed above 12 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [BTH. ANN.14 them, but projecting slightly over the tops of the lower ones so as to shed rain. Other mats, pieces of birch bark, and even pieces of canvas, are then placed across the top to shade the interior or to keep out the rain. The mats, a detailed description of which will be given later, are usually a yard wide, and vary from 6 to 12 feet in length. The exterior of the medicine wik6/mik erected in 1890 is represented in figure 5. At this ceremony Shu/nien was recognized as chief offici- ating shaman, the application for membership having been first made to him, and he in turn having selected his three chief assistants, all of whom, after due deliberation, decided on the order of ceremony. After the wiko/mik was erected, branches of cedar were placed on the ground around the interior, though near the wall, and on these were placed mats of rush leaves to serve as seats for the attendants. The gifts presented by the candidate, or his sponsor, were suspended from the long poles placed lengthwise a short distance beneath the top center of the arched inclosure. At various places lanterns also were suspended to furnish light during the night service. The large mat on which the candidate was finally obliged to kneel was spread on the ground about 20 feet from the western exit and along the middle line of the interior, while the space along each side, immediately before the seat mats around the interior, formed the pathway invariably followed by the officiating medicine men and the attending members of the society (see plate VI). It is customary to hold meetings on Saturday afternoon, beginning at the approach of sunset and continuing uninterruptedly until the next day at sunset. Formerly no special day was selected, but since many of the Indians have become farmers, Sunday is thus employed so that as little time as possible may be lost from their labor. By Saturday afternoon, on the occasion described, the vicinity of the mitii/wik6o/mik became a scene of great animation. Wagons bearing the families, tents, and cooking utensils of members of the society began to arrive from various directions. The young men and boys came on horseback, clad in their best and gandiest attire; children ran hither and thither while chasing one another in play; and the scene was occa- sionally enlivened by a rush toward a particular spot to witness or to stop a dog fight, as numerous and various specimens of gaunt, snarling curs had congregated from all parts of the reservation. The members of the society were yet in their hastily erected lodges preparing themselves for public exhibition; but as the sun began to sink, eight of the most prominent members of the society, together with the chief mourner or giver of the feast and his family and relations, proceeded westward to the grave, distant about 200 yards, around which they formed a circle, while Shu/nien stepped nearer toward the head of the grave box, and produced the mii/tshida/qtokwan, or cere- monial baton. This is a round piece of pine or other soft wood, an inch thick and 30 inches long, with one end slightly pointed so as to 0681 JO SYNLONYLS IWINOW3YS9 JO YOIYS1LNI WA “Vd LYOd34 IWANNY HLN33LYNO4 ASOIONHL3 4O Nvauna HOFFMAN | CEREMONIAL BATON AND FEAST 73 admit of being easily thrust in the ground. The baton is ornamented by having cuts made around it near the top, the shavings being allowed to remain attached at one end but projecting slightly from the stick so as toresemble miniature plumes. About 6 inches below the top cluster is another, as also farther down the baton, until three or four clusters have been made. At the base of each cluster of cuts a band of vermilion an inch wide, encircles the stick. Figure 6 represents the general form of the baton. Shu/nien, after taking the baton at the sharpened end, struck the grave box with the other end, and spoke as follows: ‘There were two brothers, Mii/niibtsh and Na/qpote, the Wolf. Miéa/niibitish lived to mourn for Na/qpote, who was destroyed by the evil underground beings, but who now abides in Tshi’paia’qki, the final resting place, where he awaits the arrival of the shades of the dead. The dance to be held at the bottom of the hill is held for Na/qpote, that he may return and transport the shade of this dead one to the mitii/wik6’mik, where we shall have our ceremonies this night. All the aged whiteheads are invited to it. While Mi/niibtsh was still on this earth he said that he should build a fire in the northwest, at which the Indians would always be enabled to obtain warmth for themselves, their children, and their successors. He said that afterward he should go to the place of the rising sun, there to abide always and to watch over the welfare of the Indians. He said if the Indians desired to hold a meeting of the Mitii’wit, that they must first have a feast at the head of the grave. We will now sit and eat.” The mitié’’ women, assisted by relatives of the deceased, then spread a tablecloth upon the ground, and deposited thereon various kinds of meats, vegetables, bread, and pastry—quite a contrast to the primitive method pur- sued before the adoption of linen tablecloths, china, and silver-plated knives, forks, and spoons. All the invited guests partook of the food placed before them, but nothing was so eagerly sought after as the green cucumbers, which were peeled and eaten raw. Fie. 6—Ceremonial After the feast, Shu/nien, the chief priest and master anit of ceremonies, again took the ceremonial baton, and handing it to one of his assistants, requested him to make an address. The speaker first struck the grave box, and during the time of his remarks frequently struck the box, as if to emphasize his words. The addresses made by him and his three successors related to exploits performed by them at various times, particularly during the civil war, when most of them had 74 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [erH. ANN. 14 served as soldiers in the Union army. This digression was prompted because the deceased had been one of their comrades. Shu/nien, in the meantime, had taken the grave post—which had been previously erected before the grave box-—and painted a band of vermil- ion around the top, a band as broad as a finger, and five crosses on one of the flat sides to denote the number of addresses made at the grave; while on the reverse were four transverse bars and three crosses, de- noting that the deceased had performed eight noteworthy exploits during his life. On the grave post were incised the outlines of animals, totemic in character; over each of these some of the animals were again drawn in vermilion, though with another band, as the dotted and shaded lines in the ac- companying illustration (figure 7) show. The general appearance of the graye box, with the baton, the grave post, the board with the offer- ing of tobacco, and the stick ornamented with a white cloth, is shown in figure 8. The adjoining grave boxesare those of relations of the deceased, for whose benefit the feast was here given. By the time the speaking had concluded the sun had gone below the horizon, and Shu/nien suggested returning toward the medicine wik6/- mik, the persons present falling into line two by two. The procession marched slowly down the lull toward the east, and passing toward the south side of the structure to the main or east- ern entrance, where only Shu/nien and his three chief assistants, the four highest officiating mitii/Y for this ceremony, entered the inclosure and took seats on the northern side, though near the eastern entrance. Figure 9, representing the ground plan of the medicine wikd/mik, will serve to illustrate the respective positions of the several persons officiating, as well as those of the candidate, visitors, ete. At such gatherings it is customary for each individual to dress as elaborately as his cir. cumstances will permit. The head is adorned with a turban made of a silken handkerchief, a hat, feathers, or even a turban consisting of a native-made woolen waist scarf. Bead bags, measuring from 10 to 12 inches in length and from 12 to 16 inches in width, with a shoulder strap or baldrie across the opposite shoulder, are worn on the hip or side; frequently two or three are worn by the same mitii’/’, and even as many as a dozen have been seen on a single individual. There are also amulets, worn above the elbows, which consist of strands of beaded work, metal bands or skunk skins, while bracelets of shells, Fic. 7—Grave post HOFFMAN] MEDICINE BAG—FACIAL DECORATION 75 buekskin, or metal also are worn. About the waist is a long varicolored searf of native manufacture, and in addition some persons wear beaded belts, or belts of saddler’s leather adorned with brass tacks. The legs 2 are decorated with garters, varying from 2 to 3 inches in width and Tic. 8—Graves where feast was held. from 12 to 15 inches in length, the ends terminating in woolen strings of various colors. The moccasins are sometimes neatly embroidered. The chief article of value, however, is the medicine sack, in which are carried several small sacred articles, and particularly the koni/pamik, Fig. 9—Diagram of medicine lodge of 1890. a, The eastern or main entrance; b, the western exit; 1, Nio’pet, fourth or lowest of the first four; 2, Ak/winé’mi Mo/shihat, second or next lowest; 3, Sho/min, third or next to chief; 4, Shu/nien, chief and leader of ceremonies; 5, candidate, Nii/tshiu/iqké (‘‘He who bullies’’); 6, 7, 8, medicine women, relations of the candidate; 9, seat occupied by the writer; 10, seat occupied by the interpreter; 11, usher and general assistant; 12,13,14,15,second group of assistant medicine men; 16, 17, 18, 19, third group of medicine men, detailed to assist in initiation; 20, mat on which candidate kneels when he is to be “shot” with the konii/pamik or magic shell; 21, the place of the fire; 22, place of presents sus- pended from a pole. The remaining spaces around the interior of the inclosure, indicated by small circles, are occupied by the members of the society and visiting medicine men who may be known and entiuled to admission. or shell, used in shooting at the candidate and in conveying sacred or mystic influence to a patient. The medicine sack or bag, together with the several articles of dress above named, are fully described and illus- trated in connection with art work and ornamentation. In addition to adornment of the body by means of various kinds of apparel, beaded and ornamented with metal, feathers, etc, facial 76 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN, 14 decoration is indulged in liberally. At present there is no special rule governing the arrangement of color designs employed, though formerly, when the society still conferred four degrees, there were distinctive arrangements of color to designate the several degrees by which the rank of the various members could readily be identified. The colors employed were earthy pigments, generally obtained at trading estab- lishments. The miti/Y who had received but one initiation into the society was allowed, as well as expected, to adorn his face by making a white stripe horizontally across the forehead, a band of white clay of a finger’s width, and extending outward as far as the outer angle of each eye. In addition, a spot of green about an inch in diameter was placed upon the middle of the breast. Those having received two degrees were usually honored by their preceptor by being permitted to adopt the facial decoration of the latter; this consisted of a fanciful application to the face of red ocher, or ver- inilion, and one spot of green beneath each eye. The third degree mitii’” placed a stripe of green so as to extend hori- zontally outward from the corners of the mouth. To distinguish a mitii’’ of the highest rank, one of the fourth degree, the chin was colored with green paint. These arrangements were the generic and specific features in color decoration, but slight additions thereto were made, to such an extent only, however, as not to intrude upon or to obscure the typical decora- tions characteristic of the several grades. No regularity of color arrangement, in so far as it relates to rank, is now found. No two faces presented any similarity at the meeting under consideration, the greater number of the members having simply besmeared their cheeks, the chin, or other parts of the face, with ver- milion, with here and there a stripe of blue, red, or green. One would have his face colored yellow with ocher or chrome yellow, with a stripe of red running outward from each side of the mouth. Another would have three lines of red passing down over the chin, a central line with one nearer the outer corners of the mouth, between which lines were others of dark blue. Another had black spots the size of a dime on a red forehead; while still another, who had recently lost a near relation, had his cheeks and forehead blackened with ashes. One young man displayed rather more than ordinary taste in the decoration of his face; there being a stripe across each cheek from the nose to near the ears, curving slightly upward, consisting of alternate squares of vermilion and white, the squares being about three-fourths of an inch across and bordered with black. A row of spots also extended from the upper lip outward toward the ears, each spot being as large asadime; those nearest the mouth were red, the next two white with a bar sinister in blue, and the last ones red. While scarcely beau- tiful, these facial paintings of the men were very striking. The facial decorations of the women members of the society were not so elaborate, their chief form consisting mainly of reddened cheeks, HOFFMAN) MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 77 with a spot of blue on the forehead, or a vertical stripe or two across the chin. When the four medicine men had taken their proper stations and were seated on the mats, the usher brought the goods that had been furnished by the candidate and placed them before Nio’pet, the east- ernmost of the four. The medicine drum was then also placed before Nio’pet, who removed the drum head, wet it, and after putting some water into the drum—to the depth of perhaps 2 inches—he replaced the drum head and tightened it down by means of a cloth-cov- ered iron hoop. Figure 10 represents the drum and drumstick. The mitii/” drum dif- fers from that ordi- narily used in dances; it consists of a eylin- drical piece of wood carefully hollowed out, about 16 inches high by 12 inches in diam- eter at the base, gently narrowing toward the top. A piece of raw- hide is permanently attached across the bottom, while the top piece is secured only by means of the iron hoop fitting over it and around the drum. About a quart of water ispoured into thedrum, and after the drumhead has been thoroughly softened by soaking, it is tightly stretched across the top and secured by the hoop. The drumstick used with the drum consists of a piece of wood curved downward and forward at the front end, so that the point of percussion is but little larger than the tip of the finger. On account of the water in the bottom of the drum, the sound, when one is near by, is merely a Series of dull thuds; but on a still night it is audible for the distance of a mile or more. While the mitii/” was using the drum, the two seated next accom- panied him with rattles, one consisting of a round tin box, the other of a hollow gourd, each with a stick passing through it lengthwise Fie. 10—Medicine drum and stick. 78 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN, 14 toserveasahandle. These were partly filled with grains of corn to pro- duce arattling sound. (Figure 11 represents one of the two specimens procured and now in the United States Nationai Museum.) Other members are admitted at this stage of the ceremony, but as my visit to the meeting was made at the request of some of the mitii/Y and by virtue of my affiliation with the Ojibwa society, I was invited to sit at the right of the chief priest. The service, which continued from the time of the meeting at the grave until daylight of the following morning, was for the benefit of the shade of the dead, which had been permitted by Na’qpote to return and to be present within the mitié/wik6/mik. At daybreak, however, the shade is free to return to its last abode, but it is believed to make a last visit te the same spot four years later. After the procession arrived at the medicine wiko/mik, only the four highest officiating medicine men reverentially entered, and, after taking the seats reserved for them, produced their pipes and tobacco. A ceremonial smoke was then indulged in by blowing a mouthful of smoke toward the east, another toward the south, one toward the west, one toward the north, and another toward the sky, the abode of Mashii’ Ma/nido, or the Great Mystery. Smoking continued, then, until the pipes went out, when Nio’pet, sitting at the eastern extremity of the row of four, and recognized, during these ceremonies only, as the fourth in rank, began the ceremonies. Looking about him to see that his associates were ready to proceed, he remarked to each of the three, in succession, “ Nika/ni, nika/ni, nika/ni, kané” (my colleagues, ny colleagues, my colleagues); to which the others responded in likemanner. Then he took the drumstick, and giving the drum several soft though rapid taps, to call attention, the two sitting to his right assist- ing in gently shaking the rattle, the medicine man softly chanted the following words: “My grandson will now be placed on the correct path. It gives me pleasure to see the goods before me, which haye been brought here as an evidence of the good will of my grandson, and his desire to become instructed in the way to go through life. I can hear beneath the ground the approach of our enemies, the ana/maqki/t, who destroyed the brother of Maé/niibish,and who now would wish to oppose our proceedings, but Mii/niibtish said: ‘Whenever you are in trouble, place some tobacco aside for me, and when the odor of your smoke ascends I shall help you.’ Therefore, we have before us some tobacco to be offered to Mii/niibiish, that he may be present at the meeting and fill us with con- tentment.” : Fic. 11—Gourd rattle. HOFFMAN] CEREMONIAL CHANTS 19 When this recitation was ended, all uttered rapidly the words, ‘“ H6, ho, ho, hd, ho,” while the drum was pushed toward the right, to the next medicine man, A’/kwiné/mi Mo’/sihat, the rattles being now used by Sho/min and Shu/nien. The attendant usher also came forward from his station, down toward the middle of the northern side of the inclosure, and placed the goods and presents before the drummer, who, after say- ing to each of his companions, ‘ Nika/ni, nika/‘ni, nika/ni, kané’,” began gently to tap the drum, and gradually reciting his words they blended into a chant and finally into rapid utterances, as follows: “The shades are looking toward us and are watching our procedure, as we are looking toward them for their approbation. They favor our work and willnot oppose us. Our fathers have always done thus before us, and they did well, because they had been instructed by Mii/niibttsh to do so. Therefore we too follow our fathers in obeying the injunc- tions of Mi/niibish, that all may be well with us.” As this recitative chant was concluded, the other medicine men uttered the same interjec- tional words, “ H6, ho, ho, ho, ho.” The chant appears brief; but the peculiar manner of its delivery, by duplicating the phrases, and by some interjected meaningless notes, to give emphasis and to fill up the measure of drum beats, caused it to be more prolonged than one would suppose possible. As usual, everything was done with apparent premeditation and studied delay, to make it as impressive as possible to those not members of the society. The drum and goods were then pushed along to a spot before the third singer, Sho/min, who in turn handed his rattle to Nio’pet, Shu/nien still retaining his, while A’kwiné/mi, who had just completed his chant, rested. Shu/nien also saluted his confréres with the words, “ Nika/ni, nika/ni, nika/ni, kané’,” then began to drum very gently, and soon to chant the following: ‘In teaching the one who desires to become a mitii/” to follow the right path, we are ourselves following the directions given to us by the Great Mystery. He caused the Mystery {[Ma/niibish] to come and to erect a mita/wik6/mik, where we should receive instructions, and where, also, others might receive it from us. The old whiteheads received instruction in this manner, and we, as their children, received our infor- mation from them. Therefore, we now teach the true way of life. We do that even today.” As before, the three other medicine men uttered the words, “H6, ho, ho, ho, ho,” as an intimation of approbation and concurrence with the thoughts expressed, while the drum and goods were placed before Shu/nien, who, though the last of the four, was the chief officiating medicine man for the time. Gently tapping the drum, he began uttering and continuing more and more rapidly, in a spas- modic or disconnected manner, the following words, the phrases grad- ually assuming the nature of a chant: ‘Long ago the grand medicine was observed with more care and reverence than it is now. The sun was bright when the whiteheads 80, THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 assembled, but now it is dark, and I can not see the reason. Children were better taught to respect the truth and to be honest. Once a man came to me in search of his children. They had become lost to him, and he was unable to find them. But I could see the children, far, far away, and I told the father that I could see his children, but that there was a great fire raging between them and me, and that they were beyond reach. He could not recover them. Therefore, teach your children that they may not stray beyond your control and find themselves separated from you by the barrier of fire from which it is impossible to rescue them. Teach them also to be honest; do not permit them to learn to lie and to steal.” At the conclusion of this recitation the companions of Shu/nien gave exclamations of approbation by rapidly uttering, ‘HO, ho, ho, ho, ho.” The usher then came forward, gathered up the goods, and carried them Fig. 12—Preseuts suspended from pole. toward the middle of the eastern half of the inclosure, where, with the assistance of some friends of the candidate, he suspended the blanketst cloth, calico, mats, ete., from the longitudinal ridge pole, placed a short distance below the roof arch for this purpose (figure 12). In the meantime the singers had again produced their pipes to take asmoke. Other members of the society who were to take active part in the ceremonies now entered the inclosure at the eastern door, All who were permitted to enter at this stage of the ceremonies had dressed themselves as became their station, and in entering passed along the right side of the inclosure nearest the mats occupied by the four medi- cine men, and as they passed by them each held his right hand toward the seated figures, the back of the hand toward the person addressed, and saluted him by designating him by the proper term of relation- ship; or, if no such connection existed, then by ‘‘my elder brother,” “my younger brother,” as the relative ages of the speaker and the per- son addressed may have been. The person thus addressed bowed his head and responded by saying, “ Hau‘kii” (it is well), and when each of HOFFMAN] CEREMONIAL CHANTS 81 the four had responded those who had passed went to their places and before seating themselves looked around the inclosure, as if address- ing a number of invisible persons present, and said, ‘‘ Nika/ni, nika/ni, nika/ni, kané’,” to which the others again responded, ‘“‘Hau’ki.” Each visitor then seated himself and took a ceremonial smoke. He took his seat, as did all subsequent visitors, either on one or the other side of the structure, according to the phratry of which he was a member. It has already been stated that a second group of four medicine men had been selected to assist in the ceremonies of initiation; and these, having by this time dressed themselves in their ornamented head- dresses, with beaded medicine bags suspended at their sides, and with beaded garters and other ornaments adorning their persons, now ap- peared at the eastern entrance, entering in single file, keeping step to a forward dancing movement, which consisted of quick hops on the right and left foot alternately. These medicine men were Ni/aqtawa’pomi, Mai/akinéu’, Na/qpati, and Kime’an. All of them had gourd or tin rattles, with which to accompany the singer. The four passed along before the others, who were already seated, holding their hands toward the latter, and saluting them by expressing such terms of relationship as existed, or by terming one an elder brother or a younger brother, as their relative ages demanded. They then continued their dancing step down on the right side to the west, where they gradually turned to their left side so as to return on the opposite (southern) side of the inclosure to the inside of the eastern entrance, where they halted and faced west- ward. The leader, Ni‘aqtawa’pomi, then began to keep time with his rattle, addressing those present by saying, “ Nika/ni, nika/ni, nika/ni, kané’;” whereupon all present responded by saying, ‘‘ Hau‘kii,” when he began to chant the words: “T am glad you are all working at that, of which the old medicine men taught me. It puts back my thoughts to bygone years, when I was young and just about to be made a member of this society. This is the way all of you feel at realizing how the many winters have whitened our hair.” Then the singer, accompanied by his three assistants, renewed his dancing along the path to the western end of the mita/wik6/mik, where they halted and, facing eastward, Ni/aqtawa’/pomi continued his chant: “¢Take pity on your poor,’ is what the old people always told me to do; that I now say to those within the hearing of my voice; my son, you will be happy when you dance with the dead today.” At the conclusion of this chant the four medicine men again started on their dancing step to make the circuit of the interior of the inclos- ure, but as they approached the east, the one who first chanted quietly stepped to the rear of the line, leaving the second one, Mai/akiné/u’, to become the leader, and as they took their former position at the eastern entrance, facing westward, he also addressed those present with the 14 ETH 6 82 THE MENOMINI INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 14 terms of kinship or friendship to which each was entitled, after which he also saluted his colleagues by saying, “ Nika/ni, nika/ni, nika/ni, kané/,” to which they responded, “ Han’kii.” Mai/akiné’uY then began to chant in a recitative manner the following words: “Tt is good for you and for us to follow the injunctions of Mii/niibish, and to gather about within the mitii/wiko/mik. The old people before us have spoken about the benefits to be gained by gathering here, and J also call to your attention the good that is to be derived by our meet- ing here. I have now spoken about what the whiteheads have told me. Ihave thanked them for their words to me.” Then the procession of the four medicine men again started off on its dancing arou’ d the inclosure, as before, to the west, where they stopped and facede’ stward. Mai/akiné/i’ again sang the foregoing words, after which thy four started along the southern path eastward, during which movemeat the last singer dropped to the rear, thus leaving Na/qpati as the leader, and the one to chant next. By this time they had reached the eastern part of the inclosure and, facing westward, Na/qpatii saluted those present with the appropriate terms of relationship, and then addressing his colleagues, as his predecessors had done, began his chant, as follows: “Our old customs appear well; the words that are spoken sound well. This is the Great Mystery’s home. The practices which our old parents taught are beautiful in my eyes. The sky used to be bright, but now it is dark.” Then the singer, followed by the three beside him, again danced toward the west, where they stopped, and, facing west- ward, Na/qpatii continued: “Mi/niibtsh told our parents to do as we are now doing. Hereafter the Indians will continue to follow our footsteps and teachings, as we are following the way of those before us. The sky has four openings, for which we must look. The openings are the places we much look for and ask the Great Mystery to close, for this rain interferes with our work.” The frequent references to “dark sky” and “openings” in the sky, were because of the rain which had begun to fall shortly after the beginning of the ceremonies. At the conclusion of the above chant, the medicine men again made the entire circuitof the inclosure, dancing all the way, but as they approached the east again, the singer fell to the rear, thus causing Kime’an, the fourth and last, to become the leader and to chant the next song. Saluting those present with appropriate kinship terms, he also addressed his colleagues, as the others had done, then chanted these words: ‘We have now arrived at that part of the dance when all the medi- cine men may euter the mitii/wik6’/mik. Let them be notified that we shall be pleased to see them seated with us, and partake of the cere- mony which Méa/naibtish enjoined upon us to continue. We shall be able to induce the Great Mystery to help us, so that the sun may not remain obscured.” HOFFMAN] MEDICINE BAG 83 Immediately on the completion of this recitation, the four medicine men again made the tour of the inclosure along the northern side, and when at the western extremity they stopped, faced eastward, and Kime‘ain repeated his song. Then the party went to the eastern part and, facing westward, listened to the word “Hau’/kii” uttered by the chief medicine men who were seated at the northeastern corner. Then the second group of medicine men, those who had lately ceased chanting, walked along the northern path toward the west to the seats reserved for them (marked 12, 13, 14, and 15, in figure 9). Ceremonial smoking was now indulged in for a considerable time, during which the mem- bers of the society and visiting medicine men entered the inclosure and took seats according to the phratry to which they belonged, or ac- cording to the office to be filled during the cere- monies. Each one saluted those already seated, in succession, as he went along the right side path to a seat. The candidate also came into the structure, accompanied by his nearest rela- tion, or friends as well, also the member of the society who made the promise of giving a feast at the grave of the deceased. The candidate took a seat next to Nio’pet, on the left, while the candidate’s friend sat at the left side of the latter. A third group of four medicine men, who also had been selected to assist in the cere- monies, now entered, and, after passing around and saluting each one in succession, went to the western side of the inclosure, where they took seats midway between the center and the east- ern door (at the places marked 16, 17,18, and 19, figure 9). These men were Shawaq’ka, Wish- a/nogkwot’, Waba/shiai/i", and Kowapamiu’. The medicine women who also had been selected to assist, both in the erection or superintend- ence of the ceremonial structure, in the prepa- ration of the feast, and in the ceremony of initiation, were located thus: Sa/suss at the southeastern angle of the inclosure and Pii’- shinini/uqkiu’’ at the northwestern angle. Fia.13—Otter-skin medicine bag. Each member had his medicine bag, usually consisting of the skin of an animal, such as the mink, beaver, otter, or weasel, though a bear’s 84 THE MENOMINI INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 14 paw may be used for the same purpose; or, perhaps, a panther paw pouch, a snake skin, or any other material which may have been pre- sented as a gift at an initiation, or dreamed of by the medicine man sub- sequently to his being admitted to membership. (See figure 13. This subject is described more fully in connection with beadwork and orna- mentation.) The audience became large and interesting, not only because of the large number of members, but on account of the crowd of people gathered about the medicine wik6/mik, who peeped through every available crevice and opening in the mats covering the frame- work of the lodge, The following list comprises the names of the male and female mem- bers of the Mitii/wit, with the signification of nearly all of them, as * furnished by the chiefs of the society at the annual meetings held in July, 1890, August, 1891, August, 1892, and August, 1893, as well as at a conference with the chief mitii/wok held during the months of Feb- ruary and March, 1892, at Washington: Males. A‘ewiné'mi Mo’sihat } .. Within-the-month. INO fs bln nese ateeisteieecee Fish. Anii/maqki'sii... Little Thunder. O’kimash’........... Younger-chief. A'piitaké/zhyk .......... Half-the-sky. O/kwémawa’peshi'ii'. ...Chief-of-the-swans. Aqki/nak6/shé /......... Terrible-looking. O/kwitshiwa/no......--.On-the-summit. Baiii’wéqshi’.. That-which-rattles. AMG MNGi een eee soee Flying-by. HO6b6'pesh’’ ............ Little-whoops. Pipo'niiné'iiv.......----- Winter Hawk. Ish’kwad’ban2.......... Breaking Day. Pi'tiy Coming-noisily. Ka‘dabaqshi'ii’ ......... One-who-broils. Pitwiish/kiim ........--- Coming-with-a-sound. Kaia‘namtk’ Koq'‘sa ...(Unknown). Shaka/nagkwod’ .....--. Peeping-cloud. Kaia/nomék?........-.- (Unknown). Shabovtok:..-2.-<---.>-5 Penetrating-sound. Ka’shekoqka’t4 .......- One-who-earries-light. Sha/batis’.....-......... (Baptiste, Fr.). Kawi'kit/! .---Rough-face. Sha’wanake/zhik .....-- Southern-sky. Men (shi meeenmscc oe Eaglet. Shaiwaq/ka..........---- Yellow-wings. LGU UE adepoomccececas Moon. SVT Cory heh a pee eee Raisin. Ke''shéka'weshat..-.--- The Moon? NHOSN Au enna eee (Unknown). IRim6'An 2222. ceacanatoen Ruin. Shu‘nien. - Money (Silver). Kish! wado'shii Swift-little-hawk. Tamas Kokosh’.......-- Thomas Hog (der. Kowa'pami/i’ & -. --(Unknown). | Tshi-kw4/set .....--..-- The-sound-of- the -thun- MaXa/kin&'iir.......-.... True Eagle. [goes. | W4’bakiné’iv..........- White-Eagle. Miitwash’kiit ........... Making-a-sound-as-he- | Wa’bano........-..-.--- Easterner. Mig/kiné/ni.. --Partisan. Wa’ bashii/Tu -.......--- White-dressed-skin. Mishi'nawe 5. --A Waiter. Wii batshiki ..........-- White Fisher. Naiiiq’to ....-.. --Certain-one. Waima'‘tekit ........... With-bow-and-arrow. Ni’a/qtawé’pomi........ The-most-conspicuous. Wai/shikwoniit/ .....-.- Tail-of-the great-fish. INA'motam! ....52.2---5 Tells-the-truth. Wa/naqko''shé ........- Little-apex. Naq’pa'tii’ . - -- Marksman. Wi'nis Kam...........: (Unknown). Na’shika’pawe! ........-. Stands-in-the-dark. Wegq-Kii'-shii ........-.-Little-calamus. Niitshi'wiqk6"........-. He-who-bullies. Wiés'/kushéd’..........-. Good-one. Nawaq’kweshkiim’ ..... Half-a-month. Wisha/nogkwot!...-..-- Dense-cloud. NYkanish! ==. <2 - The journey from Culiacan to Cibola .--------.-.-----...---.-------- The capture of the Seven Cities ------ Eee eae Lode tosean aie oe Sapsic Dhexexplorahionrof wheicOunUEy- os. =- ere ee fees seen cioeise eine = HihelSpanlarasabeeuinite eee sae teem eee ele ele aes The discovery of Tusayan and the Grand canyon ...--.-.-------- The Rio Grande and the great plains ...-....-...---.-------- aber The march of the army from Culiacan to Tiguex.....----...--.------ The winter of 1540-1541 along the Rio Grande -...-....-....-.------- Mhewndian revolt 2-2 cc. -ssscecsiesas cic ee sees aseels sees sss = HR e Stories a DOMbAG Wivina ame te ee ante ie sonata lores eiaietee ps et aeat = = The journey, across| the buffalo plains) -------.2e--- -2ee-- seen - eee =- Wheiavanter of i541 1542 - = oes seer os Se scenes See «cee eacee beer aes <5 ee Mhe friarsimeniainin the conniry <2 -22- cases acese- = bese ne ee lose = heme burMEhORNe Was Palins seme esa ee erie eee ny saan hhejend iofs Coronad owes sates eee eee eee ea icieieeer ete = Homemesulitsiotethevexpeditiion man. osscesecreae-easne veseeee see eee Mhediscoveryiot (Colorad omiver.-s-- ss-enee ss eee 2s ase ascii se Theiwoyage of Alarcons- 22, s22becies ag: s/sebie poss ease siaspecce ese Theijourney of Melchior Diaz 9-222... en. == aceeee peels ee se The Indian uprising in New Spain, 1540-1542 _...-...........---.---- Huntheryancenip tayauCiscovenyece- sere erie sere eat enemies niece Theivoyareof Cabrillo. s--aseascerssiane ean ees ee eee ee -mn'- 25 Villalobos sails\across'the Pacifie.-.. 2... 2-5 222---2-15--+------ he manctive.of Castaneda o.oo 5-02. se wae eo eens Hosea Sosa sees <5 Se BIOS TAD ULC DOLOS ara eriame rs Seats ene een | ean a) eice.c are PREIS nanis MW texbises == eee esses oe on tac emi e= sie seco Seeoases Sere = TERS) Coes coneee Geoeee seme faa aaa es BOeen en ana a Speer seme MIRREN AND ML CG Sater eek eee eae Se eee ae ciciee OER eee eee Capitulo primero donde se trata como se supo la primera pobla- cion de las siete gindades y como Nuno de guzman hicoa rmada TAREE bale o aa ASAD eS ereeGosobomers Gsabes nUaseR accenaOaeS 332 CONTENTS [RTH. ANN.14 The narrative of Castaneda—Continued. The Spanish text—Continued. Primera parte—Continued. Capitulo segundo como bino a ser gonernador frangisco uasques coronado y la segundo relagion que dio cabega de uaca --...---- Capitulo tergero como mataron los de cibola a el negro estenan y racy) aT COS || DON PIO VNU ONE O ee teeta eee Capitulo quarto como el buen don Antonio de mendo¢ga hi¢go jor- nada para el descubrimiento de Cibola......-.-..--.-----.---- Capitulo quinto que trata quienes fueron por capitanes a cibola. - Capitulo sexto como se juntaron en conpostela todas las capitanias y salieron en orden para la jornada.......-....---...--...----. Capitulo septimo como el campo Ilego a chiametla y mataron a el maestre de canpo y lo que mas acaecio hasta llegar a culiacan- . Capitulo otauo como el campo entro en la uilla de culiacan y el recebimiento que se hico y lo que mas acaecio hasta la partida-- Capitulo nueve como el canpo salio de culiacan y Hego el general a cibola y el campo a senora y lo que mas acaecio..-...-...---- Capitulo degimo como el campo salio de la uilla de senora que- dando la uilla poblada y como llego a ¢ibola y lo que le a uino en el camino a el capitan melchior dias yendo en demanda de los nabios y como descubrio el rio del tison -. ........----.---.---- Capitulo onge como don pedro de touar deseubrio a tusayan o tutahaco y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y lo CIC V AYE) Ma oo She oases Scan cess nee oc SSsboseconssea: Capitulo doge como binieron a ¢ibola gentes de cicuye a ber los christianos y como fue her®? de aluarado a ber las uacas-...-.---- Capitulo trece como el general llego con poca gente la uia de tuta- haco y dexo campo a don tristan que lo Ilebo a tiguex..-....--- Capitulo catorce como el campo saho de sibola para tiguex y lo que les acae¢io en el camino con niebe.....-.-...-----.------.- Capitulo quinge como se algo tiguex y el castigo que en ellos ubo Sin que lo ubiese en el causador.-.-.----_-..----. -- 25... 2--.--- Capitulo desiseis como se puso ¢gerco a tiguex y se gano y lo que mas acontencio mediante el cerco..--....---..----------...---- Capitulo desisiete como binieron a el campo mensajeros del ualle de sehora y como murio el capitan melchior dias en la jornada GRY = 45554 sehen cons cesote ssesed se SeSR Sun assaccese sensosd= Capitulo desiocho como el general procuyo dexar asentada la tierra para iren demanda de quisuira donde decia el turco ania el prin- CHOSE WG INEC 3355.22 Hess SoS ocoosSpssaso5 SSSncsSn Sooo osse Capitulo desinueve como salieron en demanda de quiuira y Jo que aconteciolen (el Camino --. ee) sane = ee sen eee ane Capitulo ueinte como cayeron grandes piedras en el campo y como se descubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos Wid ods cewuSaarn S53sec dee Wo Saaaoa oo se oas are oot meas Sees Capitulo ueinte y uno como el campo bolbio a tiguex y el general Wey Roy EWP ONS oos5 sSe5 coer s ease aes secomces caso oseescsacs55 Capitulo ueinte y dos como el general bolbio de quiuira y se hig¢ie- ron otras entradas debajo del norte. .........-.-.-.------------ Segunda parte en que se trata de los pueblos y prouincias de altos y de sus ritos y costumbres recopilada por pedro de castateda uegino de la ciudad’ de! Naxarace: -- as. so 2-6 te tonne te een ee oe ere Capitulo primero de la prouincia de Culiacan y de sus ritos y cos- YUN RMIT Sr ss a a ata Page 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 435 438 439 446 447 WINSHIP] CONTENTS The narrative of Castaneda—Continned. The Spanish text—Continued. Segunda parte—Continned. Capitulo segundo de Ja prouincia de petlatlan y todo lo poblado hastanehichiliical oveeemee ree 2 9 -e aeeee eee eta sia rae oa Capitulo tercero de lo ques chichilticale y el despoblado de ¢ibola sus costumbres y ritos y de otras cosas. .----.--.--..----------- Capitulo quarto como se tratan Jos de tiguex y de la prouincia de TIPUOXry, SUS COMANCAS Ea eee = ene oe ne ena e iniin Capitulo quinto de cicuye y los pueblos de su contorno y de como unas gentes binieron a conquistar aquella tlerra.......--------- Capitulo sexto en que se declara quantos fueron los pueblos que se uieron en los poblados de terrados y lo poblado de ello .--.. ---- Capitulo septimo que trata de los llanos que se atrabesaron de bacas y de las gentes que los habitan .-.-.........--.---------- Capitulo ocho de quiuira y en que rumbo esta y la notigia que dan. Tercera parte como y en que se trata aquello que acontegio a francisco uasques coronado estando inbernando y como dexo la jornada y se bolbioraglaimumebares panes seascape cicis oem ee mci= =ale eine o Capitulo primero como bino de Senora don pedro de touar con gente y se partio para la nueba espana don garci lopes de car- Gen as iaee <2 peppers Neelcins eee ea eeee ne sie oe) ees a Sleyms cia oes Capitulo segundo como cayo el general y se hordeno la buelta Parad nneba/ espana. ar soe ees esses esceeey ae ee es alenee ss Capitulo tergero como se algo Suya y las causas que para ello die- TOW1OS (pO DIAC OLES ee ase eee oe ee Sac es sets oe aeeelne eee ee Capitulo quarto como se quedo fray juan de padilla y fray luis en la tierra y el campo se apercibio la buelta de mexico. ...--..--- Capitulo quinto como el canpo salio del poblado y camino a culia- can y lo que acontegio en el camino. -.----.---.-.-------------- Capitulo sexto como el general salio de culiacan para dar quenta a el uisorey dell campoique le encargo--.-----..-.--...----------- Capitulo septimo de las cosas que le acontegieron al capitan Juan gallego por la tierra algada lleuando el socorro ...-...--------- Capitulo otauo en que se quentan algunas cosas adinirables que se bieron en los llanos con la fagion de los toros..--..-.----------- Capitulo nono que trata el rambo que llebo el campo y como se podria yr a buscar otra uia que mas derecha fuese abiendo de boluer aquella tierra IRIS trp yal Us sersnne aie eens means cis eeie ote eeeereteaaincine se este ert ee Chapter 1, which treats of the way we first came to know about the Seven Cities, and of how Nuno de Guzman made an expedi- TLONAUO CISCO VERMNeNie Seer cere een ees te eat = see eee a ae Chapter 2, of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be goy- ernor, and the second account which Cabeza de Vaca gave. -.-. Chapter 3, of how they killed the negro Stephen at Cibola, and Friar Marcos returned in flight.......-.--.---------- oa scenes Chapter 4, of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an expedition TOLCISCOMENC UDO ate ner enema nea sneer esac Chapter 5, concerning the captains who went to Cibola ...--.---- Chapter 6, of how all the companies collected in Compostela and set off on the journey in good order .---...---.-----.-----.---- Chapter 7, of how the army reached Chiametla, and the killing of the army-master, and the other things that happened up to PACS MO LEK ea eseme an cemssoncceteloerae csoeceaeses05 333 Page 458 479 334 CONTENTS [ETH. ANN. 14 The narrative of Castaneda—Continued. Translation of the narrative of Castaneda—Continned. First Part—Continued. Chapter 8, of how the army entered the town of Culiacan and the reception it received, and other things which happened before the departure s..2 22/3252 sae es eek ae ee eee eee Chapter 9, of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival of the general at Cibola and of the army at Senora and of other things that happened. se cser eee eee ee a eee eee ee Chapter 10, of how the army started from the town of Senora, leaving it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships and how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand) Nd A=) DSA Aon, eee ep Oe Se OS nee mE, Set teas = SoC SEC Chapter 11, of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or Tutahaco and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand river and the other things that had happened ...-.-. -...-.----.. Chapter 12, of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the COWS. [5 oe eee 8 oo ta eerie seas es ee Se Sele eta eee Chapter 13, of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men and left the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex-- Chapter 14, of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what happened to them on the way, on account of the snow. -- Chapter 15, of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were pun- ished, without being to blame for it.....-.....-.-..----------- Chapter 16, of how they besieged Tiguex and took it, and of what happened! during thesieve 522s. t2seee =o ae ee 2 See Chapter 17, of how messengers reached the army from the valley of Senora, and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expe- dition ‘tothe Firebrand' river =~ =. 3-25.2--2--= == 22242 see 2 ae Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in peace so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said Bhere:waei the; most wealth. 3-255 cc cece eae tase ane Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what happened on the Witty: sc. -o-seei oe soles a Oe ee ee Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discovered another ravine, where the army was divided into GNVO GALS Cre 2 ree ate ee ge ee lee ee t Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general reached! QuLvine .- J. Socain ene = oe ene more ee ae Chapter 22, of how the general returned from Quivira and of other expeditions toward the north. ..--...----.-.-.---.-.----- Second Part, which treats of the high villages and provinces and of their habits and customs, as collected by Pedro de Castaneda, native of the city of Najara).< = 2scasieics .scccsedaca sce Rete snemes- acces Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and OLS ONS oa st a ed Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country asMaras | Chichiltr callie sane 2 eer er eee Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and habits, andof other things 22 oso 2 - sane oe ee eee : Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tipuex/andits meighborhoods oa .3 ns sete een sine Chapter 5, of Cieuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how some people came to conquer this country ...-..------- Page 481 484 487 490 492 493 494 497 501 WINSHIP] CONTENTS B}3}9) The narrative of Castaneda—Continued. Page Translation of the narrative of Castaneda—Continued. Second Part—Continued. Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in the country of the terraced houses, and their population ...--.. 524 Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows, and of the people who inhabit them ....-........-..----..----- 526 Chapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information about Dios see eae see eee onisee me nerek were aware mnie: Soba wane meeseea ye ee esis 528 Third Part, which describes what happened to Francisco Vazquez Coronado during the winter, and how he gave up the expedition imdiretomedstoyNew: Spainsesa. sect Sele eerscs <<) sree Eee eee 530 Chapter 1, of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with some men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back-to IN CM SON bis PRO Scenes SAAS ce SO Snae Soe eee ae SAO ae 530 Chapter 2, of the general's fall and of how the return to New Spain NV AS OLGOLOG on ase oni eri esis ee amiceciepsince saa csc come cee 531 Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers SENG TONS LE Se ae SoCo Rene pone Oe hace = SSOrA Sea ae See ee naa sana 533 Chapter 4, of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico --.--- 534 Chapter 5, of how the army left the settlements and marched to Culiacan, and of what happened on the way..-...---.---------- 537 Chapter 6, of how the general started from Culiacan to give the viceroy an account of the army with which he had been in- TUL he Cee ere ete ses ee Siac oe miete eia ster Joe ers omneieeonets 538 Chapter 7, of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was bringing reenforcements through the revolted country. . - -- 540 Chapter 8, which describes some remarkable things that were seen on the plains, with a description of the bulls .-........-...-.-- 541 Chapter 9, which treats of the direction which the army took, and of how another more direct way might be found if anyone was going to return to that country.........-..--.....---.----..--- 544 Translation of the letter from Mendoza to the King, April 17, 1540..-....-.--. 547 Translation of the letter from Coronado to Mendoza, August 3, 1540... ...--. 552 Translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas ...--.....--.-.-------------------- 564 RElACLOnmpOS pera Gey SLVOl ale =n een eps es eias oem ee eae ee Speer ets 566 Salish) bexGe snare cae a es sie eee eae sine vaneleteelemes see cenee 566 MranslatiONe) jess samc\s sles Saini sass eros se hee vee se sees aeecsseens 568 Translation of the Relacion del Suceso....---. Geen OO Cao CORSE Mn eae ace eee 572 Translation of a letter from Coronado to the King, October 20, 1541-._....---- 580 Translation of the narrative of Jaramillo..............-..---.- a eoto aeeacIe 584 Translation of the report of Hernando de Alvarado.......-...----.---------- 594 Testimony concerning those who went on the expedition with Francisco Vaz- MIWOZ CORONA Os 2 -ooe-.aceeere ese oo see See See cinc Se aut cs oe dee esac Be 596 A list of works useful to the student of the Coronado expedition. _--_-. ------ 599 a ota bey hie el city oe ee = ays EY bait 5 raift Welw é enwirdp ty ag Ors a em bag is 7) mm , '¢e Ti ae ‘al. a ae + ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE XXXVIII. The New Spain and New Mexico country ........-.----.--.- RONNK™ MhoewUlpimeyelobeon lots sees oan Ss asteicie mae emietein'e XL. Sebastian Cabot’s map of 1544.............-.....-2----+--- XLI. Map of the world by Ptolemy, 1548. ee XLII. Battista Agnese’s New Spain, sixteenth: toes ~Sipjehetceisye eters XLIII. The City of Mexico about 1550, by Alonzo de Santa Cruz-.-.. RO TVin Lalblervisvicarte: LOGO. eersscs oe ee amar toetele oes aise Saale wee mae XLV. Mercator’s northwestern part of New Spain, 1569 ......---- XLVI. Mercator’s interior of New Spain, 1569 .....-...----.------ XLVII. Abr. Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1570. ..-.....---- XLVIIL. Dourado’s Terra Antipody Regis Castele Inveta, 1580... -.-.-- XLIX. Western hemisphere of Mercator, 1587 ....-.--...--------- L. Northern half of De Bry’s America Sive Novvs Orbis, 1596. -. . On the terraces at Zuni PUR CLECOULtIauei Ie eee Sere ames 1 aterok =i ae are itaeise tear sees .. Zuni court, showing ‘‘baleony” . Wytiliet’s Vtrivsqve Hemispherii Delineatio, 1597. -.-.--.-.--- . Wytfliet’s New Granada and California, 1597 .......--.---- . Wytfliet’s kingdoms of Quivira, Anian, and Tolm, 1597. ---- . Matthias Quadus’ Fasciculus Geographicus, 1608. ---...---- > ANTEC Oe (Ceiariiils bby aoe se geoaae one Oae peaseeCOeSe PRH obit alooteRhevet wb Sremevasac. ene ose cance jeder ae . The buffalo of De Bry, 1595 TESST pA CONT OF, Soraya ays esse eter entae ee see ae winlsoen ames cirn ene LX. Zunis'in typical modern costume.-.--..--.....--.----.----- LXIII Hopi maidens, showing primitive Pueblo hairdressing... ---. LXIV. Hopi grinding and paper-bread making.....-..---.---.---- LXV. Hopi basket maker ....... Rn Cee) ne Saat SHA ere Ee TASVAlrsneblo: pottery ui alewn Osetia syn meee ae eieis ei LKVII. Pueblo spinning and weaving -.....-....-=-:-.----.-<----- LXVIII. The Tewa pueblo of P’o-who-gi or San Ildefonso. .....----. TURKS Pueblo Of VeOMe Zeer =e soe aeateena esas eae socio aaeen LXX. Ruins of Spanish echureh above Jemez. .--..---.-- Soraya yest 1W2.G. GIR AW EY eS OU) O One SiC ioe caer ance Cese Cape Corer ee tenn kee nherKeres pueblovot Cochitie ssc. scaso--e ees. sees e ene EXT Chel ewapuebloiotiNambe!=2s-eses- seen ae ase. oe ee ce = LKXIV. A Nambe Indian in war costume..---....----.--.---=---<-= LXXV. A Nambe water carrier LXXVI. The Keres pueblo of Katishtya or San Felipe......-.-.--.---- LXXVII. The south town of the Tiwa pueblo of Taos......--...----- LXXVIII. The Tewa pueblo of K’hapéo or Santa Clara.......-.------ LXXIX. The Tewa pueblo of Ohke or San Juan ...--.-.-..----.---- UR A native ofiSam Imam) -.2= <=<)22es vse sso cleo aie es sae ROSS AC native. ot PCs): jane. .ncs nts siar 6 ese gee ene as Sane eee LXXXII. Facsimile of pages of Castatieda’s relacion ...-.....------- LXXXIII. Facsimile of pages of Castaneda’s relacion ..........------ LXXXIV. Facsimile of pages of Castaneda’s relacion .......--..----- 14 ETH——22 ) THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 3Y GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP INTRODUCTORY NOTE The following historical introduction, with the accompanying trans- lations, is the result of work in the Seminary of American History at Harvard University. Undertaken as a bit of undergraduate study, it has gradually assumed a form which has been considered worthy of publication, chiefly because of the suggestions and assistance which have been given with most generous readiness by all from whom I have had occasion to ask help or advice. To Dr Justin Winsor; to Profes- sor Henry W. Haynes, who opened the way for students of the early Spanish history of the North American southwest; to Dr J. Walter Fewkes, who has freely offered me the many results of his long-con- tinued and minute investigations at Tusayan and Zuni; and to the careful oversight and aid of Mr I’. W. Hodge and the other members of the Bureau of Ethnology, much of the value of this work is due. Mr Augustus Hemenway has kindly permitted the use of the maps and documents deposited in the archives of the Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedition by Mr Adolph F. Bandelier. My indebted- ness to the researches and writings of Mr Bandelier is evident through- out. Senor Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta—whose death, in November, 1894, removed the master student of the documentary history of Mexico—most courteously gave me all the information at his command, and with his own hand copied the Relacion postrera de Stvola, which is now for the first time printed. The Spanish text of Castaneda’s narra- tive, the presentation of which for the first time in its original language affords the best reason for the present publication, has been copied and printed with the consent of the trustees of the Lenox Library in New York, in whose custody is the original manuscript. I am under many obligations to their librarian, Mr Wilberforce Eames, who has always been ready to assist me by whatever means were within his power. The subject of this research was suggested by Professor Channing of Harvard. If my work has resulted in some contribution to the litera- ture of the history of the Spanish conquest of America, it is because of his constant guidance and inspiration, and his persistent refusal to 339 340 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 consent to any abandoning of the work before the results had been expressed in a manner worthy of the university. Before the completion of the arrangements by which this essay becomes a part of the annual report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, it had been accepted for publication by the Department of History of Harvard University. GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP Assistant in American History in Harvard University. CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, February, 1895. ITINERARY OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITIONS, 1527-1547 June 17 April 15 Sept. 22 April April 20 September March 7 April 18 May May 9 May 21 May 25 July 8 August Sept. 2 October ale yZAr/ Narvaez sails from Spain to explore the mainland north of the Gulf of Mexico, 1528 Narvaez lands in Florida. The failure of the Narvaez expedition is assured, 1585 Cortes makes a settlement in Lower California. Mendoza comes to Mexico as viceroy of New Spain. rose Cabeza de Vaca and three other survivors of the Narvaez expedition arrive in New Spain. The Licenciate de la Torre takes the residencia of Nuno de Guzman, who is imprisoned until June 30, 1538. a ete iW Franciscan friars labor among the Indian tribes living north of New Spain. Coronado subdues the revolted miners of Amatepeque. The proposed expedition under Dorantes comes to naught. De Soto receives a grant of the mainland of Florida. Laos It is rumored that Coronado has been nominated governor of New Galicia. 1589 Pedro de Alvarado returns from Spain to the New World. Friar Marcos de Niza, accompanied by the negro Hstevan, starts from Culiacan to find the Seven Cities. The appointment of Coronado as governor of New Galicia is confirmed, De Soto sails from Habana. Friar Marcos enters the wilderness of Arizona. Friar Marcos learns of the death of Estevan. De Soto lands on the coast of Florida. Ulloa sails from Acapulco nearly to the head of the Gulf of California in command of a fleet furnished by Cortes. Friar Marcos returns from the north and certifies to the truth of his report before Mendoza and Coronado. The news of Niza’s discoveries spreads through New Spain. 341 342 November Nov. 12 Jan.1 Jan. 9 Feb. 5 February Feb. 22 Feb. 23 Feb. 26 March March 3 March 28 April April 17 April 22 April May May 9 May 26 June THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [EVH. ANN. 14 Mendoza begins to prepare for an expedition to conquer the Seven Cities of Cibola. Melchior Diaz is sent to verify the reports of Friar Marcos. De Soto finds the remains of the camp of Narvaez at Bahia de los Cavallos. Witnesses in Habana describe the effect of the friar’s reports. nor @) Mendoza celebrates the new year at Pasquaro. Coronado at Guadalajara. Cortes stops at Habana on his way to Spain. The members of the Cibola expedition assemble at Compos- tela, where the viceroy finds them on his arrival. Review of the army on Sunday. The army, under the command of Francisco Vazquez Coro- nado, starts for Cibola (not on February 1). Mendoza returns to Compostela, having left the army two days betore, and examines witnesses to discover how many citizens of New Spain have accompanied Coronado. He writes a letter to King Charles V, which has been lost. The army is delayed by the cattle in crossing the rivers. The death of the army master, Samaniego, at Chiametla. Return of Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar from Chichilti- ealli. Beginning of litigation in Spain over the right to explore and conquer the Cibola country. Reception to the army at Culiacan,on Easter day. The army is entertained by the citizens of Culiacan. Mendoza receives the report of Melchior Diaz’ exploration, perhaps at Jacona. Coronado writes to Mendoza, giving an account of what has already happened, and of the arrangements which he has made for the rest of the journey. This letter has been lost. Mendeza writes to the Emperor Charles V. Coronado departs from Culiacan with about seventy-five horsemen aid a few footmen. Coronado passes through Petatlan, Cinaloa, Los Cedros, Yaquemi, and other places mentioned by Jaramillo. Alarcon sails from Acapulco to cooperate with Coronado. The army starts from Culiacan and marches toward the Corazones or Hearts valley. Coronado leaves the valley of Corazones. He proceeds to Chi- chiltiealli, passing Senora or Sonora and Ispa, and thence crosses the Arizona wilderness, fording many rivers. The army builds the town of San Hieronimo in Corazones valley. WINSHIP} July 7 July 11 July 15 July 19 Aug. 3 Aug. 25 (?) Aug. 26 Aug. 29 Sept. 7 September to January October Nov. 29 Jan. 8 March April 20 April 23 May ITINERARY, 1540-1541 343 Coronado reaches Cibola and captures the first city, the pueblo of Hawikuh, which he calls Granada. The Indians retire to their stronghold on Thunder mountain. Pedro de Tovar goes to Tusayan or Moki, returning within thirty days. Coronado goes to Thunder mountain and returns the same day. Coronado writes to Mendoza. He sends Juan Gallego to Mexico, and Melchior Diaz to Corazones with orders for the army. Friar Marcos accompanies them. Lopez de Cardenas starts to find the canyons of Colorado river, and is gone about eighty days. Alarcon enters the mouth of Colorado river. Hernando de Alvarado goes eastward to Tiguex, on the Rio Grande, and to the buffalo plains. Pedro de Alvarado arrives in New Spain. Hernando de Alvarado reaches Tiguex. Diaz and Gallego reach Corazones about the middle of Sep- tember, and the army starts for Cibola. Coronado visits Tutahaco. The army reaches Cibola, and goes thence to Tiguex for its winter quarters. The natives in the Rio Grande pueblos revolt and are subjugated. The Turk tells the Spaniards about Quivira. Diaz starts from Corazones before the end of September, with twenty-five men, and explores the country along the Gulf of California, going beyond Colorado river. Diego de Alcaraz is left in command of the town of San Hieronimo. Mendoza and Pedro de Alvarado sign an agreement in regard to common explorations and conquests. L541 Diaz dies on the return from the mouth of the Colorado, and his companions return to Corazones valley. Alearaz, during the spring, moves the village of San Hier- onimo from Corazones valley to the valley of Suya river. Beginning of the Mixton war in New Galicia. Coronado writes a letter to the King from Tiguex, which has been lost. Tovar and perhaps Gallego return to Mexico Coronado starts with all his force from Tiguex to cross the buffalo plains to Quivira. The army is divided somewhere on the great plains, perhaps on Canadian river. The main body returns to Tiguex, arriving there by the middle or last of June. De Soto crosses the Mississippi. 344 June June 24 August Sept. 28 Oct. 2 November December April 17 June 27 Nov. 1 Nov. 25 Nov. 30 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 {ETH, ANN, 14 Coronado, with thirty horsemen, rides north to Quivira, where he arrives forty-two (?) days later. Pedro de Alvarado is killed at Nochistlan, in New Galicia. Coronado spends about twenty-five days in the country of Quivira, leaving “the middle or last of August.” The Indians in New Galicia attack the town of Guadalajara, but are repulsed. Coronado returns from Quivira to Tiguex and writes a letter to the King. Cardenas starts to return to Mexico with some other inva- lids from the army. He finds the village of Suya in ruins and hastily returns to Tiguex. Coronado falls from his horse and is seriously injured. The Mixton penol is surrendered by the revolted Indians during holiday week. 1542 Coronado and his soldiers determine to return to New Spain. They start in the spring, and reach Mexico probably late in the autumn. The general makes his report to the viceroy, who receives him coldly. Coronado not long after resigns his position as governor of New Galicia and retires to his estates. De Soto reaches the mouth of Red river, where he dies, May 21. Cabrillo starts on his voyage up the California coast. He dies in January, 1543, and the vessels return to New Spain by April, 1544. Villalobos starts across the Pacific. His fleet meets with many misfortunes and losses. The survivors, five years or more later, return to Spain. Friar Juan de la Cruz is killed at Tiguex, where he remained when the army departed for New Spain. Friar Luis also remained in the new country, at Cicuye, and Friar Juan de Padilla, at Quivira, where he is killed. The compan- ions of Friar Juan de Padilla make their way back to Mexico, arriving before 1552. 1544 Promulgation of the New Laws for the Indies. Sebastian Cabot publishes his map of the New World. 1547 Mendoza, before he Jeaves New Spain to become viceroy of Peru, answers the charges preferred against him by the officials appointed to investigate his administration. un - Ag BAY . -_ va ‘} 4 eile, Sed So | ae \LVONIM | “WIAXXX “Id *LYOd3Y¥ IWANNV HLN33LYNOS AYLNNOD ODIXAW MIN GNV Nivas MAN JZHL AN O29 8 N318 SOIINC Vvave A i Oorx aN an 7 le IVAVAVIND a a : _L Sse orukvenvy wiaand > « 3 the “AYULNNOD ODIXIW MIAN OGNV NivdS MAN 3HL oll oft oft olf 066 Ol ef0L oSOL oLOL Ses : i is __ ost 7 ; nQoTAayov ie ' : _ ||. 5 ae | | ng BN | > oom ~ | | | | oe 2). | a / | | | > ; ‘i | SVOALVOVZ) | a e ALS | con | : \———j—— | | : - SONWLLV2VK lee tet 4 { pane Zin = rt — fe ATT TY ’ ‘ A) WP SEAN hy VN TAL |e ots bike 48 ol —WIAXXX “Id "LU0d3u WANN ¥ HIN33LuNOS ‘ADOTONH4S JO NVAYNG. ® <7. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION THE CAUSES OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1528-1539 ALVAR NUNEZ CABEZA DE VACA The American Indians are always on the move. Tribes shift the location of their homes from season to season and from year to year, while individuals wander at will, hunting, trading or gossiping. This is very largely true today, and when the Europeans first came in contact with the American aborigines, it was a characteristic feature of Indian life. The Shawnees, for example, have drifted from Georgia to the great lakes, and part of the way back, during the period since their peregrinations can first be traced. Traders from tribe to tribe, in the days when European commercial ideas were unknown in North America, carried bits of copper dug from the mines in which the abo- riginal implements are still found, on the shores of Lake Superior, to the Atlantic coast on the one side and to the Rocky mountains on the other. The Indian gossips of central Mexico, in 1535, described to the Spaniards the villages of New Mexico and Arizona, with their many- storied houses of stone and adobe. The Spanish colonists were always eager to learn about unexplored regions lying outside the limits of the white settlements, and their Indian neighbors and servants in the val- ley of Mexico told them many tales of the people who lived beyond the mountains which hemmed in New Spain on the north. One of these stories may be found in another part of this memoir, where it is pre- served in the narrative of Pedro Castaneda, the historian of the Coro- nado expedition. Castaneda’s hearsay report of the Indian story, which was related by an adventurous trader who had penetrated the country far to the north, compares not unfavorably with the somewhat similar stories which Marco Polo told to entertain his Venetian friends.’ But whatever may have been known before, the information which led to the expedition of Friar Marcos de Niza and to that of Francisco Vaz- quez Coronado was brought to New Spain late in the spring of 1536 by Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. In 1520, before Cortes, the conqueror of Motecuhzoma, had made his peace with the Emperor Charles V and with the authorities at Cuba, Panfilo de Narvaez was dispatched to the Mexican mainland, at the 1The Indian's story is in the first chapter of Castaieda’s Narrative. Some additional information is given in Bandelier’s Contributions to the History of the Southwest, the first chapter of which is entitled ‘‘Sketch of the knowledge which the Spaniards in Mexico possessed of the countries north of the province of New Galicia previous to the return of Cabeza de Vaca.” For bibliographic references to this and other works referred to throughout this memoir, see the list at the end of the paper. 345 346 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH ANN. 14 head of a considerable force. He was sent to subdue and supersede the conqueror of Mexico, but when they met, Cortes quickly proved that he was a better general than his opponent, and a skillful politician as well. Narvaez was deserted by his soldiers and became a prisoner in the City of Mexico, where he was detained during the two years which followed. Cortes was at the height of his power, and Narvaez must have felt a longing to rival the successes of the conqueror, who had won the wealth of the Mexican empire. After Cortes resumed his dutiful obedience to the Spanish crown, friends at home obtained a royal order which effected the release of Narvaez, who returned to Spain at the earliest opportunity. Almost as soon as he had estab- lished himself anew in the favor of the court, he petitioned the King for a license which should permit him to conduct explorations in the New World. After some delay, the desired patent was granted. It authorized Narvaez to explore, conquer, and colonize the country between Florida and the Rio de Palmas, a grant comprising all that portion of North America bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, which is now included within the limits of the United States. Preparations were at once begun for the complete organization of an expedition suit- able to the extent of this territory and to the power and dignity of its governor. On June 17, 1527, Narvaez, governor of Florida, Rio de Palmas and Espiritu Santo—the Rio Grande and the Mississippi on our modern maps—sailed from Spain. He went first to Cuba, where he refitted his fleet and replaced one vessel which had been lost in a hurricane during the voyage. When everything was ready to start for the unexplored mainland, he ordered the pilots to conduct his fleet to the western limits of his jurisdiction—our Texas. They landed him, April 15, 1528, on the coast of the present Florida, at a bay which the Spaniards called Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot enables us to identify with Apalache bay. The pilots knew that a storm had driven them out of their course toward the east, but they could not caleulate on the strong current of the gulf stream. They assured the commander that he was not far from the Rio de Palmas, the desired destination, and so he landed his force of 50 horses and 500 men—just half the number of the soldiers, mechanics, laborers, and priests who had started with him from Spain ten months before. He sent one of his vessels back to Cuba for recruits, and ordered the remaining three to sail along the coast toward the west and to wait for the army at the fine harbor of Panuco, which was reported to be near the mouth of Palmas river. The fate of these vessels is not known. Narvaez, having completed these arrangements, made ready to lead his army overland to Panuco. The march began April19. For a while, the Spaniards took a northerly direction, and then they turned toward the west. Progress was slow, for the men knew nothing of the country, and the forests and morasses presented many difficulties to the soldiers i WINSHIP] THE EXPEDITION OF NARVAEZ OAT unused to wooderaft. Little help could be procured from the Indians, who soon became openly hostile wherever the Spaniards encountered them. Food grew scarce, and no persuasion could induce the natives to reveal hidden stores of corn, or of gold. On May 15, tired and dis- couraged, the Spaniards reached a large river with a strong current flowing toward the south. They rested here, while Cabeza de Vaca, the royal treasurer accompanying the expedition, took a small party of soldiers and followed the banks of the river down to the sea. The fleet was not waiting for them at the mouth of this stream, nor could anything be learned of the fine harbor for which they were searching. Disappointed anew by the report which Cabeza de Vaca made on his return to the main camp, the Spanish soldiers crossed the river and continued their march toward the west. They plodded on and on, and after awhile turned southward, to follow down the course of another large river which blocked their westward march. On the last day of July they reached a bay of considerable size, at the mouth of the river, They named this Bahia de los Cavallos, perhaps, as has been surmised, because it was here that they killed the last of their horses for food. The Spaniards, long before this, had become thoroughly disheartened. Neither food nor gold could be found. The capital cities, toward which the Indian captives had directed the wandering strangers, when reached, were ere groups of huts, situated in some cases on mounds of earth. Not a sign of anything which would reward their search, and hardly a thing to eat, had been discovered during the months of toilsome marching. The Spaniards determined to leave the country. They constructed forges in their camp near the seashore, and hammered their spurs, stirrups, and other iron implements of warfare into nails and saws and axes, with which to build the boats necessary for their escape from the country. Ropes were made of the tails and manes of the horses, whose hides, pieced out with the shirts of the men, were fash- ioned into sails. By September 22, five boats were ready, each large enough to hold between 45 and 50 men. In these the soldiers embarked. Scarcely a man among them knew anything of naviga- tion, and they certainly knew nothing about the navigation of this coast. They steered westward, keeping near the land, and stopping oceasionally for fresh water. Sometimes they obtained a little food. Toward the end of October they came to the mouth of a large river which poured forth so strong a current that it drove the boats out to sea. Two, those which contained Narvaez and the friars, were lost. The men in the other three boats were driven ashore by a storm, some- where on the coast of western Louisiana or eastern Texas.' This was 1The most important source of information regarding the expedition of Narvaez is the Relation written by Cabeza de Vaca. ‘his is best consulted in Buckingham Smith's transiation. Mr Smith jncludes im his volume everything which he could find to supplement the main narration. he best study of the ronte followed by the survivors of the expedition, after they landed in Texas, is that of Bandelier in the second chapter of his Contributions to the History of the Southwest. In this essay Bandelier has brought together all the documentary evidence, and he writes with the knowledge obtained by traveling through the different portions of the country which Cabeza de Vaca must have 348 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH, ANN. 14 in the winter of 1528-29. Toward the end of April, 1536, Cabeza de Vaca, Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, Andres Dorantes, and a negro named Estevan, met some Spanish slave catchers near the Rio de Peta- tlan, in Sinaloa, west of the mountains which border the Gulf of Cali- fornia. These four men, with a single exception,' were the only survivors of the three hundred who had entered the continent with Narvaez eight years before. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions stayed in Mexico for several months, as the guests of the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. At first, it was probably the intention of the three Spaniards to return to Spain, in order to claim the due reward for their manifold sufferings. Mendoza says, in a letter dated December 10, 1537,* that he purchased the negro Estevan from Dorantes, so that there might be someone left in New Spain who could guide an expedition back into the countries about which the wanderers had heard. An earlier letter from the viceroy, dated February 11, 1537, commends Cabeza de Vaca and Fran- cisco Dorantes—he must have meant Andres, and perhaps wrote it so in his original manuscript—as deserving the favor of the Empress. Maldonado is not mentioned in this letter, and no trace of him has been found after the arrival of the four survivors in Mexico. All that we know about him is that his home was in Salamanca.’ Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes started from Vera Cruz for Spain in October, 1536, but their vessel was stranded before it got out of the harbor. This accident obliged them to postpone their departure until the following spring, when Cabeza de Vaca returned home alone. He told the story of his wanderings to the court and the King, and was rewarded, by 1540, with an appointment as adelantado, giving him the command over the recently occupied regions about the Rio de la Plata. The position was one for which he was unfitted, and his subordinates traversed. Dr J. G. Shea, in his chapter in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 286, disagrees in some points with Mr Bandelier’s interpretation of the route of Cabeza de Vaca west of Texas, and also with Mr Smith's identifications of the different points in the march of the main army before it embarked from the Bahia de los Cavallos. Other interesting conjectures are given in H. H. Baneroft’s North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 63, and map at p. 67. Buckingham Smith collected in his Letter of Hernando de Soto, pp. 57-61, and in his Narrative of the Career of Hernando de Sofo (see index), all that is known in regard to Ortiz, one of the soldiers of Narvaez, who was found among the Indians by De Soto in 1540. *Mendoza to Charles V,10 Diciembre, 1537. Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes, . . . despues de haber llegado aqui, determinaron de irse en Espana, y viendo que si V. M. era servido de enviar aquella tierra alguna gente para saber de cierto Jo que era, no quedaba persona que pudiese ir con ella ni dar ninguna razon, compré 4 Dorantes para este efecto un uegro que vino de alla y se hallo con ellos en todo, que se lama Estéban, por ser persona de razon. Despues sucedid, como el navio en que Dorantes ibase volvié al puerto, y sabido esto, yo le escribi 4 la Vera-Cruz, rogdndole que viniese aqui; y como legé 4 esta ciudad, yo le hablé diciéndole que hubiese por bien de volver 4 esta tierra con algunos religiosos y gente de caballo, que yo le daria 4 calalla, y saber de cierto lo que en ella habia. Yélvista mi voluntad, y el servicio que yo le puse delantre que hacia con ello 4 Dios y 4 V. M., me respondié que holgaba Gello, y asi estoy determinado de envialle alla con la gente de caballo y religiosos que digo. Pienso que ha de redundar dello gran servicio 4 Dios y 4 V. M.—From the text printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Does. de Indias, ii, 206. *Some recent writers have been misled by a chance comma inserted by the copyist or printer in one of the old narratives, which divides the name of Maldonado—Alonso del Castillo, Maldonado—making it appear as if there were five instead of four survivors of the Narvaez expedition who made their way to Mexico. Aya1905 |POUO}SIH 4/04 MON OUT JO UOISSASSOg Ul @rSt 4O AGOND SNidIN AHL ADOIONH13 JO NWayund XIXXK “Id 1JHOd3H IWANNW HLN33LYuNO4 WINSHIP] SURVIVORS OF NARVAEZ’ EXPEDITION 349 sent him back to Spain. The complaints against him were investi- gated by the Council for the Indies, but the judgment, if any was given, has never been published. He certainly was not punished, and soon settled down in Seville, where he was still living, apparently, twenty years later.! While Dorantes was stopping at Vera Cruz during the winter of 1536-37, he received a letter from Mendoza, asking him to return to the City of Mexico. After several interviews, the viceroy induced Doran- tes to remain in New Spain, agreeing to provide him with a party of horsemen and friars, in order to explore more thoroughly the country through which he had wandered. Mendoza explains the details of his plans in ‘the letter written in December, 1537, and declares that he expected many advantages would be derived from this expedition which would redound to the glory of God and to the profit of His Majesty the King. The viceroy was prepared to expend a large suam—3,500 or 4,000 pesos—to insure a successful undertaking, but he promised to raise the whole amount, without taking a single maravedi from the royal treas- ury, by means of a more careful collection of dues, and especially by enforcing the payment of overdue sums, the collection of which hitherto had been considered impossible. This reform in the collection of rents and other royal exactions and the careful attention to all the details of the fiscal administration were among the most valuable of the many services rendered by Mendoza as viceroy. The expedition under Do- rantes never started, though why nothing came of all the preparations, wrote Mendoza in his next letter to the King, ‘I never could find out.”? The three Spaniards wrote several narratives of their experiences on the expedition of Narvaez, and of their adventurous journey from the gulf coast of Texas to the Pacific coast of Mexico.’ These travelers, who had lived a savage life for so long that they could wear no clothes, and were unable to sleep except upon the bare ground, had a strange tale to tell. The story of their eight years of wandering must have been often repeated—of their slavery, their buffalo-hunting expedi- tions, of the escape from their Indian masters, and their career as traders and as medicine men. These were wonderful and strange expe- 1 Besides the general historians, we have Cabeza de Vaca’s own account of his career in Paraguay in his Comentarios, reprinted in Vedia, Historiadores Primitivos, vol. i. Ternaux translated this narrative into French for his Voyages, part vi. 2The Spanish text of this letter has not been seen since Ramusio used it in making the translation for his Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 355, ed. 1556. There is no date to the letter as Ramusio gives it. Ternaux- Compans translated it from Ramusio for his Cibola volume (Voyages, vol. ix, p. 287). Itis usually cited trom Ternaux’s title as the ‘‘ Premiére lettre de Mendoza.”” I quote from the French text the portion of the letter which explains my narrative: ‘. . . Andrés Dorantés, un de ceux qui firent partie de l’ar- mée de Pamphilo Narvaez, vint prés de moi. J’eus de fréquents entretiens avec lui; je pensai qu'il pouvait rendre un grand service a votre majesté ; sijel’expédiais avec quarante ou cinquante chevaux et tous les objets nécessaires pour découvrir ce pays. Je dépensai beaucoup d’argent pour l’expédition, mais je ne sais pas comment il se fit que l'affaire n'eut pas de suite. De tous les préparatifs que j'avais faits, il ne me resta qu’un négre qui est venu avee Dorantés, quelques esclaves que j'avais achetés, et des Indiens, naturels de ce pays, que j’avais fait rassembler.”’ 3T wo of these areextant—the Relacion of Cabeza de Vaca and Oviedo's version of an account signed by the three Spaniards and sent to the Real Audiencia at Santo Domingo, in his Historia General de las Indias, lib. xxxv, vol. iii, p.582, ed. 1853. 350 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ere ANN. 14 riences, but the story contained little to arouse the eager interest of the colonists in New Spain, whose minds had been stirred by the accounts which came from Peru telling of the untold wealth of the Ineas. ena mane her mofa bene re TO tribulario tenes = cna manera tins gual rac efaca, he ra deladha fiaacunfag ¥ he rieden ager Rare ape rie Gar aa fla, & By ae y muy Hee EGHG opens erlo ecI a Be ey er reale/ Vlafustanafy al dep pale i fotos fe =F) Es dela Ei ee iv | yj sere ida 7 ydise enfuhbro capella canlopfed sm ode /iat da chincon fantiage prgmur/er te a 8 alpbun =i ands eh vadusrfagnd 2 -reng "P nme pal | a = = j a. q y weber ruLbs Pasir Le lofmartere! ae Eftaf nobro fernada dema ra = i laf sfte; le lof ladronef” Fa eek fla) de lof Repe/. aa? y 3 z 4 a & SEBASTIA! XL PL. FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT r mone alley Sayan [mm y dane 8274 rélace! utr wantera webac re baya deperiaf. dearacthef dafuage ‘ba pki «d. o %s ip iz, pony france g £ bs SS Ey O35 3S ayy 3 Rants eves mite ce Tubiae WILT a= ee LS sprints 4 wie E Pierre i. Peel ree) 4 3 2 e 3 Seu EP) Hea af i. ; Pl ramp | Hi coer Tereds fap Fei eanaye. bay def matheo -<} (fees é alatrone! . 4», oa tearena, ayes ry raid yop ona ) de lanueus efparia FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY La, aMER! SE ere OCEANVS OCCIDENTALIS ) we | “ters! Sere. mony roe ‘berningas et gr ey fimanifins aig futuada enalto mar laqual efia en 1so00 milla aper f railcar Sr a tale preaudaringuno'f gente debu: aan rete tr que are noe, fjord nauime a of Ylaacay, gre crasdecaminselre fhe Yfla., apr nai cl sa eh farta apa: i hene , ee heir ina afte palatic ri A : mt Se 4 ; mcape de de hare oe 2 ron seed ate rele mcaca ‘gra fp oy dallafama any dds Spathe Lola coguy tar yernbuo agli re . q i ine ranted puro Sart marco pale my Main etic largamente locuenta y dixe enfuhbro cap lo cranto? fev | coma “f NRE Sw ve iseericy 5 ate putin 18 a2 hed Garin pregeur/ "7 of ree het [peritie santo ain ae TE bro fernado dé ma pated te ea to ect one] ig afl dalef Rebel : Ua FRE diets \ i yi z $ ry ge i* Cy pnd rio Francifco s9qenee i St ovaiiecs y WINSHIP] EXPEDITIONS PLANNED BY MENDOZA 353 ognized his rivals and their strength. Nuno de Guzman was in disgrace and awaiting a trial, but he was at the court, where he could urge his claims persistently in person. Cortes was active, but he was where Mendoza could watch everything that he tried todo. He might sue- ceed in anticipating the viceroy’s plans, but his sea ventures heretofore had all been failures. So long as he kept to the water there seemed to be little danger. Mendoza’s chief concern appears to have been to make sure that his rivals should have no chance of uniting their claims against him. Representing the Crown and its interests, he felt sure of everything else. The viceroy had no ambition to take the field in person as an explorer, and he selected Alvarado as the most available leader for the expedition which he had in mind, probably about the time that the latter came back to the New World. He wrote to Alvarado, suggesting an arrangement between them, and after due consideration on both sides, terms and conditions mutually satisfactory were agreed on. Mendoza succeeded in uniting Alvarado to his inter- ests, and engaged that he should conduct an expedition into the country north of Mexico. This arrangement was completed, apparently, before the return of Friar Marcos from his reconnoissance, which added so largely to the probabilities of success. THE RECONNOISSANCE OF FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA Mendoza did not confine himself to diplomatic measures for bringing about the exploration and conquest which he had in mind. In his undated ‘premiere lettre” the viceroy wrote that he was prepared to send Dorantes with forty or fifty horses and everything needed for an expedition into the interior; but nothing was done. About this time, 1537-38, Friar Juan de la Asuncion seems to have visited the inland tribes north of the Spanish settlements. Mr Ban- delier has presented all the evidence obtainable regarding the labors of this friar.!_ The most probable interpretation of the statements which refer to his wanderings is that Friar Juan went alone and without official assistance, and that he may have traveled as far north as the river Gila. The details of his journey are hopelessly confused. It is more than probable that there were a number of friars at work among the outlying Indian tribes, and there is no reason why one or more of them may not have jvandered north for a considerable dis- tance. During the same year the viceroy made an attempt, possibly in person, to penetrate into the country of Topira or Topia, in north- western Durango,? but the mountains and the absence of provisions forced the party to return. It may be that this fruitless expedition was the same as that in which, according to Castaneda, Coronado took part, while Friar Marcos was on his way to Cibola. It is not unlikely, also, 1Contributions to the History of the Southwest, pp. 79-103. 2This region is identified by Bandelier in his Contributions, p. 104, note. The letter from which the details are obtained, written to accompany the report of Friar Marcos when this was transmitted to the King, is in Ramusio, and also in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 285. 14 ETH——2: 354 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 that Friar Marcos may have made a preliminary trip toward the north, during the same year, although this is hardly more than a guess to ex- plain statements, made by the old chroniclers, which we can not under- stand. As yet nothing had been found to verify the reports brought by Cabeza de Vaca, which, by themselves, were hardly sufficient to justify the equipment of an expedition on a large seale. But Mendoza was bent on discovering what lay beyond the northern mountains. He still had the negro Estevan, whom he had purchased of Dorantes, besides a pumber of Indians who had followed Cabeza de Vaca to Mexico and had been trained there to serve as interpreters. The experience which the negro had gained during the years he lived among the savages made him invaluable as a guide. He was used to dealing with the Indians, knew something of their languages, and was practiced in the all-important sign manual. Friar Marcos de Niza was selected as the leader of the little party which was to find out what the viceroy wanted to know. Aside from his reconnoitering trip to Cibola, very little is known about this friar. Born in Nice, then a part of Savoy, he was called by his contemporaries a Frenchman. He had been with Pizarro in Peru, and had witnessed the death of Atahualpa. Returning to Central America, very likely with Pedro de Alvarado, he had walked from there barefooted, as was his custom, up to Mexico. He seems to have been somewhere in the northwestern provinces of New Spain, when Cabeza de Vaca appeared there after his wanderings. A member of the Franciscan brother- hood, he had already attained to some standing in the order, for he signs his report or personal narration of his explorations, as vice- commissary of the Franciscans. The father provincial of the order, Friar Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo, on August 26, 1539,' certified to the high esteem in which Friar Marcos was held, and stated that he was skilled in cosmography and in the arts of the sea, as well as in theology. This choice of a leader was beyond question an excellent one, and Mendoza had every reason to feel confidence in the success of his under- taking. The viceroy drew up a set of instructions for Friar Marcos, which directed that the Indians whom he met on the way should receive the best of treatment, and provided for the scientific observations which all Spanish explorers were expected to record. Letters were to be left wherever it seemed advisable, in order to communicate with a possible sea expedition, and information of the progress of the party was to be sent back to the viceroy at convenient intervals. These instructions are a model of careful and explicit directions, and show the characteristic interest taken by Mendoza in the details of every- thing with which he was concerned. They supply to some extent, ! This certification, with the report of Friar Marcos and other documents relating to him, is printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, vol. iii, pp. 325-351. WINSHIP] NIZA AND ESTEVAN 355 also, the loss of the similar instructions which Coronado must have received when he started on his journey in the following February.! Friar Marcos, accompanied by a lay brother, Friar Onorato, accord- ing to Mendoza’s “‘premiére lettre,” left Culiacan on March 7, 1539, Coronado, now acting as governor of New Galicia, had escorted them as far as this town and had assured a quiet journey for a part of the way beyond by sending in advance six Indians, natives of this region, who had been “kept at Mexico to become proficient in the Spanish language and attached to the ways of the Christians.”? The friars proceeded to Petatlan, where Friar Onorato fell sick, so that it was necessary to leave him behind. During the rest of the journey, Friar Marcos was the only white man in the party, which consisted of the negro Estevan, the Indian interpreters, and a large body of natives who followed him from the different villages near which he passed. The friar continued his journey to ‘‘ Vacapa,” which Mr Bandelier identi- fies with the Eudeve settlement of Matapa in central Sonora, where he arrived two days before Passion Sunday, which in 1539 fell on March 23.3 At this place he waited until April 6, in order to send to the seacoast and summon some Indians, from whom he hoped to secure further information about the pearl islands of which Cabeza de Vaca had heard. The negro Estevan had been ordered by the viceroy to obey Friar Marcos in everything, under pain of serious punishment. While the friar was waiting at Vacapa, he sent the negro toward the north, instruct- ing him to proceed 50 or 60 leagues and see if he could find anything which might help them in their search. If he found any signs of a rich and populous country, it was agreed that he was not to advance farther, but should return to meet the friar, or else wait where he heard the good news, sending some Indian messengers back to the friar, with a white cross the size of the palm of his hand. If the news was very promising, the cross was to be twice this size, and if the country about which he heard promised to be larger and better than New Spain, a cross still larger than this was to be sent back. Castaneda preserves a story that Estevan was sent ahead, not only to explore and pacify the country, but also because he did not get on well with his superior, who objected to his eagerness in collecting the turquoises and other things which the natives prized and to the moral effect of his relations with the women who followed him from the tribes which they met on their way. Friar Marcos says nothing about this in his narrative, but he had different and much more important ends to accomplish by his report, compared with those of Castaneda, who may easily have gathered the gossip from some native. p.109. The best account of Friar Marcos and his explorations is given in that volume. ?Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. vii, cap.vii. 3 Bandelier, in his Contributions, p. 122, says this was ‘‘about the middle of April,’ but his chro- nology at this point must be at fault. 356 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [erH. ANN. 14 Estevan started on Passion Sunday, after dinner. Four days later messengers sent by him brought to the friar ‘‘a very large cross, as tall as aman.” One of the Indians who had given the negro his informa- tion accompanied the messengers. This man said and affirmed, as the friar carefully recorded, ‘‘that there are seven very large cities in the first province, all under one lord, with Jarge houses of stone and lime; the smallest one-story high, with a flat roof above, and others two and three stories high, and the house of the lord four stories high. They are allunited under his rule. And on the portals of the principal houses there are many designs of turquoise stones, of which he says they have a great abundance. And the people in these cities are very well clothed. . . . Concerning other provinces farther on, he said that each one of them amounted to much more than these seven cities.” All this which the Indian told Friar Marcos was true; and, what is more, the Spanish friar seems to have correctly understood what the Indian meant, except that the Indian idea of several villages having a common allied form of government was interpreted as meaning the rule of a single lord, who lived in what was to the Indians the chief, because the most populous, village. These villages of stone and lime—or rather of stone and rolls or balls of adobe laid in mud mortar and sometimes whitened with a wash of gypsum'!—were very large and wondrous affairs when compared with the huts and shelters of the Seri and some of the Piman Indians of Sonora.’ The priest can hardly be blamed for translating a house entrance into a doorway instead of picturing it as a bulkhead or as the hatchway of a ship. The Spaniards—those who had seen service in the Indies—had outgrown their earlier custom of reading into the Indian stories the ideas of government and of civiliza- tion to which they were accustomed in Europe. But Friar Marcos was at a disadvantage hardly less than that of the companions of Cortes, when they first heard of Moctecuhzoma, because his experience with the wealth of the New World had been in the realm of the Incas. He interpreted what he did not understand, of necessity, by what he had seen in Peru. The story of this Indian did not convince the friar that what he heard about the grandeur of these seven cities was all true, and he decided not to believe anything until he had seen it for himself, or had at least received additional proof. The friar did not start immediately for the seven cities, as the negro had advised him to do, but waited until he could see the Indians who had been summoned from the seacoast. These told him about pearls, which were found near their homes. Some “painted” Indians, living to the eastward, having their faces, chests, and arms tattooed or decorated with pigments, who were perhaps the Pima or Sobaipuri Indians, also visited him while he was staying at Vacapa and gave him an extended account of the seven cities, very similar to that of the Indian sent by Estevan. 1 See F. W. Hodge, ‘‘ Aboriginal Use of Adobes,’’ The Archxologist, Columbus, Ohio, August, 1895, ? These are described in the Castaneda narrative. a - - erin ibe Vee ie " _ sare + 2 ee a . a a aie _ — . 3 - a —_ == es _ wltuv.eds vue 19 odvy ee VUVIVA 79 MX Id LYOd3Y IWNNNY HLIN3318N04 8¢Sl ‘ANATOLd Ad G1YOM SHI 4O dv ofamy jag ws.9sL, aquousary 29 olva.yo Jeuorprgar ouvs29 ans 79 AouL © 219, C5 wou °" vt sovjpwovg 12g BAT 209020907 ve wus youc1.y uaydag cuv»O 0 ed AY YqnBuvt Come ber ofoniow °.” Lubad mu wdyyG vaann g wur4s v4 IV4eBvzZ vigour yrBuvw y oxvv>D Aorsrsdny VIPUT Y Ojo ADOIONH13 JO NvauNe WINSHIP] MARATA, ACUS, AND TOTONTEAC 357 Friar Marcos started on the second day following Pascua Florida, or Easter, which came on April 6, 1539. He expected to find Estevan waiting at the village where he had first heard about the cities. A second cross, as big as the first, had been received from the negro, and the messengers who brought this gave a fuller and much more specific account of the cities, agreeing in every respect with what had previ- ously been related. When the friar reached the village where the negro had obtained the first information about the cities, he secured many new details. He was told that it was thirty days’ journey from this village to the city of Cibola, which was the first of the seven. Not one person alone, but many, described the houses very particularly and showed him the way in which they were built, just as the messengers had done. Besides these seven cities, he learned that there were other kingdoms, called Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. The linguistic students, and especially Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, have identified the first of these with Matyata or Makyata, a cluster of pueblos about the salt lakes southeast of Zuni, which were in ruins when Alvarado saw them in 1540, although they appeared to have been despoiled not very long before. Acus is the Acoma pueblo and Totonteac was in all probability the province of Tusayan, northwestward from Zuni. The friar asked these people why they went so far away from their homes, and was told that they went to get turquoises and cow skins, besides other valuable things, of all of which he saw a considerable store in the village. Friar Marcos tried to find out how these Indians bartered for the things they brought from the northern country, but all he could under- stand was that “with the sweat and service of their persons they went to the first city, which is called Cibola, and that they labored there by digging the earth and other services, and that for what they did they received turquoises and the skins of cows, such as those people had.” We now know, whatever Friar Marcos may have thought, that they doubtless obtained their turquoises by digging them out of the rocky ground in which they are still found in New Mexico, and this may easily have seemed to them perspiring labor. It is not clear just how they obtained the buffalo skins, although it was doubtless by barter. The friar noticed fine turquoises suspended in the ears and noses of many of the people whom he saw,! and he was again informed that the principal doorways of Cibola were ceremonially ornamented with designs made of these stones. Mr Cushing has since learned, through tradition, that this was their custom. The dress of these people of Cibola, including the belts of turquoises about the waist, as it was described to the friar, seemed to him to resemble that of the Bohe- mians, or gypsies. The cow skins, some of which were given to him, were tanned and finished so well that he thought it was evident that they had been prepared by men who were skilled in this work. In lieu of turquoises the Pima and Maricopa today frequently wear small beaded rings pendent from the ears and septum 358 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN, 14 At this point in his narrative Friar Marcos first uses the word pueblo, village, in referring to the seven cities, a point which would be of some interest if only we could be sure that the report was written from notes made as he went along. He certainly implies that he kept some such record when he speaks of taking down the statements of the Indian who first told him about the seven cities. It looks as if the additional details which he was obtaining gradually dimmed his vision of cities comparable to those into which he had seen Pizarro gather the golden ransom of Atahualpa. Friar Marcos had not heard from Estevan since leaving Vacapa, but the natives told him that the negro was advancing toward Cibola, and that he had been gone four or five days. The friar started at once to follow the negro, who had proceeded up Sonora valley, as Mr Bandelier traces the route. Estevan had planted several large crosses along the way, and soon began to send messengers to the friar, urging the latter to hasten, and promising to wait for him at the edge of the wilder- ness which lay between them and the country of Cibola. The friar followed as fast as he couid, although constantly hindered by the natives, who were always ready to verify the stories he had already heard concerning Cibola. They pressed him to accept their offers of turquoises and of cow skins in spite of his persistent refusals. At one village, the lord of the place and his two brothers greeted the friar, having collars of turquoises about their necks, while the rest of the people were all encaconados, as they called it, with turquoises, which hung from their ears and noses. Here they supplied their visitor with deer, rabbits, and quail, besides a great abundance of corn and pinion seed. They also continued to offer him turquoises, skins, fine gourds, and other things which they valued. The Sobaipuri Indians, who were a branch of the Papago, among whom the friar was now traveling, according to Bandelier, seemed to be as well acquainted with Cibola as the natives of New Spain were with Mexico, or those of Peru with Cuzco. They had visited the place many times, and whatever they possessed which was made with any skill or neatness had been brought, so they told him, from that country. Soon after he encountered these people, the friar met a native of Cibola. He was a well-favored man, rather old, and appeared to be much more intelligent than the natives of this valley or those of any of the districts through which the friar had passed in the course of his march. This man reported that the lord of Cibola lived and had his seat of government in one of the seven cities called Ahacus, and that he appointed men in the other cities who ruled for him. Ahacus is readily identified with Hawikuh, one of the present ruins near K’iap- kwainakwin, or Ojo Caliente, about 15 miles southwest of Zuni. On questioning this man closely, the friar learned that Cibola—by which, as Bandelier and Cushing maintain, the Indian meant the whole range occupied by the Zuni people—was a large city, in which a great many ai WINSHIP] THE ROUTE OF NIZA 359 people dwelt and which had streets and open squares or plazas. In some parts of it there were very large houses, which were ten stories high, and the leading men met together in these on certain days of the year. Possibly this is one of the rare references in the accounts of these early visits to Zuni, to the ceremonials of the Pueblo Indians, which have been studied’ and described with so much care by later visitors, notably by Mrs M. C. Stevenson and by Dr J. Walter Fewkes of the Hemen- way Southwestern Archeological Expedition. This native of Cibola verified all the reports which the friar had already heard. Marata, he said, had been greatly reduced by the lord of Cibola during recent wars. Totonteac was a much larger and richer place, while Acus was an independent kingdom and province. The strange thing about all these reports is not that they are true, and that we can identify them by what is now known concerning these Indians, but the hard thing to understand is how the Spanish friar could have comprehended so well what the natives must have tried to tell him. When one considers the difficulties of language, with all its technicali- ties, and of radically different conceptions of every phase of life and of thought, the result must be an increased confidence in the common sense and the inherent intelligence of mankind. On his way up this valley of Sonora, Friar Marcos heard that the sea- coast turned toward the west. Realizing the importance of this point, he says that he “went in search of it and saw clearly that it turns to the west in 35 degrees.” He was at the time between 31 and 314 degrees north, just opposite the head of the Gulf of California. If Bande- lier’s identification of the friar’s route is accepted—and it has a great deal more in its favor than any other that can be proposed with any due regard to the topography of the country—Friar Marcos was then near the head of San Pedro valley, distant 200 miles in a direct line from the coast, across a rough and barren country. Although the Franciscan superior testified to Marcos’ proficiency in the arts of the sea, the friar’s calculation was 34 degrees out of the way, at a latitude where the usual error in the contemporary accounts of expeditions is on the average a degree and a half. The direction of the coast line does change almost due west of where the friar then was, and he may have gone to some point among the mountains from which he could satisfy himself that the report of the Indians was reliable. There is a week or ten days, during this part of the journey, for which his narrative gives no specific reckoning. He traveled rather slowly at times, making frequent stops, so that the side trip is not necessary to fill this gap. The point is a curious one; but, in the absence of any details, it is hardly likely that the friar did more than secure from other Indians stories confirming what he had already been told. (’ Friar Marcos soon reached the borders of the wilderness—the country in and about the present White Mountain Apache reservation in Arizona, He entered this region on May 9, and twelve days later a young man 360 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ErH. ANN. 14 who had been with Estevan, the son of one of the Indian chiefs accom- panying the friar, met him and told the story of the negro’s death. Estevan had hastened to reach Cibola before the friar, and just prior to arriving at the first city he had sent a notice of his approach to the chief of the place. As evidence of his position or authority, he sent a gourd, to which were attached a few strings of rattles and two plumes, one of which was white and the other red. While Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were traveling through Texas, the natives had flocked to see these strange white men and soon began to worship them, pressing about them for even a touch of their garments, from which the Indians trusted to receive some healing power. While taking advantage of the prestige which was thus obtained, Cabeza de Vaca says that he secured some gourds or rattles, which were greatly reverenced among these Indians and which never failed to produce a most respectful behavior whenever they were exhibited. It was also among these southern plains Indians that Cabeza de Vaca heard of the permanent settlements toward the north. Castateda says that some of these plains Indians came each year to Cibola to pass the winter under the shelter of the adobe villages, but that they were dis- trusted and feared so much that they were not admitted into the villages unless unarmed, and under no conditions were they allowed to spend the night within the flat-roof houses. The connection between these Indian rattles and the gourd which Estevan prized so highly can not be proven, but it is not unlikely that the negro announced his arrival to the Cibola chiefs by sending them an important part of the para- phernalia of a medicine man of a tribe with which they were at enmity. There are several versions of the story of Estevan’s death, besides the one given in Friar Marcos’ narrative, which were derived from the natives of Cibola. Castaneda, who lived among these people for a while the next year, states that the Indians kept the negro a prisoner for three days, ‘‘questioning him,” before they killed him. He adds that Estevan had demanded from the Indians treasures and women, and this agrees with the legends still current among these people.1 When Alarcon ascended Colorado river a year later, and tried to obtain news of Coronado, with whom he was endeavoring to cooperate, he heard of Estevan, who was described as a black man with a beard, wearing things that sounded, rattles, bells, and plumes, on his feet and arms— the regular outfit of a southwestern medicine man.? Friar Marcos was told that when the messengers bearing the gourd showed it to the chief of the Cibola village, he threw it on to the ground and told the messen- gers that when their people reached the village they would find out what sort of men lived there, and that instead of entering the place they would all be killed. Estevan was not at all daunted when this answer was reported to him, saying that everything would be right 1Bandelier, Contributions, pp. 154, 155. 2There is an admirable and extended account, with many illustrations, of the Apache medicine men, by Captain John G. Bourke. in the ninth report of the Bureau of Ethnology. hes ce, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY MARE INCOGNITO TROPICO DI CANCRO ae SS SS) (SS a en | Scala de Miglia Joo MAR EQVINOTTIALE BATTISTA AGNESE" FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII COLFO MEXICANO « P.dalla uera crus sAfurado FP Quazalaleo SP, Ss1uan DP cys SOc camaron » TH CENTURY BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XLII MARE INCOGNITO TROPICO DI CANCRO aS ae Ss as a a a | Scale de Mig! ia Joo e's NEW BMI Six ast TENTH CENTURY . AGNE TISTA AGN BAT Atet ® a > 7 ' > - ' : uy " * <1 4 é A ea * * » ; be » p 5 s 7 . : 7 by - WINSHIP] THE DEATH OF ESTEVAN 361 when he reached the village in person. He proceeded thither at once, but instead of being admitted, he was placed under guard in a house near by.! All the turquoises and other gifts which he had received from the Indians during his journey were taken from him, and he was confined with the people who accompanied him, over night, without receiving anything to eat or drink. The next morning Estevan tried to run away, but was overtaken and killed. The fugitives who brought this news to Friar Marcos said that most of their companions also had been killed. The Indians who had followed the friar forthwith began to mourn for three hundred of their relations and friends, who had per- ished, they declared, as a result of their confidence in his forerunner. This number was undoubtedly an exaggeration. Castaneda heard that the natives of Cibola kept a few lads from among those who were with the negro, ‘‘and sent back all the rest, numbering about sixty.” The story of Estevan’s death is reputed to have been preserved among the legends of the Indians of Zuni. According to this tradition, the village at which the “ Black Mexican” was killed was K’iakima, a village now in ruins, situated on a bluff at the southwestern angle of Thunder mountain mesa; but this is totally at variance with the historical evi- dence, which seems to point quite conclusively to Hawikuh, the first village encountered from the southwest, as the scene of Estevan’s death.? One of the Indian stories of Estevan’s death is that their wise men took the negro out of the pueblo during the night, and “eave him a powerful kick, which sped him through the air back to the south, whence he came!” The killing of Estevan made it impossible for Friar Marcos, alone and unprepared for fighting, to enter the Cibola region. The first reports of the disaster, as is usually the custom, told of the death of all who accompanied the negro, and in consequence there was much wailing among the Indians who had followed the friar. They threatened to desert him, but he pacified them by opening his bundles and distribut- ing the trinkets brought from Mexico. While they were enjoying these, he withdrew a couple of stone-throws for an hour and a half to pray. Meanwhile, the Indians began again to think of their lost friends, and decided to kill the friar, as the indirect cause of the catastrophe. But when he returned from his devotions, reinvigorated, and learned of their determination, he diverted their thoughts by producing some of the things which had been kept back from the first distribution of the contents of his packs. He expounded to them the folly of killing him, since this would do him no hurt because he was a Christian and so would go at once to his home in the sky, while other Christians would come in search of him and kill all of them, in spite of his own desires to prevent, if possible, any such revenge. ‘+ With many other words” he 1This is precisely the method pursued by the Zunis today against any Mexicans who may be found in their vicinity during the performance of an outdoor ceremonial. 2This question has been fully discussed by F. W. Hodge. See ‘The First Discovered City of Cibola,’’ American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1895. 362 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ern, ANN. 14 succeeded at last in quieting them and in persuading two of the chief Indians to go with him to a point where he could obtain a view of the “city of Cibola.” He proceeded to a small hill, from which he saw that it was situated on a plain on the slope of a round height. “It has a very fine appearance for a village,” he writes, ‘the best that I have seen in these parts. The houses, as the Indians had told me, are all of stone, built in stories, and with flat roofs. Judging by what I could see from the height where I placed myself to observe it, the settlement is larger than the city of Mexico. . . . It appears to me that this land is the best and largest of all those that have been discovered.” “ With far more fright than food,” the friar says he retraced his way toward New Spain, by hasty marches.- During his journey to Cibola, he had heard of a large and level valley among the mountains, dis- tant four or five days from the route which he followed, where he was told that there were many very large settlements in which the people wore clothes made of cotton. He showed his informants some metals which he had, in order to find out what there was in that region, and they picked out the gold, saying that the people in the valley had vessels made of this material and some round things which they hung from their ears and noses. They also had some little shovels of this same metal, with which they scraped themselves to get rid of their sweat. On his way back, although he had not recovered from his fright, the friar determined to see this valley. He did not dare to venture into it, because, as he says, he thought that those who should go to settle and rule the country of the seven cities could enter it more safely than he. He did not wish to risk his own life, lest he should be prevented from making the report of what he had already seen. He went as far as the entrance to the valley and saw seven good-looking settlements at a distance, in a very attractive country, from which arose a great deal of smoke. He understood from the Indians that there was much gold in the valley, and that the natives used it for ves- sels and ornaments, repeating in his narrative the reports which he had heard on his outward journey. The friar then hastened down the coast to Culiacan, where he hoped, but failed, to find Coronado, the governor of the province. He went on to Compostela, where Coronado was staying. Here he wrote his report, and sent the announcement of his safe return to the viceroy. A similar notification to the provincial of his order contained a request for instructions as to what he should do next. He was still in Com- postela on September 2, and as Mendoza and Coronado also were there, he took occasion to certify under oath before them to the truth of all that he had written in the report of his expedition to Cibola. THE EFFECT OF FRIAR MARCOS’ REPORT In his official report it is evident that Friar Marcos distinguished with care between what he had himself seen and what the Indians had told him. But Cortes began the practice of attacking the veracity and WINSHIP] DECLARATIONS AGAINST NIZA 363 good faith of the friar, Castaneda continued it, and scarcely a writer on these events failed to follow their guidance until Mr Bandelier undertook to examine the facts of the case, and applied the rules of ordinary fairness to his historical judgment. This vigorous defender of the friar has successfully maintained his strenuous contention that Marcos neither lied nor exaggerated, even when he said that the Cibola pueblo appeared to him to be larger than the City of Mexico. All the witnesses agree that these light stone and adobe villages impress one who first sees them from a distance as being much larger than they really are. Mexico in 1539, on the other hand, was neither imposing nor populous. The great communal houses, the ‘“ palace of Monte- zuma,” had been destroyed during or soon after the siege of 1521. The pueblo of Hawikuh, the one which the friar doubtless saw, contained about 200 houses, or between 700 and 1,000 inhabitants. There is some- thing naive in Mr Bandelier’s comparison of this with Robert Tomson’s report that the City of Mexico, in 1556, contained 1,500 Spanish house- holds.'' He ought to have added, what we may be quite sure was true, that the population of Mexico probably doubled in the fifteen years pre- ceding Tomson’s visit, a fact which makes Niza’s comparison even more reasonable .? The credit and esteem in which the friar was held by the viceroy, Mendoza, is as convincing proof of his integrity as that derived from a close scrutiny of the text of his narrative. Mendoza’s testimony was given in a letter which he sent to the King in Spain, inclosing the report written by Friar Marcos, the ‘“premiére lettre” which Ternaux translated from Ramusio. This letter spoke in laudatory terms of the friar, and of course is not wholly unbiased evidence. It is at least sufficient to counterbalance the hostile declarations of Cortes and Cas- taneda, both of whom had far less creditable reasons for traducing the friar than Mendoza had for praising him. ‘These friars,” wrote Mendoza of Marcos and Onorato, ‘had lived for some time in the neighboring countries; they were used to hard labors, experienced in the ways of the Indies, conscientious, and of good habits.” It is pos- sible that Mendoza felt less confidence than is here expressed, for before he organized the Coronado expedition, late in the fall of this year 1539, he ordered Melchior Diaz to go and see if what he could dis- cover agreed with the account which Friar Marcos gave.* However careful the friar may have been, he presented to the vice- roy a report in which gold and precious stones abounded, and which stopped just within sight of the goal—the Seven Cities of Nuno de Guz- man and of the Indian traders and story tellers. [Friar Marcos had 1Tomson's exceedingly interesting narrative of his experiences in Mexico is printed in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 447, ed. 1600. 2Compare the ground plan of Hawikuh, by Victor Mindeleff, in the eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl. XLv1, with the map of the city of Mexico (15507), by Alonzo de Santa Cruz, pl. xLut of this paper. 3Diaz started November 17, 1539. The report of his trip is given in Mendoza’s letter of April 17, 1540, in Pacheco y Cardenas, ii, p. 356, and translated herein. 364 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH ANN. 14 something to tell which interested his readers vastly more than the painful, wonderful story of Cabeza de Vaca. The very fact that he took it for granted, as he says in his report, that they would go to populate and rule over this land of the Seven Cities, with its doorways studded with turquoises, was enough to insure interest. He must, indeed, have been a popular preacher, and when the position of father provincial to the Franciscans became vacant, just now, brother Marcos, already high in the order and with all the fresh prestige of his latest achievements, was evidently the subject for promotion. Castaneda, who is not the safest authority for events preceding the expedition, says that the promotion was arranged by the viceroy. This may have been so. His other statement is probable enough, that, as a result of the promotion, the pulpits of the order were filled with accounts of such marvels and wonders that large numbers were eager to join in the con- quest of this new land. Whatever Friar Marcos may have sacrificed to careful truth was atoned for, we may be sure, by the zealous, loyal brethren of blessed Saint Francis. Don Joan Suarez de Peralta was born, as Setior Zaragoza shows in his admirable edition of the Tratado del Descubrimiento de las Yndias y su Conquista, in Mexico between 1535 and 1540, and probably nearer the first of these five years. In the Tratado, Suarez de Peralta gives a most interesting description of the effect produced in Mexico by the departure and the return of the Coronado expedition. He can hardly have had very vivid personal recollections of the excitement produced by the reports of Friar Marcos, yet his account is so clear and circum- stantial that it evidently must be the narrative of an eyewitness, though recorded, it may be, at secondhand. He tells us that ‘the country was so stirred up by the news which the friar had brought from the Seven Cities that nothing else was thought about. For he said that the city of Cibola was big enough to contain two Sevilles and over, and the other places were not much smaller; and that the houses were very fine edifices, four stories high; and in the country there are many of what they call wild cows, and sheep and goats and rich treasures. He exaggerated things so much, that everybody was for going there and leaving Mexico depopulated. . . . . The news from the Seven Cities inspired so eager a desire in every one that not only did the viceroy and the marquis (Cortes) make ready to start for there, but the whole country wanted to follow them so much that they traded for the licenses which permitted them to go as soldiers, and peo- ple sold these as a favor, and whoever obtained one of these thought that it was as good as a title of nobility at the least. For the friar who had come from there exaggerated and said that ., was the best place in the world; the people in that country very prosperous, and all the Indians wearing clothes and the possessors of much cattle; the mountains like those of Spain, and the climate the same. For wood, they burnt yery large walnut trees, which bear quantities of 5 VOQUOMNTA 9O UAdMUe oe eS eee = oo we SS) ae. . ira Laat! a -~r- fon’ es | BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ‘as Ce Se Se == SS POS me sj =—_S. =X Nae aa ea maa ees pal = ts Sz M- CURSF IES ITI EE | SERA a! CDE Pb aa Samer C ye ts Ema A BS THE CITY OF FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIIi O DE SANTA CRUZ FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLili BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY — CR IY SS — a aN CQ: << S Str CoS ti ¥| Ly T. ————— ee « Q V ALONZO DE SANTA CRUZ ( ghge Does Ris WINSHIP] ACCOUNTS OF NIZA’S JOURNEY 365 walnuts better than those of Spain. They have many mountain grapes, which are very good eating, chestnuts, and filberts. According to the way he painted it, this should have been the terrestrial paradise. For game, there were partridges, geese, cranes, and all the other winged creatures—it was marvelous what was there.” And then Suarez adds, writing half a century later, ‘He told the truth in all this, because there are mountains in that country, as he said, and herds, especially ofcows. . . . . There are grapes and game, without doubt, and a climate like that of Spain.” ! Second-hand evidence, recorded fifty years after the occurrence, is far from conclusive. Fortunately, we are able to supplement it by legal testimony, taken down and recorded under oath, with all the for- malities of the old Spanish law customs. When the news of Friar Marcos’ journey reached Spain there was much rivalry among those who claimed the privilege of completing the discovery. Much eyvi- dence was presented and frequent pleas were entered by all the men who had an active part and leadership in the conquest of the northern portion of the New World. In the course of the litigation the repre- sentative of the adelantado Hernando de Soto, presented some testi- mony which had been given in the town of San Cristobal de la Habana de la Isla Fernandina—Habana and Cuba—dated November 12, 1539. - There were seven witnesses, from a ship which had been obliged to put into this port in order to procure water and other supplies, and also because some persons aboard had become very sick. Each witness declared that a month or more before—Friar Mareos arrived back in Mexico before the end of August, 1539—he had heard, and that this was common talk in Mexico, Vera Cruz, and in Puebla de los An- geles, that a Franciscan friar named Fray Marcos, who had recently come from the inland regions, said that he had discovered a very rich and very populous country 400 or 500 leagues north of Mexico. ‘“ He said that the country is rich in gold, silver and other treasures, and that it contains very large villages; that the houses are built of stone, and terraced like those of Mexico, and that they are high and imposing. The people, so he said, are shrewd, and do not marry more than one wite at a time, and they wear coarse woolen cloth and ride on some ani- mals,” the name of which the witness did not know. Another testified that the common report was that this country ‘‘ was very rich and pop- ulous and had great walled cities, and that the lords of the cities were called kings, and that the people were very shrewd and use the Mexican language.” But the witness to whose deposition we are most indebted was Andrés Garcia. This man declared that he had a son-in-law who was a barber, who had shaved the friar after he came back from the new country. Theson-in-law had told the witness that the friar, while being 1'The Spanish text from which I have translated may be found on pages 144 and 148 of Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta’s Tratado. This edition is of the greatest usefulness to every student of early Mexican history. 366 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (EH. ANN, 14 shaved, had talked about the country which he had discovered beyond the mountains. ‘ After crossing the mountains, the friar said there was a river, and that many settlements were there, in cities and towns, and that the cities were surrounded by walls, with their gates guarded, and were very wealthy, having silversmiths, and that the women wore strings of gold beads and the men girdles of gold and white woolen dresses; and that they had sheep and cows and partridges and slaugh- terhouses and iron forges.” ! Friar Marcos undoubtedly never willfully told an untruth about the country of Cibola, even in a barber’s chair. But there seems to be little chance for doubting that the reports which he brought to New Spain were the cause of much talk as well as many sermons, which gave rise to a considerable amount of excitement among the settlers, whose old-world notions had been upset by the reputed glory of the Montezumas and the wealth of the Incas. Very many, though perhaps not all, of the colonists were stirred with an eager desire to participate in ‘iis rich harvest sapiens the conquerors of these new 1The doneaiainna as printed in ie Fane coy C eo Does. de rie sae XV., pp. 392-398, are as follows: Pedro Nunez, testigo rescebido en la dicha razon, juré segun derecho, é dijo: . . . que estando en la ciudad de México, puede haber tres meses [the evidence being taken November 12, 1539], poco mas 6 menos, oyé decir este testigo publicamente, que habia venido un fraile Francisco, que se dice Fray Marcos, que venia la tierra adentro, 6 que decia el dicho fraile que se habia descobierto una tierra muy rica 6 muy poblada; 6 que habia cuatrocientas leguas dende México alld; é que dice que han de ir alla por cerea del rio de Palmas; Garcia Navarro, . . . oyédecir public Grmaritel puede haber un mes 6 mes y medio [and so all the remaining witnesses] que habia venido un fraile, nnevamente, de una tierra, nuevamente descobierta, que dicen ques quinientas leguas de México, en latierra de la Florida, que dicen ques hacia la parte del Norte de la dicha tierra; la enal diz, que es tierra rica de oro é plata é otros resgates, 6 grandes pueblos; que las casas son de piedra é terrados 4 la manera de México, 6 que tienen peso é medida, é gente de razon, 6 que no casan mas de una vez, 6 que visten albornoces, é que andan cabalgando en unos animales, que no sabe cémo se aman, s Francisco Serrano, . . . el fraile vema por tierra, por la via de Xalisco; 6 ques muy rica 6 muy poblada 6 grandes ciudades cercadas; é que los senores dellas, se nombran Reyes; é que las casas son sobradas, 6 ques gente de mucha razon; que la lengua es mexicana, Pero Sanchez, tinturero . . . una tierra nueva muy rica 6 muy moiiads de ciudades 6 villas; por la viade Xalisco . . . haciaenmediodelatierra. . , Francisco de Leyva . . . en la Vera-Cruz, oyé decir que habia venido un fraile de una tierra nueva muy rica 6 muy poblada de ciudades 6 villas, 6 ques 4 la banda del Sur, . . . Otrosi, dixo: que es verdad que no embargante que no toca en este puerto, dejaba de seguir su viaje; pero que entré en este puerto por necesidad que llevaba de agua é otros bastimentos é de ciertas personas que venian muy enfermos. Hernando de Sotomayor . . . questandoen la Pueblade los Angeles . . . ptblicamente se devia . . . 6 que las casas son de piedras sobradadas, 6 las ciudades cercadas, 6 gente de razon; é questa dicha tierra es la parte donde vino Dorantes 6 Cabeza de Vaca, los cuales escaparon ae la armada de Narvaez; 6 que sabe 6 vido este testigo, que fué mandado al maestre por mandado del Virey 6 con su mandamiento, que no tocase en parte ninguna, salvo que fuese derechamente 4 Espafia, con Ja dicha nao, 6 quel secretario del Virey hizo un requirimiento al dicho maestre, viniendo por la mar, que no tocase en este puerto ni en otra parte destas islas. . . . [This statement appears in each deposition. | Andrés Garcia, dixo: . . . questando en la ciudad de México, un Francisco de Billegas le dio cartas para dar en esta villa, para dar al Adelantado D. Hernando de Soto, 6 si no lo hallase, que las llevase 4 Espana é las diese al hacedor suyo; 6 queste testigo tiene un yerno barbero que afeitaba al fraile que vino de la dicha tierra; 6 quel dicho su yerno, le dixo este testigo, questando afeitando al dicho fraile, le dixo como antes que llegasen 4 ™ dicha tierra estaba una sierra, 6 que pasando la dicha sierra estaba un rio, é que habia muchas poblazones de ciudades 6 villas, 6 que las ciudades son cercadas 6 guardadas 4 las puertas, 6 muy ricas; 6 que habia plateros; 6 que las mugeres traian sartas de oro 6 los hombres cintos de oro, é que habia albarnios 6 obejas é vacas é perdices 6 carnicerias 6 herreria, 6 peso 6 medida; 6 que un Bocanegr ra, dixo 4 este testigo que se quedare, que se habia descobierto un nuevo mundo. WINSHIP] CHARACTER OF NIZA 367 lands. Friar Marcos was not a liar, but it is impossible to ignore the charges against him quite as easily as Mr Bandelier has done. Pedro Castaneda makes some very damaging statements, which are not conclusive proof of the facts. Like the statements of Suarez de Peralta, they represent the popular estimation of the father provincial, and they repeat the stories which passed current regarding him, when the later explorations had destroyed the vision that had been raised by the reports of the friar’s exploration. The accusations made by Cortes deserve more careful consideration. Cortes returned to Spain about the time that the preparations for the Coronado expedition were defi- nitely begun. Soon after his arrival at court, June 25, 1540,' he addressed a formal memorial to the King, setting forth in detail the ill treatment which he had received from Mendoza. In this he declared that after the viceroy had ordered him to withdraw his men from their station on the coast of the mainland toward the north—where they were engaged in making ready for extended inland explorations—he had a talk with Friar Marcos. “And I gave him,” says Cortes, ‘an account of this said country and of its discovery, because I had deter- mined to send him in my ships to follow up the said northern coast and conquer that country, because he seemed to understand something about matters of navigation. The said friar communicated this to the said viceroy, and he says that, with his permission, he went by land in search of the same coast and country as that which I had discov- ered, and which it was and is my right to conquer. And since his return, the said friar has published the statement that he came within sight of the said country, which I deny that he has either seen or dis- covered; but instead, in all that the said friar reports that he has seen, he only repeats the account I had given him regarding the information which I obtained from the Indians of the said country of Santa Cruz, because everything which the said friar says that he discovered is just the same as what these said Indians had told me: and in enlarging upon this and in pretending to report what he neither saw nor learned, the said Friar Marcos does nothing new, because he has done this many other times, and this was his regular habit, as is notorious in the provinces of Peru and Guatemala; and sufficient evidence regarding this will be given to the court whenever it is necessary.” ” This is a serious charge, but so far as is known it was never substan- tiated. Cortes was anxious to enforce his point, and he was not always serupulous in regard to the exact truth. The important point is that such charges were made by a man who was in the position to learn all 1The document, as printed in Doc. Inéd. Hist. Espaiia, vol. iv, pp. 209-217, is not dated. The date given in the text is taken from the heading or title to the petition, which, if not the original, has at least the authority of Sefor Navarrete, the editor of this Coleccion when the earlier volumes were printed. This memorial appears, from the contents, to have been one of the documents submitted in the litigation then going on between the rival claimants for the privilege of exploring the country discovered by Friar Marcos, although the document is not printed with the other papers in the case. ?Documentos Inéditos Hist. Espaiia, vol. iv, p. 211: Memorial que did el Marqués del Valle en Madrid 4 25 de Junio de 1540. . . . ‘Al tiempo que yo vine de la dicha tierra el dicho Fray Marcos 368 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN.14 the facts, and that the accusations were made before anyone knew how little basis there was for the stories which were the cause of the whole trouble. Without trying to clear the character of Cortes, it is possible to suggest the answer to the most evident reply to his accusations— that he never published the stories which he says he received from the Indians. Cortes certainly did persist in his endeavors to explore the country lying about the head of the Gulf of California. If he ever heard from the Indians anything concerning the Cibola region—which is doubtful, partly because Cortes himself complains that if Mendoza had not interfered with the efficiency of his expeditions, he would have secured this information—it would still have been the best policy for Cortes to keep the knowledge to himself, so that possible rivals might remain ignorant of it until he had perfected his own plans. It may be questioned how long such secrecy would have been possible, but we know how successfully the Spanish authorities managed to keep from the rest of the world the correct and complete cartographical informa- tion as to what was being accomplished in the New World, throughout the period of exploration and conquest. The truce—it can hardly be called a friendship—between Mendoza and Cortes, which prevailed during the first years of the viceroy’s admin- istration, could not last long. Mendoza, as soon as he was fairly set- tled in his position in New Spain,! asked the King for a license to make explorations. Cortes still looked on every rival in the work of extend- ing this portion of the Spanish world as an interloper, even though he must have recognized that his prestige at the court and in the New World was rapidly lessening. The distrust with which each of the two regarded the other increased the trouble which was inevitable so soon as the viceroy, urged on by the audiencia, undertook to execute the royal orders which instructed him to investigate the extent of the estates held by Cortes, and to enumerate the Indians held to service by the conqueror. Bad feeling was inevitable, and the squabbles over forms of address and of precedence, which Suarez de Peralta records, were only a few of many things which reveal the relations of the two leading men in New Spain. habléconmigo . . . 6yole di noticia de esta dicha tierra y descubrimiento de ella, porque tenia determinacion de enviarlo en mis navios en proseguimiento y conquista de la dicha costa y tierra, porque parescia que se le entendia algo de cosas de navegacion: el cual dicho fraile lo comunicé con el dicho visorey, y con su licencia diz que fué por tierra en demanda de Ja misma costa y tierra que yo habia descubierto, y que era y es de mi conquista; y despues que volvié el dicho fraile ha publicado que diz que llegé 4 vista de la dicha tierra; lo cual yo niego haber é1 visto ni descubierto, antes lo que el dicho fraile refiere haber visto, lo ha dicho y dice por sola la relacion que yo le habia hecho de Ja noticia que tenia de los indios de la dicha tierra de Santa Cruz que yo truje, porque todo lo que el dicho fraile se dice que refiere, es lo mismo que los dichos indios 4 mime dijeron; y en haberse en esto adelantado el dicho Fray Marcos fingiendo y refiriendo lo que no sabe ni vid, no hizo cosa nueva, porque otras muchas veces lo ha hecho y lo tiene por costumbre como es notorio en las provincias del Perit y Guate- mala, y se dard de ello informacion bastante luego en esta corte, siendo necesario.” 1The request occurs in the earliest letters from the viceroy, and is repeated in that of December 10, 1537. This privilege was withdrawn from all governors in the colonies by one of the New Laws of 1543. (Icazbalceta, Col. Hist. Mexico, ii, 204.) The ill success of Coronado’s efforts did not weaken Mendoza's desire to enlarge his territory, for he begs his agent in Spain, Juan de Aguilar, to secure for him a fresh grant of the privilege in a later letter. (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 506; B. Smith, Florida, p. 7.) ‘ 2 7 oe orewaway shal meerii i| ‘ 2+ Caer Ripa j —— 1 —— a a oe : in’ | Pavel hue abe ' : ¥ « . ‘ : s 7 _ % ; a f ‘ _ ‘< 5 a | - wa ae ne a 4 AA . j : : i - iI i ] ; | ii 4 : : ' ; t} : ' =-- a —— i BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY an ena me) aval [Liduseguo delddsceperto della. noua bran, dguale $8 haute uth masmenda dellanoratss tyra. 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C.del Cor bese Cumars- varie’ cdelanoas Openeds A San Pure r GCL A DE ‘ef ale Lo Pariatt RO Ancon oat z ae —— WINSHIP] PLANS OF CORTES 369 We can not be certain what the plans of Cortes were, nor can we tell just how much he did to carry his schemes into execution, during the years from 1537 to 1540. Shortly after the men whom Cortes had established at Santa Cruz were recalled, a decree was issued, in the name of the audiencia, to forbid the sending of any expedition for exploration or conquest from New Spain. Cortes declared that he had at this time, September, 1538, nine good ships already built. He was naturally unwilling to give up all hope of deriving any benefit from his previous undertakings, as would be inevitable if Mendoza should sueceed in his projects for taking advantage of whatever good things could be found toward the north. The danger must have seemed clear so soon as he learned of the departure of Friar Marcos and the negro on their journey toward the Seven Cities. There is no means of know- ing whether Cortes had learned of the actual discovery of Cibola, when he suddenly ordered Francisco de Ulloa to take three vessels and sail up the coast toward the head of the Gulf of California. The friar may have sent Indian messengers to the viceroy so soon as he heard the native reports about the seven cities of Cibola, and it is possible that the news of his approaching return may have reached New Spain before the departure of Ulloa, which took place July 8, 1539, from Acapuleo.! It seems clear that this action was unexpected, and that it was a suc- cessful anticipation of preventive measures. . In the statement of his grievances, Cortes declares that Mendoza not only threw every possible obstacle in his way, seizing six or seven vessels which failed to get away with Ulloa, but that even after Ulloa had gone, the viceroy sent a strong force up the coast to prevent the ships from entering any of the ports. When stress of weather forced one of the ships to put into Guatulco, the pilot and sailors were imprisoned and the viceroy persistently refused to return the ship to its owner. About the same time, a mes- senger who had been sent to Cortes from Santiago in Colima was seized and tortured, in the hope of procuring from him information about the plans of Cortes.” After Friar Marcos came back from the north and filled the people in New Spain with the desire of going to this new country, Cortes realized that he could do nothing, even in the city which he had won for his King and for Europe, to prevent the expedition which Mendoza was already organizing. Early in 1540—we know only that he was on his way when he wrote to Oviedo from Habana* on February 5—the con- queror of Motecuhzoma’s empire left Mexico for the last time, and went to see what he could gain by a personal application at the court of His Majesty the Emperor, Charles V. 1Ulloa’s Relation is translated from Ramusio in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p.397, ed. 1600. 2Memorial que did al Rey el Marques del Valle, en Madrid, 25 de junio, 1540: Printed in Doc. Inéd. Espana, vol. iv, p. 209. Compare with this account that in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 425. Mr Bancroft is always a strong advocate of the cause of Cortes. 8 Oviedo, Historia General, vol. iv, p. 19. 14 ETH 24. 370 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eTH. ANN. 14 Mendoza had guarded against rival expeditions from his own terri- tory, and so soon as he knew that Friar Marcos had succeeded in his quest, he took precautions to prevent the news of the discovery from reaching other portions of the New World. His chief fear, probably, was lest De Soto, who had recently received a license to explore the country between the Rio de las Palmas, in the present Texas, and Florida,! might direct his expedition toward the western limits of his territory, if he should learn of the rich prospects there. Although Mendoza probably did not know it, De Soto had sailed from Habana in May, 1539, and in July, sending back his largest ships, he began the long march through the everglades of Florida, which was to end in the Missis- sippi. Mendoza, with all the formality of the viceregal authority, ordered that no vessel sailing from New Spain should touch at any port in the New World on its way back to the home peninsula, and this notice was duly served on all departing shipmasters by the secretaries of the viceroy. By the middle of November, however, despite all this care, a ship from Vera Cruz sailed into the harbor of Habana. The master declared, on his oath, that he had been forced to put in there, because sickness had broken out aboard his vessel soon after the departure from New Spain and because he had discovered that his stock of provisions and water was insufficient for the voyage across the Atlantic. Curi- ously enough, one of the crew, possibly one of those who had been seized with the sickness, had in his possession some letters which he had been asked to deliver to Hernando De Soto, in Habana. Apparently the agent or friend of De Soto living in Mexico, one Francisco de Billegas, did not know that the adelantado had left Cuba, although he had arranged to have the letters carried to Spain and given to the repre- sentative of the adelantado there if De Soto was not found at Habana. De Soto had taken care that his interests should be watched and pro- tected, in Spain as well as in the New World, when he started on his search for the land of wealth north of the Gulf of Mexico, the search on which Ayllon and Narvaez had failed so sadly. It was the regular practice of all the governors and successful explorers in the colonies of the empire to maintain representatives in Spain who should look after their interests at court and before the administrative bureaus. When the news of Friar Marcos’ discovery reached Europe, accompanied by reports of the preparations which Mendoza was making for an expedition to take possession of the new territory, protests and counterclaims were immediately presented in behalf of all those who could claim any right to participate in this new field of conquest. The first formal statements were filed with the Council for the Indies, March 3, 1540, and on June 10, 1541, the factor or representative of Cortes, whose petition is first among the papers relating to the case, asked for an extension of six days. This ends the 1 The capitulacion or agreement with De Soto is printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. Xv, pp. 354-363. WINSHIP] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO 371 documents concerning the litigation, so far as they have been printed.! Petitions, testimony, narratives of explorations and discoveries, acts taking possession of new lands, notifications and decisions, appeals and countercharges, were filed and referred, each claimant watching his rivals so closely and objecting to their claims so strenuously that the fiscal, Villalobos, in his report on the case, May 25, 1540, gives as one of the most conclusive reasons in favor of the advice which he offers to the Council, that each of the parties has clearly proved that none of the others have any right to claim a share in the newly discovered region by virtue of any grants, licenses, or achievements whatsoever. Of the various claimants, the representative of the adelantado Her- nando De Soto offered perhaps the best argument. The territory granted to De Soto extended on the west to the Rio de las Palmas, and this grant was the same as that previously made to Narvaez. The dis- covery had grown out of the expedition of Narvaez, to whose rights De Soto had succeeded, through the reports which Cabeza de Vaca carried to New Spain. ‘The newly discovered region was evidently inland, and this fact disposed of the two prominent rivals, Cortes and Alvarado. The adelantado had expended large sums in preparing for this undertaking—a claim advanced with equal vigor by all the par- ties, and usually supported by specific accounts, which unfortunately are not printed—and it was only right that he should be given every opportunity to reap the full advantage from these outlays. Most impor- tant of all was the fact that De Soto was already in the country north of the gulf, in command of a large and well equipped force, and pre- sumably on his way toward the region about which they were disputing. Because De Soto was there, urged his representative with strong and persistent emphasis, all other exploring expeditions ought to be kept away. It was clearly probable that great and notorious scandals would ensue unless this was guarded against, just as had happened in Peru. If this precaution was not taken, and two expeditions representing conflicting interests should be allowed to come together in the country beyond the reach of the royal restraint, many lives would inevitably be lost and great damage be done to the Spaniards, and to the souls of the Indians as well, while the enlargement of the royal patrimony would be hindered. ? Cortes reached Spain some time in April, 1540,° and was able to direct his case in person for much of the time. He urged the priority of his 1These documents fill 108 pages in volume xv of the Pacheco y Cardenas Documentos de Indias. At least one other document presented in the case, the Capitulacion . . . que hizo Ayllon, is printed elsewhere in the same Coleccion. This, also, does not include the two long memorials which Cortes succeeded in presenting to the King in person. ? This much feared conjunction came very near to being realized. A comparison of the various plot- tings of the routes De Soto and Coronado may have followed and of their respective itineraries shows that the two parties could not have been far apart in the present Oklahoma or Indian territory, or perhaps north of that region. This evidence is confirmed by the story of the Indian woman, related by Castaieda. Dr J. G. Shea, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 292, states that Coronado heard of his countryman De Soto, and sent a letter to him. This is almost certainly a mistake, which probably originated in a misinterpretation of a statement made by Jaramillo, 3 See his Carta in Doe, Inéd. Espana, vol. civ, p. 491. 372 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (rH. ANN. 14 claims under the royal license, dating from 1529.!_ He told of his many efforts to enlarge the Spanish domain, undertaken at great expense, personal sacrifice and danger, and resulting in the loss of relations and friends. From all of this, as he carefully pointed out, neither His Majesty nor himself had received any proper benefit, though this was not the result of any fault or lack of diligence on his part, as he hastened to explain, but had been caused by the persistent and ill- concealed hostility of the audiencia and the viceroy in New Spain, “concerning all of which His Majesty must have been kept heretofore in ignorance.” Nuno de Guzman presented his case in person, though perhaps this was not so much because it was more effective as because his resources must have been limited and his time little occupied. He was able, indeed, to make out a very good argument, assuming his right to the goyv- ernorship of New Galicia, a province which had been greatly enlarged by his conquests. These conquests were toward the north, and he had taken possession of all the land in that direction in behalf of His Catholic Majesty. He would have extended the Spanish territory much farther in the same direction, if only his zealous efforts had not been abruptly cut short by his persecutors, through whose malicious efforts he was even yet nominally under arrest. Nor was this all, for all future expeditions into the new region must go across the territory which was rightfully his, and they could only succeed by the assistance and resources which would be drawn from his country. Thus he was the possessor of the key to all that lay beyond. The commission or license which Pedro de Alvarado took with him from Spain the year before these proceedings opened, granted him per- mission to explore toward the west and the north—the latter provision probably inserted as a result of the reports which Cabeza de Vaca brought to Spain. Alvarado had prepared an expedition at great expense, and since the new region lay within his grant, his advocate pleaded, it would evidently pertain to him to conquer it. Moreover, he was in very high favor at court, as is shown by the ease with which he regained his position, in spite of the attack by the Mexican andiencia, and also by the ease with which he obtained the papal permission allowing him to marry the sister of his former wife. But Alvarado figures only slightly in the litigation, and he may have appeared as a party in order to maintain an opposition, rather than with any hope or intention of establishing the justice of his claims. Everything seems to add to the probability of the theory that Mendoza effected an alli- ance with him very early. It is possible that the negotiations may have begun before Alvarado left Spain, although there is no certainty about anything which preceded the written articles of agreement. Some of the contemporary historians appear to have been ignorant even of these. 1 The Titulo, ete, dated 6 Julio, 1529, is in Pacheco y Cardenas, Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos de Indias, vol. iv, pp. 572-574. >. ve 7 : 2 7 a EE ee — = _ a LPL I IL Lo AIX “Id 1LYOd3Y TWANNWY HLN3SLYNOF ASOIONHL]S JO NvayuNe 6951 ‘NIVdS MAN 4O LYVd NYSLSAMHLYON S:YOLVOUSW 691 ‘NIivdS M3N JO Luvd NYSLSSMHLYON S;YOLVOUSW F enondos ADOIONHLS 40 NvaEne AVX “Id LHOd3H IWANNY HLIN3S3LYNOS WINSHIP] OPPOSITION TO THE EXPEDITION 373 The Council for the Indies referred the whole matter of the petitions and accompanying evidence to the fiscal, the licentiate Villalobos, A pril 21,1540. He made a report, which virtually decided the case, May 25, The parties were given an opportunity of replying to this, and they continued to present evidence and petitions and countercharges for a year longer. The final decision, if any was made, has not been printed, so far as I know, but the Council could hardly have done anything beyond formally indorsing the report of Villalobos. The duty of the fiscal was plain, and his report advises His Majesty not to grant any of the things asked for by the petitioners. He states that this discovery ought to be made by and in behalf of His Majesty, since the region was not included in any previous grant. Although the Crown had forbidden any further unlicensed explorations, this would not prevent expeditions being undertaken on the part of the Crown, which is always at liberty to explore at will. In effect, of course, the report sanctioned | the exploration by Mendoza, who represented the royal interests and power. An objection was at once entered in behalf of De Soto, using the very good argument that Mendoza’s expedition would be sent out either at the expense of the Crown or of his private fortune. If the former, it was claimed that as the explorer would have the glory in any event, the Crown ought to save the expense by allowing De Soto, who had already undertaken the same thing at his own cost, to make these discoveries, which he promised should redound to as great an extent to the glory and advantage of the Emperor. If Mendoza was undertak- ing this at his own expense, it was evident that he would desire to recover his outlay. Here he was merely on the same footing as De Soto, who was prepared to make a better offer to his Royal Master than Mendoza could possibly afford. In either case there was the danger of scandal and disaster, in case the two expeditions should be allowed to come together beyoud the range of the royal oversight. No answer to this appeal is recorded, and the parties continued to argue down their opponents’ cases, while the viceroy in New Spain started the expedition which, under the command of Francisco Vazquez Coronado, discovered the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, the Grand canyon of the Colorado, and the bison of the great plains. THE EXPEDITION TO NEW MEXICO AND THE GREAT PLAINS THE ORGANIZATION OF THE EXPEDITION Two classes of colonists are essential to the security-and the perma- nent prosperity of every newly opened country. In New Spain in the sixteenth century these two classes, sharply divided and almost antago- nistic—the established settlers and the free soldiers of fortune—were both of considerable importance. Cortes, so soon as he had conquered the country, recognized the need of providing for its settlement by a stable population. In the petitions and memorials which he wrote in 374 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 1539 and 1540 he continually reiterates the declaration of the pains and losses sustained on account of his efforts to bring colonists from Spain to populate the New World. Whether he accomplished all that these memorials claim is doubtful, for there are comparatively few ref- erences to this class of immigrants during the years when Cortes was in a position to accomplish his designs. Mendoza declared that the increase of the European population in New Spain came largely after his own arrival there, in 1535, and this was probably true. The “good viceroy” unquestionably did more than anyone else to place the proy- ince on a permanent basis.! Mendoza supervised with great care the assignment of land to the newcomers, and provided tools and stock for those who had not the means of equipping their farms. As a royal decree forbade the grant- ing of land to unmarried men, besides directing an increase of royal favor and additional grants proportionate to the increase of children, the viceroy frequently advanced the money which enabled men who were desirous of settling down to get married. When he came from Spain in 1535, he brought with him a number of eligible spinsters, and it is quite probable that, after these had found husbands, he main- tained the supply of maids suitable to become the wives of those colo- nists who wished to experience the royal bounty and favor. Alvarado engaged in a similar undertaking when he came out to Guatemala in 1539, but with less success than we may safely hope rewarded the thoughtfulness of Mendoza.’ A royal order in 1538 had decreed that all who held enecomiendas should marry within three years, if not already possessed of a wife, or else forfeit their estates to married men. Some of the bachelor landholders protested against the enforcement of this order in Guatemala, because eligible white women couid not be found nearer than Mexico. To remove this objection, Alvarado brought twenty maidens from Spain. Soon after their arrival, a reception was held, at which they were given a chance to see their prospective hus- bands. During the evening, one of the girls declared to her companions that she never could marry one of these ‘‘old fellows, . . . who were cut up as if they had just escaped from the infernal regions, . . . for some of them are lame, some have only one hand, others have no ears or only one eye, and some of them have lost half their faces. The best of them have one or two scars across their foreheads.” 1Fragmento Visita: Mendoza, Icazbalceta's Mexico, vol. ii, p. 90, § 86. ‘‘ Porque antes que el dicho visorey viniese . . . habia muy poca gente y los corregimientos bastaban para proveellos y susten- tallos, y como despues de la venida del dicho visorey crecié la gente y se aumenté, y de cada dia vienen gentes pobres 4 quien se ha de proveer de comer, con la dicha baja y vacaciones se han proveido y remediado, y sin ella hubieran padecido y padecieran gran necesidad, y no se poblara tanto la tierra, y dello se dié noticia 4S. M. y lo aprobé y se tuvo por servidoen ello. § 194 (p. 117): Despues que el dicho visorey vino 4 esta Nueva Espaitia, continamente ha acogido en su casa i caballeros y otras per- sonas que vienen necesitados de Espana y de otras partes, dandoles de comer y vestir, caballos y armas con que sirvan 4S. M.” 2 Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, part Ul, cap. i, lib. ii, p. 58 (ed. 1722), tells the story of Alvarado's experiment. The picture of the life and character of the Spanish conquerors of America, in the eyes of a girl fresh from Europe, is so vivid and suggestive that its omission would be unjusti- fiable. WINSHIP] EARLY CONDITION OF NEW SPAIN 375 b/ The story is that one of the ‘told fellows” overheard this outburst, reported it to his friends, and promptly went off and married the daughter of a powerful cacique. Besides assisting his colonists to get wives, Mendoza did a great deal to foster the agricultural interests of the province. He continued the importation of cattle, which Cortes had begun, and also procured horses and sheep from Spain. He writesin one of his letters of the espe- cial satisfaction that he felt because of the rapid increase of his merino sheep, in spite of the depredations of the natives and of wild animals. The chief concern of the officials of the audiencia had been the gold mines, which yielded a considerable revenue in certain districts; but Mendoza, without neglecting these, proved how large and reliable was the additional revenue which could be derived from other sources. The viceroy’s success in developing the province can not be shown more clearly than by repeating the description of New Spain in 1555, written by Robert Tomson, an English merchant engaged in the Span- ish trade. In the course of a business tour Tomson visited the City of Mexico. His commercial friends in the city entertained him most hospitably, and did their best to make his visit pleasant. He refused, however, to heed their warnings, and his indiscreet freedom of speech finally compelled the officials of the Inquisition to imprison him, thus adding considerably to the length of his residence in the city. After he returned home, he wrote a narrative of his tour, in which he says of New Spain: “Ag for victuals in the said Citie, of beefe, mutton, and hennes, capons, quailes, Guiny-cockes, and such like, all are very good cheape: To say, the whole quarter of an oxe, as much as a slaue can carry away from the Butchers, for fiue Tomynes, that is, fiue Royals of plate, which is iust two shillings and sixe pence, and a fat sheepe at the Butchers for three Royals, which is 18. pence and no more. Bread is as good cheape as in Spaine, and all other kinde of fruites, as apples, peares, pomegranats, and quinces, at a reasonable rate. . . . [The country] doth yeeld great store of very good silke, and Cochinilla. . . . Also there are many goodly fruits, whereof we haue none such, as Plantanos, Guyaues, Sapotes, Tunas, and in the wildernes great store of blacke cheries, and other wholsome fruites. . . . Also the Indico that doeth come from thence to die blew, is a certaine hearbe. . . . Balme, Salsaperilla, cana fistula, suger, oxe hides, and many other good and seruiceable things the Countrey doeth yeeld, which are yeerely brought into Spaine, and there solde and distributed to many nations.” ! The other class among the colonists of New Spain in the second quarter of the sixteenth century “floated like cork on the water” on those who had established their homes in the New World.? The men 1Tomson‘'s whole narrative, in Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. ii, p. 447 (ed. 1600), is well worth reading. Considerable additional information in regard to the internal condition of New Spain, at a little later date, may be found in the ‘* Discourses”? which follow Tomson's Narrative, in the same volume of Hakluyt. 2The proof text for this quotation, as for many of the following statements which are taken from Mota Padilla's Historia de la Nueva Galicia, may be found in footnotes to the passages which they illustrate in the translation of Castaneda’s narrative. I hope this arrangement will prove most con- venient for those who study the documents included in this memoir. I shall not attempt in the introductory narrative to make any further references showing my indebtedness to Mota Padilla’s invaluable work. 376 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eTH. ANN. 14 who made it possible to live in security on the farms and ranches of the province had rendered many and indispensable services, and there was much that they might still do to enlarge its boundaries and make the security more certain. They were, nevertheless, a serious hindrance to the prosperity of the settlements. Jor the most part they were young men of all sorts and degrees. Among them were many sons of Spanish noblemen, like Mendoza the viceroy, whose brother had just succeeded his father as Marquis de Mondejar. Very much of the extension of the Spanish world by discovery and conquest was due to the sons of men of rank, who had, perhaps generally, begun to sow their wild oats in Spain and were sent across the Atlantic in order to keep them out of mischief at home, or to atone, it may be, for mischief already done. In action, these young caballeros were most efficient. By personal valor and ability, they held the positions of leadership everywhere, among men who followed whom and when they chose, and always chose the man who led them most successfully. When inactive, these same cavaliers were a most trying annoyance’to any community in which they happened to be. Armed with royal letters and compre- hensive introductions, they had to be entertained, at heavy charges. Masters of their own movements, they came as they liked, and very often did not go away. Lovers of excitement, they secured it regard- less of other men’s wives or property. There had been few attractions to draw these adventurers away from Mexico, the metropolis of the mainland, for some time previous to 1539. Peru still offered excitement for those who had nothing to gain or lose, but the purely personal struggle going on there between Pizarro and Almagro could not arouse the energies of those who were in search of glory as well as of employment. A considerable part of the rabble which followed Nuno de Guzman during the conquest of New Galicia went to Peru after their chief had been superseded by the Licentiate de la Torre, so that one town is said to have disappeared entirely from this cause; but among these there were few men of good birth and spirit. Mendoza had been able, at first, to accommodate and employ those who accompanied him from Spain, like Vazquez Coronado, “being chiefly young gentlemen.” But every vessel com- ing from home brought some companion or friend of those who were already in New Spain, and after Cabeza de Vaca carried the reports of his discoveries to the Spanish court, an increasing number came each season to join the already burdensome body of useless members of the viceregal household. The viceroy recognized the necessity of relieving the community of this burden very soon after he had established him- self in Mexico, and he was continually on the watch for some suitable means of freeing himself from these guests. By 1539 the problem of looking after these young gentlemen—whose number is determined quite accurately by the two hundred and fifty or three hundred “gen- tlemen on horseback” who left New Spain with Coronado in the AIK “Id LYOd34 IWONNY HLN33LY4NOS — Os E ; a Ty) : zenore> yoo urry>ry>\ sey, D ~ ~ 7 ie F y x ADOIONHL]S 4O NvauNna 6961 ‘YOLVOYSW YSls¥ ‘NIVdS MAN 4O YHOINSLNI SHL $i . ae 4 Oe ie id Pew s SS es ieee. i a —— — a - by 4 pom ~ a Se a yoo wnLY>1y\ YAEL. Yj ederqD 2! x ¥ t —_ \AIK “Id 48HOd3H IWANNY HIN3Si4NO4 ADOIONHLS 40 Nv3"Na WINSHIP] : ORGANIZATION OF THE EXPEDI'ION Bx T spring of 1540—had become a serious one to the viceroy. The most desirable employment for all this idle energy would be, of course, the exploration and conquest of new country, or the opening of the border territory for permanent settlement. But no mere work for work’s sake, no wild-goose chase, would do. These young gentlemen had many friends near to Charles V, who would have resented any abuse of privilege or of confidence. A suitable expedition could be undertaken only at considerable expense, and unless the cost could all be made good to the accountants in Spain, complaints were sure to be preferred against even the best of viceroys. So Mendoza entertained his guests as best he could, while they loafed about his court or visited his stock farms, and he anxiously watched the reports which came from the offi- cials of the northwestern province of New Galicia and from the priests who were wandering and working among the outlying Indian tribes. When, late in the summer of 1539, Friar Marcos returned from the north, bringing the assurance that Cibola was a desirable field for conquest, the viceroy quickly improved the opportunity for which he had been waiting. Within a month and a half Mendoza had begun to organize the force which was to conquer this new country. Compostela, on the Pacific coast, was announced as the place at which the force should assemble. The viceroy desired to have the army begin its march so soon as the roads were passable in the spring, and he wished also to relieve the Indians living in the districts between Mexico and the coast from as much as possible of the annoyance and loss which would be inevitable if the army started from Mexico and marched through this territory in a body. How much this forethought for the Indians was needed appears from Mendoza’s reply to the accusations against him filed during the visita of 1547, which showed that all his care had not saved the Indians of Michoacan from needless injury at the hands of those who were on their way to join the gathering at Com- postela. Incidentally, this arrangement also gave the capital city an earlier relief from its unwelcome guests. Popular as was the expedition to the Seven Cities, there was a little opposition to the undertaking. When it became evident that a large force was about to leave the country, some of those who were to re- main behind complained that all New Spain was being depopulated, and that no one would be left to defend the country in case of an Indian uprising. When Mendoza reached Compostela, by the middle of February, 1540, Coronado asked him to make an official investiga- tion of these complaints. The formal request is dated February 21, and on the following day, Sunday, the viceroy held a grand review of the whole array, with everyone ready equipped for the march. As the men passed before the viceregal party the secretaries made an exact count and description of the force, but this document is not now known. Its loss is partly supplied by the sworn testimony of the officials who were best acquainted with the inhabitants of all parts of New Spain, 378 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ErH, ANN. 14 recorded a few days after the departure of the expedition. They declare that in the whole army there were only two or three men who had ever been settled residents in the country; that these few were men who had failed to make a living as settlers, and that, in short, the whole force was a good riddance.! ; The men who assembled at Compostela to start for the Seven Cities numbered, Mendoza stated at the time of the visita in 1547, ‘about two hundred and fifty Spaniards on horseback, . . . and about three hundred Indians, a few more or less.” Mota Padilla, who must have used documents of the very best authority, nearly all of which have since disappeared, gives the number of the force as ‘two hundred and sixty horsemen, . . seventy footmen, . . and more than a thousand friendly Indians and Indian servants.” Herrera, who used official documents, says that there were one hundred and fifty horsemen and two hundred footmen. Mendoza’s statement of the num- ber of Indians may be explained, if we suppose him to have referred only to the friendly Indians who went on the expedition as native allies. His statement is made in the course of a defense of his adminis- tration, when he was naturally desirous of giving as small a number as possible. Castaneda says that there were three hundred horsemen, and this number occurs in other early narratives. Mendoza spared neither pains nor expense to insure the success of the expedition. Arms, horses, and supplies were furnished in abundance; money was advanced from the royal chest to any who had debts to pay before they could depart, and provision was made for the support of those who were about to be left behind by fathers, brothers, or hus- bands. The equipment of the force was all that the viceroy could desire. Arms and military supplies had been among the things greatly needed in New Spain when Mendoza reported its condition in his first letters to the home government. In 1537 he repeated his request for these supplies with increased insistence. The subject is not again men- tioned in his letters, and we may fairly suppose that he had received the weapons and munitions of war, fresh from the royal arsenals of Spain, with which he equipped the expedition on whose success he had staked somuch. It was a splendid array as it passed in review before Mendoza and the officials who helped and watched him govern New Spain, on this Sunday in February, 1540. The young cavaliers curbed the picked horses from the large stock farms of the viceroy, each resplendent in long blankets flowing to the ground. LEHach rider held his lance erect, while his sword and other weapons hung in their proper places at his side. Some were arrayed in coats of mail, polished to shine like that of their general, whose gilded armor with its brilliant trappings was to bring him many hard blows a few months later. Others wore iron hel- mets or vizored headpieces of the tough bullhide for which the country 1The Testimonio contains so much that is of interest to the historical student that I have trans- lated it in full herein. WINSHIP] ANTECEDENTS OF CORONADO 379 has ever been famous. The footmen carried crossbows and harquebuses, while some of them were armed with sword and shield. Looking on at these white men with their weapons of European warfare was the crowd of native allies in their paint and holiday attire, armed with the club and the bow of an Indian warrior. When all these started off next morning, in duly ordered companies, with their banners flying, upward of a thou- sand servants and followers, black men and red men, went with them, leading the spare horses, driving the pack animals, bearing the extra baggage of their masters, or herding the large droves of ‘‘big and little cattle,” of oxen and cows, sheep, and, maybe, swine,' which had been collected by the viceroy to assure fresh food for the army on its march. There were more than a thousand horses in the train of the force, besides the mules, loaded with camp supplies and provisions, and car- rying half a dozen pieces of light artillery—the pedreros, or swivel guns of the period. After the review, the army assembled before the viceroy, who addressed to them an exhortation befitting the occasion. Each man, whether captain or foot soldier, then swore obedience to his commander and officers, and promised to prove himself a loyal and faithful vassal to his Lord the King. During the preceding week the viceroy had divided the force into companies, and now he assigned to each its cap- tain, as Castaneda relates, and announced the other officers of the army. Francisco Vazquez Coronado—de Coronado it is sometimes written— was captain-general of the whole force. ‘“‘Who he is, what he has already done, and his personal qualities and abilities, which may be made useful in the various affairs which arise in these parts of the Indies, I have already written to Your Majesty,” writes Mendoza to the Emperor, in the letter of December 10, 1537. This previous letter is not known to exist, and there is very little to supply the place of its description of the character and antecedents of Vazquez Coronado. His home was in Salamanea,? and he came to America in the retinue of Mendoza in 1535. His relations with his patron, the viceroy, previ- ous to the return of the expedition from Cibola, appear always to have been most cordial and intimate. In 1537 Coronado married Beatrice de Estrada, a cousin by blood,.if gossip was true, of the Emperor, Charles V. Her father, Alonso, had been royal treasurer of New Spain. From his mother-in-law Coronado received as a marriage gift a consid- erable estate, ‘“‘the half of Tlapa,” which was confirmed to him by a royal grant. Cortez complained that the income from this estate was worth more than 3,000 ducados, and that it had been unduly and incon- siderately alienated from the Crown. Coronado obtained also the estate of one Juan de Burgos, apparently one of those who forfeited ‘Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xi, vol. iri, p. 204 (ed. 1730), mentions pigs among the food supply of the army. For the above description, which is not so fanciful as it sounds, see notes from Mota Padilla, ete, accompanying the translation of Castatieda. 2Castaiieda’s statement is supported by Herrera, Historia General, dec. v1, lib. v, cap. ix, vol. iii, p. 121 (ed. 1730), and by Tello, 1m Icazbalceta's Mexico, vol. 1i, p. 370. 380 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [prH. ANN. 14 their land because they persisted in the unmarried state. This ar- rangement likewise received the royal approval.! When, however, ‘the new laws and ordinances for the Indies” came out from Spain in 1544,” after Coronado’s return from the northern expedition, one of the sec- tions expressly ordered an investigation into the extent and value of the estates held by Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, since it had been reported to the King that the number of Indians held to service on these estates was very excessive. Mendoza had to answer the same charge at his visita in 1547. . Mendoza sent Coronado, in 1537, to the mines at Amatepeque, where the negroes had revolted and “elected a king,” and where they threat- ened to cause considerable trouble. The revolt was quelled, after some fighting, with the help of the Indians of the district. A couple of dozen of the rebels were hung and quartered at the mines or in the City of Mexico.’ In the following August, Coronado was legally recognized as a citizen of the City of Mexico, where he was one of three witnesses chosen to testify to the formal recognition by Cortes of the royal order which permitted De Soto to explore and conquer Florida. A month later. September 7, 1538, the representative of De Soto, Alvaro de Sanjurjo, summoned Coronado himself to recognize and promise obedience to the same royal order, ‘“‘as governor, as the said Sanjurjo declared him to be, of New Galicia.” Coronado readily promised his loyal and respect- ful obedience to all of His Majesty’s commands, but observed that this matter did not concern him at all, ‘since he was not governor, nor did he know that His Majesty desired to have him serve in such a position; and if His Majesty should desire his services in that position, he would obey and submit to the royal provision for him whenever he was called on, and would do what was most serviceable to the royal interests.” He adds that he knows nothing about the government of Ayllon or that of Narvaez, which were mentioned in the license to De Soto. This part of his statement can hardly have been strictly true. The answer was not satisfactory to Sanjurjo, who replied that he had received information that Coronado was to be appointed governor of New Galicia. The latter stated that he had already given his answer, and thereupon Sanjurjo formally protested that the blame for any expenditures, dain- ages, or Scandals which might result from a failure to observe the royal order must be laid at the door of the one to whom they rightfully belonged, and that they would not result from any fault or omission on the part of De Soto. Sanjurjo may have received some hint or sugges- tion of the intention to appoint Coronado, but it is quite certain that no definite steps had yet been taken to supplant the licentiate, De la 1See the Fragmento de Visita, in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 95. 2The laws were signed at Valladolid, June 4 and June 26, 1543, and the copy printed in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 214, was promulgated in New Spain, March 13, 1544. See Mendoza's letter to the King, December 10, 1537. 4 The proceso which was served on Cortes is in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 371. ; n a, Ane i ae poe a a as Yu a\.. nie? Woe mea NY eae . 4 - aN ew hy ey eo ‘ . 5 “wa = > a Wang oh oe Sa Ps. LAI) 8 , CMON ATK AYOdEY IVNNNY HIN ‘ys XX Warey —— Sin: Wr Uj; Hf! ) NIG 3a | a y Sse SA > Coe - = S — ay ae — x 5 Sorc ere og hes ey A pe ON IGNAW “AAOSAILOL'S t< a NI WANDVW Se A sal 0d 1a ee [er Sith, i S \ at \ NS SS \\ WS NS SWE 4” y= | am - \ - £== —— Ket é NS = ae ee eR Re f yy eas aii i i I - U7 Osh. 5X ak XP Pe N \ q : Ne : % 4 “Id LHOd3YH TYNANNY HLN33LYNOS ADOIONHL3 40 nvaHna WINSHIP] SPANISH ATROCITIES AT TIGUEX 393 lected their fighting force into two of the strongest villages, from one of which they were able to defy the soldiers until thirst compelled them to abandon the stronghold. The defenders attempted to escape by stealth, but the sentries of the besieging force discovered them and aroused the camp. Many of the Indians were killed by the soldiers dur- ing the flight which followed, while others perished in the icy waters of the Rio Grande. During an attack on the second village, a few of the Spaniards who had succeeded in making their way to the highest por- tion of the buildings, escaped from their perilous position by inducing the native warriors to surrender. The Indians received an ample promise of protection and safety, but the captain of the attacking party was not informed of this, and in obedience to the general’s orders that no prisoners should be taken, he directed that the captives should be burned as a warning to the neighboring tribes. This affair is a terrible blot on the record of the expedition and of those who com- posed it. In condemning it most severely, however, English readers should remember that they are only repeating the condemnations which were uttered by most of the men of rank who witnessed it, which were repeated in New Spain and in old Spain, and which greeted the com- mander when he led his expedition back to Mexico, to receive the cold welcome of the viceroy. The Spaniards have told us only one side of the story of what was happening along the Rio Grande in the fall of 1540. The other side will probably never be heard, for it disappeared with the traditions of the Indian villagers. Without pretending to supply the loss, it is at least possible to suggest that the preparations by which the army- master procured the excellent accommodations for the force must have appeared very differently to the people in whose homes Cardenas housed the soldiers, and to those who passed the winter in these snug quarters. Castaneda preserved one or two interesting details which areas significant as 1s the striking fact that the peaceful natives who entertained Alvarado most freely in September were the leaders of the rebellion three months later. As soon as Coronado’s men had completed the reduction of the refractory natives, and the whole country had been overawed by the terrible punishment, the general undertook to reestablish peaceful rela- tions and confident intercourse between his camp and the surrounding villages. The Indians seem to have been ready to meet him almost half-way, although it is hardly surprising to find traces of an under- lying suspicion, and a readiness for treacherous retaliation. THE STORIES ABOUT QUIVIRA While this reconciliation was being effected, Coronado heard from one of the plains Indians,’ held as a slave in the village of Cicuye ‘Castaneda says that this Indian accompanied Alvarado on the first visit to the buffalo plains, and this may be true without disturbing the statement above. 394 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 or Pecos, the stories about Quivira, which were to add so much to the geographic extent of the expedition. When the Spaniards were about to kill this Indian—‘“ The Turk,” they called him'—he told them that his masters, the people of Cicuye, had induced him to lead the stran- gers away to the pathless plains, where water was scarce and corn was unknown, to perish there, or, if ever they should succeed in find- ing the way back to the village settlements, tired and weak, to fall an easy prey to their enemies. This plan was shrewdly conceived, and it very nearly succeeded. There is little reason why we should doubt the truth of the confession, made when the Indian could scarcely have hoped to save his life, and it affords an easy explanation of the way in which the exaggerated stories of Quivira originated and expanded. The Turk may have accompanied Alvarado on the first visit to the great plains, and he doubtless told the white men about his distant home and the roving life on the prairies. It was later, when the Spaniards began to ques- tion him about nations and rulers, gold and treasures, that he received, perhaps from the Spaniards themselves, the hints which led him to tell them what they were rejoiced to hear, and to develop the fanciful pic- tures which appealed so forcibly to all the desires of his hearers. The Turk, we can not doubt, told the Spaniards many things which were not true. But in trying to trace these early dealings of Europeans with the American aborigines, we must never forget how much may be explained by the possibilities of misinterpretation on the part of the white men, who so often heard of what they wished to find, and who learned, very gradually and in the end imperfectly, to understand only a few of the native languages and dialects. And besides this, the record of their observations, on which the students of today have to depend, was made in a language which knew nothing of the things which it was trying to describe. Much of what the Turk said was very likely true the first time he said it, although the memories of home were height- ened, no doubt, by absence and distance. Moreover, Castaneda, who is the chief source for the stories of gold and lordly kings which are said to have been told by the Turk, in all probability did not know anything more than the reports of what the Turk was telling to the superior officers, which were passed about among the common foot sol- diers.2. The present narrative has already shown the wonderful power of gossip, and when it is gossip recorded twenty years afterward, we mInay properly be cautious in believing it. Coronado wrote to the King from Tiguex, on April 20, 1541, as he says in his next letter, that of October 20. The April letter, written just before the start for Quivira, must have contained a full and official account of all that had been learned in regard to the country toward 1 He was called ‘‘The Turk” because the Spaniards thought tha> he looked like one. Bandelier, in American Cathohe Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 555, thinks this was due to the manner in which he wore his hair, characteristic of certain branches of the Pawnee. 2 This probability is greatly strengthened by Mota Padilla’s statement in relation to the Turk and Quivira, quoted in connection with Castateda’s narrative. WINSHIP] AFFAIRS AT SAN HIERONIMO 395 the east, as well as more reliable details than we now possess, of what had happened during the preceding fall and winter. But this April letter, which was an acknowledgment and answer to one from Charles V, dated in Madrid, June 11, 1540, has not been found by modern students. When the reply was dispatched, the messenger—probably Juan Gallego, who had perhaps brought the Emperor’s letter from Mexico—was accompanied by Pedro de Tovar, who was going back to Corazones valley for reinforcements. Many mishaps had befallen the town of San Hieronimo during the year, and when the messengers arrived there they found it half deserted. Leaving Don Pedro here, Gallego hastened to Mexico, where he raised a small body of recruits. He was leading these men, whose number had been increased by some stragglers and deserters from the original force whom he picked up at Culiacan, toward Cibola and Quivira, when he met the expedition returning to New Spain. It was during this, probably his fifth trip over the road from Mexico to our New Mexico, that he performed the deeds of valor which Castaneda so enthusiastically recounts at the very end of his book. THE JOURNEY ACROSS THE BUFFALO PLAINS April 23, 1541, Coronado left the Tiguex country and marched toward the northeast, to the plains where lay the rich land of Quivira. Every member of the army accompanied the general, for no one was willing to be left behind when such glorious prospects of fame and fortune lay before them. A few of the officers suggested the wisdom of verifying these Indian tales in some measure before setting the whole force in motion and abandoning their only sure base of supplies. It seems as if there must have been other reasons influencing Coronado beyond those revealed in Castaneda’s narrative; but, if so, we do not know what they were. The fear lest he might fail to accomplish any of the things which had been hoped for, the absence of results on which to base a justification for all the expense and labor, the thought of what would await him if he should return empty handed, are perhaps enough to account for the determination to risk everything and to allow no possible lack of zeal or of strength to interfere with the realization of the hopes inspired by the stories of Quivira. Guided by the Turk, the army proceeded to Cicuye, and in nine days more they reached the buffalo plains. Here began the long march which was to be without any guiding landmarks. Just where, or how, or how far the Spaniards went, I can not pretend to say. After a month and more of marching—very likely just thirty-five days—their patience became exhausted. A second native of the plains, who accompanied the Spaniards from the pueblo country, had declared from the first that the Turk was lying, but this had not made them trust the latter any less. When, however, the Indians whom they found living among the buffalo herds began to contradict the stories of their guide, suspi- cion was aroused. The Turk, after much persuasive cross-questioning, 396 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 was at last induced to confess that he had lied. Quivira, he still insisted, existed, though it was not as he had described it. From the natives of the plains they learned that there were no settlements toward the east, the direction in which they had been traveling, but that toward the north, another good month’s journey distant, there were permanent settlements. The corn which the soldiers had brought from Tiguex was almost gone, while the horses were tired and weak from the constant marching and buffalo chasing, with only grass for food. It was clearly impossible for the whole force to attempt this further journey, with the uncertain prospect of finding native tribes like those they had already seen as the only incentive. The general held a coun- cil of his officers and friends, and decided to select 30 of the best equipped horsemen. who should go with him and attempt to verify the new information. After Coronado had chosen his companions, the rest of the force was sent back to Tiguex, as Castaneda relates. The Indians whom they met on the plains furnished guides, who led the soldiers to the Pueblo settlements by a more direct route than that which the Turk had taken. But the marches were short and slow, so that it was the middle of July before they were again encamped alongside the Rio Grande. So far as is known, nothing of interest happened while they were waiting there for the return of the general. Coronado and his companion horsemen followed the compass needle for forty-two days after leaving the main force, or, as he writes, ‘after traveling across these deserts for seventy-seven days in all,” they reached the country of Quivira. Here he found some people who lived in permanent settlements and raised a little corn, but whose suste- nance came mainly from the buffalo herds, which they hunted at regular seasons, instead of continuously as the plains Indians encountered pre- viously had done.! Twenty-five days were spent among the villages at Quivira, so that Jaramillo, one of the party, doubtless remembered correctly when he said that they were there after the middle of August.” There was 1The Spaniards had already observed two distinct branches of these pure nomads, whom they knew as Querechos and Teyas. Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol.i, p.179, identified the Querechos with the Apaches of the plains, but later investigation by Mr James Mooney shows that Querecho is an old Comanche name of the Tonkawa of western central Texas (Hodge, Early Navajo and Apache, Am. Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1895, vol. iii, p. 235). I am unable to find any single tribal group among the Indians whom we know which can be identified with the Teyas, unless, as Mr Hodge has suggested, they may have been the Comanche, who roamed the plains from Yellowstone Park to Durango, Mexico. 2T am inclined, also, to believe Jaramillo's statement that the day's marches on the journey to Quivira were short ones. But when he writes that the journey occupied ‘‘more than thirty days, or almost thirty days’ journey, although not long day’s marches,’’—seguimos nuestro viaje . . . més de treinta dias @ casi treinta dias de camino, aunque no de jornadas grandes—and again, that they decided to return ‘‘ because it was already nearly the beginning of winter, ... and lest the winter might prevent the return,’'—nos parescié 4 todos, que pues que hera ya casi la boca del inbierno, porque si me acuerdo bien, jera media y més de Agosto, y por ser pocos para inbernar alli, ...y porque el invierno no nos cerrase los caminos de nieyes y rios que no nos dexesen pasar (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doe. de Indias, vol. xiv, pp. 312, 314)—we experience some of the difficulties which make it hard to analyse the captain's recollections critically and satisfactorily. gen a am x a" ns Seennstiedieneteeneneneeeenti ee BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY WYTFLIET’S "V FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Ou BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY _ = ~ HEMBSSIER) " WYTEFLIET’S | vTrivsave SELINEATIO," 1597 0 ae Wh EET ULE WINSHIP] THE JOURNEY TO QUIVIRA 397 nothing here except a piece of copper hanging from the neck of a chief, and a piece of gold which one of the Spaniards was suspected of having given to the natives, which gave any promise of mineral wealth, and so Coronado determined to rejoin his main force. Although they had found no treasures, the explorers were fully aware of the agricultural advantages of this country, and of the possibilities for profitable farm- ing, if only some market for the produce could be found. Students of the Coronado expedition have very generally accepted the location of Quivira proposed by General Simpson, who put the northern point reached by Coronado somewhere in the eastern half of the border country of Kansas and Nebraska. If we take into account the expeditions which visited the outer limits of the Quivira settlements, this is not inconsistent with Bandelier’s location of the main seat of these Indians “‘in northeastern Kansas, beyond the Arkansas river, and more than 100 miles northeast of Great Bend.”! It is impossible to ignore the question of the route taken by Coro- nado across the great plains, although the details chiefly concern local historians. The Spanish travelers spent the summer of 1541 on the prairies west of the Mississippi and south of the Missouri. They left descriptions of these plains, and of the people and animals inhabiting them, which are of as great interest and value as any which have since been written. Fortunately it is not of especial importance for us to know the exact section of the prairies to which various parts of the descriptions refer. From Cicuye, the Pecos pueblo, Coronado marched northeast until he crossed Canadian river, probably a little to the east of the present river and settlement of Mora.” This was about the 1st of May, 1541. From this point General Simpson, whose intimate knowledge of the surface of the country thirty-five years ago makes his map of the route across the plains most valuable, carried the line of march nearly north, to a point halfway between Canadian and Arkansas rivers. Then it turned east, or a trifle north of east, until it reached one of the tributaries of the Arkansas, about 50 miles or so west of Wichita, Kan- sas. The army returned by a direct route to Cicuye or Pecos river, striking that stream nearly east of Bernalillo-Tiguex, while Coronado proceeded due north to Quivira on the Kansas-Nebraska boundary. Mr Bandelier has traced a route for the march across the plains which corresponds with the statements of the contemporary narratives somewhat more closely than does that of General Simpson.’ Crossing 1¥inal Report, vol. i, p. 170. 2Tbid., vol.1, p. 178. 3Bandelier’s best discussion of the route is in his article on Fray Juan de Padilla, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551. The Gilded Man also contains an outline of the prob- able route. An element in his calculation, to which he gives much prominence, is the tendency of one who is lost to wander always toward the right. This is strongly emphasized in the Gilded Man; but it can, [ think, hardly merit the importance which he gives to it. The emphasis appears, how- ever, much more in Bandelier’s words than in his results. I can not see that there is anything to show that the Indian guides ever really lost their reckoning. 398 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ErH. ANN. 14 Canadian river by a bridge, just south of where Mora river enters it, the Spaniards, according to Bandelier, marched toward the northeast for ten days, until they met the first of the plains Indians, the Que- recho or Tonkawa. Thence they turned almost directly toward the rising sun. Bandelier thinks that they very soon found out that the guides had lost their reckoning, which presumably means that it became evident that there was some difference of opinion among the Indians. After marching eastward for thirty-five days or so, the Spaniards halted on the banks of a stream which flowed in the bottom of a broad and deep ravine. Here it was computed that they had already tray- eled 250 leagues—650 miles—from Tiguex. They had crossed no other large river since leaving the bridge over the Canadian, and as the route had been south of east, as is distinctly stated by one member of the force, they had probably reached the Canadian again. There is a reference to crossing what may have been the North Fork of the Canadian, in which case the army would now be on the north bank of the main river, below the junction of the two forks, in the eastern part of Indian Territory. Here they divided. The Teya guides conducted the main force directly back to the Rio Grande settlements. Coronado went due north, and a month later he reached a larger river. He crossed to the north bank of this stream, and then followed its course for several days, the direction being northeast. This river, manifestly, must be the Arkansas, which makes a sharp turn toward the northeast at the Great Bend, east of Fort Dodge, flowing in that direction for 75 miles. Jaramillo states that they followed the current of the river. As he approached the settled country, Coronado turned toward the north and found Quivira, in northeastern Kansas, not far south of the Nebraska boundary.! The two texts of the Relacion del Suceso differ on a vital point;? butin spite of this fact, I am inclined to accept the evidence of this anony- mous document as the most reliable testimony concerning the direc- tion of the army’s march. According to this, the Spaniards traveled 1Bandelier accounts for sixty-seven days of short marches and occasional delays between the sepa- ration of the force on Canadian river and the arrival at Quivira. It may be that the seventy-seven days of desert marching which Coronado mentions 1n his letter of October 20, 1541, refers to this part of the journey, instead of to the whole of the journey from the bridge (near Mora on the Canadian) to Quivira. But the number sixty-seven originated in a blunder of Ternaux-Compans, who substi- tuted it for seventy-seven, in translating this letter. The mistake evidently influenced Bandelier to extend the journey over more time thanit really took. But this need not affect his results materially, if we extend the amount of ground covered by each day’s march and omit numerous halts, which were very unlikely, considering the condition of his party and the desire to solve the mystery of Quivira. If the Spaniards crossed the Arkansas somewhere below Fort Dodge, and followed it until the river turns toward the southeast, Quivira can hardly have been east of the middle pari of the state of Kansas. It was much more probably somewhere between the main forks of Kansas river, in the central part of thatstate. Bandelier seems to have abandoned his documents as he approached the goal, and to have transported Coronado across several branches of Kansas river, in order to fill out his sixty-seven days—which should have been seventy-seven—and perhaps to reach the region fixed on by previous conceptions of the limit of exploration. He may have realized that the difficulty in his explanation of the route was that it required a reduction of about one-fourth of the distance coy- ered by the army in the eastward march, as plotted by General Simpson. This can be accounted for by the wandering path which the army followed. 2See the note at the end of the translation. WINSHIP] THE RETURN TO PECOS 399 due east across the plains for 100 leagues—265 miles'—and then 50 leagues either south or southeast. The latter is the reading I should prefer to adopt, because it accommodates the other details somewhat better. This took them to the point of separation, which can hardly have been south of Red river, and was much more likely somewhere along the North Fork of the Canadian, not far above its junction with the main stream. From this point the army returned due west to Pecos river, while Coronado rode north “by the needle.” From these premises, which are .broad enough to be safe, I should be inclined to doubt if Coronado went much beyond the south branch of Kansas river, if he even reached that stream. Coronado probably spent more days on his march than General Simpson allowed for, but I do not think that he traveled nearly so far as General Simpson supposed. Coronado also returned to Cicuye by a direct route, which was about two-thirds as long as that of the outward march. The distances given for various portions of the journey have a real value, because each day’s march was paced off by a soldier detailed for the purpose, who carefully recorded the distance covered. THE WINTER OF 1541-1542 By October 20, 1541, Coronado was back in Tiguex, writing his report to the King, in which he expressed his anxiety lest the failure to dis- cover anything of immediate material profit might react unfavorably on his own prospects. Letters and dispatches from Mexico and Spain were awaiting him at Tiguex. One of these informed Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas of the death of his brother, by which he became heir to the family estates. Cardenas had broken his arm on the plains, and this injury was still troubling him when he received permission to return to New Spain. He was accompanied by the messengers carry- ing letters to the viceroy and by ten or twelve other invalids, “not one of whom could have done any fighting.” The party had no trouble, however, until they reached Suya, in Corazones valley, the settlement which had taken the place of San Hieronimo. Pedro de Tovar had reduced the already feeble garrison at the latter post by half, when he took away the reinforcements six months before. The town had been much weakened by desertions, as well as by the loss of its commander, the invaluable Melchior Diaz, before this. The Indians quickly dis- cerned the condition of the town, and its defenders were unable to maintain friendly relations with the surrounding tribes. When Car- denas reached the place, he found everything burned to the ground, and the bodies of Spaniards, Indians, and horses lying about. Indeed, he seems barely to have saved the invalids accompanying him from being added to the number of the massacred. The party succeeded in mak- ing its way to Cibola in safety, and from there they returned to Tiguex, where they found the general seriously ill. By this time the winter was ! The Spanish (judicial) league was equivalent to 2.63 statute miles. 400 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ern. ANN. 14 fairly begun, but the season, fortunately, was much less severe than the preceding one. Two parties formed in the Spanish camp at Tiguex during the win- ter of 1541-42. Themen who had seen Quivira can hardly have brought back from there much hope of finding gold or other treasure by further explorations in that country. But there were many who had not been there, who were unwilling to give up the ideas which had been formed during the preceding months. Whenthe general parted from his army on the plains, he may have promised that he would return and lead the whole force to this land, if only it should prove to be such as their ineli- nation pictured it. Many persisted in the belief that a more thorough exploration would discover some of the things about which they thought the Turk had told them. On the other hand, there were many besides the leader who were tired of this life of hardship, which had not even afforded the attractions of adventure and serious conflict. Few of them, doubtless, had wives and estates waiting to welcome them home, like their fortunate general, but most of the gentlemen, surely, were looking forward to the time when they could win wealth and glory, with which to return to old Spain, and add new luster to their family name. Castaneda gives a soldier’s gossip of the intriguing and per- suading which resulted in the abandonment of the Pueblo country, and Mota Padilla seems to support the main points in his story. THE FRIARS REMAIN IN THE COUNTRY When it was determined that the army should return to Mexico, the friars who had accompanied the expedition! resolved to remain in the newly discovered regions and continue their labors among the people there. Friar Juan de Padilla was the leader of the three missionaries. Younger and more vigorous than his brethren, he had from the first been the most active in constantly maintaining the oversight and discei- pline of the church. He was with Tovar when the Tusayan country on the west was discovered, and with Alvarado during the first visit to the Rio Grande and the buffalo plains on the east. When Coronado and his companion horsemen visited the plains of Kansas, Friar Juan de Padilla went with him on foot. His brief experience in the Quivira country led him to decide to go back to that district, when Coronado was preparing to return to New Spain. If the Indians who guided Coronado from Quivira to Cicuye remained in the pueblo country during the winter, Padilla probably returned with them to their homes. He was accompanied by Andres Docampo, a Portuguese, mounted on a mare according to most accounts, besides five Indians, negroes or half- bloods, two ‘‘donados” or lay brethren, Indians engaged in the church service, who came from Michoacan and were named Lucas and Sebastian, a mestizo or half-blood boy and two other servants from Mexico. 1 Castaieda implies that Friar Antonio Victoria, who broke his leg near Culiacan, accompanied the main force on its march to Cibola. This is the last heard of him, and it is much more probable that he remained in New Galicia, es neem 5 gee See em, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY BU Ah. of : 1 ae | : , és 4 : d os WYTELIET FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Lil Sy AO OS TE AR REET 2 FR eT arena AO NT RN NPI Seer ae LF: 334] ~—s -, at ; ey —— of b ae : eo rae” 1A, 1597 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 3 |GRANATA NOVA | ET CALIFORNIA. I Vide S. Craz, Pp de buena cspcrane, mr VdeS. Matheus \ ?. Escondido oe > Vs La Mathed de < oe SIOITTF > * ?. Lon A As | PP m4 c fa Ws . tt h ; wane ite ; mR, Yo d : - x ~ fe reih at 4% Bo I 4 ‘’ S CY ‘EL. ce oo! t= ‘“SUrad F a Se is + f F , " By! 4. ” heal ni. y n >» "hd Mf / q i is Pe > ee et ee eI WINSHIP] EARLY MISSIONARIES AMONG THE PUEBLOS 401 The friar was successful in his labors until he endeavored to enlarge the sphere of his influence, when the jealousy, or possibly the cupidity, of the Indians led them to kill him, rather than permit the transfer- ence to some other tribe of the blessings which he had brought to them.! Friar Juan de la Cruz is not mentioned by Castaneda nor by Jara- millo, but Mendieta and Mota Padilla are very clear in their accounts of him. He was an older man than the others, and had been engaged in missionary work among the natives of the Jalisco country before he joined this expedition. Coronado left him at Tiguex, where he was killed, according to Mota Padilla. The date, in the martyrologies, is November 25, 1542. Many natives of the Mexican provinces stayed in the Pueblo country when Coronado abandoned it. Some of these were still at Cibola when Antonio de Espejo visited it in 1583, while others doubtless made their way back to their old homes in New Spain, and they may have brought the information about the death of Friar Juan. Friar Luis Descalona, or de Ubeda as Mota Padilla calls him, was a lay brother, who selected Cicuye or Pecos as the seat of his labors in New Mexico. Neither the Spanish chronicles nor the Indian tradi- tions which Mr Bandelier was able to obtain give any hint as to his fate or the results of his devotion to the cause of Christianity. THE RETURN TO NEW SPAIN The army started on its return from Tiguex to Cibola and thence to Culiacan and Mexico early in the spring of 1542. The march was with- out interruption or diversion. As the soldiers reentered New Galicia and found themselves once more among settlements of their own race, beyond the reach of hostile natives, the ranks dwindled rapidly. The men stopped to rest and to recruit their strength at every opportunity, and it was only with the greatest difficulty that Coronado was able to keep together the semblance of a force with which to make his entry into the City of Mexico. Here he presented his personal report to the viceroy. He had little to tell which could interest the disappointed Mendoza, who had drawn so heavily on the royal treasure box two years before to furnish those who formed the expedition with everything that they might need. Besides the loss in his personal estate, there was this use of the royal funds which had to be accounted for to the !Vetancurt, in the Menologia, gives the date of the martyrdom of Fray Juan de Padilla as Novem- ber 30, 1544, and I see no reason to prefer the more general statements of Jaramillo, Castaieda, and Mota Padilla, which seem to imply that it took place in 1542. Docampo and the other companions of the friar brought the news to Mexico. They must have returned some time previous to 1552, for Gomara mentions their arrival in Tampico, on the Mexican gulf, in his Conquista de Mexico published in that year. Herrera and Gomara say that the fugitives had been captured by Indians and detained as slaves for ten months. These historians state also that a dog accompanied the fugitives. Further mention of dogs in connection with the Coronado expedition is in the stories of one accompanying Estevan which Alarcon heard along Colorado river, also in the account of the death of Melchior Diaz, and in the reference by Castaieda to the use of these animals as beasts of burden by certain plains tribes. Mendieta and Vetancurt say that, of the two donados, Sebastian died soon after his return, and the other lived long as a missionary among the Zacatecas. 14 ETH 26 402 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [prH. ANN. 14 officials in Spain. It is the best proof of the strength of Mendoza’s able and economical administration that no opposition ever succeeded in influencing the home government against him, and that the failure of this expedition, with the attendant circumstances, furnished the most serious charge which those who had displayed hostility toward him were able to produce. When Coronado reached the City of Mexico, ‘very sad and very weary, completely worn out and shamefaced,” Suarez de Peralta was a boy on the streets. We catch a glimpse of him in the front rows of a crowd watching an execution, this same winter of 1542-43, and we may be sure that he saw all that was going on, and that he picked up and treasured the gossip of the city. His recollections give a vivid picture of the return of the expedition, when Coronado “came to kiss the hand of the viceroy and did not receive so good a reception as he would have liked, for he found him very sad.” For many days after the general reached the city the men who had followed him came straggling in, all of them worn out with their toils, clothed in the skins of animals, and showing the marks of their misfortunes and sufferings. ‘The country had been very joyous when the news of the discovery of the Seven Cities spread abroad, and this was now supplanted by the greatest sadness on the part of all, for many had lost their friends and their fortunes, since those who remained behind had entered into partnerships with those who went, mortgaging their estates and their property in order to pro- cure a share in what was to be gained, and drawing up papers so that those who were to be present should have power to take possession of mines and enter claims in the name of those who were left behind, in accordance with the custom and the ordinances which the viceroy had made for New Spain. Many sent their slaves also, since there were many of these in the country at this time. Thus the loss and tie grief were general, but the viceroy felt it most of all, for two reasons: Because this was the outcome of something about which he had felt so sure, which he thought would make him more powerful than the greatest lord in Spain, and because his estates were ruined, for he had labored hard and spent much in sending off the army. Tinally, as things go, he succeeded in forgetting about it, and devoted himself to the govern- ment of his province, and in this he became the best of governors, being trusted by the King and loved by all his subjects.” THE END OF CORONADO We do not know what became of Vazquez Coronado. The failure of the expedition was not his fault, and there is nothing to show that he ever sought the position which Mendoza intrusted to him. Neither is there any evidence that Mendoza treated him with any less marks of friendship after his return than before. The welcome home was not cordial, but there are no reports of upbraiding, nor any accusations of negligence or remissness. Coronado soon gave up his position as gov- WINSHIP] THE END OF CORONADO 403 ernor of New Galicia, but we need not suppose that he was compelled to resign. There was every reason why he should have desired to escape from a position which demanded much skill and unceasing active administration, but which carried with it no hope of reward or of honor. It is pleasant to believe that Coronado withdrew to his estates and lived happily ever after with his wife and children, spending his leisure in supervising the operations on his farm and ranch, and leading the uneventful life of a country gentleman. The only break in the monot- ony of which we happen to know—and this is the only part of this belief for which there is the slightest evidence that it is correct—came when he was accused, in 1544 and again in 1547, of holding more Indians to labor on his estates than were allowed by the royal regulations. We do not even know the outcome of this accusation. Vazquez Coronado sinks into oblivion after he made his report to the viceroy in the autumn of 1542. SomE RESULTS OF THE EXPEDITION—1540-1547 THE DISCOVERY OF COLORADO RIVER THE VOYAGE OF ALARCON Coronado found no gold in theland of the Seven Cities or in Quivira, but his search added very much to the geographical knowledge of the Spaniards.! In addition to the exploration of the Pueblo country of New Mexico and Arizona, and of the great plains as far north as Kansas or Nebraska, the most important subsidiary result of the expe- dition of 1540-1542 was the discovery of Colorado river. Hernando de Alarcon, who sailed from Acapuleo May 9, 1540, continued his voyage northward along the coast, after stopping at the port of Culiacan to add the San Gabriel to his fleet, until he reached the shoals and sand- bars at the head of the Gulf of California. The fleet which Cortes 1 The maps of the New World drawn and published between 1542 and 1600, reproductions of several of which accompany this memoir, give a better idea of the real value of the geographical discoveries made by Coronado thanany bare statement could give. In 1540, European cartographers knew nothing about the country north of New Spain. Cortes had given them the name—Nueva Espaiia or Hispania Nova—and this, with the name of the continent, served to designate the inland region stretching toward the north and west. Such was the device which Mercator adopted when he drew his double cordiform map in 1538 (plates XLV, XLVI). Six years later, 1544, Sebastian Cabot published his elabo- rate map of the New World (see plate XL). He had heard of the explorations made by and for Cortes toward the head of the Gulf of California, very likely from the lips of the conqueror himself. He confined New Spain to its proper limits, and in the interior he pictured Indians and wild beasts. In 1548 the maps of America in Ptolemy's Geography for the first time show the results of Coronado’s discov- eries (see plate XLI). During the remainder of the century Granada, Cibola, Quivira, and the other places whose names occur in the various reports of the expedition, appear on the maps. Their loca- tion, relative to each other and to the different parts of the country, constantly changes. Quivira moves along the fortieth parallel from Espiritu Santo river to the Pacific coast. Tiguex and Totonteac are on any one of half a dozen rivers flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, the Espiritu Santo, or the South sea. Acuco and Cicuye are sometimes placed west of Cibola, and so a contemporary map maker may be the cause of the mistaken title to the report of Alvarado’s expedition to the Rio Grande. But many as were the misfakes, they are insignificant in comparison with the great fact that the people of Europe had learned that there was an inhabited country north of Mexico, and that the world was, by so much, larger than before. 404 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 had sent out under the command of Ulloa the previous summer, turned back from these shoals, and Alarcon’s sailors begged him not to venture among them. But the question of a passage by water through to the South, or Pacific, sea, which would make an island of the California peninsula, was still debated, and Alarcon refused to return until he had definitely determined the possibility of finding such a passage. His pilots ran the ships aground, but after a careful examination of the channel, the fleet was floated across the bar in safety, with the aid of the rising tide. Alarcon found that he was at the mouth of a large river, with so swift and strong a current that it was impossible for the large vessels to make any headway against it. He determined to explore the river, and, taking twenty men in two boats, started upstream on Thursday, August 26, 1540, when white men for the first time floated on the waters of the Colorado. Indians appeared on the river banks dur- ing the following day. The silence with which the strangers answered the threatening shouts of the natives, and the presence of the Indian interpreters in the boats, soon overcame the hostile attitude of the say- ages. The European trifles which had been brought for gifts aud for trading completed the work of establishing friendly relations, and the Indians soon became so well disposed that they entirely relieved the Spaniards of the labor of dragging the boats up the stream. A crowd of Indians seized the ropes by which the boats were hauled against the current, and from this time on some of them were always ready to render this service to their visitors. In this fashion the Spaniards con- tinued northward, receiving abundant supplies of corn from the natives, whose habits and customs they had many excellent opportunities for observing. Alarcon instructed these people dutifully in the worship of the cross, and continually questioned them about the places whose names Friar Marcos had heard. He met with no success until he had traveled a considerable distance up the river, when for the first time he found a man with whom his interpreter was able to converse. This man said that he had visited Cibola, which was a month’s jour- ney distant. There was a good trail by which one might easily reach that country in forty days. The man said he had gone there merely to see the place, since it was quite a curiosity, with its houses three and four stories high, filled with people. Around the houses there was a wall half as high again as a man, having windows on each side. The inhabitants used the usual Indian weapons—bows and arrows, clubs, maces, and shields. They wore mantles and ox hides, which were painted. They had a single ruler, who wore a long shirt with a girdle, and various mantles over this. The women wore long white cloaks which completely covered them. There were always many Indians waiting about the door of their ruler, ready in case he should wish for anything. They also wore many blue stones which they dug out of a rock—the turquoises of the other narratives. They had but one wife, and when they died all their effects were buried with them. When TD er rE ew ie i to : 3 i ve ae ’ wah ae: - atest ,; BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 4 & Fuichana iy ; eh { 3 y 2m C a a | 190 } 195 ah ESV RES Gerad Be Sa Cc As, SE Sei SU a as bye Ba — WYTFLIET’S f FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LIN ~ Se teas es ial Ee vlad ee , yk ae 8 _ aa 4 = es co ae F xe s & oe ps \ ter, re I? yn ds ae es oy Ate Maisie Ar étic US. a ye ‘ ay Ree Sr at em a tite wee ————— my i eee 2 | a) Tolm re gum } ee Ss | 4 t ars tur m { rise Lal s i ; / ; | H ' aes EE East Se SE Sa D TOLM, 1597 wy : 7 re . 7 ae | " aN . ae i i } y _ ris a in D qj a x 9 pi ; j J nen u 4 i ‘aw , ‘ | = : = ee SE —— —— “FOURTEENT E iG RaeCeEeaeCeee « Bisa Ey} fad PT 7 oh. Ee a (BERR CEESET RSE _ ‘ a Z = _ = Se “y a = => . ~ > ~ - - > . a ; ee. * — AS Fo, Sa £ Ss a SS ig = = * SS. = SS See ig : — ~~ is ae = ; * 5 Ge f: ee ee —= Se oS — . =) = <4 A es va Ss 2 ‘ ‘5, Cat : =—< ~ Se, Ye. = ro Pa ta, \ : pee fe : “ e; 2 ; ‘ no uy ts 2 — 2H *, Wee a og : . : > “ A. - { f ” £ . Oy) ~——_ - ~ Fs - : 4it = oO k BEL, ~ “ ‘ é ’ ’ : & ; igs \ ; ' ® ‘ ts : , v we e, ; : i » i yy Gee eee ae {- Greulus Aréticus, Skirt’ Fi; Rr Fe “ BN EEr a eee - - 7 f . Wou, « { ANG. yi a2 © f\ ‘p : ST ae “te . nus ws WYTELIET’S KINGOO ANIAN, AND TOLM, 1597 ud! ee ee Ww —— WINSHIP] ALARCON AMONG YUMAN TRIBES 405 their rulers ate, many men waited about the tables. They ate with napkins, and had baths—a natural inference from any attempt to describe the stuffy underground rooms, the estufas or kivas of the Pueblos. Alarcon continued to question the Indian, and learned that the lord of Cibola had a dog like one which accompanied the Spaniards, and that when dinner was served, the lord of Cibola had four plates like those used by the Spaniards, except that they were green. He obtained these at the same time that he got the dog, with some other things, from a black man who wore a beard, whom the people of Cibola killed. A few days later, Alarcon obtained more details concerning the death of the negro ‘‘ who wore certain things on his legs and arms which rattled.” When asked about gold and silver, the Indians said that they had some metal of the same color as the bells which the Spaniards showed them. This was not made nor found in their country, but came “from a certain moun- tain where an old woman dwelt.” The old woman was called Guatu- zaca. One of Alarcon’s informants told him about people who lived farther away than Cibola, in houses made of painted mantles or skins during the summer, and who passed the winter in houses made of wood two or three stories high. The Indian was asked about the leather shields, and in reply described a very great beast like an ox, but more than a hand longer, with broad feet, legs as big as a man’s thigh, a head 7 hands long, and the forehead 3 spans across. The eyes of the beast were larger than one’s fist, and the horns as long as a man’s leg, “ out of which grew sharp points an handful long, and the forefeet and hind- feet about seven handfuls big.” The tail was large and bushy. To show how tall the animal was, the Indian stretched his arms above his head. In a note to his translation of this description, Hakluyt sug- gests, ‘This might be the crooke backed oxe of Quivira.” Although the height and the horns are clearly those of a buck deer, the rest of the description is a very good account of the bison. The man who told him all this was called ashore, and Alarcon noticed an excited discussion going on among the Indians, which ended in the return of his informant with the news that other white men like him- self were at Cibola, Alarcon pretended to wonder at this, and was told that two men had just come from that country, where they had seen white men having ‘“‘things which shot fire, and swords.” These latest reports seemed to make the Indians doubt Alarcon’s honesty, and espe- cially his statements that he was a child of the Sun. He succeeded in quieting their suspicions, and learned more about Cibola, with which these people appeared to have quite frequent intercourse. He was told that the strangers at Cibola called themselves Christians, and that they brought with them many oxen like those at Cibola ‘‘and other little blacke beastes with wooll and hornes.” Some of them also had animals upon which they rode, which ran very swiftly. Two of the party that had recently returned from Cibola, had fallen in with two of the Chris- 406 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 tians. The white men asked them where they lived and whether they possessed any fields sown with corn, and gave each of them little caps for themselves and for their companions. Alarcon did his best to induce some of his men to go to Cibola with a message to Coronado, but all refused except one negro slave, who did not at all want to go. The plan had to be given up, and the party returned to the ships. It had taken fifteen days and a half to ascend the river, but they descended with the swift current in two and a half. The men who had remained in the ships were asked to undertake the mission of opening communi- eation with Coronado, but proved as unwilling as the others. Much against the will of his subordinates, Alarcon determined to make a second trip up the river, hoping to obtain further information which might enable him to fulfill the purposes of his voyage. He took “three boats filled with wares of exchange, with corne and other seedes, hennes and cockes of Castille.” Starting September 14, he found the Indians as friendly as before, and ascended the river, as he judged, about 85 leagues, which may have taken him to the point where the canyons begin. A cross was erected to inform Coronado, in case an expedition from Cibola should reach this part of the river,! that he had tried to fulfill his duty, but nothing more was accomplished.’ While Alarcon was exploring the river, one of the ships was careened and repaired, and everything made ready for the return voyage. A chapel was built on the shore in honor of Nuestra Senora de Buena- guia, and the river was named the Buenaguia, out of regard for the viceroy, who carried this as his device. The voyage back to Colima in New Spain was uneventful. THE JOURNEY OF MELCHIOR DIAZ In September, 1540, seventy or eighty of the weakest and least reli- able men in Coronado’s army remained at the town of San Hiero- nimo, in the valley of Corazones or Hearts. Melchior Diaz was placed in command of the settlement, with orders to maintain this post and protect the road between Cibola and New Spain, and also to attempt to find some means of communicating with the fleet under Alarcon. After he had established everything in the town as satisfactorily as possible, Diaz selected twenty-five of these men to accompany him on an ex- ploring expedition to the seacoast. He started before the end of Sep- tember, going into the rough country west of Corazones valley, and finding only a few naked, weak-spirited Indians, who had come, as he understood, from the land on the farther side of the water, i. e., Lower ‘See Castaneda’s account of the finding of — similar message by the party under Diaz. 2The account of this trip in Herrera (dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xv, ed. 1728) isas follows: ‘‘ Haviendo llegado a ciertas Montanas, adonde el Rio se estrechaba mucho, supo, que vn Encantador andaba preguntando por donde havia de pasar, y haviendo entendido, que por el Rio, puso desde yna Ribera 4 la otra algunas Catas, que debian de ser hechicadas; pero las Bareas pasaron sin dano; y haviendo llegado mui arriba, a de Francisco Vazquez de Cornado. . . . Viendo Alarcon, que no hallaba lo que deseaba, i que havia subido por aquel Rio 85 Leguas, determind de bolver.” preguntando por cosas de la Tierra, para entender, si descubriria alguna noti WINSHIP] DIAZ ON THE COLORADO 407 California. He hurried across this region and descended the mountains on the west, where he encountered the Indian giants, some of whom the army had already seen. Turning toward the north, or northwest, he proceeded to the seacoast, and spent several days among Indians who fed him with the corn which they raised and with fish. He traveled slowly up the coast until he reached the mouth of a river which was large enough for vessels to enter. The country was cold, and the Spaniards observed that when the natives hereabouts wished to keep warm, they took a burning stick and held it to their abdomens and shoulders. This curious habit led the Spaniards to name the river Firebrand—Rio del Tizon. Near the mouth of the river was a tree on which was written, “‘ A letter is at the foot of this.” Diaz dug down and found a jar wrapped so carefully that it was not even moist. The inclosed papers stated that “ Francisco de Alarcon reached this place in the year 740 with three ships, having been sent in search of Fran- cisco Vazquez Coronado by the viceroy, D. Antonio de Mendoza; and after crossing the bar at the mouth of the river and waiting many days without obaining any news, he was obliged to depart, because the ships were being eaten by worms,” the terrible Teredo navalis.! Diaz determined to cross the river, hoping that the country might become more attractive. The passage was accomplished, with con- siderable danger, by means of certain large wicker baskets, which the natives coated with asort, of bitumen, so that the water could not leak through. Five or six Indians caught hold of each of these and swam across, guiding it and transporting the Spaniards with their baggage, and being supported in turn by the raft. Diaz marched inland for four days, but not finding any people in the country, which became steadily more barren, he decided to return to Corazones valley. The party made its way back to the country of the giants without accident, and then one night while Diaz was watching the camp, a small dog began to bark and chase the flock of sheep which the men had taken with them for food. Unable to call the dog off, Diaz started after him on horse- back and threw his lance while on the gallop. The weapon stuck up in the ground, and before Diaz could stop or turn his horse, which was running loose, the socket pierced his grom. The soldiers could do little to relieve his sufferings, and he died before they reached the set- tlement, where they arrived January 18, 1541, A few months later, Alearaz, who had been placed in charge of the town when Diaz went away, abandoned Corazones valley tor a more attractive situation on Suya river, some distance nearer Cibola. The post was maintained here 1 Mota Padilla (p. 158, § 1). ** Los Indios, para resistir el frio, llevan en las manos un troncon ardiendo que les calienta el pecho, y del mismo modo la espalda; siendo esto tan comun en todos los indios, que por eso los nuestros pusieron 4 este rio el nombre del rio del Tison, cerca de é1 vieron un arbol en el cual estaban escritas unas letras, que decian: ai pié esta una carta: y con efecto; Ja hallaron en una olla, bien envuelta, porque no se humedeciese, y su contenido era: que ei ano de 40 llegé alli Fran- eisco de Alarcon con tres navios, y entrando por la barra de aquel rio, enviado por el yirey D. Anto- mio de Mendoza, en busca de Francisco Vazquez Coronado; y que habiendo estado alli muchos dias Si noticia alguna le fué preciso salir porque los navios se comian de broma."' 408 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 until late in the summer, when it became so much weakened by dissen- sions and desertions that the Indians had little difficulty in destroying it. The defenders, with the exception of a few who were able to make their way back to Culiacan, were massacred. THE INDIAN UPRISING IN NEW SPAIN, 1540-1542 Of the arguments advanced by those who wished to hinder the ex- pedition which Mendoza sent off under Coronado, none was urged more persistently than the claim that this undertaking would require all the men available for the protection of New Spain. It was sug- gested by all the parties to the litigation in Spain, was repeated by Cortes again and again, reappeared more than once during the visita of 1547, and was the cause of the depositions taken at Compostela on February 26,1540. These last show the real state of affairs. The men who were withdrawn constituted a great resource in case of danger, but they were worse than useless to the community when things were peaceful. The Indians of New Spain had been quiet since the death of De la Torre, a few years before, but signs of danger, an increasing restlessness, unwilling obedience to the masters and encomenderos, and frequent gatherings, had been noticed by many besides Cortes. There were reasons enough to justify an Indian outbreak, some of them abuses which dated from the time of Nuno de Guzman, but there 1s every reason to suppose that the withdrawal of Coronado’s force, following the irritation which was inevitably caused by the necessity of collecting a large food supply and many servants, probably brought matters to a crisis. Onate, to whom the administration of New Galicia had again been intrusted during the absence of his superior, began to prepare tor the trouble which he foresaw almost as soon as Coronado was gone from the province. In April he learned that two tribes had rebelled and murdered one of their encomenderos. Gee 2 w= 0° Ot wei — TES Get: 7 Nene FR Sy > Meaypens {lee a Brefilia —— RY : ‘Phttacor= regio fie 2 Lyf’ ¥ 4 tants appelase incredibilem €a ; rime aittuan jbiders MeAgUCUdIen + age : — = Ovffal Fy OND M ri IN REBVS MYMANTS CVI AEYERNITAS OMNIS ORL LD 2 ae 89 © C= & 0 2. \ 5 ene Sa Qvip EI POTEST VIDERI MAGNVM a MynprI NOTA SIT MAGNEX VD° ° SMICERO . ucecc@uw Fearn 6 ow Se it u SGEOGRAPHiCUS, 1608 after *Nskiold : WINSHIP ALLIANCE OF MENDOZA AND ALVARADO 409 who were guided by able leaders possessing all the prestige of religious authority—from attacking the frontier settlements and forcing the Span- iards to congregate in the larger towns. There was much fighting during the early summer of 1540, in which the settlers barely held their own. In August, the adelantado Pedro de Alvarado sailed into the harbor of La Natividad. As the news of his arrival spread, requests were sent to him from many directions, asking for help against the natives. One of the most urgent came from those who were defending the town of Purificacion, and Alvarado was about to start to their assistance, when a message from Mendoza changed his plans. The two men arranged for a personal interview at Tiripitio in Michoacan, where the estate of a relative afforded Alvarado a quasi neutral territory. After some difficulties had been overcome, the terms of an alliance were signed by both parties November 29, 1540. Each was to receive a small share in whatever had already been accomplished by the other, thus providing for any discoveries which might have rewarded Coronado’s search before this date. In the future, all con- quests and gains were to be divided equally. It was agreed that the expenses of equipping the fleet and the army should offset each other, and that all future expenses should be shared alike. Each partner was allowed to spend a thousand castellanos de minas yearly, and all expend- iture in excess of this sum required the consent of the other party. All accounts were to be balanced yearly, and any surplus due from one to the other was to be paid at once, under penalty of a fine, which was assured by the fact that half of it was to go into the royal treasury. Mendoza secured a half interest in the fleet of between nine and twelve vessels, which were then in the ports of Acapulco and of Santi- ago de Colima. Cortes accused the viceroy of driving a very sharp bar- gain in this item, declaring that Alvarado was forced to accept it because Mendoza made it the condition on which he would allow the ships to obtain provisions.' Mendoza, as matters turned out, certainly had the best of the bargain, although in the end it amounted to noth- ing. Whether this wouid have been true if Alvarado had lived to prosecute his schemes is another possibility. Alvarado took his chances on the results of Coronado’s conquests, and it is very likely that, by the end of November, the discouraging news contained in Coronado’s letter of August 3 was not generally known, if it had even reached the viceroy. The contract signed, Alvarado and Mendoza went to Mexico, where they passed the winter in perfecting arrangements for carrying out their plans. The cold weather moderated the fury of the Indian war some- what, without lessening the danger or the troubles of the settlers in New Galicia, all of whom were now shut up in the few large towns. Alva- rado returned to the Pacific coast in the spring of 1541, and as soon as 1 The accusation was made by others at the time. H. H. Bancroft repeats the charge in his Mexico, but it should always be remembered that Mr Bancroft, or his compilers, in everything connected with the conqueror, repeat whatever it may have pleased Cortes to write, without criticism or question. 410 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 Onate learned of this, he sent an urgent request for help, telling of the serious straits in which he had been placed. The security of the prov- ince was essential to the successful prosecution of the plans of the new alliance. Alvarado immediately sent reinforcements to the differ- ent garrisons, and at the head of his main force hastened to Guadala- jara, where he arrived June 12, 1541. Onate had received reports from the native allies and the Spanish outposts, who were best acquainted with the situation and plans of the hostile Indians, which led him to urge Alvarado to delay the attack until he could be certain of success. An additional force had been promised from Mexico, but Alvarado felt that the glory and the booty would both be greater if secured unaided. Scorning the advice of those who had been beaten by savages, he hastened to chastise the rebels. The campaign was a short one. On June 24 Alvarado reached the fortified height of Nochistlan, where he encountered such a deluge of men and of missiles that he was not able to maintain his ground, nor even to prevent the precipitate retreat of his soldiers. It was a terrible disaster, but one which reflected no dis- credit on Alvarado after the fighting began. The flight of the Span- iards continued after the Indians had grown tired of the chase. It was then that the adelantado’ tried to overtake his secretary, who had been one of those most eager to get away from the enemy. Alva- rado was afoot, having dismounted in order to handle his men and control the retreat more easily, but he had almost caught up with his secretary, when the latter spurred his jaded horse up a rocky unill. The animal tried to respond, fell, and rolled backward down the hill, erushing the adelantado under him. Alvarado survived long enough to be carried to Guadalajara and to make his will, dying on the 4th of July. This disaster did not fully convince the viceroy of the seriousness of the situation. Fifty men had already started from Mexico, arriving in Guadalajara in July, where they increased the garrison to eighty: five. Nothing more was done by Mendoza after he heard of the death of Alvarado. The Indians, emboldened by the complete failure of their enemies, renewed their efforts to drive the white men out of the land. They attacked Guadalajara on September 28, and easily destroyed all except the chief buildings in the center of the city, in which the gar- rison had fortified themselves as soon as they learned that an attack was about to be made. A fierce assault against these defenses was repulsed only after a hard struggle. The miraculous appearance of Saint Iago on his white steed and leading his army of allies, who blinded the idolatrous heathen, alone prevented the destruction of his faithful believers, according to the record of one contemporary chron- icler. At last Mendoza realized that the situation was critical. A force of 450 Spaniards was raised, in addition to an auxiliary body of between 10,000 and 50,000 Aztec warriors. The native chieftains were rendered loyal by ample promises of wealth and honors, and the warriors were granted, for the first time, permission to use horses and Spanish WINSHIP] END OF THE MIXTON WAR 411 weapons. With the help of these Indians, Mendoza eventually suc- ceeded in destroying or reducing the revolted tribes. The campaign was a series of fiercely contested struggles, which culminated at the Mixton penol, a strongly fortified height where the most bitter enemies of the Spanish conquerors had their headquarters. This place was sur- rendered during the Christmas holidays, and when Coronado returned in the autumn of 1542, the whole of New Spain was once more quiet. FURTHER ATTEMPTS AT DISCOVERY THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO Mendoza took possession of the vessels belonging to Alvarado after the death of the latter. In accordance with the plans which the two partners had agreed on, apparently, the viceroy commissioned Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo to take command of two ships in the port of La Natividad and make an exploration of the coast on the western side of the peninsula of Lower California. Cabrillo started June 27, 1542, and sailed north, touching the land frequently. Much bad weather inter- fered with his plans, but he kept on till the end of December, when he landed on one of the San Lucas islands. Here Cabrillo died, January 3, 1543, leaving his chief pilot, Bartolome Ferrel or Ferrelo, ‘a native of the Levant,” in command. Ferrel left the island of San Miguel, which he named Isla de Juan Rodriguez, on January 29, to continue the voyage. Ina little more than a month the fleet had reached the southern part of Oregon or thereabouts, allowing for an error of a degree and a half in the observations, which said that they were 44° north. A severe storm forced the ships to turn back from this point. The report of the expedition is little more than an outline of distances sailed and places named, although there are occasional statements which give us valuable information regarding the coast Indians.' Among the most interesting of these notes are those showing that the news of the expeditions to Colorado river, and perhaps of the occupancy of the Pueblo country by white men, had reached the Pacific coast. About September 1, 1542, a party from the fleet went ashore near the southern boundary of California. Five Indians met the Spanish sailors at a spring, where they were filling the water casks. ‘They appeared like intelligent Indians,” and went on board the ships without hesitation. “They took note of the Spaniards and counted them, and made signs that they had seen other men like these, who had beards and who brought dogs and cross-bows aud swords . . . and showed by their signs that the other Spaniards were five days’ journey distant. . . . The captain gave them a letter, which he told them to carry to the Spaniards who they said were in the interior.” September 28, at San 1 The report or memorandum was written by Juan Paez, or more probably by the pilot Ferrel. Tt has been translated in the reports of the United States Geological Survey West of the One Hundredth Meridian. (Appendix to part i, vol. vii, Archieology, pp. 293-314.) The translation is accompanied by notes identifying the places named, on which it is safe enough to rely, and by other notes of somewhat doubtful value. 412 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [RTH, ANN. 14 Pedro bay, Ferrel again found Indians who told him by signs that “they had passed people like the Spaniards in the interior.” Two days later, on Saturday morning, “three large Indians came to the ship, who told by signs that men like us were traveling in the interior, wearing beards, and armed and clothed like the people on the ships, and carrying cross-bows and swords. They made gestures with the right arm as if they were throwing lances, and went running in a pos- ture as if riding on horseback. They showed that many of the native Indians had been killed, and that this was the reason they were afraid.” A week later, October 7, the ships anchored off the islands of Santa Cruz and Anacapa. The Indians of the islands and also of the main- land opposite, near Santa Barbara or the Santa Clara valley, gave the Spaniards additional descriptions of men like themselves in the interior. The rest of the year 1542 was spent in this locality, off the coast of southern California, and then the voyage northward was resumed. Many points on the land were touched, although San Francisco bay quite escaped observation. Just before a severe storm, in which one of the vessels was lost, forcing him to turn back, Ferrel observed floating drift and recognized that it meant the neighborhood of a large river, but he was driven out to sea before reaching the mouth of the Columbia. The return voyage was uneventful, and the surviving vessel reached the harbor of Natividad in safety by April 14, 1543. VILLALOBOS SAILS ACROSS THE PACIFIC Cortes and Alvarado had both conceived plans more than once to equip a great expedition in New Spain and cross the South sea to the isles of the Western ocean. After the death of Alvarado, Mendoza adopted this scheme, and commissioned Ruy Lopez de Villalobos to take command of some of the ships of Alvarado and sail westward. He started on All Saints day, the 1st of November, 1542, with 370 Spanish soldiers and sailors aboard his fleet. January 22, 1547, Friar Jeronimo de Santisteban wrote to Mendoza “from Cochin in the Indies of the King of Portugal.” He stated that 117 of the men were still with the fleet, and that these intended to keep together and make their way as best they could home to Spain. Thirty members of the expedition had remained at Maluco, and twelve had been captured by the natives of various islands at which the party had landed. The rest, including Ruy Lopez, had succumbed to hunger and thirst, interminable labors and suffering, and unrelieved discouragement—the record of the pre- vious months. This letter of Friar Jeronimo is the only published account of the fate of this expedition. The brief and gloomy record of the voyage of Villalobos is a fit end- ing for this story of the Coronado expedition to Cibola and Quivira, of how it came about, of what it accomplished, and of what resulted from it. NOTHING is the epitome of the whole story. The lessons which it teaches are always warnings, but if one will read history rightly, every warning will be found to be an inspiration. THE NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE A perusal of the narratives of the expeditions of Coronado and of Friar Marcos of Nice, which were translated by Henri Ternaux-Com- pans for the ninth volume of his Collection de Voyages, convinced me that the style and the language of these narratives were much more characteristic of the French translator than of the Spanish conquista- dores. A comparison of Ternaux’s translations with some of the Span- ish texts which he had rendered into French, which were available in the printed collections of Spanish documents in the Harvard University library, Showed me that Ternanx had not only rendered the language of the original accounts with great freedom, but that in several cases he had entirely failed to understand what the original writer endeay- ored to relate. On consulting Justin Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, in the second edition, I found that the Spanish manuscript of the Castateda narrative, from which most of our knowl- edge of Coronado’s expedition is derived, was in the Lenox Library in New York City. The trustees of this library readily granted my request, made through Dr Winsor, for permission to copy the manu- seript. ‘The Lenox manuscript is not the original one written by Cas- taneda, but a copy made toward the end of the sixteenth century. It contains a number of apparent mistakes, and the meaning of many passages is obscure, probably due to the fact that the Spanish copyist knew nothing about the North American Indians and their mode of living. These places I have pointed out in the notes to my translation of the narrative, and I have called attention also to the important errors and misconceptions in Ternaux’s version. Diligent inquiry among the custodians of the large Spanish libraries at Simancas, Madrid, and at Seville where the Lenox manuscript was copied in 1596, has failed to bring me any information in regard to the original manuscript. The Lenox copy is the one used by Ternaux. The Spanish text of the Relacion Postrera de Sivola is printed now for the first time, through the kindness of the late Senor Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, who copied it for me from a collection of papers in his possession, which formerly belonged to the Father Motolinia, the author of a very valuable description of the Indians of New Spain. In the preface to this work, dated 1541, Motolinia says that he was in communication with the brethren who had gone with Coronado. The Relacién Postrera appears to be a copy made from a letter written to some of the Franciscans in New Spain by one of the friars who accom- panied Coronado. 413 414 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ern ANN. 14 In the bibliography are the references to the exact location of the ‘Spanish texts from which I have translated the other narratives. I am not aware that any of these have been translated entire, although Mr Bandelier has quoted from them extensively in his Documentary History of Zuni. There is one other account of the Coronado expedition which might have been included in the present volume. Mota Padilla wrote his Historia de la Nueva Galicia two centuries after the return of Coronado, but he had access to large stores of contemporary documents concern- ing the early history of New Spain, most of which have since been de- stroyed. Among these documents were those belonging to Don Pedro de Tovar, one of the captains in Coronado’s army. Mota Padilla’s account of this expedition is nearly if not quite as valuable as that of Castaneda, and supplements the latter in very many details. The length of the narrative and the limitations inevitable to any work of this nature forced me to abandon the idea of translating it for the present memoir. Much of the text of Mota Padilla will be found, how- ever, in the notes to the translation of Castaneda, while the second half of the historical introduction is based primarily on Mota Padilla’s nar- rative, and a large portion of it is little more than a free rendering of this admirable work. THE SPANISH TEXT! Relacion de la Jornada de Cibola conpuesta por Pedro de Castaneda de Nacera. Donde se trata de todos aquellos poblados y ritos, y costumbres, la qual fue el Afio de 1540. Historia del Conde Fernando Gonzales impressa, PROEMIO. Cosa por sierto me parece muy magnifico sefor ligeta y que es exerci- cio de hombres uirtuosos el desear saber y querer adquirir para su memoria la noticia berdadera de las cosas acasos acontecidos en partes remotas de que se tiene poca noticia lo qual yo no culpo algunas per- sonas especulatiuas que por uentura con buen ¢elo por muchas ueces me an sido inportunos no poco rogadome les dixese y aclarase algunas dudas que tenian de cosas particulares g al bulgo auian oydo en cosas y casos acontecidos en la jornada de cibola o tierra nueba que el buen uisorey que dios aya en su gloria don Antonio de Mendoca ordeno y hico hager donde embio por general capitan a francisco uasques de coronado y a la berdad ellos tienen ragon de querer saber la uerdad porque como el bulgo muy muchas ueces y cosas que an oydo y por uentura a quien de ellas no tubo noticia ansi las hacen mayores o menores que ellas son y las que son algo las hacen nada y las no tales las hacen ta admirables que parecen cosas no creederas podria tan bien 1 This text is, as far as possible, a copy of the Relacion in the Lenox Library. No attempt has been made to add marks of punctuation, to accent, or to alter what may have been slips of the copyist's pen. WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 415 causarlo que como aquello tierra no permanecio no ubo quien quisiese gastar tienpo en escrebir sus particularidades porque se perdiese la noticia de aquello que no fue dios seruido que gosasen el sabe por que en berdad quien quisiera exercitarse en escrebir asi las cosas acaecidas en la jornada como Jas cosas se bieron en aquellas tierras los ritos y tratos delos naturales tubiera harta materia por donde pare¢iera su juigio y creo que no le faltara de quedar relacion que tratar de berdad fuera tam admirable que pareciera inecreyble. y tambien creo que algunas nobelas que se quentan el aber como a ueinte anos y mas que aquella jornada se hico lo causa digo esto porque algunas la hacen tierra inabitable otros confinante a la florida otros a la india mayor queno parece pequeno desbario pueden tomar alguna ocacion y causa sobre que poner su fundamento tambien ay quien da noticia de algunos animales bien remotos que otros con aber se hallado en aquella jornada lo niegan y afirman no aber tal ni aberlos bisto otros uaria en el rumbo de las prouincias y aun en los tractos y trajes atribuyendo lo que es de los unos a los otros todo lo qual a sido gran parte muy mag- nifico senor a me mober aunque tarde a querer dar una brebe noticia general para todos los que se arrean de esta uirtud especulatiua y por ahorrar el tiempo que con inportunidades soy a quexado donde se halla- ran cosas por sierto harto graues de crer todas 0 las mas bistas por mis ojos y otras por noticia berdadera inquiridas de los propios natu- rales creyendo que teniendo entendido como lo tengo que esta mi pe- quena obra seria en si ninguna o sin autoridad sino fuese faborecida y anparada de tal persona que su autoridad quitase el atrebimiento a los que sin acatamiento dar libertad a sus murmuradores lenguas y cono- giendo yo en quanta obligacion siempre e sido y soy a vta md humil- mente suplico de baxo de su anparo como de berdadero seruidor y criado sea recebida esta pequena obra la qual ba en tres partes repartida para que mejor se de a entender la primera sera dar noticia del descubri- miento y el armada o campo que hi¢o con toda la jornada con los eapi- tanes que alla fueron la segunda los pueblos y prouingias que se hallaron y en que rumbos y que ritos y costumbres los animales fructas y yerbas y en que partes de la tierra. la tergera la buelta que el campo hico y las ocaciones que ubo para se despoblar aun que no licitas por ser el mejor paraje que ay para se descubrir el meollo de la tierra que ay en estas partes de poniente como se uera y despues aca se tiene entendido y en lo ultimo se tratara de algunas cosas admirables que se bieron y por donde con mas facilidad se podra tornar a deseubrir lo que no bimos que suelo — mejor y que no poco haria al caso para por tierra entrar en la tierra de que yba en demanda el marques del ualle don fer? cortes de baxo de la estrella del poniente que no pocas armadas le costo de mar plega a nro senor me de tal gragia que con mirudo entendimiento y poca abilidad pueda tratando berdad agradar con esta me pequena obra al sabio y prudente lector siendo por vra md aceptada pues mi intincion no es ganar gracias de buen componedor ni retorico salbo querer dar berdadera 416 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 noticia y hacer a vra md este pequeno seruicio el qual reciba como de berdadero seruidor y soldado que se hallo presente y aunque no por estilo pulido escrebo lo que paso lo que a oydo palpo y bido y tratrato. siempre beo y es ansi que por la mayor parte quando tenemos entre las manos alguna cosa preciosa y la tratamos sin inpedimento no la tene- mos ni la preciamos en quanto uale si entendemos la falta que nos haria si la perdiesemos y por tanto de continuo la bamos teniendo en menos pero despues que la abemos perdido y carecemos del benefticio de ella abemos gran dolor en el coracon y siempre andamos ymagina- tibos buscando modos y maneras como la tornemos a cobrar y asi me parege acaecio a todos aquellos o a los mas que fueron a la jornada quel ano de nro saluador jesu christo de mill y quinientos y quarenta hico francisco uasques coronado en demanda de las siete ciudades que puesto que no hallaron aquellas riquecas de que les auian dado noticia halla- ron aparejo para las buscar y principio de buena tierra que poblar para de alli pasar adelante y como despues aca por la tierra que conquista- ron y despoblaron el tiempo les a dado a entender el rumbo y aparejo donde estaban y el principio de buena tierra que tienan entre manos lloran sus coracones por aber perdido tal oportunidad de tiempo y como sea sierto que ben mas lo honbres quando se suben a la talanquera que quando andan en el coso agora que estan fuera cognocen y entienden los rumbos y el aparejo donde se hallauan y ya que ben que no lo pue- den gocgar ni cobrar y el tiempo perdido deleytanse en contar lo que bieron y aun lo que entienden que perdieron especial aquellos que se hallan pobres oy tanto como quando alla fueron y no an dexado de tra- bajar y gastado el tienpo sin probecho digo esto porque tengo entendido algunos de los que de alla binieron holgarian oy como fuese para pasar adelante boluer a cobrar lo perdido y otros holgarian oy y saber la causa porque se descubrio y pues yo me ofrecido a contarlo tomarlo e del prin- cipio que pasa asi. ; PRIMERA PARTE.! Capitulo primero donde se trata como se supo la primera poblacion de las siete giudades y como Nuno de gueman higo armada para descubrirlla. en el ano y quinientos y treinta siendo presidente de la nueba espana Nuno de guzman ubo en su poder un indio natural del ualle o ualles de oxitipar a quien los espanoles nombran tejo este indio dixo que el era hijo de un mercader y su padre era muerto pero que siendo el chiquito su padre entraua la tierra adentro a mercadear con plumas ricas de aues para plumages y que en retorno traya un mucha cantidad de oro y plata que en aquella tierra lo ay mucho y que el fue con el una o dos ueces y que bido muy grandes pueblos tanto que los quiso comparar coh mexico y su comarea y que auia uisto siete pueblos muy grandes donde auia calles de plateria y que para ira ellos tardauan desde su tierra quarenta dias y todo despoblado y que la tierra por do yban no ! The Primera Parte begins a new leaf in the original. WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 417 tenia yerba sino muy chiquita de un xeme y que el rumbo que lleuaban era al largo de la tierra entre las dos mares siguiendo la lauia del norte debaxo de esta notigia Nuno de guzman junto casi quatrosientos hom- bres espanoles y ueinte mill amigos de la nueua espana y como se hallo ael presente en mexico atrabesando la tarasca que es tierra de me- chuacan para hallandose el aparejo quel indio decia boluer atrabesando la tierra hacia la mar del norte y darian en la tierra que yban a buscar a la qual ya nombrauan las siete ciudades pues conforme a los quarenta dias quel texo decia hallaria que abiendo andado docientas leguas podrian bien atrabesar la tierra quitado a parte algunas fortunas que pasaron en esta jornada desque fueron llegados en la prouincia de culiacan que fue lo ultimo de su gouernacion que es agora el nueuo reyno de galicia quisieron atrabesar la tierra y ubo muy gran dificultad porque la cordillera de la sierra que cae sobre aquella mar estan agra que por mucho que trabajo fue inposible hallar camino en aquella parte y a esta causa se detubo todo su campo en aquella tierra de culia- can hasta tanto que como yban con el hombres poderosos que tenian repartimientos en tierra de mexico mudaron las boluntades y de cada dia se querian boluer fuera de esto Nuio de guzman tubo nueua como ania benido de espana el marques del ualle don fernando cortes con el nueuo titulo y grandes fabores y prouingiones y como nuno de guzman en el tiempo que fue presidente le ubiese sido emulo muy grande y hecho muchos danos en sus haciendas y en las de sus amigos temiose que don fer? cortes se quisiese pagar en otras semejantes obras o peores y determino de poblar aquella uilla de culiacan y dar la buelta con la demas gente sin que ubiese mas efecto su jornada y de buelta poblo a xalisco que es la ciudad de conpostela y atonala que Maman guadalaxara y esto es agora el nuebo reyno de galicia la guia que lleua- ban que se decia texo murio en estos comedios y ansi se quedo el nombre de estas siete ciudades y la demanda de ellas hasta oy dia que no sean descubierto. Capitulo segundo como bino a ser gouernador frangisco wasques coro- nado y la segunda relagion que dio cabega de uaca. pasados que fueron ocho aios que esta jornada se auia hecho por Nuno de guzman abiendo sido preso por un juez de residengia que uino de espana para el efecto con prouicgiones bastantes llamado el lic’? diego de la torre que despues muriendo este juez que ya tenia en si la gouer- nacion de aquella tierra el buen don Antonio de mendoea uisorey de la nueua espaha puso por gouernador de aquela gouernacion a francisco uasques de coronado un cauallero de salamanea que a la sacon era casado en la ciudad de mexico co una sefiora hija de Alonso de estrada thesorero y gouernador que auia sido de mexico uno por quien el bulgo dice ser hijo del rey catholico don fernando y muchos lo afirman por osa sierta digo que a la sacon que francisco uasques fue probeydo por gouernador andaba por uisitador general de la nueua espana por donde td 14 ETH——27 418 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, “1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 tubo amistad y conuersaciones de muchas personas nobles que despues le siguieron en la jornada que higo acontecio a la sacon que llegaron a mexico tres espatoles y un negro que auian por nombre cabeca de uaca y dorantes y castillo maldonado los quales se auian perdido en la armada que metio pamfilo de narbaes en la florida y estos salieron por la uia de culiacan abiendo atrabesado la tierra de mar a mar como loberan los que lo quisieren saber por un tratado que el mismo cabeca de uaca hico diri- gido a el principe don phelipe que agora es rey de espaiia y senor nro y estos dieron notigia a el buen don Antonio de mendoga en como por las tierras que atrabesaron tomaron lengua y notic¢ia grande de unos pode- rosos pueblos de altos de quatro y cinco doblados y otras cosas bien dife- rentes de lo que parecio por berdad esto comunico el buen uisorey con el nuebo gouernador que fue causa que se apresurase dexando la bisita que tenia entre manos y se partiese para su gouernacion Ieuando con- sigo el negro que auia bendido con los tres frayles de la orden do san fran®® el uno auia por nombre fray marcos de nica theologo y saser- dote y el otro fray daniel lego y otro fray Antonio de santa maria y como llego a la prouincia de culiacan luego despidio a los frayles ya nonbrados y a el negro que auia por nombre esteuan para que fuesen en demanda de aquella tierra porque el fray marcos de niga se prefirio de llegar a berla por que este frayle se auia hallado en el peru a el tienpo que don pedro de albarado passo por tierra ydos los dichos frayles y el negro esteuan parece que el negro no yba a fabor de los frayles porque lleuaba las mugeres que le daban y adquiria turquesas y hacia balumen de todo y aun los indios de aquellos poblados por do yban entendiasen mejor con el negro como ya otra uez lo auian uisto que fue causa que lo ubieron hechar delante que fuese descubriendo y paci- ficando para que quando ellos llegasen no tubiesen mas que entender de en tomar la relacion de lo que buscauan. Capitulo tergero como mataron los de cibola a el negro esteuan y fray marcos bolbio huyendo. apartado que se ubo el esteuan de los dichos frayles presumio ganar en todo reputacion y honra y que se le atribuyese la osadia y atrebi- miento de auer el solo descubierto! aquellos poblados de altos tan nom- brados por aquella tierra y leuando consigo de aquellas gentes que le seguian procuro de atrabesar los despoblados que ay entre cibola y lo poblado que auia andado y auiase les adelantado tanto a los frayles que quando ellos Ilegaron a chichieticale ques principio del despoblado ya el estaua a cibola que son ochenta leguas de despoblado que ay desde culiacan a el principio del despoblado docientas y ueinte leguas y en el despoblado ochenta que son trecientas diez mas 0 menos digo ansi que llegado que fue el negro esteuan a cibola ego cargado de grande numero de turquesas que le auian dado y algunas mugeres hermosas que le auian dado y lleuauan los indios que le acompanauan y le seguian 1 This is a marginal correction of what is clearly a slip of the pen in the text. WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 419 de todo lo poblado que auia pasado los quales en yr debajo de su amparo creyan poder atrabesar toda la tierra sin riesgo ninguno pero como aquellas gentes de aquella tierra fuesen de mas racon que no los que se- guian ael esteuan aposentaronlo en una sierta hermita que tenian fuera del pueblo y los mas uiejos y los que gouernauan oyeron sus racones y procuraron saber la causa de su benida en aquella tierra y bien infor- mados por espacio de tres dias entraron en su consulta y por la noticia quel negro les dio como atras uenian dos hombres blancos embiados por un gran senor que eran entendidos en las cosas del cielo y que aquellos los uenian a industriar en las cosas diuinas consideraron que debia ser espia 0 guia de algunas nagiones que los querian yr a conquis- tar porque les parecio desbario decir que la tierra de donde uenia era la gente blanca siendo el negro y enbiado por ellos y fueron a el y como despues de otras racones le pidiese turquesas y mugeres parecioles cosa dura y determiaronse a le matar y ansi lo hicieron sin que mata- sen a nadie de los que con el yban y tomaron algunos muchachos y a los de mas que serian obra de sesenta personas dexaron bolber libres a sus tierras pues como estos que boluian ya huyendo atemorisados Iega- sen a se topar y ber con los frayles en el despoblado sesenta leguas de cibola y les diesen la triste nueba pusieron los en tanto temor que aun no se fiando de esta gente con aber ydo en compania del negro abrieron las petacas que lleuaban y les repartieron quanto trayan que no les quedo salbo los hornamentos de decir misa y de alli dieron la buelta sin ber la tierra mas de lo que los indios les degian antes caminaban dobla- das jornadas haldas en sinta. Capitulo quarto como el buen don Antonio de mendoga hico jornada para el descubrimiento de Cibola. despues que francisco uasques coronado ubo embiado a fray marcos de nica y su conpana en la demanda ya dicha quedando el en culiacan entendio en negocios que conbenian a su gouernacio tubo sierta rela- gion de una prouingia que corria en la trabesia de la tierra de culiacan a el norte que se decia topira y luego salio para la ir a descubrir con algunos conquistadores y gente de amigos y su yda hic¢o poco efecto por que auian de atrabesar las cordilleras y fue les muy dificultoso y la noticia no la hallaron tal ni muestra de buena tierra y ansi dio la buelta y Hegado que fue hallo a los frayles que auian acabado de llegar y fueron tantas las grandecas que les dixeron de lo que el esteuan el negro auia descubierto y lo que ellos oyeron a losindios y otras noticias de Ja mar del sur y de ylas que oyeron decir y de otras riquesas quel gouernador sin mas se detener se partio luego para la ciudad de mexico lleuando a el fray marcos consigo para dar noticia de ello a el bisorey en grandesiendo las cosas con no las querer comunicar con nadie, sino de baxo de puridad y grande secreto a personas particula res y llegados a mexico y bisto con don Antonio de mendoca luego se comenco a publicar como ya se abian descubierto las siete ciudades 420 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH, ANN. 14 que Nuno de guzman buscaba y hacer armada y portar gente para las yr a conquistar el buen birrey tubo tal orden con los frayles de la orden de san francisco que hicieron a fray marcos prouincial que fue causa que andubiesen los pulpitos de aquella orden Ilenos de tantas marabillas y tan grades que en pocos dias se juntaron mas de tresien- tos hombres espanoles y obra de ochocientos indios naturales de Ja nue (ua) espana y entre los espafoles honbres de gran calidad tantos y tales que dudo en indias aber se juntado tan noble gente y tanta en tam pequeno numero como fueron tregientos hombres y de todos ellos capitan general francisco uasques coronado gouernador de la nueba galicia por aber sido el autor de todo hico todo esto el buen uirey don Antonio porque a la sacon era fran®® uasques la persona mas allegada ael por pribanga porque tenia entendido era hombre sagaz abil y de buen consejo allende de ser cauallero como lo era tenido tubiera mas atencion y respecto a el estado en que lo ponia y cargo que llebana que no a la renta que dexaba en la nueba espana o a lo menos a la honra que ganaba y auia de ganar lleuando tales caualleros de baxo de su bando pero no le salio ansi como a delante se bera en el fin de este tratado ni el supo conserbar aquel estado ni la gouernacion que tenia. Capitulo quinto que trata quienes fueron por capitanes a cibola. ya quel bisorey don Antonio de mendoca bido la muy noble gente que tenia junta y con los animos y uoluntad @ todos se le auian ofregido cognociendo el ualor de sus personas a cada uno de ellos quisiera hacer capitan de un exercito pero como el numero de todos era poco no pudo lo que quisiera y ansi ordeno las conductas y capitanias que le parecio porque yendo por su mano ordenado era tam obedecido y amado que nadie saliera de su mandado despues que todos entédieron quien era su general hico alferez general a don pedro de touar cauallero mangebo hijo de don fernando de tobar guarda y mayordomo mayor de la reyna dona Juana nra natural senora que sea en gloria y maestre de campo a lope de samaniego alcayde de las ataracanas de mexico cauallero para el cargo bien suficiente capitanes fueron don tristan de arellano don pedro de gueuara hijo de don juan de gueuara y sobrino del conde de onate don gargi lopes de cardenas don rodrigo maldonado cunado del duque del infantado diego lopes ueinte y quatro de seuilla diego gutierres de la caualleria todos ios demas caualleros yban debajo del guion del gene- ral por ser peronas senaladas y algunos de ellos fueron despues capi- tanes y permanecieron en ello por ordenacion del birey y otros por el general francisco uasques nombrare algunos de aquellos de que tengo memoria que fueron frangisco de barrio nuebo un cauallero de granada juan de saldibar francisco de auando juan gallego y melchior dias capi- tan y alealde mayor que auia sido de culiacan, G aunque no era caua- llero meregia de su persona el cargo que tubo los demas caualleros que fueron sobresalientes fueron don Alonso manrique de lara don lope de urrea cauallero aragones gomes suares de figneroa luis ramires de uargas WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 421 juan de sotomayor francisco gorbalan el factor riberos y otros caua- lleros de que agora no me acuerdo y hombres de mucho calidad capitan de infanteria fue pablo de melgosa burgales y de la artilleria hernando de albarado cauallero montaiies digo que con el tiempo e perdido la memoria de muchos buenos hijos dalgo que fuera bueno que los nom- brara por que se biera y cognociera la racon que tengo de decir que auia para esta jornada la mas lucida gente que sea juntado en indias para yr en demandas de tierras nuebras sino fueran desdichados en lleuar capitan que dexaba rentas en la nueba espatia y muger moca noble y generosa que no fueron pocas espuelas para lo que bino a hacer. Capitulo sexto como se juntaron en conpostela todas las capitanias y salieron en orden para la jornada. ‘hecho y ordenado por el birey don Antonio de mendo¢a lo que abemos dicho y hechas las capitanias 0 capitanes dio luego ala gente de guerra socorros de la caxa de su magestad a las personas mas menesterosas y por parecerle que si salia el campo formado desde mexico haria algunos agrauios por las tierras de los amigos ordeno que se fuesen a juntar a la ciudad de conpostela cabeca del nuebo reyno de galicia ciento y diez leguas de mexico para que desde alli ordenadamente comencasen su jornada lo que paso en este uiaje no ay para que dar de ello relacion pues al fin todos se juntaron en conpostela el dia de carnes tollendas del ano de quarenta y uno y como ubo hechado toda la gente de Mexico dio orden en como pedro de alarcon saliese con dos nauios que estaban en el puerto de la nabidad en la costa del sur y fuese a el puerto de xalisco a tomar la ropa de los soldados que no la pudiesen leuar para que costa a costa fuese tras del campo porque se tubo entendido que segun la noticia auian de ir por la tierra ¢erca de la costa de el mar y que por los rios sacariamos los puertos y los nauios siempre tendrian noticia del campo lo qual despues paregio ser falso y ansi se perdio toda la ropa o por mejor decir la perdio cuya era como adelante se dira asi que despachado y concluido todo el uisorey se partio para conpostela acompanado de muchos caualleros y ricos honbres y tubo el ato nuebo de quarenta y uno en pasquaro que es cabeca del obispado de mechua- can y de alli con mucha alegria y placer y grandes recebimientos atra- beso toda la tierra de la nueba espana hasta Conpostela que son como tengo dicho ¢iento y diez leguas adonde hallo toda la gente junta y bien tratada y hospedada por christobal de onate que era a la sacon la persona que tenia enpeso aquella gouernacion y la auia sostenido y era capitan de toda aquella tierra puesto que francisco uasques era gouernador y llegado con mucha alegria de todos hico alarde de la géte que embiaba y hallo toda la que abemos senalado y repartio las eapi- tanias y esto hecho otro dia despues de misa a todos juntos ansi capi- tanes como a soldados el uisorey les hico una muy eloquente y breue oracion encargandoles la fidelidad q debian a su general dandoles bien a entender el probecho que de hacer aquella jornada podia redundar a 422 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 si a la conuercion de aquellas gentes como en pro de los que conquista- seneaquella tierra y el seruicio de su magestad y la obligacgion en que le auian puesto para en todo tiempo los faborecer y socorrer y acabada tomo juramento sobre los euagelios en un libro misala todos general- mente asi a capitanes como a soldados aunque por orden que siguirian a su general y harian en aquella jornada y obedecerian todo aquello que por el les fuese mandado lo qual despues cumplieron fielmente como se bera y esto hecho otro dia salio el campo con sus banderas tendidas y el uirey don Antonio le acompano dos jornados y de alli se despidio dando la buelta para la nueua espana aconpanado de sus amigos. Capitulo septimo como el campo llego a chiametla y mataron a el maestre de canpo y lo que mas acaegio hasta Uegar a euliacan, partido que fue el uirey don Antonio el campo camino por sus jorna- das y como era forgado lleuar cada uno sus aberes en cauallos y no todos los sabian aparejar y los cauallos salian gordos y holgados en las primeras jornadas ubo grande dificultad y trabajo y muchos dexaron muchas preseas y las daban de gracia a quien las queria por no las cargar y a el fin la necesidad que es maestra con el tiempo los higo maestros donde se pudiera ber muchos caualleros tornados harrieros y que el que se despreciaba del officio no era tenido por hombre y con estos trabajos que entonces tubieron por grandes llego el canpo en chiametla donde por fastar bastimentos fue forcado de tenerse alli algunos dias en los quales el maestre de campo lope de samaniego con sierta compania fue a buscar bastimentos y en un pueblo por entrar indiscretamente por un arcabuco en pos de los enemigos lo flecharon por un ojo y le pasaron el celebro de que luego murio alli y flecharon otros cinco 0 seis companeros y luego como fue muerto diego lopes ueinte y quatro de seuilla recogio la gente y lo embio a hacer saber a el general y puso guarda en el pueblo y en los bastimentos sabido dio gran turbacion en el campo y fue enter- rado y hicieron algunas entradas de dode truxeron bastimentos y algunos presos de los naturales y se ahorcaron a lo menos los que parecieron ser de a quella parte a do murio el maestre de campo. parece que a el tiempo que el general francisco uasques partio de culiacan con fray marcos a dar la noticia ya dicha a el bisorey don Antonio de mendoga auia dexado ordenado que saliese el capitan melchior dias y juan de saldibar con una dogena de buenos hombres de culiacan en demada de lo que fray marcos auia bisto y oydo los quales salieron y fueron hasta chichilticale que es principio del despoblado dogientas y ueinte leguas de Culiacan y no hallaron cosa de tomo bolbieron y a el tiempo que el campo queria salir de chiametla llegaron y hablaron a el general y por secreto que se trato la mala nueua luego suena ubo algunos dichos que aunque se doraban no dexaban de dar lustre de lo que eran fray marcos de nica cognociendo la turbacion de algunos deshagia aquellos nublados prometiendo ser lo que bieron lo bueno y que el yba alli y poruia el campo en tierra donde hinchesen las manos y con WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 423 esto se aplaco y mostraron buen semblante y de alli camino el campo hasta llegar a culiacan haciendo algunas entradas en tierra de guerra por tomar bastimentos Hegaron a dos leguas de la uilla de culiacan uispera de pasqua de resurecion a donde salieron los uecinos a recebir a su gouernador y le rogaron no entrase en la uilla hasta el segundo dia de pasqua. Capitulo otauo como el campo entro en la uilla de culiacan y el recebi- miento que se higo y lo que mas acaecio hasta la partida. como fuese segundo dia de pasqua de resurecion el campo salio de manana para entrar en la uilla y en la entrada en un campo esconbrado los de la uilla ordenados anso de guerra a pie y a cauallo por sus exqua- drones teniendo asétada su artilleria que eran siete piecas de bronce salieron en muestra de querer defender la uilla estaban con ellos alguna parte de nros soldados nro campo por la misma orden comencaron con ellos una escaramug¢a y ansi fueron romprendo despues de aber jugado el artilleria de ambas partes de suerte que les fue tomada la uilla por fuerga de armas que fue una alegre demostravion y recebimiento aun que no para el artillero que se Ilebo una mano por aber mandado poner fuego antes que acabase de sacar el atacador de un tiro tomada la uilla fueron luego bien aposentados y hospedados por los uecinos que como eran todos hombres muy honrados en sus propias posadas metieron a todos los caualleros y personas le calidad que yban en el campo aunque auia aposento hecho para todos fuera de la uilla y no les fue algunos uecinos mal gratificaco este hospedaje por que como todos benian adere- sados de ricos atabios y de alli auian de sacar bastimentos en sus bestias y de fuerea auian de dejar sus preseas muchos quisieron antes dar las a sus huespedes que no ponerlas a la bentura de la mar ni que se las Ilebase los nabios que auian benido por la costa siguiendo el campo para tomar el fardaje como ya se dixo ansi que llegados y bien aposentados en la uilla el general por orden del bisorey don Antonio puso alli por capitan y tiniente a fernandarias de saabedra tio de hernandarias de saabedra conde del castellar que fue alguagil mayor de seuilla y alli reposo el canpo algunos dias porque los uecinos auian cogido aquel ano muchos bastimentos y partieron con la gente de nio campo con mucho amor especial cada uno con sus huespedes de manera que no solamente ubo abudancia para gastar alli mas aun ubo para sacar que a el tiempo de la partida salieron mas de seigientas bestias cargadas y los amigos y seruicio que fueron mas de mill personas. pasados quinse dias el general ordeno de se partir delante con hasta sinquenta de acauallo y pocos peones y la mayor parte de los amigos y dexar el campo que le siguiese desde a quinse dias y dexo por su teniente a don tristan de arellano. en este comedio antes que se partiese el general acontecio un caso donoso y yo por tal lo quento y fue que un soldado mancebo que se decia trugillo fingio aber bisto una bigion estando banandose en el rio y faciendo del disfigurado fue traydo ante el general adonde dio a enten- 424 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 der que le auia dicho el demonio que matase a el general y lo casaria con dona beatris su muger y le daria grandes thesoros y otras cosas bien donosas por donde fray marcos de ni¢a higo algunos sermones atribuyen- dolo a que el demonio con embidia del bien que de aquella jornada auia de resultar lo queria desbaratar por aquella uia y no solamente paro en esto sino que tambien los frayles que yban en la jornada lo escribieron a sus conbentos y fue causa que por los pulpitos de mexico se dixesen hartas fabulas sobre ello. El general mando quedar a el truxillo en aquella uilla y que no hiciese la jornada que fue lo que el pretendio quando hico aquel embuste segun despues paregio por berdad el general salio con la gente ya dicha siguiendo su jornada y despues el campo como se dira. Capitulo nueue como el canpo salio de culiacan y lego el general a cibola y el campo a senora y lo que mas acaegio. i el general como esta dicho salio del ualle de culiacan en seguimiento de su uiaje algo a la ligera lleuando consigo los frayles que ninguno quiso quedar con el campo y a tres jornados un frayle llamado fray Antonio uictoria se quebro un pierna y este frayle era de misa y para que se curase lo bolbieron del camino y despues fue con el campo que no fue poca consolacion para todos el general y su gente atrabesaron la tierra sin contraste que todo lo que hallaron de pax porque los indios cognocian a fray marcos y algunos de los que auian ydo con el capitan melchior dias quando auia ydo el y juan de saldibar a descubrir como el general ubo atrabesado lo poblado y llegado a chichilticale principio del despoblado y no bio cosa buena no dexo de sentir alguna tristesa porque aunque la noticia de lo de adelante era grande no auia quien lo ubiese uisto sino los indios que fueron con el negro que ya los auian to- mado en algunas mentiras por todos se sintio mucho ber que la fama de chichilticale se resumia en una casa sin cubierta aruynada puesto que parecia en otro tiempo aber sido casa fuerte en tiempo que fue poblada y bien se cognogia ser hecha por gentes estrangeras puliticas y guerras benidas de lejos era esta casa de tierra bermeja desde alli prosiguieron el despoblado y llegaron en quinse dias a ocho leguas de ¢ibola a un rio que por yr el agua turbia y bermeja le llamaron el rio bermejo en este rio se hallaron barbos como en espaiia a qui fue adonde se bieron los primeros indios de aquella tierra que fueron dos que huyeron y fueron a dar mandado y otro dia a dos leguas del pueblo siendo de noche algu- nos indios en parte segura dieron una grita que aunque la gente estaba aper¢ebida se alteraron algunos en tanta manera que ubo quien hecho la silla a el rebes y estos fueron gente nueba que los diestros luego caualgaron y corrieron el campo los indios huyeron como quien sabia la tierra que ninguno pudo ser abido. otro dia bien en orden entraron por la tierra poblada y como bie- ron el primer pueblo que fue ¢ibola fueron tantas las maldiciones que algunos hecharon a fray marcos quales dios no permita le comprehendan. WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 425 el es un pueblo pequeno ariscado y apenuscado que de lejos ay estan- cias en la nueua espana que tienen mejor aparencia es pueblo de hasta dogientos hombres de guerra de tres y de quatro altos y las casas chicas y poco espaciosas no tienen patios un patio sirue a un barrio auia se juntado alli la gente de la comarca porque es una prouincia de siete pueblos donde ay otros harto mayores y mas fuertes pueblos que no cibola estas gentes esperaro en el campo hordenados con sus exqua- drones a uista del pueblo y como a los requerimientos que le hicieron con las lenguas no quisieron dar la pax antes se mostraban brauos diese santiago en ellos y fueron desbaratados luego y despues fueron a tomar el pueblo que no fue poco dificultoso que como tenian la entrada angosta y torneada ael entrar deribaron a el general con una gran piedra tendido y ansi le mataran sino fuera por don garci lopes de cardenas y her- nando de albarado que se deribaron sobre el y le sacaron recibiendo ellos los golpes de piedras que no fueron pocos pero como a la primera furia de los espanoles no ay resistencia en menos de una ora se entro y gano el pueblo y se descubrieron los bastimentos que era de lo que mas necesidad auia y de ay adelante toda la prouincia bino de pax. el campo quo auia quedado a don tristan de arellano partio en segui- miento del general cargados todos de bastimentos las langas en los onbros todos a pie por sacar cargados los cauallos y no con pequeno trabajo de jornadas en jornadas Iegaron a una prouincia que cabeca de uaca puso por nombre coracgones a causa que alli les ofrecieron muchos coracones de animales y luego la comenc¢o a poblar una uilla y poner le nombre sant hieronimo de los coracones y luego la comenco a poblar y bisto que no se podia sustentar la paso despues a un ualle que llama persona digo senora y los espanoles le llamaron senora y ansi Je lemare de aqui adelante desde alli se fue a buscar el puerto el rio abajo a la costa de la mar por saber de los nabios y no los hallaron don rodrigo maldonado que yba por caudillo en busea de los nabios de buelta truxo consigo un indio tam grande y tam alto que el mayor honbre y tan alto quel mayor hombre del campo no le Ilegaua a el pecho deciase que ena quella costa auia otros indios mas altos alli reposaron las aguas y des- pues paso el campo y la uilla sehora por que auia en aquella comarca bastimentos para poder aguardar mandado del general. mediado el mes de otubre melchior dias y juan gallego capitanes binieron de cibola el juan gallego para nueba espatia y melchior dias para quedar por capitan en la nueba uilla de los coragones con la gente que alli quedase y para que fuese a descubrir los nabios por aquella costa. Capitulo degimo como el campo salio de la willa de senora quedando la willa poblada y como llego a gibolay lo que le a wino en el camino a el capitan melchior dias yendo en demanda de los nabios y como descubrio el rio del tison. luego como fue llegado en Ja willa de senora melchior dias y juan gallego se publico la partida del campo para cibola y como auia de que- 426 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH, ANN. 14 dar en aquella uilla melchior dias por capitan con ochenta honbres y como juan gallego yba con mensaje para la nueba espana a el bisorey y llebaba en su compania a fray marcos que no se tubo por seguro quedar en cibola biendo que auia salido su relacion falsa en todo porque ni se hallaron los reynos q degia ni ciudades populosas ni riquesas de oro ni pedreria rica que se publico ni brocados ni otras cosas que se dixeron por los pulpitos pues luego que esto se publico se repartio la gente que auia de quedar y los demas cargaron de bastimentos y por su orden mediado setiembre se partieron la uia de gibola siguiendo su general don tristan de arellano quedo en esta nueba uilla con la gente de menos estofa y asi nunca dexo de aber de alli adelante motines y contrastes porque como fue partido el canpo el capitan melchoir dias tomo uiente y cinco hombres de los mas escogidos dexando en su lugar a un diego de alearaz hombre no bien acondicionado para tener gente debaxo de su mando y el salio en demanda de la costa de la mar entre norte y poniente con guias y abiendo caminado obra de ¢iéto y sinquenta leguas dieron en una prouingia de gétes demasiadamente de altos y membrudos ansi como gigantes aunque gente desnuda y que hacia su abitacion en chogas de paja largas a manera de sa hurdas metidas debaxo de tierra que no salia sobre la tierra mas de la paja entraban por la una parte de largo y salian por la otra dormian en una chosa mas de cien personas chicos y grandes lleuaban de peso sobre las cabecas quando se cargauan mas de tres y de quatro quintales biose querer los nros traer un madero para el fuego y no lo poder traer seis hombres y llegar uno de aquellos y leuantarlo en los bracos y ponerselo el solo en la cabeca y lleuallo muy liuianamente. comen pan de mais cosidoso el rescoldo de la senisa tam grandes como hogasas de castilla grandes. para caminar de unas partes a otras por el gran frio sacan un tison en una mano con que se ban calentado la otra y el cuerpo y ansi lo ban trocando a trechos y por esto a un gran rio que ba por aquella tierra lo nobran el rio del tison es poderoso rio y tiene de boca mas de dos leguas por alli tenia media legua de trabesia alli tomo lengua el capita como los nabios auian estado tres jornadas de alli por bajo hacia la mar y llegados adonde los nabios estubieron que era mas de quince leguas el rio arriba de la boca del puerto y hallaron en un arbol escripto aqui llego alarcon a el pie de este arbol ay cartas sacaronse las cartas y por ellas bieron el tiempo que estubieron aguar- dando nuebas de el campo y como alarcon auia dado la buelta desde alli para la nueba espana con los nabios porque no podia correr ade- lante porque aquella mar era anco que tornaba a bolber sobre la isla del marques que dicen California y dieron relacion como la california no era isla sino punto de tierra firme de la buelta de aquel ancon. uisto esto por el capitan torno a bolber el rio arriba sin ber la mar por buscar bado para pasar a la otra banda para seguir la otra costa y como andubieron cinco o seis jornadas parecioles podrian pasar con bal- sas v para esto llamaron mucha gente de los de la tierra los quales WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 427 querian ordenar de hacer salto en los nros y andaban buscando ocacion oportuna y como bieron que querian pasar acudieron a hacer las balsas con toda prestesa y diligencia por tomar los ansi en el agua y ahogarlos o dibidos de suerte que no se pudiesen faborecer ni ayudar y en este comedio que las balsas se hacian un soldado que auia ydo a campear bido en un mote atrabesar gran numero de gente armada que aguarda- ban a que pasase la gente dio de ello noticia y secretamente se encgerro un indio para saber de el la berdad y como le apretasen dixo toda la orden que tenian ordenada para quando pasasen q era que como ubiesen pasado parte de los nfos y parte fuesen por el rio y parte quedasen por pasar que los de las balsas procurasen a hogar los que lleuaban y las demas gente saliese a dar en ambas partes de la tierra y si como tenian cuerpos y fuercgas tubieran discrigion y esfuer¢o ellos saliera con su empresa. bisto su intento el capitan hico matar secretamente el indio que confeso el hecho y aquella noche se hecho en el rio con una pesga porque los indios no sintiesen que eran sentidos y como otra dia sin- tieron el recelo de los nros mostraronse de guerra hechado rogiadas de flechas pero como los cauallos los comengaron a alcan¢ar y las lanc¢as los lastimaban sin piadad y los arcabuceros tambien hacian buenos tiros ubieron de dexar el campo y tomar el monte hasta que no parecio hon- bre de ellos bino por alli y ansi paso la gente a buen recando siendo los amigos balseadores y espanoles a las bueltas pasando los cauallos a la par de las balsas donde los dexaremos caminando. por contar como fue el campo que caminaba para gibola que como yba caminando por su orden y el general lo auia dexado todo de pax por do quiera hallaban la gente de la tierra alegre sin temer y que se dexaban bien mandar y en una prouingia que se dice uacapan auia gran cantidad de tunas que los naturales hagen conserua de ellas en cantidad y de esta conserua presentaron mucha y como la gente del campo comio de ella todos cayeron como amodoridos con dolor de cabeca y fiebre de suerte que si los naturales quisieran hicieran gran dano en la gente duro esto ueinti y quatro oras naturales despues que salieron de alli caminando Ilegaron a chichilticale despues que salierd de alli un dia los de la guardia bieron pasar una manada de carneros y yo los bi y los segui eran de grande cuerpo en demasia el pelo largo los cuernos muy gruesos y grandes para correr enhiestran el rostro y hecha los cuernos sobre el lomo corren mucho por tierra agra que no los pudi- mos aleangar y los ubimos de dexar. entrando tres jornadas por el despoblado en Ja riuera de un rio que esta en unas grandes honduras de barrancas se hallo un cuerno quel general despues de aber lo uisto lo dexo alli para que los de su canpo le biesen que tenia de largo una braca y tam gordo por el nacimiento como el muslo de un hombre en la faieron parecgia mas ser de cabron que de otro animal fue cosa de ber pasando adelante y a quel canpo yba una jornada de cibola comengo sobre tarde un gran torbellino de ayre frigidissimo y luego se signio gran lubia de niebe que fue harta 428 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 con frigion para la gente de seruigio el campo camino hasta llegar a unos pefascos de socareias donde se llego bien noche y con harto riesgo de los amigos que como eran de la nueba espaitia y la mayor parte de tierras calientes sintieron mucho la frialdad de aquel dia tanto que ubo harto que hacer otro dia en los reparar y llebar a cauallo yen- do los soldados a pie y con este trabajo llego el campo a ¢ibola donde los aguardaba su general hecho el aposento y alli se torno a jtiitar aunque algunos capitanes y gente faltaua que auian salido a desecubrir otras prouincias. Capitulo onge como don pedro de touar descubrio a tusayan o tutahaco y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y lo que mas acaecion, en el entre tanto que las cosas ya dichas pasaron el general franco uasques como estaba en cibola de pax procuro saber de los de la tierra que prouincias le cayan en comarca y que ellos diesen noticia a sus amigos y uecinos como eran benidos a su tierra cristianos y que no querian otra cosa salbo ser sus amigos y aber notigia de buenas tierras que poblar y que los biniesen aber y comunicar y ansi lo hicieron luego saber en aquellas partes que se comunicaban y trataban con ellos y dieron notigia de una proumcia de siete pueblos de su misma calidad aunque estaban algo discordes que no se trataban con ellos esta prouin- cia se dice tusayan esta de cibola ueinte y cinco leguas son pueblos de altos y gente belicosa entre ellos. el general auia embiado a ellos a don pedro de touar con desisiete hombres de a cauallo y tres o quatro peones fue con ellos un fray juan de padilla frayle francisco que en su mosedad auia sido hombre belicoso llegados que fueron entraron por la tierra tam secretamente que no fueron sentidos de ningun honbre la causa fue que entre prouincia y prouincia no ay poblados ni caserias ni las gentes salen de sus pueblos mas de hasta sus heredades en especial en aquel tienpo que tenian noticia de que ¢ibola era ganada por gentes ferosissimas que andaban en unos animales que comian gentes y entre los que no auian bisto cauallos era esta notigia tam grande que les ponia admiragion y tanto que la gente de los nros llego sobre noche y pudieron llegar a encubrirse se debajo de la barranca del pueblo y estar alli oyendo hablar los naturales en sus casas pero como fue de manana fueron descubiertos y se pusieron en orden los de la tierra salieron a ellos bien ordenados de areos y rodelas y porras de madera en ala sin se desconsertar y ubo lugar que las lenguas hablasen con ellos y se les hicgiese requerimientos por ser gente bien entendida pero con todo esto hacian rayas requiri- endo que no pasasen los nuestros aquellas rayas hacia sus pueblos que fuesen porte pasaronse algunas rayas andando hablando con ellos bino a tanto que uno se ellos de desmesuro y con una porra dio un golpe aun cauallo en las camas del freno. el fray juan enojado del tiempo que se mal gastaba con ellos dixo a el capitan en berdad yo no se a que benimos aca bisto esto dieron santiago y fue tam supito que derribaron muchos indios y luego fueron desbaratados y huyeron a el pueblo y a 2 WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 429 otros no les dieron ese lugar fue tanta la prestesa con que del jueblo salieron de pax con presentes que luego se mando recoger la gente y que no se hiciese mas dano el capitan y los que con el se hallaron buscaron sitio para asentar su real cerca del pueblo y alli se hallaron digo se apearon dode llego la gente de pax diciendo que ellos benian a dar la obiden¢ia por toda la prouingia y que los queria tener por amigos que recibiesen aquel presente que les daban que era alguna ropa de algodon aunque poca por no lo aber por aquella tierra dieron algunos cueros adobados y mucha harina y pifol y mais y abes de la tierra despues dieron algunas turquesas aunque pocas aquel dia se recogio la gente de la tierra y binieron a dar la obidengia y dieron abiertamente sus pueblos y que entrasen en ellos a tratar éomprar y bender y cambiar. rigese como ¢ibola por ayuntamiento de ios mas angianos tenien sus gouernadores y capitanes seria lados aqui se tubo noti¢gia de un gran rio y que rio abajo a algunas jornadas auia gétes muy grandes de cuerpo grande. como don pedro de touar no Ilebo mas comicion bolbio de alli y dio esta noticia al general que luego despacho alla a don garci lopes de cardenas con hasta doce conpaneros para ber este rio que como llego a tusayan siendo bien recebido y hospedado de los naturales le dieron guias para proseguir sus jornadas y salieron de alli cargados de basti- mentos por que auian de yr por tierra despoblada hasta el poblado que los indios decian que eran mas de ueinte jornadas pues como ubieron andado ueinte jornadas llegaron a las barrancas del rio que puestos a el bado de ellas parecia al otro bordo que auia mas de tres o quatro leguas por el ayre esta tierra era alta y llena de pinales bajos y encor- bados frigidissima debajo del norte que con ser en tiempo caliente no se podia biuir de frio en esta barranca estubieron tres dias buscando la bajada paraelrio que parecia de lo alto tendria una bragada de trabesia el agua y por la noticia de los indios tendria media legua de ancho fue la baxada cosa inposible porque acabo de estos tres dias pareciendo les una parte la menos dificultosa se pusieron a abajar por mas ligeros el capitan melgosa y un juan galeras y otro conpanero y tadaron baxando a bista de ellos de los de arriba hasta que los perdieron de uista los bultos quel biso no los aleansaba aber y bolbieron a ora de las quatro de la tarde que no pudieron acabar de bajar por grandes difi- cultades que hallaron porque lo que arriba parecia facil no lo era antes muy aspero y agro dixeron que auian baxado la tercia parte y que desde donde llegaron parecia el rio muy grande y que conforme a lo que bieron era berdad tener la anchura que los indios decian de lo alto determinaban unos peiol sillas desgarados de la baranea a el parecer de un estado de hombre juran los que baxaron que llegaron a ellos que eran mayores que la torre mayor de seuilla no caminaron mas arrimados a la barranea de el rio porque no auia agua y hasta alli cada dia se desbiaban sobre tarde una legua o dos la tierra adentro en busca de las aguas y como andubiesen otras quatro jornadas las guias dixeron 430 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 que no era posible pasar adelante porque no auia agua en tres ni quatro jornadas porque ellos quando caminauan por alli sacaban mugeres cargadas de agua en calabacos y que en aquellas jornadas enterraban Jos calabacos del agua para la buelta y que lo que caminaban los nues- tros en dos dias lo caminaban ellos en uno. este rio era el del tison mucho mas hacia los nacimientos del que no por donde lo auian pasado melchior dias y su gente estos indios eran de la misma calidad segun despues parecio desde alli dieron la buelta que no tubo mas efecto aquella jornado y de camino bieron un des- colgadero de aguas que baxaban de una pena y supieron de las guias que unos rasimos que colgauan como,sinos de christal era sal y fueron alla y cogieron cantidad de ella que trugeron y repartieron quando llegaron en cibola donde por escripto dieron quenta a su general de lo que bieron por que auia ydo con don gargi lopes un pedro de soto- mayor que yba por coronista de el campo aquellos pueblos de aquella prouincgia quedaron de paz que nunca mas se bicitaron ni se supo ni procuro buscar otros poblados por aquella uia. Capitulo doge como binieron a gibola gentes de cicuye a ber los chris- tianos y como fue her” de aluarado a ber las uacas. en el comedio que andaban en estos descubrimientos binieron a cibola siertos indios de un pueblo que esta de alli setenta leguas la tierra adentro al oriente de aquella prouincia a quien nombran cicuye benia entre ellos un capitan a quien los nros pusieron por nombre bigotes por que traya los mostachos largos era manc¢ebo alto y bien dispuesto y robusto de rostro este dixo al general como ellos benian a le seruir por la noticia que les auian dado para que se les ofreciese por amigos y que si auian de yr por su tierra los tubiesen por tales amigos hicieron sierto presente de cueros adobados y rodelas y capacetes fue recebido con mucho amor y dio les el general basos de bidrio y quétas margaritas y caxcabeles que los tubieron en mucho como cosa nunea por ellos uista dieron noti¢ia de uacas que por una que uno de ellos traya pintada en las carnes se saco ser uaca que por los cueros no se podia entender a causa quel pelo era merino y burelado tanto que no se podia saber de que eran aquellos cueros ordeno el gene- ral que fuese con ellos hernando de aluarado con ueinte companeros y ochenta dias de comicion y quien bolbiese a dar relacion de lo que hallauan este capitan aluarado prosiguio su jornada y a ¢inco jornadas llegaron a un pueblo que estaba sobre un penol deciase acuco era de obra de dogientos hombres de guerra salteadores temidos por toda la tierra y comarca el pueblo era fortissimo porque estaba sobre la entrada del penol que por todas partes era de pena tajada en tan grande altura que tubiera un arcabuz bien que hacer en hechar una pelota en lo alto del tenia una sola subida de escalera hecha a mano que comencaba sobre un repecho que hacia aquella parte hagia la tierra esta escalera era ancha de obra de docientos escalones hasta Megar a la pefa auia otra luego WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA A431 angosta arrimada a la pena de obra de cien escalones y en el remate de ella auian de subir por la pena obra de tres estados por agugeros dode hincaban las puntas de los pies y se asian con las manos en lo alto auia una albarrada de piedra seca y grade que sin se descubrir podian derri- bar tanta que no fuese poderoso ningun exercito a les entrar en lo alto auia espacio pa sembrar y coger gran cantidad de maix y cisternas para recoger nieue y agua esta gente salio de guerra abajo en lo llano y no aprobechaba con ellos ninguna buena racon haciendo rayas y queriendo defender que no las pasasen los nuestros y como bieron que se les dio un apreton luego dieron la placa digo la pax antes que se les higiese daiio hicieron sus serimonias de pax que llegar a los cauallos y tomar del sudor y untarse con el y hacer cruces con los dedos de las manos y aun que la pax mas figa es trabarse las manos una con otra y esta guardan estos inbiolablemente dieron gran cantidad de gallos de papada muy grandes mucho pan y cueros de benado adobados y pinoles y harina y mais. de alli en tres jornadas llegaron a una prouingia que se dice triguex salio toda de pax biendo que yban con bigotes hombres temido por todas aquellas prouingias de alli embio aluarado a dar auiso a el gene- ral para que se biniese a inbernar aquelia tierra que no poco se holgo el general con la nueba que la tierra yba mejorando de alli a cinco jor- nadas llego a cicuye un pueblo muy fuerte de quatro altos los del pueblo salieron a recebir a her® de aluarado y a su capitan con muestras de alegria y lo metieron en el pueblo con atambores y gaitas que alli ay muchos a manera de pifanos y le hicieron grade presente de ropa y tur- quesas que las ay en aquella tierra en cantidad alli holgaron algunos dias y tomaron lengua de un indio esclabo natural de la tierra de aquella parte que ba hacia Ja florida ques la parte que don fer’? de soto descubrio en lo ultimo la tierra adentro este dio noticia que no debiera de grandes poblados llebolo hernando de aluarado por guia para las uacas y fueron tantas y tales cosas las que dixo de las riquegas de oro y plata que auia en su tierra que no curaron de buscar las uacas mas de quanto bieron algunas pocas luego bolbieron por dar a el gene- ral la rica noticia a el indio Hamaron turco porque lo paregia en el aspecto y a esta sacon el general auia embiado a don garcia lopes de lopes de cardenas a tiguex con gente a hacer el aposéto para lleuar alli a inbernar el campo que a la sason auia llegado de senora y quando hernando de albarado llego a tiguex de buelta de cicuye hallo a don garcia lopes de cardenas y fue necgesario que no pasase adelante y como los naturales les inportase que biesen digo diesen a donde se aposenta- sen los espanoles fue les forgado desamparar un pueblo y recogerse ellos a los otros de sus amigos y no llebaron mas que sus personas y ropas y alli se descubrio noticia de muchos pueblos debajo del norte que creo fuera harto mejor seguir aquella uia que no a el turco que fue causa de todo el mal suseso que ubo. 432 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 Capitulo trece como el general llego con poca gente la uia de tutahaco y dexo el campo a don tristan que lo llebo a tiguex. todas estas cosas ya dichas auian pasado quando don tristan de are- llano Hego de senora en cibola y como llego luego el general por noticia que tenia de una prouincia de ocho pueblos tomo treinta hombres de los mas descansados y fue por la uer y de alli tomar la buelta de tiguex con buenas guias que lleuaba y dexo ordenado que como descansase la gente ueinte dias don tristan de arellano saliese con el campo la uia derecha de tiguex y asi siguio su camino donde Je acontecio que desde un dia q salieron de un aposento hasta tergero dia a medio dia que bieron una sierra nebada donde fueron a buscar agua no la bebieron ellos ni sus cauallos ni el seruicio pudo soportala por el gran frio aun que con gran trabajo en ocho jornadas legaron a tutahaco y alli se supo que aquel rio abaxo auia otros pueblos estos salieron de pax son pue- blos de terrados como los de tiguex y del mismo traje salio el general de alli bisitando toda la probingia el rio arriba hasta llegar a tiguex donde hallo a hernando de aluarado y a el turco que no pocas fueron las alegrias que higo con tam buena nueba porque decia que auia en su tierra un rio en tierra llana que tenia dos leguas de ancho a donde auia peces tan grandes como cauallos y gran numero de canoas grandissi- mas de mas de a ueinte remeros por banda y que lleuaban uelas y que los senores yban a popa sentados debajo de toldos y en la proa una grande aguila de oro decia mas quel senor de aquella tierra dormia la siesta debajo de un grande arbol donde estaban colgados gran cantidad de caxcabeles de oro que con el ayre le daba solas decia mas quel comun seruicio de todos en general era plata labrada y los jarros platos y escu- dillas eran de oro lamaba a el oro Acochis diose le a el presente credito por la eficagia con que lo decia y porque le ensenaron joyas de alaton y oliolo y decia que no era oro y el oro y la plata cognogia muy bien y de los otros metales no hacia caso de ellos. embio el general a her- nando de albarado otra bez a cicuye a pedir unos brasaletes de oro que decia este turco que le tomaron a el tiempo que lo prendieron albarado fue y los del pueblo recibieron como amigo y como pidio los bracaletes negaron los por todas uias diciendo quel turco los engataba y que men- tia el capitan aluarado biendo que no auia remedio procuro que biniese a su tienda el capitan bigotes y el gouernador y benidos prendio les en cadenalos del pueblo losalieron de guerra hechando flechas y denostando a hernando de albarado diciendole de honbre que quebrantaba la fee y amistad her® de albarado partio con ellos a tiguex al general donde los tubieron presos mas de seis meseis despues que fue el principio de desacreditar la palabra que de alli adelante se les daba de paz como se uera por lo que despues su¢edio. Capitulo catorce como el campo salio de sibola para tiquex y lo que les acaegio en el camino con niebe. ya abemos dicho como quando el general salio de cibola dexo man- dado a don tristan de arellano saliese desde a ueinte dias lo qual se hico WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 433 que como bido que la gente estaba ya descansada y probeydos de bas- timentos y ganosos de salir en busca de su general salio con su gente la buelta de tigues y el primero dia fueron a hacer aposento a un pueblo de aquella probincia el mejor mayor y mas hermoso solo este pueblo tiene casas de siete altos que son casas particulares que siruen en el pueblo como de fortalecas que son superiores a las otras y salen por encima como torres y en ellas ay troneras y saeteras para defender los altos por que como los pueblos no tienen calles y los terrados son parejos y comunes anse de ganar primero los altos y estas casas mayo- res es la defenc¢a de ellos alli nos comenco a nebar y faboreciose la gente solas las aues digo alaues del pueblo que salen a fuera unos como bal- cones con pilares de madera por baxo por que comunmete se mandan por escaleras que suben a aquellos balcones que por baxo no tienen puertas. como dexo de nebar salio de alli el campo su camino y como ya el tiempo lo lleuaba que era entrada de diciembre en diez dias que tardo el canpo no dexo de nebar sobre tarde y casi todas las noches de suerte que para hacer los aposentos donde llegaban auian de apalancar un coldo de niebe y mas no se bio camino empero las guias atino guiaban cognociendo la tierra ay por toda la tierra sauinas y pinos haciase de ello grandes hogueras quel humo y calor hacia a la niebe que caya que se desbiase una braca y dos a la redonda del fuego era nieue seca que aunque cay medio estado sobre el fardaje no mojaba y con sacudilla caya y quedaba el hato linpio como caya toda la noche cubria de tal manera el fardaje y los soldados en sus lechos que si de supito alguien diera en el campo no biera otra cosa que montones de niebe y los cauallos aunque fuese medio estado se soportaba y antes daba calor a los que estaban debajo. paso el campo por Acuco el gran penol y como estaban de paz hicieron buen hospedaje dando bastimentos y abes atque ella es poca gente como tengo dicho a lo alto subieron muchos companeros por lo ber y los pasos de la pena con gran dificultad por no lo aber usado porque los naturales lo suben y bajan tam liberalmente que ban cargados de bastimentos y las mugeres con agua y parece que no tocan las manos y los nros para subir auian de dar las armas los unos a los otros por el paso arriba. desde alli pasaron a tiguex donde fueron bien recebidos y aposenta- dos y la tam buena nueba del turco que no dio poca alegria segun alibia- ba los trabajos aunque quando el campo Iego hallamos aleada aquella tierra o probincia por ocagion que para ello ubo que no fue pequena como se dira y auian ya los nros quemado un pueblo un dia antes que el campo llegase y bolbian a el aposento. Capitulo quinge como se alco tiquex y el castigo que en ellos ubo sin que lo ubiese en el causador. dicho sea como el general llego a tiguex donde hallo a don garci lopes de cardenas y a hernando de albarado y como lo torno a embiar a cicuye y truxo preso a el capitan bigotes y a el gouernador del pueblo que 14 ETH 28 434 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 era un hombre anciano de esta pricion los tiguex no sintieron bien jun- tose con esto G el general quiso recoger alguna ropa para repartir a la gente de guerra y para esto hico llamar a un indio principal de tiguex que ya se tenia con el mucho conosimiento y conbersacion a quien los nuestros Jamauan juan aleman por un juan aleman que estaba en mexico a quien decian parecer a queste hablo el general diciendo que le probeyese de tresientas piecas de ropa 0 mas que auia menester para dar a su gente el dixo que aquello no era a el hager lo sino a los gouernadores y que sobre ello era menester entrar en consulta y repartirse por los pueblos y que era menester pedir lo particularmente a cada pueblo por si ordenolo ansi el general y que lo fuesen a pedir siertos hombres senalados de los que con el estaban y como eran doce pueblos que fuesen unos por la una parte del rio y otros por la otra y como fuese de manos aboca no les dieron lugar de se consultar ni tratar sobre ello y como llegaria a el pueblo luego se les pedia y lo abian de dar porque ubiese lugar de pasar ade- lante y conesto no tenian mas lugar de quitarse los pellones de encima y darlos hasta que llegase el numero que se les pedia y algunos solda- dos de los que alli yban que los cogedores les daban algunas mantas o pellones sino eran tales y bian algun indio con otra mejor trocabanse la sin tener mas respecto ni saber la calidad del que despojaban que no poco sintieron esto allende de lo dicho del pueblo del aposento salio un sobre saliente que por su honra no le nombrare y fue a otro pueblo una legua de alli y biendo una muger hermosa llamo a su marido que le tubiese el cauallo de riendaen lo bajo y el subio a lo alto y como el pueblo se man- daba por lo alto creyo el indio que yba a otra parte y detenido alli ubo sierto rumor y el bajo y tomo su cauallo y fuese el indio subio y supo que auia forgado o querido forgar a su muger y juntamente con las per- sonas de calidad del pueblo se uino a quexar diciendo que un hombre le auia forgado a su muger y conto como auia pasado y como el general higo parecer todos los soldados y personas que con el estaban y el indio no lo conogio o por aberse mudado la ropa o por alguna otra ocacion que para ello ubo pero dixo que conogeria el cauallo porg lo tubo de rienda fue lleuado por las cauallerisas y hallo un cauallo enmantado hobero y dixo que su dueno de aquel cauallo era el dueno nego biendo quel no abia conocido y pudo ser que se herro en el cauallo finalmente el se fue sin aber en mienda de lo que pedia otra dia uino un indio del canpo que guardaba los cauallos herido y huyendo diciendo que le anian muerto un companero y que los indios de la tierra se llebarian los cauallos ante cogidos hacia sus pueblos fueron a recoger los cauallos y faltaron muchos y siete mulas del general. otro dia fue don garci lopes de cardenas a ber 10s pueblos y tomar de ellos lengua y hallo los pueblos serrados con palenques y gran grita détro corriendo los cauallos como en coso de toros y flechandolos y todos de guerra no pudo hager cosa por que no salieron a el campo que como son pueblos fuertes no les pudieron enojar luego ordeno el general que don gargi lopes de cardenas fuese a Gercar un pueblo con toda la WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 435 demas gente y este pueblo era donde se hicgo el mayor dano y es donde acaecio lo de la india fueron muchos capitanes que auian ydo delante con el general como fue juan de saldiuar y barrio nuebo y diego lopes y melgosa tomaron a los indios tam de sobresalto que luego les ganaron los altos con mucho riesgo porque les hirieron muchos de los nuestros por saeteras que hacian por de dentro de las casas estubieron los nues- tros en Jo alto a mucho riesgo el dia y la noche y parte de otro dia ha- ciendo buenos tiros de ballestas y arcabuces la gente de a cauallo en el campo con muchos amigos de la nueba espaia y daban por los sotanos que auian aportillado grandes humasos de suerte que pidieron la paz hallaronse aquella parte pablos de melgosa y diego lopes ueinti quatro de seuilla y respondieronles co las mismas senales que ellos hacian de paz que es hacer Ja cruz y ellos luego soltaron las armas y se dieron amd lebabanlos a la tienda de don gar¢ia el qual segun se dixo no supo de la paz y creyo que de su boluntad se daban como hombres benzidos y como tenia mandado del general que no los tomase a uida porque se hiciese castigo y los demas temiesen mando que luego hin- casen docientos palos para los quemar biuos no ubo quien le dixese de la paz que les auian dado que los soldados tan poco lo sabian y los que la dieron se lo callaron que no higieron caso de ello pues como los ene- migos bieron que los yban atando y los comencaban a quemar obra de cien hombres que estaban en la tienda se comencaron a hag¢er fuertes y defenderse con lo que estaba dentro y con palos que salian a tomar la gente nuestra de a pie dan en la tieda por todas partes estocadas que los hacian desmanparar la tienda y dio Inego la gente de a cauallo en ellos y como la tierra era Ilana no les quedo hombre a uida sino fueron algunos que se auian quedado escondidos en el pueblo que huye- ron a quella noche y dieron mandado por toda la tierra como no les guardaron la paz que les dieron que fue despues harto mal y como esto fue hecho y luego les nebase desampararon el pueblo y bolbieronse a el aposento a el tiépo que llegaba el campo de cibola. Capitulo desiseis como se puso ¢erco a tiguex y se gano y lo que mas acontencio mediante el cerco. como ya e contado quando acabaron de ganar aquel pueblo comenc¢o a nebar en aquella tierra y nebo de suerte que en aquellos dos meses no se pudo hacer nada salbo yr por los caminos a les abisar que biniesen de pax y que serian perdonados dandoles todo seguro a lo qual ellos res- pondieron que no se fiarian de quien no sabia guardar la fe que daban que se acordasen que tenian preso a bigotes y que en el pueblo quemado no les guardaron la paz fue uno de los que fueron a les hacer estos requerimientos don garcia lopes de cardenas que salio con obra de treinta companeros un dia y fue a el pueblo de tiguex y a hablar con juan aleman y aunque estaban de guerra binieron a hablalle y le dixe- ron que si queria hablar con ellos q se apease y se llegauan ael a hablar de paz y que se desbiase la gente de a cauallo y harian apartar su gente 4356 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 y llegaron a el el juan aleman y otro capitan del pueblo y fue hecho ansi como lo pedian y a que estaba cerca de ellos dixeron que ellos no trayan armas que se las quitase don garcia lopes lo higo por mas los asegurar ¢cO gana que tenia de los traer de paz y como llego a ellos el juan aleman lo bino a abragar en tanto los dos que con el benian sacaron dos magetas que secretamente trayan a las espaldas y dieronle sobre la gelada dos tales golpes que casi lo aturdieron hallaron dos soldados de a cauallo cerca que no se auian querido apartar aunque les fue man- dado y arremetieron con tanta presteca que lo sacaron de entre sus manos aunque no puedieron enojar a los enemigos por tener la acogida cerca y grandes rosiadas de flechas que luego binieron sobre ellos y a el uno le atrabesaron el cauallo por las narises la gente de acauallo llego _toda de tropel y sacaron a su capitan de la priesa sin poder danar a los enemigos antes salieron muchos de los nros mal heridos y asi se retira- ron quedando algunos haciendo rostro don garcia lopes de cardenas con parte de la gente paso a otro pueblo que estaba media legua ade- lante porque en estos dos lugares se auia recogido toda la mas gente de aquellos pueblos y como de los requerimientos que les higieron no hicie- ron caso ni de dar la paz antes con grandes gritos tiraban flechas de lo alto y se bolbio a la compantia que auia quedado haciendo rostro a el pueblo de tiguex enton¢es salieron los del pueblo en gran cantidad los nros a media rienda dieron muestra que huyan de suerte que sacaron los enemigos a lo llano y rebulbieron sobre ellos de manera que se ten- dieron algunos de los mas senalados los demas se recogieron al pueblo y a lo alto y ansi se bolbio este capitan a el aposento. el general luego como esto paso ordeno delos yr acercar y salio un dia con su gente bien ordenada y con algunas escalas llegado asento su real junto a el pueblo y luego dieron el combate pero como los enemigos auia muchos dias que se pertrechaban hecharon tanta piedra sobre los nros que a muchos tendieron en tierra y hirieron de flechas cerca de gien hombres de que despues murieron algunos por mala cura de un mal surugano que yba en el campo el ¢erco duro sinquenta dias en los quales algunas ueces se les dieron sobresaltos y lo que mas les aquexo fue que no tenian agua y hicieron dentro del pueblo un poso de gran- dissima hondura y no pudieron sacar agua antes se les derrumbo a el tiempo que lo hacian y les mato treinta personas murieron de los gerea- dos dogientos hombres de dentro en los combates y un dia que se les dio un combate recio mataron de los nros a francisco de obando capitan y mmaestre de campo que auia sido todo el tiempo que don garcia lopes de cardenas andubo en los descubrimientos ya dichos y a un francisco de pobares buen hidalgo a francisco de obando metieron en el pueblo que los nros no lo pudieron defender q no poco se sintio por ser como era persona senalada y por si tam honrado afable y bien quisto que era marauilla antes que se acabase de ganar un dia llamaron a habla y sabida su demanda fue decir que tenian cognogido que las mugeres ni a los ninos no haciamos mal que querian dar sus mugeres y hijos por WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 437 que les gastaban el agua no se pudo acabar con ellos que se diesen de paz dicgiendo que no les guardaria la palabra y asi dieron obra de ¢ien per- sonas de ninos y mugeres que no quisieron salir mas y mientras las dieron estubieron los nros a cauallo en ala delante del pueblo don lope de urrea a cauallo y sin gelada andaba recibiendo en los bragos los nifios y ninas y como ya no quisieron dar mas el don lope les inportunaba que se diesen de pax haciendo les grandes promegas de seguridad ellos le dixeron que se desbiase que no era su uoluntad de se fiar de gente que no guardaba la amistad ni palabra que daban y como no se quisiese desbiar salio uno con un arco a flechar y con una flecha y amenasolo con ella que se la tiraria sino se yba de alli y por boces que le dieron que se pusiese la celada no quiso diciendo que mientras alli estubiese no le harian mal y como el indio bido que no se queria yr tiro y hincole la flecha par de las manos de el cauallo y en arco luego otra y torno le a decir que se fuese sino que le tirarian de beras el don lope se puso su celada y paso ante paso se uino a meter entre los de a cauallo sin que recibiese enojo de ellos y como le bieron que ya estaba en salbo con gran grita y alarido comencaron arrogiar flecheria el general no quiso que por a quel dia se les diese bateria por ber si los podian traer por alguna uia de paz lo qual ellos jamas quisieron. desde a quince dias determinaron de salir una noche y ansi lo hicieron y tomando en medio las mugeres salieron a el quarto de la modorra uelauan aquel quarto quarenta de a cauallo y dando aclarma los del quartel de don rodrigo maldonado dieron en ellos los enemigos derribaron un espanol muerto y un cauallo y hirieron a otros pero ubieron los de romper y hacer matan¢a en ellos hasta que retirandose dieron consigo en el rio que yba corriente y frigidissimo y como la gente del real acudio presto fueron pocos los que escaparon de muertos o heridos otro dia pasaron el rio la gente del real y hallaron muchos heridos que la gran frialdad los auia deribado en el campo y trayan los para curar y siruirse de ellos y ansi se acabo aquel cerco y se gano el pueblo aun que algunos que quedaron en el pueblo se rrecibieron en un barrio y fueron tomados en pocos dias. el otro pueblo grande mediate de ¢gerco le auian ganado dos capitanes que fueron don diego de gueuara y ju° de saldibar que yendo les una madrugada a echar una ¢elada para coger en ella sierta gente de guerra que acostumbraba a salir cada manana a hacer muestra por poner algun temor en nfo real las espias que tenia puestas para quando los biesen benir bieron como salia gentes y caminaban hacia la tierra salieron de la celada y fueron para el pueblo y bieron huir la gente y siguieron la haciendo en ellos matanga como de esto se dio mandado salio gente del real que fueron sobre el pueblo y lo saquearon prediendo toda la gente que en el hallaron en que ubo obra de cien mugeres y ninos acabose este cerco en fin de marco del ano de quarenta y dos en el qual tiempo acae- cieron otras cosas de que podria dar noti¢ia que por no cortar el hilo las he dexado pero decir sean agora porque conbienese sepan para enten- der lo de adelante. 438 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH, ANN. 14 Capitulo desisiete como binieron a el campo mensajeros del walle de senora y como murio el capitan melchior dias en la jornada de tizon. ya diximos como melchior dias el capitan auia pasado en balsas el rio del ticon para proseguir adelante el descubrimiento de aquella costa pues a el tiempo que se acabo de ercollegaron mensajeros a el caupo de la uilla de san hieronimo con cartas de diego de alarcon que ania que- dado alli en lugar del melehior dias trayan nuebas como melchior dias auia muerto en la demanda que lleuaba y la gente se auia buelto sin ber cosa de lo que deseaban y paso el caso desta manera. como ubieron pasado el rio caminaron en demanda de la costa que por alli ya daba la buelta sobre el sur o entre sur y oriente porque aquel ancon de mar entra derecho al norte y este rio entre en el remate del ancon trayendo sus corrientes debaxo del norte y corre a el sur yedo como yban caminando dieron en unos medanos de cenisa ferbiente que no podia nadie entrar a ellos porque fuera entrarse a hogar en la mar la tierra que hollaban temblaba como tenpano que paregia que estaban debaxo algunos lagos parecio cosa admirable que asi herbia la genisa en algunas partes que parecia cosa infernal y desbiando se de aqui por el peligro que parecia que llebauan y por la falta del agua un dia un lebrel que lleuaba un soldado antojo se le dar tras de unos carneros que Nebauan para bastimento y como el capitan lo bido arronjole la langa de enquentro yendo corriendo y hincola en tierra y no pudiendo detener el cauallo fue sobre la langa y enclabose la por el muslo que le salio el hierro a la ingle y le rompio la begiga bisto esto los soldados dieron la buelta con su capitan siendo teniendo cada dia refriegas con los indios que auian quedado rebelados bibio obra de ueinte dias que por le traer pasaron gran trabajo y asi bolbieron hasta que murio con buena orden sin perder un honbre ya yban saliendo de lo mas trabajoso Megados a senora hico alearaz los mensajeros ya dichos haciendolo saber y como algunos soldados estaban mal asentados y procuraban algunos motines y como auia sentenciado a la horea a dos que despues se le auian huydo de la prigion. el general bisto esto enbio a quella uilla a don pedro de touar para que entresacase alguna gente y para que llebase consigo mensajeros que embiaba a el uisorey don Antonio de mendoga con recaudos de lo acontecido y la buena nueba del turco. don pedro de touar fue y llegado alla hallo que auian los naturales de aquella probingia muerto con una flecha de yerba a un soldado de una muy pequena herida en una mano sobre esto auian ydo alla algunos soldados y no fueron bien recebidos don pedro de tobar embio a diego de alcaraz con gente aprender a los principales y senores de un pueblo que llaman el ualle de los uellacos que esta en alto llegado alla los prendieron y presos parecio le a diego de alcaraz de los soltar a trueque de que diesen algun hilo y ropa y otras cosas de que los soldados tenian necesi- dad biendose sueltos alsarose de guerra y subieron a ellos y como estaban fuertes y tenian yerba mataron algunos espatoles y hirieron otros que despues murieron en el camino bolbiendose retirandose para WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 439 su uilla y sino lleuaran consigo amigos de los coragones lo pasaron peor bolbieron a la uilla dexando muertos desisiete soldados de la yerba que con pequena herida morian rabiando rompiendose las carnes con un pesteleucial hedor inconportable bisto por don pedro de touar el dano pareciendoles que no quedaban seguros en aquella uilla la paso quarenta leguas mas hacia cibola al ualle del suya donde los dexaremos por contar lo que a bino a el general con el campo despues del cerco de tiguex. Capitulo desiocho como el general procuro dexar asentada la tierra para ir en demanda de quisuira donde decia el turco auia el pringipio de la riquecga. mediante el gerco de tiguex el general quiso yr a cicuye llebando con- sigo a el gouernador para lo poner en libertad con promesas que quando saliese para quiuira daria libertad a bigotes y lo dexaria en su pueblo y como llego a cicuye fue recibido de paz y entro en el pueblo con algunos soldados ellos recibieron a su gouernador con mucho amor y fiesta bisto que ubo el pueblo y hablado a los naturales dio la buelta para su canpo quedando cicuye de paz con esperanc¢a de cobrar su capitan bigotes. acabado que fue el Gerco como ya abemos dicho embio un capitan a chia un buen pueblo y de mucha gente que auia embiado a dar la obidengia que estaba desbiado del rio al poniente quatro leguas y hallaronle de paz a qui se dieron aguardar quatro tiros de bronge ques- taban mal acondigionados tambien fueron a quirix probincia de siete pueblos seis companeros y en el primer pueblo que seria de gien uecinos luyeron que no osaron a esperar a los nros y los fueron atajar arrienda suelta y los bolbieron a el pueblo a sus casas con toda seguridad y de alli abisaron a los demas pueblos y los aseguraron y asi poco a poco se fue asegurando toda la comarca en tanto quel rio se deshelaba y se dexaba badear para dar lugar a la jornada aunque los doce pueblos de tiguex nunca en todo el tiempo que por alli estubo el campo se poblo ninguno por seguridad ninguna que se les diese. y como el rio fue deshelado que lo auia estado casi quatro meses que se pasaba por encima del yelo a cauallo ordenose la partida para quibira donde decia el turco que auia algun oro y plata aunque no tanto como en Arche [| Arehe?| y los guaes ya auia algunos del campo sospe- chosos del turco porque mediante el cerco tenia cargo del un espanol que se llamauna seruantes y este espanol juro con solenidad que auia bisto a el turco hablar en una olla de agua con el demonio y que teniendolo el debaxo de llaue que nadie podia hablar con el le auia preguntado el turco a el que a quien avian muerto de los cristianos los de tiguex y el le dixo que a no nadie y el turco Je respondio mientes que ¢inco chris- tianos an muerto y a un capitan y que el geruantes biendo que decia berdad se lo concedio por saber del quien se lo auia dicho y el turco le dixo quel lo sabia por siy que para aquello no auia necesidad que nadie se lo dixese y por esto lo espio y bio hablar con el demonio en la olla como e dicho. con todo esto se hi¢o alarde para salir de tiguex a este tiempo llegaron gentes de cibola a ber a el general y el general les entargo el buen trata- 440 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 miento de los espanoles que biniesen de senora con don pedro de touar y les dio cartas que le diesen a don pedro en que le daba abiso de lo que debia de hager y como abia de yr en busca del campo y que hallaria cartas debajo de las cruges en las jornadas que el campo abia de hacer salio el campo de tiguex a ¢inco de mayo la buelta de cicuye que como tengo dicho son ueinte y cinco jornadas digo leguas de alli lleuando de alli a bigotes Hegado alla les dio a su capitan que ya andaba suelto con guardia el pueblo se holgo mucho con el y estubieron de paz y dieron bastimentos y bigotes y el gouernador dieron a el general un mancebete que se decia xabe natural de quiuira para que del se informasen de la tierra este decia que abia oro y plata pero no tanto como decia el tureo toda uia el tureo se afirmaua y fue por guia y asi salio el campo de alli. Capitulo desinueue como salieron en demanda de quiuira y lo que aconte- cio en el camino. salio el campo de cicuye dexando el pueblo de paz y a lo que parecio contento y obligado a mantener la amistad por les aber restituydo su gouernador y capitan y caminando para salir a lo llano que esta pasada toda la cordillera a quatro dias andados de camino dieron en un rio de gran corriente hondo que baxaba de hacia cicuye y a queste se puso nombre el rio de cicuye detubieron se aqui por hacer puente para le pasar acabose en quatro dias con toda diligengia y prestesa hecha paso todo el campo y ganados por ella y a otras diez jornadas dieron en unas racherias de gente alarabe que por alli son llamados querechos y auia dos dias que se auian uisto uacas esta gente biuen en tiendas de cueros de uacas adobados andan tras las uacas haciendo carne estos aun que bieron nro campo no hicieron mudamiento ni se alteraron antes salieron de sus tiendas a ber esentamente y luego binieron a hablar con la auan- guardia y dixeron que se a el campo y el general hablo con ellos y como ya ellos auian hablado con el turco que yba en la auanguardia cofor- maron con el en quanto decia era gente muy entendida por senas que pare¢ia que lo decian y lo daban tan bien a entender que no auia mas necesidad de interprete estos dixeron que baxando hacia do sale el sol auia un rio muy grande y que yria por la riuera del por poblados no- uenta dias sin quebrar de poblado en poblado degian quese decia lo primero del poblado haxa y que el rio era de mas de una legua de ancho y que auia muchas canoas estos salieron de alli otro dia con harrias de perros en que llebaba sus aberes desde a dos dias que todauia caminaba el campo a el rumbo que auian salido de lo poblado que era entre norte y oriente mas hacia el norte se bieron otros querechos rancheados y grande numero de uacas que ya parecia cosa increibble estos dieron gradissima noticia de poblados todo a el oriente de donde nos hallamos aqui se quebro don garcia un brago y se perdioun espanol que salio a casa y no aserto a boluer al real por ser la tierra muy Ilana decia el turco que auia a haya una o dos jornadas el general embio adelante a WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 441 el capitan diego lopes a la ligera con diez companeros dandole rumbo por una guia de mar hacia adonde salia el sol que caminase dos dias a toda priesa y descubrieseé a haxa y bolbiese a se topar con el canpo otro dia salio por el mesmo rumbo y fue tanto el ganado que se topo que los que yban en la auanguardia cogiero por delante un gran numero de toros y como huyan y unos a otros serrenpugaban dieron en una barranca y eayo tanto ganado dentro que la emparejaron y el demas ganado paso por encima la géte de a cauallo que yba en pos de ellos cayeron sobre el ganado sin saber lo que hacian tres cauallos de los que cayeron ensi- llados y enfrenados se fueron entre las bacas que no pudieron mas ser abidos. Como a el general le parecio que seria ya de buelta diego lopes hico que seis companeros siguisen una ribera arriba de un pequeno rio y otros tantos la riuera abajo y que se mirase por el rastro de los cauallos en las entradas o las salidas del rio porque por la tierra no es po- sible hallarse rastro porque la yerua en pisandola se torna a leuantar hallose por donde auian ydo y fue bentura que a las bueltas auian ydo indios del campo en busea de fruta una gran legua de donde se hallo rastro y toparon con ellos y ansi bajaron el rio abajo a el real y dieron por nueua a el general que en ueinte leguas que auian andado no auian uisto otra cosa sino uacas y cielo yba en el campo otro indio pintado natural de quiuira que se decia sopete este indio siempre dixo que el turco mentia y por esto no hacian caso del y aunque en esta sacon tambien lo decia como los querechos auian informado con el y el y sopete no era creydo. desde aqui embio el general delante a don rodrigo maldonado con su compania el qual camino quatro dias y llego a una barranca grande como las de colima y hallo en lo bajo de ella gran rancheria de gente _ por aqui auia atrabesado cabeca de uaca y dorantes aqui presétaron a don rodrigo un monton de cueros adobados y otras cosas y una tienda tan grande como una casa en alto lo qual mando que asi la guardasen hasta quel campo Iegase y embio cOpaneros que guiasen el campo hacia aquella parte porque no se perdiesen aunque auian ydo haciendo mojones de guesos y bonigas para que el campo se siguiese y desta manera se guiaba ya el campo tras la abanguardia. llego el general con su campo y como bio tan gran multitud de cueros penso los repartir cO la gente y higo poner guardas para que mirasen por ellos pero como la gente llego y bieron los companeros que el general embiaba algunos hombres particulares con sefas para que les diesen las guardas algunos cueros y los andaban a escoger enojados de que no se repartia co orden dan saco mano y en menos de quarto de ora no dexaron sino el suelo limpio. los naturales que bieron aquello tambien pusieron las manos en la obra las mugeres y algunos otros quedaron llorando porque creyeron que no les auian de tomar nada sino bendecirse lo como auian hecho cabeca de uaca y dorantes quando por alli pasaron aqui se hallo una india tam 442 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (rH. ANN.14 blanca como muger de castilla saluo que tenia labrada la barua como morisea de berberia que todas se labran en general de aquella manera por alli se ahogolan los ojos. Capitulo ueinte como cayeron grandes piedras en el campo y como se descubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos partes. estando descansando el campo en esta barranca que abemos dicho una tarde comenco un torbellino con grandissimo ayre y granico y en pequeno espacio bino tam grande multitud de piedra tam grandes como escudillas y mayores y tam espesas como lubia que en parte cubrieron dos y tres palmos y mas de tierra y uno dexo el cauallo digo que ningun cauallo ubo que no se solto sino fueron dos o tres que acudieron a los tener negros enpabesados y conseladas y rrodelas que todos los demas llebo por delante hasta pegallos con la barranca y algunos subio donde con gra trabajo se tornaron abajar y si como los tomo alli dentro fuera en lo llano de arriba quedara el campo a gran rriesgo sin cauallos que muchos no se pudieran cobrar rrompio la piedra muchas tiendas y abollo muchas ¢eladas y lastimo muchos cauallos y quebro toda la losa del canpo y calabacos que no puso poca necesidad porque por alli no ay losa ni se hage ni calabacos ni se siembra maiz ni comen pan salbo carne eruda 0 mal asada y fructas. desde alli embio el general a descubrir y dieron en otras rancherias a quatro jornadas a manera de alixares era tierra muy poblada adonde auia muchos frisoles y siruelas como las de castilla y parrales duraban estos pueblos de rancherias tres jornadas desiase cona desde aqui salieron con el campo algunos teyas porque asi se decian aquellas gentes y caminaron con sus harrias de perros y mugeres y hijos hasta la prostera jornada de las otras donde dieron guias para pasar adelante a donde fue el canpo a una barranca grande estas guias no las | dexaban hablar con el turco y no hallauan las noticias que de antes decian que quiuira era hacia el norte y que no hallauamos buena derrota con esto se comengo a dar credito a ysopete y ansi lego el campo a la prostera barraca que era una legua de borbo a bordo y un pequeno rio en lo bajo y un Iano lleno de arboleda con mucha uba morales y rosales que es fruta que Ja ay en francia y sirue de agraz en esta barranca la auia madura abia nueses y galinas de la calidad de las de la nueba espana y siruelas como las de castilla y en cantidad en este camino se bio a un teya de un tiro pasar un toro por ambas espaldas que un arcubuz tiene bien que hager es géte bien entendida y las mugeres bien tratadas y de berguen¢a cubren todas sus carnes traen capatos y borseguiez de cuero adobado traen mantas las mugeres sobre sus faldellines y mangas cogi- das por las espaldas todo de cuero y unos como sanbenitillos con rapa- sejos que llegan a medio muslo sobre los faldeilines. en esta barranca holgo el campo muchos dias por buscar comarea hicieronse hasta aqui treinta y siete jornadas de camino de a seis y de a siete leguas porque se daba cargo a quien fuese tasanda y un con Alexeres BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY $ Sun “oY. \e Ww F§ CY WNS oS) aaa et YN OS 4 a a at oe ane FACSIMILE From FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXxxitt BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY aa 5 iat ea WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 443 tando por pasos decian que auian a el poblado do dogientas y sinquenta leguas bisto ya y cognocido por el general fran®®? uasques como hasta alli auian andado enganados por el turco y que faltauan los bastimentos a el campo y que por alli no auia tierra dode se pudiesen probeer llamo a los capitanes y alferes a junta para acordar lo que les paresiese se debiese hacer y de acuerdo de todos fue quel general contreinta de a cauallo y media dogena de peones y fuese en demanda de quiuira y que do tristan de arellano bolbiese con todo el campo la buelta de tiguex sabido esto por la gente del canpo y como ya se sabia lo acordado supli- caron de elloa su general y que no los dexase de lleuar adelante que todos querian morir con el y no bolber atras esto no aprobecho aunque el general les concedio que les embiaria mensajeros dentro de ocho dias si cObiniese seguirle 0 no y con esto se partio con las guias que lleuaba y con ysopete el turco yba arrecando en cadena, Capitulo ueinte y uno como el campo bolbio a tiguex y el general llego a quiuira. partio el general de la barranca con las guias que los teyas le auian dado hico su maestre de campo a el ueinte y quatro diego lopes y llebo de la géte que le parecio mas escogida y de mejores cauallos el canpo que- do con alguna esperanga que embiaria por el general y tornaron se lo a embiar a suplicar a el general con dos hombres de a cauallo a la ligera y por la posta. el general Ilego digo que se le huyeron las guias en las primeras jornadas y ubo de bolber diego lopes por guias a el campo y con mandado quel capo bolbiese a tiguex a buscar bastimentos y a aguar- dar a el general dieronle otras guias que les dieron los teyas de bolun- tad aguardo el campo sus mensajeros y estubo alli quinge dias haciendo carnaje de bacas para lleuar tubose por quenta que se mataron en estos quinse dias quinientos toros era cosa increyble el numero de los que auia sin bacas perdiose en este comedio mucha gente de los que salian a caca y en dos ni tres dias no tornaban a bolber a el campo andando desatinados a una parte y a otra sin saber bolber por donde auian ydo y con aber aquella barranea que arriba 0 abaxo auian de atinar y como cada noche se tenia quenta con quien faltaua tirauan artilleria y tocauan trompetas y a tambores y hacgian grandes hogaredas y algunos se halla- ron tam desbiados y abian desatinado tanto que todo esto no les apro- bechaua nada aunque a otros les balio el remedio era tornar adonde mataban el ganado y hacer una uia a una parte y a otra hasta que daban con la barranca 0 topaban con quien los encaminaua es cosa de notar que como la tierra es tam Ilana en siendo medio dia como an andado desatinados en pos de la caca a una parte y a otra sean de estar cabe la caga quedos hasta que decline el sol para ber a que rumbo an de bolber a donde salieron y aun estos auian de ser hombres entendidos y los que no lo eran se auian de encomendar a otros. el general siguio sus guias hasta llegar a quiuira en que gasto qua- renta y ocho dias de camino por la grande cayda que auian hecho sobre 444 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (BrH. ANN. 14 la florida y fue regebido de paz por las guias que lleuaba preguntaron a el turco que porque auia metido y los auia guiado tam abieso dixo que su tierra era hacia aquella parte y que allende de aquello los de cicuye le auian rogado que los truxese perdidos por los lanos por que faltando les el bastimento se muriesen los cauallos y ellos flacos quando bolbie- sen los podrian matar sin trabajo y bengarse de lo que auian hecho y que por esto los abia desrumbado creyendo que no supieran cagar ni mantenerse sin maiz y que lo del oro que no sabia adonde lo auia esto dixo ya como desesperado y que se hallaba corrido que auain dado cre- dito a el ysopete y los auia guiado mejor que no el y temiendose los que alli yban que no diese algun abiso por donde les biniese algun dano le dieron garrote de que el ysopete se holgo porque siépre solia decir que el ysopete era un bellaco y que no sabia lo que se decia y siempre le estorban ban que no hablase con nadie no se bio entre aquellag ente oro ni plata ni noticia de ello el senor traya al cuello una patena de cobre y no la tenia en poca. los mensajeros quel campo embio en pos del general bolbieron como dixe y luego como no truxeron otro recaudo que el que el ueinti quatro auia dicho el campo salio de la barranca la buelta de los teyas a donde tomaron guias que los bolbiesen por mas derecho camino ellos las dieron de boluntad porque como es gente que no para por aquellas tierras en pos del ganado todo lo saben guiaban desta manera luego por la manana miraba a donde salia el sol y tomaban el rumbo que auian de tomar y tiraban una flecha y antes de legar a ella tirauan otra por en¢ima y desta manera yban todo el dia hasta las aguas adonde se auia de hacer jornada y por este orden lo que se auia andado a la yda en treinta y siete jor- nadas se bolbio en ueinte y cinco cagado en el camino uacas hallaronse en este camino muchas lagunas de sal que la auia en gran cantidad auia sobre el agua tablones della mayores que mesas de quatro y de ¢inco dedos de grueso debajo del agua a dos y tres palmos sal en grano mas sabrosa que la de los tablones por que esta amargaba un poco era cris- talina auia por aquellos anos unos animales como hardillas en gran numero y mucha suma de cueuas de ellas uino en esta buelta a tomar el campo el rio de cicuye mas de treinta leguas por bajo de ella digo de la puente que se auia hecho a la yada y subiose por el arriba que en gene- ral casi todas sus riueras tenian rosales que son como ubas moscateles en el comer nacen en unas uaras delgadas de un estado tiene la oja como peregil auia ubas en agraz y mucho uino y oregano decian las guias que se. juntaba este rio con el de tiguex mas de ueinte jornadas de alli y que boluian sus corrientes a el oriente creese que ban a el poderoso rio del espiritu santo que los de don hernando de soto descubrieron en la florida en esta jornada a la yda se hundio una india labrada a el capi- tan juan de saldibar y fue las barrancas abajo huyendo que reconocio la tierra por que en tiguex donde se ubo era esclaua esta india ubieron a las manos siertos espanoles de los de la florida que auian entrado deseu- briendo hacia aquella parte yo les oy decir quado bolbieron a la nueba WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 445 espana que les auia dicho la india que ania nuebe dias que se auia huydo de otros y que nombro capitanes por donde se debe creer que no llegamos lejos de lo que ellos deseubrieron aunque dicen que estaban entonces mas de dosientas leguas la tierra adentro creese que tiene la tierra de trabesia por aquella parte mas de seicientas leguas de mar a mar. pues como digo el rio arriba fue el campo hasta llegar a el pueblo de cicuye el qual se hallo de guerra que no quisieron mostrarse de paz ni dar ningun socorro de bastimento de alli fueron a tiguex que ya algunos pueblos se auian tornado a poblar que luego se tornaban a despoblar de temor. Capitulo weinte y dos como el general bolbio de quiuira y se higieron otras entradas debajo del norte. luego que don tristan de arellano llego en tiguex mediado el mes de jullio del ano de quarenta y dos hico recoger bastimentos para el inbierno benidero y enbio a el capitan francisco de barrio nuebo con alguna geéte el rio arriba debajo del norte en que bio dos prouincias que la una se decia hemes de siete pueblos y la otra yuqueyunque los pueblos de hemes salieron de paz y dieron bastimentos los de yuqueyunque en tanto que el real se asentaba despoblaron dos muy hermosos pueblos que tenian el rio en medio y se fueron a la sierra a donde tenian quatro pueblos muy fuertes en tierra aspera que no se podia yr a ellos a cauallo en estos dos pueblos se ubo mucho bastimento y loga muy hermoga y bedriada y de muchas labores y hechuras tambien se hallaron muchas ollas llenas de metal escogido reluciente con que bedriaban la losa era senal que por aquella tierra auia minas de plata si se buscaran. ueinte leguas adelante el rio arriba auia un poderoso y grande rio digo pueblo que se decia braba a quien los nros pusieron ualladolid tomaba el rio por medio pasabase por puentes de madera de muy largos y grandes pinos quadrados y en este pueblo se bieron las mas grandes y brabas estufas que en toda aquella tierra porque eran de doce pilares que cada uno tenia dos bracas de ruedo de altura de dos estados este pueblo auia uisitado hernando de aluarado quando deseubrio a cicuye es tierra muy alta y figridissima el rio yba hondo y de gran corriente sin ningun uado dio la buelta el capitan barrio nuebo dexando de pax aquellas prouincias. otro capitan fue el rio abajo en busea de los poblados que decian los de tutahaco auia algunas jornadas de alli este capitan bajo ochenta leguas RioqueseY hallo quatro pueblos grandes que dexo de paz y andubo as hasta que hallo quel rio se sumia debaxo de tierra como guadiana en extremadura no paso adelate donde los indios decian q salia muy poderoso por no llebar mas comicion de ochéta leguas de camino y como bolbio este capitan y se llegaba el placo en que el capitan abia de bolber de quiuira y no bolbia don tristan senalo quarenta conpaneros y dexando el campo a fran®® de barrio nuebo salio con ellos a buscar el 446 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 general y como llego a cicuye los del pueblo salieron de guerra que fue causa que se detubiesen alli quatro dias por les hacer algun dato como se les hico que con tiros quese asentaron a el pueblo les mataron alguna gete por que no Salian a el canpo a causa quel primer dia les mataron dos hombres senalados. en este comedio llegaron nuebas [niebas?| como el general benia y por esto tambien ubo de aguardar alli don tristan para asegurar aquel paso llegado el general fue bien recebido de todos con grande alegria el indio xabe que era el mancebo que auian dado los de cicuye a el general quando yba en demanda de quiuira estaba con don tristan de arellano y como supo que el general benia dando muestras que se holgaba dixo agora que biene el general bereis como ay oro y plata en quiuira aunque no tanta como degia el turco y como el general lego y bio como no auian hallado nada quedo triste y pasmado y afirmado que la auia hicgo creer a muchos que era asi porque el general no entro la tierra adentro que no oso por ser muy poblado y no se hallar poderoso y dio la buelta por Nleuar sus gentes pasadas las aguas porque ya por alla llobia que era entrada de agosto quando salio tardo en la buelta quarenta dias con buenas guias con benir a la ligera como bolbieron decia el turco quando salio de tiguex el canpo que para que cargauan los cauallos tanto de bastimétos que se cansarian y no podrian despues traer el oro y la plata donde parese bien andaba con engano. Negado el general con su géte a cicuye luego se partio para tiguex dexando mas asentado el pueblo por que a el luego saliéron de paz y le hablaron llegado a tiguex procuro de inbernar alli para dar la buelta con todo el campo porque degia traya noticia de grandes poblaciones y rios poderossissimos y que la tierra era muy pareciente a Ja de espana en las frutas y yerbas y temporales y que no benian satisfechos de creer que no auia oro antes trayan sospecha que lo auia la tierra adentro porque puesto que lo negauan entendian que cosa era y tenia nombre entre ellos que se degia acochis con lo qual daremos fin a esta primera parte y trataremos en dar relacion de las prouincias. SEGUNDA PARTE EN QUE SE TRATA DE LOS PUEBLOS Y PROUIN- CIAS DE ALTOS Y DE SUS RITOS Y COSTUMBRES RECOPILADA POR PEDRO DE CASTANEDA UEGINO DE LA GIUDAD DE NAXARA.! laus deo. no me parece que quedara satisfecho el lector em aber bisto y enten- dido lo que e contado de la jornada aunque en ello ay bien que notar en la discordangia de las noticias porque aber fama tan grande de grandes thesoros y en el mismo lugar no hallar memoria ni aparencia de aberlo cosa es muy de notar en lugar de poblados hallar grandes despoblados y en lugar de ciudades populosas hallar pueblos de docien- 1The Segunda Parte begins a new page in the manuscript. winsnip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 447 tos uecinos y el mayor de ocho cientos o mill nose si esto les dara mate- ria para considerar y pesar en la bariedad de esta uida y para poderlos agradar les quiero dar relagion particular de todo lo poblado que se bio y descubrio en esta jornada y algunas costunbres que tienen y ritos conforme a lo que de ellos aleangamos a saber y en que rumbo cae cada prouingia para que despues se pueda entender a que parte esta la flori- da y a que parte cae la india mayor y como esta tierra de la nueba espana es tierra firme con el peru ansi Jo es con la india mayor o de la china sin que por esta parte aya entrecho que la dibida ante es estan grande la anchura de la tierra que da lugar a que aya tan grandes despoblados como ay entre las dos mares por que la costa del norte sobre la florida buelbe sobre los bacallaos y despues torna sobre la nuruega y la del sur a el poniente haciendo la otra punta debaxo del sur casi como en arco la buelta de la india dando lugar a que las tierras que siguen las cordilleras de anbas costas se desbien en tanta manera unas de otras que dexen en medio de si grandes Ilanuras y tales que por ser inabitables so pobladas de ganados y otros muchos animales de dibersas maneras aunque no de serpientes por ser como son esentos y sin montes antes de todo genero de cacga y aues como adelante se dira dexando de contar la buelta quel campo dio para la nueba espaiia hasta que se bea la poca ocacion que para ello ubo comencaremos a tratar de la uilla de culiacan y bersea la diferencia que ay de la una tierra a la otra para que meresca lo uno estar poblado de espanoles y lo otro no abiendo de ser a el contrario quanto a cristianos porque en los unos ay racon de hombres y en los otros barbaridad de animales y mas que de bestias. Capitulo primero de la prouincia de Culiacan y de sus ritos y costumbres. Culiacan es lo ultimo del nuebo reyno de galicia y fue lo primero que poblo Nuno de guzman quando conquisto este reyno esta a el poniente de mexico dogientas y diez leguas en esta prouincia ay tres leguas pringi- pales sin otras bariables que de ella responden la primera es de tahus que era la mejor gente y mas entendida y los que en esta sagon estan mas domesticos y tienen mas lumbre de la fe estos ydolatraban y hacian presentes a el demonio de sus aberes y requegas que era ropa y tur- quesas no comian carne humana ni la sacrificauan aconstumbraban a criar muy grandes culebras y tenian las en beneracion auia entre ellos hombres en abito de mugeres que se casaban con otros honbres y les seruian de mugeres canonicaban con gran fiesta a las mugeres que querian bibir solteras con un grande areyto 0 bayle en quese juntaban todos los senores de la comarca y sacaban la a baylar en cueros y des- que todos abian baylado con ella metian Ja en un rancho que para aquel _ efecto estaba bien adornado y las senoras la aderegaban de ropa y bra- caletes de finas turquesas y luego entrabran a usar con ella los sefores uno a uno y tras de ellos todos los demas que querian y desde alli ade- lapte no abian de negar a nadie pagandoles sierta paga que estaba cons- 448 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 tituyda para ello y aunque despues tomaban maridos no por eso eran reseruadas de cuplir con quien se Jo pagaba sus mayores fiestas son mercados auia una costumbre que las mugeres que se casaban los mari- dos las compraban a los padres y parientes por gran pre¢io y luego la llebaban a un senor que lo tenian como por saserdote para que las des- birgase y biese si estaba doncella y si no lo estaba le abian de bolber todo el precio y estaba en su escoger si la queria por muger 0 no o dexalla para que fuese canonigada hagian grandes borracheras a sus tiempos. la segunda lengua es de pacaxes que es la gente que abitan en la tierra que esta entre lo llano y las serranias estos son mas barbara gente algunos comen carne humana que son los que confinan con las serranias son grandes someticos toman muchas mugeres aunque sean hermanas adoran en piedras pintados de entalladura son grandes abu- cioneros y hechiceros. la tercera lengua son acaxes aquestos pose en gran parte de la tierra por la serrania y toda la cordillera y asi andan a caca de hombres como a caca de benados comen todos carne humana y el que tiene mas guesos de hombre y calaberas colgadas a el rededor de su cacga es mas temido y en mas tenido biben a barrios y en tierra muy aspera huyen de lo llano para pasar de un barrio a otro a de aber quebrada en medio que aunque se hablé no puedan pasar tam ligeraméte a una grita se juntan quinientos hombres y por pequena ocacion se matan y se comen estos an sido malos de sojuzgar por la aspereca de la tierra que es muy grande. an se hallado en esta tierra muchas minas de plata ricas no ban a lo hondo acabase en breue desde la costa de esta prouingia comien¢a el ancon que mete Ja mar debajo del norte que entra la tierra adentro dogientas y sinquentas leguas y fenese en la boca del rio del ticon esta tierra es Ja una punta a el oriente la punta del poniente es la California ay de punta a punta segun he oydo a hombres que lo an nabegado treinta leguas porque perdiendo de bista a esta tierra ben la otra el ancon dicen es ancho dentro a tener de tierra a tierra ciento y sinquenta leguas y mas desde el rio del tigon da la buelta la costa a el sur haciendo arco hasta la california que buelue a el poniente haciendo aquella punta que otro tiempo se tubo por isla por ser tierra baxa y arenosa poblada de gente bruta y bestial desnuda y que comen su mismo estiercol y se juntaban hombre y muger como animales ponien- dose la hembra en quatro pies publicamente. Capitulo segundo de la prouwincia de petlatlan y todo lo poblado hasta chichilticale. petlatlan es una poblacion de casas cubiertas con una manera de esteras hechas de causo congregadas en pueblos que ban a el luego de un rio desde la sierras hasta la mar son gente de la calidad y ritos de los tahues culhacaneses ay entre ellos muchos someticos tienen grande poblacion y comarca de otros pueblos a la serrania difieren en la lengua WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 449 de los tahues algun tanto puesto que se entienden los unos a los otros dixose petlatlan por ser las casas de petates dura esta manera de casas por aquella parte docientas y quarenta leguas y mas que ay hasta el principio del despoblado de cibola desde petlatlan hace raya aquella tierra cognogidamente la causa porque desde alli para adelante no ay arbol sin espina ni ay frutas sino son tunas y mesquites y pitahayas ay desde culiacan alla ueinte leguas y desde petlatlan a el ualle de sefora ciento y treinta ay entre medias muchos rios poblados de gente de la misma suerte como son sinoloa, boyomo, teocomo, y aquimi yotros mas pequenos estan tambien los coragones ques nuestro caudal abajo del ualle de senora. senora es un rio y ualle muy poblado de gente muy dispuesta las mugeres bisten naguas de cuero adobado de benados y sanbeni- tillos hasta medio cuerpo los que son senores de los pueblos se ponen a las mananas en unos altillos que para aquello tienen hechos y amanera de pregones 0 pregoneros estan pregonando por espacio de una ora como administrando les en lo que an de hacer tiené unas casi- llas pequenas de adoratorios en que hincan muchas flechas que las ponen por de fuera como un eriso y esto hacen quando asperan tener guerra a el rededor de esta prouincia hacia las sierras ay grandes pobla- ciones en probincillas apartadas y congregadas de diez y doce pueblos y ocho o siete de ellos que se los nombres sO com u patrico, mochilagua y arispa, y el uallecillo ay otros que no se bieron. desde sefiora a el ualle de suya ay quarenta leguas en este ualle se uino a poblar Ja uilla de san hieronimo que despues se alearon y mata- ron parte de la gente que estaba poblada como se bera adelante en lo tercera parte en este ualle ay muchos pueblos que tienen en su torno son las gentes de la calidad de los de senora y de un traje y lengua ritos y costumbres con todo los demas que ay hasta el despoblado de chichilticale las mugeres se labran en la barba y los ojos como moriscas de berberia ellos son grandes someticos beben bino de pitahayas que es fruta de cardones que se abre como granadas hacen se con el bino tontos hacen conserua de tunas en gran cantidad conseruanse en su sumo en gran cantidad sin otra miel hacen pan de mesquites como quesos conseruase todo el aflo ay en esta tierra melones de ella tam grandes que tiene una persona que lleuar en uno hacen de ellos tasajos y curan los a el sol son de comer del sabor de higos pasado guisados son muy buenos y dulces guardanse todo el ano asi pasado. y por esta tierra se bieron aguilas candoles tienen las los sefores por grande¢a en todos estos pueblos no se bieron gallinas de ninguna suerte salbo en este ualle de suya que se hallaron gallinas como las de castilla que no se supo por donde entraron tanta tierra de guerra teniendo como todos tienen guerra unos con otros entre suya y chichilticale ay muchos carneros y cabras montesas grandissimas de cuerpos y de cuernos espanoles ubo que afirman aber bisto manada de mas de ciento juntos corren tanto que en brebe se desparesen. 14 ETH 29 Nagues 450 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ern ANN. 14 en chichilticale torna la tierra a hacer raya y pierde la arboleda espinosa y la causa es que como el Ancon llega hasta aquel paraje y da buelta la costa asi da buelta la cordillera de las sierras y alli se biene a trabesar la serrania y se rompe para pasar a lo Ilano de la tierra Capitulo tercero de lo ques chichilticale y el despoblado de ¢ibola sus costumbres y ritos y de otras cosas. chichilticale dixose asi porque hallaron los frayles en esta comarcé una casa que fue otros tiempos poblada de gentes que rresquebraban de ¢ibola era de tierra colorado 0 bermeja la casa era grande y bien parecia en ella aber sido fortaleca y debio ser despoblada por los de la tierra que es la gente mas barbara de las que se bieron hasta alli biuen en rancherias sin poblados biben de casar y todo lo mas es despoblado y de grandes pinales ay pinones en gran cantidad son los pinos donde se dan parrados de hasta de dos a tres estados de alto ay enginales de bellota dulce y fanonas que dan una fruta como confites de culantro seco es muy dulce como asucar ay berros en algunas fuetes y rosales y poleo y oregano. en los rios deste despoblado ay barbos y picones como en espana ay leones pardos que se bieron desde el principio del despoblado siempre se ba subiendo la tierra hasta llegar a cibola que son ochenta leguas la uia del norte y hasta llegar alli desde culiacan se auia caminado Neuando el norte sobre el ojo isquierde. cibola son siete pueblos el mayor se dice magaque comunmente son de tres y quatro altos las casas en macaque ay ca3as de quatro altos y de siete estas gentes son bien entendidas andan eubiertas sus berguen- cas y todas las partes deshonestas con panos a manera de serbilletas de mesa con rapasejos y una borla en cada esquina atan los sobre el quadril bisten pellones de plumas y de pelo de liebres matas de algodon las mugeres se bisten de mantas que las atan o anudan sobre el honbro isquierdo y sacan el braco derecho por encima siriense las a el cuerpo traen capotes de cuero pulidos de buena fay¢ion cogen el cabello sobre las dos orejas hechos dos ruedas que paresen papos de cosia. esta tierra es un ualle entre sierras a manera de penones siembran a hoyos no crese el maiz alto de las macorcas desdel pie tres y quatro cada cana gruesas y grandes de a ocho cietos granos cosa no bista en estas partes ay en esta prouincia osos en gran cantidad leones gatos ceruales y nutrias ay muy finas tratan turquesas aunque no en la cantidad que decian recogen y entrogan pinones para su ano no tiene un hombre mas de una muger ay en los pueblos estufas que estan en los patios 0 placas donde se juntan a consulta no ay senores como por la nueba espana rigense por consejo de los mas biejos tienen sus saser- dotes a quien llaman papas que les predican estos son uiejos subense en el terrado mas alto del pueblo y desde alli a manera de pregoneros predican a el pueblo por las mananas quando sale el sol estando todo el pueblo en silencio asentados por los corredores escuchando dicen les WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 451 como an de bibir y creo que les dicen algunos mandamientos que an de guardar porque entre ellos no ay borrachera ni sodomia ni sacrificios nicomen carne humana ni hurtan de comun trabajan en el pueblo la estufas son comunes es sacrilegio que las mugeres entren a dormir en las estufas por seal de paz dar cruz queman los muertos hechan con ellos en el fuego los instrumentos que tienen para usar sus officios. tienen a tusayan entre norte y poniente a ueinte leguas es prouingia de siete pueblos de la misma suerte trajes ritos y costumbres que los de gibola abra en estas dos prouingias que son catorge pueblos hasta tres.o quatro mill hombres y ay hasta tiguex quarenta leguas o mas la buelta del norte ay entre medias el penon de acuco que contamos en la primera parte. Capitulo quarto como se tratan los de tiguexr y de la prouincia de tiquea y sus comareas. tiguex es prouincia de docge pueblos riberas de un rio grande y cau- daloso unos pueblos de una parte y otros de otra es ualle espacioso de dos leguas en ancho tiene a el oriente una sierra nebada muy alta y aspera a el pie de ella por las espaldas ay siete pueblos quatro en llano y los tres metidos en la halda de la sierra. tiene a el norte a quirix siete pueblos a siete leguas tiene a el nordeste la prouincia de hemes siete pueblos a quarenta leguas tiene a el norte o leste a Acha a quatro leguas a el sueste a tutahaco prouincgia de ocho pueblos todos estos pueblos en general tienen unos ritos y costumbres aunque tienen algunas cosas en particulares que no las tienen los otros gobiernanse por acuerdo de los mas uiejos labran los edificios del pueblo de comun las mugeres entienden en hacer la mescla y las paredes los hombres traen la madera y la asientan no ay cal pero hacen una mescla de genisa de carbon y tierra ques poco menos que de cal porque con aber de tener quatro altos la casa no hacen la pared de mas gordor que de media bara juntan gran cantidad de rama de tomillos y corriso y ponen le fuego y como esta entre carbon y genisa hechan mucha tierra y agua y hacen lo mescla y de ella hacen pellas redondas que ponen en lugar de piedra despues de seco y traban con la misma mescla de suerte que despues es como argamasa los mancebos por casar siruen a el pueblo en general y traen la lena que se a de gastar y Ja ponen en rima en los patios de los pueblos de donde la toman las mugeres para lleuar a sus casas su abitacion de los mancebos es en las estufas que son en los patios de el pueblo debajo de tierra quadrados o redondos con pilares de pino algunas se bieron de do¢e pilares y de quatro por nabe de gor- dor de dos bracas los comunes eran de tres 0 quatro pilares los suelos de losas grandes y lisas como los bafios que se usan é europa tienen dentro un fogon a manera de una bitacora de nabio donde ensienden un puno de tomillo con que sustentan la calor y pueden estar dentro como en bano lo alto en pareja con la tierra alguna se bio tan espaciosa que tendra juego de bola quando alguno se a decasar a de ser por orden de 452 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BrH. ANN. 14 los que gobiernan a de hilar y texer una manta el baron y ponerle la muger delante y ella cubre con ella y queda por su muger las casas son de las mugeres las estufas de los hombres si el uaron repudia la muger a de ir aello a la estufa es biolable cosa domir las mugeres en la estufa ni entrar a ningun negogio mas de meter de comer a el marido 0 a los hijos los hombres hilan y texen las mugeres crian los hijos y guisan de comer la tierra es tan fertil que no desyerban en todo el aio mas de para sembrar porque luego cae la niebe y cubre lo senbrado y debajo de la niebe cria la macorca cogen en un ano para siete ay gradissimo numero de guillas y de ansares y cuerbos y tordos que se mantienen por los sem- brados y con todo esto quando bueluen a sembrar para otro ao estan los campos cubiertos de maiz que no lo an podido acabar de encerrar. auia en estas prouincias gra cantidad de gallinas de la tierra y gallos de papada sustentabanse muertos sin pelar ni abrir sesenta dias sin mal olor y los hombres muertos lo mismo y mas tiempo siendo inbierno los pueblos son limpios de inmundicias porque salen fuera a estercolar y desaguan en basijas de barro y las sacan a basiar fuera del pueblo tienen bien repartidas las casas en grande limpiega donde guisan de comer y donde muelen la harina que es un apartado o retrete donde tienen un farnal con tres piedras asentado con argamasa donde entran tres mugeres cada una en su piedra que la una frangolla y la otra muele y la otra remuele antes q entren dentro a la puerta se descalean los sapatos y cogen el cabello y sacuden la ropa y cubré la cabecga mientras que muelé esta un hombre sentado a la puerta tanedo con una gayta al tono traen las piedras y canta a tres boces muelen de una bez mucha cantidad porque todo el pan hacen de harina desleyda con agua caliente amanera de obleas cogen gran cantidad de yeruas y secan las para guisar todo el aio para comer no ay en la tierra frutas saluo piiones tienen sus predicadores no se hallo en ellos sodomia ni comer carne humana ni sacrificarlla no es gente cruel porque en tiguex estubieron obra de quarenta dias muerto a frangisco de ouando y quando se acabo de ganar el pueblo lo hallaron entero entre sus muertos sin otra licion mas de la herida de que murio blanco como niebe sin mal olor de un indio de los nuestros que auia estado un aio catibo entre ellos alcanse a saber algunas cosas de sus costumbres en especial preguntadole yo que porque causa en aquella prouincia andaban las mugeres mocas en cueros haciendo tam gran frio dixome que las dongellas auian de andar ansi hasta que tomasen maridos y que en cognogiendo uaron se cubrian trayan los hombres por alli camisetas de cuero de benado adobado y encima sus pellones ay por todas estas prouincias loca bedriada de alcohol y jarros de extremadas labores y de hechuras que era cosa de ber. Capitulo quinto de cicuye y los pueblos de su contorno y de como unas gentes binieron a conquistar aquella tierra. ya abemos dicho de tiguex y de todas las prouingias que estan en la costa de aquel rio por ser como son todos de una calidad de gente y una WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 453 condi¢ion y costumbres no sera menester en ellos particularicar ninguna cosa solo quiero decir del aciento de cicuye y unos pueblos despoblados que le caen en comarca en el camino derecho quel campo Iebo para alla y otros que estan tras la sierra nebada de tiguex que tambien caen en aquella comarca fuera del rio. cicuye es un pueblo de hasta quinientos hombres de guerra es temido por toda aquella tierra en su sitio es quadrado asentado sobre peta en medio un gran patio o placa con sus estufas las casas son todas parejas de quatro altos por lo alto se anda todo el pueblo sin que aya calle que lo estorbe a los dos primeros doblados es todo ¢ereado de corredores que se anda por ellos todo el pueblo son como baleones que salen a fuera y debajo de ellos se pueden amparar no tienen las casas puertas por lo bajo con escaleras leuadisas se siruen y suben a los corre- dores que son por de dentro del puebloy por alli se mandan que las puertas de las casas salen a aquel alto al corredor sirue el corredor por calle las casas que salen a el campo hacen espaldas con las de dentro del patio y en tiempo de guerra se mandan por las de dentro es cercado de una ¢gerca baja de piedra tiene dentro una fuente de agua que se la pueden quitar la gente deste pueblo se precia de que nadie los a podido sojuzgar y los sojuzgan los pueblos que quieren son de la misma con- dicion y costumbres que los otros pueblos tambien andan las doncellas desnudas hasta que toma maridos por que dicen que si hacen maldad que luego se bera y ansi no lo haran ni tiené de que tener berguenca pues andan qual nagieron. ay entre cicuye y la prouingia de quirix un pueblo chico y fuerte a quien los espanoles pusieron nonbre ximena y otro pueblo casi despo- blado que no tiene poblado sino un barrio este pueblo era grande segun su sitio y fresco parecia aber sido destruydo aqueste se llamo el pueblo de los cilos porque se hallaron en el grandes silos de maiz. adelante auia otro pueblo grande todo destruido y asolado en los patios del muchas pelotas de piedras tan grandes como botijas de arroba que parecia aber sido hechadas con ingenios o trabucos con que des- truyeron aquel pueblo lo que de ello se alcanso a saber fue que abria desiseis alos que unas gentes llamados teyas en gran numero auian benido en aquella tierra y auian destruydo aquellos pueblos y auian tenido ¢gercado a cicuye y no lo auian podido tomar por ser fuerte y que quando salieron de aquella tierra auian hecho amistades con toda la tierra parecio debio de ser gente poderosa y que debia de tener ingenios para derriba los pueblos no saben decir de que parte binieron mas de senalar debajo del norte generalmente llaman estas gentes teyas por gentes ualiétes como dicen los mexicanos chichimecas o teules porque los teyas que el campo topo puesto que eran ualientes eran cognocidos de la gente de los poblados y sus amigos y que se ban a inbernar por alla los inbiernos debaxo de los alaues de lo poblado porque détro no se atreben a los recebir porque no se deben fiar de ellos y puesto que los reciben de amistad y tractan con ellos de noche no quedan en los pueblos sino 454 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [EIrH. ANN. 14 fuera solas alaues y los pueblos se belanabo ¢ina y grito grito como las fortalecas de espana. otros siete pueblos ay a la orilla deste camino hacia la sierra nebada que el uno quedo medio destruydo de estas gentes ya dichas que estan debaxo de la obidiengia de cicuye esta cicuye en un pequeno ualle entre sierras y montanas de grandes pinales tiene una pequeta riuera que lleba muy buenas truchas y nutrias crianse por aqui muy grandes osos y buenos halcones. Capitulo sexto en que se declara quantos fueron los pueblos que se wieron en los poblados de terrados y lo poblado de ello. paregiome antes que salga decir de los llanos de las bacas y lo poblado y rancheado de ellos que sera bien que se sepa que tanto fue lo po- blado que se bio de casas de altos en pueblos congregados y en que tanto espacio de tierra digo que ¢ibola es lo primero. cibola siete pueblos tucayan siete pueblos el penon de acuco uno tiguex doge pueblos tutahaco ocho pueblos por abajo del rio estauan estos pueblos. quirix siete pueblos a la sierra nebeda siete pueblos ximena tres pueblos. cicuye uno pueblo. hemes siete pueblos aguas calientes tres pueblos. yuqueyunque de la sierra seis pueblos. ualladolid dicho braba un pueblo. chia un pueblo. por todos son sesenta y seis pueblos como parece tiguex es el rinon de los pueblos ualladolid lo mas alto el rio arriba a el nordeste los quatro pueblos a el rio abaxo al sueste porque el rio boltea hacia leuante que desde la una punta de lo que se bio el rio abaxo a la otra que se bio el rio arriba en que esta todo lo poblado ay giento y treinta leguas diez mas 0 menos que por todos los pueblos con los de las trabesias son sesenta y seis como tengo dicho en todos ellos puede auer como ueinte mill hombres lo qual se puede bien considerar y entender por la poblagion de los pueblos y entre medias de unos y otros no ay caserias ni otra abitacion sino todo despoblado por donde se be que segun son poca gente y tan diferenciados en trato gouierno y policia de todas las naciones que se an bisto y descubierto en estas partes de poniente son benedi¢os de aquella parte de la india mayor que cae su costa debaxo del poniente de esta tierra que por aqueila parte pueden aber baxado atrabesando aquellas cordilleras baxando por aquel rio abajo poblando en lo mejor que les parecia y como an ydo multiplicando an ydo poblando hasta que WINSHIP } _ NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 455 no hallaron rio porque se sume debaxo de tierra haciendo sus corrientes hacia la florida baxando del nordeste donde se hallaua notigia todauia de pueblos quese dexo de seguir al turco que lo decia sin aquellas cor- dilleras do nace aquel rio se atrabesaran yo creo se tomaran ricas noti- cias y se entrara en las tierras de donde aquellas gentes proceden que segun el ribo es principio de la india mayor aun que partes innotas y no sabidas ni cognosidas porque segun la demostracion de la costa es muy la tierra adentro entre la nuruega y la china en el comedio de la tierra de mar a mar es grande anchura segun de muestran los ruambos de ambas costas asi lo G descubrio el capitan uillalobos yendo por esta mar de poniente en demanda de la china como lo que sea descubierto por la mar del norte la buelta de los bacallaos que es por la costa de la florida arriba hacia la nuruega. ansi que tornado a el proposito de lo comencado digo q en espacio de setenta leguas en el ancho de aquella tierra poblada y de ciento y treinta leguas al luego del rio de tiguex no se bieron ni hallaron mas poblados ni gentes de los ya dichas que ay repartimientos en la nueba espana no uno sino uchos de mayor numero de gentes en muchos pue- blos de ellos se hallaron metales de plata que los tenian para bedriar y pintar los rotro. Capitulo septimo que trata de los llanos que se atrabesaron de bacas y de las gentes que los habitan. dicho abemos de lo poblado de altos que segun parese esta en el comedio de la cordillera en lo mas llano y espacioso de ella porque tiene de atrabesia ciento y sinquenta leguas hasta entrar en la tierra llana que esta entre las dos cordilleras digo la que esta a la mar del norte y la que esta a la mar del sur qne por esta costa se podria mejor decir a la mar de poniente esta cordillera es la que esta a el mar del sur pues para entender como lo poblado que digo es ba en el comedio de la cor- dillera digo que desde chichilticale que es el principio de la trabesia a ¢gibola ay ochenta leguas de ¢ibola que es el primer pueblo a cicuye que es el prostero en la trabesia ay setenta leguas de cicuye a los Ilanos ay treinta leguas hasta el principio de ellos puede ser aberse atrabesado algo por trabesia 0 a el sesgo por do parece aber mas tierra que si se atrabesara por medio y pudiera ser mas dificultoso y aspero y esto no se puede bié entender por la buelta que la cordillera hace tras de su costa del Ancon del rio del tizon. agora diremos de los Hanos que es una tierra llana y espaciosa que tiene en anchura mas de quatro cientas leguas por aquella parte entre las dos cordilleras la una la que atrabeso francisco uasques coronado ala mar del sur y la otra la que atrabeso la gente de don fernando de soto ala mar del norte entrando por la florida lo que de estos llanos se bio todo era despoblado y no se pudo ber la otra cordillera ni gerro ni cierra que tubiese de altura tres estados con andar docientas y sinquenta leguas por ellos atrechos se hallauan algunas lagunas redondas como 456 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 platos de un tiro de piedra de ancho y mayores algunas dul¢es y algu- nas de sal en estas lagunas ay alguna yerba cresida fuera de ellas toda es muy chica de un geme y menos es la tierra de hechura de bola que donde quiera que un hombre se pone lo cerca el cielo a tiro de ba- llesta no tiene arboleda sino en los rios que ay en algunas barrancas que son tam encubiertas que hasta que estan a el bordo de ellas no son bistas son de tierra muerta tienen entradas que hacen las bacas para entrar a el agua que esta honda por estos llanos andan gentes como tengo dicho en la primera parte en pos de las bacas haciendo caca y adobado cueros para lleuar a bender a los poblados los inbiernos porque ban a inbernar a ellos cada compania a donde mas cerca se halla unos a los poblados de cicuye otros hagia quiuira otros hacia la florida a los poblados que estan hagia aquella parte y puerto estan gentes que los llama querechos y teyas dan relacgion de grandes poblados y segun lo que de estas gentes se bio y de otros que ellos daban noticia que auia por otras partes ella es harto mas gente que no la de los poblados mas dispuesta y mayores hombres de guerra y mas temidos andan como alarabes con sus tiendas y harrias de perros aparejados con lomillos y en xalmas y sincha quando se les tuer¢e la carga aullan Ilamando quien los aderese comen esta gente la carne cruda y beben la sagre no comen carne humana es gente amoroso y no cruel tienen fiel amistad son muy entendidos por senas secan la carne a el sol cortandola delgada como una oja y seca la muelen como harina para guardar y hacer macamo- rras para comer que con un puno que hechan en una olla se hinche por que crece mucho guisan lo con manteca que siempre procuran traer quando matan la baca uac¢ian una gran tripa y hinchen la de sangre y hechan la a el cuello para beber quando tienen sed quando an abierto la panca de la baca aprietan para abajo la yerua mascada y el sumo que queda arriba lo beben que dicen que esto da la sustangia de el bientre abren las bacas por el lomo y deshacen los por sus coyunturas con un pedernal grande como un dedo atado en un pailito co tanta facilidad como si fuese con una muy buena herramienta dando les los filos en sus propios dientes es cosa de ber y de notar la presteca con que lo hacen. ay por estos llanos muy gran cantidad de lobos que anda tras de las bacas tienen el pelo blanco los sieruos son remendados de blanco el pelo ancho y que muriendo ansi con la mano se pelan en caliente y quedan como puerco pelado las lebres que son en gran numero andan tan abobadas que yendo a cauallo las matan con las langas esto es de andar hechas entre las bacas de Ja gente de pie huyen. Capitulo ocho de quiwira y en que rumbo esta y la notigia que dan. quiuira es a el poniente de aquellas barrancas por el medio de la tierra algo arrimada a la cordillera de la mar porque hasta quiuira es tierra llana y alli se comencan a ber algunas sierras la tierra es muy poblada segun el principio de ella se bio ser esta tierra muy aparente a la de 2) 4 tELACION WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 457 espana en su manera de yeruas y frutas ay siruelas como las de castilla ubas nueges moras uallico y abena poleo oregano lino en gran cantidad no lo benefficia porque no saben el uso de ellola gente es casi de la manera y traje de los teyas tienen los pueblos a la manera como los de la nueba espana las casas son redondas sin ¢erca tienen unos altos a manera de balbacoas por baxo la techubre adonde duermen y tienen sus aberes las techumbres son de paja ay en su contorno otras prouincias muy pobladas en grande numero de gente y aqui en esta provincia quedo un frayle que se decia fray ju® de padilla y un espanol portugues y . un negro y un mestiso y siertos indios de la prouingia de capothan de la nueba espana a el frayle iataron porque se queria yr a la prouincia de los guas que eran sus enemigos el espatol escapo huyendo en una yegua y despues aporto en Ja nueba espana saliendo por la uia de panuco los indios de la nueba espana que yban con el frayle lo enterraron con consentimiento de los matadores y se binieron en pos del espanol hasta que lo aleancgaron este espanol era portugues auia por nombre campo. el gran rio del espiritu santo que descubrio don fer*® de soto en la tierra de la florida lleua sus corrientes de aquesta tierra pasa por una prouinc¢ia que se dige arache segun alli tubo por noticia berdadera que no se bieron sus nacimientos porque segun decian bienen de muy lejos tierra de la cordillera del sur de la parte que desagua a los llanos y atra- biesa toda la tierra liana y rompe la cordillera del norte y sale adonde lo nauegaron los de don fernando de soto esto es mas de tregientas leguas de donde el ba a salir a la mar y por esto y por las grandes acogidas que tiene sale tam poderosa a el mar que an perdido la uista de la tierra y no el agua de ser dulce. hasta esta tierra de quiuira fue lo ultimo que se bio y de lo que ya puedo dar noticia o relacgion y agora me conbiene dar la buelta a hablar del campo que dexe en tiguex reposando el inbierno para poder pasar 0 bolber a buscar estos poblados de quiuira lo qual despues no sucedio ansi porque fue dios seruido que estos descubrimientos quedasen para otras gentes y que nos contentasemos los que alla fuimos con decir que fuimos los primeros que lo descubrimos y tubimos noticia de ello. como hercules conocer el sitio adonde jullio ¢esar auia de fundar a seuilla o hispales plega a el senor todo poderoso se sirua con todo que sierto es que si su uoluntad fuera ni fran®®? uasques se bolbiera a la nueba espana tan sin causa ni ragon ni los de don fernando de soto dexaran de poblar tan buena tierra como tenian y tambien poblada y larga mayormente abiendo tenido como tubieron noti¢ia de nuestro campo. 458 THE CORUNADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [RTH. ANN. 14 TERCERA PARTE COMO Y EN QUE SE TRATA AQUELLO QUE ACON- TECIO A FRANCISCO UASQUES CORONADO KSTANDO INBERNANDO Y COMO DEXO LA JORNADA Y SE BOLBIO A LA NUEBA ESPANA.! laus deo. Capitulo primero como bino de Senora don pedro de touar con gente w se partio para la nueba espana don garci lopes de cardenas. en el fin de la primera parte de este libro diximos como francisco uasques coronado buelto de quiuira auia ordenado de inbernar en tiguex y benido el inbierno dar la buelta con todo su canpo para descubrir todos aquellos poblados en estos comedios don pedro de touar que como diximos auia ydo asacar gente de la uilla de san hiero- nimo llego con la gente que traya y a la berdad considerando que pa ir en demanda de su general a la tierra del indio que Ilemauan turco le conbenia lleuar buena gente no saco de alla los cediciosos ni reboltosos sino los mas exprimentados y mejores soldados hombres de confian¢a que pudo y llegados a tiguex aunque hallaron alli el campo no les plugo mucho por que benian ya el pico a el biento creyendo hallar a el general en Ja tierra rica del indio que decian turco consolaronse con la esperanc¢a de la buelta que se auia de hager y biuian en gran placer y alegria con la esperanca de la buelta que se auia de hacer y de que presto yria el campo a quiuira con don pedro de touar binieron cartas de la nueba espana ansi del uirrey don Antonio de mendo¢a como de particulares entre los quales dieron una a don garcia lopes de cardenas en que le hicieron saber la muerte de un su hermano mayorazgo Ila- mandole fuese a heredar a espaiia por donde ubo licengia y salio de tiguex con algunas otras personas que ubieron licencia para se yr a reposar a sus casas otros muchos se quisieran yr que lo dexaron por no mostrar flaquega procuraba en estos comedios a pasiguar algunos pueblos de la comarca que estaban no bien asentados y llamar a los de tiguex a paz y buscar alguna ropa de la tierra porque andaban ya los soldados desnudos y mal tratados llenos de piojos y no los podian agotar ni deshechar de Si. el general francisco uasques coronado auia sido entre sus capitanes y soldados el mas bien quisto y obedegido capitan que podia auer salido en indias y como la necesidad carece de ley y los capitanes que recogian la ropa la repartiesen mal tomando para si y sus amigos y criados lo mejor y a los soldados se les repartiese el deshecho coméco a aber algu. nas murmuraciones y desabrimentos unos por lo dicho y otros por ber que algunos sobre salientes eran reseruados del trabajo y de las uelas y mejor repartidos en lo que se repartia asi de ropa como de bastimentos par do se cree praticaban y a no aber en la tierra para que bolber a quiuira que no fue pequena ocacion para lo de adelante como se uera. 1 The heading of the third part is written on the same page with the preceding text of the second part, there being no break between the end of the second partand the heading which follows it. The following page is left blank. WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 459 Capitulo segundo como cayo el general y se hordeno la buelta para la nueba espana. pasado que fue el inuierno se publico la buelta para quiuira y la gente se comécaua a percebir de las cosas necesarias y como ninguna cosa esta en esta uida a la dispusicion de los hombres sino a la ordenacion de dios todo poderoso fue su uoluntad que los nros no se efectuasen y fue el caso quel general un dia de fiesta se salio a holgar a cauallo como solia y corriendo parejas con el capitan don rodrigo maldonado el yba en un poderoso cauallo y sus criados auian le puesto una ¢incha nueba que del tiempo debia de estar podrida en la carrera rebento y bino a caer de lado a Ja parte que yba don rodrigo y a el pasar a el cansole el cauallo con el pie en la cabega de que Ilego a punto de muerte y su cura fue larga y temida. en este comedio quel estaba en la cama don garci lopes de cardenas que auia salido para salir a la nueba espana bolbio de suya huyendo que hallo despoblada la uilla y muerta la gente y cauallos y ganados y llego a tiguex y sabida la triste nueba como el general estaba en los terminos ya dichos no se lo osaron decir hasta que estubiese sano y al cabo y a que se lebantaua lo supo y sintio lo tanto que ube de tornar a recaer y por ventura para benir a ha¢er lo que hico segun despues se creyo y fue que como se bio de aquella suerte bino le a la memoria que en salamanca un mathematico su amigo le auia dicho que se auia de ber en tierras estraias senor y poderoso y abia de dar un cayda de que no se ania de poder leuantar y con esta inmaginacion de su muerte le dio deseo de boluer a morir a donde tenia muger y hijos y como del mismo fi¢ico y su surujano que lo curaua y seruia tambien de chismoso suprese las murmuraciones que andaban entre los soldados trato secreta y oculta- mente con algunos caualleros de su opinion pusieron en pratica la buelta de la nueua espaiia entre los soldados haciendo juntas y corrillos y que se hiciesen consultas y lo pidiesen con sus alferes a el general co carteles firmados de todos sus soldados lo qual ellos trataron muy por entero y no fue menester gastar mucho tienpo segun ya muchos lo tenian en uoluntad el general mostro des que se lo pidieron que no lo queria hacer sino lo confirmauan todos los caualleros y capitanes dando su parecer firmado y como algunos eran en ello dieronlo luego y aun persuadieron a los otros a hacer lo mismo y ansi dieron parecer que se deuian de boluer a la nueba espana pues no se auia hallado cosa rica ni auia poblado en lo descubrierto donde se pudiesen hacer reparti- mientos a todo el campo y como les cogio las firmas luego se publico la buelta para Ja nueua espana y como no puede aber cosa encubierta comécose a descubrir el trato doble y hallaronse muchos de los caua- lleros faltos y corridos y procuraron por todas uias tornar a cobrar sus firmas del general el qual las guardo tanto que no salia de una camara haciendo su dolengia muy mayor poniendo guardas en su persona y camaray de noche en los altos a donde dormia con todo esto le hurtaron el cofre y se dixo no hallaron en el sus firmas que las tenia en el colchon 460 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH, ANN. 14 por otro cabo se dixo que las cobraron ellos pidieron quel general les diese sesenta hombres escogidos y que ellos quedarian y sustentarian la tierra hasta que el uirrey les embiase socorro 0 a llamar o que el gene- ral dexase el campo y escogiese sesenta hombres con que se fuese pero los soldados ni de una ni de otra manera no quisieron quedar lo uno por aber ya puesto la proa a la nueba espana y lo otro por que bieron clara la discordia que se auia de leuantar sobre quien auia de mandar los caualleros no se sabe si porque auian jurado fidelidad o por tener creydo que los soldados no los faborecerian aunque agrabiados lo ubieron de su fin y pasar por lo determinado aunque desde alli no obedecian al general como solian y el era dellos mal quisto y hacia caudal de los soldados y honraba los que fue a benira el efecto de lo quel queria y que se efetuase la buelta de todo el campo. Capitulo tergero como se algo Suya y las causas que para ello dieron los pobladores. ya diximos en el capitulo pasado como don garcia lopes de cardenas bolbio huyendo de suya desque hallo algada la tierra y que de decir como y porque se despoblo a la aquella uilla lo qual paso como contare y fue el caso que como ya en aquella uilla no auia quedado sino la gente ruyn enteregada honbres reboltosos y sediciosos puesto que quedaron algunos honrados en los cargos de republica y para gouernar a los demas podia mas la malicia de los ruynes y cada dia hacian munipudios y tra- tos diciendo que estaban bendidos y no para ser aprobechados pues en aquella tierra se mandaba por otra parte mas aproposito de la nueba espana que no aquella estaua y ellos quedaban casi por derecho y con esto mouidos sierta compania haciendo caudillo a un pedro de auila se amotinaron y fueron la buelta de culiacan dexando a diego de alcaraz su capitan con poca gente doliente en aquella uilla de sant hieronimo que no ubo quié los pudiese seguir para los apremiar a que bolbiesé en el camino en algunos pueblos les mataron alguna gente y al cabo salie- ron a culiacan adonde hernando arias de saya bendra los detubo entretenidos con palabras porque aguardaba a juan gallego que auia de benir alli con gente de la nueua espana y que los bolberia algunos temiendolo que aula de ser se huyan de noche para la nueba espana diego de alcaraz que auia quedado con poca gente y doliente aunque quisiera no podia alli sustentarse por el peligro de la yerua mor- tal que por alli usan traer los naturales los quales sintiendo la flaqueca de los espanoles ya no se dexaban tratar como solian abian se ya descu- bierto antes Gesto mineros de oro y como estaban en tierra de guerra y no tenian posibilidad no se labrauan estando en esta confucion no se dexaban de belar y recatar mas que solian. la uilla estaba poblada gerca de un rio pequeno y una noche a desora bieron fuegos no usados ni acostumbrados que fue causa que doblaron las uelas pero como en toda la noche no sintieron nada a la madrugada se descuidaro y los enemigos entraron tan callados por el pueblo que no saabedra WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 461 fueron uistos hasta que andaban matando y robando algunas gentes salieron a lo llano que tubieron lugar y a el salir hirieron de muerte a el capitan y como algunos espanoles se rehicieron en algunos cazallos bolbieron sobre los enemigos y socorrieron alguna gente aunque fue poca y los enemigos se fueron con la presa sin recebir dano dexando muertos tres espanoles y mucha gente de seruicio y mas de ueinto cauallos. los espanoles que quedaron salieron aquel dia a pie sin cauallos la buelta de culiacan por fuera de caminos y sin ningun bastimento hasta llegar a los coracones adonde aquellos indios los socorrieron de basti- mentos como amigos que siempre fueron y de alli co grandes trabajos que pasaron llegaron a culiacan adonde hernandarias de saabedra alcalde mayor los regibio y hospedo lo mejor que pudo hasta que juan gallego llego con el socorro que traya para pasar adelante en busca del campo que no poco le peso se obiese despoblado aquel paso creyendo quel campo estaba en la tierra rica que auia dicho el indio que llamaron turco porque lo parecia en su aspeto. Capitulo quarto como se quedo fray juan de padilla y fray luis en la tierra y el campo se aper¢ibio la buelta de mexico. ya quel general francisco uasques uido que todo estaba pacifico y que sus negocios se avian encaminado a su uoluntad mando que para entrado el mes de abril del ano de quinientos y quarenta y tres estu- biesen todos apercebidos para salir la buelta de la nueba espana. biendo esto un fray juan de padilla frayle de misa de la orden de los menores y otro fray luis lego dixeron a el general que ellos querian quedarse en aquella tierra el fray juan de padilla en quiuira porque le parecia haria alli fructo su dotrina y el fray Iuis en cicuye y para esto como era quaresma a la sacon predico un domingo aquel sermon del padre de las companas y fundo su proposito con autoridad de la sagrada escritura y como su celo era combertir aquellas gentes y traer los a la fe y como tubieron licencia que para esto no era menester embio el gen- eral con ellos una compaiia que los sacasen hasta cicuye donde se que- do el fray luis y el fray juan paso la buelta de quiuira Jleuando el por- tugues que diximos y el negro y el mestiso y indios de la nueba espana con las guias que auia traydo el general donde en llegando alla dentro de muy poco tiempo lo martirigaron como contamos en la segunda parte cap otauo y ansi se puede creer murio martir pues su celo era santo y bueno. el fray luis se quedo en cicuye no se a sabido del mas hasta oy aun que antes quel campo saliese de tiguex lleuandole sierta cantidad de obejas para que se le quedasen los que las llebauan toparon acompa- nado de gente que andaba uicitando otros pueblos que estaban a quinge y aueinte leguas de cicuye y no dio poca buena esperanca que estaba en gracia del pueblo y haria fruto su dotrina atique se quexaba que los uiejos lo desamparaban y creyo al fin lo matarian yo para mi tengo que como era hombre de buena y santa uida nro senor lo guardaria y daria 462 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH, ANN. 14 gracia que conbirtiese algunas gentes de aquellas y dexase despues de sus dias quien los administrase en la fee y no es de creer otro cosa porque la gente de por alli es piadosa y ninguna cosa cruel antes son amigos o enemigos de la crueldad y guardan la fee y lealtad a los amigos. el general despachados los frayles temiendo no le danase el traer gente de aquella tierra ala nueba espana mado quel seruicgio que los soldados tenian de los naturales lo dexasen yr libres a sus pueblos adonde quisiesen que a mi ber no lo a serto que mas ualiera se dotri- naran entre christianos. andaba ya el general alegre y contento llegado el placo y todos pro- beydos de lo necesario para su jornada el campo salio de tiguex la buelta de cibola acontecio en este Camino una cosa no poco de notar y fue que con salir los cauallos exercitados a el trabajo gordos y hermosos en diez dias que se tardo en llegar a cibola murieron mas de treinta que no ubo dia que no muriesen dos y tres y mas y despues hasta llegar a culiacan murieron gran numero de ellos cosa no aconte¢ida en toda la jornada, legado que fue el campo a cibola se rehicgo para salir por el despo- blado por ser alli lo ultimo de los poblados de aquella tierra quedando toda aquella tierra pacifica y llana y que se quedaron algunos amigos entre ellos de los nuestros. Capitulo quinto como el canpo salio del poblado y camino a culiacan y lo que aconteyio en el camino. dexando ya por popa podemos degir los poblados que se auian descu- bierto en la tierra nueba que como tengo dicho eran los siete pueblos de cibola lo primero que se bio y lo prostero que se dexo salio el campo caminando por el despoblado y en dos o tres jornadas nunca dexaron los naturales de seguir el campo tras la retaguardia por coger algun fardaje o gente de seruicgio porque aunque que daba de paz y auian sido buenos y lea les amigos todauia como bieron que se les dexaba la tierra libre se holgauan de ber en su poder gente de Ja nuestra a aunque se cre no para los enojar como se supo de algunos que no quiseron yr con ellos que fueron de ellos inportunados y rogados todauia euaron alguna gente y otros que se auian quedado uoluntariaméte de los quales el dia de oy abra buenas lenguas el despoblado se camino sin contraste y como saliéron en chichilticale en la segunda jornada llego a el campo juan gallego que yba de la nueba espana con socorro de gente y cosas necesarias para el campo pensando de lo hallar en la tierra del indio que Ilamauan turco y como juan gallego bido que el canpo se bolbia la prime[ra] palabra que dixo no fue degir norabuena bengais y no lo sintio tan poco que despues de aber hablado al general y llegados a el campo digo a el aposento no ubiese algunos mobimientos en los caualleros con aquel nuebo socorro que no con poco trabajo auian allegado tras ta alli teniendo cada dia recuentros con los indios de aquellas partes como se a dicho que estaban aleados ubo algunos tratos y platicas de poblar por alli en alguna parte hasta dar relagion a el WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 463 bisorey de lo que pasaba la gente de los soldados que uenian de la ticrra nueba a ninguna cosa daban consentimiento sino en bolber a la nueba espana por donde no ubo efecto nada de Jo que se proponia en sus consultas y aunque ubo algunos alborotos al cabo se apasiaguaro yban con juan gallego algunos de los amotinados que despoblaron la uilla de los coragones asegurados por el y debajo de su palabra y puesto que el general quisiera hacer algun castigo era poco su poder porque ya era desobe desobedecido y poco acatado y de alli adelante de nuebo comenco a temer y haciase doliente andando con guarda en algunas partes ubo algunas gritas y de indios y de heridos y muertes de cauallos hasta llegar a batuco donde salieron a el campo indios amigos del ualle del corazon por ber a el general como amigos que sienpre fueron y ansi auia tratado a todos los espanoles que por sus tierras auian pasado probeyendoles en sus negesidades de bastimentos y gente si necesario era y ansi fueron de los nros siempre muy bien tratados y gratificados en esta jornada se aprobo del agua del menbrillo ser buena contra la yerba de estas partes porque en un paso algunas jornadas antes de llegar a el ualle de senora los indios enemigos hirieron a un espanol llamado mesa y con ser la herida mortal de yerba fresca y tardarse mas de dos oras en curar con el agua no murio puesto que quedolo que la yerba auia infigionado podrido y se cayo la carne hasta dexar los guesos y nierbos desnudos con pestilencgial hedor que fue la herida en la muneea y auia llegado la ponsona hasta la espalda quando se uino a curar y todo esto desamparo la carne. vaminaba el campo sin tomar reposo porque ya en esta sacon auia falta de bastimentos que como aquellas comarcas estaban alcadas las bituallas no auia adonde las tomar hasta que lego a petlatlan haciendo algunas entradas en las trabesias por buscar bastimentos patlatlan es de la prouincia de culiacan y a esta causa estaba de paz aunque des- pues aca a bido algunas nobedades alli descanso el campo algunos dias por se bastecer y salidos de alli con mayor presteca que de antes pro- curaron pasar aquellas treinta leguas que ay el ualle de culiacan donde de nuebo los acogieron como gente que benia con su gouernador mal tratado. Capitulo sexto como el general salio de culiacan para dar quenta a el uisorey del campo que le encargo. ya parece que en aber llegado a el ualle de culiacan se da fin a los trabajos de esta jornada lo uno por ser el general gouernador y lo otro por estar en tierra de christianos y ansi se comenc¢aron luego asentar algunos de la superioridad y dominio que sobre ellos tenian sus capi- tanes y aun algunos capitanes de la obidencia del general y cada uno hagia ya cabeca de su juego de manera que pasando el general a la uilla que estaua de aili diez leguas mucha de la gente o la mas de ella se le quedo en el ualle reposando y algunos con proposito de no le seguir bien sintio el general que por uia de fuerca ya no era poderoso 464 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [erH. awn. 14 aunque la autoridad de ser gouernador le daba otra nueba autoridad determino llebar lo por otra mejor wia que fue mandar prober a todos los capitanes de bastimentos y carne de lo que auia en algunos pueblos que como gouernador estaban en su cabeca y mostrose estar doliente haciendo cama porque los que con el ubiesen de negociar pudiesen hablarle o el con ellos mas libremente sin enpacho ni obenpacion y no dexaba de embiar a llamar algunos particulares amigos para les rogar y encargar hablasen a los soldados y los animasen a salir de alli en su compania la buelta de la nueba espana y les dixesen lleuaba muy a cargo de los faborecgeran si con el uisorey don Antonio de mendoga como en su gouernacion a los que con el quisiesen quedar en ella y desque ubo negociado salio con su campo en tiempo recio y principio de las aguas que era por san juan en el qual tiempo Iuebe brabaméte y los rios de aquel despoblado que se pasan hasta conpostela sO muchos y muy peligrosos y caudalosos de grandes y brauos lagartos en un rio de los quales estando asentado el campo pasando un soldado de la una parte a la otra a bista de todos fue arrebatado de un lagarto y llebado sin poder ser socorrido el general camino dexando por todas partes gentes que no le querian seguir y llego a mexico con menos de gien hombres a dar quenta a el uisorey don Antonio de mendoga no fue del bien recebido aun que dio sus descargos y desde alli perdio reputacion y gouerno poco tiempo la gouernacion que se le auia encargado de la nueba galicia porque el uisorey la tomo en si hasta que uino a el la audien- gia como a el presente lo ay y este fue el fin que ubieron aquellos des- cubrimientos y jornada que se higo de la tierra nueba. quedanos agora decir por que uia se podria entrar y por mas derecho camino en ella aunque digo que no ay atajo sin trabajo y siem- pre es lo mejor lo que se sabe porque prebienen bien los hombres lo que saben que ade benir y necesidades en que ya otra uez se bieron y decir sea a que parte cae quiuira ques el rumbo que llebo el campo y a qual parte cae la india mayor que era lo que se pretendia buscar quando el campo salio para alla que agora por aber uillalobos descubierto esta costa de la mar del sur que es por esta uia de poniente se cogno¢ge y be claramente que se auia de bolber estando como estabamos debajo del norte a el poniente y no hagia oriente como fuimos y con esto dexaremos esta materia y daremos fin a este tratado como ay a hecho relacion de algunas cosas notables que dexe de contar por las tratar particular- mente en los dos capitulos siguientes. Capitulo septimo de las cosas que le acontecieron al capitan Juan gallego por la tierra algada lleuando el socorro. bien se sufrira pues en el capitulo pasado pase en silencio las hacanas quel capitan juan gallego higo con ueinte companeros que leuabase diga en el presente capitulo para que en los tiempos benideros los que lo leyeren y de ello dieren noticia tengan autor sierto con quien apro- bar y que no escribe fabulas como algunas cosas que en nros tiempos WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 465 leemos en los‘libros de cauallerias que si no fuese por lleuar aquellas fabulas de encatamientos ay cosas el dia de oy acontesidas en estas partes por nros espanoles en conquistas y recuentros abidos con los naturales que sobrepujan en hechos de admiracion no solo a los libros ya dichos sino a los que se escriben de los doge pares de frangia porque tanteado y mirado la fatales fuercas que los autores de aquellos tienpos les atribuyen y las lucidas y resplandesientes armas de que los adornan y las pequenas estaturas de que agora son los hombres de nfos tiempos y las pocas y ruynes armas de en estas partes mas es de admirar las cosas estranas que con tales armas los nros acometen y hacen el dia de oy que las que escribé de los antiguos pues tambien peleaban ellos con gentes barbaras y desnudas como los nros con indios donde no dexa de aber hombres que entre ellos so esforcados y ualientes y muy certeros flecheros pues le abemos uisto derribar las aues que ban bolando y cor- riendo tras las liebres flecharlas todo esto he dicho a el fin que algunas cosas que tenemos por fabulosas pueden ser berdaderas y pues cada dia bemos en nros tiempos cosas mayores como an sido las de don fer*®® cortes en Jos benideros tienpos que con tresientos hombres osa se entrar en el rinon de la nueba espana donde tan grande numero de gentes como es mexico y con quinientos espanoles Ja acabase de ganar y senorear en dos anos cosa de grande admiracion. los hechos de don pedro de aluarado en la conquista de guatimala y lo de montejo en tabasco las conquistas de terra firme y del peru cosas eran todas estas para que yo ubiera de callar y pasar en silengio lo que agora quiero contar pero por que estoy obligado a dar relacion de las cosas en esta jornada acontecidas e querido se sepan tambien las oue agora dire con las demas que tengo dicho. y es ansi quel capitan juan gallego llego a la uilla de culiacan con bien poca gente y alli recogio la que pudo de la que se auia escapado de la uilla de los coragones 0 por mejor decir de suya que por todos fueron ueinte y dos hombres y con estos camino por toda aquella tierra poblada en que andubo docientas leguas y de tierra de guerra y genté alcada que auian estado ya en el amistad de los espanoles teniendo cada dia 0 poco menos recuentros con los enemigos y siempre caminaua dexando atras el fardaje con las dos partes de las gentes leuando continuamente la auangardia con seis 0 siete espanoles sin otros amigos que los lleuaban entrando en los pueblos por fuer¢a matando y destruyendo y poniendo fuego dando en los enemigos tam de supito y con tanta presteca y denuedo que no les daban lugar a que se juntasen ni entendiesen de suerte que eran tan temidos que no auia pueblo que esperar los osase que ansi huyan de ellos como de un poderoso exercito tanto que les acontec¢io yr diez dias todo por poblado que no tenian ora de descanso y todo lo hacia con siete companeros que quando llegaua el fardaje con toda la demas gente no tenian en que entender saluo en robar que ya ellas auian muerto y preso la gente que auian podido auer a las manos y la demas auia huydo y como no paraban aunque los pueblos de ade- 14 ETH 30 466 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ern. ANN. 14 lante tenian algun abiso eran con ellos tam presto que no les daban lugar a se recoger en especial en aquella parte donde auia sido la uilla de los coragones que alli mato y ahorco buena cantidad de gente en castigo de su rebelion y en todo esto no perdio companero sin se lo hirieron saluo uno que por despojar a un indio que casi estaba muerto le hirio en el parpalo del ojo quando le ronpio el pelejo y por ser con yerba obiera de morir sino fuera socorrido con el agua del membrillo y perdio el ojo fueron tales estos hijos digo hechos-.que aquella gente tendra en memoria todo quanto la uida les durare en especial quatro o cinco indios amigos que salieron con ellos de los coracgones que quedaron desto tam admirados que los tenian mas por cosa diuina que humana y si como nro campo los topo no los topara obieran de llegar a la tierra del indio que llamauan turco do yban encaminados y lo pasaran sin riesgo segt la buena orden y gouierno lleuaba y bien dotrinada y exercitada en la guerra de los quales algunos quedaron en esta uilla de culiacan donde yo a el presente escribo esta relacion y noticia a donde ansi ellos como yo y los demas que en esta prouincia paramos no nos a faltado trabajos apasiguando y sustentando esta tierra tomando rebeldes y biniendo en probega y negesidad y en esta ora mas por estar la tierra mas probe y alcancada que nunca lo fue. Capitulo otauo en que se quentan algunas cosas admirables que se bieron en los llanos con la fagion de los toros. no sin misterio calle y dicimule en la segunda parte deste libro en el capitulo septimo que habla de los llanos las cosas de que hare men- cion en este capitulo particular adonde se hadlase todo junto pues eran cosas senaladas y no uistas en otras partes y atrebome a las escrebir porque escribo en tiempo que son oy biuos muchos hombres que lo bieron y haran berdadera mi escriptura quien podra crer que caminando por aquellos llanos mill cauallos y quinientas uacas de las nuestras y mas de cinco mill carneros y obejas y mas de mill y quinientas personas de los amigos y séruigio que acabando de pasar no dexaban mas rastro que si nunea por alli ubieran pasado nadie tanto que era menester hacer montones de guesos y bonigas de uacas a trechos para que la reta- guardia guiase tras del canpo y no se perdiesen la yerba aunque menuda en pisandola se enhiestaua tam limpia y derecha como de antes lo estaba. otra cosa que se hallo a la orilla de una laguna de sal a la parte del sur un grande ayuntamiento de guesos de uacas que tenia de largo un tiro de ballesta o muy poquito menos y de esto casi dos estados en partes y en ancho tres bracas y mas en parte donde no ay gente que lo pudiese hacer lo que de ello se entendio fue que con lareseca que debe de hacer el lago o laguna en tiempo de nortes los a juntado de el ganado que muere dentro en Ja laguna que de uiejo y flaco entrando no puede salir lo que se a de notar es que numero de ganado seria menester para tanta osa- menta. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY oie 204 be oP belo. De a Ap emrbn FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXxxiv of; iz ae beh Le Ct Z caregvle hép beth rch : 2283 Lim AMD 1e, Ce alaing BRET fez , spy ; Z an qen ay mae Lenten) « OF “ oF PAGES TES MEOW REL acion ILE —— sii > aa ee ~ Va oe 7 ae = WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 467 pues querer contar la facion de los toros tambien es de admirar que ningun cauallo ubo a los principios que los biese de cara que no huyese de su bista porque ellos tienen el rrostro ancho y corto de ojo a ojo dos palmos de frente los ojos salidos por el lado que yendo huyendo ben a quien los sigue tienen barbas como cabrones muy grandes quando huyen Neuan la cabeca baxa la barba arrastrando por el suelo del medio cuerpo para atras son senidos el pelo muy merino como de ouejas muy finas y de la sinta para adelante el pelo muy largo de faicion de leon raspante y una gra corcoba mayor que de camello los cuernos cortos y gordos que se descubren poco por cima del pelo mudan el pelo de medio cuerpo atras por mayo en un bellon y quedan perfectos leones para mudarse arrima a algunos arboles pequenos que ay en algunas barranquillas y alli se rrefriegan hasta que dexan el bellon como la culebra el pelejo tienen la cola corta y un pequeno y sopo a el cabo lleuan la quando corren alta a manera de alacra es cosa de ber que quando son becerricos son berme- jos y de la manera de los nuestros y con el tiempo y la edad se mudan en color y faigion. ay otra cosa que todos los toros que se mataron tenian a la creja isquierda hendida teniendolas sanas quando chiquitos este fue un secreto que no se pudo alcang¢ar la causa de ello de la Jana segun la finesa se harian buenos panos aunque no de colores por ser ella de color de buriel. otra cosa es de notar que andan los toros sin bacas en tanto numero que no ay quien los pueda numerar y tam apartados de las uacas que desde donde comengamos a ber toros jasta adonde comencamos a ber uacas auia mas de quarenta leguas y la tierra adonde andaban era tan llana y esconbrada que por do quiera que los mirasen se bia el cielo por entre las piernas de suerte que siestaban algo lejos parecian escombra- dos pinos que juntaban las copas por lo alto y si un solo toro estaba parecia quatro pinos y por serea que estubiese no se podia mirando por encima ber tierra de la otra parte causaba todo esto ser la tierra tam redonda que do quiera que un hombre se ponia parecia que estaba en la cumbre y uia el cielo a el rededor de si a tiro de ballesta y por poca cosa que se le ponia delante le quitaba la uista de la tierra. otras cosas se bieron que. por no ser de tanta calidad no las esecribo ni hago de ellas mincion aunque no parece es de callar el tener como tienen en beneracion en algunas partes de los poblados de altos la senal de la eruz por que en acuco en una fuente que estaba en lo Iano tenian una cruz de dos palmos de alto de gordor de un dedo hecha de palo con su pena de una uara de quadro y muchos palitos adornados de plumas a el rededor y muchas flores secas desmenuc¢adas. en tutahaco en un sepulcro fuera del pueblo parecia aber se enterrado en el frescamente alguien estaua otra cruz a la cabecera de dos palitos atados con hilo de algodon y flores desmenusadas secas yo digo que a mii parecer por alguna uia tienen alguna lunbre de cruz de christo nuestro redentor y podria ser por la uia de laindia de do ellos proceden. 468 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (rH. ANN. 14 Capitulo nono que trata el rumbo que llebo el campo y como se podria yr a buscar otra wia que mas derecha fuese abiendo de boluer aquella tierra. mucho quisiera yo agora que para dar a entender lo que quiero decir ubiera en mi alguna parte de cosmografia o jumetria para que pudiera tantear o compasar la bentaja que puede aber y ay si otra uez saliesen de la nueba espana gentes en demanda de aquella tierra en yr alla por el rinon de la tierra 0 seguir el camino quel campo llebo pero ayudandome la gracia del senor dire lo que aleanso dandolo a entender lo mejor que a mi sea posible. ya me parece que se tiene entendido quel portugues campo fue el soldado que se escapo quando los de quiuira mataron a fray juan de padilla e] quel uino a salir a la nueba espana por panuco abiendo andado por la tierra de los llanos hasta que uino atrabesar la cordillera de la mar del norte dexando siempre la tierra que descubrio don hernando de soto sobre mano isquierda porque este hombre nunca bio el rio del espiritu santo y quando bino acabar de atrabesar la cordillera de la mar del norte cayo sobre panuco de manera que si no se pusiera a demandar por la mar del norte ubiera de salir por la comarea de la marca o tierra de los sacatecas de que ya agora se tiene lumbre. y para aber de boluer en demanda de quiuira seria aquella uia harto mejor y mas derecha pues ay guias en la nueba espana de las que binieron con el portugues aunque digo que seria mejor y mas derecho por la tierra de los guachichules arrimandose siempre a la cordillera dela mar del sur porque es mas poblada y abria bastimento porque engolfarse en la tierra Ilana seria perderse por la gran anchura que tiene y ser esteril de comidas aunque sea berdad que dando en las uacas no se pasaria mucha necesidad y esto es solamente para yr en demanda de quiuira y de aquellos pueblos que decia el indio que llemauan turco porque yr por donde fue el campo de fran®? uasques coronado el grandissimo rodeo porque salen de mexico a el poniente siento y diez leguas y despues a el nordeste cien leguas y a el norte docientas y sinquenta y todo esto es hasta los barrancos de las uacas y con aber andado ochocientas y sinquenta leguas por rumbo derecho no se an desbiado de mexico quatro sientas leguas si es querer yr a la tierra de tiguex para desde alli bolber a el poniente en demanda de la tierra de laindia ase de lleuar el camino quel campo llebo porque aunque se quiera tomar otro camino no lo ay que no da lugar el ancon de mar que entra por esta costa adentro hacia el norte sino es que se ubiese de hacer armada de mar que fuese atrabesando este ancon de mar a desembarear en el paraje de la isla de negros y por alli entrar la tierra adentro atrabesando la cordillera en busca de la tierra do progeden los de tiguex o de otras gentes que tengan aquella poligia porque aber de entrar por tierra de la florida por la mar del norte ya se a uisto y conosido que quantas jornadas por alli se an hecho an sido infeliges y no bien afortunadas allende de ques la tierra de aquella parte llena de cienegas y ahogadiga esteril y la mas mala que calienta el sol sino ban WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 469 a desembarcar pasado el rio del espiritu santo como hico don hernando de soto y con todo me afirmo que aunque se pase mucho trabajo es lo mejor por la tierra que aya andado y se sepan los aguajes porque se lleuauan las cosas necesarias con mas fagilidad y mas abundosamente y en las tierras nueuas los cauallos es lo mas ne¢gesario y lo que mas hace temer a los enemigos y los que son senores del campo tambien es temida el artilleria donde no saben el uso de ella y para poblados como los que fran’? uasques descubrio fuera buena alguna pieca de artilleria gruesa para derribar porque el no Ilebo sino uersillos menores y no hombre ingenioso para que hiciese un trabuco ni otra maquina que los atemorisas el qual es muy necesario. digo pues que con la lunbre que el dia de oy se tiene de los rumbos que an corrido los nauios por esta costa de la mar del sur an andado descubriédo por esta parte de poniéte y lo que se sabe de la mar del norte hacia la nuruega ques la costa de la florida arriba los que agora entrasen a descubrir por donde fran®® uasques entro y se hallasen en tierra de cibola o de tiguex bien sabrian a que parte auia de yr en de- manda de la tierra quel marques del ualle don hernando cortes buscaba y la buelta que da el ancon del tigon para tomar el rumbo berdadero y esto bastara para dar fin a nuestra relacion en todo lo demas probe a aquel poderoso senor de todas las cosas dios omnipotente quel sabe el como y quando estas tierras seran descubiertas y para quien esta guar- dada esta buena uentura. laus deo. Acabose de tresladar sabado a ueinte y seis de otubre de mill y qui- nientos y noucta y seis anos en seuilla. TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the year 1540, in which all those settlements, their ceremonies and customs, are described. Written by Pedro de Castaneda, of Najera.! PREFACE To me it seems very certain, my very noble lord, that it is a worthy ambition for great en to desire to know and wish to preserve for pos- terity correct information concerning the things that have happened in distant parts, about which little is known. I do not blame those inquisitive persons who, perchance with good intentions, have many times troubled me not a little with their requests that I clear up for them some doubts which they have had about different things that have been commonly related concerning the events and occurrences that took place during the expedition to Cibola, or the New Land, which the good viceroy—may he be with God in His glory —Don Antonio de Mendoza, ordered and arranged, and on which he sent Francisco Vaz- quez de Coronado as captain-general. In truth, they have reason for wishing to know the truth, because most people very often make things of which they have heard, and about which they have perchance no knowledge, appear either greater or less than they are. They make nothing of those things that amount to something, and those that do not they make so remarkable that they appear to be something impos- sible to believe. This may very well have been caused by the fact that, as that country was not permanently occupied, there has not been any- one who was willing to spend his time in writing about its peculiarities, because all knowledge was lost of that which it was not the pleasure of God—He alone knows the reason—that they should enjoy. In truth, he who wishes to employ himself thus in writing out the things that happened on the expedition, and the things that were seen in those lands, and the ceremonies and customs of the natives, will have matter enough to test his judgment, and I believe that the result can not fail to be an account which, describing oniy the truth, will be so remarkable that it will seem incredible. 1There were several representatives of uhe family of Castaieda among the Spaniards in America as early as the middle of the sixteenth century, but the only possible mention of this Pedro, of the Biscayan town of Najera, which I have seen outside of the present document, is the following item from a Relacion de los pesos de oro que estan senalados por indios vacos & los conquistadores de Nueva Espaiia y 4 sus hijos, cuyos nombres se expresan (ano 1554), in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, xiv, 206: ‘‘A los nueve hijos de Pero Franco, conquistador, é su mujer, que son: Maria de Acosta, madre de todos, Pero Francisco de Castaneda, Juana de Castatieda, Inés de Castaneda, Fran- cisco de Castaneda, Lorenzo Franco, Marta de Castaneda, Anton de Vargas y Juana de Castaneda, les estan senalados de entretenimiento en cada un ano duzientos y setenta pesos. CCLXX,” 2 Mendoza died in Lima, July 21, 1552. 470 WINSHIP) TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 471 And besides, I think that the twenty years and more since that expedition took place have been the cause of some stories which are related. Forexample, some make it an uninhabitable country, others have it bordering on Florida, and still others on Greater India, which does not appear to be a slight difference. They are unable to give any basis upon which to found their statements. There are those who tell about some very peculiar animals, who are contradicted by others who were on the expedition, declaring that there was nothing of the sort seen. Others differ as to the limits of the provinces and even in regard to the ceremonies and customs, attributing what pertains to one people to others. All this has had a large part, my very noble lord, in making me wish to give now, although somewhat late, a short gen- eral account for all those who pride themselves on this noble curiosity, and to save myself the time taken up by these solicitations. Things enough will certainly be found here which are hard to believe. All or the most of these were seen with my own eyes, and the rest is from reliable information obtained by inquiry of the natives themselves. Under- standing as I do that this little work would be nothing in itself, lacking authority, unless it were favored and protected by a person whose authority would protect it from the boldness of those who, without reverence, give their murmuring tongues liberty, and knowing as I do how great are the obligations under which I have always been, and am, to your grace, I humbly beg to submit this little work to your protece- tion. May it be received as from a faithful retainer and servant. It will be divided into three parts, that it may be better understood. The first will tell of the discovery and the armament or army that was made ready, and of the whole journey, with the captains who were there; the second, of the villages and provinces which were found, and their limits, and ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, and vegetation, and in what parts of the country these are; the third, of the return of the army and the reasons for abandoning the country, although these were insufficient, because this is the best place there is for discoveries—the marrow of the land in these western parts, as will be seen. And after this has been made plain, some remarkable things which were seen will be described at the end, and the way by which one might more easily return to discover that better land which we did not see, since it would be no small advantage to enter the country through the land which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cor- tes, went in search of under the Western star, and which cost him no small sea armament. May it please our Lord to so favor me that with my slight knowledge and small abilities I may be able by relating the truth to make my little work pleasing to the learned and wise readers, when it has been accepted by your grace. For my intention is not to gain the fame of a good composer or rhetorician, but I desire to give a faithful account and to do this slight service to your grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a faithful servant and soldier, who took part in 472 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [wrH, ANN. 14 it. Although not in a polished style, I write that which happened— that which I heard, experienced, saw, and did. I always notice, and it is a fact, that for the most part when we have something valuable in our hands, and deal with it without hindrance, we do not value or prize it as highly as if we understood how much we would miss it after we had lost it, and the longer we continue to have it the less we value it; but after we have lost it and miss the advantages of it, we have a great pain in the heart, and we are all the time imag- ining and trying to find ways and means by which to get it back again. It seems to me that this has happened to all or most of those who went on the expedition which, in the year of our Savior Jesus Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado led in search of the Seven Cities. Granted that they did not find the riches of which they had been told, they found a place in which to search for them and the beginning of a good country to settle in, soas to go on farther fromthere. Since they came back from the country which they conquered and abandoned, time has given them a chance to understand the direction and locality in which they were, and the borders of the good country they had in their hands, and their hearts weep for having lost so favorable an opportunity. Just as men see more at the bullfight when they are upon the seats than when they are around in the ring,' now when they know and understand the direction and situation in which they were, and see, indeed, that they can not enjoy it nor recover it, now when it is too late they enjoy telling about what they saw, and even of what they realize that they lost, especially those who are now as poor as when they went there. They have never ceased their labors and have spent their time to no advantage. I say this because I have known several of those who came back from there who amuse themselves now by talking of how it would be to go back and proceed to recover that which is lost, while others enjoy trying to find the reason why it was discovered at all. And now I will proceed to relate all that happened from the beginning. FIRST PART, Chapter 1, which treats of the way we first came to know about the Seven Cities, and of how Nuno de Guzman made an expedition to discover them. In the year 1530 Nuno de Guzman, who was President of New Spain,” had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or valleys of Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Spaniards. This Indian said he was the son of a trader who was dead, but that when he was a little boy his father had gone into the back country with fine feathers to trade for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large amount des taureaux, sépare le spectateur des combattants, voit bien mieux la position dans laquelle il se trouvait lorsqu'il combattait, qu'alors méme qu'il était dans la carriére.” 7President, or head, of the Audiencia, the administrative and judicial board which governed the province, WINSHIP } TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 473 went with him once or twice, and saw some very large villages, which he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had seen seven very large towns which had streets of silver workers. It took forty days to go there from his country, through a wilderness in which nothing grew, except some very small plants about a span high. The way they went was up through the country between the two seas, follow- ing the northern direction. Acting on this information, Nuno de Guz- man got together nearly 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly Indians of New Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, he crossed Tarasca, which is in the province of Michoacan, so as to get into the region which the Indian said was to be crossed toward the North sea, in this way getting to the country which they were looking for, which was already named “The Seven Cities.”! He thought, from the forty days of which the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found to be about 200 leagues, and that they would easily be able to cross the country. Omit- ting several things that occurred on this journey, as soon as they had reached the province of Culiacan, where his government ended, and where the New Kingdom of Galicia is now, they tried to cross the country, but found the difficulties very great, because the mountain chains which are near that sea are so rough that it was impossible, after great labor, to find a passageway in that region. His whole army had to stay in the district of Culiacan for so long on this account that some rich men who were with him, who had possessions in Mexico, changed their minds, and every day became more anxious to return. Besides this, Nuno de Guzman received word that the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come from Spain with his new title,? and with great favors and estates, and as Nuno de Guzman had been a great rival of his at the time he was president,* and had done much damage to his property and to that of his friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes would want to pay him back in the same way, or worse. So he decided to establish the town of Culiacan there and to go back with the other men, without doing anything more. After his return from this expedition, he settled at Xalisco, where the city of Compostela is situated, and at Tonala, which is called Guadalaxara,‘ and now this is the New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they had, who was ealled Tejo, died about this time, and thus the name of these Seven Cities and the search for them remains until now, since they have not been discovered.° !1The Segunda Relacion Anénima de la Jornada que hizo Nuno de Guzman, 1529, in Icazbeleeta's Docu- mentos para la Historia de Mexico, vol. ii, p. 303, alsoimplies that the name of the ‘t Seven Cities" had already been given to the country which he was trying to discover. *Marqués del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nueva Espana y de la Costa del Sur. *Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes, who was in Spain at the time, for the murder of his first wife seven years previously (October, 1522). See Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta's Tra- tado, p. 315. 4The name was changed in 1540. The best discussion of the stories of the Seven Caves and the Seven Cities is in Bandelier's Con- tributions, p. 9, ff. 474 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 Chapter 2, of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be governor, and the second account which Cabeza de Vaea gave. Right years after Nuno de Guzman made this expedition, he was put in prison by a juez de residencia,' named the licentiate Diego de la Torre, who came from Spain with sufficient powers to do this.2 After the death of the judge, who had also managed the government of that country himself, the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, appointed as governor of that province Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, a gentleman from Salamanca, who had married a lady in the city of Mexico, the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and at one time governor of Mexico, and the son, most people said, of His Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as certain. As I was saying, at the time Francisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he was traveling through New Spain as an official visitor, and in this way he gained the friendship of many worthy men who afterward went on his expedition with him. It happened that just at this time three Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who had been lost on the expedition which Pamfilo de Narvaez led into Florida, reached Mexico.’ They came out through Culiaean, having crossed the country from sea to sea, as anyone who wishes may find out for himself by an account which this same Cabeza de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don Philip, who is now King of Spain and our sovereign. They gave the good Don Antonio de Men- doza an account of some large and powerful villages, four and five stories high, of which they had heard a great deal in the countries they had crossed, and other things very different from what turned out to be the truth. The noble viceroy communicated this to the new governor, who gave up the visits he had in hand, on account of this, and hurried his departure for his government, taking with him the negro who had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the three friars of the order of Saint Francis, one of whom was named Friar Marcos of Nice, a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, a lay brother, and the other Friar Antonio de Santa Maria. When he reached the province of Culiacan he sent the friars just mentioned and the negro, who was named Stephen, off in search of that country, because Friar Marcos offered to go and see it, because he had been in Peru at the time Don Pedro de Alvarado went there overland. It seems that, after the friars I have mentioned and the negro had started, the negro did not get on well with the friars, because he took the women that were given him and collected tur- quoises, and got together a stock of everything. Besides, the Indians in those places through which they went got along with the negro bet- ter, because they had seen him before. This was the reason he was sent 14 judge appointed to investigate the accounts and administration of a royal official. 2A full account of the licentiate de la Torre and his administration is given by Mota Padilla (ed. Teazbalceta, pp. 103-106). He was appointed juez March 17, 1536, and died during 1538. They appeared in New Spain in April, 1536, before Coronado's appointment. Castafieda may be right in the rest of his statement. +This accornt has been translated by Buckingham Smith. See Bibliography for the full title. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 475 on ahead to open up the way and pacify the Indians, so that when the others came along they had nothing to do except to keep an account of the things for which they were looking. Chapter 3, of how they killed the negro Stephen at Cibola, and Friar Marcos returned in flight. After Stephen had left the friars, he thought he could get all the reputation and honor himself, and that if he should discover those settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be con- sidered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people who had followed him, and succeeded in crossing the wilderness which lies between the country he had passed through and Cibola. He was so far ahead of the friars that, when these reached Chichilticalli, which is on the edge of the wilderness, he was already at Cibola, which is 80 leagues beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness, and 80 across the desert, which makes 300, or perhaps 10 more or less. As I said, Stephen reached Cibola loaded with the large quantity of turquoises they had given him and several pretty women who had been given him. The indians who accompanied him carried his things. These had followed him from all the settlements he had passed, believing that under his protection they could traverse the whole world without any danger. But as the people in this country were more intelligent than those who followed Stephen, they lodged him ina little hut they had outside their village, and the older men and the gov- ernors heard his story and took steps to find out the reason he had come to that country. For three days they made inquiries about him and held a council. The account which the negro gave them of two white men who were following him, sent by a great lord, who knew about the things in the sky, and how these were coming to instruct them in divine matters, made them think that he must be a spy ora guide from some nations who wished to come and conquer them, because it seemed to them unreasonable to say that the people were white in the country from which he came and that he was sent by them, he being black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard of him to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to kill him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went with him, although they kept some young fellows and let the others, about 60 persons, return freely to their own country. As these, who were badly scared, were returning in flight, they happened to come upon the friars in the desert 60 leagues from Cibola, and told them the sad news, which frightened them so much that they would not even trust these folks who had been with the negro, but opened the packs they were carrying and gave away everything they had except the holy vestments for saying mass. They returned from here by double marches, prepared for anything, without seeing any more of the country except what the Indians told them. 476 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eTH. ANN. 14 Chapter 4, of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an expedi- tion to discover Cibola. After Francisco Vazquez Coronado had sent Friar Marcos of Nice and his party on the search already related, he was engaged in Culia- ‘an about some business that related to his government, when he heard an account of a province called Topira,! which was to the north of the country of Culiacan. He started to explore this region with several of the conquerors and some friendly Indians, but he did not get very far, because the mountain chains which they had to cross were very difficult. He returned without finding the least signs of a good coun- try, and when he got back, he found the friars who had just arrived, and who told such great things about what the negro Stephen had dis- covered and what they had heard from the Indians, and other things they had heard about the South sea and islands and other riches, that, without stopping for anything, the governor set off at once for the City of Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to tell the viceroy about it. He made the things seem more important by not talking about them to anyone except his particular friends, under promise of the greatest secrecy, until after he had reached Mexico and seen Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then he began to announce that they had really found the Seven Cities, which Nuno de Guzman had tried to find, and for the con- quest of which he had collected a force. The noble viceroy arranged with the friars of the order of Saint Francis so that Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as a result of which the pulpits of that order were filled with such accounts of marvels and wonders that more than 300 Spaniards and about 800 natives of New Spain collected in a few days.2. There were so many men of such high quality among the Spaniards, that such a noble body was never collected in the Indies, nor so many men of quality in such a small body, there being 300 men. Francisco Vazquez Coronado, governor of New Galicia, was captain- general, because he had been the author of it all. The good viceroy Don Antonio did this because at this time Francisco Vazquez was his closest and most intimate friend, and because he considered him to be wise, skillful, and intelligent, besides being a gentleman. Had he paid more attention and regard to the position in which he was placed and the charge over which he was placed, and less to the estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at least, more to the honor he had and might secure from haying such gentlemen under his command, things would not have turned out as they did. When this narrative is ended, it will be seen that he did not know how to keep his position nor the government that he held. 1 Bandelier (Contributions, p. 104) says this was Topia, in Durango, a locality since noted for its rich mines. 2Mota Padilla, xxii, 2, p. 111: ‘‘Determiné el virey lograr la ocasion de la mucha gente noble que habia en México, que como corcho sobre el agua reposado, se andaba sin tener qué hacer ni en qué ocuparse, todos atenidos 4 que el virey les hiciese algunas mercedes, y 4 que los yecinosde México les susten- tasen 4 sus mesas; y asi, le fué facil aprestar mas de trescientos hombres, los mas de 4 caballo, por- que ya se criaban muchos; didles 4 treinta pesos y prometioles repartimientos en la tierra que sé poblase, y mas cuando se afirmaba haber un cerro de plata y otras minas.”’ WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA ATT Chapter 5, concerning the captains who went to Cibola. When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, saw what a noble com- pany had come together, and the spirit and good will with which they had all presented themselves, knowing the worth of these men, he would have liked very well to make every one of them captain of an army; but as the whole number was small he could not do as ke would have liked, and so he appointed the captains and officers, because it seemed to him that if they were appointed by him, as he was so well obeyed and beloved, nobody would find fault with his arrangements. After everybody had heard who the general was, he made Don Pedro de Tovar ensign general, a young gentleman who was the son of Don Fernando de Tovar, the guardian and lord high steward of the Queen Dona Juana, our demented mistress—may she be in glory—and Lope de Samaniego, the governor of the arsenal at Mexico,' a gentleman fully equal to the charge, army-master. The captains were Don Tris- tan de Arellano; Don Pedro de Guevara, the son of Don Juan de Guevara and nephew of the Count of Onate; Don Garcia Lopez de Car- denas; Don Rodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of the Infantado; Diego Lopez, alderman of Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for the cavalry. All the other gentlemen were placed under the flag of the general, as being distinguished persons, and some of them became captains later, and their appointments were confirmed by order of the viceroy and by the general, Francisco Vazquez. To name some of them whom I happen to remember, there were Francisco de Barrionuevo, a gentleman from Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Francisco de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and Melchior Diaz—a captain who had been mayor of Culiacan, who, although he was not a gentleman, merited the position he held. The other gentlemen, who were worthy substitutes, were Don Alonso Manrique de Lara; Don Lope de Urrea, a gentleman from Aragon; Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juan de Sotomayor, Francisco Gorbalan, the commissioner Riberos, and other gentlemen, men of high quality, whom I do not now recall.” The infantry captain was Pablo de Melgosa of Burgos, and of the artillery, Her- nando de Alvarado of the mountain district. As I say, since then I have forgotten the names of many good fellows. It would be well if I could name some of them, so that it might be clearly seen what cause Thad for saying that they had on this expedition the most brilliant company ever collected in the Indies to go in search of new lands. But they were unfortunate in having a captain who left in New Spain estates and a pretty wife, a noble and excellent lady, which were not the least causes for what was to happen. 1See Mendoza’s letter to the King, regarding Samaniego's position. de Guevara and Diego Lopez de Cardenas. The second error may be due to the presence of another Diego Lopez in the party. 478 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [wr ANN. 14 Chapter 6, of how all the companies collected in Compostela and set off on the journey in good order. When the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had fixed and arranged everything as we have related, and the companies and captaincies had been arranged, he advanced a part of their salaries from the chest of His Majesty to those in the army who were in greatest need, And as it seemed to him that it would be rather hard for the friendly Indians in the country if the army should start from Mexico, he ordered them to assemble at the city of Oompostela, the chief city in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110 leagues from Mexico, so that they could begin their journey there with everything in good order, There is nothing to tell about what happened on this trip, since they all finally assembled at Compostela by shrove-tide, in the year (fifteen hundred and) forty-one! After the whole force had left Mexico, he ordered Don Pedro de Alarcon to set sail with two ships that were in the port of La Natividad on the South sea coast, and go to the port of Xaliseo to take the baggage which the soldiers were unable to carry,’ and thence to sail along the coast near the army, because he had understood from the reports that they would have to go through the country near the seacoast, and that we could find the harbors by means of the rivers, and that the ships could always get news of the army, which turned out afterward to be false, and so all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those who owned if lost it, as will be told farther on, After the viceroy had completed all his arrange- ments, he set off for Compostela, accompanied by many noble and rich men, Ile kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred and) forty-one at Pas- quaro, which is the chief place in the bishopric of Michoacan, and from there he crossed the whole of New Spain, taking much pleasure in enjoy- ing the festivals and great receptions which were given him, till he reached Compostela, which is, as [ have said, 110 leagues, ‘There he found the whole company assembled, being well treated and entertained by Christobal de Ofate, who had the whole charge of that government for the time being. Te had had the management of it and was in com- mand of all that region when Francisco Vazquez was made governor,’ All were very glad when he arrived, and he made an examination of the company and found all those whom we have mentioned, He assigned the captains to their companies, and after this was done, on the next day, after they had all heard mass, captains and soldiers together, the viceroy made them avery eloquent short speech, telling them of the fidelity they owed to their general and showing them clearly the benefits which this expedition might afford, from the conversion of those peoples as well as in the profit of those who should conquer the territory, and the advan- The correct dato ia 1540, Castaieda carries the error throughout the narrative, *Seo the instructions given by Mendoza to Akireon, in Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 1. The last of thom reads: © Llevareya eiertas cossas que dota Beatriz do Strada ombia para el Capitan General au marido, y mandareys que on ello y en lo que mas Hevaredes para algunos de los soldados que con él estan que os ayan recomendado maigos 6 pariontes auyos haya buen recaudo,”' "See tho writings of Telloand Mota Padillaconcerning Ofiate. Much of the early prosperity of New Galicla—what there was of it—seems to have been due to Ofate's skillful management, er WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF GASTANEDA A479 tage to His Majesty and the claim which they would thus haye on his favor and aid at all times, After he had finished, they all, both captains and soldiers, gave him their oaths upon the Gospels in a Missal that they would follow their general on this expedition and would obey him in everything he commanded them, which they faith- fully performed, as will be seen. The next day after this was done, the army started off with its colors flying. The viceroy, Don Antonio, went with them for two days, and there he took leave of them, returning to New Spain with his friends.! Chapter 7, of how the army reached Chiametla, and the killing of the army-master, and the other things that happened up to the arrival at Culiacan. After the viceroy Don Antonio left them, the army continued its march. As each one was obliged to transport his own baggage and !The following sections from the Mragmento de la Visita hecha don Antonio de Mendoza, printed in Teazbalceta's Documentos para la Historian de Mexico, 11, 72, add something to the details of the departure of the expedition: "100, Ttem, al saben &e, que la gente que salié de la villade S$, Miguelde Culuacan, que ea el postror lugar de Galicia de la Nueva Bapatia, para ir en deseubrimiento de la tierra nueva de Cibola con el capitan general Tranciseo Vazquez de Coronado, fueron hasta dosciontos y cincuenta espatiolos dot caballo, Jos cuales asi para sua personas, Como para au carruaje, armas, y bastimentos, y municiones, y ofras cosas necesariag para el dicho viaje, evaron mas de mill caballos y acémilas, y aati lo diran los teatigos, porque lo vieron y hallaron presentes, y fueron al dicho vinje: digan lo que saben &e. "200, Item, .« . . que asimismo con ladicha gente eapanolasalieron de la dicha villade §, Miguel de Culuac an haste trescientos Indios, poco mas 6 menos, los cuales fueron do au voluntad & servir en ln dicha jornada, y el dicho visorey los mandé socorrer, y 86 les socorrié con dineros y provisions, y fi los que eran casados y dejaban ach sus mujeres lea proveyé de lo necesario para su sustentamiento, y esto es piblico y notorio, 201. Item, . . . quecl dic ho visorey proveyé para la gente que fué al dicho deseubrimionto, demas do los socorros que les hizo en dineros, y caballos, y armas y otras cosas, los dié mucha eantidad de ganados yvacunos y ovejunos, sin otra mucha cantidad do ganados quo levaban low eapitanes y soldados, que bastaron para proveerse todo el tiempo que estuvieron al dicho deseubrimiento; y asimismo el dicho visorey les did mucha cantidad de rescates que llevaba a cargo el fator de §. M,, para que con ellos comprasen maiz y las otras cosna do bastimentos de la tlerra por do pasasen, porque no #6 hiciese molostia A los indiow: "202, Item, . . . queel dicho visorey mandé y encargé al dicho capitan general tuviess oapocial cnidado que los indios que desta tierra iban & servir en el dicho descubrimiento, fuesen bien tratadon y proveidos de lo que hubiesen menester, y los que se quisiesen volver no fucsen detenidos, antes los enviase ricos y contentos, y el dicho general asi lo hizo yeumplié, . . 203. Item, si saben que por razon de los dichos caballos y carruaje que levaron los cupitanes y espanoles, los indios fueron reservados de llevar cargas de low capitanes y ospatolos, y al algunos llevaron, seria de su comida, y ropa y bastimentos, como otros eapatioles lo hacian, que cargaban aus caballos y sua personas de bastimentos, "204, Item, . . . que de todos los dichos dion que fueron A sorvir en la diehw jornada, murieron tan solamente hasta veinte 6 treinta personas, y #i mas murteran, loa teatigos lo vieran y supleran : ‘ 205. Item, . . . que todos los tamemes que los indios dieron, . . . #6 low pagé muy A wu contento & los indios, por mandado del dicho visorey :* The evidence of the Informacion, which was taken at Compostela just after the army departed, is 40 suggestive that T have translated themost valuable portions in full at the end of this memoir, Mota Padilla, xxii, 3, p.112: . . . “habiendo legado Ja comitiva & Compostela hizo el goberna dor resefia de la gente y hallé doscientos y sesenta hombres de 4 caballo con lanzas, espadas y otras armas mannales, y algunos con cotas, coladas y barbotos, unas de hierro y otras de cusro de yaow erudio, y los caballos con faldones de manta de la tierra; sesenta infantes, ballesteros y arcabuceros, y otros con eapadas y rodelas: dividié la gente en ocho compating, . . . Repartida, pues, la gente de esta suerte, con mas de mil caballos sin acémilas, y otros de carga con seis pedreros, pélyorm y municion, y mas de mil indios amigos 6 indias de servicio, vaqueros y pastores de ganado mayor y monor,” 480 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 all did not know how to fasten the packs, and as the horses started off fat and plump, they had a good deal of difficulty and labor during the first few days, and many left many valuable things, giving them to anyone who wanted them, in order to get rid of carrying them. In the end necessity, which is all powerful, made them skillful, so that one could see many gentlemen become carriers, and anybody who despised this work was not considered a man. With such labors, which they then thought severe, the army reached Chiametla, where it was obliged to delay several days to procure food. During this time the army- master, Lope de Samaniego, went off with some soldiers to find food, and at one village, a crossbowman having entered it indiscreetly in pursuit of the enemies, they shot him through the eye and it passed through his brain, so that he died on the spot.' They also shot five or six of his companions before Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, since the commander was dead, collected the men and sent word to the general. He puta guard in the village and over the provisions. There was great confusion in the army when this news became known. He was buried here. Several sorties were made, by which food was ob- tained and several of the natives taken prisoners. They hanged those who seemed to belong to the district where the army-master was killed. It seems that when the general Francisco Vazquez left Culiacan with Friar Marcos to tell the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza the news, as already related, he left orders for Captain Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar to start off with a dozen good men from Culiacan and verify what Friar Marcos had seen and heard. They started and went as far as Chichilticalli, which is where the wilderness begins, 220 leagues from Culiacan, and there they turned back, not finding anything impor- tant. They reached Chiametla just as the army was ready to leave, and reported to the general. Although the bad news was kept as secret as possible, some things leaked out which did not seem to add luster to the facts.” Friar Marcos, noticing that some were feeling dis- turbed, cleared away these clouds, promising that what they would see should be good, and that the army was on the way to a country where their hands would be filled, and in this way he quieted them so that they appeared well satisfied. From there the army marched to Culia- can, making some detours into the country to seize provisions. They were two leagues from the town of Culiacan at Easter vespers, when the 1The account which Mota Padilla gives, cap. xxii, sec. 4, p. 112, is much clearer and more specific than the somewhat confused text of Castaneda. He says: ‘‘A Chametla . . . hallaron la tierra alzada, de suerte que fué preciso entrar 4 la sierra en busca de maiz, y por cabo el maese de campo, Lopez de Samaniego; interndronse en la espesura de un monte, en donde un soldado que inadvertida- mente se aparté, fué aprehendido por los indios, dié voces, 4 las que, como vigilante, acudié el maese de campo, y libré del peligro al soldado, y pareciéndole estar seguro, alzé la vista 4 tiempo que de entre unos matorrales se le disparé una flecha, que entrandole por un ojo, le atraves6 el cerebro. Samaniego (era) uno de los mas esforzados capitanes y amado de todos; enterrése en una ramada, de donde despues sus huesos fueron trasladados 4 Compostela.” “Compare the Spanish text.—The report of Diaz is incorporated in the letter from Mendoza to the King, translated herein. This letter seems to imply that Diaz stayed at Chichilticalli; but if such was his intention when writing the report to Mendoza, he must have changed his mind and returned with Saldivar as far as Chiametla. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 481 inhabitants came out to welcome their governor and begged him not to enter the town till the day after Easter. Chapter 8, of how the army entered the town of Culiacan and the recep- tion it received, and other things which happened before the departure. When the day after Easter came, the army started in the morning to go to the town and, as they approached, the inhabitants of the town came out on to an open plain with foot and horse drawn up inranks as if for a battle, and having its seven bronze pieces of, artillery in position, making a show of defending their town. Some of our soldiers were with them. Our army drew up in the same way and began a skirmish with them, and after the artillery on both sides had been fired they were driven back, just as if the town had been taken by force of arms, which was a pleasant demonstration of welcome, except for the artil- leryman who lost a hand by a shot, from having ordered them to fire before he had finished drawing out the ramrod. After the town was taken, the army was well lodged and entertained by the townspeople, who, as they were all very well-to-do people, took all the gentlemen and people of quality who were with the army into their own apartments, although they had lodgings prepared for them all just outside the town. Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid for this hospitality, because all had started with fine clothes and accouterments, and as they had to carry provisions on their animals after this, they were obliged to leave their fine stuff, so that many preferred giving it to their hosts instead of risking it on the sea by putting it in the ship that had followed the army along the coast to take the extra baggage, as I have said. After they arrived and were being entertained in the town, the general, by order of the viceroy Don Antonio, left Fernandarias de Saabedra, uncle of Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of Castellar, formerly mayor of Seville, as his lieutenant and captain in this town. The army rested here several days, because the inhabitants had gathered a good stock of provisions that year and each one shared his stock very gladly with his guests from our army. They not only had plenty to eat here, but they also had plenty to take away with them, so that when the depart- ure came they started off with more than six hundred loaded animals, besides the friendly Indians and the servants—more than a thousand persons. After a fortnight had passed, the general started ahead with about fifty horsemen and a few foot soldiers and most of the Indian allies, leaving the army, which was to follow him a fortnight later, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command as his lieutenant. At this time, before his departure, a pretty sort of thing happened to the general, which I will tell for what it is worth. A young soldier named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended that he had seen a vision while he was bathing in the river which seemed to be something extraordinary,} ‘Compare the Spanish text for this whole paragraph. Ternaux renders this clause ‘‘feignant d’étre trés-effrayé.” 14 ETH 31 482 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BIH. ANN. 14 so that he was brought before the general, whom he gave to understand that the devil had told him that if he would kill the general, he could marry his wife, Dona Beatris, and would receive great wealth and other very fine things. Friar Marcos of Nice preached several sermons on this, laying it all to the fact that the devil was jealous of the good which must result from this journey and so wished to break it up in this way. It did not end here, but the friars who were in the expedition wrote to their convents about it, and this was the reason the pulpits of Mexico proclaimed strange rumors about this affair. The general ordered Truxillo to stay in that town and not to go on the expedition, which was what he was after when he made up that falsehood, judging from what afterward appeared to be the truth. The general started off with the force already described to continue his journey, and the army followed him, as will be related. Chapter 9, of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival of the general at Cibola and of the army at Senora and of other things that hap- pened. The general, as has been said, started to continue his journey from the valley of Culiacan somewhat lightly equipped, taking with him the friars, since none of them wished to stay behind with the army. After they had gone three days, a regular friar who could say mass, named Friar Antonio Victoria, broke his leg, and they brought him back from the camp to have it doctored. He stayed with the army after this, which was no slight consolation for all. The general and his force crossed the country without trouble, as they found everything peaceful, because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and some of the others who had been with Melchior Diaz when he went with Juan de Saldibar to inves- tigate. After the general had crossed the inhabited region and came to Chichilticalli, where the wilderness begins, and saw nothing favor- able, he could not help feeling somewhat downhearted, for, although the reports were very fine about what was ahead, there was nobody who had seen it except the Indians who went with the negro, and these had already been caughtin some lies. Besides all this, he was much affected by seeing that the fame of Chichilticalli was summed up in one tumble- down house without any roof, although it appeared to have been a strong place at some former time when it was inhabited, and it was very plain that it had been built by a civilized and warlike race of strangers who had come from a distance. This building was made of red earth. From bere they went on through the wilderness, and in fifteen days came to a river about 8 leagues from Cibola, which they called Red river,! because its waters were muddy and reddish. In this river they found mullets like those of Spain. The first Indians from that country were seen here—two of them, who ran away to give the news. During !Bandelier, in his Gilded Man, identifies this with Zuni river. The Rio Vermejo of Jaramillo is the Little Colorado or Colorado Chiquito. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 483 the night following the next day, about 2 leagues from the village, some Indians in a sate place yelled so that, although the men were ready for anything, some were so excited that they put their saddles on hind-side before; but these were the new fellows. When the veterans had mounted and ridden round the camp, the Indians fled. None of them could be caught because they knew the country. The next day they entered the settled country in good order, and when they saw the first village, which was Cibola, such were the curses that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may protect him from them. Itis a little, unattractive village, looking as if it had been crumpled all up together. There are mansions in New Spain which make a better appearance at a distance.! It is a village of about 200 warriors, is three and four stories high, with the houses small and having only a few rooms, and without a courtyard. One yard serves for each section. The people of the whole district had collected here, for there are seven villages in the province, and some of the others are even larger and stronger than Cibola. These folks waited for the army, drawn up by divisions in front of the village. When they refused to have peace on the terms the interpreters extended to them, but appeared defiant, the Santiago” was given, and they were at once put to flight. The Span- jards then attacked the village, which was taken with not a little diffi- culty, since they held the narrow and crooked entrance. During the attack they knocked the general down with a large stone, and would have killed him but for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, who threw themselves above him and drew him away, receiving the blows of the stones, which were not few. But the first fury of the Spaniards could not be resisted, and in less than an hour they entered the village and captured it. They discovered food there, which was the thing they were most in need of.’ After this the whole province was at peace.’ ‘Mota Padilla, p.113: ‘“‘ They reached Tzibola, which was a village divided into two parts, which were encircled in such a way as to make the village round, and the houses adjoining three and four stories high, with doors opening on a great court or plaza, leaving one or two doors in the wall, so as to go in and out. In the middle of the plaza there is a hatehway or trapdoor, by which they go down to x subterranean hall, the roof of which was of large pine beams, and a little hearth in the floor, and the walls plastered. The Indian men stayed there days and nights playing (or gaming) and the women brought them food; and this was the way the Indians of the neighboring villages lived.”’ ‘The war ery or ‘loud invocation addressed to Saint James before engaging in battle with the Infi- dels.''"—Captain John Stevens’ Dictionary. ‘Compare the translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas herein. There are some striking resem- blances between that account and Castanteda’s narrative. 4Gomara, Hist. Indias, cap. cexiii, ed. 1554: ‘* Llegando a Sibola requirieron a los del pueblo que los recibiessen de paz; ca no yuan a les hazer mal, sino muy gran bien, y prouecho, y que les diessen comida, ca lleuauan falta de ella. Ellos respondieron que no querian, pues yuan armados, y en son de les dar guerra: que tal semblante mostrauan. Assi que cObatieron el pueblo los nuestros, defendieron lo gran rato ochocientos hombres, que dentro estauan: descalabraron a Francisco Vazquez, capitan general del exercito, y a otros muchos Espafioles: mas al cabose salieron huyendo. Entraron los nue- stros y nombraron la Granada, por amor del virrey, G es natural delade Espana. Es Sibola de hasta doziétas casas de tierra y madera tosca, altas quatro y cinco sobrados, y las puertas como escotillones de nao, suben a ellos con escaleras de palo, que quitan de noche y en tiempos de guerra. Tiene delante cada casa una cueua, donde como en estufa, se recogen los inuiernos, que son largas, y de muchas 484 THT CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [EVH, ANN. 14 The army which had stayed with Don Tristan de Arellano started to follow their general, all loaded with provisions, with lances on their shoulders, and all on foot, so as to have the horses loaded. With no slight labor from day to day, they reached a province which Cabeza de Vaca had named Hearts (Corazones), because the people here offered him many hearts of animals.' He founded a town here and named it San Hieronimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of the Hearts). After it had been started, it was seen that it could not be kept up here, and so it was afterward transferred to a valley which had been called Senora.? The Spaniards call it Sefora, and so it will be known by this name. From here a force went down the river to the seacoast to find the harbor and to find out about the ships. Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who was captain of those who went in search of the ships, did not find them, but he brought back with him an Indian so large and tall that the best man in the army reached only to his chest. It was said that other Indians were even taller on that coast. After the rains ceased the army went on to where the town of Senora was afterward located, because there were provisions in that region, so that they were able to wait there for orders from the general. About the middle of the month of October,® Captains Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego on his way to New Spain and Melchior Diaz to stay in the new town of Hearts, in com- mand of the men who remained there. He was to go along the coast in search of the ships. Chapter 10, of how the army started from the town of Senora, leaving it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships and how he discov- ered the Tison (Firebrand) river. After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego had arrived in the town of Senora, it was announced that the army was to depart for Cibola; that Melchior Diaz was to remain in charge of that town with 80 men; that Juan Gallego was going to New Spain with messages for the viceroy, and that Friar Marcos was going back with him, because he did not think it was safe for him to stay in Cibola, seeing that his report had nieues. Aunque no esta mas de 374 grados de la Equinocial: que sino fuesse por las montanas, seria del temple de Sevilla. Las famosas siete ciudades de fray Marcos de Nica, que estan en espacio de seys leguas, ternan obra de 4,000 hombres. Las riquezas de su reyno es no tener que comer, ni que vestir, durado la nieve siete meses.” Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, lib. xxxv, cap. vi, p. 610 (ed. 1853), says of Cabeza de Vaca and his com- panions: *‘ Pues passadas las sierras ques dicho, legaron estos quatro chripstianos . . . atres pueblos que estaban juntos 6 pequenos, en que avia hasta veynte casas en ellos, las quales eran como las passadas é juntas, . . . ad este pueblo, 6 mejordiciendo pueblos juntos, nombraron los chrips- tianos la Villa de los Coragones, porque les dieron alli més de seyscientos coracones de venados escal- ados 6 secos.’’ Cabeza de Vaca describes this place in his Naufragios, p.172 of Smith’s translation. ‘It is possible that the persistent use of the form Senora, Madame, for the place Sonora, may be due to the copyists, although it is as likely that the Spanish settlers made the change in their common parlance. $This should be September. See the next chapter; also the Itinerary. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 485 turned out to be entirely false, because the kingdoms that he had told about had not been found, nor the populous cities, nor the wealth of gold, nor the precious stones which he had reported, nor the fine clothes, nor other things that had been proclaimed from the pulpits. When this had been announced, those who were to remain were selected and the rest loaded their provisions and set off in good order about the mid- dle of September on the way to Cibola, following their general. Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this new town with the weakest men, and from this time on there was nothing but mutinies and strife, because after the army had gone Captain Melchior Diaz took 25 of the most efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego de Alcaraz, a man unfitted to have people under his command. He took guides and went toward the north and west in search of the seacoast. After going about 150 leagues, they came to a province of exceedingly tall and strong men—like giants. They are naked and live in large straw cabins built underground like smoke houses, with only the straw roof above ground. They enter these at one end and come out at the other. More than a hundred persons, old and young, sleep in one cabin.! When they carry anything, they can take a load of more than three or four hundred weight on their heads. Once when our men wished to fetch a log for the fire, and six men were unable to carry it, one of these Indians is reported to have come and raised it in his arms, put it on his head alone, and ear- ried it very easily.” They eat bread cooked in the ashes, as big as the large two-pound loaves of Castile. On account of the great cold, they carry a firebrand (tison) in the hand when they go from one place to another, with which they warm the other hand and the body as well, and in this way they keep shifting it every now and then.’ On this account the large river which is in that country was called Rio del Tison (Firebrand river). It is a very great river and is more than 2 leagues wide at its mouth; here it is half a league across. Here the 1Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol. i, p. 108, suggests the following from the Relacion of Padre Sedel- mair, 8. J., 1746, which he quotes from the manuscript: ‘‘Sus rancherias, por grandes de gentio que sean, sereducen 4 unaé dos casas, con techode terrado y zacate, armadas sobre muchos horcones por pilares con viguelos de unos 4 otros, y bajas, tan capaces que caben en cada una mas de cien personas, con tres divisiones, la primera una enramada del tamano de la casa y baja para dormir en el verano, luego la segunda division como sala, y la tercera como alcoba, donde por el abrigo meten los viejos y viejas, muchachitos y muchachitas, escepto los pimas que viven entre ellos, que cada familia tiene su choza aparte.’’ These were evidently the ancestors of the Yuman Indians of Arizona. 2Fletcher, in The World Erecompassed by Sir Francis Drake, p. 131, (ed. 1854) tells a similar story of some Indians whom Drake visited on the coast of California: ‘‘ Yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that which 2 or 3 of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging, carrie 1t easily away, vp hill and downe Ill an Enghsh mile together.” Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 158, describes an attempt to catch one of these Indians: ‘'Quiso el capitan [Melchior Diaz] remitir 4 un indio, porque e! virey viese su corpulencia y hallando 4 un man- cebo, trataron de apresarlo; mas hizo tal resistencia, que entre quatro espanoles no pudieron amar- rarlo, y daba tales gritos, que los obligaron 4 dejarlo, por no indisponer los animos de aquellos indios."” 8Father Sedelmair, in his Relacion, mentions this custom of the Indians. (See Bandeher, Final Report, vol. i, p. 108): ‘Su frazada en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicdndole 4 la boca del est6mago caminan por las matianas, y calentando ya el sol como 4 las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes; de suerte que todos estos rios pueden llarmarse rios del Tizon, nombre que algunas mapas ponen 4 uno solo.’ 486 — THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [PTH. ANN. 14 captain heard that there had been ships at a point three days down toward the sea. When he reached the place where the ships had been, which was more than 15 leagues up the river from the mouth of the harbor, they found written on a tree: ‘Alarcon reached this place; there are letters at the foot of this tree.” He dug up the letters and learned from them how long Alarcon had waited for news of the army and that he had gone back with the ships to New Spain, because he was unable to proceed farther, since this sea was a bay, which was formed by the Isle of the Marquis,! which is called California, and it was explained that California was not an island, but a point of the main- land forming the other side of that gulf. After he had seen this, the captain turned back to go up the river, without going down to the sea, to find a ford by which to cross to the other side, so as to follow the other bank. After they had gone five or six days, it seemed to them as if they could cross on rafts. For this purpose they called together a large number of the natives, who were waiting for a favorable opportunity to make an attack on our men, and when they saw that the strangers wanted to cross, they helped make the rafts with all zeal and diligence, so as to catch them in this way on the water and drown them or else so divide them that they could not help one another. While the rafts were being made, a soldier who had been out around the camp saw a large number of armed men go across to a mountain, where they were waiting till the soldiers should cross the river. He reported this, and an Indian was quietly shut up, in order to find out the truth, and when they tortured him he told all the arrangements that had been made. These were, that when our men were crossing and part of them had got over and part were on theriver and part were waiting to cross, those who were on the rafts should drown those they were taking across and the rest of their force should make an attack on both sides of the river. If they had had as much discretion and courage as they had strength and power, the attempt would have succeeded. When he knew their plan, the captain had the Indian who had con- fessed the affair killed secretly, and that night he was thrown into the river with a weight, so that the Indians would not suspect that they were found out. The next day they noticed that our men suspected them, and so they made an attack, shooting showers of arrows, but when the horses began to catch up with them and the lances wounded them without merey and the musketeers likewise made good shots, they had to leave the plain and take to the mountain, until not a man of them was to be seen. The force then came back and crossed all right, the Indian allies and the Spaniards going across on the rafts and the horses swimming alongside the rafts, where we will leave them to con- tinue their journey.” ! Cortes. © Mota Padilla, sec. xxxii, p. 158, says: Melchior Dias paso el rio del Tison ‘ten unos cestos grandes que los indios tienen aderezados con un betum que no les pasael agua, y asidos de ¢1 cuatro 6 seis indios, lollevannadando, . . . alo que ayudaron tambien las indias." WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA AST To relate how the army that was on its way to Cibola got on: Every- thing went along in good shape, since the general had left everything peaceful, because he wished the people in that region to be contented and without fear and willing to do what they were ordered. In a province called Vacapan there was a large quantity of prickly pears, of which the natives make a great deal of preserves.’ They gave this preserve away freely, and as the men of the army ate much of it, they all fell sick with a headache and fever, so that the natives might have done much harm to the force if they had wished. This lasted regu- larly twenty-four hours. After this they continued their march until they reached Chichilticalli. The men in the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one day after leaving this place. I myself saw and followed them. They had extremely large bodies and long wool; their horns were very thick and large, and when they run they throw back their heads and put their horns on the ridge of their back. They are used to the rough country, so that we could not catch them and had to leave them.’ Three days after we entered the wilderness we tound a horn on the bank of a river that flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep gully, which the general had noticed and left there for his army to see, for it was six feet long and as thick at the base as a man’s thigh. It seemed to be more like the horn of a goat than of any other animal. It was something worth seeing. The army proceeded and was about a day’s march from Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in the afternoon, followed by a great fall of snow, which was a bad combination for the carriers. The army went on till it reached some caves in a rocky ridge, late in the evening. The Indian allies, who were from New Spain, and for the most part from warm countries, were in great danger. They felt the coldness of that day so much that it was hard work the next day taking care of them, for they suffered much pain and had to be carried on the horses, the soldiers walking. After this labor the army reached Cibola, where their general was waiting for them, with their quarters all ready, and here they were reunited, except some captains and men who had gone off to discover other provinces. Chapter 11, of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or Tuta- haco*® and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand river and the other things that had happened. While the things already described were taking place, Cibola being at peace, the General Francisco Vazquez found out from the pcoue of the The Zunis make a Ree sort of preserves from the fruit of the tuna and the yucca. See Cushing in The Millstone, Indianapolis, July, 1884, pp. 108-109. 2Compare the Spaniel text for this whole description. Mota Padilla, sec. xxii, 6, p. 113, says: “ Chichiltieali (que quiere decir casa colorada, por una que estaba en é] embarrada con tierra colorada, que Haman almagre); aqui se hallaron pinos con grandes pinas de piiones muy buenos; y mas ade- lante, en la cima de unas pentas, se hallaron cabezas de carneros de grandes cuernos, y algunos dijeron haber visto tres 6 cuatro carneros de aquellos, y que eran muy ligeros (de estos animales se han visto en el Catay, que es la Tartaria.) ” %Compare chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not the same. 488 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 provinee about the provinces that lay around it, and got them to tell their friends and neighbors that Christians had come into the country, whose only desire was to be their friends, and to find out about good lands to live in, and for them to come to see the strangers and talk with them. They did this, since they know how to communicate with one another in these regions, and they informed him about a province with seven villages of the same sort as theirs, although somewhat different. They had nothing to do with these people. This province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues from Cibola. The villages are high and the people are warlike. The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with seventeen horsemen and three or four foot soldiers. Juan de Padilla, a Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his youth, went with them. When they reached the region, they entered the country so quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no settlements or farms between one village and another and the people do not leave the villages except to go to their farms, especially at this time, when they had heard that Cibola had been captured by very fierce people, who traveled on animals which ate people. This information was gen- erally believed by those who had never seen horses, although it was so strange as to cause much wonder. Our men arrived after nightfall and were able to conceal themselves under the edge of the village, where they heard the natives talking in their houses. But in the morn- ing they were discovered and drew up in regular order, while the natives came out to meet them, with bows, and shields, and wooden clubs, drawn up in lines without any confusion. The interpreter was given a chance to speak to them and give them due warning, for they were very intelligent people, but nevertheless they drew lines and insisted that our men should not go across these lines toward their village.! While they were talking, some men acted as if they would cross the lines, and one of the natives lost control of himself and struck a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle with his club. Friar Juan, fretted by the time that was being wasted in talking with them, said to the captain: “To tell the truth, | do not know why we came here.” When the men heard this, they gave the Santiago so suddenly that they ran down many Indians and the others fled to the town in confu- sion. Some indeed did not have a chance to do this, so quickly did the people in the village come out with presents, asking for peace.2 The captain ordered his force to collect, and, as the natives did not do any more harm, he and those who were with him found a place to establish their headquarters near the village. They had dismounted here when the natives came peacefully, saying that they had come to give in the submission of the whole province and that they wanted him to be friends with them and to accept the presents which they gave him. 1Compare the lines which the Hopi or M ki Indians still mark with sacred meal during their festi- vals, as described by Dr Fewkes in his ‘‘Few Sammer Ceremonials,” in vol. ii of the Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology. 2Compare the Spanish text. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 489 This was some cotton cloth, although not much, because they do not make it in that district. They also gave him some dressed skins and corn meal, and pine nuts and corn and birds of the country. After- ward they presented some turquoises, but not many. The people of the whole district came together that day and submitted themselves, and they allowed him to enter their villages freely to visit, buy, sell, and barter with them. It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They have their governors and generals. This was where they obtained the information about a large river, and that several days down the-vriver there were some people with very large bodies. As Don Pedro de Tovar was not commissioned to go farther, he returned from there and gave this information to the general, who dis- patched Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with about twelve companions to go to see this river. He was well received when he reached Tusayan and was entertained by the natives, who gave him guides for his jour- ney. They started from here loaded with provisions, for they had to go through a desert country before reaching the inhabited region, which the Indians said was more than twenty days’ journey. After they had gone twenty days they came to the banks of the river, which seemed to be more than 3 or 4 leagues above the stream which flowed between them.’ This country was elevated and full of low twisted pines, very cold, and lying open toward the north, so that, this being the warm season, no one could live there on account of the cold. They spent three days on this bank looking for a passage down to the river, which looked from above as if the water was 6 feet across, although the Indians said it was half a league wide. It was impossible to descend, for after these three days Captain Melgosa and one Juan Galeras and another companion, who were the three lightest and most agile men, made an attempt to go down at the least difficult place, and went down until those who were above were unable to keep sight of them. They returned about 4 oclock in the afternoon, not having succeeded in reaching the bottom on account of the great difficulties which they found, because what seemed to be easy from above was not so, but instead very hard and difficult. They said that they had been down about a third of the way and that the river seemed very large from the place which they reached, and that from what they saw they thought the Indians had given the width correctly. Those who stayed above had estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the cliffs seemed to be about as tall as a man, but those who went down swore that when they reached these rocks they were bigger than the great tower of Seville. They did not go farther up the river, because they could not get water. Before this they had had to go a league or two inland every day late in the evening in order to find water, and the guides said that if they should go four days farther it would not be possible 1Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux translatesit: ‘Les bords sont tellement Glevés qu ils croyaient étre 4 trois ou quatre lieues en lair." ' 490 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ern, ANN. 14 to go on, because there was no water within three or four days, for when they travel across this region themselves they take with them women loaded with water in gourds, and bury the gourds of water along the way, to use when they return, and besides this, they travel in one day over what it takes us two days to accomplish. This was the Tison (Firebrand) river, much nearer its source than where Melchior Diaz and his company crossed it. These were the same kind of Indians, judging from what was afterward learned. They came back from this point and the expedition did not have any other result. On the way they saw some water falling over a rock and learned from the guides that some bunches of crystals which were hanging there were salt. They went and gathered a quantity of this and brought it back to Cibola, dividing it among those who were there. They gave the general a written account of what they had seen, because one Pedro de Sotomayor had gone with Don Garcia Lopez as chronicler for the army. ‘The villages of that province remained peaceful, since they were never visited again, nor was any attempt made to find other peoples in that direction. Chapter 12, of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the Chris- tians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the cows. While they were making these discoveries, some Indians came to Cibola from a village which was 70 leagues east of this province, called Cicuye. Among them was a captain who was called Bigotes (Whiskers) by our men, because he wore along mustache. He wasa tall, well-built young fellow, with a fine figure. He told the general that they had come in response to the notice which had been given, to offer them- seives as friends, and that if we wanted to go through their country they would consider us as their friends. They brought a present of tanned hides and shields and head-pieces, which were very gladly re- ceived, and the general gave them some glass dishes and a number of pearls and little bells which they prized highly, because these were things they had never seen. They described some cows which, from a picture that one of them had painted on his skin, seemed to be cows, although from the hides this did not seem possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled so that we could not tell what sort of skins they had. The general ordered Hernando de Alvarado to take 20 com- panions and go with them, and gave him a commission for eighty days, after which he should return to give an account of what he had found.! Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in five days reached a village which was on a rock called Acuco” having a population of about 200 men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole country 'The report of Alvarado, translated herein, is probably the official account of what he accom- plished. *In regard to the famous rock fortress of Acoma see Bandelier's Introduction, p. 14, and his Final Report, vol. i, p. 1838. The Spaniards called it by a name resembling that which they heard applied to itin Zuni-Cibola. The true Zuni name of Acoma, on the authority of Mr F. W. Hodge, is Hakukia; that of the Acoma people, Hakukwe. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 491 round about. The village was very strong, because it was up on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high. There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock. There was a broad stairway for about 200 steps, then a stretch of about 100 narrower steps, and at the top they had to go up about three times as high as a man by means of holes in the rock, in which they put the points of their feet, holding on at the same time by their hands. There was a wall of large and small stones at the top, which they could roll down without showing themselves, so that no army could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. On the top they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn, and cisterns to collect snow and water. These people came down to the plain ready to fight, and would not listen to any arguments. They drew lines on the ground and determined to prevent our men from crossing these, but when they saw that they would have to fight they offered to make peace before any harm had been done. They went through their forms of making peace, which is to touch the horses and take their sweat and rub themselves with it, and to make crosses with the fingers of the hands. But to make the most secure peace they put their hands across each other, and they keep this peace inviolably. They made a present of a large number of [tur- key-| cocks with very big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins, pine [pion] nuts, flour [corn meal], and corn. From here they went to a province called Triguex,' three days dis- tant. The people all came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers was with them. These men are feared throughout all those provinces. Alva- rado sent messengers back from here to advise the general to come and winter in this country. The general was not a little relieved to hear that the country was growing better. Five days from here he came to Cicuye,? a very strong village four stories high. The people came out from the village with signs of joy to welcome Hernando de Alvarado and their captain, and brought them into the town with drums and pipes something hke flutes, of which they have a great many. They made many presents of cloth and turquoises, of which there are quantities inthatregion. The Spaniards enjoyed themselves here for several days and talked with an Indian slave, a native of the country toward Florida, which is the region Don Fernando de Soto discovered. This fellow said that there were large settlements in the farther part of that country. Hernando de Alvarado took him to guide them to the cows; but he told them so many and such great things about the wealth of gold and silver in his country that they did not care about lookin g for cows, but returned after they had seen some few, to report the rich news to the general. ' An error for Tiguex, at or near the present Bernalillo. Simpson located this near the mouth of the river Puerco, southeast of Acoma, but I follow Bandelier, according to whom Alvarado pursued a northeasterly direction from Acoma. See his Introduction, p. 30, and Final Report, vol. 1, p, 129. 2Pecos. Besides his Final Report, vol. i, p. 127, see Bandelier's Report on the Pecos Ruins. . 492 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 They called the Indian ‘ Turk,” because he looked like one.! Meanwhile the general had sent Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with nen to get lodgings ready for the army, which had arrived from Senora about this time, before taking them there for the winter; and when Hernando de Alvarado reached Tiguex, on his way back from Cicuye, he found Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there was 10 need for him to go farther. As it was necessary that the natives should give the Spaniards lodging places, the people in one village had to abandon it and go to others belonging to their friends, and they took with them nothing but themselves and the clothes they had on. Infor- mation was obtained here about many towns up toward the north, and I believe that it would have been much better to follow this direction than that of the Turk, who was the cause of all the misfortunes which followed. Chapter 13, of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men and left the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex. Everything already related had happened when Don Tristan de Are- Nano reached Cibola from Senora. Soon after he arrived, the general, who had received notice of a province containing eight villages, took 30 of the men who were most fully rested and went to see it, going from there directly to Tiguex with the skilled guides who conducted him. He left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to proceed to Tiguex by the direct road, after the men had rested twenty days. On this journey, between one day when they left the camping place and mid- day of the third day, when they saw some snow-covered mountains, toward which they went in search of water, neither the Spaniards nor the horses nor the servants drank anything. They were able to stand it because of the severe cold, although with great diffi- culty. In eight days they reached Tutahaco,” where they learned that 1The account which Mota Padilla (cap. xxxii, 5, p. 161) gives of the Turk and his stories is very significant: Alvarado ‘‘hallé un indio en aquellos Nanos quien le dijo, mas por seas que por voces, ser de una provincia que distaba treinta soles, la cual se Namaba Copala, y al indio se le puso por nombre el Turco, por ser muy moreno, apersonado y de buena disposicion; y les dijo tantas cosas de aquella provincia, que los puso en admiracion, y en especial que habia tanta cantidad de oro, que no solo podian cargar los caballos, sino carros; que habia una laguna en la que navegaban canoas, y que las del cacique tenian argollas de oro; y para que se explicase, le mostraban plata, y decia que no, sino como un anillo que vid de oro: decia que 4 su cacique lo sacaban en andas «i las guerras, y que cuando queria, les quitaban los bozales 4 unos lebreles que despedazaban 4 los enemigos; que tenian una casa muy grande, adonde todos acudian 4 servirle; que en las puertas tenian mantas de algodon.” Gomara, Indias, cap. cexiiii, adds some details: ‘‘ Viendo la poca gente, y muestra de riqueza, dieron los soldados muy pocas gracias a los frayles, que conellos yuan, y que loauan aquella tierra de Sibola: y por no boluer a Mexico sin hazer algo, nilas manos vazias, acordaron de passar adelante, que les dezian ser mejor tierra. Assi que fueron a Acuco, lugar sobre vn fortissimo penol, y desde alli fue don Garei lopez de Cardenas con su compania de canallos ala mar, y Francisco Vazquez con los demas a Tiguex, que esta ribera de yn gran rio. Alli tunieron nueuade Axa, y Quiuira: donde dezian, que estaua vn Rey, dicho por nombre Tatarrax, barbudo, canos, y rico, que cenia vn bracamarte, que rezana en horas, que adoraua vna cruz de oro, y vna ymagen de muger, Senora Del cielo. Mucho alegro, y sostuno esta nueua al exercito, aunque algunos la tuuieron por falsa, y echadiza de frayles. Determinaron yr alla con intencion de inuernar en tierra tan rica como se sonaua.” 2Coronado probably reached the Rio Grande near the present Isleta. Jaramillo applies this name to Acoma, and perhaps he is more correct, if we ought to read it Tutahaio, since the Tiguas (the inhabitants of Isleta, Sandia, Taos, and Picuris pueblos) call Acoma Tuthea-udy, according to Bandelier, Gilded Man, p. 211. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 493 there were other towns down the river. These people were peaceful. The villages are terraced, like those at Tiguex, and of the same style. The general went up the river from here, visiting the whole province, until he reached Tiguex, where he found Hernando de Alvarado and the Turk. He felt no slight joy at such good news, because the Turk said that in his country there was a river in the level country which was 2 leagues wide, in which there were fishes as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, with more than 20 rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that their lords sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had a great golden eagle. He said also that the lord of that country took his afternoon nap under a great tree on which were hung a great number of little gold bells, which put him to sleep as they swung in the air. He said also that.everyone had their ordinary dishes made of wrought plate, and the jugs and bowls were of gold. He called gold acochis. For the present he was be- lieved, on account of the ease with which he told it and because they showed him metal ornaments and he recognized them and said they were not gold, and he knew gold and silver very well and did not care anything about other metals. The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to Cicuye to demand some gold bracelets which this Turk said they had taken from him at the time they captured him. Alvarado went, and was received as a friend at the village, and when he demanded the bracelets they said they knew nothing at all about them, saying the Turk was deceiving him and was lying. Captain Alvarado, seeing that there were no other means, gotthe captain Whiskers and the governor to come to his tent, and when they had come he put them in chains. The villagers prepared to fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing Hernando de Alvarado, and saying that he was a man who had no respect for peace and friendship. Hernando de Alvarado started back to Tiguex, where the general kept them prisoners more than six months. This began the want of confi- dence in the word of the Spaniards whenever there was talk of peace from this time on, as will be seen by what happened afterward. Chapter 14, of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what happened to them on the way, on account of the snow. We have already said that when the general started from Cibola, he left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days later. He did so as soon as he saw that the men were well rested and provided with food and eager to start off to find their general. He set off with his force toward Tiguex, and the first day they made their camp in the best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola) provinee.! This is the only village that has houses with seven stories. In this village certain houses are used as fortresses; they are higher than the others and set 1This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain, about 18 miles from Hawikuh, where the advance force had encamped. 494 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 up above them like towers, and there are embrasures and loopholes in - them for defending the roofs of the different stories, because, like the other villages, they do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a height and are used in common. The roofs have to be reached first, and these upper houses are the means of defending them. It began to snow on us there, and the force took refuge under the wings of the village, which extend out like balconies, with wooden pillars beneath, because they generally use ladders to go up to those balconies, since they do not have any doors below. The army continued its march from here after it stopped snowing, and as the season had already advanced into December, during the ten days that the army was delayed, it did not fail to snow during the evenings and nearly every night, so that they had to clear away a large amount of snow when they came to where they wanted to make a camp. The road could not be seen, but the guides managed to find it, as they knew the country. There are junipers and pines all over the country, which they used in making large brushwood fires, the smoke and heat _ of which melted the snow from 2 to 4 yards all around the fire. It was a dry snow, so that although it fell on the baggage and covered it for half a man’s height it did not hurt it. It fell all night long, cov- ering the baggage and the soldiers and their beds, piling up in the air, so that if anyone had suddenly come upon the army nothing would have been seen but mountains of snow. The horses stood half buried in it. It kept those who were underneath warm instead of cold. The army passed by the great rock of Acuco, and the natives, who were peaceful, entertained our men well, giving them provisions and birds, although there are not many people here, as I have said. Many of the gentlemen went up to the top to see it, and they had great difficulty in going up the steps in the rock, because they were not used to them, for the natives go up and down so easily that they carry loads and the women carry water, and they do not seem even to touch their hands, although our men had to pass their weapons up from one to another. From here they went on to Tiguex, where they were well received and taken care of, and the great good news of the Turk gave no little joy and helped lighten their hard labors, although when the army arrived we found the whole country or province in revolt, for reasous which were not sight in themselves, as will be shown, and our men had also burnt a village the day before the army arrived, and returned to the camp.! Chapter 15, of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished, with- out being to blame for it. It has been related how the general reached Tiguex, where he found Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, and how he 1The Spanish manuscript is very confusing throughout this chapter. As usual, Ternaux passes over most of the passages which have given trouble, omitting what he could not guess. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 495 sent the latter back to Cicuye, where he took the captain Whiskers and the governor of the village, who was an old man, prisoners. The people of Tiguex did not feel well about this seizure. In addition to this, the general wished to obtain some clothing to divide among his soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned one of the chief Indians of Tiguex, with whom he had already had much intercourse and with whom he was on good terms, who was called Juan Aleman by our men, after a Juan Aleman! who lived in Mexico, whom he was said to resemble. The general told him that he must furnish about three hundred or more pieces of cloth, which he needed to give his people. He said that he was not able to do this, but that it pertained to the governors; and that besides this, they would have to consult together and divide it among the villages, and that it was necessary to make the demand of each town separately. The general did this, and ordered certain of the gentlemen who were with him to go and make the demand; and as there were twelve villages, some of them went on one side of the river and some on the other. As they were in very great need, they did not give the natives a chance to consult about it, but when they came to a village they demanded what they had to give, so that they could proceed at once. Thus these people could do nothing except take off their own cloaks and give them to make up the number demanded of them. And some of the soldiers who were in these parties, when the collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks which were not such as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a better one on, they exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping to find out the rauk of the man they were stripping, which caused not a little hard feeling. 3esides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of regard for him, left the village where the camp was and went to another village about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman there he called her husband down to hold his horse by the bridle while he went up; and as the village was entered by the upper story, the Indian supposed he was going to some other part of it. While he was there the Indian heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard came down, took his horse, and went away. The Indian went up and learned that he had violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and so he came with the important men of the town to complain that a man had violated his wife, and he told how it happened. When the general made all the soldiers and the persons who were with him come together, the Indian did not recognize the man, either because he had changed his clothes or for whatever other reason there may have been, but he said that he could tell the horse, because he had held his bridle, and so he was taken to the stables, and found the horse, and said that the master of the horse must be the man. He denied doing it, seeing that he had not been recognized, and it may be that the Indian was mistaken in the horse; ! Dutch Jack, perhaps. 496 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 anyway, he went off without getting any satisfaction.! The next day one of the Indians, who was guarding the horses of the army, came running in, saying that a companion of his had been killed, and that the Indians of the country were driving off the horses toward their villages. The Spaniards tried to collect the horses again, but many were lost, besides seven of the general’s mules.? The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the villages and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight and shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could be done, because they would not come down onto the plain and the villages are so Strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them. The general then ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and surround one village with all the rest of the force. This village was the one where the greatest injury had been done and where the affair with the Indian woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in advance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego Lopez and Melgosa,* took the Indians so much by surprise that they gained the upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many of our men from within the houses. Our men were on top of the houses in great danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and they made some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The horsemen on the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain smoked them out from the cellars‘ into which they had broken, so that they begged for peace.’ Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, were left on the roof and answered the Indians with the same signs they were making for peace, which was to make across. They then put down their arms and received pardon. They were taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he said, did not know about the peace and thought that they had given themselves up of their own accord because they had been conquered. As he had been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but to make an example of them so that the other natives would fear the Span- iards, he ordered 200 stakes to be prepared at once to burn them alive. 1The instructions which Mendoza gave to Alarcon show how carefully the viceroy tried to guard against any such trouble with the natives. Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 4: ‘‘Iten: si pobla- redes en alguna parte, no sea entre los yndios, sino apartado dellos, y mandareys que ningun espanol ni otra persona de las vuestras vaya al lugar ni @ las cassas de los yndios sino fuere con expressa licencia vuestra, y al que lo contrario hiziere castigalle eys muy asperamente, y la licencia aveys de dalla las vezes que fuere necessario para alguna cossa que convenga y 4 personas de quien vos esteys confiado que no haré cossa mal hecha, y estad muy advertido en guardar esta orden, porque es cossa que conviene mas de lo que vos podeys pensar.” “Espejo, Relacion del Viaje, 1584 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 175), says that at Puala (Tiguex) pueblo, ‘‘hallamos relacion muy verdader: que estubo en esta provincia Francisco Vazquez Coronado y le mataron en ella nueve soldados y cuarenta caballos, y que por este respeto habia asolado la gente de un pueblo desta provincia, y destos nos dieron razon los naturales destos pueblos por senas que entendimos.” 3Ternaux says Diego Lopez Melgosa, and when Melgosa’s name appears again he has 1t Pablo Lopez Melgosa. 4Evidently the underground, or partially undergreund, ceremonial chambers or kivas. 5Compare the Spanish text. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 497 Nobody told him about the peace that had beef granted them, for the ’ soldiers knew as little as he, and those who should have told him about it remained silent, not thinking that it was any of their business. Then when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were binding them and beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who were in the tent began to struggle and defend themselves with what there was there and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who were on foot attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great confusion around it, and then the horsemen chased those who escaped. As the country was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it was some who remained hidden in the village and escaped that night to spread through- out the country the news that the strangers did not respect the peace they had made, which afterward proved a great misfortune. After this was over, it began to Snow, and they abandoned the village and returned to the camp just as the army came from Cibola. ! Chapter 16, of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what hap- pened during the siege. As I have already related, it began to snow in that country just after they captured the village, and it snowed so much that for the next two months it was impossible to do anything except to go along the roads to advise them to make peace ard tell them that they would be par- doned and might consider themse!ves safe, to which they replied that they did not trust those who did not know how to keep good faith after they had once given it, and that the Spaniards should remember that they were keeping Whiskers prisoner and that they did not keep their word when they burned those who surrendered in the village. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who went to give this notice. He started out with about 30 companions and went to the village of Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although they were hostile, they talked with him and said that if he wished to talk with them he must dis- mount and they would come out and talk with him about a peace, and '1Gomara, cap. cexiiii, gives the following account of these events: ‘t Fueronse los Indios vna noche y amanecieron muertos treynta cauallos, que puso temor al exercito. Caminando, quemaron vn lugar, y en otro que acometieron, les matarvn ciertos Espanoles, y hirieron cinquentacauallos, y metieron dentro los vezinos a Francisco de Ouado, herido, 0 muerto, para comer, y sacrificar, a lo que pensaron, 0 quica para mejor ver, que hombres eran los Espanoles, ca no se hallo por alli rastro de sacrificio humano. Pusieron cerco los nuestros al lugar, pero no lo pudieron tomar en mas de quarenta, y cinco dias. Beuian nieue los cereados por falta de agua, y viendose perdidos, hizieron yna hoguera, echaron en ella sus matas, plumajes, Turquesas, y cosas preciadas, porque no las gozassen aquellos estrangeros. Salieron en esquadron, con los nifios, y mugeres en medio, para abrir camino por fuerea, y saluarse: mas pocos escaparon de las espadas, y cauallos, y de vn rio q cerca estaua. Murieron en la pelea siete Espanoles y quedaron heridos ochéta, y muchos cauallos, porg veays quanto vale la determinacion en la necessidad. Muchos Indios se boluieron al pueblo, con la gente menuda, y se defendieron hasta que se les puso fuego. Elose tanto aquel rio estado en siete y treynta grados de la Equinocial, que sufria passar encima hombres a cauallo, y cauallos con carga. Dura la nieve medio ano. Ay en aqlla ribera melones, y algodon blanco, y colorado, de que hazen muy mas anchas mantas, que en otras partes de Indias.” Mota Padilla, xxxii, 6, p. 161: ‘‘Esta accion se tuyo en Espaiia por mala, y con razon, porque fué una crueldad considerable; y habiendo el maese de campo, Garcia Lopez pasado 4 Espana 4 heredar un mayorazgo, estuvo preso en una fortaleza por este cargo.” 14 ETH OZ 498 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [erH. ANN. 14 that if he would send away the horsemen and make his men keep away, Juan Aleman and another captain would come out of the village and meet him. Everything was done as they required, and then when they approached they said that they had no arms and that he must take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give them confi- dence, on account of his great desire to get them to make peace. When he met them, Juan Aleman approached and embraced him vigorously, while the other two who had come with him drew two mallets! which they had hidden behind their backs and gave him two such blows over his helmet that they almost knocked him senseless. Two of the soldiers on horseback had been unwilling to go very far off, even when he ordered them, and so they were near by and rode up so quickly that they res- cued him from their hands, although they were unable to catch the enemies because the meeting was so near the village that of the great shower of arrows which were shot at them one arrow hit a horse and went through his nose. The horsemen all rode up together and hur- riedly carried off their captain, without being able to harm the enemy, while many of our men were dangerously wounded.’ They then with- drew, leaving a number of men to continue the attack. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force to another village about half a league distant, because almost all the people in this region had collected into these two villages. As they paid no attention to the demands made on them except by shooting arrows from the upper stories with loud yells, and would not hear of peace, he returned to his companions whom he had left to keep up the attack on Tiguex. A large number of those in the village came out and our men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the enemy on to the plain, and then turned on them and caught several of their leaders. The rest collected on the roofs of the village and the captain returned to his camp. After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround the village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with several scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his force near by, and then began the siege; but as the enemy had had several days to provide themselves with stores, they threw down such quanti- ties of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and they wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom afterward died on account of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon who was with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several 1 Wooden warclubs shaped like potato-mashers. 2Mota Padilla, xxxii, 7, p. 161, describes this encounter: ‘‘ D. Garcia pasé al pueblo mayor 4 requerir al principal cacique, que se llamaba D. Juan Loman, aunque no estaba bautizado, y se dejé ver por los muros sin querer bajar de paz, y 4 instancias de D. Garcia, ofrecié salirle 4 hablar, como dejase el caballo y espada, porque tenia mucho miedo; y en esta conformidad, desmonté D. Garcia del caballo, entregéle con laespada 4 sus soldados, 4 quienes hizo retirar, y acercandose 4 los muros, luego que Juan Loman se afronté, se abrazé de él, y al punto, entre seis indios que habia dejado apercibidos, lo lleva- ron en peso y locntraran en el pueblo si lapuerta no es pequena, por lo que en ella bizo hincapié, y pudo resistir hasta que llegaron soldados de 4 caballo, que le defendieron. Quisieron los indios hacer alguna crueldad con dicho D. Garcia, por ]o que intentaron Nevarlo vivo, que silos indios salen con macanas 6 porras que usaban, le quitan la vida.” fie WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 499 assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the Indians most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were not able to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and killed 30 per- sons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights. One day when there was a hard fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, a captain who had been army-master ali the time that Don Garcia Lopez de Car- denas was away making the discoveries already described, and also Francisco Pobares, a fine gentleman. Our men were unable to prevent them from carrying Francisco de Obando inside the village, which was regretted not a little, because he was a distinguished person, besides being honored on his own account, affable and much beloved, which was noticeable.! One day, before the capture was completed, they asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew we would not harm the women and children, they wished to surrender their women and sons, because they were using up their water. It was impos- sible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that the Spaniards would not keep an agreement made with them. So they gave up about a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to leave them. Don Lope de Urrea’ rode up in front of the town without his helmet and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all of these had been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace, giving them the strongest promises for their safety. They told him to go away, as they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had no regard for friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As he seemed unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow ready to shoot, and threatened to shoot him with it unless he went off, and they warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling to do so, saying that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed there. When the Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot and planted his arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then put another arrow in his bow and repeated that if he did not go away he would really shoot him. Don Lope put on his helmet and slowly rode back to where the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from them. When they saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot arrows in show- ers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not want to make an assault that day, in order to see if they could be brought in some way to make peace, which they would not consider. Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night, and did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about the fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the cavalry was.? The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don Rodrigo 1But see the Spanish. Ternaux translates it: ‘‘ Les Indiens parvinrent 4 s’emparer de (d’Obando) et l'emmenérent vivant dans leur village, . . . care’étaitun homme distingué qui, par sa vertu et son affabilité, s'était fait aimer de tout le monde.” ?Ternaux substituted the name of Don Garci-Lopez for that of Don Lope throughout this passage. ‘Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: ‘Ils prirent le parti d’abandonner le village pendant la nuit; ils se mirent donc en route: les femmes marchaient au milieu d’eux. Quand ils furent arrivés 4 un endroit ot campait don Rodrigo Maldonado, les sentinelles donnérent l'alarme.”’ 500 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 Maldonado. The enemy attacked them and killed one Spaniard and a horse and wounded others, but they were driven back with great slaughter until they came to the river, where the water flowed swiftly and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as the men had come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry, there were few who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the camp went across the river next day and found many of them who had been over- come by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them, and made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was captured, although there were a few who remained in one part of the town and were captured a few days later.’ Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had captured the other large village after a siege. Having started out very early one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some warriors who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our camp, the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they were coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the coun- 1There is much additional information of the siege and capture of Tiguex in the account given by Mota Padilla, xxxii, 8, p. 161: ‘' Habiéndose puesto el cerco, estuvieron los indios rebeldes 4 los requerimientos, por lo que se intent6é abrir brecha, y rota la argamasa superficial, se advirtié que el centro del muro era de palizada, troncos y mimbres bien hincados en la tierra, por lo que resistian los golpes que daban con unas malas barras, en cuyo tiempo hacian de las azoteas mucho dano en los nuestros con las piedras y con la flechas por las troneras; y quoriendo un soldado tapar con lodo una tronera de donde se hacia mucho dano, por un ojo le entraron una flecha, de que cayé muerto: llama- base Francisco Pobares; y Aotro que se lamaba Juan Paniagua, muy buen cristiano y persona noble, le dieron otro flechazo en el parpado de un ojo, y publicaba que 4 la devocion del rosario, que siempre rezaba, debié la vida; otro soldado, lamado Francisco de Ovando, se entré de bruzas por una porta- fuela, y apenas hubo asomado la cabeza, cuando le asieron y le tiraron para adentro, quitandole la vida; piisose una escala por donde 4 todo trance subieron algunos; pero con arte, los indios tenian muchas piezas 4 cielo descubierto, para que se no comunicasen; y como 4 cortas distancias habia torrecillas con muchas saeteras y troneras, hacian mucho dao, de suerte que hirieron mas de sesenta, de los que murieron tres: un fulano Carbajal, hermano de Hernando Trejo, quien fué des- pues teniente de gobernador por Francisco de Ibarra, en Chametla: tambien murié un vizeaino, llamado Alonso de Castateda, y un fulano Benitez; y esto fué por culpa de ellos, pues ya que habia pocas armas de fuego con que ofender, pudieron haber pegado ‘uego 4 los muros, pues eran de troncones y palizadas con solo el embarrado de tierra. “9. Viendo el gobernador el poco efecto de su invasion, mando se tocase 4 recoger, con animo de ren- dirlos por falta de agua, ya que no por hambre, porque sabia tenian buenas trojes de maiz. Trataron de curar los heridos, aunque se enconaron, y se cicatrizaban; y segun se supo, era la causa el que en unas vasijas de mimbre encerraban los indios vivoras, y con las flechas las tocaban para que mordie- sen las puntas y quedasen venenosas; y habiéndose mantenido algun tiempo, cuando se esperaba padeciesen falta de agua, comenzé 4 nevar, con cuya nieve 8e socorrieron y mantuvieron dos meses, en los que intentaron los nuestros muchos desatinos: el uno fué formar unos ingenios con unos maderos, que llamaban vaivenes, y son los antiguos arietes con que se batian las fortalezas en tiempo que no se conocia la pélvora; mas no acertaron; despues, por falta de artilleria, intentaron hacer unos canhones de madera bien liados de cordeles 4 modo de cohetes; mas tampoco sirvié; y no arbitraron el arrimar lena 4 los muros y prenderles fuego: 4 mi ver entiendo que la crueldad con que quitaron la vida 4 los ciento y treinta gandules, los hizo indignos del triunfo; y asi, en una noche Jos sitiados salieron y se pusieron en fuga, dejando 4 los nuestros burlados y sin cosa de provecho que lograsen por despojos de la plaza sitiada y se salieron los indios con su valeroso hecho. “10. Por la parte que salieron estaban de centinelas dos soldados poco apercibidos, de los cuales el uno no parecié, y el otro fué hallado con el corazon atravesado con una flecha; y traido el cuerpo, le pusieron junto 4 la lumbrada comun del campo; y cuando volvieron los soldados, que intentaron el aleance de los indios, al desmontar uno de ellos del caballo, le pis6é la boca al miserable, y se atribuy6é su fatal muerte 4 haber sido renegador y blastemo. Luego que amanecié, se traté de reconocer el pueblo, y entrando, se hallé abastecido pero sin agua, y se reconocié un pozo profundo en la plaza gue aquellos indios abrieron en busca de agua, y por no encontrarla, se resolvieron 4 la fuga, que consiguieron.” WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 501 try. The soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and saw the people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of them. At the same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the town, and they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who were found in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. This siege ended the last of March, in the year ’42.' Other things had happened in the meantime, which would have been noticed, but that it would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will relate them now, so that it will be possible to understand what follows. Chapter 17, of how messengers reached the army from the valley of Senora and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the Firebrand river. We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the Firebrand river on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries farther in that direction. About the time the siege ended, messengers reached the army from the city of San Hieronimo with letters from Diego de Alarcon,” who had remained there in the place of Melchior Diaz. These contained the news that Melchior Diaz had died while he was conduct- ing his search, and that the force had returned without finding any of the things they were after. It all happened in this fashion: After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the coast, which here turned back toward the south, or between south and east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north and this river, which brings its waters down from the north, flowing toward the south, enters the head of the gulf. Continuing in the direction they had been going, they came to some sand banks of hot ashes which it was impos- sible to cross without being drowned as in the sea. The ground they were standing on trembled like a sheet of paper, so that it seemed as if there were lakes underneath them. It seemed wonderful and like something infernal, for the ashes to bubble up here in several places. After they had gone away from this place, on account of the danger they seemed to be in and of the lack of water, one day a greyhound belonging to one of the soldiers chased some sheep which they were taking along for food. When the captain noticed this, he threw his lance at the dog while his horse was running, so that it stuek up in the ground, and not being able to stop his horse he went over the lance so that it nailed him through the thighs and the iron came out behind, rupturing his bladder. After this the soldiers turned back with their captain, having to fight every day with the Indians, who had remained hostile. He lived about twenty days, during which they proceeded with great difficulty on account of the necessity of carrying him.’ They 1Ternaux translated this, ‘‘ 4 la fin de 1542.'’ Professor Haynes corrected the error in a note in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 491, saying that ‘it is evident that the siege must have been concluded early in 1541." “Should be Alearaz. ?Mota Padilla’s account of the death of Diaz is translated in the Introduction. 502 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 returned in good order without losing a man, until he died, and after that they were relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached Senora, Alcaraz dispatched the messengers already referred to, so that the general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers were ill disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had sen- tenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped from the prison. When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that city to sift out some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with an account of what had occurred and with the good news given by the Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the natives of that province had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow, which had made only a very little wound in one hand. Several soldiers went to the place where this happened to see about it, and they were not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de Alcaraz with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in what they call the Valley of Knaves (de los Vellacos), which is in the hills. After getting there and taking these men prisoners, Diego de Alcaraz decided to let them go in exchange for some thread and cloth and other things which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves free, they renewed the war and attacked them, and as they were strong and had poison, they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so that they died on the way back. They retired toward the town, and if they had not had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it would have gone worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving 17 soldiers dead from the poison. They would die in agony from only a small wound, the bodies breaking out with an insupportable pestilential stink. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and as it seemed to them that they could not safely stay in that city, he moved 40 leagues toward Cibola into the valley of Suya, where we will leave them, in order to relate what happened to the general and his army after the siege of Tiguex. Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in peace so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the most wealth. During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and take the governor with him, in order to give him his liberty and to promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave him in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was received peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village with several soldiers. They received their governor with much joy and gratitude. After looking over the village and speaking with the natives! he returned 1Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: ‘Le général le rétablit dans sa dignité, examina le pays. et retourna au camp.” WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 503 to his army, leaving Cicuye at peace, in the hope of getting back their captain Whiskers. After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a captain to Chia, a fine village with many people, which had sent to offer its submission. It was 4 leagues distant to the west of the river. They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze cannon, which were in poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen aiso went to Quirix, a province with seven villages. At the first village, which had about a hundred inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to wait for our men; but they headed them off by a short cut, riding at full speed, and then they returned to their houses in the village in perfect safety, and then told the other villagers about it and reassured them. In this way the entire region was reassured, little by little, by the time the ice in the river was broken up and it became possible to ford the river and so to continue the journey. The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were not repopulated at all during the time the army was there, in spite of every promise of security that could possibly be given to them. And when the river, which for almost four months had been frozen over so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders were given for the start for Quivira, where the Turk said there was some gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche and the Guaes. There were already some in the army who suspected the Turk, because a Spaniard named Servantes,' who had charge of him during the siege, solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking with the devil in a pitcher of water, and also that while he had him under lock so that no one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him what Christians had been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him “nobody,” and then the Turk answered: “You lie; five Christians are dead, including a captain.” And as Cervantes knew that he told the truth, he confessed it so as to find out who had told him about it, and the Turk said he knew it all by himself and that he did not need to have anyone tell him in order to know it. And it was on account of this that he watched him and saw him speaking to the devil in the pitcher, as I have said. While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general, and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were coming from Senora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters to give to Don Pedro, informing him what he ought to do and how he should go to find the army, and that he would find letters under the crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army left Tiguex on the 5th of May’ and returned to Cicuye, which, as I have said, istwenty-fivemarches, which means leagues, from there, taking Whiskers with them. Arrived there, he gave them their captain, who already went about freely with a guard. The village was very glad to see him, and the people were peaceful and offered food. The governor and 1 Or Cervantes, as Ternaux spells it. *Coronado says, 1n his letter of October 20, that he started April 23. 504 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN, 14 Whiskers gave the general a young fellow called “abe, a native of Quivira, who could give them information about the country. This fel- low said that there was gold and silver, but mot so much of it as the Turk had said. The Turk, however, continued to declare that it was as he had said. He went as a guide, and thus the army started off from here. Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what happened on the way. The army started from Cicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it seemed, contented, and under obligations to maintain the friendship because their governor and captain had been restored to them. Pro- ceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of the moun- tains, after four days’ journey they came to a river with a large, deep current, which flowed down toward Cicuye, and they named this the Cicuye river.! They had to stop here to make a bridge so as to cross it. It was finished in four days, by much diligence and rapid work, and as soon as it was done the whole army and the animals crossed. After ten days more they came to some settlements of people who lived like Arabs and who are called Querechos in that region. They had seen the cows for two days. These folks live in tents made of the tanned skins of the cows. They travel around near the cows, killing them for food. They did nothing unusual when they saw our army, except to come out of their tents to look at us, after which they came to talk with the advance guard, and asked who we were. The general talked with them, but as they had already talked with the Turk, who was with the advance guard, they agreed with what he had said. That they were very intelligent is evident from the fact that although they conversed by means of signs they made themselves understood so well that there was no need of an interpreter.2. They said that there was a very large river over toward where the sun came from, and that one could go along this river through an inhabited region for ninety days without a break from settlement to settlement. They said that the first of these settlements was called Haxa, and that the river was more than a league wide and that there were many canoes on it. These folks started off from here next day with a lot of dogs which dragged their possessions. For two days, during which the army marched in the same direction as that in which they had come from the settlements— that is, between north and east, but more toward the north*—they saw 'The Rio Pecos. The bridge, however, was doubtless built across the upper waters of the Canadian. 2There is an elaborate account of the sign language of the Indians, by Garrick Mallery, in the first annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-80. ®Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165, says: ‘‘ Hasta alli caminaron los nuestros, guiados por el Turco para el Oriente, con mucha inclinacion al Norte, y desde enténces los guid via recta al Oriente; y habiendo andado tres jornadas, hubo de hacer alto el gobernador para conferir sobre si seria acertado dejarse evar de aquel indio, habiendo mudado de rumbo, en cuyo intermedio un soldado, 6 por travesura, 6 por hacer carne, se apurté, y aunque lo esperaron, no se supo mas de él; y 4 dos jornadas que anduvieron, guiados todavia del indio, pasaron una barranca profunda, que fué la primera quiebra que vieron de la tierra desde Tigiies.’’ Compare the route of the expedition in the Introauction, and also in the translation of Jaramillo. WINSHIP} TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 505 other roaming Querechos and such great numbers of cows that it already seemed something incredible. These people gave a great deal of information about settlements, all toward the east from where we were. Here Don Garcia broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off hunting so far that he was unable to return to the camp, because the country is very level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya (Haxa). The general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions lightly equipped and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for two days and discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which set out in the same direction next day. They came across so many animals that those who were on the advance guard killed a large num- ber of bulls. As these fled they trampled one another in their haste until they came to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that they filled it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men who were chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals with- out noticing where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in among the cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely. As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the little river, and aS many more down the banks, to look for traces of the horses at the trails to and from the river. ' It was impossible to find tracks in this country, because the grass straightened up again as soon as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from the army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a good league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river down to the camp, and told the general that in the 20 leagues they had been over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There was another native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named Ysopete. This Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and on account of this the army paid no attention to him, and even now, although he said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete was not believed.! The general sent Don Rodrigo Maldonado, with his company, for- ward from here. He traveled four days and reached a large ravine like those of Colima,’ in the bottom of which he found a large settle- ment of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through this place, so that they presented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned skinsand other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he directed them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his compan- ions to guide the army to that place, so that they should-not get lost, although he had been making piles of stones and cow dung for the army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided by the advance guard. 1Cowpare the Spanish. Ternaux: ‘ Mais cette fois on n’avait pas voulu le croire; les Querechos ayantrapporté la méme chose que le Ture.” *Ternaux read this Coloma. The reference is clearly to the district of Colima in western Mexico, where one of the earliest Spanish settlements was made. 506 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN, 14 When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity of skins, he thought he would divide them among the men, and placed guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and saw that the general was sending some of his companions with orders for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going to be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of an hour nothing was left but the empty ground. The natives who happened to see this also took a hand in it. The women and some others were left crying, because they thought that the strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through here. They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castilian lady, except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman. In general they all paint themselves in this way here, and they decorate their eyes. Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discov- ered wnother ravine, where the army was divided into two parts. While the army was resting in this ravine, as we have related, a tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in a very short space of time a great quantity of hailstones, as big as bowls, or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in places they covered the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit the horse— or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break away, except two or three which the negroes protected by holding large sea nets over them, with the helmets and shields which all the rest wore;! and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the ravine so that they got them down with great difficulty. If this had struck them while they were upon the plain, the army would have been in great dan- ger of being left without its horses, as there were many which they were not able to cover.2. The hail broke many tents, and battered many helmets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke all the crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small loss, because they do not have any crockery in this region. They do not make gourds, nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat—or only half cooked— and fruit. pérent tous 4 l'exception de deux ou trois qui furent retenus par des négres qui avaient pris des cas- ques et des boucliers pour se mettre 4l’abri. Le vent en enleva d'autres et les colla contre les parois du ravin.” 2 Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165: ‘‘A laprimera barranca. . . . 4 las tres de la tarde hicieron alto, y repentinamente un recio viento les llevé una nube tan cargada, que canso6 horror el granizo, que des- pedia tan gruesos como nueces, huevos de gallina y de ansares, de suerte que era necesario arrodelarse para la resistencia; los caballos dieron estampida y se pusieron en fuga, y no se pudieran hallar si la barranca no los detiene; las tiendas que se habian armado quedaron rotas, y quebradas todas las ollas, cazuelas, comales y demas vasijas; y afligidos con tan varios sucesos, determinaron en aquel dia que fué el de Ascension del Senor de 541, que el ejército se volviese 4 Ligties 4 reparar, como que era tierra abastecida de todo.” WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 507 From here the general sent out to explore the country,' and they found another settlement four days from there? . . . The country was well inhabited, and they had plenty of kidney beans and prunes like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas,* as these people are called, went with the army from here and traveled as far as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs and women and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed to a large ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides speak with the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from these as they had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward the north, and that we would not find any good road thither. After this they began to believe Ysopete. The ravine which the army had now reached was a league wide from one side to the other, with a little bit of a river at the bottom, and there were many groves of mulberry trees near it, and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit that they have in France. They made verjuice from the unripe grapes at this ravine, although there were ripe ones. There were walnuts and the same kind of fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities of prunes like those of Castile. During this journey a Teya was seen to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow, which would be a good shot for a musket. These people are very intelligent; the women are well made and modest. They cover their whole body. They wear shoes and buskins made of tanned skin. The women wear cloaks over their small under petticoats, with sleeves gathered up at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore something like little sanbenitos® with a fringe, which reached half-way down the thigh over the petticoat. The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the country. Up to this pint they had made gs seven days’ marches, traveling 1Herrera, Historia Goncal, dee. vi, lib. ix, cap. xi, xii, ei iii, p. 206, ed. 1728: “La feinnion que este Indio hacia, de lamanera con que se governaban en yna Provincia mas adelante, llamada Harae, i juzgan- dose, que era imposible que alli dexase de haver algunos Christianos perdidos del Armada de Panfilo de Narvaez, Francisco Vazquez acordé de escrivir vna Carta,ila embid con el Indio fiel de aquellos dos, porque el que havia de quedar, siempre le llevaron de Retaguarda, porque el bueno no leviese. . Embiada la Carta, dando cuenta de la jornada que hacia el Exercito, i adonde havia llegado, pidieudo aviso, irelacion de aquella Tierra, i llamando aquellos Christianos, si por caso los huyiese, 0 que avisasen de lo que havian menester para salir de cautiverio.” 24 manera de alixares. The margin reads Alexeres, which I can not find in the atlases. The word means threshing floor, whence Ternaux: ‘‘autres cabanes semblables 4 des bruyéres (alixares).”’ 3Bandelier suggests that the name may have originated in the Indian exclamation, Texia! Texia!— friends! friends !—with which they first greeted the Spaniards. 4Ternaux: ‘il y avait des vignes, des miriers et des rosiers (rosales), dont le fruit que l'on trouve en France, sert en guise de verjus; il y en avait de mir.” ®Captain John Stevens's New Dictionary saysthe sanbenito was ‘‘the badge put upon couverted Jews brought out by the Inquisition, being in the nature of a scapula or a broad piece of cloth hanging before and behind, with a large Saint Andrews cross on it, red and yellow. The name corrupted from Saco Benito, answerable to the sackcloth worn by penitents in the primitive church.’ Robert Tomson, in his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 1555, in Hakluyt, iii, 536, describes his imprisonment by the Holy Office in the city of Mexico: ‘‘ We were brought into the Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast oner a mans head: both flaps hang one before, and another behinde, and in the middest of euery flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on vpon the same, and that is called S, Benito.” 508 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [erH. ANN. 14 6 or 7 leagues aday. It had been the duty of one man to measure and count his steps. They found that it was 250 leagues to the settlements.! When the general Francisco Vazquez realized this, and saw that they had been deceived by the Turk heretofore, and as the provisions were giving out and there was no country around here where they could procure more, he called the captains and ensigns together to decide on what they thought ought to be done.. They all agreed that the general should go in search of Quivira with thirty horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back to Tiguex with all the army. When the men inthe army learned of this decision, they begged their general not to leave them to conduct the further search, but declared that they all wanted to die with him and did not want to go back. This did not do any good, although the general agreed to send messengers to them within eight days saying whether it was best for them to follow him or not, and with this he set off with the guides he had and with Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in chains. Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general reached Quivira. The general started from the ravine with the guides that the Teyas had given him. He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez his army- master, and took with him the men who seemed to him to be most effi- cient, and the best horses. The army still had some hope that the general would send for them, and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and riding post, to repeat their petition. The general arrived—I mean, the guides ran away during the first few days and Diego Lopez had to return to the army for guides, bring- ing orders for the army to return to Tiguex to find food and wait there for the general. The Teyas, as before, willingly furnished him with new guides. Thearmy waited for its messengers and spent a fortnight here, preparing jerked beef to take with them. It was estimated that during this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The number of these that were there without any cows was something incredible. Many fellows were lost at this time who went out hunting and did not get back to the army for two or three days, wandering about the country as if they were crazy, in one direction or another, not knowing how to get back where they started from, although this ravine extended in either direction so that they could find it.2 Every night they took account of who was missing, fired guns and blew trumpets and beat drums and built great fires, but yet some of them went off so far and wandered about so much that all tiis did not give them any help, although it helped others. The only way was to go back where they had killed an animal and start from there in one direction and another until 1'The Tignex country is often referred to as the region where the settlements were. Ternaux says ‘depuis Tiguex jusqn’an dernier village.” ?Compare the Spanish text. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 509 they struck the ravine or fell in with somebody who could put them on the right road. Itis worth noting that the country there is so level that at midday, after one has wandered about in one direction and another in pursuit of game, the only thing to do is to stay near the game quietly until sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and even then they have to be men who are practiced to do it. Those who are not, had to trust themselves to others. The general followed his guides until he reached Quivira, which took forty-eight days’ marching, on account of the great detour they had made toward Florida.! He was received peacefully on account of the guides whom he had. They asked the Turk why he had lied and had guided them so far out of their way. He said that his country was in that direction and that, besides this, the people at Cicuye had asked him to lead them off on to the plains and lose them, so that the horses would die when their provisions gave out, and they would be so weak if they ever returned that they could be killed without any trouble, and thus they could take revenge for what had been done to them. This was the reason why he had led them astray, supposing that they did not know how to hunt or to live without corn, while as for the gold, he did not know where there was any of it. He said this like one who had given up hope and who found that he was being persecuted, since they had begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided them better than he had, and fearing lest those who were there might give some advice by which some harm would come to him. They garroted him, which pleased Ysopete very much, because he had always said that Ysopete was a rascal and that he did not know what he was talking about and had always hindered his talking with anybody. Neither gold nor silver nor any trace of either was found among these people. Their lord wore a copper plate on his neck and prized it highly. The messengers whom the army had sent to the general returned, as I said, and then, as they brought no news except what the alderman had delivered, the army left the ravine and returned to the Teyas, where they took guides who led them back by a more direct road. They readily furnished these, because these people are always roaming over this country in pursuit of the animals and so know it thoroughly. They keep their road in this way: In the morning they notice where the sun rises and observe the direction they are going to take, and then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this they shoot another over it, and in this way they go all day toward the water where they are to end the day. In this way they covered in 25 days 1 Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 206 (ed. 1728): ‘‘ Los treinta Caballos fueron en busca de la Tierra poblada, i hallarén buenos Pueblos, fandados junto 4 Buenos Arroios, que van a dar al Rio Grande, que pasaron. Anduvieron cinco, 6 seis dias por estos Pueblos, llegaron a lo yitimo de Quivira, que decian los Indios ser mucho, i ballaron vn Rio de mas Agua, i poblacion que los otros; i preguntando que si adelante havia otra cosa, dixeron, que de Quivira no hayia sino Harae, i que era de la misma manera en Poblaciones, itamano. . . . Embidse a llamar al Seftor, el qual era vn Hombre grande, y de grandes miembros, de buena proporcion, llevé docientos 7 smbres desnudos, imal cubiertas sus carnes, llevaban Arcos, 1 Flechas, i Plu.~s en las scoc as.’’ Compare Jaramillo’s statement and Coronado’s letter, as discussed in the introduction. 510 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BYH. ANN. 14 what had taken them 37 days going, besides stopping to hunt cows on the way. They found many salt lakes on this road, and there was a great quantity of salt. There were thick pieces of it on top of the water bigger than tables, as thick as four or five fingers. Two or three spans down under water there was salt which tasted better than that in the floating pieces, because this was rather bitter. It was erystal- line. All over these plains there were large numbers of animals like squirrels and a great number of their holes. On its return the army reached the Cicuye river more than 30 leagues below there—I mean below the bridge they had made when they crossed it, and they fol- lowed it up to that place. In general, its banks are covered with a sort of rose bushes, the fruit of which tastes like muscatel grapes.' They grow on little twigs about as high up asaman. It has the parsley leaf. There were unripe grapes and currants (?)? and wild marjoram, The guides said this river joined that of Tiguex more than 20 days from here, and that its course turned toward the east. It is believed that it flows into the mighty river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo), which the men with Don Hernando de Soto discovered in Florida. A painted Indian woman ran away from Juan de Saldibar and hid in the ravines about this time, because she recognized the country of Tiguex where she had been a slave. She fell into the hands of some Spaniards who had entered the country from Florida to explore it in this diree- tion. After I got back to New Spain I heard them say that the Indian told them that she had run away from other men like them nine days, and that she gave the names of some captains; from which we ought to believe that we were not far from the region they discovered, although they said they were more than 200 leagues inland. I believe the land at that point is more than 600 leagues across from sea to sea. As I said, the army followed the river up as far as Cicuye, which it found ready for war and unwilling to make any advances toward peace or to give any food to the army. From there they went on to Tiguex where several villages had been reinhabited, but the people were afraid and left them again. Chapter 22, of how the general returned from Quivira and of other expeditions toward the North. After Don Tristan de Arellano reached Tiguex, about the middle of July, in the year ’42,° he had provisions collected for the coming winter. Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo was sent up the river toward the north with several men. He saw two provinces, one of which was called Hemes and had seven villages, and the other Yuqueyunque.* The inhabitants of Hemes came out peaceably and furnished provisions. At Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very fine villages which 1Ternaux: ‘les rives, qui sont couvertes d'une plante dont le fruit ressemble au raisin muscat. ” 2Compare the Spanish text; Ternaux omits this sentence. 3Castaneda’s date is, as usual, a year later than the actual one. 4Yuge-uing-ge, as Bandelier spells it, is the aboriginal name of a former Tewa village, the site of which is occupied by the hamlet of Chamita, opposite San Juan. The others are near by. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA eylil they had on either side of the river entirely vacant, and went into the mountains, where they had four very strong villages in a rough country, where it was impossible for horses to go. In the two villages there was a great deal of food and some very beautiful glazed earthen- ware with many figures and different shapes. Here they also found many bowls full of a carefully selected shining metal with which they glazed the earthenware. This shows that mines of silver would be found in that country if they should hunt for them. There was a large and powerful river, I mean village, which was called Braba, 20 leagues farther up the river, which our men called Valladolid. The river flowed through the middle of it. The natives crossed it by wooden bridges, made of very long, large, squared pines. At this vil- lage they saw the largest and finest hot rooms or estufas that there were in the entire country, for they had a dozen pillars, each one of which was twice as large around as one could reach and twice as tallas a man. Hernando de Alvarado visited this village when he discovered Cicuye. The country is very high and very cold. The river is deep and very swift, without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo returned from here, leaving the province at peace. Another captain went down the river in search of the settlements which the people at Tutahaco had said were several days distant from there. This captain went down 80 leagues and found four large villages which he left at peace. He proceeded until he found that the river sank into the earth, like the Guadiana in Estremadura.? He did not goon to where the Indians said that it came out much larger, because his com- mission did not extend for more than 80leagues march. After this cap- tain got back, as the time had arrived which the captain had set for his return from Quivira, and as he had not come back, Don Tristan selected 40 companions and, leaving the army to Francisco de Barrionueyo, he started with them in search of the general. When he reached Cicuye the people came out of the village to fight, which detained him there four days, while he punished them, which he did by firing some volleys into the village. These killed several men, so that they did not come out against the army, since two of their principal men had been killed on the first day. Just then word was brought that the general was coin- ing, and so Don Tristan had to stay there on this account also, to keep the road open.? Everybody welcomed the general on his arrival, with great joy. The Indian Xabe, who was the young fellow who had been given to the general at Cicuye when he started off in search of Quivira, was with Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned that the gen- 1Taos, or Te-uat-ha. See Bandelier’s Final Report, vol. i, p. 123, for the identification of these places. ‘This rendering, doubtjess correct, is due to Ternaux. The Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before it begins to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of Estremadura. The Castaneda family had its seat in quite the other end of the peninsula. 3 Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 4., p.165: ‘‘Al cabo de dos meses, poco mas 6 ménos, volvié consu gente el gen- eral 4 Tigiies, y dieron razon que habiendo caminado mas de cien leguas. * * * Quivira se hallo ser un pueblo de hasta cien casas.” 512 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN, 14 eral was coming he acted as if he was greatly pleased, and said, ‘‘ Now when the general comes, you will see that there is gold and silver in Quivira, although not so much as the Turk said.” When the general arrived, and Xabe saw that they had not found anything, he was sad and silent, and kept declaring that there was some. He made many believe that it was so, because the general had not dared to enter into the country on account of its being thickly settled and his force not very strong, and that he had returned to lead his army there after the rains, because it had begun to rain there already, as it was early in August when he left. It took him forty days to return, traveling lightly equipped. The Turk had said when they left Tiguex that they ought not to load the horses with too much provisions, which would tire them so that they could not afterward carry the gold and silver, from which it is very evident that he was deceiving them. . The general reached Cicuye with his force and at once set off for Tiguex, leaving the village more quiet, for they had met him peaceably and had talked with him. When he reached Tiguex, he made his plans to pass the winter there, so as to return with the whole army, because it was said that he brought information regarding large settle- nents and very large rivers, and that the country was very much like that of Spain in the fruits and vegetation and seasons. They were not ready to believe that there was no gold there, but instead had suspicions that there was some farther back in the country, because, although this was denied, they knew what the thing was and had a name for it among themselves—acochis. With this we end this first part, and now we will give an account of the provinces. SECOND PART, WHICH TREATS OF THE HIGH VILLAGES AND PROVINCES AND OF THEIR HABITS AND CUSTOMS, AS COLLECTED BY PEDRO DE CASTANEDA, NATIVE OF THE CITY OF NAJARA. Laus Deo. It does not seem to me that the reader will be satisfied with having seen and understood what I have already related about the expedition, although that has made it easy to see the difference between the report which told about vast treasures, and the places where nothing like this was either found or known. It is to be noted that in place of settlements great deserts were found, and instead of populous cities villages of 200 inhabitants and only 800 or 1,000 people in the largest. Ido not know whether this will furnish grounds for pondering and considering the uncertainty of this life. To please these, I wish to give a detailed account of all the inhabited region seen and discovered by this expe- dition, and some of their ceremonies and habits, in accordance with what we came to know about them, and the limits within which each province falls, so that hereafter it may be possible to understand in what direction Florida lies and in what direction Greater India; and FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LV BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY De ad eae ie: ait Ree Nee seek nate eS ee “de los cueros,cafas,calcado, veltido y fogas:delos huefflas, pungones:delos nerutios,y pelos, hilorde Jos cuernos,buches,y bexigas , vafos:delas boni- “gas,liimbre:y delas terneras , odres , en que traen “y ticnel agua: hazenen fin tantas cofas dello - -quentashan menefter, o quantas las baftan para fi binienda. Ay tambien otros animales, tan grat como cauallos,que por tener cuernes , y lana os laman carneros,y dizen , que cada cuer: pefa dos as. Ay tambien grandes perros Mee gue. 4 THE BUFFALO OF GOMARA, 1554 a WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 513 this land of New Spain is part of the mainland with Peru, and with Greater India or China as well, there not being any strait between to separate them. On the other hand, the country is so wide that there is room for these vast deserts which lie between the two seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos! and then turns toward Norway, while that of the South sea turns toward the west, making another bend down toward the south almost like a bow and stretches away toward India, leaving room for the lands that border on the mountaims on both sides to stretch out in such a way as to have between them these great plains which are full of cattle and many other animals of different sorts, since they are not inhabited, as I will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl there, but no snakes, for they are free” from these. I will leave the account of the return of the army to New Spain until 1 have shown what slight occasion there was for this. We will begin our account with the city of Culiacan, and point out the differences between the one country and the other, on account of which one ought to be settled by Spaniards and the other not. It should be the reverse, however, with Christians, since there are intelligent men in one, and in the other wild animals and worse than beasts. Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs. Culiacan is the last place in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was the first settlement made by Nuno de Guzman when he conquered this kingdom. It is 210 leagues west of Mexico. In this province there are three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The first is that of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent race. They are now the most settled and have received the most light from the faith, They worship idols and make presents to the devil of their goods and riches, consisting of cloth and turquoises. They do not eat human flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep very large snakes, which they venerate. Among them there are men dressed like women who marry other men and serve as their wives. At a great festival they consecrate the women who wish to live unmarried, with much singing and dancing,’ at which all the chiefs of the locality gather and dance naked, and after all have danced with her they put her in a hut that has been decorated for this event and the chiefs adorn her with clothes and bracelets of fine turquoises, and then the chiefs go in one by one to lie with her, and all the others who wish, follow them. From this time on these women can not refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount agreed on for this. Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt them from obliging anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are on market days. The custom is for the husbands to buy the women 1The Newfoundland region. ?Ternaux's rendering. Compare the Spanish text. 3Compare the Spanish. Several words in the manuscript are not very clear. Ternaux omits them, as usual. 30 14 ETH 514 : THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 whom they marry, of their fathers and relatives at a high price, and then to take them to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and see if she is a virgin;'’and if she is not, they have to return the whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk, The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live in the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human flesh.' They are great sodomites, and have many wives, even when these are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured stones, and are much given to witchcraft and sorcery. , The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in possession of a large part of the hilly country and all of the mountains They go hunt- ing for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human flesh, and he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around his house is most feared and respected. They live in settlements and in very rough country, avoiding the plains. In passing from one settlement to another, there is always a ravine in the way which they can not cross, although they can talk together across it.? At the slightest call 500 men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat one another. Thus it has been very hard to subdue these people, on account of the roughness of the country, which is very great. Many rich silver mines have been found in this country. They do not run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea begins on the coast of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the north and ending at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. This country forms its eastern limit, and California the western. From what I have been told by men who had navigated it, it is 30 leagues across from point to point, because they lose sight of this country when they see the other. They say the gulf is over 150 leagues broad (or deep), from shore to shore. The coast makes a turn toward the south at the Firebrand river, bending down to California, which turns toward the west, forming that peninsula which was formerly held to be an island, because it was a low sandy country. It is inhabited by brutish, bestial, naked people who eat their own offal. The men and women couple like animals, the female openly getting down on all fours. Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as far as Chichilticalli. Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats made of plants.’ These are collected into villages, extending along a river from the mountains to the sea. The people are of the same race and Omitted by Ternaux, who (p. 151) calls these the Pacasas. “Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux (p. 152) renders: *‘Is ont soin de batir leurs villages de maniére Ace qu'ils soient séparés les uns des autres par des ravins impossibles A franchir,’’ which is perhaps the meaning of the Spanish. ’Ternaux, p. 156: ‘‘couvertes en nattes de glaieul.’’ The Spanish manuscript is very obscure. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 515 habits as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is much sodomy among them. In the mountain district there is a large population and more settle- ments. These people have a somewhat different language from the Tahues, although they understand each other. It is called Petlatlan because the houses are made of petates or palm-leaf mats.' Houses of this sort are found for more than 240 leagues in this region, to the beginning of the Cibola wilderness. The nature of the country changes here very greatly, because from this point on there are no trees except the pine,’ nor are there any fruits except a few tunas,* mesquites,‘ and pitahayas.° Petlatlan is 20 leagues from Culiacan, and it is 130 leagues from here to the valley of Senora. There are many rivers between the two, with settlements of the same sort of people—for example, Sinoloa, Boyomo, Teocomo, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the Corazones or Hearts, which is in our possession, down the valley of Senora.° Senora 1s a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people. The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos reaching half way down the body.’ The chiefs of the villages go up on some little heights they have made for this purpose, like public criers, and there make proclamations for the space of an hour, regulating those things they have to attend to. They have some little huts for shrines, all over the outside of which they stick many arrows, like a hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for war. All about this province toward the mountains there is a large population in sepa- rate little provinces containing ten or twelve villages. Seven or eight of them, of which I know the names, are Comupatrico, Mochilagua, Arispa, and the Little Valley.’ There are others which we did not see. It is 40 leagues from Senora to the valley of Suya. The town of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo) was established in this valley, where there was 4An account of these people is given in the Trivmphos, lib. 1, cap. ii, p. 6, Andres Perez de Ribas, 5. J. ‘‘Estas [casas] hazian, vnas de varas de monte hincadasen tierra, entretexidas, y atadas con vejucos, que son vnas ramas como de earcaparrilla, muy fuertes, y que duran mucho tiépo. Las paredes que hazia con essa barazon las afortauan con yna tortade barro, para que no las penetrasse el Sol, nilos vientos, cubriendo la casa con madera, y encima tierra, 6 barro, con que hazian agotea, y con esso se contentauan. Otros hazian sus casas de petates q es genero de esteras texidas de caia taxada.”’ Bandelier found the Opata Indians living in houses made with ‘‘a slight foundation of cob- blestones which supported a framework of posts standing in a thin wall of rough stones and nud, while a slanting roof of yucea or palm leaves covered the whole.’’—Final Report, pt. i, p. 58. 2The meaning of this sentence in the Spanish is not wholly clear. Ternaux, p. 156: ‘‘ Cette maniére de bitir . . . change dans cet endroit probablement, parce qu'il n'y a plus d’arbres sans épines.”’ 3 The Opuntia tuna or prickly pear. 4 Prosopis juliflora. 5 Cereus thurberti. 6 Sonora. 7 Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, p. 610 (ed. 1853) ; ‘‘ Todaesta gente, dende las primeras casas del mahiz, andan los hombres muy deshonestos, sin se cobrir cosa alguna de sus personas; 6las mugeres muy honestas, con unas sayas de cueros de venados hasta los piés, 6 con falda que detras les arrastra alguna cosa, 6 abiertas por delante hasta el suelo y enlacadas con unas correas. EK traen debaxo, por donde estén abiertas, una mantilla de algo‘on é otra encima, 6 unas gorgueras de algodon, que les cubren todos los pechos.”” §Ternaux, pp. 157-158: ‘‘ une multitude de tribus A part, réunis en petites nations de sept ou huit, dix ou douze villages, ce sont: Upatrica, Mochila, Guagarispa, El Vallecillo, et d’autres qui son prés des montagues.”” 516 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-\542 [ETH. ANN. 14 arebellion later, and part of the people who had settled there were killed, as will be seen in the third part. There are many villages in the neigh- borhood of this valley. The people are the same as those in Senora and have the same dress and language, habits, and customs, like all the rest as far as the desert of Chichilticalli. The women paint their chins and eyes hike the Moorish women of Barbary. They are great sodomites. They drink wine made of the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great thistle which opens like the pomegranate. The wine makes them stupid. They make a great quantity of preserves from the tuna; they preserve it in a large amount of its sap without other honey. They make bread of the mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good for a whole year.! There are native melons in this country so large that a person ean carry only one of them. They cut these into slices and dry them in the sun. They are good to eat, and taste like figs, and are better than dried meat; they are very good and sweet, keeping for a whole year when prepared in this way.’ In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs esteemed to be something fine.’ No fowls of any sort were seen in any of these villages except in this valley of Suya, where fowls like those of Castile were found. Nobody could find out how they came to be so far inland, the people being all at war with one another. Between Suya and Chichil- ticalli there are many sheep and mountain goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so fast that they disappeared very quickly. At Chichilticalli the country changes its character again and the spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far up as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at the same time that the coast does. Here they had to cross and pass through the mountains in order to get into the level country. Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and habits, and of other things. Chichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this place which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from Cibola. It was made of colored or reddish earth.‘ The house was large and appeared to have been a fortress. It must have been destroyed by the people of the district, who are the most barbarous people that have yet been seen. They live in separate cabins and not in settlements. They live by hunt- 1 Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 111, quotes from the Relaciones of Zarate-Salmeron, of some Arizona Indians: ‘‘ Tambien tienen para su sustento Mescali que es conserva de raiz de maguey.”’ The strong liquor is made from the root of the Mexican or American agave. 2These were doubtless cantaloupes. The southwestern Indians still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that here described. . ’The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zui and Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are highly prized because of their reputed sacred character. *Chichiltic-calh,a red object or house, according to Molina’s Vocabulario Mexicano, 1555. Bandeher, Historical Introduction, p. 11, gives references to the ancient and modern descriptions. The location is discussed on page 387 of the present memoir. ae BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI Ope’ | yt > SB AEE V LAR TT BZ trecefte Floride go larimere de Palme fe trounent Toreau dinerfes efpeces de bestes monfirueufes:entre lefquel= FANUAB*: fos lon peut oir Yne opece de grands tareanx , pre wae tans cornes lon gues fevlement d'vn pié , ex fur ledos = Yne tumueur ow eminence,come vn chameau: le pol ot long par tout le corps,duguel la couleur s‘approche fort = de celle d’-yne mule fauwe ex encores l'eff plus coluy qui eft deffoubs le mento.Lon en amena Yne fuss deux. tous ifs en Efpagne,de lyn defquelsz'ayvewla pea | ex non autre chofe,c~ n'y peurent yiure long temps. ¥ ; | Ceft animal ainfi que lon dit, eft perpetuel ennemy du Pi cheual,cone le peut endurer pres ph Iuy. De la Flori“ Cap de de tirant aw promontoire de Baxe , fe trowwe * apie gant | Baxc, petite rimere,ou Les efclawes Vont pefcher hustres, que Huitres Pott perles.or depuis que fommes Yenws iifque lay?) | - Sortans 7#e de toucher la collection des huitres ne Veux om bP perles. blier par quel moyen, les parles enfont tirdes,tan ane THE BUFFALO OF THEVET, 1558 WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA sly ing. Therest of the country is all wilderness, covered with pine forests. There are great quantities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three times as high as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of oak with sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with dried coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. Watercress grows in many springs, and there are rosebushes, aaa pennyroyal, and wild marjoram. There are barbels and picones,' like those of Spain, in the rivers of this wilderness. Gray lions and leopards were seen.? The country rises continually from the beginning of the wilderness until Cibola is reached, which is 85 leagues, going north. From Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the route had kept the north on the left hand. Cibola’ is seven villages. The largest is called Macaque. The houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Macaque there are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very intelli- gent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They wear long robes of feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets.’ The women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm out. These serve to cover the body. They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress.® 1Ternaux (p. 162) succeeded no better than I have in the attempt to identify this fish. ?Ternaux, p. 162: ‘‘A l’entrée du pays inhabité on rencontre une espéce de lion de couleur fauve.” Compare the Spanish text. These were evidently the mountain lion and the wild cat. 8Albert 8S. Gatschet, in his Zw6lf Sprachen, p. 106, says that this word is now to be found only in the dialect of the pueblo of Isleta, under the form sibuloda, buffalo. 4Matsaki, the ruins of which are at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain. See Bandelier’s Final Report, pt. i, p. 133, and Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola. 6The mantles of rabbit hair are still,;worn at Moki, but those of turkey akan are out of use alto- gether. See Bandelier’s Final Report, pt.i, pp.37 and 158. They used also the fiber of the yuecaand agave for making clothes. 6J.G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal of American Archeology and Ethnology, vol. ii, p. 165 n., says: ‘‘ The dress of the Hopi [Moki, or Tusayan] women consists of a black blanket about 33 feet square, folded around the body from the left side. It passes under the left arm and over the right shoulder, being sewed together on the right side, except a hole about 3 inches long near the upper end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted in at the waist by a sash about 3 inches wide. Sometimes, though not frequently, a shirt is worn under this garment, and a piece of muslin, tied together by two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to be thrown over the shoulders. Most of the women have moccasins, which they put on at certain times.” Gomara, ccxiii, describes the natives of Sibola: ‘‘Hazen con todo esso vnas mantillas de pieles de conejos, y liebres, y de venados, que algodon muy poco alcancan: calgan capatos de cuero, y de inuierno ynas como botas hasta las rodillas. Las mugeres van vestidas de Met] hasta en pies, andan cenidas, trengan los cabellos, y rodeanselos ala cabeca por sobre las orejas. La tierra es arenosa, y de poco fruto, creo q por pereza dellos, pues donde siembran, lleua mayz, frisoles, calabagas, y frutas, y aun se crian en ella gallipauos, que no se hazen en todos cabos.” In his Relacion de Viaje, p. 173, Espejo says of Zuni: ‘‘en esta provincia se visten algunos de los naturales, de mantas de algodon y cueros de las yacas, y de gamuzas aderezadas; y las mantas de algo- don las traen puestas al uso mexicano, eceto que debajo de partes vergonzosas traen unos panos de algodon pintados, y algunos dellos traen camisas, y las mugeres traen naguas de algodon y muchas dellas bordadas con hilo de colores, y encima una manta como la traen los indios mexicanos, y atada con un pano de manos como tohalla labrada, y se lo atan por la cintura con sus borlas, y las naguas son que sirven de faldas de camisa 4 raiz de las carnes, y esto cada una lo trae con la mas ventaja que puede; y todos, asi hombres como mujeres, andan calzados con zapatos y botas, las suelas de cuero 518 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ern ANN. 14 This country is a valley between rocky mountains. They cultivate corn, which does not grow very high. The ears start at the very foot, and each large fat stalk bears about 800 grains, something not seen before in these parts.!. There are large numbers of bears in this proy- ince, and lions, wild-cats, deer, and otter. There are very fine turquoises, although not so many as was reported. They collect the pine nuts each year, and store them up in advance. A man does not have more than one wife. There are estufas or hot rooms in the villages, which are the courtyards or places where they gather for consultation, They do not have chiefs as in New Spain, but are ruled by a council of the oldest men. They have priests who preach to them, whom they call papas.’ These are the elders. They go up on the highest roof of the village and preach to the village from there, like public eriers, in the morning while the sun is rising, the whole village being silent and sitting in the galleries to listen. They tell them how they are to live, and I believe that they give certain commandments for them to keep, for there is no drunken- ness among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat human flesh nor steal, but they are usually at work. The estufas belong to the whole village. It is a sacrilege for the women to go into the estufas to sleep.» They make the cross as a sign of peace. They burn their dead, and throw the implements used in their work into the fire with the bodies.® de vacas, y lo de encima de cuero de venado aderezado; las mugeres traen el cabello muy peinado y bien puesto y con sus moldes que traen en la cabeza uno de una parte y otro de otra, 4 donde ponen el cabello con curiosidad sin traer nengun tocado en la cabeza.” Mota Padilla, xxxii, 4, p. 160: ‘‘ Los indios son de buenas estaturas, las indias bien dispuestas: traen unas mantas blancas, que las cubren desde los hombros hasta los piés y por estar cerradas, tienen por donde sacar los brazos; asimismo, usan traer sobre Jas dichas otras mantas que se ponen sobre el hombro izquierdo, y el un cabo tercian por debajo del brazo derecho como capa: estiman en mucho los cabellos; y asi, los traen muy peinados, y en una jicara de agua, se Miran como en un espejo; par- tense el cabello en dos trenzas, liadas con cintas de algodon de colores, y en cada lado de la cabeza forman dos ruedas 6 cireulos, que dentro de ellos rematan, y dejan la punta del cabello levantado como plumajes y en unas tablitas de hasta tres dedos, fijan con pegamentos unas piedras verdes que llaman chalchi- huites, de que se dice hay minas, como tambien se dice las hubo cerca de Sombrerete, en un real de minas que se nombra Chalchihuites, por estarazon; . . . con dichas piedras forman sortijas que con unos palillos fijan sobre el cabello como ramillete: son las indias limpias, y se precian de no parecer mal.” 1Ternaux, p. 164: ‘‘les épis partent presque tous du pied, et chaque épi a sept ou huit cents grains, ce que l'on n’ayait pas encore vu aux Indes.” The meaning of the Spanish is by no means clear, and there are several words in the manuscript which have been omitted in the translation. 2Ternaux, p.164: ‘‘ni de conseils de vieillards.”’ 3Papa in the Zuni language signifies ‘‘elder brother,”’ and may allude either to age or to rank. 4Dr J. Walter Fewlses, in his Few Summer Ceremonials at the Tusayan Pueblos, p. 7, describes the Da’ wa-wymp-ki-yas, a small number of priests of thesun. Among other duties, they pray to the rising sun, whose course they are said to watch, and they prepare offerings to it. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, says that at Cibola, ‘‘no se vid templo alguno, ni se les conocié idolo, por lo que se tuvo entendido adoraban al sol y 4 la luna, lo que se confirmé, porque una noche que hubo un eclipse, alzaron todos mucha griteria. 5Ternaux, p. 165: ‘‘ Les étuves sont rares dans ce pays. Ils regardent comme un sacrilége que les femmes entrent deux a la fois dans un endroit.” In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 6, Dr Fewkes says that “with the exception of their own dances, women do not take part in the secret kibva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be said that they are debarred entrance as assistants in making the paraphernalia of the dances, or when they are called upon to represent dramatizations of traditions in which women figure.”’ 6Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, im the Compte-rendu of the Congrés International des American- istes, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171-172. speaking of the excavations of ‘‘Los Muertos"’ in southern Arizona, a. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 519 It is 20 leagues to Tusayan, going northwest. This is a province with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the fourteen villages of these two provinces. It is 40 leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending toward the north. The rock of Acuco, which we described in the first part, is between these. Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tiguex and its neighborhood, Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large, mighty river; some villages on one side and some on the other. Itisa spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough, snow-covered mountain chain hes east of it. There are seven villages in the ridges at the foot of this—four on the plain and three situated on the skirts of the mountain. There are seven villages 7 leagues to the north, at Quirix, and the seven villages of the province of Hemes are 40 leagues northwest. It is 40 leagnes north or east to Acha,' and 4 leagues southeast to Tuta- says: ‘‘All theskeletons, especially of adults [in the intramural burials], were, with but few exceptions, disposed with the heads to the east and slightly elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face the west; and the hands were usualiy placed at the sides or crossed over the breast. With nearly all were paraphernalia, household utensils, articles of adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite invariably partook of a sacerdotal character.’ Inthe pyral mounds outside the communal dwellings, ‘‘ each burial consisted of a vessel, large or small, according to the age of the person whose thoroughly cremated remains it was designed to receive, together, ordinarily, with traces of the more valued and smaller articles of personal property sacrificed at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover (roughly rounded by chipping) of potsherds, which latter, in most eases, showed traces of having been firmly cemented, by means of mud plaster, to the vessels they covered. Again, around each such burial were found always from two or three to ten or a dozen broken vessels, often, indeed, a complete set; namely, eating and drinking bowls, water-jar and bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles large and small, and cooking-pot. Sometimes, however, one or another of these vessels actually desfgned for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used as the receptacle of his or her remains. In every such case the vessel had been either punctured at the bottom or on one side, or else violently cracked—from Zuni customs, in the process of ‘killing’ it.” The remains of other articles were around, burned in the same fire. Since the above note was extracted, excavations have been conducted by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes at the prehistoric Hopi pueblo of Sikyatki, an exhaustive account of which will be published in a forth- coming report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sikyatki is located at the base of the First Mesa of Tusayan, about 3 miles from Hano. The house structures were situated onan elongated elevation, the western extremity of the village forming a sort of acropolis. On the northern, western, and southern slopes of the height, outside the village proper, cemeteries were found, and in these most of the excavations were conducted. Many graves were uncovered at a depth varying from 1 foot to 10 feet, but the skeletons were in such condition as to be practically beyond recovery. Accompany- ing these remains were hundreds of food and water vessels in great variety of form and decoration, and in quality of texture far better than any earthenware previously recovered from a pueblo people. With the remains of the priests there were found, in addition to the usual utensils, terra cotta and stone pipes, beads, prayer-sticks, quartz crystals, arrowpoints, stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and other paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hopi of today. The house walls were con- structed of small, flat stones brought from the neighboring mesa, laid in adobe mortar and plastered with the same material. The rooms were invariably small, averaging perhaps 8 feet square, and the walls were quite thin. No human remains were found in the houses, nor were any evidences of cremation observed. Mota Padilla, cap, xxxii, 5, p. 160, describes a funeral which was witnessed by the soldiers of Coro nado’s army: “‘en una ocasion vieron los espanoles, que babiendo muerto un indio, armaron una grande balsa 6 luminaria de lena, sobre que pusieron el cuerpo cubierto con una manta, y luego todos los del pueblo, hombres y mujeres, fueron poniendo sobre la cama de lena, pinole, calabazas, frijoles, atole, maiz tostado, y de lo demas que usaban comer, y dieron fuego por todas partes, de suerte que en breve todo se convirtié en cenizas con el cuerpo, ”' 'The pueblo of Picuris. 520 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 haco, a province with eight villages. In general, these villages all have the same habits and customs, although some have some things in par- ticular which the others have not.! They are governed by the opinions of the elders. They all work together to build the villages, the women being engaged in making the mixture and the walls, while the men bring the wood and put it in place.” They have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is almost as good as mortar, for when the house is to have four stories, they do not make the walls more than half a yard thick. They gather a great pile of twigs of thyme and sedge grass and set it afire, and when it 1s half coals and ashes they throw a quantity of dirt and water on it and mix it all together. They make round balls of this, which they use instead of stones after they are dry, fixing them with the same mixture, which comes to be like a stiff clay. Before they are married the young men serve the whole village in general, and fetch the wood that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in the courtyard of the villages, from which the women take it to carry to their houses. The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the village. They are underground, square or round, with pine pillars. 1 Bandelier gives a general account of the internal condition of the Pueblo Indians, with references to the older Spanish writers, in his Final Report, pt.i, p. 135. 2Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 141, quotes from Benavides, Memorial, p. 43, the following account of how the churches and convents in the pueblo region were built: ‘‘los ha hecho tan solaméte las mugeres, y los muchachos, y muchachas de la dotrina; porque entre estos naciones se ysa hazer las mugeres las paredes, y los hombres hilan y texen sus mantas, y van 4 la guerra, y a la caza, y si obli- gamos a algii hombre 4 hazer pared, se corre dello, y las mugeres se rien.” Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p.159: ‘‘estos pueblos [de Tigiies y Tzibola] estaban murados . . . si bien se diferenciaban en que los pueblos de Tzibola son fabricados de pizarras unidas con argamasa de tierra; y los de Tigiies son de una tierra gilijosa, aunque muy fuerte ; sus fabricas tienen las puertas para adentro del pueblo, y la entrada de estos muros son puertas pequenas y se sube por unas escalerillas angostas, y se entra deellas 4 una sala de terraplen, y por otra escalera se baja al plan de la poblacion."» Several days before Friar Marcos reached Chichilticalli, the natives, who were telling him about Cibola, described the way in which these lofty houses were built: ‘‘ para darmelo 4 entender, tomaban tierra y ceniza, y echabanle agna, y senalabanme como ponian la piedra y como subian el edificio arriba, poniendo aquello y piedra hasta ponello en lo alto; preguntébales 4 los hombres de aquella tierra si tenian alas para subir aquellos sobrados; reianse y senalabanme el escalera, tambien como la podria yo senalar, y tomaban un palo y ponianlo sobre la cabeza y decian que aquel altura hay de sobrado 4 sobrado."’ Relacion de Fray Marcos in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. ini, p. 339. Lewis H. Morgan, in his Ruins of a Stone Pueblo, Peabody Museum Reports, vol. xii, p. 541, says: “Adobe is a kind of pulverized clay with a bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohesion. In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New Mexico there are immense tracts covered with what is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat in the degree of its excellence. The kind of which they make their pottery has the largest per cent of‘alumina, and its presence is indicated by the salt weed which grows in this particular soil. This kind also makes the best adobe mortar. The Indians use it freely in laying their walls, as freely as our masons use lime mortar; and although it never acquires the hardness of cement, itdisintegrates slowly . . . Thisadobe mortar is adapted only to the dry climate of southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, where the precipitation isless than 5inches perannum . . . To the presence of this adobe soil, found in such abundance in the regions named, and to the sandstone of the bluffs, where masses are often found in fragments, we must attribute the great progress made by these Indians in house building.” 3Bandelier discusses the estufas in his Final Report, pt. i, p. 144 ff., giving quotations from the Spanish writers, with his usual wealth of footnotes. Dr Fewkes, in his Zuni Summer Ceremonials, says: “These rooms are semisubterranean (in Zuni), situated on the first or ground floor. never, so far as Lhave seen, on the second or higher stories. They are rectangular or square rooms, built of stone, with openings just large enough to admit the head serving as windows, and still preserve the old form of entrance by ladders through a sky hole inthe roof. Within, the estufas have bare walls and are unfurnished, but have a raised ledge about the walls, serving as seats.” FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVII BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY IMAGNAE , RE’ HCENS ET VE’: JRA. @MESCRIP: | TIO 9595. - Pa ace (& sites, ae 2a uae, THE BUFFALO OF DE BRY, 1595 = = ° ~ ae a : - io ie 7 - ; J “* : WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 521 Some were seen with twelve pillars and with four in the center as large as two men could stretch around. They usually had three or four pil- lars. The floor was made of large, smooth stones, like the baths which they have in Europe. They have a hearth made like the binnacle or compass box of a ship,' in which they burn a handful of thyme at a time to keep up the heat, and they can stay in there just as in a bath. The top was on a level with the ground. Some that were seen were large enough for a game of ball. When any man wishes to marry, it has to be arranged bythose who govern. Theman has to spin and weave a blanket and place it before the woman, who covers herself with it and becomes his wife. The houses belong to the women, the estufasto the men. If a man repudiates his woman, he has to go to the estufa.* It is forbidden for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter these for any purpose except to give their husbands or sons something to eat. The men spin and weave. The women bring up the children and prepare the food. The country is so fertile that they do not have to break up the ground the year round, but only have to sow the seed, which is presently covered by the fall of snow, and the ears come up under the snow. In one year they gather enough for seven. A very large number of cranes and wild geese and crows and starlings live on what is sown, and for all this, when they come to sow for another year, the fields are covered with corn which they have not been able to finish gathering. There are a great many native fowl in these provinces, and cocks with great hanging chins.‘ When dead, these keep for sixty days, and longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and without any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men. The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to excrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they empty 1 The Spanishis almostillegible. Ternaux(pp.169-170) merely says: ‘‘Au milieu estun foyerallumé.’ 2Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 160: *‘En los casamientos [a Tigiies] hay costumbre, que cuando un mozo da en servir i una doncella, la espera en la parte donde va 4 acarrear-agua, y coge el céntaro, con cuya demostracion manifiesta a los deudos de ella, la voluntad de casarse: no tienen estos indios mas que una muger.” Villagra, Historia de la Nueva Mexico, canto xv, fol. 135: Y tienen vna cosa aquestas gentes, Que en saliendo las mozas de donzellas, Son 4 todos comunes, sin escusa, Con tal que se lo paguen, v sin paga, Es yna vil bageza, tal delito, Mas luego que se casan viuen castas, Contenta cada qual con su marido, Cuia costumbre, con la grande fuerga, Que por naturaleza ya tenian, Teniendo por certissimo nosotros, Seguiamos tambien aquel camino, Tuntaron muchas martas bien pintadas, Para aleangar las damas Castellanas, Que mucho apetecieron y quisieron. It is hoped that a translation of this poem, valuable to the historian and to the ethnologist, if not to the student of literature, may be published in the not distant future. 3This appears to be the sense of a sentence which Ternaux omits. 4The American turkey cocks. 522 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ann. 14 at a distance from the village.| They keep the separate houses where they prepare the food for eating aud where they grind the meal, very clean. This is a separate room or closet, where they have a trough with three stones fixed in stiffclay. Three women go in here, each one hav- ing a stone, with which one of them breaks the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it again.? They take off their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes, and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the door playing on a fife while they grind, moy- ing the stones to the music and singing together. They grind a large , quantity at one time, because they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like wafers. They gather a great quantity of brushwood and dry it to use for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits good to eat in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their preachers. Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human flesh nor make sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had Francisco de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, and when the village was captured, he was found among their dead, whole and without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a whole year. I asked him especially for the reason why the young women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be, and he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they took a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their long robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware glazed with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship, which were worth seeing.* 1 A custom still common at Zuni and other pueblos. Before the introduction of manufactured dyes the Hopi used urine as a mordant. 2 Mr Owens, in the Journalof American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. ii, p. 163 n., describes these mealing troughs: ‘‘In every house will be found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 8 inches deep, divided into three or more compartments. In the older houses the sides and partitions are made of stone slabs, but in some of the newer ones they are made of boards. Within each compartment is a stone (trap rock preferred) about 18 inches long and a foot wide, set in a bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 35°. This is not quite in the center of the compartment, but is set about 3 inches nearer the right side than the left, and its higher edge is against the edge of the trough. This con- stitutes the nether stone of the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches long, 3 inches wide, and varies in thickness according to the fineness of the meal desired. The larger stone is called a mata and the smaller one a matéki. The woman places the corn in the trough, then kneels behind it and grasps the matikiin both hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back, back and forth over the miata. At intervals she releases her hold with her left hand and with it places the material to be ground upon the upper end of the mita. She usually sings in time to her grinding motion.” There is a more extended account of these troughs in Mindeleff’s Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p.208. This excellent monograph, with its wealth of illus- trations, is an invaluable introduction to any study of the southwestern village Indians. Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii,3,p.159: ‘tienen las indias sus cocinas con mucho aseo, y en el moler el maiz se diferencian de las demas poblaciones [4 Tigiies], porque en una piedra mas aspera martajan el maiz, y pasa 4 la segunda y tercera, de donde le sacan en polvo como harina; no usan tortillas que son el pan de las indias y lo fabrican con primor, porque en unas ollas ponen 4 darle al maiz un cocimi- ento coy una poca de cal, de donde lo sacan ya con el nombre de mixtamal.” : See W.H. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- nology; also his Illustrated Catalogue of a portion of the collections made during the tield season of 1881, in the Third Annual Report. See p.519n., regarding pottery found at Sikyatki. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA §23 Chapter 5, of Oicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how some people came to conquer this country. We have already said that the people of Tignex and of all the prov- inces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same ways of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say any- thing particular aboutthem. I wish merely to give an account of Cicuye and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct road which it followed thither, and of others that were across the snowy mountains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the river. Cicuye! is a village of nearly five hundred warriors, who are feared throughout that country. It is square, situated on arock, with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder. There are corridors going all around it at the first two stories, by which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these.? The houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The village is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There 1s a spring of water inside, which they are able to divert. The people of this village boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are like those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until they take husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong then it will be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to be ashamed because they go around as they were born. There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena,‘ and another village almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.° This was alarge village, and judging from its condition and newness it appeared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the granaries or silos, because large underground cellars were found here stored with corn. There was another large village farther on, entirely destroyed and 'Bandelier, in his Visit to Pecos, p. 114, n., states that the former name of the pueblo was Aquin, and suggests the possibility of Castaneda having originally written Acuyé. The Relacion del Suceso, translated here, has Acuique. As may be seen by examining the Spanish Lext, the Lenox manu- script copy of Castaneda spells the name of this village sometimes Cicuye and sometimes Cicuye. ‘ ‘Compare Bandelier’s translation of this description, from Ternaux’s text. im his Gilded Man, p. 206. See the accompanying illustrations, especially of Zuni, which give an excellent idea of these terraces or ‘‘corridors”’ with their attached balconies. 8The spring was ‘‘still trickling out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west sill’ when Ban- delier sketched it in 1880. “The former Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half northeast of the present town of the same name, in Santa Fé county. 5 According to Mota Padilla, this was called Coquite. 524 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (EYH. ANN.14 pulled down, in the yards of which there were many stone balls, as big as 12-quart bowls, which seemed to have been thrown by engines or catapults, which had destroyed the village. All that I was able to find out about them was that, sixteen years before, some people called Teyas,! had come to this country in great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged Cicuye but had not been able to cap- ture it, because it was strong, and when they left the region, they had made peace with the whole country. It seems as if they must have been a powerful people, and that they must have had engines to knock down the villages. The only thing they could tell about the direction these people came from was by pointing toward the north. They usually call these people Teyas or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or braves,” for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the people in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they (the Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter under the wings of the settlements. The’inhabitants do not dare to let them come inside, because they can not trust them. Although they are received as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the vil- lages over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the for- tresses of Spain. There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy mountains, one of which has been half destroyed by the people already referred to. These were under therule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a little valley between mountain chains and mountains covered with large pme torests. There is a little stream which contains very good trout and otters, and there are very large bears and good falcons hereabouts. Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in the country of the terraced houses, and their population. Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and settlements and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for the reader to know how large the settlements were, where the houses with stories, gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an extent of country they occupied. As I say, Cibola is the first: Cibola, seven villages. Tusayan, seven villages. The rock of Acuco, one. 1These Indians were seen by Coronado during his journey across the plains. As Mr Hodge has sug: gested, they may have been the Comanches, who on many occasions are known to have made inroads on the pueblo of Pecos. q 2Ternaux's rendering of the uncertain word teules in the Spanish text. Molina, i» the Vocabulario Mexicano (1555), fol. 36, has ““brano hombre . . . tlauele.’’ Gomara speaks of the chichimecas in the quotation in the footnote on page 529. The term was applied to all wild tribes *Bandeher, Final Report, pt. i, p. 34: ‘‘ With the exception of Acoma, there is not asingle pueblo stand- ing where it was at the time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de Onate accomplished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican village Indians." Compare with the discussion in this part of lus Final Report, Mr Bandeher’s attempt to identify the various clusters of villages, in his Historical Introduction, pp. 22-24. INNZ LY S3OVYYHSL SHL NO WAT “Id = L¥Od3H IWANNVY HLN33LYHNOF ADOIONHL] 40 NvaHNe WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 525 Tiguex, twelve villages. Tutahaco,' eight villages. These villages were below the river. Quirix,’ seven villages. In the snowy mountains, seven villages. Ximena,’ three villages. Cicuye, one village. Hemes,' seven villages. Aguas Calientes,‘ or Boiling Springs, three villages. Yuqueyunque,’ in the mountains, six villages. Valladolid, called Braba,* one village. Chia,’ one village. In all, there are sixty-six villages.’ Tiguex appears to be in the center of the villages. Valladolid is the farthest up the river toward the northeast. The four villages down the river are toward the south- east, because the river turns toward the east.? It is 130 ieagues—10 more or less—from the farthest point that was seen down the river to the farthest point up the river, and all the settlements are within this region. Including those at a distance, there are sixty-six villages in all, as I have said, and in all of them there may be some 20,000 men, which may be taken to be a fair estimate of the population of the villages. There are no houses or other buildings between one village and another, but where we went it is entirely uninhabited.” These people, since they are few, and their manners, government, and habits are so different from all the nations that have been seen and discovered in these western regions, must come from that part of Greater India, the coast of which lies to the west of this country, for they could have come down from that country, crossing the mountain chains and following down the river, settling in what seemed to them the best place.!' As they multiplied, they have kept on making settlements until they lost the river when it buried itself underground, its course being in the direction of Florida. It comes down from the northeast, where they” could certainly have found signs of villages. He preferred, however, to follow the reports of !For the location of this group of pueblos see page 492, note. ?The Queres district, now represented by Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castaneda’s Chia), and Cochiti. Acomaand Laguna, to the westward, belong to the same linguistic group. Laguna, however, is a modern pueblo. 3One of these was the Tano pueblo of Galisteo, as noted on page 523. 4The Jemes pueblo clusters in San Diego and Guadalupe canyons. See pl. LXx. 5'The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the village of Chamita, above Santa Fé, now stands. ®Taos. 7The Keres or Queres pueblo of Sia. SAs Ternaux observes, Castaneda mentions seventy-one. Sia may not have been the only village which he counted twice. *The trend of the river in the section of the old pueblo settlements is really westward. ‘0 Compare the Spanish text. "The Tusayan Indians belong to the same linguistic stock as the Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Ban- nock, and others. The original habitat of the main body of these tribes was in the far north, although certain clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. See Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 108 12 The Spaniards under Coronado. The translation does not pretend to correct the rhetoric or the grammar of the text. 526 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (RTH. ANN. 14 the Turk, but it would have been better to cross the mountains where this river rises. I believe they would have found traces of riches and would have reached the lands from which these people started, which from its location is on the edge of Greater India, although the region is neither known nor understood, because from the trend of the coast it appears that the land between Norway and China is very far up.! The country from sea to sea is very wide, judging from the location of both coasts, as well as from what Captain Villalobos discovered when he went in search of China by the sea to the west,’ and from what has been dis- covered on the North sea concerning the trend of the coast of Florida toward the Bacallaos, up toward Norway.* To return then to the proposition with which I began, I say that the settlements and people already named were all that were seen in a region 70 leagues wide and 130 long, in the settled country along the river Tiguex.!. In New Spain there are not one but many establish- ments, containing a larger number of people. Silver metals were found in many of their villages, which they use for glazing and painting their earthenware.° Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows, and of the people who inhabit them. We have spoken of the settlements of high houses which are situated in what seems to be the most level and open part of the mountains, since it is 150 leagues across before entering the level country between the two mountain chains which I said were near the North sea and the South sea, which might better be called the Western sea along this coast. This mountain series is the one which is near the South sea.®° In order to show that the settlements are in the middle of the mountains, I will state that it is 80 leagues from Chichilticalli, where we began to cross this country, to Cibola; from Cibola, which is the first village, to Cicuye, which is the last on the way across, is 70 leagues; it is 30 leagues from Cicuye to where the plains begin. It may be we went across in an indirect or roundabout way, which would make it seem as if there was more country than if it had been crossed in a direct line, and it may be more difficult and rougher. This can not be known cer- tainly, because the mountains change their direction above the bay at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. 1Ternaux, p. 184: ‘‘D'aprés la route qu'ils ont suivie, ils ont di venir de l'extrémité de 1’ Inde orien- tale, et d'une partie trés-inconnue qui, d'aprés la configuration des cétes, serait située trés-avant dans l'intérieur des terres, entre la Chine et la Norwége.” 2See the Carta escrita por Santisteban «& Mendoza, which tells nearly everything that is known of the voyage of Villalobos. We can only surmise what Castaneda may have known about it. ‘The Spanish text fully justifies Castaneda's statement that he was not skilled in the arts of rhet- oric and geography. ‘Compare the Spanish text. I here follow Ternaux's rendering. 5Inanote Ternaux, p. 185, says: ‘‘ Le [dernier] mot est illisible, mais comme l’auteur parle de certain émail que les Espagnols trouvérent, . . . j'ai eru pouvoir hasarder cette interprétation.”” The word is legible enough, but the letters do not make any word for which I can find a meaning. ®More than once Castaieda seems to be addressing those about him where he is writing in Culiacan. a INNZ LY LYNOD 310CIN ADOIONH 13 40 Nvayne KIT “Id = LYOd3Y¥ IWONNY HLN331LYNO4 WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 527 Now we will speak of the plains. The country is spacious and level, and is more than 400 leagues wide in the part between the two moun- tain ranges—one, that which Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, and the other that which the force under Don Fernando de Soto crossed, near the North sea, entering the country from Florida. No settlements were seen anywhere on these plains. In traversing 250 leagues, the other mountain range was not seen, nor a hill nor a hillock which was three times as high asa man. Sey- eral lakes were found at intervals; they were round as plates, a stone’s throw or more across, some fresh and some salt. The grass grows tall near these lakes; away from them it is very short, a span or less. The country is like a bowl, so that when a man sits down, the horizon sur- rounds him all around at the distance of a musket shot.’ There are no groves of trees except at the rivers, which flow at the bottom of some ravines where the trees grow so thick that they were not noticed until one was right on the edge of them. They are of dead earth.? There are paths down into these, made by the cows when they go to the water, which is essential throughout these plains. As I have related in the first part, people follow the cows, hunting them and tanning the skins to take to the settlements in the winter to sell, smce they go there to pass the winter, each company going to those which are nearest, some to the settlements at Cicuye,* others toward Quivira, and others to the settlements which are situated in the direction of Florida. These people are called Querechos and Teyas. They described some large settle- ments, and judging from what was seen of these people and from the accounts they gave of other places, there are a good many more of these people than there are of those at the settlements.t They have better figures, are better warriors, and are more feared. They travel like the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles® and having Moorish pack saddles with girths.° When the load gets disarranged, the dogs howl, calling some one to fix them right. These people eat raw flesh and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh. They are a kind people and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They are able to make themselves very well understood by means of signs. They dry the flesh in the sun, cutting it thin like a leaf, and when dry they grind it hke meal to keep it and make a sort of sea soup of it to eat. A handful thrown into a pot swells up so as to increase very 1 Ternaux omits all this, evidently failing completely in the attempt to understand this description of the rolling western prairies. 2Compare the Spanish. This also is omitted by Ternaux 3 Espejo, Relacion, p. 180: ‘‘los serranos acuden 4 servir 4 los de las poblaciones, y los de las pobla- ciones les llaman 4 estos, querechos; tratan y contratan con los de las poblaciones, llevandoles sal y caza, venados, conejos y liebres y gamuzas aderezadas y otros géneros de cosas, 4 trueque de mantas de algodon y otras cosas cén que les satisfacen la paga el gobierno.” 4 Compare the Spanish. 5 The well known travois of the plains tribes. ® Benavides: Memorial (1630), p. 74: ‘* Y las tiendas las lleuan cargadas en requas de perros aparejados co sus en xalmillas, y son los perros medianos, y suclé lleuar quiniétos perros en yna requa vno delante de otro, y la gente leua cargada su mercaduria, que trueca por ropa de algodon, y por otras cosas de q carecen.”’ 528 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN, 14 much. They season it with fat, which they always try to secure when they kill a cow.! They empty a large gut and fill it with blood, and carry this around the neck to drink when they are thirsty. When they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass and drink the juice that remains behind, because they say that this contains the essence of the stomach. They cut the hide open at the back and pull it off at the joints, using a flint as large as a finger, tied in a little stick, with as much ease as if working with a good iron tool. They give it an edge with their own teeth. The quickness with which they do this is something worth seeing and noting.’ There are very great numbers of wolves on these plains, which go around with the cows. They have white skins. The deer are pied with white. Their skin is loose, so that when they are killed it can be pulled off with the hand while warm, coming off like pigskin.* The rabbits, which are very numerous, are so foolish that those on horseback killed them with their lances. This is when they are mounted among the cows. They fly from a person on foot. Chapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information about it. Quivira is to the west of those ravines, in the midst of the country, somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the country is level as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some mountain chains. The country is well settled. Judging from what was seen on the bor- ders of it, this country is very similar to that of Spain in the varieties of vegetation and fruits. There are plums like those of Castile, grapes, nuts, mulberries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, and large quantities of flax, but this does not do them any good, because they do not know how to use it! The people are of almost the same sort and appear- ance as the Teyas. They have villages like those in New Spain. The houses are round, without a wall, and they have one story like a loft, under the roof, where they sleep and keep their belongings. The roofs 'Pemmican 2 Mota Padilla, eap. xxxii, 2, p. 165: ‘‘ Habiendo andado cuatro jornadas por estos llanos, con grandes neblinas, advirtieron los soldados rastro como de picas de lanzas arrastradas por el suelo, y llevados por la curiosidad, le siguieron hasta dar con cincuenta gandules, que con sus familias, seguian wnas manadas de dichas vacas, y en unos perrillos no corpulentos, cargaban unas varas y pieles, con las que forma- ban sus tiendas 6 toritos, en donde se entraban para resistir el sol 6 el agua. Los indios son de buena estatura, y no se supo si eran haraganes 6 tenian pueblos; presumidse los tendrian, porque ninguna de las indias llevaba nino pequeno; andaban vestidas con unos faldellines de cuero de venado de la cintura para abajo, y del mismo cuero unos capisayos 6 vizcainas, con que se cubren; traen unas medias calzas de cuero adobado y sandalias de cuero crudo: ellos andan desnudos, y cuando mas les aflige el frio, se cubren con cueros adobados; no usan, ni los hombres ni las mujeres, cabello largo, sino trasquilados, y de media cabeza para la frente rapados 4 navaja; usan por armas las flechas, y con los sesos de las mismas vacas benefician y adoban los cueros: llamanse cibolos, y tienen mas impetu para embestir que los toros, aunque no tanta fortaleza; y en las fiestas reales que se celebraron en la ciudad de México por la jura de nuestro rey D. Luis I, hizo el conde de San Mateo de Valparaiso se llevase una cibola para que se torease, y por solo verla se despoblé México, por hallar lugar en la plaza, que le fué muy utilal tabla jero aquel dia.” 3 Compare the Spanish. Omitted by Ternaux. 4 Mr Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska Historical Society, vol. i, p. 198, shows how closely the descriptions of Castateda, Jaramillo, and the others on the expedition, harmonize with the flora and fauna of his State. .ANOO1WE,, DNIMOHS ‘LYNOO INNZ i § 4 | i/ ASONIONH13 40 Nvauna x1 Id = 1HOd3Y TVONNY HiN33LHNOS WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 529 are of straw. There are other thickly settled provinces around it con- taining large numbersof men. A friar named Juan de Padilla remained in this province, together with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and a half-blood and some Indians from the province of Capothan,' in New Spain. They killed the friar because he wanted to go to the province of the Guas,” who were their enemies. The Spaniard escaped by taking flight on a mare, and afterward reached New Spain, coming out by way of Panuco. The Indians from New Spain who accompanied the friar were allowed by the murderers to bury him, and then they followed the Spaniard and overtook him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese, named Campo.* The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo),* which Don Fer- nando de Soto discovered in the country of Florida, flows through this country. It passes through a province called Arache, according to the reliable accounts which were obtained here. The sources were not visited, because, according to what they said, it comes from a very distant country in the mountains of the South sea, from the part that sheds its waters onto the plains. It flows across all the level country and breaks through the mountains of the North sea, and comes out where the people with Don Fernando de Soto navigated it. This is more than 300 leagues from where it enters the sea. On account of this, and also because it has large tributaries, it is so mighty when it enters the sea that they lost sight of the land before the water ceased to be fresh.° This country of Quivira was the last that was seen, of which I am able to give any description or information. Now it is proper for me to return and speak of the army, which I left in Tiguex, resting for the winter, so that it would be able to proceed or return m search of these seittle- ments of Quivira, which was not accomplished after all, because it was 1Ternaux, p. 194, read this Capetlan. *Ternaux, ibid., miscopied it Guyas. ‘Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 207 (ed. 1730): ‘‘ Toda esta Tierra [Qui- vira] tiene mejor aparencia, que ninguna de las mejores de Europa, porque no es mui doblada, sino de Lomas, Llanos, i Rios de hermosa vista, i buena para Ganados, pues la experiencia lo mostraba. Hallaronse Ciruelas de Castilla, entre coloradas, i verdes, de mui gentil sabor; entre las Vacas se halld Lino, que produce la Tierra, mui perfecto, que como el Ganado no lo come, se queda por alli con sus cabecuelas, i flor azul; ien algunos Arroios, se hallaron Vbas de buen gusto, Moras, Nueces, i otras Frutas ; las Casas, que estos Indios tenian eran de Paja, muchas de ellas redondas, que la Paja llegaba hasta el suelo, i encima vna como Capilla, 6 Garita, de donde se asomaban.”’ Gomara, cap. cexiiii: ‘‘ Esta Quinira en quarenta grados, es tierra templada, de buenas aguas, de muchas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezes, melones, y vuas, que maduran bien: no ay algodon, y visten cueros de vacas, y venados. Vieron por la costa naos, que trayan arcatrazes de oro, y de plata en las proas, cd mercaderias, y pensaron ser del Catayo, y China, porg senalauan auer navegado treynta dias. Fray Inan de Padilla se quedo en Tiguex, con otro frayle Francisco, y torno a Quinira, con hasta doze Indios de Mechuacan, y con Andres do Campo Portugues, hortelano de Francisco de Solis. Lleuo caualgaduras, y azemilas con prouision. Leuo ouejas, y gallinas de Castilla, y ornamentos para dezir missa. Los de Quiuira mataron a los frayles, y escapose el Portugues, con algunos Mechuacanes. El qual, aun que se libro entonces de la muerte, no se libro de catiuerio, porque luego le prendieron: mas de allia diez meses, que fue esclano, huyo con dos perros. Santiguaua por el camino con yna cruz, aque le ofrecian mucho, y do quiera que llegaua, le dauan limosna, aluergue, y de comer. Vino a tierra de Chichimecas, y aporto a Panuco.” 4The Mississippi and Missouri rivers, 6This is probably a reminiscence of Cabeza de Vaca’s narrative. 14 ETH 34 530 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 God’s pleasure that these discoveries should remain for other peoples and that we who had been there should content ourselves with saying that we were the first who discovered it and obtained any information concerning it, just as Hercules knew the site where Julius Ceasar was to found Seville or Hispales. May the all-powerful Lord grant that His will be done in everything. It is certain that if this had not been His will Francisco Vazquez would not have returned to New Spain with- out cause or reason, as he did, and that it would not have been left for those with Don Fernando de Soto to settle such a good country, as they have done, and besides settling it to increase its extent, after obtaining, as they did, information from our army.' THIRD PART, WHICH DESCRIBES WHAT HAPPENED TO FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO DURING THE WINTER, AND HOW HE GAVE UP THE EXPEDITION AND RETURNED TO NEW SPAIN. Laus Deo. Chapter 1, of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with some men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New Spain. At the end of the first part of this book, we told how Francisco Vazquez Coronado, when he got back from Quivira, gave orders to winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when the winter was over, with his whole army to discover all the settlements in those regions. Don Pedro de Tovar, who had gone, as we related, to conduct:a force from the city of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo), arrived in the meantime with the men whom he had brought. He had not selected the rebels and seditious men there, but the most experienced ones and the best soldiers—men whom he could trust—wisely considering that he ought to have good men in order to go in search of his general in the country of the Indian called Turk. Although they found the army at Tiguex when they arrived there, this did not please them much, because they had come with great expectations, believing that they would find their general in the rich country of the Indian called Turk. They consoled themselves with the hope of going back there, and lived in anticipation of the pleasure of undertaking this return expedition, which the army would soon make to Quivira. Don Pedro de Tovar brought letters from New Spain, both from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and from individuals. Among these was one for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, which informed him of the death of his brother, the heir, and summoned him to Spain to receive the inheritance. On this account he was given permission, and left Tiguex with several other persons who 1Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 4, p. 166, gives his reasons for the failure of the expedition: ‘‘ It was most likely the chastisement of God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, when this ought to have been the secondary object of the expedition, and the conversion of all those heathen their first aim, they bartered with fate and struggled after the secondary; and thus the misfortune is not so much that all those labors were without fruit, but the worst is that such a number of souls have remained in their blindness.” YOINSLNI INNZ fa) ‘41VOLIW “1M AB HOLSHS HSL4V ifn ae iz ah . eth : t SO10N O IX7 Id 148Od3¥ IVWNNNY HLIN33LuNOS ASOVONH1I3 30 Nv3auNe y WINSHIP} TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA aol! received permission to go and settle their affairs. There were many others who would have liked to go, but did not, in order not to appear faint-hearted. During this time the general endeavored to pacity sev- eral villages in the neighborhood which were not well disposed, and to make peace with the people at Tiguex. He tried also to procure some of the cloth of the country, because the soldiers were almost naked and poorly clothed, full of lice, which they were unable to get rid of or avoid. The general, Francisco Vazquez Coronado, had been beloved and obeyed by his captains and soldiers as heartily as any of those who have ever started out in the Indies. Necessity knows no law, and the captains who collected the cloth divided it badly, taking the best for themselves and their friends and soldiers, and leaving the rest for the soldiers, and so there began to be some angry murmuring on account of this. Others also complained because they noticed that some favored ones were spared in the work and in the watches and received better portions of what was divided, both of cloth and food. On this account it is thought that they began to say that there was nothing in the country of Quivira which was worth returning for, which was no slight cause of what afterward happened, as will be seen. Chapter 2, of the generals fall, and of how the return to New Spain was ordered. After the winter was over, the return to Quivira was announced, and the men began to prepare the things needed. Since nothing in this life is at the disposition of men, but allis under the ordination of Almighty God, it was His will that we should not accomplish this, and so it hap- pened that one feast day the general went out on horseback to amuse himself, as usual,' riding with the captain Don Rodrigo Maldonado. He was on a powerful horse, and his servants had put on a new girth, which must have been rotten at the time, for it broke during the race and he fell over on the side where Don Rodrigo was, and as his horse passed over him it hit his head with its hoof, which laid him at the “point of death, and his recovery was slow and doubtful.” During this time, while he was in his bed,’ Don Garcia Lopez de Car- denas, who had started to go to New Spain, came back in flight from Suya, because he had found that town deserted and the people and horses and cattle alldead. When he reached Tiguex and learned the sad news 10r perhaps as Ternaus, p. 202, rendered it, ‘‘ courir la bague.” ?Mota Padilla, cap. xxxin, 6, p. 166: “‘asi el [gobernador] como los demas capitanes del ejército, debian estar tan ciegos de la pasion de la codicia de riquezas, que no trataban de radicarse poblando en aquel paraje que veian tan abastecido, ni de reducir 4 los indios 6 instruirlos en algo de la fé, que es la que debian propagar: solo trataron de engordar sus caballos para lo que se ofreciese pasado el invierno; y andando adiestrando el gobernador uno que tenia muy brioso, se le fué la silla, y dando la boca en el suelo, qued6 sin sentido, y aunque despues se recobré, el juicio le qued6é diminuto, con lo cual trataron todos de desistir de la empresa.’ Gomara, cap. cexiiil: “Cayo en Tiguex‘del cauallo Francisco Vaz- quez, y con el golpe salio de sentido, y deuaneaua: lo qual vnos tuniero por dolor, y otros por fingido, ca estauan mal con el, porque no poblaua.” 3 Or, During the time that he was confined to his bed, 532 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [erH. ANN. 14 that the general was near his end, as already related, they did not dare to tell him until he had recovered, and when he finally got up and learned of it, it affected him so much that he had to go back to bed again. He may have done this in order to bring about what he afterward accom- plished, as was believed later. It was while he was in this condition that he recollected what a scientific friend of his in Salamanca had told him, that he would become a powerful lord in distant lands, and that he would have a fall from which he would never be able to recover. This expectation of death made him desire to return and die where he had a wife and children. As the physician and surgeon who was doc- toring him, and also acted as a talebearer,' suppressed the murmurings that were going about among the soldiers, he treated secretly and under- handedly with several gentlemen who agreed with him. They set the soldiers to talking about going back to New Spain, in little knots and gatherings, and induced them to hold consultations about it, and had them send papers to the general, signed by all the soldiers, through their ensigns, asking for this. They all entered into it readily, and not much time needed to be spent, since many desired it already. When they asked him, the general acted as if he did not want to do it, but all the gentlemen and captains supported them, giving him their signed opinions, and as some were in this, they could give it at once, and they even persuaded others to do the same.2 Thus they made it seem as if they ought to return to New Spain, because they had not found any riches, nor had they discovered any settled country out of which estates could be formed for all the army. When he had obtained their signa- tures, the return to New Spain was at once announced, and since noth- ing can ever be concealed, the double dealing began to be understood, and many of the gentlemen found that they had been deceived and had made a mistake. They tried in every way to get their signatures back again from the general, who guarded them so carefully that he did not go out of one room, making his sickness seem very much worse, and putting guards about his person and room, and at night about the floor on which he slept. In spite of all this, they stole his chest, and it is said that they did not find their signatures in it, because he kept them in his mattress; on the other hand, it is said that they did recover them. They asked the general to give them 60 picked men, with whom they would remain and hold the country until the viceroy could send them support, or recall them, or else that the general would leave them the army and pick out 60 men to go back with him. But the soldiers did not want to remain either way, some because they had turned their prow toward New Spain, and others because they saw clearly the trouble that would arise over who should have the command. The gentlemen, I do not know whether because they had sworn fidelity or because they ‘Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 203: ‘' Le chirurgien qui le pansait et qui lui seryait en méme temps d’espion, l’avait averti du mécontentement des soldats.” 2? Compare the Spanish. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 533 feared that the soldiers would not support them, did what had been decided on,! although with an ill-will, and from this time on they did not obey the general as readily as formerly, and they did not show any affection for him. He made much of the soldiers and humored them, with the result that he did what he desired and secured the return of the whole army. Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers gave for it. We have already stated in the last chapter that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas came back from Suya in flight, having found that country risen in rebellion. He told how and why that town was deserted, which oceurred as I will relate. The entirely worthless fellows were all who had been left in that town, the mutinous and seditious men, besides a few who were honored with the charge of public affairs and who were left to govern the others. Thus the bad dispositions of the worthless secured the power, and they held daily meetings and councils and declared that they had been betrayed aud were not going to be rescued, since the others had been directed to go through another part of the country, where there was a more convenient route to New Spain, which was not so, because they were still almost on the direct road. This talk led some of them to revolt, and they chose one Pedro de Avila as their captain. They went back to Culiacan, leaving the captain, Diego de Alearaz, sick in the town of San Hieronimo, with only a small force. He did not have anyone whom he could send after them to compel them to return. They killed a number of people at several villages along the way. Finally they reached Culiacan, where Hernando Arias de Saabedra, who was waiting for Juan Gallego to come back from New Spain with a force, detained them by means of promises, so that Gallego could take them back. Some who feared what might happen to them ran away one night to New Spain. Diego de Alcaraz, who had remained at Suya with a small force, sick, was not able to hold his position, although he would have liked to, on account of the poisonous herb which the natives use. When these noticed how weak the Spaniards were, they did not continue to trade with them as they formerly had done. Veins of gold had already been discovered before this, but they were unable to work these, because the country was at war. The dis- turbance was so great that they did not cease to keep watch and to be more than usually careful. The,.town was situated on a little river. One night all of a sudden? they saw fires which they were not accustomed to, and on this account they doubled the watches, but not having noticed anything during the whole night, they grew careless along toward morning, and the enemy entered the village so silently that they were not seen until they began to kill and plunder. A number of men reached the plain as well as 1 Compare the Spanish text. 2 Ternaux, p. 209: ‘‘a une heure trés-avancée.”’ 534 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 they could, but while they were getting out the captain was mortally wounded. Several Spaniards came back on some horses after they had recovered themselves and attacked the enemy, rescuing some, though only a few. The enemy went off with the booty, leaving three Spaniards killed, besides many of the servants and more than twenty horses. The Spaniards who survived started off the same day on foot, not having any horses. They went toward Culiacan, keeping away from the roads, and did not find any food until they reached Corazones, where the Indians, like the good friends they have always been, pro- vided them with food. From here they continued to Culiacan, under- going great hardships. Hernandarias de Saabedra,! the mayor, received them and entertained them as well as he could until Juan Gallego arrived with the reinforcements which he was conducting, on his way to find the army. He was not a little troubled at finding that post deserted, when he expected that the army would be in the rich country which had been described by the Indian called Turk, because he looked like one. ; Chapter 4, of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico. When the general, Francisco Vazquez, saw that everything was now quiet, and that his schemes had gone as he wished, he ordered that everything should be ready to start on the return to New Spain by the beginning of the month of April, in the year 1543.* Seeing this, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regular brother of the lesser order,* and another, Friar Luis, a lay brother, told the general that they wanted to remain in that country—Friar Juan de Padilla in Qui- vira, because his teachings seemed to promise fruit there, and Friar Luis at Cicuye. On this account, as it was Lent at the time, the father made this the subject of his sermon to the companies one Sunday, establishing his proposition on the authority of the Holy Scriptures, He declared his zeal for the conversion of these peoples and his desire to draw them to the faith, and stated that he had received permission to do it, although this was not necessary. The general sent a company to escort them as far as Cicuye, where Friar Luis stopped, while Friar Juan went on back to Quivira with the guides who had conducted the general, taking with him the Portuguese, as we related, and the half- blood, and the Indians from New Spain. He was martyred a short time after he arrived there, as we related in the second part, chapter 8. Thus we may be sure that he died a martyr, because his zeal was holy and earnest. Friar Luis remained at Cienye. Nothing more has been heard about him since, but before the army left Tiguex some men who went to take 1 Compare the spelling of this name on page 460 of the Spanish text. 2 The correct date is, of course, 1542. 3A Franciscan. He was a ‘‘frayle de misa.” PL. LXII FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ZUNIS IN TYPICAL MODERN COSTUME WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 535 him a number of sheep that were left for him to keep, met him as he was on his way to visit some other villages, which were 15 or 20 leagues from Cicuye, accompanied by some followers. He felt very hopeful that he was liked at the village and that his teaching would bear fruit, although he complained that the old men were falling away from him. I, for my part, believe that they finally killed him. He was a man of good and holy life, and may Our Lord protect him and grant that he may convert many of those peoples, and end his days in guid- ing them in the faith. We do not need to believe otherwise, for the people in those parts are pious and not at all cruel. They are friends, or rather, enemies of cruelty, and they remained faithful and loyal friends.! ‘General W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, p. 231, gives the following extract, translated from an old Spanish MS. at Santa Fé: ‘* When Coronado returned to Mexico, he left behind him, among the Indians of Cibola, the father fray Francisco Juan de Padilla, the father fray Juan de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andres del Campo. Soon after the Spaniards departed, Padilla and the Portuguese set off in search of the country of the Grand Quivira, where the former understood there were innumerable souls to be saved. After traveling several days, they reached a large settlement in the Quivira country. The Indians came out to receive them in battle array, when the friar, knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese and his attendants to take to flight, while he would await their coming, in order that they might vent their fury on him as they ran. The former took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within view, saw what happened to the friar. Padillaawaited their coming upon his knees, and when they arrived where he was they immediately put him to death. The same happened to Juan de la Cruz, who was left behind at Cibola, which people killed him. The Portuguese and his atteudants made their escape, and ulti- mately arrived safely in Mexico, where he told what had oceurred.” In reply to arequest for further information regarding this manuscript, General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa Fé, a few years ago, he learned that one of his successors in the post of governor of the territory, having despaired of disposing of the immense mass of old documents and records deposited in his office, by the slow process of using them to kindle fires, had sold the entire lot—an invaluable collection of material bearing on the history of the southwest and its early European and native inhabitants— as junk. Mota Padilla, cap. x xxiii, 7, p. 167, gives an extended account of the friars: ‘‘ Pero porque el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla cuando acompané & D. Francisco Vazquez Coronado hasta el pueblo de Quivira, puso en él una cruz, protestando no desampararla aunque le costase la vida, por tener entendido hacer fruto en aquellos indios y en los comarcanos, determiné volverse, y no bastaron las instancias del gobernador y demas capitanes para que desistiese por enténces del pensamiento. El] padre Fr. Luisde Ubeda rogé tambien le dejasen volver con el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla hasta el pueblo de Coquite, en donde le parecia podrian servir de domesticar algo 4 aquellos indios por parecerle se hallaban con alguna disposicion; y que pues él era viejo, emplearia la corta vida que le quedase en procurar la salvacion de las almas de aquellos miserables. A su imitacion tambien el padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, religioso lego (como lo era Fr. Luis de Ubeda) pretendié quedarse en aquellas provincias de Tigiies, y porque se discurrié que con el tiempo se conseguiria la poblacion de aquellas tierras, condescendio el gobernador a los deseos de aquellos apostélicos varones, y les dejaron proveidos de lo que por enténces parecié necesario; y tambien quiso quedarse un soldado, de nacion portugues, llamado Andres del Campo, con animo de servir al padre Padilla, y tambien dos indizuelos donados nombrados Licas y Sebastian, naturales de Michoacan; y otros dos indizuelos que en el ejército hacian oficios de sacri- stanes, y otro muchacho mestizo; dejaronle 4 dicho padre Padilla ornamentos y provision para que celebrase el santo sacrificio de la misa. y algunos bienecillos que pudiese dar 4 los indios para atraerlos 4 su voluntad. “8... . Quedaron estos benditos religiosos como corderos entre lobos; y viéndose solos, traté el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla. con los de Tigiies, el fin que le movia 4 quedarse entre ellos, que no era otro que eldetratar delasalvacion de sus almas; que yalossoldados se habian ido, que no les serian molestos, que é] pasaba 4 otras poblaciones y les dejaba al padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz para que les fuese instruyendoen lo que debian saber paraser cristianos é hijos dela Santa Iglesia, como necesario para salvar sus almas, que les tratasen bien, y que él procuraria volver « consolarles: despidese con gran ternura, dejando, como prelado, leno de bendiciones. 4 Fr. Juan de la Cruz,y los indios de Tigiies sefalaron una escuadra de sus soldados que guiasen a dichos padres Fr. Juan de Padilla y Fr. Luis de Ubeda hastael pueblo de Coquite, en donde les recibieron con demostraciones de alegria, y haciendo la misma reco- mendacion por el padre Fr, Luis de Ubeda, le dejé, y guiado de otros naturales del mismo pueblo, salié 536 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN.14 After the friars had gone, the general, fearing that they might be injured if people were carried away from that country to New Spain, ordered the soldiers to let any of the natives who were held as servants go free to their villages whenever they might wish. In my opinion, though I am not sure, it would have been better if they had been kept and taught among Christians. The general was very happy and contented when the time arrived and everything needed for the journey was ready, and the army started from Tiguex on its way back to Cibola. One thing of no small note happened during this part of the trip. The horses were in good con- dition for their work when they started, fat and sleek, but more than thirty died during the ten days which it took to reach Cibola, and there was not a day in which two or three or more did not die. A large number of them also died afterward before reaching Culiacan, a thing that did not happen during all the rest of the journey. After the army reached Cibola, it rested before starting across the wilderness, because this was the last of the settlements in that country. The whole country was left well disposed and at peace, and several of our Indian allies remained there. ! se postré al pié de la cruz, que hallé en donde la habia colocado; y con limpieza, toda la circunfe- rencia, como lo habia encargado, de que se alegré, y luego comenzo 4 hacer los oficios de padre maes- tro y apéstol de aquellas gentes; y hallindolas déciles y con buen dnimo, se inflamé su corazon, y le parecié corto numero de almas para Dios las de aquel pueblo, y traté de ensanchar los senos de nuestra madre la Santa Iglesia, para que acogiese 4 cuantos se le decia haber en mayores distancias. “9, Salié de Quivira, acompanado de su corta comitiva, contra la voluntad de los indios de aquel pueblo, que le amaban como 4 su padre, mas 4 una jornada le salieron indios de guerra, y conociendo mal animo de aquellos barbaros, le rogé al portugues, que pues iba 4 caballo huyese, y que en su conserva llevase aquellos donados y muchachos, que como tales podrian correr y escaparse: hiciéronlo asi por no hallarse capaces de otro modo para la defensa, y el bendito padre, hineado de rodillas ofrecié la vida, que por reducir almas 4 Dios tenia sacrificada, logrando los ardientes deseos de su corazon, la felicidad de ser muerto flechado por aquellos indios birbaros, quienes le arrojaron en un hoyo, cubriendo el cuerpo con innumerables piedras. Y vuelto el portugues con los indizuelos 4 Quivira, dieron la noticia, la que sintieron mucho aquellos naturales, por el amor que tenian 4 dicho padre, y mas lo sintieran si hubieran tenido pleno conocimiento de la falta que les hacia; no sabe el dia de su muerte, aunque si se tiene por cierte haber sido en el ano de 542: y en algunos papeles que dejé escritos D. Pedro de Tovar en la villa de Culiacan, se dice que los indios habian salido 4 matar 4 este bendito padre, por robar los ornamentos, y que habia memoria de que en su muerte se vieron grandes prodigios, como fué inundarse la tierra, verse globos de fuego, cometas y oscurecerse el sol. “10... . Delpadre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, la noticia que se tiene es, que despues de haber trabajado en lainstruccion de los indios en Tigiies y en Coquite, murié flechado de indios, porque no todos abrazaron su doctrina y consejos, con los que trataba detestasen sus barbaras costumbres, aunque por lo general era muy estimado de los caciques y demas naturales, que habian visto la veneracion con que el general, capitanes y soldados le trataban. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda se mantenia en una choza por celda 6 cueva, en donde le ministraban los indios,con un poco de atole, tortillas y frijoles, el limitado sustento, y no se supo de su muerte; si qued6 entre cuantos le conocieron la memoria de su pefecta vida.” When the reports of these martyrdoms reached New Spain, a number of Franciscans were fired with the zeal of entering the country and carrying onthe work thus begun. Several received official permission, aiid went to the pueblo country. One of them was killed at Tiguex, where most of them settled. A few went on to Cicuye or Pecos, where they found a cross which Padilla had set up. Proceeding to Quivira, the natives there counseled them not to proceed farther. The Indians gave them an account of the death of Fray Padilla, and said that if he had taken their advice he would not have been killed. 1Antonio de Espejo, in the Kelacion of his visit to New Mexico in 1582 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Docu- mentos de Indias, vol. xv, p. 180), states that at Zuni-Cibola, ‘‘hallamos tres indios cristianos que se digeron llamar Andrés de Cuyacan y Gaspar de México y Anton de Guadalajara, que digeron haber entrado con Francisco Vazquez, y reformandolos en la lengua mexicana que ya casi la tenian olyi- dada; destos supimos que habia legado alli el dicho Francisco Vazquez Coronado.” FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIII BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY { ‘ t HOPI MAIDENS, SHOWING PRIMITIVE PUEBLO HAIRDRESSING WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 537 Chapter 5, of how the army left the settlements and marcned to Culiacan, and of what happened on the way. Leaving astern, as we might say, the settlements that had been dis- covered in the new land, of which, as I have said, the seven villages of Cibola were the first to be seen and the last that were left, the army started off, marching across the wilderness. The natives kept following the rear of the army for two or three days, to pick up any baggage or servants, for although they were still at peace and had always been loyal friends, when they saw that we were going to leave the country entirely, they were glad to get some of our people in their power, although I do not think that they wanted to injure them, from what I was told by some who were not willing to go back with them when they teased and asked them to. Altogether, they carried off several people besides those who had remained of their own accord, among whom good interpreters could be found today. The wilderness was crossed without opposition, and on the second day before reaching Chichilticalli Juan Gallego met the army, as he was coming from New Spain with reenforce- ments of men and necessary supplies for the army, expecting that he would find the army in the country of the Indian called Turk. When Juan Gallego saw that the army was returning, the first thing he said was not, “I am glad you are coming back,” and he did not like it any better after he had talked with the general. After he had reached the army, or rather the quarters, there was quite a little movement among the gentlemen toward going back with the new force which had made no slight exertions in coming thus far, having encounters every day with the Indians of these regions who had risen in revolt, as will be related. There was talk of making a settlement somewhere in that region until the viceroy could receive an account of what had occurred. Those soldiers who had come from the new lands would not agree to anything except the return to New Spain, so that nothing came of the proposals made at the consultations, and although there was some opposition, they were finally quieted. Several of the mutineers who had deserted the town of Corazones came with Juan Gallego, who had given them his word as surety for their safety, and even if the general had wanted to punish them, his power was slight, for he had been dis- obeyed already and was not much respected. He began to be afraid again after this, and made himself sick, and kept a guard. In several places yells were heard and Indians seen, and some of the horses were wounded and killed, before Batuco! was reached, where the friendly Indians from Corazones came to meet the army and see the general. They were always friendly and had treated all the Spaniards who passed through their country well, furnishing them with what food they needed, and men, if they needed these. Our men had always treated them well and repaid them for these things. During this journey the juice of the quince was proved to be a good protection against the poison of the 1There were two settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one occupied by the Eudeve and the other by the Tegui division of the Opata. The former village is the one referred to by Castaneda. 538 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eTH. ANN. 1 natives, because at one place, several days before reaching Senora,! the hostile Indians wounded a Spaniard called Mesa, and he did not die, although the wound of the fresh poison is fatal, and there was a delay of over two hours before curing him with the juice. Tie poison, how- ever, had left its mark upon him. The skin rotted and fell off until it left the bones and sinews bare, with a horrible smell. The wound was in the wrist, and the poison had reached as far as the shoulder when he was cured, The skin on all this fell off? The army proceeded without taking any rest, because the provisions had begun to fail by this time. These districts were in rebellion, and so there were not any victuals where the soldiers could get them until they reached Petlatlan, although they made several forays into the cross country in search of provisions. Petlatlan is in the province of Culiacan, and on this account was at peace, although they had several surprises after this.’ The army rested here several days to get provisions. After leaving here they were able to travel more quickly than before, for the 30 leagues of the valley of Culiacan, where they were welcomed back again as people who came with their governor, who had suffered ill treatment. Chapter 6, of how the general started from Culiacan to give the viceroy an account of the army with which he had been intrusted. It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the valley of Culiacan had ended the labors of this journey, partly because the general was governor there and partly because it was inhabited by Christians. On this account some began to disregard their superiors and the authority which their captains had over them, and some captains even forgot the obedi- ence due to their general. Each one played his own game, so that while the general was marching toward the town, which was still 10 leagues away, many of the meu, or most of them, left him in order to rest in the valley, and some even proposed not to follow him, The general under- stood that he was not strong enough to compel them, although his position as governor gave him fresh authority. He determined to accom- plish it by a better method, which was to order all the captains to pro- vide food and meat from the stores of several villages that were under his control as governor. He pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, so that those who had any business with him could speak to him or he with 1 Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 5, p. 166,saysthatatSonora . . . ‘‘muriéun fulano Temino, hermanode Baltasar Banuelos, uno de los quatro mineros de Zacatecas; Luis Hernandez, Domingo Fernandez y otros.” 2Rudo Ensayo, p. 64: “Mago, en lengua Opata [of Sonora], es un arbol pequeno, mui lozano de verde, y hermoso 4 la vista; pero contiene una leche mortal que 4 corta incision de su corteza brota, con la que los Naturales suelen untar sus flechas; y por esto la llaman hierba de la flecha, pero ya pocos lo usan. Sirbe tambien dicha leche para abrir tumores rebeldes, aunque no lo aconsejara, por su calidad venenoso.’”’ This indicates a euphorbiacea. Bandelier (Final Report, pt. i, p. 77) believes that no credit is to be given to the notion that the poison used by the Indians may have been snake poison. The Seriare the only Indians of northern Mexico who in recent times have been reported to use poisoned arrows. ~ 3Ternaux, p. 223: ‘‘On parvint ainsi A Petatlan, qui dépend de la province de Culiacan. A cette époque, ce village était soumis. Mais quoique depuis il y ait eu plusieurs soulévements, on y resta quelques jours pour se refaire.’’ Compare the Spanish. (winasnyw jeuoijenN ey} ul japow e jo ydesSojoud wol4) SNINVW GOVSYE-YSadVd GNV ONIGNIYDS IdOH AIXT “Id LHOd3Y IWONNVY HIN33LuNOS ADOTONH13 40 NvaunE WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 539 them more freely, without hindrance or observation, and he kept send- ing for his particular friends in order to ask them to be sure to speak to the soldiers and encourage them to accompany him back to New Spain, and to tell them that he would request the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, to show them especial favor, and that he would do so him- self for those who might wish to remain in his government. After this had been done, he started with his army ata very bad time, when the rains were beginning, for it was about Saint John’s day, at which season it rains continuously. In the uninhabited country which they passed through as far as Compostela there are numerous very dangerous rivers, full of large and fierce alligators. While the army was halting at one of these rivers, a soldier who was crossing from one side to the other was seized, in sight of everybody, and carried off by an alligator without it being possible to heip him. The general proceeded, leaving the men who did not want to follow him all along the way, and reached Mexico with less than 100 men. He made his report to the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who did not receive him very graciously, although he gave him his discharge. His reputation was gone from this time on. He kept the government of New Galicia, which had been entrusted to him, for only a short time, when the viceroy took it himself, until the arrival of the court, or audiencia, which still governs it. And this was the end of those discoveries and of the expedition which was made to these new lands.! It now remains for us to deseribe the way in which to enter the country by a more direct route, although there is never a short cut without hard work. It is always best to tind out what those know who have prepared the way, who know what will be needed.’ This can be found elsewhere, and I will now tell where Quivira lies, what direction the army took, and the direction in which Greater India lies, which was what they pretended to be in search of, when the army Started thither. Today, since Villalobos has discovered that this part of the coast of the South sea trends toward the west, it is clearly seen and acknowledged that, since we were in the north, we ought to have turned to the west instead of toward the east, as we did. With this, we will leave this subject and will proceed to finish this treatise, since there are several noteworthy things of which I must give an account, which I have left to be treated more extensively in the two following chapters. 1Gomara, cap. cexiiii: ‘‘ Quando llego a Mexico trayael cabello muy largo, y la barua trencada, y con- taua estranezas de las tierras, rios, y montanas, q a trauesso. Mucho pesoadon Antonio de Mendoca, que se boluiessen, porque auia gastado mas de sesenta mil pesos de oro en la empresa, y aun deuia muchos dellos, y no trayan cosa ninguna de alla, ni muestra de plata, ni de oro, ni de otra riqueza. Muchos quisieron quedarse alla, mas Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, que rico, y rezien casado era con hermosa muger, no quiso, diziendo, que no se podrian sustentar, ni defender, en tan pobre tierra, y tan lexos del socorro. Caminaron mas de nouecientas leguas de largo esta jornada. ”’ 2Ternaux, p. 228: “1 n'y ait pas de succés & espérer sans peine; mais il vaut mieux que ceux qui voudront tenter l’entreprise, soient informés d'avance des peines et des fatigues qu’ont éprouvées leurs prédécesseurs.” 540 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BrH. ANN. 14 Chapter 7, of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was bringing reenforcements through the revolted country. One might well have complained wheu in the last chapter I passed in silence over the exploits of Captain Juan Gallego with his 20 com- panions. I will relate them in the present chapter, so that in times to come those who read about it or tell of it may have a reliable authority on whom to rely. I am not writing fables, like some of the things which we read about nowadays in the books of chivalry. If it were not that those stories contained enchantments, there are some things which our Spaniards have done in our own day in these parts, in their conquests and encounters with the Indians, which, for deeds worthy of admiration, surpass not only the books already mentioned, but also those which have been written about the twelve peers of France, because, if the deadly strength which the authors of those times attributed to their heroes and the brilliant and resplendent arms with which they adorned them, are fully considered, and compared with the small stature of the men of our time and the few and poor weapons which they have in these parts,! the remarkable things which our people have undertaken and accomplished with such weapons are more to be wondered at today than those of which the ancients write, and just because, too, they fought with barbarous naked people, as ours have with Indians, among whom there are always men who are brave and valiant and very sure bowmen, for we have seen them pierce the wings while flying, and hit hares while running after them. I have said all this in order to show that some things which we consider fables may be true, because we see greater things every day in our own times, just as in future times people will greatly wonder at the deeds of Don Fernando Cortez, who dared to go into the midst of New Spain with 300 men against the vast number of people in Mexico, and who with 500 Spaniards succeeded in subduing it, and made himself lord over it in two years. The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of Guatemala, and those of Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the mainland and of Peru, were all such as to make me remain silent concerning what I now wish to relate; but since I have promised to give an account of what happened on this journey, I want the things I am now going to relate to be known as well as those others of which I have spoken. The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached the town of Culiacan with a very small force. There he collected as many as he could of those who had escaped from the town of Hearts, or, more correctly, from Suya, which made in all 22 men, and with these he marched through all of the settled country, across which he traveled 200 leagues with the country in a state of war and the people in rebellion, although they had formerly been friendly toward the Spaniards, having encounters with 'The letters of Mendoza during the.early part of his administration in Mexico repeatedly call attention to the lack of arms and ammunition among the Spaniards in the New World. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 541 the enemy almost every day. He always marched with the advance guard, leaving two-thirds of his force behind with the baggage. With six or seven Spaniards, and without any of the Indian allies whom he had with him, he forced his way into their villages, killing and destroy- ing and setting them on fire, coming upon the enemy so suddenly and with such quickness and boldness that they did not have a chance to collect or even to do anything at all, until they became so afraid of him that there was not a town which dared wait for him, but they fled before him as from a powerful army ; so much so, that for ten days, while he was passing through the settlements, they did not have an hour’s rest. He did all this with his seven companions, so that when the rest of the force came up with the baggage there was nothing for them to do except to pillage, since the others had already killed and captured all the people they could lay their hands on and the rest had fled. They did not pause anywhere, so that although the villages ahead of him received some warning, they were upon them so quickly that they did not have a chance to collect. Especially in the region where the town of Hearts had been, he killed and hung a large number of people to punish them for their rebellion. He did not lose a companion during all this, nor was anyone wounded, except one soldier, who was wounded in the eyelid by an Indian who was almost dead, whom he was stripping. The weapon broke the skin and, as it was poisoned, he would have had to die if he had not been saved by the quince juice; he lost his eye as it was. These deeds of theirs were such that I know those people will remember them as long as they live, and especially four or five friendly Indians who went with them from Corazones, who thought that they were so wonderful that they held them to be something divine rather than human. If he had not fallen in with our army as he did, they would have reached the country of the Indian called Turk, which they expected to march to, and they would have arrived there without dan- ger on account of their good order and the skill with which he was leading them, and their knowledge and ample practice in war. Several of these men are still in this town of Culiacan, where I am now writing this account and narrative, where they, as well as I and the others who have remained in this province, have never lacked for labor in keeping this country quiet, in capturing rebels, and increasing in poverty and need, and more than ever at the present hour, because the country is poorer and more in debt than ever before. Chapter 8, which describes some remarkable things that were seen on the plains, with a description of the bulls. My silence was not without mystery and dissimulation when, in chap- ter 7 of the second part of this book, I spoke of the plains and of the things of which I will give a detailed account in this chapter, where all these things may be found together; for these things were remarkable and something not seen in other parts. I dare to write 542 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 of them because I am writing at a time when many men are still living who saw them and who will vouch for my account. Who could believe that 1,000 horses and 500 of our cows and more than 5,000 rams and ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians and servants, in traveling over those plains, would leave no more trace where they had passed than if nothing had been there—nothing—so that it was neces- sary to make piles of bones and cow dung now and then, so that the rear guard could follow the army. The grass never failed to become erect after it had been trodden down, and, although it was short, if was as fresh and straight as before. Another thing was a heap of cow bones, a crossbow shot long, or a very little less, almost twice a man’s height in places, and some 18 feet or more wide, which was found on the edge of a salt lake in the southern part,’ and this in a region where there are no people who could have made it. The only explanation of this which could be suggested was that the waves which the north winds must make in the lake had piled up the bones of the cattle which had died in the lake, when the old and weak ones who went into the water were unable to get out. The noticeable thing is the number of cattle that would be necessary to make such a pul of bones. Now that I wish to describe the appearance of the bulls, it is to be noticed first that there was not one of the horses that did not take flight when he saw them first, for they have a narrow, short face, the brow two palms across from eye to eye, the eyes sticking out at the side, so that, when they are running, they can see who is following them. They have very long beards, like goats, and when they are running they throw their heads back with the beard dragging on the ground. There is a sort of girdle round the middle of the body.? The hair is very woolly, like a sheep’s, very fine, and in front of the girdle the hair is very long and rough like a lion’s. They have a great hump, larger than a camel’s. The horns are short and thick, so that they are not seen much above the hair. In May they change the hair in the middle of the body for a down, which makes perfect lions of them. They rub against the small trees in the little ravines to shed their hair, and they continue this until only the down is left, as a snake changes his skin. They have a short tail, with a bunch of hair at the end. When they run, they carry it erect like a scorpion. It is worth noticing that the little calves are red and just like ours, but they change their color and appearance with time and age. Another strange thing was that all the bulls that were killed had their left ears slit, although these were whole when young. The reason for this was a puzzle that could not be guessed. The wool ought to 1Ternaux, p. 236: ‘l'on trouva sur le bord oriental d'un des lacs salés qui sont vers le sud, un endroit qui avait environ une demi-portée de mousquet de longueur, et qui était entiérement convert dos de bisons jusqu’a la hauteur de deux toises sur trois de large, ce qui est surprenant dans un pays désert, et ou personne n’aurait pu rassembler ces 0s.” 2Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 237: ‘Ils ont sur Ja partie antérieure du corps un poil frisé semblable & la laine de moutons, il est trésin sur la croupe, et lisse comme la criniére du lion.” 0 wee ; | a 4 Sieg F338 PL. LXV FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY HOPI BASKET MAKER (From photograph of a model in the National Museum) WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 543 make good cloth on account of its fineness, although the color is not good, because it is the color of buriel.! Another thing worth noticing is that the bulls traveled without cows in such large numbers that nobody could have counted them, and so far away from the cows that it was more than 40 leagues from where we began to see the bulls to the place where we began to see the cows. The country they traveled over was so level and smooth that if one looked at them the sky could be seen between their legs, so that if some of them were at a distance they looked like smooth-trunked pines whose tops joined, and if there was only one bull it looked as if there were four pines. When one was near them, it was impossible to see the ground on the other side of them, The reason for all this was that the country seemed as round as if a man should imagine himself in a three-pint measure, and could see the sky at the edge of it, about a crossbow shot from him, and even if a man only lay down on his back he lost sight of the ground.’ !The kersey, or coarse woolen cloth out of which the habits of the Franciscan friars were made. Hence the name, grey friars. *The earliest description of the American buffalo by a European is in Cabeza de Vaca's Naufragios, fol. xxvii verso (ed 1555): ‘‘Aleanca aqui vacas y yo las he visto tres vezes, y comido dellas : y paresceme que seran del tamano de las de Espana: tiené los cuernos pequenos como moriscas, y el pelo muy largo merino como vna bernia, vnas son pardillas y otras negras: y a mi parescer tienen mejor y mas grues- Sa carne que de Jas de aca. De las que no son grandes hazen los indios mitas para cubrirse, y de las mayores hazen ¢apatos y rodelas: estas vienen de hazia el norte . . . mas de quatrociétas leguas: y en todo este camino por los valles por donde ellas viené baxan Jas gentes que por alli habi- tan y se mantienen dellas, y meten en la tierra grande contidad de cueros, "’ Fray Marcos heard about these animals when he was in southern Arizona, on his way toward Cibola- Zuni: “Aqui . . . me truxeron un cuero, tanto y medio mayor que de una gran vaca, y me dixeron ques de un animal, que tiene solo un cuerno en la frente y queste cuerno es corbo hacia los pechos, y que de alli sale una punta derecha, en la cual dicen que tiene tanta fuerza, que ninguna cosa, por recia que sea, dexa de romper, si topa con ella; y dicen que hay muchos animales destos en aquella tierra; la color del cuero es 4 manera de cabron y el pelo tan largo como el dedo,’’—Pacheco y Cardenas, Doeu- mentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 341. Gomara, cap. cexv, gives the following description to accompany his picture of these cows (plate Ly, herein): ‘Son aquellos bueyes del tamano, y color, que nuestros toros, pero no de tan grandes cuernos, Tienen yna gran giba sobre Ja cruz, y mas pelo de medio adelante, que de medio atras, y es lana. Tienen comoclines sobre el espinazo, y mucho pelo, y muy largo de lasrodillasabaxo. Cuelganes por lafrente grandes guedejas, y parece que tienen baruas, segun los muchos pelos del garguero, y varrillas. Tienen la colamuy larga los machos, y con yn flueco grande al cabo: assique algo tienen de leon, y algo de camello. Hieren con los cuernos, corren, aleancan, y matan vn cauallo, quando ellos se embrauecen, y enojan: finalmente es animal feo y fiero de rostro, y cuerpo. Huyé de los cauallos por su mala cata- dura, 0 por nunca los auer visto. No tienen sus dueios otrariqueza, ni hazienda, dellos comen, benen, visten, calean, y hazen muchas cosas de los cueros, casas, caleado, vestido y sogas: delos hnessos, puncones: de los neruios, y pelos, hilo: de los cuernos, buches, y bexigas, vasos: de las bonigas, lumbre: y delasterneras, odres, en que traen y tienen agua: hazen en fin tantas cosas dellos quantas han menester, 0 quantas las bastan para su biuienda. Ay tambien otros animales, tan grandes como canallos, que por tener cuernos, y lana fina, los llaman carneros, y dizen, que cada cuerno pesa dos arrouas. Ay tambien grandes perros, que lidian con yn toro, y que lleuan dos arrouas de carga sobre salmas. quando va a caca, o quando se mudan con el ganado, y hato.” Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, p. 161, says: ‘‘son estas vacas menores que las nuestras; su lana menuda y mas fina que lamerina; por encima un poco morena, y entre si un pardillo agraciado, 4 la parte de atras es lalanamasmenuda; y de alli parala cabeza, crian unos guedejones grandes no tan finos; tienen cuer- nos pequenos, y en todo lo demas son de la hechura de las nuestras, aunque mas cencenas: los toros son mayores, y sus pieles se curten dejandoles la Jana, y sirven, por su suavidad, de mullidas camas; no se vié becerrilla alguna, y puede atribuirse, 6 4 los muchos lobos que hay entre ellas, 6 4 tener otros parajes mas seguros en que queden las vacas con sus crias, y deben de mudarse por temporadas, 6 porque falten las aguas de aquellas lagunas, 6 porque conforme el sol se retira, les dane la mutacion del temperamento, y por eso se advierten en aquellos llanos, trillados caminos 6 veredas por donde entran y salen, y al mismo movimiento de las vacas, se mueyen cuadrillas de indios. . . . yse dijo ser desabrida la carne de la hembra, y es providencia del Altisimo, para que los indios maten los machos y reserven las hembras para el multiplico.”’ 544 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 I have not written about other things which were seen nor made any mention of them, because they were not of so much importance, although it does not seem right for me to remain silent concerning the fact that they venerate the sign of the cross in the region where the settlements have high houses. For at a spring which was in the plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms high and as thick as a finger, made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and many little sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous withered flow- ers, which were the offerings.' In a graveyard outside the village at Tutahaco there appeared to have been a recent burial. Near the head there was another cross made of two little sticks tied with cotton thread, and dry withered flowers. It certainly seems to me that in some way they must have received some light from the cross of Our Redeemer, Christ, and it may have come by way of India, from whence they proceeded. Chapter 9, which treats of the direction which the army took, and of how another more direct way might be found, if anyone was to return to that country. I very much wish that I possessed some knowledge of cosmography or geography, so as to render what I wish to say intelligible, and so that I could reckon up or measure the advantage those people who might go in search of that country would have if they went directly through the center of the country, instead of following the road the army took. However, with the help of the favor of the Lord, I will state it as well as I can, making it as plain as possible. It is, I think, already understood that the Portuguese, Campo, was the soldier who escaped when Friar Juan de Padilla was killed at Qui- vira, and that he finally reached New Spain from Panuco,’” having trav- eled across the plains country until he came to cross the North Sea mountain chain, keeping the country that Don Hernando de Soto dis- covered all the time on his left hand, since he did not see the river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at all. After he had crossed the North Sea mountains, he found that he was in Panuco, so that if he had not tried to go to the North sea, he would have come out im the 1Seattered through the papers of Dr J. Walter Fewkes on the Zuni and Tusayan Indians will be found many descriptions of the pahos or prayer sticks and other forms used as offerings at the shrines, together with exact accounts of the manner of making the offerings. 2 The northeastern province of New Spain. 3The conception of the great inland plain stretching between the great lakes at the head of the St Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico came to cosmographers very slowly. Almost all of the early maps show a disposition to carry the mountains which follow the Atlantic coast along the Gulf coast as far as Texas, a result, doubtless, of the fact that all the expeditions which started inland from Florida found mountains. Coronado’s journey to Quivira added but little to the detailed geographical knowl- edge of America. The name reached Europe, and it is found on the maps, along the fortieth parallel, almost everywhere from the Pacific coast to the neighborhood of a western tributary to the St Law- rence system. See the maps reproduced herein. Castaneda could have aided them considerably, but the map makers did not know of his book. WINSHIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 545 neighborhood of the border land, or the country of the Sacatecas,! of which we now have some knowledge. This way would be somewhat better and more direct for anyone going back there in search of Quivira, since some of those who came with the Portuguese are still in New Spain to serve as guides. Ney- ertheless, I think it would be best to go through the country of the Guachichules,”? keeping near the South Sea mountains all the time, for there are more settlements and a food supply, for it would be suicide to launch out on to the plains country, because it is so vast and is bar- ren of anything to eat, although, it is true, there would not be much need of this after coming to the cows. This is only when one goes in search of Quivira, and of the villages which were described by the Indian called Turk, for the army of Francisco Vazquez Coronado went the very farthest way round to get there, since they started from Mexico and went 110 leagues to the west, and then 100 leagues to the northeast, and 250 to the north,’ and all this brought them as far as the ravines where the cows were, and after traveling 850 leagues they were not more than 400 leagues distant from Mexico by a direct route. If one desires to go to the country of Tiguex, so as to turn from there toward the west in search of the country of India, he ought to follow the road taken by the army, for there is no other, even if one wished to go by a different way, because the arm of the sea which reaches into this coast toward the north does not leave room for any. But what might be done is to have a fleet and cross this gulf and disembark in the neighborhood of the Island of Negroes‘ and enter the country from there, crossing the mountain chains in search of the country from which the people at Tiguex came, or other peoples of the same sort. As for entering from the country of Florida and from the North sea, it has already been observed that the many expeditions which have been undertaken from that side have been unfortunate and not very successful, because that part of the country is full of bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, and the very worst country that is warmed by the sun. But they might disembark after passing the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Hernando de Soto did. Neverthe- less, despite the fact that I underwent much labor, I still think that the way I went to that country is the best. There ought to be river couyses, because the necessary supplies can be carried on these more easily in 1Captain John Stevens’ Dictionary says that this is ‘‘a northern province of North America, rich in silver mines, but ill provided with water. grain, and other substances; yet by reason of the mines there are seven or eight Spanish towns in it.” Zacatecas is now one of the central states of the Mexican confederation, being south of Coahuila and southeast of Durango. 2Ternaux, p. 242, miscopied it Quachichiles. 3Ternaux, p. 243, reads: ‘tpuis pendant six cent cinquante vers lenord, . . . Desorte qu’aprés avoir fait plus de huit cent cinquante lieves.’” . . . The substitution of six for two may possibly give a number which is nearer the actual distance traversed, but the fact is quite unimportant. The impression which the trip left on Castaneda is what should interest the historian or the reader. ‘The dictionary of Dominguez says: ‘'Isla de negros; 6 isla del Almirantazgo, en el grande Océano equinoccial; grande isla de la América del Norte, sobre la costa oeste.'’ Apparently the location of this island gradually drifted westward with the increase of geographical knowledge, until it was finally located in the Philippine group. 14 ETH 35 546 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 large quantities. Horses are the most necessary things in the new countries, and they frighten the enemy most. . . . Artillery is also much feared by those who do not know how to use it. A piece of heavy artillery would be very good for settlements like those which Francisco Vazquez Coronado discovered, in order to knock them down, because he had nothing but some small machines for slinging and nobody skill- ful enough to make a catapult or some other machine which would frighten them, which 1s very necessary. I say, then, that with what we now know about the trend of the coast of the South sea, which has been followed by the ships which explored the western part, and what is known of the North sea toward Norway, the coast of which extends up from Florida, those who now go to discover the country which Francisco Vazquez entered, and reach the country of Cibola or of Tiguex, will know the direction in which they ought to go in order to discover the true direction of the country which the Marquis of the Valley, Dou Hernando Cortes, tried to find, following the direction of the gulf of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. This will suftice for the conclusion of our narrative. Everything else rests on the powerful Lord of all things, God Omnipotent, who knows how and when these lands will be discovered and for whom He has guarded this good fortune. Laus Deo. Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of October, 1596, in Seville. cP 4 Gre 1 (Winesnw jeuoeN 94} U! japow ke jo YdeiZoyoud wos4) SNIMNVW AX3L10d O184Nd WAX1d = 1LHOd34 IVANNY HLIN3SLYNOS ADOIONH13 30 NwaHNE TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER FROM MENDOZA TO THE KING, APRIL 17, 1540.! Ss (OSCE NEE I wrote to Your Majesty from Compostela the last of February, giving you an account of my arrival there and of the departure of Francisco Vazquez with the force which I sent to pacify and settle in the newly discovered country, and of how the warden, Lope de Sam- aniego, was going as army-master, both because he was a responsible person and a very good Christian, and because he has had experience in matters of this sort; as Your Majesty had desired to know. And the news which I have received since then is to the effect that after they had passed the uninhabited region of Culuacan and were approaching Chiametla, the warden went off with some horsemen to find provisions, and one of the soldiers who was with him, who had strayed from the force, called out that they were killing him. The warden hastened to his assistance, and they wounded him in the eye with an arrow, from which he died. In regard to the fortress,’ besides the fact that it is badly built and going to pieces, it seems to me that the cost of it is excessive, and that Your Majesty could do without the most of it, because there is one man who takes charge of the munitions and artil- lery, and an armorer to repair it, and a gunner, and as this is the way it was under the audiencia, before the fortresses were made conformable to what I have written to Your Majesty, we can get along without the rest, because that fortress was built on account of the brigantines, and not for any other purpose.’ And as the lagoon is so dry that it can do no good in this way for the present, I think that, for this reason, the cost is superfluous. I believe that if will have fallen in before a reply can come from Your Majesty. Some days ago I wrote to Your Majesty that I had ordered Melchior Diaz, who was in the town of San Miguel de Culuacan, to take some horsemen and see if the account given by the father, Friar Marcos, agreed with what he could discover. He set out from Culuacan with fifteen horsemen, the 17th of November last. The 20th of this present 1From the Spanish text in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. ii, p. 356. The letter mentioned in the opening sentence is not known to exist. ?Presumably the fortress of which Samaniego was warden ‘Buckingham Smiths Florida gives many documents relating to the damage done by French brigantines to the Spanish West Indies during 1540-41. 547 548 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eTH, ANN. 14 March I received a letter from him, which he sent me by Juan de Zal- dyvar and three other horsemen, In this he says that after he left Culnacan and crossed the river of Petatlan he was everywhere very well received by the Indians. The way he did was to send a cross to the place where he was going to stop, because this was a sign which the Indians received with deep veneration, making a house out of mats in which to place it, and somewhat away from this they made a lodging . for the Spaniards, and drove stakes where they could tie the horses, and supplied fodder for them, and abundance of corn wherever they had it. They say that they suffered from hunger in many places, because it had been a bad year. After going 100 leagues from Culuacan, he began to find the country cold, with severe frosts, and the farther he went on the colder it became, until he reached a point where some Indians whom he had with him were frozen, and two Spaniards were in great danger. Seeing this, he decided not to go any farther until the winter was over, and to send back, by those whom I mentioned, an account of what he had learned concerning Cibola and the country beyond, which is as follows, taken literally from his letter: “T have given Your Lordship an account of what happened to me along the way; and seeing that it is impossible to cross the uninhabited region which stretches from here to Cibola, on account of the heavy snows and the cold, I will give Your Lordship an account of what I have learned about Cibola, which I have ascertained by asking many persons who have been there fifteen and twenty years; and I have secured this in many different ways, taking some Indians together and others sep- arately, and on comparison they all seem to agree in what they say. After crossing this large wilderness, there are seven places, being a short day’s march from one to another, all of which are together called Cibola. The houses are of stone and mud, coarsely worked. They are made in this way: One large wall, and at each end of this wall some rooms are built, partitioned off 20 feet square, according to the deserip- tion they give, which are planked with square beams. Most of the houses are reached from the flat roofs, using their ladders to go to the streets. The houses have three and four stories. They declare that there are few having two stories. The stories are mostly half as high again aS a man, except the first one, which is low, and only a little more than a man’s height. One ladder is used to communicate with ten or twelve houses together. They make use of the low ones and live in the highest ones. In the lowest ones of all they have some loopholes made sideways, as in the fortresses of Spain. The Indians say that when these people are attacked, they station themselves in their houses and fight from there; and that when they go to make war, they carry shields and wear leather jackets, which are made of cows’ hide, colored, and that they fight with arrows and with a sort of stone maul and with some other weapons made of sticks, which I have not been able to make out. They eat human flesh, and they keep those whom they capture in war as slaves. There are many fowls in the WINSHIP) MENDOZA’S LETTER, APRIL 17, 1540 549 country, tame. They have much corn and beans and melons [squashes]. In their houses they keep some hairy animals, like the large Spanish hounds, which they shear, and they make long colored wigs from the hair, like this one which I send to Your Lordship, which they wear, and they also put this same stuff in the cloth which they make.’ The men are of small stature [plate Lx11|; the women are light colored and of good appearance, and they wear shirts or chemises which reach down to their feet. They wear their hair on each side done up in a sort of . twist {plate Lx11|, which leaves the ears outside, in which they hang many turquoises, as well as on their necks and on the wrists of their arms. The clothing of the men is a cloak, and over this the skin of a cow, like the one which Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes brought, which Your Lordship saw; they wear caps? on their heads; in summer they wear shoes made of painted or colored skin, and high buskins in winter.’ They were also unable to tell me of any metal, nor did they say that they had it. They have turquoises in quantity, although not so many as the father provincial said. They have some little stone crystals, like this which I send to Your Lordship, of which Your Lordship has seen many here in New Spain. They cultivate the ground in the same way asin New Spain. They carry things on their heads, as in Mexico. 1In his paper on the Human Bones of the Hemenway Collection (Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, VI, p- 156 et seq.), Dr Washington Matthews discusses the possible former existence of a variety of the llama in certain parts of the southwest. «The headbands are doubtless here referred to, ‘The Spanish text for the foregoing paragraph is as follows: “Salidos deste despoblado grande, estan siete lugares y habra una jornada pequena del uno al otro, 4 los quales todos juntos llaman Civola; tienen las casas de piedra y barro, toscamente labradas, son desta manera hechas: una pared larga y desta pared 4 un cabo y 4 otro salen unas cémaras atajadas de veinte piés en cuadra, segund senalan, las cuales estdn maderadas de vigas por labrar; las més casas se mandan por las azoteas con sus escaleras 4 las calles; son las casas de tres y de cuatro altos; afirman haber pocas de dos altos, los altos son demis de estado y medio en alto, ecebto el primero ques bajo, que no ternd sino algo mis que un estado; manddnse diez 6 doce casas juntas por una escalera, de los bajos se sirven y en los mas altos habitan; en el mds bajo de todos tienen unas saeteras hechas al'soslayo como en fortalezas en Espatia. Dicen los indios que cuando les vienen 4 dar guerra, que se meten en sus casas todos y de alli pelean, y que cuando ellos van 4 hacer guerra, que levan rodelas y unas cueras vestidas que son de vacas de colores, y que pelean con flechas y con unas macetas de piedra y con otras armas de palo que no he podido entender. Comen carne humana y los que prenden en la guerra tiénenlos por esclavos. Hay muchas gallinas en la tierra, mansas, tienen mucho maiz y frisoles y melones, tienen en sus casas unos animales bedijudos como grandes poden- cos de Castilla, los quales tresquilan, y del pelo hacen cabelleras de colores que se ponen, como esa que envio 4 V.S., y tambien en la ropa que hacen echan de lo mismo. Los hombres son de pequena estatura; las mujeres son blancas y de buenos gestos, andan vestidas con unas camisas que les llegan hasta los piés, y los cabellos parténselos 4 manera de lados con ciertas vueltas, que les quedan las orejas de fuera, en las cuales se cuelgan muchas turquesas y al cuello y en las mufecas de los brazos. El vestidv de los hombres son mantas y encima cueros de vaca, como el que V.§. veria que llevé Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes; en las cabezas se ponen unas tocas; traen en verano zapatos de cuero pintados 6 de color, y en el invierno borceguies altos. * De la misma manera, no me saben dar razon de metal ninguno, ni dicen que lo tengan; turquesas tienen en cantidad, aunque no tantas como el padre provincial dice; tienen unas pedrezuelas de christal como esa que envio 4 V.S., de las cuales V.S. habia yisto hartas en esa Nueva Espana; labran las tierras 4 uso de la Nueva Espana; cairganse en la cabeza como en México; los hombres tejen la ropa 6 hilan el algodon; comen sal de una laguna questa 4 dos jornadas de la provincia de Civola. Los indios hacen sus bailes y cantos con unas flautas que tienen sus puntos do ponen los dedos, hacen muchos sones, cantan juntamente con los que tanen, y los que cantan dan palmas 4 nuestro modo. Ain indio de los que levé Estéban el Negro, questuvo alla cautivo, le vi taher, que selo mostraron alli, y otros cantaban como digo, aunque no muy desenvueltos; dicen que se juntan cinco 6 seis 4 tafer, y que son las flautas unas mayores que otras.” 550 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (EPH. ANN. 14 The men weave cloth and spin cotton. They have salt from a marshy lake, which is two days from the province of Cibola.' The Indians have their dances and songs, with some flutes which have holes on which to put the fingers. They make much noise. They sing in unison with those who play, and those who sing clap their hands in our fash- ion. One of the Indians that accompanied the negro Esteban, who had been a captive there, saw the playing as they practiced it, and others singing as I have said, although not very vigorously. They say that five or six play together, and that some of the flutes are better than others.2, They say the country is good for corn and beans, and that they do not have any fruit trees, nor do they know what such a thing is.’ They have very good mountains. The country lacks water. They do not raise cotton, but bring it from Totonteac.t They eat out of flat bowls, like the Mexicans. They raise considerable corn and beans and other similar things.° They do not know what sea fish is, nor have they ever heard of it. Ihave not obtained any information about the cows, except that these are found beyond the province of Cibola. There is a great abundance of wild goats, of the color of bay horses; there are many of these here where I am, and although I have asked the Indians if those are like these, they tell me no. Of the seven settlements, they describe three of them as very large; four not so big. They describe them, as I understand, to be about three cross- bow shots square for each place, and from what the Indians say, and their descriptions of the houses and their size, and as these are close together, and considering that there are people in each house, it ought to make a large multitude. Totonteac is declared to be seven short days from the province of Cibola, and of the same sort of houses and people, and they say that cotton grows there. I doubt this, because they tell me that it is a cold country. They say that there are twelve villages, every one of which is larger than the largest at Cibola. They also tell me that there is a village which is one day from Cibola, and that the two are at war. They have the same sort of houses and people and customs. They declare this to be greater than any of those described ; I take it that there is a great multitude of people there. They are very well known, on account of having these houses and abundance of food and turquoises. I have not been able to learn more than what I have iThe same salt lake from which the Zunis obtain their salt supply today. 2Compare with this hearsay description of something almost unknown to the Spaniards, the thor- oughly scientific descriptions of the Hopi dances and ceremonials recorded by Dr J. Walter Fewkes. *The peaches, watermelons, cantaloupes, and grapes, now so extensively cultivated by the Pueblos, were introduced early in the seventeenth century by the Spanish missionaries. 4At first glance it seems somewhat strange that although Zuni is considerably more than 100 miles south of Totonteac, or Tusayan, the people of the former villages did not cultivate cotton, but in this Iam reminded by Mr Hodge that part of the Tusayan people are undoubtedly of southern origin and that in all probability they introduced cotton into that group of villages. The Pimas raised cotton as late as 1850. None of the Pueblos now cultivate the plant, the introduction of cheap fabrics by traders having doubtless brought the industry to an end. See page 574. ‘VY otras simillas como chia”’ is the Spanish text. ‘Doubtless the pueblo of Marata (Makyata) mentioned by Marcos de Niza. This village was situ- ated near the salt lake and had been destroyed by the Zunis some years before Niza visited New Mexico. = : - or A _ a = a - _. - - — 1 : a ee T.-? es : op pars a Ca , : i i ~ ‘a —__ & : = ay i . P 4 ’ { . f < \ , is = ‘ ' z : * ' ; * -. 7 * 7 = a al J = A - ae 4 ” - aS - ® ~ a ' 7 7 ¢ p : : 9 a: 7 a ‘ y ‘ 7 7 aa = i J = = Le ae 4 ‘% : = Lb 7 _ = | ca) hy : z hod a : ‘ =< ~ y > ¢ ' ~s BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVII PUEBLO SPINNING AND WEAVING (From photograph of a model in the National Museum) WINSHIP | MENDOZA’S LETTER, APRIL 17, 1540 551 related, although, as I have said, I have had with me Indians who have lived there fifteen and twenty years. “The death of Esteban the negro took place in the way the father, Friar Mareos, described it to your lordship, and so I do not make a report of it here, except that the people at Cibola sent word to those of this village and in its neighborhood that if any Christians should come, they ought not to consider them as anything peculiar, and ought to kill them, because they were mortal—saying that they had learned this because they kept the bones of the one who had come there; and that, if they did not dare to do this, they should send word so that those (at Cibola) could come and do it. [can very easily believe that all this has taken place, and that there has been some communication between these places, because of the coolness with which they received us and the sour faces they have shown us.” Melchior Diaz says that the people whom he found along the way do not have any settlements at all, except in one valley which is 150 leagues from Culuacan, which is well settled and has houses with lofts, and that there are many people along the way, but that they are not good for anything except to make them Ohristians, as if this was of small account. May Your Majesty remember to provide for the service of God, and keep in mind the deaths and the loss of life and of provinces which has taken place in these Indies. And, moreover, up to this present day none of the things Your Majesty has commanded, which have been very holy and good, have been attended to, nor priests provided, either for that country or for this. For I assure Your Maj- esty that there is no trace of Christianity where they have not yet arrived, neither little nor much, and that the poor people are ready to receive the priests and come to them even when they flee from us like deer in the mountains. And I state this because I am an eyewitness, and I have seen it clearly during this trip. I have importuned Your Majesty for friars, and yet again I ean not cease domg it much more, because unless this be done I can not accomplish that which [am bound to do. After I reach Mexico, [ will give Your Majesty an account of every- thing concerning these provinces, for while L should like to do it today, I can not, because | am very weak from a slow fever which [I caught in Colima, which attacked me very severely, although it did not last more than six days. It has pleased Our Lord to make me well already, and I have traveled here to Jacona, where I am. May Our Lord protect the Holy Catholic Oisarian person of Your Majesty and aggrandize it with increase of better kingdoms and lord Ships, as we your servants desire. From Jacona, April 17, 1540, 8. 0. C. M. Your Holy Majesty’s humble servant, who salutes your royal feet and hands, D. ANTONIO DE MENDOZA, TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER FROM CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540.) THE ACCOUNT GIVEN BY FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ DE CORONADO, CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF THE FORCE WHICH WAS SENT IN THE NAME oF His MAJESTY TO THE NEWLY DISCOVERED COUNTRY, OF WHAT HAPPENED TO THE EXPEDITION AFTER APRIL 22 OF THE YEAR MDXL, WHEN HE STARTED FORWARD FROM CULIACAN, AND OF WHAT HE FOUND IN THE COUNTRY THROUGH WHICH HE PASSED. Francisco Vazquez starts from Culiacan with his army, and after suffer- ing various inconveniences on account of the badness of the way, reaches the Valley of Hearts, where he failed to find any corn, to procure which he sends to the valley called Senora. He receives an account of the important Valley of Hearts and of the people there, and of some lands lying along that coast. On the 22d of the month of April last, I set out from the province of Culiacan with a part of the army, having made the arrangements of which I wrote to Your Lordship. Judging by the outcome, I feel sure that it was fortunate that I did not start the whole of the army on this undertaking, because the labors have been so very great and the lack of food such that I do not believe this undertaking could have been completed before the end of this year, and that there would be a great loss of life if it should be accomplished. For, as I wrote to Your Lord- ship, I spent eighty days in traveling to Culiacan,? during which time I and the gentlemen of my company, who were horsemen, carried on our backs and on our horses a little food, in such wise that after leaving this place none of us carried any necessary effects weighing more than a pound. For all this, and although we took all possible care and fore- thought of the small supply of provisions which we carried, it gave out. And this is not to be wondered at, because the road is rough and long, and what with our harquebuses, which had to be carried up the moun- tains and hills and in the passage of the rivers, the greater part of the 1 Translated from the Italian version, in Ramusio’s Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 359 (ed. 1556). There is another English translation in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii, p. 873 (ed. 1600). Hakluyt’s translation is reprinted in Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 20. Mr Irving Babbitt, of the French department in Harvard University, has assisted in correcting some of the errors and omissions in Haklnyt’s version. The proper names, excepting such as are properly translated, are spelled as in the Italian text. 2This statement is probably not correct. It may be due to a blunder by Ramusio in translating from the original text. See note on page 382. Eighty days (see pp. 564,572) would be nearly the time which Coronado probably spent on the journey from Culiacan to Cibola, and this interpretation would render the rest of the sentence much more intelligible. 552 WINSHIP] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 553 corn was lost. And since I send Your Lordship a drawing of this route, I will say no more about it here. Thirty leagues before reaching the place which the father provincial spoke so well of in his report,! I sent Melchior Diaz forward with fifteen horsemen, ordering him to make but one day’s journey out of two, so that he could examine everything there before I arrived. He traveled through some very rough mountains for four days, and did not find any- thing to live on, nor people, nor information about anything, except that he found two or three poor villages, with twenty or thirty huts apiece. From the people here he learned that there was nothing to be found in the country beyond except the mountains, which continued very rough, entirely uninhabited by people. And, because this was labor lost, I did not want to send Your Lordship an account of it. The whole company felt disturbed at this, that a thing so much praised, and about which the father had said so many things, should be found so very different; and they began to think that all the rest would be of the same sort. When I noticed this, I tried to encourage them as well as I could, tell- ing them that Your Lordship had always thought that this part of the trip would be a waste of effort, and that we ought to devote our atten- tion to those Seven Cities and the other provinces about which we had information—that these should be the end of our enterprise. With this resolution and purpose, we all marched cheerfully along a very bad way, where it was impossible to pass without making a new road or repair- ing the one that was there, which troubled the soldiers not a little, con- sidering that everything which the friar had said was found to be quite the reverse; because, among other things which the father had said and declared, he said that the way would be plain and good, and that there would be only one small hill of about half a league. And the truth is, that there are mountains where, however well the path might be fixed, they could not be crossed without there being great danger of the horses falling over them. And it was so bad that a large number of the ani- mals which Your Lordship sent as provision for the army were lost along this part of the way, on account of the roughness of the rocks. The lambs and wethers lost their hoofs along the way, and I left the greater part of those which I brought from Culiacan at the river of Lachimi,? because they were unable to travel, and so that they might proceed more slowly. Four horsemen remained with them, who have just arrived. They have not brought more than 24 lambs and 4 wethers; the rest died from the toil, although they did not travel more than two leagues daily. J reached the Valley of Hearts at last, on the 26th day of the month of May, and rested there a number of days. Between Culiacan and this place I could sustain myself only by means of a large supply of corn bread, because I had to leave all the corn, as it was not yet ripe. In this 2Doubtless the Yaquimi or Yaqui river. 554 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 which we had left behind, and a large extent of tilled ground. There was no corn for food among them, but as I heard that there was some in another valley called Senora, which I did not wish to disturb by force, I sent Melchior Diaz with goods to exchange for it, so as to give this to the friendly Indians whom we brought with us, and to some who had lost their animals along the way and had not been able to carry the food which they had taken from Culiacan. By the favor of Our Lord, some little corn was obtained by this trading, which relieved the friendly Indians and some Spaniards. Ten or twelve of the horses had died of overwork by the time that we reached this Valley of Hearts, because they were unable to stand the strain of carrying heavy burdens and eating little. Some of our negroes and some of the Indians also died here, which was not a slight loss for the rest of the expedition. They told me that the Valley of Hearts is a long five-days’ journey from the western sea. I sent to summon Indians from the coast in order to learn about their condition, and while I was waiting for these the horses rested. I stayed there four days, during which the Indians came from the sea, who told me that there were seven or eight islands two days’ journey from that seacoast, directly opposite, well populated with peo- ple, but poorly supplied with food, and the people were savages.! They told me they had seen a ship pass not very far from the land. I do not know whether to think that it was the one which was sent to discover the country, or perhaps some Portuguese.’ They come to Chichilticale; after having taken two days’ rest, they enter a country containing very little food and hard to travel for 30 leagues, beyond which the country becomes pleasant, and there is a river called the River of the Flax (del Lino); they fight against the Indians, being attacked by these; and having by their victory secured the city, they relieve themselves of the pangs of their hunger. I set out from the Hearts and kept near the seacoast as well as I could judge, but in fact I found myself continually farther off, so that when I reached Chichilticale I found that I was fifteen days’ journey distant from the sea,’ although the father provincial had said that it was only 5 leagues distant and that he had seen it. We all became very distrustful, and felt great anxiety and dismay to see that everything was the reverse of what he had told Your Lordship. The Indians of Chichilticale say that when they go to the sea for fish, or for anything else that they need, they go across the country, and that it takes them 1These were doubtless the Seri, of Yuman stock, who occupied a strip of the Gulf coast between latitude 28° and 29° and the islands Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon. The latter island, as well as the coast of the adjacent mainland, is still inhabited by this tribe. “As Indian news goes, there is no reason why this may not have been one of Ulloa’s ships, which sailed along this coast during the previous summer. It can hardly have been a ship of Alarcon's fleet. sRamusio: ‘mi ritronauo lunge dal mare quindici giornate.’’ Hakluyt (ed. 1600): ‘I found my selfe tenne dayes iourney from the Sea.” OSNOJS301l NVS YO IS-OHM-Oid JO O184SNd YVM3AL SHL WWAXT “Id = =14Od34 IVANNY HLN33LYNOS ADOTONH1I3 40 NV3AHNE WINSHIP) CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 555 ten days; and this information which I have received from the Indians appears to me to be true. The sea turns toward the west directly oppo- site the Hearts for 10 or 12 leagues, where I learned that the ships of Your Lordship had been seen, which had gone in search of the port of Chichilticale, which the father said was on the thirty-fifth degree. God knows what I have suffered, because I fear that they may have met with some mishap. If they follow the coast, as they said they would, as long as the food lasts which they took with them, of which I left them a supply in Culiacan, and if they have not been overtaken by some mis- fortune, I maintain my trust in God that they have already discovered something good, for which the delay which they have made may be pardoned. I rested for two days at Chichilticale, and there was good reason for staying longer, because we found that the horses were becom- ing so tired; but there was no chance to rest longer, because the food was giving out. I entered the borders of the wilderness region on Saint John’s eve, and, for a change from our past labors, we found no grass during the first days, but a worse way through mountains and more dangerous passages than we had experienced previously. The horses were so tired that they were not equal to it, so that in this last desert we lost more horses than before; and some Indian allies and a Span- iard called Spinosa, besides two negroes, died from eating some herbs because the food had given out. I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, with 15 horsemen, a day’s march ahead of me, in order to explore the country and prepare the way, which he accom- plished like the man that he is, and agreeably to the confidence which Your Lordship has had in him. I am the more certain that he did so, because, as I have said, the way is very bad for at least 30 leagues and more, through impassable mountains. But when we had passed these 30 leagues, we found fresh rivers and grass like that of Castile, and especially one sort like what we call Scaramoio; many nut and mul- berry trees, but the leaves of the nut trees are different from those of Spain. There was a considerable amount of flax near the banks of one river, which was called on this account El Rio del Lino. No Indians were seen during the first day’s march, after which four Indians came out with signs of peace, saying that they had been sent to that desert place to say that we were welcome, and that on the next day the tribe would provide the whole force with food. The army-master gave them across, telling them to say to the people in their city that they need not fear, and that they should have their people stay in their own houses, because I was coming in the name of His Majesty to defend and help them. After this was done, Ferrando Alvarado came back to tell me that some Indians had met him peaceably, and that two of them were with the army-master waiting for me. I went to them forthwith and gave them some paternosters and some little cloaks, telling them to return to their city and say to the people there that they could stay quietly in their houses and that they need not fear. After this I ordered 556 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 the army-master to go and see if there were any bad passages which the Indians might be able to defend, and to seize and hold any such until the next day, when I would come up. He went, and found a very bad place in our way where we might have received much harm. He immediately established himself there with the force which he was conducting. The Indians came that very night to occupy that place so as to defend 1t, and finding it taken, they assaulted our men. Accord- ing to what I have been told, they attacked like valiant men, although in the end they had to retreat in flight, because the army-master was on the watch and kept his men in good order. The Indians sounded a little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did not do any injury to the Spaniards. The army-master sent me notice of this the same night, so that on the next day I started with as good order as I could, for we were in such great need of food that I thought we should all die of hun- ger if we continued to be without provisions for another day, especially the Indians, since altogether we did not have two bushels of corn, and so I was obliged to hasten forward without delay. The Indians lighted their fires from point to point, and these were answered from a distance with as good understanding as we could have shown. Thus notice was given concerning how we went and where we had arrived. As soon as I came within sight of this city, I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez, Friar Daniel and Friar Luis, and Ferrando Vermizzo, with some horsemen, a little way ahead, so that they might find the Indians and tell them that we were not coming to do them any harm, but to defend them in the name of our lord the Emperor. The summons, in the form which His Majesty commanded in bis instructions, was made intelligible to the people of the country by an interpreter. But they, being a proud people, were little affected, because it seemed to them that we were few in number, and that they would not have any difficulty in conquering us. They pierced the gown of Friar Luis with an arrow, which, blessed be God, did him no harm. Meanwhile I arrived with all the rest of the horse and the footmen, and found a large body of the Indians on the plain, who began to shoot with {heir arrows. In obedience to the orders of Your Lordship and of the marquis,' I did not wish my company, who were begging me for permission, to attack them, telling them that they ought not to offend them, and that what the enemy was doing was nothing, and that so few people ought not to be insulted. On the other hand, when the Indians saw that we did not move, they took greater courage, and grew so bold that they came up almost to the heels of our horses to shoot their arrows. On this account I saw that it was no longer time to hesitate, and as the priests approved the action, I charged them. There was little to do, because they suddenly took to fight, part running toward the city, which was near and well fortified, and others toward the plain, wherever chance led them. Some Indians 1It is possible that this is a blunder, in Ramusio’s text, for ‘His Majesty.’’ The Marquis, in New Spain, is always Cortes, for whom neither Mendoza nor Coronado had any especial regard. - WINSHIP] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST: 3, 1540 557 were killed, and others might have been slain if I could have allowed them to be pursued. But I saw that there would be little advantage in this, because the Indians who were outside were few, and those who had retired to the city were numerous, besides many who had remained there in the first place. As that was where the food was, of which we stood in such great need, I assembled my whole force and divided them as seemed to me best for the attack on the city, and surrounded it. The hunger which we suffered would not permit of any delay, and so I dismounted with some of these gentlemen and soldiers. I ordered the musketeers and crossbowmen to begin the attack and drive back the enemy from the defenses, so that they could not do us any injury. I assaulted the wall on one side, where I was told that there was a scal- ing ladder and that there wasalsoa gate. But the crossbowmen broke all the strings of their crossbows and the musketeers could do nothing, because they had arrived so weak and feeble that they could scarcely stand on their feet. On this account the people who were on top were not prevented at all from defending themselves and doing us whatever injury they were able. Thus, for myself, they knocked me down to the ground twice with countless great stones which they threw down from above, and if I[had not been protected by the very good headpiece which I wore, I think that the outcome would have been bad for me. They picked me up from the ground, however, with two small wounds in my face and an arrow in my foot, and with many bruises on my arms and legs, and in this condition I retired from the battle, very weak. I think that if Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas had not come to my help, like a good cavalier, the second time that they knocked me to the ground, by placing his own body above imine, I should have been in much greater danger than Iwas. But, by the pleasure of God, these Indians surrendered, and their city was taken with the help of Our Lord, and a sufficient supply of corn was found there to relieve our necessities. The army-master and Don Pedro de Tovar and Ferrando de Alvarado and Paulo de Melgosa, the infantry captain, sustained some bruises, although none of them were wounded. Agoniez Quarez was hit in the arm by an arrow, and one Torres, who lived in Panuco, in the face by another, and two other footmen received slight arrow wounds. They all directed their attack against me because my armor was gilded and glittered, and on this account I was hurt more than the rest, and not because I had done more or was farther in advance than the others; for all these gentlemen and soldiers bore themselves well, as was expected of them. I praise God that Il am now well, although somewhat sore from the stones. Two or three other soldiers were hurt in the battle which we had on the plain, and three horses were killed—one that of Don Lopez and another that of Vigliega and the third that of Don Alfonso Manrich—and seven or eight other horses were wounded; but the men, as well as the horses, have now recovered and are well. 558 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. Ht Of the situation and condition of the Seven Cities called the kingdom of Cevola, and the sort of people and their customs, and of the animals which are found there. It now remains for me to tell about this city and kingdom and prov- ince, of which the Father Provincial gave Your Lordship an account. In brief, I can assure you that in reality he has not told the truth in a single thing that he said, but everything is the reverse of what he said, except the name of the city and the large stone houses. For, although they are not decorated with turquoises, nor made of lime nor of good bricks, nevertheless they are very good houses, with three and four and five stories, where there are very good apartments and good rooms with corridors,' and some very good rooms under ground and paved, which are made for winter, and are something like a sort of hot baths? The ladders which they have for their houses are ail movable and port- able, which are taken up and placed wherever they please. They are made of two pieces of wood, with rounds like ours. [See plates Ly, LVIx.] The Seven Cities are seven little villages, all having the kind of houses I have described. They are all within a radius of 5 leagues. They are all called the kingdom of Cevola, and each has its own name and no single one is called Cevola, but all together are called Cevola. This one which I have called a city I have named Granada, partly because it has some similarity to it,’ as well as out of regard for Your Lordship. In this place where I am now lodged there are perhaps 200 houses, all surrounded by a wall, and it seems to me that with the other houses, which are not so surrounded, there might be altogether 500 families. There is another town near by, which is one of the seven, but somewhat larger than this, and another of the same size as this, and the other four are somewhat smaller. I send them all to Your Lord- ship, painted with the route. The skin on which the painting is made was found here with other skins. The people of the towns seem to me to be of ordinary size and intelligent, although I do not think that they have the judgment and intelligence which they ought to have to build these houses in the way in which they have, for most of them are entirely naked except the covering of their privy parts, and they have painted mantles like the one which I send to Your Lordship. They do not raise cotton, because the country is very ‘cold, but they wear mantles, as may be seen by the exhibit which I send. It is also true that some cotton thread was found in their houses. They wear the hair on their heads like the Mexicans. They all have good figures, and are well bred. I think that they have a quantity of turquoises, which they had removed with the rest of their goods, except the corn, when I arrived, because I did not find any women here nor any men )Hakluyt: . . . ‘‘very excellent good houses of three or foure or fine lofts high, wherein are good lodgings and faire chambers with lathers in stead of staires.”’ 2 The kivas or ceremonial chambers. 3See the footnote on page 564 in regard to the similarity of names. The note was written without reference to the above passage. — Z3Wa3r 40 O183Nd XIXT™Id = 1HOd34 TVANNY HLIN33LYNOS ASOTONH13 4O NyaynE WINSHIP] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 559 under 15 years or over 60, except two or three old men who remained in command of all the other men and the warriors. Two points of emerald and some little broken stones which approach the color of rather poor garnets! were found in a paper, besides other stone crystals, which I gave to one of my servants to keep until they could be sent to Your Lordship. He has lost them, as they tell me. We found fowls, but only a few, and yet there are some. The Indians tell me that they do not eat these in any of the seven villages, but that they keep them merely for the sake of procuring the feathers.? I do not believe this, because they are very good,and better than those of Mexico. The climate of this country and the temperature of the air is almost like that of Mexico, because it is sometimes hot and sometimes it rains. [ have not yet seen it rain, however, except once when there fell a little Shower with wind, such as often falls in Spain. The snow and the cold are usually very great, according to what the natives of the country all say. This may very probably be so, both because of the nature of the country and the sort of houses they build and the skins and other things which these people have to protect them from the cold. There are no kinds of fruit or fruit trees. The country is all level, and is nowhere shut in by high mountains, although there are some hills and rough passages.’ There are not many birds, probably because of the cold, and because there are no mountains near. There are no trees fit for firewood here, because they can bring enough for their needs from a clump of very small cedars 4 leagues distant.* Very good grass is found a quarter of a league away, where there is pasturage for our horses as well as mowing for hay, of which we had great need, because our horses were so weak and feeble when they arrived. The food which they eat in this country is corn, of which they have a great abundance, and beans and venison, which they probably eat (although they say that they do not), because we found many skins of deer and hares and rabbits. They make the best corn cakes I have ever seen anywhere, and this is what everybody ordinarily eats. They have the very best arrangement and machinery for grinding that was ever seen [plate LXIv]. One of these Indian women here will grind as much as four of the Mexi- cans. They have very good salt in crystals, which they bring from a lake a day’s journey distant from here. No information can be obtained among them about the North sea or that on the west, nor do I know how to tell Your Lordship which we are nearest to. I should judge that it is nearer to the western, and 150 leagues is the nearest that it seems tome it can bethither. The North sea ought to be mueh farther away. Your Lordship may thus see how very wide the country is. They have 1Many garnets are found on the ant-hills throughout the region, especially in the Navajo country. *The natives doubtless told the truth. Eagle and turkey feathers are still highly prized by them for use in their ceremonies. *It should be noted that Coronado clearly distinguishes between hills or mesas and mountains. Zuni valley is hemmed in by heights varying from 500 to 1,000 feet. 4This accords perfectly with the condition of the vegetation in Zuni valley at the present time. 560 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 many animals—bears, tigers, lions, porcupines, and some sheep as big as a horse, with very large horns and little tails. I have seen some of their horns the size of which was something to marvel at.’ There are also wild goats, whose heads I have seen, and the paws of the bears and the skins of the wild boars. For game they have deer, leopards, and very large deer,’ and every one thinks that some of them are larger than that animal which Your Lordship favored me with, which belonged to Juan Melaz. They inhabit some plains eight days’ journey toward the north. They have some of their skins here very well dressed, and they prepare and paint them where they kill the cows, according to what they tell me. Of the nature and situation of the kingdoms of Totonteac, Marata, and Acus, wholly different from the account of Friar Marcos. The confer- ence which they had with the Indians of the city of Granada, which they had captured, who had been forewarned of the coming of Christians into their country fifty years before. The account which was obtained from them concerning seven other cities, of which Tucano is the chief, and how he sent to discover them. A present sent to Mendoza of various things found in this country by Vazquez Coronado. These Indians say that the kingdom of Totonteac, which the father provincial praised so much, saying that it was something marvelous, and of such a very great size, and that cloth was made there, is a hot Jake, on the edge of which there are five or six houses.* There used to be some others, but these have been destroyed by war. The kingdom of Marata can not be found, nor do these Indians know any- thing about it. The kingdom of Acus is a single small city, where they raise cotton, and this is called Acucu.* I say that this is the country, because Acus, with or without the aspiration, is not a word in this region; and because it seems to me that Acuca may be derived from Acus, I say that it is this town which has been converted into the kingdom of Acus. They tell me that there are some other small ones not far from this settlement, which are situated on a river which I have seen and of which the Indians have told me. God knows that I wish I had better news to write to Your Lordship, but I must give you the truth, and, as I wrote you from Culiacan, I must advise you of the good as well as of the bad. But you may be assured that if there had been all the riches and treasures of the world, I could not have done more in His Majesty’s service and in that of Your Lordship than I have done, in coming here where you commanded me to go, carrying, both my companions and myself, our food on our backs for 300 leagues, and 1See the translation of Castafeda’s narrative, p. 487. “Doubtless a slip of Ramusio's pen for cows, i.¢., buffalos. ‘Coronado doubtless misinterpreted what the natives intended to communicate. The ‘‘ hot lake” was in all probability the salt lake alluded to on page 550, near which Marata was situated. Toton- teac was of course Tusayan, or ‘‘ Tucano.” 4This is a form of the Zuni name for Acoma—Hakukia. WINSHIP] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 561 traveling on foot many days, making our way over hills and rough mountains, besides other labors which I refrain from mentioning. Nor do I think of stopping until my death, if it serves His Majesty or Your Lordship to have it so. Three days after I captured this city, some of the Indians who lived here came to offer to make peace. They brought me some turquoises and poor mantles, and I received them in His Majesty’s name with as good a speech as I could, makmg them understand the purpose of my coming to this country, which is, in the name of His Majesty and by the commands of Your Lordship. that they and all others in this prov- ince should become Christians and should know the true God for their Lord, and His Majesty for their king and earthly lord. After this they returned to their houses and suddenly, the next day, they packed up their goods and property, their women and children, and fled to the hills, leaving their towns deserted, with only some few remaining in them. Seeing this, I went to the town which I said was larger than this, eight or ten days later, when I had recovered from my wounds. I found a few of them there, whom I told that they ought not to feel any fear, and I asked them to summon their lord to me. By what I can find out or observe, however, none of these towns have any, since I have not seen any principal house by which any superiority over others could be shown.' Afterward, an old man, who said he was their lord, came with a mantle made of many pieces, with whom I argued as long as he stayed with me. He said that he would come to see me with the rest of the chiefs of the country, three days later, in order to arrange the relations which should exist between us. He did so, and they brought me some little ragged mantles and some turquoises. I said that they ought to come down from their strongholds and return to their houses with their wives and children, and that they should bécome Christians, and recognize His Majesty as their king and lord. But they still remain in their strongholds, with their wives and all their property. I commanded them to have a cloth painted for me, with all the animals that they know in that country, and although they are poor painters, they quickly painted two for me, one of the animals and the other of the birds and fishes. They say that they will bring their children so that our priests may instruct them, and that they desire to know our law. They declare that it was foretold among them more than fifty years ago that a people such as we are should come, and the direction they should come from, and that the whole country would be conquered. So far as I can find out, the water is what these Indians worship, because they say that it makes the corn grow and sustains their life, and that the only other reason they know is because their ancestors did so.?_ I have tried in every way to find out from the natives of these settlements whether they know of any other peoples 1As clear a description of the form of tribal government among the Pueblo Indians as is anywhere to be found is in Bandelier’s story, The Delight Makers. Mr Bandelier has been most successful in his effort to picture the actions and spirit of Indian life. 2Dr J. Walter Fewkes has conclusively shown that the snake dance, probably the most dramatic of Indian ceremonials, is essentially a prayer for rain. Coming as it does just as the natural rainy season approaches, the prayer is almost invariably answered. 14 ETH 30 562 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ern. ann. 14 or provinces or cities. They tell me about seven cities which are at a considerable distance, which are like these, except that the houses there are not like these, but are made of earth {adobe], and small, and that they raise much cotton there. The first of these four places about which they know is called, they say, Tucano. They could not tell me much about the others. I do not believe that they tell me the truth, because they think that I shall soon have to depart from them and return home. But they will quickly find that they are deceived in this. I sent Don Pedro de Tobar there, with his company and some other horsemen, to see it. I would not have dispatched this packet to Your Lordship until I had learned what he found there, if I thought that I should have any news from him within twelve or fifteen days. How- ever, aS he will remain away at least thirty, and, considering that this information is of little importance and that the cold and the rains are approaching, it seemed to me that I ought to do as Your Lordship com- manded me in your instructions, which is, that as soon as I arrived here, I should advise you thereof, and this I do, by sending you the plain narrative of what I have seen, which is bad enough, as you may perceive. I have determined to send throughout all the surrounding regions, in order to find out whether there is anything, and to sufter every extremity before I give up this enterprise, and to serve His Majesty, if I can find any way in which to do it, and not to lack in diligence until Your Lordship directs me as to what I ought to do. We have great need of pasture, and you should know, also, that among all those who are here there is not one pound of raisins, nor sugar, nor oil, nor wine, except barely half a quart, which is saved to say mass, since everything is consumed,and part was lost on the way. Now, you can provide us with what appears best; but if you are thinking of sending us cattle, you should know that it will be necessary for them to spend at least a year on the road, because they can not come in any other way, nor any quicker. I would have liked to send to Your Lordship, with this dispatch, many samples of the things which they have in this country, but the trip is so long and rough that it is difficult for me to do so. However, I send you twelve small mantles, such as the people of this country ordinarily wear, and a garment which seems to me to be very well made. I kept it because it seemed to me to be of very good workmanship, and because I do not think that anyone has ever seen in these Indies any work done with a needle, unless it were done since the Spaniards settled here. And I also send two cloths painted with the animals which they have in this country, although, as I said, the painting is very poorly done, because the artist did not spend more than one day in painting it. I have seen other paintings on the walls of these houses which have much better proportion and are done much better. I send you a cow skin, some turquoises, and two earrings of the same, and fifteen of the Indian combs,! and some plates decorated with these turquoises, and two baskets made of wicker, of which the Indians have a large supply. I also send two rolls, such as the women usually wear on their heads when they bring water from the spring, the 1 Possibly those used in weaving. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX RUINS OF SPANISH CHURCH ABOVE JEMEZ WINSHIP] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 563 same way that they doin Spain. One of these Indian women, with one of these rolls on her head, will carry a jar of water up a ladder without touching it with her hands. And, lastly, I send you samples of the weapons with which the natives of this country fight, a shield, a ham- mer, and a bow with some arrows, among which there are two with bone points, the like of which have never been seen, according to what these conquerors say. As far as I can judge, it does not appear to me that there is any hope of getting gold or silver, but I trust in God that, if there is any, we shall get our share of it, and it shall not escape us through any lack of diligence in the search.'! I am unable to give Your Lordship any certain information about the dress of the women, because the Indians keep them guarded so carefully that I have not seen any, except two old women. These had on two long skirts reaching down to their feet and open in front, and a girdle, and they are tied together with some cotton strings. I asked the Indians to give me one of those which they wore, to send to you, since they were not willing to show methe women. They brought me two mantles, which are these that I send, almost painted over. They have two tassels, like the women of Spain, which hang somewhat over their shoulders. The death of the negro is perfectly certain, because many of the things which he wore have been found, and the Indians say that they killed him here because the Indians of Chichilticale said that he was a bad man, and not like the Christians, because the Christians never kill women, and he killed them, and because he assaulted their women, whom the Indians love better than themselves. Therefore they determined to kill him, but they did not do it in the way that was reported, because they did not kill any of the others who came with him, nor did they kill the lad from the province of Petatlan, who was with him, but they took him and kept him in safe custody until now. When I tried to secure him, they made excuses for not giving him to me, for two or three days, saying that he was dead, and at other times that the Indians of Acueu had taken him away. But when I finally told them that I should be very angry if they did not give him to me, they gave him to me. He is an interpreter; for although he can not talk much, he understands very well. Some gold and silver has been found in this place, which those who know about minerals say is not bad. I have not yet been able to learn from these people where they got it. I perceive that they refuse to tell me the truth in everything, because they think that I shall have to depart from here in a short time, as I have said. But I trust in God that they will not be able to avoid answering much longer. I beg Your Lordship to make a report of the success of this expedition to His Majesty, because there is nothing more than what I have already said. I shall not do so until it shall please God to grant that we find what we desire. Our Lord God protect and keep your most illustrious Lordship. From the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada, the 3d of August, 1540. Francisco Vazquez de Coronado kisses the hand of your most illustrious Lordship. 1This whole sentence is omitted by Hakluyt. The conquerors, in the literature of New Spain, are almost always those who shared with Cortes in the labors and the glory of the Spanish conquest of Mexico. TRANSLATION OF THE TRASLADO DE LAS NUEVAS Copy OF THE REPORTS AND DESCRIPTIONS THAT HAVE BEEN RECEIVED REGARDING THE DISCOVERY OF A CITY WHICH IS CALLED CIBOLA, SITUATED IN THE NEW COUNTRY. His grace left the larger part of his army in the valley of Culiacan, and with only 75 companions on horseback and 30 footmen, he set out for here Thursday, April 22. The army which remained there was to start about the end of the month of May, because they could not find any sort of sustenance for the whole of the way that they had to go, as far as this province of Cibola, which is 350 long leagues, and on this account he did not dare to put the whole army on the road. As for the men he took with him, he ordered them to make provision for eighty days, which was carried on horses, each having one for him- self and his followers. With very great danger of suffering hunger, and not less labor, since they had to open the way, and every day dis- covered waterways and rivers with bad crossings, they stood it after a fashion, and on the whole journey as far as this province there was not a peck of corn.2. He reached this province on Wednesday, the 7th of July last, with all the men whom he led from the valley very well, praise be to Our Lord, except one Spaniard who died of hunger four days from here and some negroes and Indians who also died of hunger and thirst. The Spaniard was one of those on foot, and was named Espinosa. In this way his grace spent seventy-seven days on the road before reach- ing here, during which God knows in what sort of a way we lived, and whether we could have eaten much more than we ate the day that his grace reached this city of Granada, for so it has been named out of regard for the viceroy, and because they say it resembles the Albaicin.* The force he led was not received the way it should have been, because they all arrived very tired from the great labor of the journey. This, and the loading and unloading like so many muleteers, and not eating as much as they should have, left them more in need of resting several days than of fighting, although there was not aman in the army who would not have done his best in everything if the horses, who suffered the same as their masters, could have helped them. The city was deserted by men over sixty years and under twenty, and by women and children. All who were there were the fighting 1Translated from Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xix, p. 529. This document is anonymous, but it is evidently a copy of a letter from some trusted companion, written from Granada- Hawikuh, about the time of Coronado’s letter of Angust 3, 1540. In the title to the document as printed, the date is given as 1531, but there can be no doubt that it is an account of Coronado’s journey. 2The printed Spanish text reads: ‘‘ que como venian abriendo y descobriendo, cada dia, camino, los arcabucos y rios, y malos pasos, se llevaban en parte.” . . . 3A part of Granada, near the Alhambra. There is a curious similarity in the names Albaicin and Hawikuh, the latter being the native name of Coronado’s Granada. 564 WINSHIP] TRASLADO DE LAS NUEVAS 565 men who remained to defend the city, and many of them came out, about a crossbow shot, uttering loud threats. The general himself went forward with two priests and the army-master, to urge them to sur- render, as is the custom in new countries. The reply that he received was from many arrows which they let fly, and they wounded Hernando Bermejo’s horse and pierced the loose flap of the frock of father Friar Luis, the former companion of the Lord Bishop of Mexico. When this was seen, taking as their advocate the Holy Saint James,’ he rushed upon them with all his force, which he had kept in very good order, and although the Indians turned their backs and tried to reach the city, they were overtaken and many of them killed before they could reach it. They killed three horses and wounded seven or eight. When my lord the general reached the city, he saw that it was sur- rounded by stone walls, and the houses very high, four and five and even six stories apiece, with their flat roofs and balconies. As the Indians had made themselves secure within it, and would not let anyone come near without shooting arrows at him, and as we could not obtain anything to eat unless we captured it, his grace decided to enter the city on foot and to surround it by men on horseback, so that the Indians who were inside could not get away. As he was distinguished among them all by his gilt arms and a plume on his headpiece, all the Indians aimed at him, because he was noticeable among all, and they knocked him down to the ground twice by chance stones thrown from the flat roofs, and stunned him in spite of his headpiece, and if this had not been so good, I doubt if he would have come out alive from that enter- prise, and besides all this—praised be Our Lord that he came out on his own feet—they hit him many times with stones on his head and shoulders and legs, and he received fwo small wounds on his face and an arrow wound in the right foot; but despite all this his grace is as sound and well as the day he left that city. And you* may assure my lord of all this, and also that on the 19th of July last he went 4 leagues from this city to see a rock where they told him that the Indians of this province had fortified themselves,’ and he returned the same day, so that he went 8 leagues in going and returning. I think I have given you an account of everything, for it is right that I should be the author- ity for you and his lordship, to assure you that everything is going well with the general my lord, and without any hesitation I can assure you that he is as well and sound as the day he left the city. He is located within the city, for when the Indians saw that his grace was deter- mined to enter the city, then they abandoned it, since they let them go with their lives. We found in it what we needed more than gold and silver, and that was much corn and beans and fowls, better than those of New Spain, and salt, the best and whitest that I have seen in all mny life. ! Uttering the war cry of Santiago. * The printed manuscript is V. M., which signifies Your Majesty. 8 Doubtless Thunder mountain. RELACION POSTRERA DE SIVOLA! ESTA ES LA RELACION POSTRERA DE SIVOLA, Y DE MAS DE CUATRO- CIENTAS LEGUAS ADELANTE. Desde Culhuacain 4 Sivola hay més de trescientas leguas; poco del camino poblado: hay muy poca gente: es tierra estéril: hay muy malos caminos: la gente anda del todo desnuda, salvo las mujeres, que de la cintura abajo traen cueros de venados adobados, blancos, 4 manera de faldillas hasta los pies. Las casas que tienen son de petlatles hechos de canas: son las casas redondas y pequenas, que apenas cabe un hombre en pie dentro. Donde estan congregados y donde siembran es tierra arenosa: cogen maiz, aunque poco, y frisoles y calabazas, y también se mantienen de caza, conejos, liebres y venados. No tienen sacrificios. Esto es desde Culhuacan 4 Sibola. Sivola es un pueblo de hasta ducientas casas: son 4 dos y tres y cuatro y cinco sobrados: tienen las paredes de un palmo de ancho: los palos de la maderacién son tan gruesos como por la muieca, y redondos; por tablaz6n tienen cailas muy menudas con sus hojas, y encima tierra presada: las paredes son de tierra y barro: las puertas de las casas son de la manera de escotillones de navios: estan las casas juntas, asidas unas con otras: tienen delante de las casas unas estufas de barro de tierra donde se guarecen en el inyvierno del frio, porque le hace muy grande, que nieva seis meses del ano. De esta gente algunos traen mantas de algodén y de maguey, y cueros de venados adobados, y traen zapatos de los mismos cueros, hasta encima de las rodillas. También hacen mantas de pellejos de liebres y de conejos, con que se cubren. Andan las mujeres vestidas de mantas de maguey hasta los pies: andan cenidas: traen los cabellos cogidos encima de las orejas, como rodajas: cogen maiz y frisoles y calabazas, lo que les basta para su mantenimiento, porque es poca gente, La tierra donde siembran es toda arena; son las aguas salobres: es tierra muy seca: tienen algunas gallinas, aunque pocas; no saben qué cosa es pescado. Son siete pueblos en esta pro- vincia de Sivola en espacio de cinco leguas: el mayor sera de ducientas casas, y otros dos, de 4 ducientas, y los otros 4 sesenta y 4 cincuenta y 4 treinta casas. Desde Sivola al rio y provincia de Tibex hay sesenta leguas: el primer pueblo es cuarenta leguas de Sivola: lamase Acuco. Este pueblo esta encima de un penol muy fuerte: sera de duzientas casas, asentado 4 la 1The source of this document is stated in the bibliographic note, p. 413. This appears to be a tran- script from letters written, probably at Tiguex on the Rio Grande, during the late summer or early fall of 1541. 566 a WINSHIP] RELACION POSTRERA DE SIVOLA 567 manera de Sivola que es otra lengua. Desde alli al rio de Tiguex hay veinte leguas. El] rio es cuasi tan ancho como el de Sevilla, aunque no es tan hondo: va por tierra lana: es buen agua: tiene algun pescado: nace al norte. El que esto dice vio doce pueblos en cierto compas del rio: otros vieron mas: dicen el rio arriba: abajo todos son pueblos pequenos, salvo dos que terndn 4 ducientas casas: estas casas con las paredes como 4 manera de tapias de tierra é arena, muy recias: son tan anchas como un palmo de una mano. Son las casas de 4 dos y tres te- rrados: tienen la maderacion como en Sivola. Hs tierra muy fria: tiene sus estufas como en Sivola; y hiélase tanto el rio, que pasan bestias cargadas por él, y pudieran pasar carretas. Cogen maiz lo que han menester, y frisoles y calabazas: tienen algunas gallinas, las cuales guardan para hacer mantas de lapluma. Cogen algod6n, aunque poco: traen mantas de ello, y zapatos de cuero como en Sivola. Es gente que defiende bien su capa, y desde sus casas, que no curan de salir fuera. Es tierra toda arenosa. Desde la provincia y rio de Tiguex, 4 cuatro jornadas toparon cuatro pueblos. El primero tern4 treinta casas. E) segundo es pueblo grande destruido de sus guerras: tenia hasta treinta y cinco casas pobladas: el tercero [sic] hasta Estos tres son de la manera dé los del rio en todo. El cuarto es un pueblo grande, el cual esta entre unos montes: lidmase Cicuic: tenia hasta cincuenta casas con tantos terrados como los de Sivola: son las paredes de tierra y barro como las de Sivola. Tienen harto maiz y frisoles y calabazas y algunas gallinas. — * e ‘ > > we ‘ ® = = —- . ) ‘ . » . : “a. = + * = - ’ WINSHIP] RELACION DEL SUCESO Hy a horse about this time and was sick a long time, and after the winter was over he determined to come back, and although they may say some- thing different, he did so, because he wanted to do this more than any- thing, and so we all came together as far as Culiacan, and each one weut where he pleased from there, and Francisco Vazquez came here to Mexico to make his report to the viceroy, who was not at all pleased with his coming, although he pretended so at first. He was pleased that Father Friar Juan de Padilla had stayed there, who went to Quivira, and a Spaniard and a negro with him, and Friar Luis, a very holy lay brother, stayed in Cicuique. We spent two very cold winters at this river, with much snow and thick ice. The river froze one night and remained so for more than a month, so that loaded horses crossed on the ice. The reason these villages are settled in this fashion is supposed to be the great cold, although it is also partly the wars which they have with one another. And this is all that was seen and found out about all that country, Which is very barren of fruits and groves. Quivira is a better country, having many huts and not being so cold, although it is more to the north. TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, 1541} LETTER FROM FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO TO HIS MAJESTY, IN WHICH HE GIVES AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE PROVINCE OF TIGUEX. Hoty CATHOLIC CSARIAN MAsesty: On April 20 of this year I wrote to Your Majesty from this province of Tiguex, in reply to a let- ter from Your Majesty dated in Madrid, June 11 a year ago. I gave a detailed account of this expedition, which the viceroy of New Spain ordered me to undertake in Your Majesty’s name to this country which was discovered by Friar Marcos of Nice, the provincial of the order of Holy Saint Franeis. I described it all, and the sort of force I have, as Your Majesty had ordered me to relate in my letters; and stated that while I was engaged in the conquest and pacification of the natives of this province, some Indians who were natives of other provinces beyond these had told me that in their country there were much larger villages and better houses than those of the natives of this country, and that they had lords who ruled them, who were served with dishes of gold, and other very magnificent things; and although, as I wrote Your Majesty, I did not believe it before I had set eyes on it, because it was the report of Indians and given for the most part by means of signs, yet as the report appeared to me to be very fine and that it was important that it should be investigated for Your Majesty’s service, I determined to go and see it with the men I have here. I started from this province on the 23d of last April, for the place where the Indians wanted to guide me. After nine days’ march I reached some plains, so vast that I did not find their limit anywhere that I went, although I traveled over them for more than 300 leagues. And I found such a quan- / tity of cows in these, of the kind that I wrote Your Majesty about, | which they have in this country, that it is impossible to number them, for while I was journeying through these plains, until I returned to where I first found them, there was not a day that I lost sight of them. And after seventeen days’ march I came to a settlement of Indians who are called Querechos, who travel around with these cows, who do not plant, and who eat the raw flesh and drink the blood of the cows a copy made by Munoz, and also in the same collection, vol. xiii, p. 261, from a copy in the Arcbives of the Indies at Seville. There is a French translation in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 255. See the footnote to the preceding document. 580 _~awve@ —— WINSHIP] CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, 1541 581 of this country dress themselves here. They have little field tents made of the hides of the cows, tanned and greased, very well made, in which they live while they travel around near the cows, moving with these. They have dogs which they load, which carry their tents and poles and belongings. These people have the best figures of any that I have seen in the Indies. They could not give me any account of the country where the guides were taking me. I traveled five days more as the guides wished to lead me, until I reached some plains, with no more landmarks than as if we had been swallowed up in the sea, where they strayed about, because there was not a stone, nor a bit of rising ground, nor a tree, nora shrub, nor anything to goby. There is much very fine pasture land, with good grass. And while we were lost in these plains, some horsemen who went off to hunt cows fell in with some Indians who also were out hunting, who are enemies of those that I had seen in the last settlement, and of another sort of people who are called Teyas; they have their bodies and faces all painted, are a large people like the others, of a very good build; they eat the raw flesh just like the Quere- chos, and live and travel round with the cows in the same way as these. I obtained from these an account of the country where the guides were taking me, which was not like what they had told me, because these made out that the houses there were not built of stones, with stories, as my guides had described it, but of straw and skins, and a small supply of corn there. This news troubled me greatly, to find myself on these lim- itless plains, where I was in great need of water, and often had to drink it So poor that 1t was more mud than water. Here the guides confessed to me that they had not told the truth in regard to the size of the houses, because these were of straw, but that they had done so regarding the large number of inhabitants and the other things about their habits. The Teyas disagreed with this, and on account of this division between some of the Indians and the others, and also because many of the men I had with me had not eaten anything except meat for some days, because we had reached the end of the corn which we carried from this provinee, and because they made it out more than forty days’ journey from where I fell in with the Teyas to the country where the guides were taking me, although I appreciated the trouble and danger there would be in the journey owing to the lack of water and corn, it seemed to me best, in order to seeif there was anything there of service to Your Maj- esty, to go forward with only 30 horsemen until. should be able to see the country, so as to give Your Majesty a true account of what was to be found in it. I sent all the rest of the force [I had with me to this provinee, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command, because it would have been impossible to prevent the loss of many men, if all had gone on, owing to the lack of water and because they also had to kill bulls and cows on which to sustain themselves. And with only the 30 horse- men whom I took for my escort, I traveled forty-two days after I left the force, living all this while solely on the flesh of the bulls and cows which we killed, at the cost of several of our horses which they killed, 582 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [erH. ANN. 14 because, as I wrote Your Majesty, they are very brave and fierce ani- mnals; and going many days without water, and cooking the food with cow dung, because there is not any kind of wood in all these plains, away from the gullies and rivers, which are very few. It was the Lord’s pleasure that, after having journeyed across these deserts seventy-seven days, L arrived at the province they call Quivira, to which the guides were conducting me, and where they had described to me houses of stone, with many stories; and not only are they not of stone, but of straw, but the people in them are as barbarous as all those whom I have seen and passed before this; they do not have cloaks, nor cotton of which to make these, but use the skins of the cattle they kill, which they tan, because they are settled among these on a very large river. They eat the raw flesh like the Querechos and Teyas; they are enemies of one another, but are all of the same sort of people, and these at Quivira have the advantage in the houses they build and in planting corn. In this province of which the guides who brought me are natives, they received me peaceably, and although they told me when I set out for it that I could not succeed in seeing it all im two months, there are not more than 25 villages of straw houses there and in all the rest of the country that [saw and learned about, which gave their obedience to Your Majesty and placed themselves under your royal overlordship. The peo- ple here are large. I had several Indians measured, and found that they were 10 palms in height; the women are well proportioned and their fea- tures are more like Moorish women than Indians. The natives here gave me a piece of copper which a chief Indian wore hung around his neck; 1 sent it to the viceroy of New Spain, because I have not seen any other metal in these parts except this and some little copper bells which I sent him, and a bit of metal which looks like gold. I do not know where this came from, although I believe that the Indians who gave it to me obtained it from those whom I brought here in my service, because I can not find any other origin for it nor where it came from. The diversity of languages which exists in this country and my not having anyone who understood them, because they speak their own language in each village, has hindered me, because I have been forced to send cap- tains and men in many directions to find out whether there was any- thing in this country which could be of service to Your Majesty. And although I have searched with all diligence I have not found or heard of anything, unless it be these provinces, which are a very small affair. The province of Quivira is 950 leagues from Mexico. Where I reached it, itis in the fortieth degree. The country itself is the best I have ever seen for producing all the products of Spain, for besides the land itself being very fat and black and being very well watered by the rivulets and springs and rivers, | found prunes like those of Spain [or I found everything they have in Spain] and nuts and very good sweet grapes and mulberries. I have treated the natives of this province, and all the others whom I found wherever I went, as well as was possible, «- ——— adi1a4 NVS ¥O VALHS/LVM JO O194Nd SAYSH SHL Sree Ofa> saaaqy RE, gh I ae wy Aa *,. IAXX1 “Id = LHOd3Y TWONNY HLIN33LHNO4 ASOIONHL3 4O NvV3YHNa WINSHIP] CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, 1541 583 agreeably to what Your Majesty had commanded, and they have received no harm in any way from me or from those who went in my company.! I remained twenty-five days in this province of Quivira, so as to see and explore the country and also to find out whether there was anything beyond which could be of service to Your Majesty, because the guides who had brought me had given me an account of other provinces beyond this. And what | am sure of is that there is not any gold nor any other metal in all that country, and the other things of which they had told me are nothing but little villages, and in many of these they do not plant anything and do not have any houses except of skins and sticks, and they wander around with the cows; so that the account they gave me was false, because they wanted to persuade me to go there with the whole force, believing that as the way was through such uninhabited deserts, and from the lack of water, they would get us where we and our horses would die of hunger. And the guides confessed this, and said they had done it by the advice and orders of the natives of these provinces. At this, after having heard the account of what was beyond, which I have given above, I returned to these provinces to provide for the force I had sent back here and to give Your Majesty an account of what this country amounts to, because I wrote Your Majesty that I would do so when I went there. I have done all that I possibly could to serve Your Majesty and to discover a country where God Our Lord might be served and the royal patrimony of Your Majesty increased, as your loyal servant and vassal. For since I reached the province of Cibola, to which the viceroy of New Spain sent mein the name of Your Majesty, seeing that there were none of the things there of which Friar Marcos had told, I have managed to explore this country for 200 leagues and more around Cibola, and the best place I have found is this river of Tiguex where I am now, and the settlements here. It would not be possible to establish a settlement here, for besides being 400 leagues from the North sea and more than 200 from the South sea, with which it is impossible to have any sort of communication, the country is so cold, as I have written to Your Majesty, that apparently the winter could not possibly be spent here, because there is 10 wood, nor cloth with which to protect the men, except the skins which the natives wear and some small amount of cotton cloaks. I send the viceroy of New Spain an account of everything I have seen in the countries where I have been, and as Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas is going to kiss Your Majesty’s hands, who has done much and has served Your Majesty very well on this expedition, and he will give Your Majesty an account of everything here, as one who has seen it himself, I give way to him. And may Our Lord protect the Holy Imperial Catholic person of Your Majesty, with increase of greater kingdoms and powers, as your loyal servants and vassals desire. From this province of Tiguex, Octo- ber 20, in the year 1541. Your Majesty’s humble servant and vassal, who would kiss the royal feet and hands: FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO, ! Coronado had apparently forgotten the atrocities committed by the Spaniards at Tiguex. TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO ACCOUNT GIVEN BY CAPTAIN JUAN JARAMILLO OF THE JOURNEY WHICH IIE MADE TO THE NEW COUNTRY, ON WHICH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO WAS THE GENERAL. ! We started from Mexico, going directly to Compostela, the whole way populated and at peace, the direction being west, and the distance 112 leagues. From there we went to Culiacan, perhaps about 80 leagues; the road is well known and much used, because there is a town inhab- ited by Spaniards in the said valley of Culiacan, under the government of Compostela. The 70 horsemen who went with the general went in anorthwesterly direction from this town. He left his army here, because information iad been obtained that the way was uninhabited and aimost the whole of it without food. He went with the said horsemen to explore the route and prepare the way for those who were to follow. He pursued this direction, though with some twisting, until we crossed a mountain chain, where they knew about New Spain, more than 300 leagues distant. To this pass we gave the name of Chichilte Calli, because we learned that this was what it was called, from some Indians whom we left behind. Leaving the said valley of Culiacan, he crossed a river called Pateat- lan (or Peteatlan), which was about four days distant. We found these Indians peaceful, and they gave us some few things to eat. From here we went to another river called Cinaloa, which was about three days from the other. From here the general ordered ten of us horse- men to make double marches, lightly equipped, until we reached the stream of the Cedars (arroyo de los Cedros), and from there we were to enter a break in the mountains on the right of the road and see what there was in and about this. If more time should be needed for this than we gained on him, he would wait for us at the said Cedros stream. This was done, and all that we saw there was a few poor Indians in some settled valleys like farms or estates, with sterile soil. It was about five more days from the river to this stream. From there we went to the river called Yaquemi, which took about three days. We proceeded along a dry stream, and after three days more of marching, although the dry stream lasted only for a league, we reached another stream where there were some a Indians, who had straw huts and storehouses of corn and beans #nd melons. Leaving here, we went to !The text of this narrative is found in Puckingham Smith's Florida, p. 154, from a copy made by Muiioz, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 304, from the copy in the Archives of the Indies. A French translation is given in Ternaux-Compans’ Cibola volume, p. 364. 584 rare Prayers : : < i o ad Ey f SOVL JO O183Nd VMIL AHL JO NMOL HLNOS SHL ———————————————————— HIAXX7 “Id .LHOd3Y IWONNY HINSSLYNOS ADOTONHL| 40 NvaHne WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 585 the stream and village which is called Hearts (Corazones), the name which was given it by Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and Castillo and the negro Estebanillo, because they gave them a present of the hearts of animals and birds to eat. About two days were spent in this village of the Hearts. Thereis an irrigation stream, and the country is warm. Their dwellings are huts made of a frame of poles, almost like an oven, only very much better, which they cover with mats. They have corn and beans and melons for food, which I believe never fail them. They dress in deerskins. This appeared to be a good place, and so orders were given the Spaniards who were behind to establish a village here, where they lived until almost the failure of the expedition. There was a poison here, the effect of which is, according to what was seen of it, the worst that could possibly be found; and from what we learned about it, it is the sap of a small tree like the mastick tree, or lentisk, and it grows in gravelly and sterile land.'! We went on from here, passing through a sort of gateway, to another valley very near this stream, which opens off from this same stream, which is called Senora. It is also irrigated, and the Indians are like the others and have the same sort of settlements and food. This valley continues for 6 or 7 leagues, a little more or less. At first these Indians were peaceful; and after- ward not, but instead they and those whom they were able to summon thither were our worst enemies. They have a poison with which they killed several Christians. There are mountains on both sides of them, which are not very fertile. From here we went along near this said stream, crossing it where it makes a bend, to another Indian settlement called Ispa.? It takes one day from the last of these others to this place. It is of the same sort as those we had passed. From here we went through deserted country for about four days to another river, which we heard called Nexpa, where some poor Indians came out to see the general, with presents of little value, with some stalks of roasted maguey and pitahayas. We went down this stream two days, and then left the stream, going toward the right to the foot of the mountain chain in two days’ journey, where we heard news of whatis called Chichiltie Calli. Srossing the mountains, we came toa deep and reedy river, where we found water and forage for the horses. 1The Spanish text reads: ‘‘ Habra como dos jornadas (;) en este pueblo de los Corazones. (es) Es un arroyo de riego y de tierra caliente, y tienen sus viviendas de unos ranchos que despues de armados los palos, casi 4 manera de hornos, aunque muy mayores, los cubren con unos petates. Tienen maiz y frisoles y calabazas para su comer, que creo que no le falta. Vistense de cueros de yenados, y aqui por ser este puesto al parecer cosa decente, se mand6 poblar aqui una villa de los espatioles que iban traseros donde vivieron hasta casi que la jornada perescié. Aqui hay yerba y seguro (segund) lo que della se vid, y la operacion que hace es la mis mala que se puede hallar, y delo que tuvimos entendido ser, era de la leche de un ‘rbol pequeno, 4 manera de lantisco en cuasci, (, E Nasce) en pizarrillas y tierra estéril.” This quotation follows the Pacheco y Cardenas text. The important variations of 3uckingham Smith's copy are inclosed within parentheses. The spelling of the two, in such mat- ters as the use of b and v, x and j, and the punctuation, differ greatly. +See Bandelier’s Gilded Man, p. 175. This is Castatieda’s ‘‘ Guagarispa”’ as mistakenly interpreted by Ternaux-Compans, the present Arispe, or, in the Indian dialect, Huc-aritz-pa. The words ‘‘Ispa, ” que” are not in the Pachece y Cardenas copy. 586 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eTH. ANN. 14 From this river back at Nexpa, as I have said, it seems to me that the direction was nearly northeast. From here, I believe that we went in the same direction for three days to a river which we called Saint John (San Juan), because we reached it on his day. Leaving here, we went to another river, through a somewhat rough country, more toward the north, to a river which we called the Rafts (de las Balsas), because we had to cross on these, as it was rising. It seems to me that we spent two days between one river and the other, and I say this because it is so long since we went there that I may be wrong in some days, though not in the rest. From here we went to another river, which we called the Slough (de la Barranea.) It is two short days from one to the other, and the direction almost northeast. From here we went to another river, which we called the Cold river (el rio Frio), on account of its water being so, in one day’s journey, and from here we went by a pine mountain, where we found, almost at the top of it, a cool spring and streamlet, which was another day’s march. In the neighborhood of this stream a Spaniard, who was called Espinosa, died, besides two other persons, o1 account of poisonous plants which they ate, owing to the great need in which they were. From here we went to another river, which we called the Red river (Bermejo), two days’ journey in the same direction, but less toward the northeast. Here we saw an Indian or two, who afterward appeared to belong to the first settlement of Cibola. From here we came in two days’ journey to the said village, the first of Cibola. The houses have flat roofs and walls of stone and mud, and this was where they killed Steve (Estebanillo), the negro who had come with Dorantes from Florida and returned with Friar Marcos de Niza. In this province of Cibola there are five little villages besides this, all with flat roofs and of stone and mud, as I said. The country is cold, as is shown by their houses and hothouses (estufas). They have food enough for themselves, of corn and beans and melons. These villages are about a league or more apart from each other, within a circuit of perhaps 6 leagues. The country is somewhat sandy and not very salty (or barren of vegetation'), and on the mountains the trees are for the most part evergreen. The clothing of the Indians is of deerskins, very carefully tanned, and they also prepare some tanned cowhides, with which they cover themselves, which are like shawls, and a great protection. They have square cloaks of cotton, some larger than others, about a yard and a half long. The Indians wear them thrown over the shoulder like a gipsy, and fastened with one end over the other, with a girdle, also of cotton. From this first village of Cibola, looking toward the northeast and a little less, on the left hand, there is a province called Tucayan, about five days off, which has seven flat-roof villages, with a food supply as good as or better than these, and 1The Spanish text is either *‘ino mui salada de yerva”’ (B. Smith), or ‘‘y no muy solada de yerva”’ (Pacheco y Cardenas). Doubtless the reference is to the alkali soil and vegetation. V¥VID VINWS HO OOdWHiM JO O183Nd VM3L SHL MAXX "Td = =18Od34 IVNNNV HIN33SLYNO4 ASOIONH13S 3O NvaHNE WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 587 an even larger population; and they also have the skins of cows and of deer, and cloaks of cotton, as I deseribed.! All the waterways we found as far as this one at Cibola— and I do not know but what for a day or two beyond—the rivers and streams run into the South sea, and those from here on into the North sea. From this first. village of Cibola, as I have said, we went to another in the same province, which was about a short day’s journey off, on the way to Tihuex. It is nine days, of such marches as we made, from this settlement of Cibola to the river of Tihuex. Halfway between, I do not know but it may be aday more or less, there is a village of earth and dressed stone, in a very strong position, whichis called Tutahaco.? All these Indians, except the first in the first village of Cibola, received us well. At the river of Tihuex there are 15 villages within a distance of about 20 leagues, all with flat-roof houses of earth, instead of stone, after the fashion of mud walls. There are other villages besides these on other streams which flow into this, and three of these are, for Indians, well worth seeing, especially one that is called Chia,*® and an- other Uraba,t and another Cicuique.? Uraba and Cicuique have many houses two stories high. All the rest, and these also, have corn and beans and melons, skins, and some long robes of feathers which they braid, joining the feathers with a sort of thread; and they also make them of a sort of plain weaving with which they make the cloaks with which they protect themselves. They all have hot rooms underground, which, although not very clean, are very warm.’ They raise and have a very little cotton, of which they make the cloaks which I have spoken of above. This river comes from the northwest and flows about southeast, which shows that it certainly flows into the North sea. Leaving this settlement* and the said river, we passed two other vil- lages whose names I do not know," and in four days came to Cicuique, which I have already mentioned. The direction of this is toward the northeast. From there we came to another river, which the Span- iards named after Cicuique, in three days; if I remember riglhitly, it seems to me that we went rather toward the northeast to reach this river where we crossed it, and after crossing this, we turned more to I1The Spanish text (p. 308) is: ‘tel vestido de los indios es de cueros de venados, estremadisimo el adobo, aleanzan ya algunos cueros de vacas adobado con que se cobijan, que son 4 manera de bernias y de mucho abrigo; tienen mantas de algodon cuadradas; unas mayores que otras, como de vara y media en largo; las indias las traen puestas por el hombro 4 manera de gitanas y cenidas una vuelta sobre otra por su cintura con una cinta del mismo algodon; estando en este pueblo primero de Cibola, el rostro el Nordeste; un poquito ménos esta « la mano izquierda de ¢1, cinco jornadas, una provincia que se dice Tucayan.”’ ‘Acoma. See note on page 492. ‘Sia. ‘Identical with Taos—the Braba of Castaneda and the Yuraba of the Relacion del Suceso. ‘Pecos. In Pacheco y Cardenas this is spelled Tienique. ‘All references to hot rooms or estufas are of course to be construed to mean the kivas or ceremo- nial chambers. 7Tiguex is here doubtless referred to. *One of the villages whose names Jaramillo did not know was probably the Ximena (Galsteo) of Castaneda. 588 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 the left hand, which would be more to the northeast, and began to enter the plains where the cows are, although we did not find them for some four or five days, after which we began to come across bulls, of which there are great numbers, and after going on in the same direc- tion and meeting the bulls for two or three days, we began to find ourselves in the midst of very great numbers of cows, yearlings and bulls all in together. We found Indians among these first cows, who were, on this account, called Querechos by those in the flat roof houses. They do not live in houses, but have some sets of poles which they carry with them to make some huts at the places where they stop, which serve them for houses. They tie these poles together at the top and stick the bottoms into the ground, covering them with some cowskins which they carry around, and which, as I have said, serve them for houses. From what was learned of these Indians, all their human needs are supplied by these cows, for they are fed and clothed and shod from these. They are a people who wander around here and there, wherever seems to them best. We went on for eight or ten days in the same direction, along those streams which are among the cows. The Indian who guided us from here was the one that had given us the news about Quevira and Arache (or Arahci) and about its being a very rich country with much gold and other things, and he and the other one were from that country I mentioned, to which we were going, and we found these two Indians in the flat-roof villages. It seems that, as the said Indian wanted to go to his own country, he proceeded to tell us what we found was not true, and I do not know whether it was on this account or because he was counseled to take us into other regions by confusing us on the road, although there are none in all this region except those of the cows. We under- stood, however, that he was leading us away from the route we ought to follow and that he wanted to lead us on to those plains where he had Jed us, so that we would eat up the food, and both ourselves and our horses would become weak from the lack of this, because if we should go either backward or forward in this condition we could not make any resistance to whatever they-might wish to do tous. From the time when, as I said, we entered the plains and from this settlement of Querechos, he led us off more to the east, until we came to be in extreme need from the lack of food, and as the other Indian, who was his companion and also from his country, saw that he was not taking us where we ought to go, since we had always followed the guidance of the Turk, for so he was called, instead of his, he threw himself down in the way, making a sign that although we cut off his head he ought not to go that way, nor was that our direction. I believe we had been traveling twenty days or more in this direction, at the end of which we found another settlement of Indians of the same sort and way of living as those behind, among whom there was an old blind man with a beard, who gave us to understand, by signs which he made, a hi a? Selah ee } es es 5 Ly be NVNf NYS YO 3NYHO 4O O183Nd VM3L SHL wipe gens > XIXXT “Id 4HOd3Y IWANNY HLN3SLYNOS ADOTIONHIS 4O NV3IHNS WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 589 that he had seen four others like us many days before, whom he had seen near there and rather more toward New Spain, and we so under- stood him, and presumed that it was Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and those whom I have mentioned. At this settlement the general, seeing our difficulties, ordered the captains, and the persons whose advice he was aceustomed to take, to assemble, so that we might discuss with him what was best for all. It seemed to us that all the torce should go back to the region we had come from, in search of food, so that they could regain their strength, and that 30 picked horsemen should go in search of what the Indian had told about; and we decided to do this. We all went forward one day to a stream which was down in aravine in the midst of good meadows, to agree on who should go ahead and how the rest should return. Here the Indian Isopete, as we had called the companion of the said Turk, was asked to tell us the truth, and to lead us to that country which we had come in search of. Hesaid he would do it, and that it was not as the Turk had said, because those were certainly fine things which he had said and had given us to understand at Tihuex, about gold and how it was obtained, and the buildings, and the style of them, and their trade, and many other things told for the sake of prolixity, which had Jed us to go in search of them, with the advice of all who gave it and of the priests. He asked us to leave him afterward in that country, because it was his native country, as a reward for guiding us, and also, that the Turk might not go along with him, because he would quarrel and try to restrain lim in everything that he wanted to do for our advantage; and the general promised him this, and said he would be with one of the thirty, and he went in this way. And when everything was ready for us to set out and for the others to remain, we pursued our way, the direction all the time after this being toward the north, for more than thirty days’ march, although not long marches, not having to go without water on any one of them, and among cows all the time, some days in larger numbers than others, according to the water which we came across, so that on Saint Peter and Paul’s day we reached a river which we found to be there below Quibira. When we reached the said river, the Indian recognized it and said that was it, and that it was below the settlements. We crossed it there and went up the other side on the north, the direction turning toward the northeast, and after marching three days we found some Indians who were going hunting, killing the cows to take the meat to their village, which was about three or four days still farther away from us. Here where we found the Indians and they saw us, they began to utter yells and appeared to fly, and some even had their wives there with them. The Indian Isopete began to call them in his language, and so they came to us without any signs of fear. When we and these Indians had halted here, the general made an example of the Indian Turk, whom we had brought along, keeping him all the time out of sight among the rear guard, and 590 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 having arrived where the place was prepared, it was done in such a way that the other Indian, who was called Isopete, should not see it, so as to give him the satisfaction he had asked. Some satisfaction was experienced here on seeing the good appearance of the earth, and it is certainly such among the cows, and from there on. The general wrote a letter here to the governor of Harahey and Quibira, having understood that he was a Christian from the lost army of Florida, because what the Indian had said of their manner of government and their general character had made us believe this. So the Indians went to their houses, which were at the distance mentioned, and we also proceeded at our rate of marching until we reached the settle- ments, which we found along good river bottoms, although without much water, and good streams which flow into another, larger than the one I have mentioned. There were, if I recall correctly, six or seven settlements, at quite a distance from one another, among which we traveled for four or five days, since it was understood to be unin- habited between one stream and the other. We reached what they said was the end of Quibira, to which they took us, saying that the things there were of great importance.' Here there was a river, with more water and more inhabitants than the others. Being asked if there was anything beyond, they said that there was nothing more of Quibira, but that there was Harahey, and that it was the same sort of a place, with settlements like these, and of about the same size. The general sent to summon the lord of those parts and the other Indians who they said resided in Harabey, and he came with about 200 men—all naked—with bows, and some sort of things on their heads, and their privy parts slightly covered. He was a big Indian, with a large body and limbs, and well proportioned. After he had heard the opinion of one and another about it, the general asked them what we ought to do, reminding us of how the army had been left and that the rest of us were there, so that it seemed to all of us that as it was already almost the opening of winter, for, if I remember rightly, it was after the middle of August, and because there was little to winter there for, and we were but very little prepared for it, and the uncertainty as to the success of the army that had been left, and because the winter might close the roads with snow and rivers which we could not cross, and also in order to see what had happened to the rest of the force left behind, it seemed to us all that his grace ought to go back in search of them, and when he had found out for certain how they were, to winter there and return to that country at the opening of spring, to conquer and cultivate it. Since, as I said, this was the last point which we reached, here the Turk saw that he had lied to us, and one night he called on all these people to attack us and kill us. We learned of it, and put him under guard and strangled him that night so that he never waked up. With the plan 1 In Buckingham Smith's copy oceurs the phrase, ‘‘ que decian ellos para significarnoslo Teucarea.”’ This is not in Pacheco y Cardenas. WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 59 mentioned, we turned back it may have been two or three days, where we provided ourselves with picked fruit and dried corn for our return. The general raised a cross at this place, at the foot of which he made some letters with a chisel, which said that Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, general of that army, had arrived here. This country presents a very fine appearance, than which I have not seen a better in all our Spain nor Italy nor a part of France, nor, indeed, in the other countries where I have traveled in His Majesty’s service, for it is not a very rough country, but is made up of hillocks and plains, and very fine appearing rivers and streams, which cer- tainly satisfied me and made me sure that it will be very fruitful in all sorts of products. Indeed, there is profit in the cattle ready to the hand, from the quantity of them, which is as great as one could imag- ine. We found a variety of Castilian prunes which are not all red, but some of them black and green; the tree and fruit is certainly like that of Castile, with a very excellent flavor. Among the cows we found flax, which springs up from the earth in clumps apart from one another, which are noticeable, as the cattle do not eat it, with their tops and blue flowers, and very perfect although small, resembling that of our own Spain (or and sumach like ours in Spain). There are grapes along some streams, of a fair flavor, not to be improved upon. The houses which these Indians have were of straw, and most of them round, and the straw reached down to the ground like a wall, so that they did not have the symmetry or the style of these here; they have something like a chapel or sentry box outside and around these, with an entry, where the Indians appear seated or reclining.' The Indian Isopete was left here where the cross was erected, and we took five or six of the Indians from these villages to lead and guide us to the flat-roof houses. Thus they brought us back by the same road as far as where I said before that we came to a river called Saint Peter and Paul’s, and here we left that by which we had come, and, taking the right hand, they led us along by watering places and among cows and by a good road, although there are none either one way or the other except those of the cows, as I have said. At last we came to where we recognized the country, where I said we found the first settlement, 1The Spanish text (p. 315) of this description of the Kansas-Nebraska plains is: ‘‘ Esta tierra tiene muy linda la apariencia, tal que no la he visto yomejor . . . porque noes tierra muy doblada sino de lo mas (de lomas) y llanos, y rios de muy linda apariencia y aguas, que cierto me contento y tengo presuncion que sera muy fructifera y de todos frutos. En los ganados ya esta la esperencia (inspi- riencia) en la mano por la muchedumbre que hay, que es tanta cuanto quieran pensar; jallamos cirguelas de Castilla, un género dellas que ni son del todo coloradas, sino entre coloradas y algo negras y ver- des. (,) El drbol y el fruto es cierto de Castilla, de muy gentil sabor; jallamos entre las vacas, lino, que produce la tierra, é brecitas (hebrecitas) arredradas unas de otras, que como el ganado no las come se quedan por alli con sus cabezuelas y flor azul, y aunque pequeno muy perfecto, natural del de nuestra Espana (perfecto; zumaque natural . . . ). Enalgunos arroyos, uvas de razonable sabor para no beneficiadas: las casas que estos indios tenian, eran de paxa y muchas dellas redondas, y la paxa llegaba hasta el suelo como pared que no tenia la proporcion y manera de las de aca; por de fuera y encima desto, tenian una manera como capillaé garita, con una entrada donde se asomaban los indios sentados 6 echados.”’ 2The pueblos of the Rio Grande. Ho THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [BTH. ANN. 14 where the Turk led us astray from the route we should have followed. Thus, leaving the rest aside, we reached Tiguex, where we found the rest of the army, and here the general fell while running his horse, by which he received a wound on his head which gave symptoms of turning out badly, aud he conceived the idea of returning, which ten or twelve of us were unable to prevent by dissuading him from it. When this return had been ordered, the Franciscan friars who were with us—one of them a regular and the other a lay brother—who were called, the regular one Friar Juan de Padilla and the lay one Friar Luis de Escalona, were told to get ready, although they had per- mission from their provincial so that they could remain. Friar Luis wished to remain in these flat-roof houses, saying that he would raise crosses for those villagers with a chisel and adze they left him, and would baptize several poor creatures who could be led, on the point of death, so as to send them to heaven, for which he did not desire any other com. pany than a little slave of mine who was called Christopher, to be his consolation, and who he said would learn the language there quickly so as to help him; and he brought up so many things in favor of this that he could not be denied, and so nothing more has been heard from him. The knowledge that this friar would remain there was the reason that many Indians from hereabouts stayed there, and also two negroes, one of them mine, who was called Sebastian, and the other one of Mel- chor Perez, the son of the licentiate La Torre. This negro was married and had his wife and children. I also recall that several Indians remained behind in the Quivira region, besides a Tarascan belonging to my company, who was named Andrew. Friar Juan de Padilla preferred to return to Quivira, and persuaded them to give him those Indians whom I said we had brought as guides, They gave him these, and he also took a Portuguese and a free Spanish-speaking Indian, who was the interpreter, and who passed as a Franciscan friar, and a half-blood and two Indians from Capottan (07 Capotean) or thereabouts, I believe. He had brought these up and took them in the habits of friars, and he took some sheep and mules and a horse and ornaments and other trifles. I do not know whether it was for the sake of these or for what reason, but it seems that they killed him, and those who did it were the lay servants, or these same Indians whom he took back from Tiguex, in return for the good deeds which he had done. When he was dead, the Portuguese whom I mentioned fled, and also one of the Indians that I said he took in the habits of friars, or both of them, I believe. I mention this because they came back to this country of New Spain by another way and a shorter route than the one of which I have told, and they came out in the valley of Panico.1 I have given Gonzalo Solis de Meras and Isidoro de Solis an account of this, because it seemed to me important, according to what I say I have understood, that 1 This is the spelling of Panuco in both texts. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXX A NATIVE OF SAN JUAN WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 5g His Majesty ordered Your Lordship to find or discover a way so as to unite that land to this. It is perhaps also very likely that this Indian Sebastian, during the time he was in Quivira, learned about its terri- tory and the country round about it, and also of the sea, and the road by which he came, and what there is to it, and how many days’ journey before arriving there. Sothat Iam sure thatif Your Lordship acquires this Quivira on this account, I am certain that he can confidently bring many people from Spain to settle it according to the appearance and the character of the land. 14 ETH——38 TRANSLATION OF THE REPORT OF HERNANDO DE ALVARADO ACCOUNT OF WHAT HERNANDO DE ALVARADO AND FRIAR JUAN DE PADILLA DISCOVERED GOING IN SEARCH OF THE SourH SEA! We set out from Granada on Sunday, the day of the beheading of Saint John the Baptist, the 29th of August, in the year 1540, on the way to Coco.? After we had gone 2 leagues, we came to an ancient building like a fortress, and a league beyond this we found another, and yet another a little farther on, and beyond these we found an ancient city, very large, entirely destroyed, although a large part of the wall was Standing, which was six times as tall as a man, the wall well made ot good worked stone, with gates and gutters like a city in Castile. Half a league or more beyond this, we found another ruined city, the walls of which must have been very fine, built of very large granite blocks, as high as a man and from there up of very good quar- ried stone. Here two roads separate, one to Chia and the other to Coco; we took this latter, and reached that place, which is one of the strongest places that we have seen, because the city is on a very high rock, with such a rough ascent that we repented having gone up to the place. The houses have three or four stories; the people are the same sort as those of the province of Cibola; they have plenty of food, of corn and beans and fowls like those of New Spain. From here we went to a very good lake or marsh, where there are trees like those of Castile, and from there we went to a river, which we named Our Lady (Nuestra Senora), because we reached it the evening before her day in the month of September.’ We sent the cross by a guide to the villages in advance, and the next day people came from twelve vil- lages, the chief men and the people in order, those of one village behind those of another, and they approached the tent to the sound of a pipe, and with an old man for spokesman. In this fashion they came into the tent and gave me the food and clothes and skins they had brought, and I gave them some trinkets, and with this they went off. This river of Our Lady flows through a very wide open plain sowed with corn plants; there are several groves, and there are twelve vil- 1The text of this report is printed in Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 65, from the Munoz copy, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p.511. See note on page 391. A translation of this document was printed in the Boston Transcript for October 14, 1893. *“Acucoor Acoma. The route taken by Alvarado was not the same as that followed by Coronado, who went by way of Matsaki. Alvarado’s course was the old Acoma trail which led directly east- ward from Hawikuh or Ojo Caliente. %Day of the nativity of the Blessed Virgin, September 8. This was the Tiguex or present Rio Grande. 594 WINSHIP] REPORT OF ALVARADO 595 lages. The houses are of earth, two stories high; the people have a good appearance, more like laborers than a warlike race; they have a large food supply of corn, beans, melons, and fowl in great plenty ; they clothe themselves with cotton and the skins of cows and dresses of the feathers of the fowls; they wear their hair short. Those who have the most authority among them are the old men; we regarded them as witches, because they say that they go up into the sky and other things of the same sort. In this province there are seven other villages, depopulated and destroyed by those Indians who paint their eyes, of whom the guides will tell Your Grace; they say that these live in the same region as the cows, and that they have corn and houses of straw. Here the people from the outlying provinces came to make peace with me, and as Your Grace may see in this memorandum, there are 80 villages there of the same sort as I have described, and among them one which is located on some streams; it is divided into twenty divi- sions, which is something remarkable; the houses have three stories of mud walls and three others made of small wooden boards, and on the outside of the three stories with the mud wall they have three bal- conies; it seemed to us that there were nearly 15,000 persons in this village. The country is very cold; they do not raise fowls nor cotton; they worship the sun and water. We found mounds of dirt outside of the place, where they are buried. In the places where crosses were raised, we saw them worship these. They made offerings to these of their powder and feathers, and some left the blankets they had on. They showed so much zeal that some climbed up on the others to grasp the arms of the cross, to place feathers and flowers there; and others bringing ladders, while some held them, went up to tie strings, so as to fasten the flowers and the feathers. TESTIMONY CONCERNING THOSE WHO WENT ON THE EXPEDITION WITH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO! At Compostela, on February 21, 1540, Coronado presented a petition to the viceroy Mendoza, declaring that he had observed that certain persons who were not well disposed toward the expedition which was about to start for the newly discovered country had said that many of the inhabitants of the City of Mexico and of the other cities and towns of New Spain, and also of Compostela and other places in this province of New Galicia were going on the expedition at his request or because of inducements offered by him, as a resuit of which the City of Mexico and New Spain were left deserted, or almost so. Therefore, he asked the viceroy to order that infurmation be obtained, in order that the truth might be known about the citizens of New Spain and of this province who were going to accompany him. He declared that there were very few of these, and that they were not going on account of any attraction or inducement offered by him, but of their own free will, and as there were few of them, there would not be any lack of people in New Spain. And as Gonzalo de Salazar, the factor or royal agent, and Pero Almidez Cherino, the veedor or royal inspector of His Majesty for New Spain. and other citizens of Mexico who knew all the facts and had the necessary information, were present there, Coronatlo asked His Grace to provide and order that which would best serve His Majesty’s interests and the welfare and security of New Spain. The viceroy instructed the licenciate Maldonado, oidor of the royal audiencia,” to procure this information. To facilitate the hearing he provided that the said factor and veedor and the regidores, and others who were there, should attend the review of the army, which was to be held on the following day. Nine of the desired witnesses were also commanded by Maldonado to attend the review and observe those whom they knew in the army. On February 26° the licentiate Maldonado took the oaths of the wit- nesses in proper form, and they testified to the following effect: Hernand Perez de Bocanegra, a citizen of Mexico, stated that he had been present on the preceding Sunday, at the review of the force which the viceroy was sending for the pacification of the country recently discovered by the father provincial, Fray Marcos de Niza, and that he 'Translated freely and abridged from the depositions as printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Docu- mentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 373. See note on page 377. The statements of the preceding witnesses are usually repeated, in effect, in the testimony of those who follow. 2Judge of the highest court of the province. 3Thursday. 596 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L¥XXI A NATIVE OF PECOS WINSHIP] TESTIMONY CONCERNING THE EXPEDITION 597 had taken note of the force as the men passed before him; and at his request he had also been allowed to see the list of names of those who were enrolled in the army; and he declared that in all the said force he did not recognize any other citizens of Mexico who were going except Domingo Martin, a married man, whom he had sometimes seen living in Mexico, and provided him with messengers; and one Alonso Sanchez, who was going with his wife and a son, and who was formerly a shoe- maker; and a young man, son of the bachiller Alonso Perez, who had come only a few days before from Salamanca, and who had been sent to the war by his father on account of his restlessness; and two or three other workmen or tradespeople whom he had seen at work in Mexico, although he did not know whether they were citizens there; and on his oath he did not see in the whole army anyone else who was a citizen of Mexico, although for about fourteen years he had been a citizen and inhabitant of that city, unless it was the captain-general, Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, and Lopez de Samaniego the army-master; and, moreover, he declared that he felt certain that those above mentioned were going of their own free will, like all the rest. Antonio Serrano de Cardona, one of the magistrates of Mexico, who was present from beginning to end of the review of the preceding Sunday, testified in similar form. He said that Alonso Sanchez had formerly been a citizen of Mexico, but that for a long time his house had been empty and he had traveled as a trader, and that he was going in search of something to live on; and one Domingo Martin was also going, who formerly lived in Mexico, and whose residence he had not known likewise for a long time, nor did he think that he had one, because he had not seen him living in Mexico. He did not think it would have been possible for any citizens of Mexico to have been there whom he did not know, because he had lived in Mexico during the twenty years since he came to Mexico, and ever since the city was established by Christians, and besides, he had been a magistrate for fifteen years. And besides, all those whom he did see who were going, were the most contented-of any men he had ever seen in this country starting off for conquests. After the force left the City of Mexico, he had been there, and had noticed that it was full of people and that there did not seem to be any scarcity on account of those who had started on this expedition. Gonzalo de Salazar, His Majesty’s factor for New Spain, and also a magistrate of the City of Mexico, declared that the only person on the expedition who possessed a repartimiento or estate in New Spain was the captain-general, Vazquez de Coronado, and that he had noticed one other citizen who did not have a repartimiento. He had not seen any other citizen of Mexico, nor of New Spain, although one of the greatest benefits that could have been done New Spain would have been to draw off the young and vicious people who were in that city and all over New Spain. 598 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ern ANN. 14 Pedro Almidez Cherino, His Majesty’s veedor in New Spain, had, among other things, noted the horses and arms of those who were going, during the review. He had noticed Coronado and Samaniego, and Alonso Sanchez and his wife, whom he did not know to be a citizen, and Domingo Martin, who was away from Mexico during most of the year. All the rest of the force were people without settled residences, who had recently come to the country in search of a living. It seemed to him that it was a very fortunate thing for Mexico that the people who were going were about to do so because they had been injuring the citizens there. They had been for the most part vicious young gentlemen, who did not have anything to do in the city nor in the country. They were all going of their own free will, and were very ready to help pacify the new country, and it seemed to him that if the said country had not been discovered, almost ali of these people would have gone back to Castile, or would have gone to Peru or other places in search of a living. Servan Bejarano, who had been in business among the inhabitants of Mexico ever since he came to that city, added the information that he knew Alonso Sanchez to be a provision dealer, buying at wholesale and selling at retail, and that he was in very great need, having noth- ing on which to live, and that he was going to that country in search of a living. He was also very sure that it was a great advantage to Mex- ico and to its citizens to have many of the unmarried men go away, because they had no occupation there and were bad characters, and were for the most part gentlemen and persons who did not hold any property, nor any repartimientos of Indians, without any income, and lazy, and who would have been obliged to go to Peru or some other region. Cristobal de Onate had been in the country about sixteen years, a trifle more or less, and was now His Majesty’s veedor for New Galicia. He knew the citizens of Mexico, and also declared that not a citizen of Compostela was going on the expedition. Two citizens of Guadalajara were going, one of whom was married to an Indian, and the other was single. As for the many young gentlemen and the others who were going, who lived in Mexico and in other parts of New Spain, it seemed to him that their departure was a benefit rather than a disadvantage, because they were leading vicious lives and had nothing with which to support themselves. When these statements and depositions had all been duly received, signed, and attested, and had been shown to his most illustrious lord- ship, the viceroy, he ordered an authorized copy to be taken, which was made by Joan de Leon, clerk of Their Majesties’ court and of the royal audiencia of New Spain, the 27th of February, 1540, witnessed by the secretary, Antonio de Almaguer, and sent to His Majesty, to be laid before the lords of the council, that they might provide and order that which should be most serviceable to their interests. ont A LIST OF WORKS USEFUL TO THE STUDENT OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITION The following list contains the titles of the books and documents which have been found useful during the preparation of the preceding memoir on the Coronado expedition of 1540-1542. The works cited have helped, in one way or another, toward the formation of the opinions expressed in the Historical Introduction. and in them may be found the authority for the statements made in the introduction and in the notes to the translations of the Spanish narratives. It is hoped that no source of information of prime importance has been overlooked. The comments on the various books, essays, and documents are such as suggested themselves in the course of the examination of the works in question. References are given to the location of the more important documents, so far as these are available in the various collections of printed documents. The value of these sources has been discussed in the preceding pages, and these opinions are not repeated in this list. The titles of the printed books are quoted from the editions which came nearest to the authors’ manuscripts, so far as these editions could be con- sulted. Reference is made also to the most available later editions, and to the English and French translations of Spanish, Italian, and Latin works. With hardly an excep- tion, the titles are quoted from the volumes themselves, as they were found in the Harvard College Library or in the John Carter Brown Library of Providence. The Lenox Library of New York supplied such volumes as were not to be found in Cam- bridge, Boston, or Providence, Dr Justin Winsor and Mr F. W. Hodge have rendered very material assistance in giving this list such completeness as it possesses. To Mr Hodge especially are due many of the titles which relate to the ethnological and archeological aspects of the subject. Abelin, Johann Phillip; pseud. Johann | Alarcon, Hernando—Continued, Ludwig Gottfriedt, . 5 c ‘ : | Newe Welt vnd Americanische Histo- rien.—Franckfurt, M. DC. LV. Page560. Beschreibung der grossen Land- schattt Cibola. Alarcon, Hernando. De lo que hizo por la mar Hernando de | Alarcon, que con dos nauios andaua por la costa por orden del Visorrey don Antonio de Mendoga. Herrera, Dec. V1, lib. ix, cap. xiii. — Relatione della Navigatione & sco- | perta che fece il Capitano Fernando Alarcone per ordine dello Illustris- simo Signor Don Antonio di Men- dozza Vice Re della nnoua Spagna. Ramusio, 111, fol. 363-370, edition of 1556; | ur, fol. 303 verso, edition of 1606. — The relation of the nauigation and | disconery which Captaine Fernando | Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable Lord Don Antonio | de Mendoea vizeroy of New Spaine. Hakluyt, 11, 425-439, edition of 1600. translation is made from Ramusio’s text. — Relation de la navigation et de la découverte faite par le capitaine Fer- nando Alarcon. Parl’ordre de don Antonio de Mendoza. Ternaux, 1X (Cibola volume), From Ramusio's text. 299-348. This | — Relacion del armada del Marqués del Valle, capitaneada de Francisco de Ulloa y dela que el virey de Nueva Espana envié con un Alarcon, Doe. de Espana, iv, 218-219. A very brief, probably contemporary, mention of the discovery of Colorado river. Alvarado, Hernando de. Relacion de lo que Hernando de Alva- rado y Fray Joan de Feadilla descu- brieron en demanda de la mar del Sur.—Agosto de 1540. Doe. de Indias, 1, 511-513. B. Sinith’s Florida, 65-66. Translated in the Boston Transcript, 14 Oct., 1893, and on page 594 ante Alvarado, Pedro de. Asieuto y capitulaciones, entre el virey de Nueva Espana, D. Antonio de Men- doza, y el adelantado, D. Pedro de Alvarado, para la prosecucion del des- cubrimiento de tierra nueva, hecho por Fr. Mireos de Niza.—Pueblo de Tiripitio de la Nueva Espana, 29 No- viembre, 1540. Doe. de Indias, 11, 351-362. same collection, XVI, 342-355. Also in the See page 353 ante. — Proceso de residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado, . . . sacadas de los antiguos codices mexicanos, y notas y noticias por D. Jose Fernando 599 600 Alvarado, Pedro de—Continued. Ramirez. Lo publica paleografiado del MS. original el Lic. Ignacio L, Kayon.—Mexico, 1847. A collection of documents of considerable interest; with facsimile illustrations and portrait. — See Carta del Obispo de Guatemala. Ardoino, Antonio. Examen apologetico de la historica narracion de los naufragios, peregri- naciones, i milagros de Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Baca, en las tierras de la Florida, i del Nuevo Mexico.—Mad- rid, 1736. Barcia, Historiadores Primitivos, 1 (v1), pp.50. See note under Cabeza de Vaca Kelacion. Ayllon, Lucas Vazquez de. Testimonio de la capitulacion que hizo con el Rey, el Licenciado Lucas Vaz- quez de Ayllon, para descubrir la tierra que esta & la parte del Norte Sur, de la Isla Espanola, 35 4 37 gra- dos.—Valladolid, 12 Junio, 1523,— Present6 en Madrid, 31 Marzo, 1541, Doe. de Indias, x1v, 503-515. Bancroft, George. History of the United States, Author’s latest revision.—New York, 1883. For Coronado see Vol. 1, 32-37. Written from the documents translated in Ternaux, Cibola. Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of the Pacific states of North America,—San Francisco, 1882-1890, 34volumes. Vol. y, Mexico, 11, 1521-1600. Vol. x, North Mexican States, 1531-1800. Vol. xu, Arizona and New Mexico, 1530- 1888; pages 1-73 are devoted to Cabeza de Vaca and Coronado. The range of Mr H. Hi. Bancroft's extensive literary labors has seriously interfered with the accuracy in statement and the soundness of judgment which are so essential to satisfactory his- torical writing. His volumes, however, con- tain an immense number of references, often mentioning documentary sources and manu- script materials which are as yet practically beyond the reach of other students. Bandelier, Adolph Francis (Alphonse), Historical introduction to studies among the sedentary Indians of New Mexico.—Santa Fé, N. M., Sept. 19, 1880. Papers of the Archeological Institute of America, American series, 1, Boston, 1881. 2d edition, 1883, pp. 1-33. Relates especially to the Coronado expedition. Cited in the preceding pages as Bandelier's Introduc- tion. — A visit to the aboriginal ruins in the valley of the Rio Pecos, Papers of the Archeological Institute of America, American series, I, 1881, pp. 37-133. In the same volume as the preceding entry. — Kin Brief iiber Akoma, Das Ausland, 1884, No. XIN, pp. 241-243, — Report of an archeological tour in Mexico in 1881. Papers of the Archeological Institute of America, American series, 11, Boston, 1884. THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 — Report hy A. F. Bandelier on his in- | vestigations in New Mexico in the (ETH. ANN. 14 Bandelier, Adolph Francis ( Alphonse)— Continued. spring and summer of 1882.—High- land, Ill., Aug. 15, 1882, Bulletin of the Archeological Institute of America, 1, Boston, Jan., 1883, pp. 13-33. — The historical archives of the Hem- enway southwestern archeological expedition, : Congrés International des A méricanistes, 1888, pp. 450-459.—Berlin, 1890. — Contributions to the history of the southwestern portion of the United States, Papers of the Archeological Institute of America, Am. Series, V, and The Hemen- way Southwestern Archeological Expedi- tion, Cambridge, 1890. Cited in the preced- ing pages as Bandelier’s Contributions. An invaluable work, the result of careful docu- mentary study and of much experience in field workin the southwest. Tt will always Serve as the foundation of all Satisfactory study of the history of the Spaniards in that portion of the United States, Quivira. Nation, N. Y., 31 Oct. and 7 Nov., 1889, (Nos. 1270, 1271.) Letters dated Santa Fé, October 15, 1889. — The ruins of Casas Grandes. Nation, N. Y., 28 Aug. and 4 Sept., 1890 (Nos. 1313, 1314). Letters dated Santa Fé, Aug. 1, 11, 1890. — The Delight Makers.—New York, 1890. A story, in which Mr Bandelier has por- trayed, with considerable success, the ways of life and of thinking among the Indians of the New Mexican pueblos, before the ad- vent of Europeans. — Fray Juan de Padilla, the first Cath- oliec missionary and martyr in east- ern Kansas. 1542. American Catholic Quarterly Review, Philadelphia, July, 1890, xv, 551-565, — An outline of the documentary his- tory of the Zuni tribe. Journal American Eth nology and Archeeol- ogy, U1, Boston, 1892, pp.1-115. This work re- mained in manuscript for some years before it was printed. It contains many extracts from the contemporary narratives, in trans- lation; that of Castaiieda being taken from Ternaux's version. See note on page 389. — Final report of investigations among the Indians of the southwestern United States, carried on mainly in the years from 1880 to 1885, Papers of the Archeological Institute of America. Cambridge; Part I, 1890; Part II, 1892. The most valuable of all of Bandelier’s memoirs on southwestern history and eth- nology. It bears the same relation to the work of the American ethnologist as his Contributions do to that of the historical student. The ‘‘Montezuma” of the pueblo In- dians. American Anthropologist, Oct., 1892, v, 319. — The Gilded Man.—New York, 1893. This work contains much valuable mate- rial concerning the early history of the southwest, but should be used with care, as it was edited and published during the author's absence in Peru. Washington, WINSHIP] Bandelier, Adolph Francis (Alphonse)— Continued. — La découverte du Nouveau-Mexique par le moine franciscain frére Marcos de Nice en 1539. Revue d’ Ethnographie, v (1886), 31, 117,193 (50 pages). — The discovery of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of Nizza. Magazine of Western History, tv, Cleve- land, Sept., 1886, pp. 659-670. The same ma- terial was used in the articles in the Revue d Ethnographie. — Alvar Nunez- Cabeza de Vaca, the first overiand traveler of European descent, and his journey from Florida to the Pacific coast—1528-1536. Magazine of Western History, 1v, Cleye- land, July, 1886, pp. 327-336. Barcia, Andres Gonzales. Historiadores primitivos de las Indias Occidentales, que junt6, traduxo en parte, y sacé 4 luz, ilustrados con eruditas notas, y copiosos indices, el ilustrissimo Senor D, Andres Gonzalez Barcia, del Consejo, y Camara de 8. M. Divididos en tres tomos.—Madrid,ano MDCCXLIX. These three folio volumes are made up of very satisfactory reprints of a number of the narratives of the early Spanish con- querors of America. The Naufragios and Comentarios of Cabeza de Vaca are in the first volume. — Ensayo cronologico, para la historia general de la Florida . . . desde 1512 hasta 1722, eserito por Don Ga- briel de Cardenas z Cano.—Madrid, CIOIOCCXXIII. The name on the title page is an anagram for that of Sr Gonzalez Barcia. Florida, in this work, comprises all of America north of Mexico. The Ensayo was published with the Florida del Ynea of 1723. Baxter, Sylvester. The father of the pueblos. Harper's Magazine, LXV, June, 1882, pp. 72-91. — An aboriginal pilgrimage. Century Magazine, tl (xxiv), August, 1882, pp. 526-536, —The old new world. An account of the explorations of the Hemenway southwestern archeological expedi- tion.—Salem, Mass., 1888. Reprinted from the Boston Herald, April 15, 1888. Begert, or Baegert, Jacob. Nachrichten von der Amerikanischen Halbinsel Californien: mit einem zweyfachen Anhang falscher Nach- richten. Geschrieben von einem Priester der Gesellschaft Jesu, wel- cher lang darinn diese letztere Jahr gelebet hat. Mit Erlaubnuss der Oberen.—Mannheim, 1773. Translated and arranged for the Smith- sonian Institution by Charles Rau, of New York City, in the Smithsonian Reports, 1863, P- 352-369 ; 1864, Pp. 378-399. Reprinted by au in Papers on Anthropological Subjects, pp. 1-40. LIST OF WORKS 601 Benavides, Alonso de. Memorial qve Fray Ivan de Santander de la Orden de san Francisco, presenta ai Felipe Qvarto, hecho por el Padre Fray Alonso de Benauides, Custodio qve ha sido de las prouincias, y con- uersiones del Nueuo-Mexico, — Mad- rid, M. DC. XXX. Translations of this valuable work were published in French at Bruxelles, 1631, in Latin at Salzburg, 1634, and in German at Salzburg, probably also in 1634, Benzoni, Girolamo. La historia del Mondo Nyovo.—(Colo- phon) Venetia, MDLXY. Besides early Latin, Dutch, and German translations of Benzoni, there is an old French edition (Geneva, 1579). An English translation was published by the Hakluyt | Society in 1857. Blackmar, Frank Wilson. Spanish institutions of the southwest.— Baltimore, 1891. Johns Hopkins University Studies in His- toricaland Political Science, extra volume, X. — Spanish colonization in the south- west. Johns Hopkins University Studies, vim, April, 1890, pp. 121-193. — The conquest of New Spain. Agora, Lawrence, Kans., beginning Jan., 1896. This series of papers is not yet com- pleted. | Botero, Giovanni. La prima parte delle relationi vniversali di Giovanni Botero Benese.—Berga- mo, MDXCIIII. For Cewola and Quiuira, libro quarto (p. 277). The text was considerably piberen and amplified in the successive carly editions, In the 1603 Spanish edition, fol. 141. Bourke, John Gregory. Snake dance of the Moquis of Arizona,— New York and London, 1884. Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez, La relacion que dio Aluar nunez cabeca de vaca de lo acaescido . . en la armada donde yua por gonernador Paphilo de narbaez.—(Colophon) Zamora, 6 Octubre, 1542. This was reprinted, with the addition of the Comentarios . . del Rio dela Plata, at Valladolid in 1555. It was translated by Ramusio, 111, fol. 310-330 (ed. 1556). and was paraphrased into English, from Ramusio, by Purchas, Pilgrimes, Part iv, lib. vm, chap. I, pp. 1499-1528. There is a useful note regarding the first edition of the Naufragios and its author, in Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, p. 382. The Naufragios and Comentarios were re- printed at Madrid in 1736, preceded by the Examen Apologetico of Ardoino (see entry under his name), anditis this edition which was included in Barcia's collection of 1749, the 1736 title pages being preserved. —Relacion del viaje de Pénfilo de Narvaez al Rio de las Palmas hasta la punta dela Florida, hecha por el tesorero Cabeza de Vaca. Doc. de Indias, X1v, 265-279. Instruccion para el factor, por el Rey, pp. 265-269. Ap- parently an early copy of a fragment of the Naufragios. 602 THE CORONADO E Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez—Cont’d. — Relation et naufrages d’ Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca—Paris, 1837. This French translation of the Nawfragios forms volume vil of Ternaux’s Voyages. ‘The Commentaires are contained in volume VI. The translation is from the 1555 edition. — Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, translated from the Spanish by Buckingham Smith.—New York,1871. This English translation was printed at Washington in 1851, and was reprinted at New York, with considerable additions and a short sketch of the translator, shortly after Mr Smith's death. Chapters xxx- XXXVI were reprinted in an Old South Leaf- let, general series, No. 39, Boston. — Relation of what befel the persons who escaped from the disasters that attended the armament of Captain Pamphilo de Narvaez on the shores and in the countries of the North. Historical Mag. (Sept.—Dec., 1867), x11, 141, 204, 267, 347. Translated and eondensed from an account printed in Oviedo's His- toria General, Lib. XXxv, cap. i-vi, which was sent to the Real Audiencia of Sancto Domingo by the four survivors of the expe- dition. See Introduction, p. 349 ante. — Capitulacion que se tomé con Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca.—Madrid, 18 Marzo, 1540. Doe, de Indias, Xxi11, 8-33, Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez. See Paez, Juan. Camus, Armand Gaston. Mémoire sur la collection des grands et petits voyages (de Théodore de Bry).—Paris, Frimaire an XI (1802). For ‘‘Cornado,” see p, 176. Cartas de Indias. Publicalas por primera vez el Ministerio de lf omento.—Ma- drid, 1877. This splendid volume contains 108 letters, 29 of which are reproduced in facsimile, written from various portions of Spanish America during the XVI century, The in- dices contain a large amount of informa- tion concerning the people and places men- tioned. Cartas de Religiosos de Nueva Espana. 1539-1594.—México, 1886. Volume I of Icazbaleeta’s Nueva Colec- cién. The 26 letters which make up this volume throw much light on the early civil and economical as well as on the ecclesias- tical history of New Spain. The second volume of the Nueva Coleccién, entitled Codice Franciscano Siglo XVI, contains 14 additional letters. Castaneda, Pedro de. Relacion de la jornada de Cibola con- puesta por Pedro de Castaneda de Nacera donde se trata de todos aque- llos poblados y ritos, y costumbres, | la cual fue el ano de 1540, Printed for the first time in the Fouwr- teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- nology, pp. 414-469, from the manuscript in the Lenox Library in New York. This narrative has been known chiefly through the French translation printed in 1838 by Henri Ternaux-Compans, the title of which | follows. XPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14 | Castaneda, Pedro de—Continued. | — Relation du voyage de Cibola entre- | pris en 1540; ou l’on traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette con- trée, de leurs mceurs et coutumes, par Pédro de Castaneda de Nagera, Ternaux, Cibola, 1-246, Castano de Sosa, Gaspar. Memoria del descubrimiento que Gas- par Castano de Sosa, hizo en el Nuevo México, siendo teniente de goberna- dor y capitan general del Nuevo Reino de Leon. Doe, de Indias, vol. XV, pp. 191-261. The exploring party started 27th July, 1590, and this report was presented to the Council 10th November, 1592. Cervantes Salazar, Francisco. México en 1554: Tres didlogos latinos que Francisco Cervantes Salazar escribid 6 imprimié en México en dicho ano, Los reimprime, con tra- duccion castellana y notas, Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta—México, 1878. Invaluable for anyone who wishes to understand the early social and economic conditions of Spanish America. The bibli- ography at the end of the volume is not only of great value as a guide to the study of this history, but it is of interest as a partial catalog of the library of Sr Garcia Leazbaleeta. Chapin, Frederick Hastings. The land of the cliff-dwellers —Boston, 1892, | Congrés International des Américanistes, Compte-rendu de la premiere session,— Nancy, 1875;. . . Actas dela Novena Reunion, Huelva, 1892-Madrid, 1894. Many of the papers presented at the meetings of the Congres des Américanistes, have been of the very greatest interest to the American ethnologist and to the histo- rian of early Spanish America. Several of the papers presented at Berlin in 1888 are entered under the authors’ names in the present list. Coronado, Francisco Vazquez. | Svmmario di lettere de] Capitano Fran- eesco Vazquez di coronado, scritte ad vn Secretario del Illustriss. Don Antonio di Mendozza Vicere della nuoua Spagna. Date & Culnacan, MDXXXIX, alli otto di Marzo. Ramusio, 11, fol. 354, ed. 1556. Translated in Ternaux, Cibola, app. Vv, pp. 349-351. The special value of these Italian transla- tions of Spanish documents, to which ref- erence is made in the present list, is due to the fact that in very many cases where Ramusio used original documents for his work laterstudents have been unable to dis- cover any trace of the manuscript sources. — Copia delle lettere di Francesco Vaz- quez di Coronado, gouernatore della nuoua Galitia, al Signor Antonio di Mendozza, Vicere dellanuoua Spagna, date in san Michiél di Culnacan, alli otto di Marzo, MDXXXIX. Ramusio, i, fol. 354 verso, ed 1556, Translated in Ternaux, Cibola, app. V, pp. 352-354. —— ——— ee ————— WINSHIP] LIST Coronado, Francisco Vazquez—Cont’. — Relatione che mando Francesco Vaz- quez di Coronado, Capitano Generale della gente che fi mandata in nome di Sua Maesta al paese nouamente scoperto, quel che successe nel viaggio dalli ventidua da’ Aprile di questo anno MDXL, che parti da Culiacan per innanzi, & di quel che trond nel paese doue andaua.—Dalla prouincia di Cenola & da questa cittd di Gra- nata il terzo di Agosto, 1540. Ramusio, 111, fol. 359 (verso) -363, ed. 1556. This letter is translated on pages 552-563 of the present volume. See note on page 886. An earlier English translation by Hakluyt has the following title: — The relation of Francis Vazquez de Coronado, Captaine generall of the people which were sent to the Coun- trey of Cibola newly discouered, which he sent to Don Antonio de Mendog¢a viceroy of Mexico, of . . his voyage from the 22, of Aprill in the yeere 1540. which departed from Culiacan forward, and of such things as hee found in the Countrey which he passed. (August 3, 1540.) Hakluyt, 11, 373-880 (ed. 1600), or 111, 446 (ed. 1800). Reprinted in Old South Least, gen. series, No. 20. Boston. — Carta de Francisco Vazquez Corona- do al Emperador, dandole cuenta de la espedicion « la provincia de Qui- OF vira, y de lainexactitud delo referido | a Fr. Mircos de Niza, acerca de aquel pais.—Desta provincia de Tiguex, 20 Octubre, 1541. Doe. de Indias, 111, 363-369, and also x11, 261-268. Translated on pages 580-583 of the present volume, and alsoin American His- | tory Leaflet, No.13. Thereisa French tr lation in Ternaux, Cibola, app. V, p,. 355-365 See note on page 580 ante. 3. — Traslado de Jas nuevas y noticias que dieron sobre el descobrimiento de una eibdad, que llamaron de Cibola, situada en la tierra nueva.—Ano de 1531 [1541]. Doe. de Indias, X1x, pp. 529-532. Trans- lated on pages 564-565 of the present volume. — Relacion del suceso de la jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el descu- brimiento de Cibola.—Ano de 1531 [1541]. B. Smith, Florida, 147-154; Doc. de Indias, XIV, 318-329. Translated on pages 572-579 of the present volume. See the notes to that translation. Also translated in American History Leaflet, No. 13. Cortés, Hernan. Copia y relacion de los gastos y es- pensas que . . . Fernando Cortés hizo en el armada de que fué por cap- itan Crist6bal Dolid al Cabo de las Higueras . . . Se hizo a primero de Agosto de 1523.—Fecho en México, 9 Hebrero 1529. Doc.de Indias, x11, 386-403. This docu- ment is printed again in the same volume, pp. 497-510. | WORKS 603 Cortés, Hernan—Continued. — Titulo de capitan general de la Nueva-Espana y Costa del Sur, expe- dido 4 favor de Hernan-Cortés por el Emperador Ciirlos V.—Dada en Bar- celona, 46 Julio, 1529. Doe. de Indias, 1V, 572-574, and also XI, 384-386. — Titulo de marqués del Valle (de Guaxaca) otorgado a Hernando Cor- tés.—Barcelona, 6 Julio, 1529. Doe. de Indias, X11, 381-383. — Merced de ciertas tierras y solares en la Nueva Espana, hecha 4 I°ernan Cor- tés, marqués del Valle, por el Empe- rador.—Barcelona, 27 Julio, 1529. Doe. de Indias, X11, 376-378. Itis printed also in Ieazbalceta’s Mexico, 1f, 28-29. — Testimonio de una informacion hecha en México por el presidente y oydores de aquella audiencia, sobre el modo de contar Jos 23.000 indios, vasallos del Marqués del Valle, de que el Rey le habia hecho merced.—Temixtitan, 23 Febrero, 1531. Doc. de Indias, XV1, 548-555. — Real provision sobre descubrimien- tos enel mar det Sur, y respuesta de Cortés ii la notificacion que sele hizo de ella.—México, 19 Agosto, 1534; y respuesta, México, 26 Setiembre, 1534, Icazbalceta’s Mexico, 11, 31-40. — Traslado de una provision de la Au- diencia de México, dirigida 4 Hernan- Cortés, mandandole que no vaya & pacificar y poblar cierta isla del mar del Sur, insertando otra provision que con igual fecha se envié a Nuno de Guzman, gobernador de la Nueva Galicia, para el mismo efecto, y dili- gencias hechas en apelacion de la misma.—Fecho en México, 2-26 Se- tiembre, 1534, Doc. de Indias, Xt, 417-429. Carta de Hernan Cortésalemperador, enviando un hijo suyo para servicio del principe.—Desta Nueva Spana, diez de Hebrero, 1537. Doe. de Indias, 11, 568-569. — Carta de Hernan Cortés, al Consejo de Indias, pidiendo ayuda para con- tinuar sus armadas, y recompensa para sus servicios, y dando algunas noticias sobre Ja constitucion de la propiedad de Jas tierras entre los in- dios.—Meéxico, 20 Setiembre, 1538. Doe. de Indias, 1 535-543. — Carta de Hernan Cortés al Enipera- dor.—De Madrid « xxyi de Junio de 1540. Doe. Ined. Espana, civ, 491-492. — Memorial que did al Rey el Marqués del Valle en Madrid & 25 de junio de 1540 sobre agravios que le habia hecho el Virey de Nueva Espana D, Antonio de Mendoza, estorbindole la prosecu- cion del descubrimiento de las costas é islas del mar del Sur que le pertene- 604 Cortés, Hernan—Continued. cia al mismo Marqués segun la ea- pitulacion hecha con §.M. el ano de 1529, a cuyo efecto habia despachado ya cuatro armadas, y descubierto con ellas por si y por sus capitanes mn- chas tierras é islas, de cuyos viajes y el suceso que tuvo hace una relacion sucinta. Doe. Inéd. Espana, tv, 209-217. — Memorial dado “4 la Magestad del Cesar D, Carlos Quinto, Primero de Espana, por el Sr. D. Hernando Cor- tés, Marqués del Valle, halléndose en estos reinos, en que hace presentes sus dilatados servicios en la con- quista de Nueva Espana por los que pide las mercedes que contiene el mismo. Doe. Inéd. Espana, tv, 219-232. ‘No tiene fecha. despues de 1541.” — Peticion que dié Don Hernando Cor- tés contra Don Antonio de Mendoza, Virey, pidiendo residencia contre é1. Teazbalceta, Mexico, 11, 62-71. About 1542- 43 — Historia de Nueva-Espana, escrita por Hernan Cortés, aumentada con otros documentos, y notas, por Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana.—Mé- xico, 1770. See page 325 and the map; ‘‘ Domingo del Castillo Piloto me Feciten Mexicoanio .. . M.D. XLI." This volume contains the let- ters of Corfes to the Spanish King, for a bib- liographic account of which see Sabin’s Dictionary of American Books. These dis- patches may also be conveniently consulted in volume I of Barcia, Historiadores. The above entries are chiefly such as are of interest for their bearing on the troubles between Cortes and Mendoza, which were very closely connected with the history of the Coronado expedition. ‘The best guide to the study of the personal history and the conquests of Cortes is found in Winsor's America, 11, pages 397-430. Cushing, Frank Hamilton. Zuni fetiches. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, pp. 9-45. —A study of pueblo pottery as illus- trative of Zuni culture growth. Fourth Annual Report of the Bureaw of Dihnology, 1882-83, pp. 467-521. —Preliminary notes on the origin, working hypothesis and primary researches of the Hemenway south- western archeological expedition. Congres International des Américanistes, 7° session, 1888, pp. 151-194. Berlin, 1890. — Zuni breadstuff. The Millstone, Indianapolis, Jan., 1884, to Aug., 1885. — Outlines of Zuni creation myths. Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891-92, pp. 321-447. Davila, Gil Gonzalez. Teatro eclesiastico de la primitiva igle- siade las Indias Occidentales, vidas de sys arzobispos, obispos, y cosas THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ETH. ANN. 14 Davila, Gil Gonzalez—Continned. memorables de sys sedes.—Madrid, M.DC.XLIX. These two volumes are a valuable source of biographical and other ecclesiastical in- formation, for much of which thisis perhaps the only authority. Davis, William Watts Hart. The Spanish conquest of New Mexico.— Doylestown, Pa., 1869. The first 230 pages of this volume contain avery good outline of the narratives of the explorations of Cabeza de Vaca, Fray Mar- cos, and Coronado, — The Spaniard in New Mexico. _Papers of the American Historical Asso- ciation, 111, 1889, pp. 164-176. A paper read cia the association, at Boston, May 24, 7. De Bry, Theodore. See Abelin. Diaz del Castillo, Bernal. Historia verdadera de la conqvista de la Nveva Espana, escri‘a por . . . vno de sus conquistadores.—Madrid, 1632, This interesting work, which counteracts many of the impressions given by the dis- patcher of Cortes, was reprinted in 1632 and again in 1796, 1837, 1854, and in volume XXvI (Madrid, 1853) of the Bibl. de Autores Espa- noles. 1t was translated into English by Keating, London, 1800, reprinted at Salem, Mass., 1803; and by Lockhart, London, 1844. Discurso y proposicion que .se hace 4 Vuestra Magestad de lo tocante 4 los descubrimientos del Nuevo México por sus capitulos de puntos difer- entes. Doc. de Indias, XV1, 38-66. Documentos de Espana. Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de Espana.—Madrid, 1842 (-1895). There are now (1895) 112 volumes in this series, andtwo or three volumes are usually added each year. A finding list of the titles relating to America, in volumes I-cx, prepared by G. P. Winship, was printed in the Bulletin of the Boston Public Library for October, 1894. A similar list of titlesin the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion is in prepa- ration. Cited as Doc. Inéd. Espana. Documentos de Indias. See Pacheco- Cardenas. Donaldson, Thomas. Moqui Pueblo Indians of Arizona and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Extra Oensus Bulletin, Washington, 1893. This “special expert” report on the numbers and the life of the southwestern village In- dians contains a large number of reprodue- tions from photographs showing the people and their homes, which render it of very con- siderable interest and usefulness, The text is not reliable. Drake, Francis. See Fletcher, Francis. Emory, William Hemsley. Notes of a military reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California,—Washing- ton, 1848. _Ex. Doe. 41, Thirtieth Congress, first ses- sion. WINSHIP) Espejo, Antonio de. Expediente y relacion del viaje que hizo Antonio de Espejo con catorce soldados y un religioso de la érden de San Francisco, llamado Fray Au gustin Rodriguez; el cual debia de entender en la predicacion de aquella gente. Doc. de Indias, xv, 151-191. See also page 101 of the same volume. — El viaie qve hizo Antonio de Espeio en el anno de ochenta y tres: el qual con sus companneros descubrieron yna tierra en que hallaron quinze Prouincias todas llenas de pueblos, y de casas de quatro y cinco altos, a quien pusieron por nombre El nueuo Mexico. Hakluyt, 111, 383-389 (ed. 1600). The Span- ish text is followed by an English transla- tion, pp. 390-396. of events in New Spain during the years1 35- 1546, see vol. Iv, 592-715. Zaragoza, Justo. Noticias histéricas de la Nueva Es- pana.— Madrid, 1878. In this volume Seftor Zaragoza has added much to the inherent value of the Tratado of Suarez de Peralta (see eutry above) by his ample and scholarly notes, and by a very use- ful ‘Indice geografico, biogrifico, y de pa- Jabras Americanas.’’ Theseindices, within their inevitable limitations, contain a great deal of information for which the student would hardly know where else to look. This is equally true of the indices to the Cartas cde Indias, for the excellence of which Sefor Zaragoza was largely responsible. ee re ~_ > os oie fF av ae bees) ee oe | LINDE TOP ABW 1 Page ABNAKI, genesis of the...........-.------ 87 —, jugglery among the - 145 —, pictography of the... - So PS Syhh —, totemic marks of the.-........-....--. 65 ABORTION produced by use of hair.-..--. 286 ABSAROKA, investigation of the .....----- XXxXiv ACAPULCO, port on coast of New Spain. -- 385 —, rendezvous for Alvarado’s fleet.--..--- 409 —, departure of Alarcon from. ....-.------ 403 —, departure of Ulloa from.--....--..-...- 369 ACAXES indians of Culiacan......-.---.- 514 ACCOMPANYING PAPERS, characterization WOE ~~ 22-2 nee ee ence ee eee eee 1 ACCULTURATION of the indians. - xxxiv ACHA pueblos:----2-....-. 2.2... a0 519 Acocnis, indian name for gold. - -- 493, 512 Acoma, Jaramillo’s name for - - 587 *—, Tiguaname for.......-.. 492 | PUN MAMBILOL ceeemece sca = senan—l 490 | —, Alvarado’s description of......-.....-- 594 —, Castaneda’s description of ..-....-..-- 491 | —, description of, by companions of Coro- MEG) o.saaqsonnactsbee seas ooo TecsogNoO 569, 575 —, reputation of, in Sonora =e. 357 | —, Visit of Arcllano to-.-..---.-..-------- 494 —, Visit of Spaniards to.-.........-.----- lvii, 390 | —, worship of cross at...-..-..----------- 544 —, see Acuco, ACUS. Acorns, use of, by indians as food.......- 517 Acosta, JOSE DE, on Mexican sorcerers... 138 Acosta, MARIA DE, wife of Pedro Casta- 470 Acwco, location of... . - 519, 524 — wisitor Alvaradoto.-----------.---..- 490 —, cartographic history of......-..------. 403 —, see ACOMA, ACUS. Acuct, Coronado’s comments on name of. 560 ACUIQUE, name for Cicuye.--..------..-- 523 Acts, identified with Acoma...-...-.-...... 357 —, Coronado's account of.......-----.---- 560 -—, see ACOMA, ACUCO. ADOBE, description of ......---..----- 520, 562, 569 —, making of, described. - ae 356 AGAVE, liquor made from. . 516 — fiber, use of, for garments. .--.-- 517 AGUAIAUALE, seaport of Culiacan. 2 385 AGUAS CALIENTES, pueblo of...-..-.----- 525 | AGUILAR, JUAN DE, Mendoza's agent in ISDN rsp ena omen ager er asessnos 368 AHAcus, identified with Hawikuh.-..-..... 358 AIAMITA, genealogy of ..----.------------ 56 AKKEEWAYSEE, Ojibwa treaty signer. .-. 28 Axo, native name for Acoma ..---.------ 575 Page Ak6Mé, native name for people of Acoma. 575 | Axwinem, mythic origin of name. 218 i BONeRO LY Ole — ncaa ee ae eee 46, 48 ALARCON, D. DE, confusion of, with PAU GATE Zineeee Acetate anes eea ee 501 ALARCON, H. DE, expedition by sea, under. 385, 478 —, Colorado river discovered by.--.-.--. 403, 574 —, Estevan’s death reported to ........-. 360 —, message of, found by Diaz.......----- 407, 486 —, Coronado's fears for 555 ALBAICIN, similarity of, with Hawikuh-. 564 ALCARAZ, DieGo DE, lieutenant of Diaz. 485,501 —, incompetence of.....-..-.------.....- 502 == CORUN Of 52320 ..nec coe eee oe aee wae 533 ALEMAN, JUAN, inhabitant of Mexico... 495 ALEXERES, uncertain meaning of.....---. 507 ALGONKIN habitat in 1634. -- 15 ALKALI soil, references to. - - 586 ALLIGATORS, danger from, in rivers of New Galicia.~ 2iss2.-a-hendec-sce eases 539 ALLOUEZ, C., on Rabbit-rock myth-....... 117 ALMAGRO, struggles of, in Peru against LENDS cis sang-eeponscunitieresooaacnoe 376 ALMAGUER, ANTONIO DE, secretary in IN GNy tal Halt boom nc nem aarosteceueaors 598 ALMIDEZ CHERINO, PERO, royal veedor POTEN OWS DARD eter te se ihe oiatale est eteeatsta ote 596, 598 ALMIRANTAZGO, island of ..-...-.---..--. 545 ALor, Mexican, use of, for clothing by PueDloMNndiaNSs pees oe ee ene wae 569 ALVARADO, HERNANDO DE, appointment Ofte eee ee een oe emo ett 477 —, Coronado protected by, at Cibola -.--- 483 —, expedition of, to Rio Grande. lvii, 390, 490, 575 —, report of discoveries by...--.-------. 594 —, Pecos chiefs imprisoned by----------- 493 VIG OL nbO Sta Danse. sass aes cee a 511 —, wounded by indians. -.-.-.--..--.---- 557 ALVARADO, PEDRO DE, lieutenant of Cor- tes, conqueror of Guatemala-........--- 352 —, failure of expedition to Peru ..---.-.-- 352 —, unites with Mendoza for exploration. —, arguments before Council for the In- (ING = GeoeoSa 7 sce SSS ce secese sS 372 —, efforts to provide wives for colonists - 374 | —, arrival of, in New Spain: ..-.....-.-.. 408 —, expedition of, to Peru .........--...-. 474 SIC ieee teccme se SSOP eSe oy Besccsa 540 —, death of, at Nochistlan ............... 410 AMATEPEQUE, revolt in, quelled by Coro- NENG) coe nan tec SsomessiS sos oA S52esc9s05 380 AMBUSH, use of, by Spaniards - ........-- 500 AMMUNITION, lack of, in New Spain...--. 540 616 Page AMULETS of the Menomini..-..---..--.--- Fhe, wes ANACAPA ISLAND, visit of Ferrel to... ... 412 ANDREW TARASCAN remains in pueblo country .---...------------5-+-0----000- 592 ANGEL DE LA GUARDIA, island of . _ 554 ANIMAKEE W ABA, Ojibwa treaty signer... 28 ANIMALS of pueblo region. --.-------- a 518 —taken by Coronado for food supply. . - - 553 Antiquities of the Menomini ....-.----- 36-39 ANTONIO DE CicDAD-Ropriao, Franciscan provincial in Mexico...-...------------ 354 ANTONIO DE SANTA Marta, Franciscan B80 CF Sepa GOADOOE Toe CES Io oAianSs (0G 474 Antonio VICTORIA, friar, leg of, broken. - 482 APACHE, arrow making by the-.-..---.--- 275, 279 —, stone arrowpoints among the - 283, 284 —, stone implements of the .-----.--...-- 256 —, gormandism among the..--....------- 287 APALACHE BAY explored by Narvaez..--- 346 AqgkiwisI, genealogy of....-------------- 58 Aquiv, name for Cicuye ----------------- 523 ARACHE, province of great plains.....--. 529, 588 ARAE, indian village on great plains...-. 577 ARAHEI, province of, on great plains... 588 ARAPAHO, ghost dance among the-. XXxix — language, study of the ..-......... xli ARCHE, province near Quivira.-...... 503 ARCHEOLOGY, work in .----.-.---.-..-.-- xxxiv ARCHITECTURE of the Menomini..-......- 253 ARELLANO, TRISTAN DE, lieutenant to Cor- OD AU Olese mee eaeae ooo eee erien aaa mee 508 —, appointment of, as captain --- 477 —, command of, in Coronado’s army..-... 391, 481, 572, 577, 581 — at Corazones ......-------------------- 485 —, arrival of, at Cibola and Tiguex.. 492, 494,510 ARISPA, settlement of...-....---.--.-.--- 515 —, visit of Coronado to.....-.----.-.--... 585 ARIVAYPA CREEK in Arizona...--..------ 387 ARIZONA, aboriginal remains in ..----..-- xxxvii SS NO ose ease ies sec Asemosre ese 520 ARIZPE, see ARISPA. ARKANSAS, novaculite quarries in..-..... XXXY ARKANSAS RIVER followed by Coronado. 397 ARROW MAKING by Arizona tribes .....-- 275 ARROWPOINTS, modern stone..---.. > 281 — in graves at Sikyatki.-. 519 — in Wisconsin mounds.......----------- 38 — (Of ATIZ0N@ tri peS\e---2 4 == ens eeenaeee ee = 256 ARROWS in Menomini myth.-....-.--...-. 179 —, mystic, in Menomini myth...-....-.-- 196 — of the Menomini ..-.-..-----..--..-.-. 27. — TSE) In PAMIN Eso. near eeee aes = seme 245 ArT pRropuctTS, classification of.....-...-- Xxxvii ARTILLERY, substitutes for, devised by SPS ALO8 pee eee eee eee eee 500 —, use of, at Chiametla 3 481 —, use of, by indians. S 6 524 —, use of, in exploring expeditions. .-.... 546 ASHAWAKANAU, genealogy of ...--..----- 57 ATAHUALPA killed by Pizarro......------ 354 ATHAPASCAN BIBLIOGRAPHY, work on-..- xiii ATTIKUMAAG, Ojibwa treaty signer ...... 28 AUDIENCIA, definition of ...- 472 —, functions of the -.-- 2. .o.2.-cecesns === 350 INDEX TO PART 1 (ETH. ANN. 14 Page AUDIENCIA, expeditions into new territory forbidden Dyeesa--=s=- cans aemeees eee 369 AURORA BOREALIS in Menomini myth.... 210 AVILA, PEDRO DEB, ringleader in rebellion EUS cea oae Senhig Goo neO me nenocaeese as 533 AXA, province in great plains Sst 492 Aztec wirriors allies of Spaniards in MEX Wal seee = a tence eee eee 410 Bassirt, IRvinG, acknowledgments to... 552 BACALLAOS, name applied to Newfound- Veh es ss peace oa socossece 513, 526 BacuHELors forbidden to hold land in CAST OE Ye ert erat lal eee 374 BACQUEVILLE DE LA POTHERIE on jug- glery among Hudson Bay indians .. 140 BADGER in Menomini myth --......-.-..-. 133 BAG, see BEADED BAG, MEDICINE BAG. Baconigs, description of, in pueblo NGS) me feecndie cornea sos econcne ones Se 522 BALL, mystic, in Menomini myth --....-.. 224 BAuu-CarRigR, folktale of the.--...-..--- 223 BALL-GAME during Pontiac conspiracy -. - 130 — in Menomini myth.........-...-..----- 166 — of the Menomini ........--..---.-. 127-136, 244 —, mythic origin of .......--...---.------ 131 —, sacred character of..-....-.--..------- 135 BAtsas, R10 DE LAS, crossed by Coronado OYE RES esata a ete eee tet 586 Bancroft, Hl. H., on Cabeza de Vaca's route... 348 —, mistake in dating Alvarado's report-. 391 BANDELIER, A. F., researches in south- Western History, -6~. 0. ecenaneaeee=e-n= 339 —, discussion of indian legends..-...-.... 345 —, on Cabeza de Vaca's route ...----...-.- 347 —, on Friar Juan de la Asuncion ......--- 353 —, on route of Friar Marcos ...-.-.------- 358 —, defense of veracity of Friar Marcos ... lvi, 363 —, on date of Coronado's departure... -.- 382 —, on Coronado’s route from Culiacan .. - 386 —, identification of Chichilticalli by ----. 387, 516 —, identification of Hawikuh-Granada by 489 —, identification of pueblos by ..--------- 511, 524 —, Querechos identified with Apaches by 396 —, identification of Rio Vermejo by ..---- 482 —, identification of Vacapa by on 355 —, use of sources of Coronado expedition Dice semen seems oot ohn eee 414 —, considers the Turk indian probably a SR SYNC Gaiam ate nein ley cette ial afar min 304 —, on Arizona indian liquor ....---.------ 516 —, on Opata poison..-...-.---.----------- 538 —, on indian government and estufas -.-. 520 —, onpueblo indian lifeand government - 561 | —, on name of/Cicuye=<<------------ ==. 523 —, ou name Teya or Texia-. 507 —, on name Tutahaco. .-.. 492 —, on Indian giants 5 485 ON) A COMER Rac sele a cise n seme = 490 —, on Ispa and Guagarispa .-.-. = 585 | —, on location of Quivira ..----.----.---- 397 —, on location of Tiguex and Cienye ..-.. 491 —=, On Matsakl =.2-..0bo0ssemnneaaceeemeee 517 SFE AE oe eg ie a 515 —, on the Seven Cities ........----.-.---- 473 ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 Bison, pile of bones of.........-----...... —, skins of, found by Coronado at Cibola. —, Stampede Ob... -a=-5-—o— enn oeeae aaa BITUMEN used by indians in making rafts. BuackpirD, A. J.,on Menomini totems... —, on significance of Mia/nibiish.....---- 3LACKFEET, poisoned arrows used by the. BLANKETS of native American cotton ---. BLASE, FATHER, Menomini grammar and Obtain bien) Myke seeereceecto-eesoose eso BLIND MEN and the raccoon, folktale of... BLizZArp experienced by Coronado .----- BLowGun formerly used by indians...... BLUEJAY in Menominimyth.-.......-.--- BoarpMaAn, E., land-treaty witness .- Boas, FRANZ, acknowledgments to... BOCANEGRA, HERNAND PEREZ DE. PEREZ. BONESTEEL, A. D., on death of Oshkosh... Boston TRANscRIPT, translation of Alva- rado's report in ..--.- noaStnccessccncod See | Bourke, J.G.,on Apache medicine-men - 45 | —, on classification of arrows.-----...-.. BowLpeER, mystic, near Keshena, Wis. --- BOWL. GAME of the Menomini Bowstrincs of the Menomini BoOWYER, COLONEL, on Sauk and Fox ex- pulsion Boyomo, river and settlement of... ....-.- BrRABA, pueblo of —, description of, by Alvarado... —, village of, visited by Spaniards. a BRACELETS of Turk indian..........----. BRADDOCK, GENERAL, defeat of .........-- BREAD of pueblo indians..--......-...--. —, use of, among Colorado river indians. Breyoort, H. B., land-treaty witness. .-.. BripGE built by Spaniards across Cana- (briny nee ame Sseee nase EAP a see eeron anne —, indian, across Rio Grande —, mystic, in Menomini myth 2 BRIGANTINES, French, on the coast of New SU aR Se see Boose cone ce cane BRISTLES used in drilling .....-.-.-...-.-. BROTHERTON land purchase - Brunson, ALFRED, quoted on the Menom- ini - : Brus, E. A., land-treaty witness ---..-.-. BuENAGUIA, Alarcon’s name for Colorado | BUFFALO, see BISON. BUFFALO PLAINS visited by Spaniards. . -. BUFFALO SKINS given to Coronado. ....... — obtained through trade by Sonora in- GbE eseseod Hopec pec eeosse sce esos | BULLET GAME of the Menomini...-...-..-. | BoRGos, JUAN DE, estates ot, forfeited for bachelorhood..-................--.-..... BuRIAL among pueblo indians — by Tiguex indians —, see MORTUARY CUSTOMS. | BURIEL, a variety of cloth -.........-..-.. age BANDELIER, A. F., on Topira...-.---.---. 476 —, on Yuqueyunque .........-........... 510 BANNoOcK, linguistic affinity of the -.------ 525 BaNvE Los, B., miner of Zacatecas......-- 538 BARBELS, native American fish .......--- 517 Bark used in mat making.-.-..-...-.----- 259 —, see BIRCHBARK. BaRRANCA, RIO DELA, crossed by Coronado 586 BARRIONUEVO, FRANCISCO DE, companion OfMCOTUHARO wee meee onion eee een oseeia 479 —, explorations of........-.--.----------- 510 —, adventure of, at Tiguex ............-- 496 BASKET MAKING by the Menomini.-.-...-. 259 Baruca, Opata settlement in Sonora..--. 537 Bautista, JUAN, on Mexican rain con- BILLER LS ee eileen al am a 150 BEADED BAGS of the Menomini -- 74 BeEaps found in graves at Sikyatki 519 BEADWORK of the Menomini. --.. 264, 265, 269-272 Beans, stores of, kept by indians -....... 584 —, wild, found by Coronado. .-...---...-. 507 Bear and the Eagle folktale ............. 217 —inMenominimythology. 91, 131, 169, 175,200, 254 — totem, Menomini, importance of..-.-.. — in pueblo region..--....-...-.--------- 518, 560 BEAVER in Menomini myth .....---.-.--- 134 | BEAVER HUNTER and his sister, folktale of. 222 | Bens of the Menomini.-...........-.-.--- 256 BEJARANO, SERVAN, testimony of.-....-.. 598 Betts of the Menomini 272 BENAVIDES, A. DE, on methods of building pueblos . 520 —, on use of dogs by plains indians. -.-.. 527 BENITEZ, death of 500 BerMeEJO. See VERMEJO, BERNALILLO, location of Tiguex at.-..--- 391,491 BERRIES, use of, by the Menomini-....--.- 291 BIBLIOGRAPHY, work in... xiii — of Coronado expedition 599 Bripp.ieg, J. W., quoted on Tomau..-....-. 54-55 = On death Of LOWMAN. s-e eee ~ nee eae 56 Bieores, captain of Cicuye indians ...-.. 490 —, see WHISKERS. BILLEGAS, FRANCISCO DE, agent for De Soto Tre Wi Gb oleae Stee Race a msiaseeceseeccoee 366 —, correspondence of, with De Soto.....- 370 Bitoxt, study of language of....-.-.----- lx BIRCHBARK, songs recorded on..-.-.-.--- 107 "USE. fOr CANOCS. = aoe ee ele ieee ie 293, — used for utensils=----------<--2 8 ee 288 — used in house building ----.--.---.---- 253 — used in juggler’s lodge ....-...-.----.- 146 — used in medicine lodge......--.---.---. 72. Birps, Ma/nibish and the....--.-..--- Poe 203 ——Of PUCHIO MELLON = - a som amnion omnia 521 Bison first seen by Coronado’s force ...-. 391 —, Geserip ion Of .-—-— eee = ema a= 527, 541, 543 — described by Cicuye indians-......-.-. 490 — described by Colorado river indians... 405 — described by companion of Coronado-. 570 — described by Coronado .....-.....----- 580 — described by Jaramillo .....--..-.-.-.- 587 —, Alvarado’s journey among..-..-....-.- 576 —, Coronado's army supplied with meat GO) ipeoecs Hermes soma c soe Os Oat SE OAOTS 581 — killed by plains indians ...-......----. 504 I BurninG of indian captives condemned Dy pSUIsTOs seaco- i se ce eneeeneaseeione = 47 594 360 278 38 241 280 274 275, 280 397, 504 511 225 406, 574 lvii 505 357 242 379 518 595 543 618 Page BURNING of indians at stake by Spaniards. 497 Butte DEs Monts, treaty of .-...----.--. 7,46 Buzzarp in Menomini mythology.------. 165, 202 CABEZA DE Vaca, ALVAR NUNEZ, arrival of, in New Spain . 345,474 | —, royal treasurer on Narvaez’ expedition 347 —, journey of. ~ 436 lvi —, narrative of Narvaez’ expedition by -- 349 —, narrative of, translated by Ternaux. --. 349 — tells Alvarado of his discoveries - ----- 352 —, indian traditions regarding ...-.------ 589 —, efforts to verify reports of -.--.------- 354 —, description of bison by---------------- 543, 548 —,uses gourds of indian medicine-men - . 360 —, traces of, found by Coronado. -...------ 505, 506 —, in Corazones valley -.-...------------- 484, 585 Canor, SEBASTIAN, map of, cited--.-...--- 403 | CaBRILLo, J. R., voyage of, along Califor- 3119) CODS Glee nm otaletoiatele te eee Siem = = 411 CACTUS SPINES used for poisoning arrows. 285 CaLirorniA, study of indians of.-...-..-- xxxvili INDEX TO PART 1 —, coast of, explored by Ferrel . -.. 4 412 | —,exploration of gulf of.....--..-.------- 369, 514 —, peninsula of, mistaken for an island... 404, 486 —, natives of peninsula of.--...---------- 514 CALKINS, Hiram, on Ojibwa jugglery-.--- 146 CAMPBELL, DONALD, at Detroit in 1761. .-- 7 Campo, ANDRES DO, Portuguese compan- ion of Padilla .- 400 — remains in Quivira ....---------------- 529, 535 —, return of, to New Spain. ---- ..- 401, 544 CANADIAN RIVER, journey of Alvarado along-...--------+--=--=------ - 391,576 — crossed by Coronado 397, 504 CANNIBALISM in Menomini myth - 168, 194, 229, 231 (ETH. ANN. 14 Page CARDENAS, GARCIA LOPEZ, recalled to ISS LT ore ee 399, 578, 583 | CARDINAL POINTS in Potawatomi myth. -- 209 CARDONA, ANTONIO SERRANO DE. See SERRANO. CARON, JOSETTE, Menomini treaty signer. 28 —, sce KARON, CaRnon, genealogy of...-....-...-------- 50, 53 —, medal presented to -.....-..--.......- 18 CARRON FAMILY, importance of.....-... e 45 CARTOGRAPHIC results of Coronado expe- dition ..... 45 =e 403 CARVER, JONATHAN, medicine ceremony described by..-- -- 111-113 —, on Cree jugglery..-..-..-..--.-...---- 141-143 —-, on Green Bay indian habitat.-..-...-.- 19 —,on progress of Green Bay...-.-------- 18 CASA DE CONTRATACION, description of... 351 CASA GRANDE, attempts to identify with Chighvtica liv. see seeenan anos aae 387 Cass, Lewis, treaty commissioner -----. = 27,28 —, experience of, at Ottawa ceremony. .--- 105 CASS MANUSCRIPTS quoted on Canadian indianimMnapgie 3.2.2.2 cs -sesncsen eee 144 — quoted on Rabbit-rock myth- 7 CASTANEDA, ALONSO DE, death of. 500 | CASTANEDA, PEDRO Db, narrative of Coro- nado expedition by..--.-..-..-...... lv, 413, 417 —, manuscript of, in Lenox library...... 339, 413 —, story of an indian trader. -...-..-.---- 345 —, explanation of troubles between Friar Marcos and Estevan ....--------------- 355 —, story of Estevan’s death...........--- 360 —, says Friar Marcos’ promotion was ar- ranged by Mendoza .......-..-..---.--- 364 —, accusations against Friar Marcos-.... 366 —, mistake regarding departure of Alar- CODE Sane ne ae ae ee eee a eenarars 385 —, stories of revolt of Rio Grande indians. 393 —, credibility of his version of the Turk's stories of Quivira.-...- Sere raSseeesctrsn 394 —, family of... = aor z 470 —, Spanish family name ..-....--.-.....- 511 —, difficulties in manuscript of ....-..--. 513, 514 —, peculiarities of style of....-.-...-...- 525, 526 CASTILLO, ALONSO DEL, same as Maldon- fi Ge eens enon sSeces Pe arwiesscs se shh sen 348 CATAWBA, proportion of warriors to pop- RUA OH a eieiase anton sie ince alten alee 33 —, researches among the.....-.---------- xl CatFIsH, folktale of the.........--.------ 214 CATLINITE used for pipes by Menomini- -. 248 CATTLE, early introduction of lvi — imported into New Spain. - 375 CAVALLOS, BAHIA DE LOs8, site of Narvaez’ COM fie sesasoceess 347 CEDROS, ARROYO DE IL onado 584 CENTIZPAC, a river in New Galicia....--- 382 CEREMONIAL BATON described and figured. 72-73 — MEAL, use of, on Moki trails..--.------ 488 CEREMONIES of pueblo indians . - 544, 550, 573 —, pueblo, studied by Fewkes. 29 359 — Of Tignex indians: «= .s-secine aeons ae 595 CEREUS THURBERII, see PITAHAYA. CERTIFICATE of Tshekatshakemau..-..-- 45 CANOES of the Menomini........--.------ 292 | —, mythic origin of ...--..--------------- 126 DOTA e aoe Se eee ae ee mee 239 CANTELOUPES, introduction of, into pueblo country ------.--....--.--------------=- 550 —, i: dian use of, as food ..-...-..--.----- 516 | CANYON OF THE COLORADO visited by Spaniiards).<-.-2 22. 22 -cene0- on none one =e 390, 489 CAPETLAN, see CAPOTHAN, CAPOTHAN, province in New Spain..-...- 529 CAPOTLAN or CAPOTEAN, indians from, accompany Padilla.......--.----.------ 592 Captives held as slaves..---------------- 35 CARBAJAL, death of Spaniard named..-.. 500 CARDENAS, DIEGO LOPEZ DE, name of, given by Mota Padilla ...--.----------- 477 CARDENAS, GARCIA LopEz, succeeds Sa- maniego as field-master .--.--.--------- 388 —, appointment of, as captain.---.-.---.- 477 —, confusion of, with Urrea....-......... 489 — visits Colorado river-...-..---. lvii, 390, 489, 574 —., indian village attacked by -.-...------ 496 —, Coronado protected by, at Cibola.. 483, 557, 573 —, treachery of indians toward ..--.-..-- 498 —, indians interviewed by -.---- = 497 —, interview of, with indians - . 555, 556 —, Bt POX oe. aoa a ete in ane 492 —, preparations for winter quarters by. . 576 = ACCIOGIG GOq ae ase ees ee ieee 505, 577 — death of brotheriot.....-5+--seeeeeeee 530 ETH. ANN. 14] Page CERVANTES, a Spanish soldier. -.--.-.---- 503 CEVOLA, see CIBOLA. CHAKEKENAPOK in Potawatomi myth..-. 207 CHAMETLA, see CHIAMETLA. CHAMITA, on site of Yuqueyunque-.----- 510, 525 CHANNING, EpwArp, acknowledgments to 339 CHANTS, Menomini ceremonial .....--.--. 78, 79, 86-87, 105 CHARCOAL used in medicine. ..-.--..----- 136 CHARLEVOIX on Fox indian early habitat. 19 — on Huron jugglers --.----.------------ 139 — on jugglery -.-.. ~ 152-153 — on the Menomini...---.--.---- . 34,36 CHARMS, hunting, among Menomini-. : 67 —, love, of the Menomini-.-.----------- . 154, 155 CHEMEHUEVI, arrow making by the --. 275 —, DOWS Of thGi: ones ----- meen oe =e === 281 —, stone arrowpoints of the...----------- 283 —, stone chipping by the..-..--.-.-.------ 283 —.stone implements of the -.-.-...------ 256 CHERINO, PERO ALMIDEZ, see ALMIDEZ. CHEROKEE, proportion of warriors to pop- TU AHON sana eniaaeiec eee = een 33 CHEYENNE, ghost dance among -----.----- XXXixX —, study of language of .....----..------- xli Cui, indian village mentioned by Jara- TEL O eee oie eee see le ln 587 —, mention of road to --.----.--.--------- 594 —, cannon deposited in villages of.....--- 503 —, see SIA. CHIAMETLA, appointment of Trejo in....- 500 —, death of Samaniego at .-..-.---------- 480, 547 —, desertion of'..--.-.---------=------5--- 383 CHICAGO, origin of name....- Soan5 238 CHICHILTICALLI, description of 516 — described by Jaramillo ...--- 584 — described by Mota Padilla. 487 —, limit of Diaz’ exploration...--.-.--.-- 303 —, first sight of, by Coronado .....---.--- 482 — visited by Coronado..-...-..---------- 387 —, Coronado’s description of -.----------- 554 —, visit of Diaz to ...--.----------------- 480 —, visit of Friar Marcos to-..-..-..------- 475 CHICHIMECAS, Mexican word for braves. - 524 —, Mexican indians ..-------------------- 529 CHICKASAW, ball-game of the-....--- 129 CHICKENY, member of Menomini court. -- 35 CulErs, Menomini, descent of....-------- 39, 43 —,Menomini, genealogy of--------------- 44-60 —, Menomini, succession of ----.--------- 44 CHIMNEYs not built by Menomini --.-..-.-. 253 Cun, coast of, connected with America. 513, 526 CHINOOKAN BIBLIOGRAPHY, work on------ xiii CHIPIaApoos in Potawatomi myth.-.....--- 207 CHIPMUNK in Menomini myth..-.----.--- 229 CHIPPEWAY, see OJIBWA. CHIPPING, see ARROW MAKING. CuocTaw, ball game of the 129 —, proportion of warriors to population. - 33 CuovurTeav, A., Menomini treaty commis- BIONGL eo nae ee ee la ala 20, 21 CHRISTIANIZATION of indians, jugglery op- posed to. -....--------+-++--+++2--220--- 138, 139 Cuvumash, shell drilling by the--.--------- 266 C1sora described by indians of Sonora. .. 356 —, extent of range of.....----- PSM ISCOCOS 358 INDEX TO PART 1 | | 619 Page C1B0L1A, stories of, inspired by Friar Marcos 364 — captured by Coronado.---. lvii, 388, 556, 565, 573 —, Castafieda’s description of........-.-- 482 —, Diaz’ description of houses at---.--.--- 548 —, Coronado’s description of..----.-.----- 558 —, description of.....-.---------- 517, 565, 569, 573 —, description of houses at ...-----.----- 520 —, cartographic history of .......-..-.--- 403 —, see ZUNI. Cicuic, see CicUYE, PECOSs. CICUIQUE, see CICUYE. CIcUuYE, synonymous with Pecos. - 391 =—s QOSCRIPLON Of s22= == === === <== =e 523, 525 — described by companions of Coronado - 570, 575 — described by Jaramillo ........--.----- 587 —, indians from, visit Coronado... ....-.. 490 = Alvarado stwisit 16--2)--eeaoaas see e ee 491 =e TIS Ol CONONAdO LOn == = aeaaa aa ane 502 —, treachery of indians at..-..--.------.- 509 —, siege of, by Spaniards ------.--------- 511 | —, eartographic history of .-.....--.------ 403 | —, river of, crossed by Spaniards -.-...--. 504, 510 CINALOA RIVER crossed by Coronado... ..- 5R4 — north of New Galicia .---..--..-... 386, 515 CLAN, see TOTEM. | CLARK, WILLIAM, Menomini treaty com- THERE OMS — eee eae son ocoose eee 20, 21 CLAS=IFICATION of indian tribes........-. Xxvii CLAUDE, see Konor. CLAW-AND-MIRROR trick. ...----.--------- 99-100 CuiMATE of Cibola, Coronado’s account of. 559 CLOTHING of the Hopi-...--.-------------- 517 — of indians at Quivira 582 — of indians at Sonora...-......-----.---- 515 — of indians taken by Spaniards --.-..--. 495 lof plains indians -----... --.-.-----..-- 507 eof peblowmdiangees ones seme 404, 517, 549, 562, 563, 569, 573, 586, 595 (Gjerke ee aoe baeaece ossicles ceagacs 498 CoAHUILA, a Mexican state............-. 545 Cocuin, letter from, to Mendoza -.------.- 412 Cooniwr pueblowf.= ==) -------—-=— =~ 525 Coco, Alvarado’s name for Acoma -.----- 594 CoLmma, town in western New Spain..... 385 —, illness of Mendoza at...--..--------.- 551 —s PALVANOS Olen ae eyo in 505 Co.onists of New Spain, characteristics Olean eee anne een tos 373 COLONIZATION of New Spain. .- 374 COLOR significance in Menomini ceremo- Ae ete ene te e allem 76 COLORADO, adobe of----=----.--- .... === <= 520 COLORADO RIVER, discovery of .-----.---- 403, 574 4 VASIE Of DIAZ Olesen 406, 485 —, visit of Cardenas to-..---.------------ 390, 489 COLUMBIA RIVER, drift of, seen by Ferrel- 412 COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, Bureau collection BG bos eaneceewaecscs fee ee XXXVi, Xxxix, xlvi CoMANCHE, identification of, with Teya.. 524 —, ghost dance among the....---..------- Xxxix —, linguistic affinity of the 525 Comps, use of, in weaving... - Ae 562 ComposTELA, establishment of----- 5 473 —, rendezvous of Coronado’s army at-.-.. 362 —, review of Coronado’s force in...-.--.-- 596 —, departure of Coronado from -.-..-...-- 377, 478 620 Page Comupatrico, settlement of---..-.-...--- 515 ConA, settlement of plains indians. -- 507 Conant, S., land-treaty witness. --..- = 29 Conner, Henry, land-treaty witness-.--.. 29 CoNQUISTADORES, meaning of term in New TPA Sessa Sao cio dapctoons eee 563 CopaLa, name of province in great plains. 492 Copper found by Coronado at Quivira. -. 397, 509, 577, 582 — recognized by Colorado river indians. . 405 — arrows poisoned by corrosion..-....-.-. 285 — bell found among Texas indians..-..... 350 — mines, ancient, in Michigan..--..... XXXvV, 345 — spearheads on Menomini reserve. ..... 36, 37 CoguirE, pueblo of....--....-------....-. 523 CorAZONES, settlement of, by Arellano... 572 —, river and settlement of ...... = 515 —, deseription of, by Jaramillo. - 585 —, food supply in .....--....--.- = 553 —, kindness of indians of ...-... - 534, 537 —, or valley of Hearts, in Sonora .......- 392 —, Coronado’s army in valley of....-....-- 484 CorDAGE of the Menomini...........-..- 260, 273 Corn, description of native American... 518 —, stores of, kept by Indians .-.--....... 584 —, method of grinding, at pueblos-.-..--.- 522, 559 —, see MAIZE. CoRONADO, FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ, commis- INDEX TO PART 1 sion of, as governor of New Galicia... 351 —, escorts Friar Marcos to Culiacan....-. 355 —, returns to Mexico with Friar Marcos. 362, 381 —, accompanied Mendoza to Mexico....-. 376 —. request by, for investigation of per- sonnel of force .....-.-----.. eae 377 —, marriage and history -......---.-..-.- 379, 474 —, quells revoltof minersat Amatepeque- 380 —, rumors of his appointment as governor. 380 —, wounded at Cibola.......- 573, 565, 388, 483, 557 —, departure of, for Quivira..--...-....-. 395, 577 —, return of, to Mexico.-.......-.---.-.. 401 —, OndOr Career Of¢ seas. oe nance eae we 402 —, appointment of ..-.-.-.---......------ 474, 476 —, departure of, from Compostela.-...... 478 —, Tutahaco visited by .-..-.--..---..-.- 492 —, letter written by, to survivors of Nar- Vaez! expedition'cs 2... 2--0-1- es -c son= 507, 590 | —, separation of, from main army.....-.. 508 —, cause of illness of .........--..--. 531, 538, 579 —, departure of, from Culiacan .......... 552 —, regrets of, for failure of expedition... 583 —, petition from, to Mendoza... 596 CORONADO EXPEDITION, memoir on.. 1, liv, 329-613 Cortes, HERNANDO, defeats Narvaez .-.. 346 | —, Marquis del valle de Oxitipar.-....-... 350 —, settlement at Santa Cruz........-..-.. 351 —, declares Friar Marcos’ report to bea TRO om tale ete oe Uae eee wie 367 —, troubles of, with Mendoza ..-..-.--....- 368, 409 —, expedition under Ulloa to head of gulf of California (ns-==--ss-2---.-4.-ososen eae 489 CoUNCIL FOR THE INDIES, investigates charges against Cabeza de Vaca......-. 349 CouRT, INDIAN, among the Menomini.---. 34 Cows, see BISON. CoyOoTE in Selish myth.............------ 205 CRADLES of the Menomini.. : 258 CRANES in pueblo region - -. 24 521 CREE, jugglery among the.......-...-.-.. 141-143 CREEK, proportion of warriors to popula (NU URS aa Aor isciis SSOSICE Sea RAS Sees 33 CREMATION among pueblo indians ..-..-.- 518 CRIME among the Menomini.......-...... 34 Cross, sign of, among pueblo indians --.- 518 —, veneration for, among indians. .... 544, 548, 555 — raised by Coronado in Quivira......... 591 Crow INDIANS, arrows of the.-......---.- 279 | —, see ABSAROKA. Crows in Menomini myth 195, 233 —in pueblo region .....-....--. 521 Cruz, BAHIA DE LA, explored by Narvaez. 346 Cucumbers, Menomini fondness for ..-... 73 CULIACAN, SAN MIGUEL DE.........- . 547 —, foundation of, by Guzman..--.. - 473 —, description of .-.....-...------- = 513 —, arrival of Cabeza de Vaca at 474 —, Coronado entertained at...-....--..--. 384 —, Coronado's departure from -......-..-. 552 —, return of Coronado to..-..-...-.-.---- 538 CULT SOCIETIES of the Menomini.-.....-.. 66 CULUACAN, see CULIACAN. Currants, wild, found by Coronado. ----- 510 CusHING, F. H.,on Acus, Totonteac, and PVEata taranesalocteiac eS eat Ee sissies 357 =, On indian burials; .- 2+ so. «c=mosese see 518 —, on indian fruit preserves. - 487 = WOLD Ohsae ean eee neee ee eee eee XXXvi, xliv CvuyAcaNn, ANDRES DE, indian ally of Coro- AD O hate ate eemcceemntelas ce eee ete ee 536 DAKOTA INDIANS, ball game of the........ 129 —, mounds attributed to the...-..-...-... 38 —, poisoned arrows used by the.-......-.. 285 —, monograph on language of ..........-. xi DALTON, CAPTAIN, on Menomini warriors An the Revolution «<2 t-=-~ ae ae seen 18 DANCE-BAGS of the Menomini.-.---.-..-. 27. DANCE INCLOSURE of the Dreamers...-.-.- 158, 159 DANCE, WAR, of the Winnebago --...-.--. 25 Dances of the Menomini...-...........-. 247 == GintNO WPARDS 2 ence ees aeons ee eee 513 DANIEL, Franciscan friar and lay brother.. 474, 556 Davis, SOLoMoN, Oneida allotment ex- pendableby =a: ~~. sess seers eee 30 a atte 7 - , ETH. ANN. 14] Davis, W. W. H., on destruction of New Mexican documents......-...--..-----. Da’ WA-WYMP-KL-YAs, Tusayan sun priests Day, mythic origin of-.......-.-..-....-- DAYLIGHT in Menomini mythology-.----- ID irene yA Ord a) ES Se eee ee ee —, description of, by Colorado river in- — in Menominimyth...............-.---- —in pueblo region. .-..--...---.--------- — of great plains. -...-.-..---..-.--- 2.26. DEER BRAINS, bows sized with......--.--- Demoric classification of indians....-... Page 585 518 200 91 560 405 201 518 528 281 XXVii, XXViii, xxxvili DescaLona, Louis, labors of, at Pecos. -. DESCENT among the Menomini..-.....-..-- DE Soro, see Soro. DIALECTS among plains indians DrAz, MELCHIOR, position of —, ordered to verify Friar Marcos’ re- —, on Niza’s discoveries---.---------.---- —, in command of San Hieronimo-..----- —, command of, at Corazones..-....------- —, exploration by..--.--.-------- —, death of Dickson, RoBERT, at capture of Macki- —, indians under, in war of 1812 ...--.-..- DINWIDDIE, WILLIAM, work of..--.------- DISEASE attributed to witcheraft.-..--... —, treatment of, by jugglery..-....-..--- —, treatment of, by sucking-.-...--.---.- Divine contest in Menomini myth Drvorck among pueblo indians......-.-- —, see MARRIAGE. DopGeE, RicHarD I., on classification of arrows Do Campo, see CAMPO. Does ceremonially eaten..---.-.--.-..-.. — in Menomini myth-...--.....-.- —,mention of, in connection with Coro- nado expedition. --....-.------..---- 401, —, use of, by plains indians -- DoMINGveEz, quotations from dictionary Donabo, ecclesiastical use of term DoRANTES, ANDRES, survivor of Narvaez expedition —, remains in Mexico to conduct explora- —, travels of —, traces of, found by Coronado. --..----- DOoRANTES, FRANCISCO, mistake for An- —, see CABEZA DE VACA. , Dorsey, J. O., linguistic researches by-.-.- —, on indian religious concepts DRAKE, FRANCIS, on indian giants. Draper, L. C., on Eleazer Williams —, quoted on Oshkosh. --.-..---.- —, quoted on Tshekatshakemau DREAMER SOCIETY of the Menomini DREAMS, effect of certain....-...:-------- DrEss, ceremonial, of the Menomini..-.- 547, 406, 480, 504, 507, 527, 63, 401 553, 5 484 485, 574 407, 501 149 U1 - 179, 194 405, 407 570, 578 349 474 505, 506 348 xl, xlv 39 45 157-161 INDEX TO PART 1 Page DREUILLETTES, G., on the Green Bay tribes. Be DRILLING by the Menomini-...-- ont 264 Drum, medicine, of the Menomini........ 77,112 — mystic powerof. -- <2. - 2 --emse ete 93 —, Significance of the .-.--.----.-.-.....- 159 — used in Menomini jugglery...-.-..-...- 63 — used in moccasin game .......-.--..--- 242, 243 Gh GCOS ono os nae clean aaa os ceteeaaee 491 DRUNKENDESS. absence of, at Cibola ...... 518 — among the Menomini..--..--.--..---.-- 34 — among the Tahus...-.-...-..------.--. 574 Dock in Menomini mythology-.--..-- 163, 208, 254 DURANGO, a Mexican state .------...-.--- 545 —, province of New Spain...-..-....--.--- 353 —, mines in. 476 DWELLINGS of the Menomini----..------. 253 DzHO'/SEQKWAIO, genealogy of .-...------ 57 EAGLES in Menomini mythology-- 92, 131, 166, 217 ——, tame, kept by indians...--....-.-..--. 516 | Eames, WILBERFORCE, acknowledgments | Wit0 Senn oo eee ere a sens seen eee meetcccte 339 EartH, Menomini personification of. ----- 7 EARTHENWARE of indians mentioned by GaNtained da secen sone eee eee eae 511 —, see POTTERY. EARTHQUAKES near mouth of Colorado NY A3) 2 ea SE She S Sap sesso CO IE O 501 Ec ipsb, effect of, at Cibola......-----..- 518 Epwarps, N., Menomini treaty commis- BlONG ese sae eee eee eens deen sts 20, 21 EELs, Myron, acknowledgments to. -.... xlili ELK PEOPLE, myth of the ...-....---.---. 182 Euuis, A. G., on Eleazer Williams...-.... 23 —, on Menomini land cessions. --.--.----- 22 —, on selection of Menomini chief ....-.- 46 —, on the Stambaugh treaty .-.---...---- 29 EncaAconapos, Sonoran use of term ..-.--- 358 Ernest, a Menomini, genealogy of ...--.-- 50 | Espeso, ANTONIO DE, Mexican indians found at Cibola by..--------..-.-.-.-.- 401, 536 —, on clothing of Zuii indiams ----.----. 517 —, on Coronado’s attack on Tiguex 496 —, on plains indians .----.-------- 527 Esprnosa, death of- ----- 555, 564, 586 Espiritu SAnro riveridentified with Mis- SISSID Dien seg ae eee 346 ESTEBANILLO, see ESTEVAN. ESTEVAN, survivor of Narvaezexpedition. 348 —, qualifications as a guide --......---.-- 354 — proceeds to Cibola in advance of Niza- 355 ESR OLS] Gl tier tear eta eset eee ATL NIGH UN Ofiomeeoetsa ee eee ae 360, 475, 551, 586 —, Coronado’s account of the death of... 563 —, death of, described by Colorado river DNAS Se arte eee ie le la 405 —, native legends of death of........----. 361 EstRADA, ALONZO DE, royal treasurer for ENG) SEU see ee 379 —, parentage of. 474 EsTRADA, BEATRICE DE, wife of Coronado. 379, 478 ESTREMADURA, Spanish province- 511 Esturas, descriptions of......----------- 520 —, description of, by Jaramillo.......---- 587 —STRlOreNGe LO sera seen ene Sone eee 569 =e COLUO ie tee eee aoe eee ee 518 622 INDEX TO PART 1 (ETH. ANN. 14 Page Foop, animal, selection of, in myth.--...- 200 —iof Acoma iudians...----..-22- sepa oe 491 —, supply of, in Acoma...-.............- 594 — of the Menomini ..........-....... 273, 286-292 —of pueblo indians... 506,527, 549, 559, 569, 586, 593 — supply of Tiguex indians.............- 595 — supply of Spanish army. 562 — of Tusayan indians....- = 489 — offerings to dead ......- > 239 — products, collection of . XXxix Foorprints in pictography...-.... 4 109 Foor-RACING among various tribes - < 246 —in Menomini myth .-...-........ - 191 Forsyru, R. A., land-treaty witness. .... 29 TFowKE, GERARD, work of...---.-- XXXVi, XXXVii FowLs, domestic, among the pueblos... - 516, 521, 559 Fox in Menomini mythology.....-..- 91, 172, 191 Fox INDIANS, early habitat of the.-..--... 16,19 | —, expulsion of the.......--..--... 16 | FRANCISCANS, election of Niza by.. 476 —, dress Of. 2~ <- -/sadac~-ena-e=es 543 — in New Spain .............- 5 474 FRENCH inhabitants of Green Day - 24 —, marriage of, with Menomini..-.. 16 FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR......--- 3 16 FRIO, RIO, crossed by Coronado -. ae 586 FRvIT, introduction of, into pueblo coun- Eo cosae eee aon, 550 —, wild, of great plains ...-..- 528 FUNERAL witnessed by Coronado ..-..-... 519 —, see MORTUARY CUSTOMS. FURNITURE of the Menomini..-....-...... 256 GALERAS, JUAN, exploration of Colorado Yiver/canyons by <.---- -.-2--5---eca=-< 489 GALIcIA, NEW Kinapomor, in New Spain. 473 GALINDO, Luts, chief justice for New RUCIA: ce em eee tee See ee ease tetas 351 GALISTEO, pueblo of..-...-.. =. 523, 025 —, mention of, by Jaramillo......-....-.- 587 GALLEGO, JUAN, companion of Coronado. 477 Page ESTUFAS, very large, at Braba.-.......-.. 511 —, see Kiva. ETEERINGTON, CAPTAIN, and the Pontiac conspiracy -.---- 130 ETHNOLOGY, status of..........--- ne XXX EUDEVE, branch of Opata indians -.-.---. 537 EUPHORBIACEA, name of Opata poison... 538 EXPLORATION by the Bureau..-..-....-.- xlvi FACE-BLACKENING as mourning custom . 241 FACIAL DECORATION of the Menomini-.. 75-76, 156 FAstInG, ceremonial, by the Winnebago. 110 — in Menomini myth .....-..........---- 224 FAvveEL, J.B. ¥., land-treaty witness.... 29 FEAstT in Menomini myth --......--.---.- 227 —, ceremonial, of the Menomini .....-... 73 —, hunting, of the Menomini.--.-.....-. 151 —, mortuary, of the Menomini..-.......-. 69 —, mortuary, of the Ojibwa.. 68 FEATHERING of arrows.-- 276 FEATHERS, indian trade in. 472 —, significance of ..-.-.....-. =e 268 —, use of, by pueblo indians- 544, 559, 570 —, use of, for garments .-.. 517 —, war, of the Menomini -. < 268 FENCES around Menomini graves .-- - 240-241 © — of the Menomini................. 255 FERDINAND, KiNG, family of..-..-.-...--- 474 FERNANDEZ, DOMINGO, Spanish soldier, GANGS ei ne pe earee tee OSe aC an ee 538 FERREL, B. DE, pilot and successor of Gabrillo mace. cat secon noes wee eee = 411 | FETICHES, found in graves at Sikyatki --. 519 FEWKES, J. WALTER, excavations by-.---. 519 —, researches at Tusayan and Zuii...--. 339, 359 MOT GS GEAR 2 a deena Seema ects seer 520 —, on Hopi ceremonials.-...-..-......--- 544, 550 —, Ol BRAKES: CANCE \..5-~2s--eceesan ce ueese 561 —, on sun priests and kiva ceremonies... 518 FIGUEROA, GOMEZ SUAREZ DE, companion of Coronado .....-. sece : 477 FINANCIAL statement. .-.-...--- Aas xlix Fire, Menomini mythic origin of ...... 40, 41,126 —, Menomini personification of -.- =4 87 —, perpetual, in Potawatomi myth....... 208 FIREBRAND, use of, by indians in trayel- IDG. ---- +5202 ee 2 ee ee we ene eee nee 485 FIREBRAND RIVER, see COLORADO, TIZON. FIRE-HANDLING by the Wabeno..-....-..-. 151 FisH in Menomini myth.--.-.-..---.-- 125, 200, 217 — used by the Menomini..........--..--. 290 FIsHHAWK in Menomini myth ---...----. 200 FisHInG by the Menomini...-.....---..-. 272 GAR TIVETOLS son secon aeons ee oe eee 554, 555 —, wild, on great plains.............----- 528, 591 FLETCHER, FRANCIS, on indian giants... 485 FLETCHER, J. E., on Winnebago ceremo- ' nial.. 5 110 FLIGHT, symbols of .....-..-------- 129 FLint, Menomini personification of - 2 87 FLoripA explored by De Soto -...- me 370 — explored by Narvaez... -------- 346,474 —, reputed bad character of country of-. 545 FLOWERS, use of, in pueblo ceremonials. . 544 nurs at Peoos\:s-ccea eee saeco eee 491 FOLKTALES of the Menomini ..........-- 209-239 —, messenger from Coronado to Mendoza. 392, 394 —, messenger from Mexico to Coronado... 533, 534 — aD COraZOnesien.. oo = sn esse eee semana 484 —, meets Coronado on his return. --....--. 537 = PO CRLS Ol eeee serene ah eee eee 540 GAMBLING by the Menomini..-............ 241 | GAME in pueblo region......-...----- 518, 521, 560 —in' Menomini region: -.-. «25255002 oe liv, 272 GAMEs of the Menomini 241-247 GANTT,S., Menomini treaty commissioner. 21 GARCIA, ANDRES, on effect of Marcos’ re- VOL Seles Soe eee Ann neo S SAS SOS Soe 365 GARCIA ICAZBALCETA see ICAZBALCETA. GARNETS found at Cibola by Coronado ... 559 GarTERS of the Menomini....--.-.-...-. 269 GATSCHET, A. S., linguistic researches DYse veers ees aoe gain anaes xl —, on name of Cibola -. 517 GAUTHIER FAMILY, pipe presented to- 248 GEESE in pueblo region......--.---.-..--. 521 — in Menomini myth...............-...-. 204 GENEALOGY of Menomini chiefs. .-.....--- 44-60 Genesis of the Abnaki......-......-..--. 87 — of the Menomini .-........-..-..-..--. 7,113 ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 Page GEOGRAPHICAL results of Coronado expe- dition 403 GHOST DANCE among the Menomin 63 — religion, memoir on 1, Iviti —, study of the .....-.. - XXXix GuosT socity of the Ojibwa 67 GIANTS in Menomini myth ...........---. 205, 231 —, discovery of tribe of....-...:.-..--:-- 392 —, indian, finding of, by Maldonado...-.. 484 | —, indian, visit of Diaz among........--. 485 GILA RIVER, possible early visit to ...---. 553 GILL, DE L. W., work of..-...-....-. XxxVi, xlvii GILL, J. K., acknowledgments to. .-.-..-. xlii GITSCHEE, WAUBEZHAAS, Ojibwa treaty BIPNOL ears poo ee soc eeeasene ee secees s 28 GLODE, genealogy of .....-...-..------=-. 57 —, see Konor. GLUE used by indians........-......----<. 276, 284 GOATS, mountain, in pueblocountry..--.- 550, 560 —, mountain, seen by Spaniards. -..------ 516 GOLD, discovery of, Suya..-..-----------. 533 — found by Coronado at Cibola .-...------ 563 —, reports of, from Quivira..-....-... 503, 504, 512 — found at Quivira by Coronado ..-...-.. 582 | — in Menomini myth-- 225 —, use of, in indian trade 472 GomarA, I’. L. de, on Chichimecas..--.--- 524 | —,on clothing of pueblo indians-........ 517 —, description of bison by-.----.-.--.-- oe 543 —, on ilness of Coronado .-. 531 | —, on return of Coronado...........--:-- 539 [ —,on capture of Cibola ..-...-..-.-- a3se9 483 —,on stories told by Turk indian. -....-.-. 492 —, on Quivira and Padilla.-......-.....-. 529 —, quotation from 497 Goosk, see GEESE, GORBALAN, FRANCISCO, companion of Cor- ODIGO) eect Rs aAS apm ocr oe nde eaSeenos 77 GoRMANDISM of the Menomini......----- 287 GORRELL, J AMES, Green Bay governed by- 17 —, abandonment of Green Bay by-.-.-.---- 18 —, Menomini friendliness toward. - 34 —,on Menomini population a25 32 GourpD used by Estevan as sign of au- OM tare aceite eee elein oe es rt 360 —, use of, for carrying water..-.......-... 490 GOVERNMENT of pueblo indians -.--- 356, 518, 561 —'of Sonora indians..-....-..--.------=«- 515 IOP THOM LeNOM IML cele w ceive Seen 39 GRAHAM, R., Menomini treaty commis- BONG lop ie a vain wie inal ioe e iat ee 21 GRANADA, Coronado’s name for Hawikuh. 389, 558, 564 —, see HAWIKUH, CIBOLA. GRAND BaPtisTE, see Rice, JEAN B. GRAND CANYON, discovery of ..........-.. lyii —, see COLORADO RIVER. GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY, Menomini.... 66-138 GRAPES, introduction of, into pueblo coun- LDN? SOP SSC RS Steere SErenOCT Cea SeRSSEseS 550 —, wild, found by Coronado... 507, 510, 528, 582, 591 GRASSHOPPERS in Menomini myth..-.-.. 205 —— SCO AS! LUOU: sewers ence scenes 287 GRAVE BOXES, Menomini-. 74-75 GRAVE posts of the Menomini...-....-... 74 GRAVES, see MORTUARY CUSTOMS. Page GREAT MysTEry of the Menomini......-. 39 GREAT PLAINS, description of .......--.-. 527 —, description of, by companion of Cor- ONGC Oy. sera to. go Fee Sea ee 570 —, Coronado’s description of. 580 —, dangers of traveling on ............... 578 GREAT SPIRIT, see SPIRITUALITY. GREEN Bay, origin of name...--.....-.-. 15 —— ENC RAYIE ON 17 Obese asen sees eee 19 —abandoned by English Beat — landielaimsiatveseossme-ee ac oo eee 28 —, progress of... 18 — visited by Jedidiah Morse ..-.....-.-.. 22-23 GREY PRIARS, Nameiof. -.-c6--c- 2c: aa cee - 543 GricNnon, A., on Menomini characteris- CB y.=cs. a= BES —, Menominis 33 —, on progress of Green Bay...---.---..- 18 —, quoted on Aiadmita. - 56 -—, quoted on Carron. 51 —, quoted on Konot.-.............-....-. 52,54 —, quoted on Tomanu....----....-....:-- 54, 56, 57 GUACHICHULES, Mexican native province. 545 GUADALAJARA, citizens of, in Coronado's army 598 —, defense of, in Mixton war ...-........ 408, 410 —, election of magistrates at............. 381 GUADALAJARA, ANTON DE, native ally of Covoned dtr -ces- a eee ee ene aoe 536 GUADALAXARA, name of, changed in 1540-- 473 GUADALUPE CANYON, pueblos in-..--...-. 525 | GUADIANA, Spanish river........-.....-.. 511 GUAES, province near Quivira............ 503, 529 GUAGARISPA, settlement of............... 515 —, see ARISPA, IsPa. GuaAs, province of great plains........... 503, 529 GUATEMALA explored by Alvarado...-.-. 352 —, wives for settlers imported into._.... 374 GUATULCO, port of New Spain ........-.. 369 GUATUZACA, indian mythological person- DE Onn Se nm awclele eee en te lets oes Se einer 405 GUEVARA, DIEGO DE, name of, cited by MotatPadtliseies aa aeeect «oe eceee soe 477 —, indian village captured by 500 GUEVARA, JUAN DE, appointment of sonof- 477 GUEVARA, PEDRO. DE, appointment of, as CAPTAIN eames ent e eee cee ree ee 477 GoM used in blade mounting. - 285 GUTIERRES, D1EGO, appointment of, as cap- tain 477 GUYAS, see GUAS. GUZMAN, NUNO bk, president of Mexican ROGIER GTR enn sn nanan anes assoc 350 | —, position of, in New Spain-.... 472 | —, conquest of New Galicia by 351 —, arguments of, before Council for the Ngidiess=ncese eee SSeS ae ee ete 372 —, Culiacan settled by..-...........-.... 513 —, expedition of, to Seven Cities......... 473 —, result of abuses of.............--..... 408 —, imprisoned in Mexico.............-... 351 Hacus, use of name by Niza............. 575 Haitstones, effect of, in Coronado’s camp. 506 HAik used for producing abortion. ....-.. 286 HAIR-CUTTING as a mourning custom... .. 241 HAIR-DREsS of pueblo women ............ 517 624 INDEX TO PART 1 Page Hair-PLvckinG by the Menomini...-..--. 210 Hak.vyt, R., translation of Coronado's I SELOI 0 yoas see ee ea ee —, omissions in translation by-..--------- —, quotation from. --.---.----.-.--.-- 554, 558, 560 —, Zuni name for Acoma...--.--.---- 490, 560, 575 —, Zuni name for Acoma people.---.----- 490, 575 Hate, Horatio, acknowledgments to.... xiii Hammocks of the Menomini ..-.---.----- 258 HANO, a Tnsayan village......---.-.---.- 519 HARAHEY, chief of, visits Coronado... --- 590 HARAL, see HAXA. HARALE, description of, told to Coronado. 576 Harrison, T., Menomini treaty commis- sioner > 21 HAWIKUH captured by Coronado..-..----- lvii —, former importance of...--.--.----.--- 858 —, scene of Estevan’s death.. 361 —, similarity of, with Albaicin......-..-. 564 —, Spanish Mame for! . 2. <. os 05 -ean==e ne 389 HAWK in Menomini myth--..-.----.--- 92, 200, 233 HAXA or HAYA, province near Mississippi Wiveemecna me eae s cea leconereese 504, 505, 507 Haynes, Henry W., acknowledgments to- 339 —, error of Castaneda corrected by-.----- 501 —, on date of Coronado’s departure...--- 382 —, on identification of Cibola..-.-..----- 389 HEADBANDs of pueblo indians referred to- 549 Hearts of animals, use of, as food...--.-- 484 HEARTS VALLEY, named by Cabeza de WENGE Soca qaoeie dep ce bear oeoetos oboe 392 —, See CORAZONES. HELL-DIVER in Menominimyth..-..-...--. 204 HeMENWAY, AvGUsTUS, acknowledg- RAN Moh acme meters rnasig=cemcba soos5 339 HEMENWAY EXPEDITION, bones in collec- UNOHIG) 2B ateap ose fa2ee ose cesodo ene eoss 549 IHEMES pueblos. -.--.------ === = 519, 525 —, Visit of Barrionuevo to. ----- Ae Se tere, 510 —, see JEMEZ. HENDRICK, S. U.,a Stockbridge chief... -- 22,25 HENIQUEN FIBER used by pueblo indians. 573 HENNEPIN, LOUIS, on sorcery among north- Ghitinnl (23) BRerceose sen es asso sesoco socoe 141 Henry, ALEXANDER, on Ojibwa treatment of disease by jugglery--.--------------- 149 | —, on the Pontiac conspiracy 131 | HENSHAW, H. W., work of..-..----.- = eK, Xxxviii, xlv, xlvi HERBALISTS of the Menomini...--------- 7 —, see MEDICINE-MEN. HERNANDEZ, LUIS, Spanish soldier, death 0) 8) Seascape Co Bese aasaese 34 538 HERRERA, A. DE, on Coronado’s visit to Quai vita ea ae ee ea ee 509 —, on explorations by Diaz. 406 —, quoted on nagualism - -- 65 —, quotation from. .........---..-- se 507 Hewirt, J. N. B., linguistic researches by x1, xli —, on arrow-poisoning among Iroqnoian SUID GS oe ae nes ope eee ere ee 285 Hitters, J. K., photographie work by---. xlviii Hones, F. W., work of. .-..-.-..----..--- xlv, lvii —, acknowledgments to........-.-------- 339, 599 —, identification of cities of Cibola -- 361,389 —, identification of plains indians. . = 396 [ETH. ANN. 14 Page Hope, F. W., on Zuni name of Acoma-. 490 —, on probable identification of Teyas- -. 524 —, on cotton at Tusayan.....--......-... 550 —, on pueblo of Matsaki.-.....--.-.---.- 517 —, on native names for Taos..--....----- 575 —, on Zuni foot racing....-.-.-..-...---- HorrMan, W.J., memoir by, on Menomini TNCIANS owes seas oleae es nee eee 1, 3-328 —, work of. XXxili HoLianp LAND Company, sketch of..... 21 Hormes, W. H., on pueblo pottery-.----- 522 = -researchesi0f: --2.cass ce cose asa XXXKV HONDURAS, exploration of, by Alvarado... 352 Hoo TsHoop, Menomini treaty signer. --- 28 Hopi, tribal name of indians at ‘Cusayan. 390 —=7 GINCONELYs OF) UO sere aaa ee eee —, collections from the —, tame eagles among | —, uselof urine by----=- / 2-2 2- oo annem —, see MoKI, TUSAYAN. Horses, epidemic among, in New Mexico. 536 —, utility of, in new countries -..-.-.--.- 546 | Hovses of plains indians-.--.- 528 —, see ADOBE, ARCHITECTURE, LODGE. HUC-ARITZ-PA., see ARISPA. HUMMING-BIRD in Menomini myth-..-.--- 233 Hunter and his sister, folktale of the -.- 222 / —and the Elk people -..---------.------- 182 — and the snow. ----.--- = 216 —, young, myth concerning....-.--.----- 181 HuntTinG by the Menomini-....---------- 272 —, decline of, among the Menomini-.-.--- 34 — feast of the Menomini-.......-........ 151 — medicine made by skunk -..-..-..----- 213 — medicine of the Menonimi .-..--.-.--- 155 — medicines, mystic origin of ...---..--- 93 Huron, jugglers among the.-....-.....--- 139 | Iparra, FRANCISCO DE, mention of 500 IBERVILLE, L. Dd’, colonization by...-..--- 14 ICAZBALCETA, JOAQUIN GARCIA, acknowl- GO MENtS Ores sm oee sear aie eee 339, 413, 568 | IDOLATRY among Tahus -...-..---------. 513 ILLINOIS INDIANS, population of, in 1634. . 15 ILLUSTRATIONS, preparation of .....-.---- xlvii IMMIGRATION, early, into New Spain..-.- 374 IMPLEMENTS of the Menomini-.-.--.------. 256 Incas, effect of stories of wealth of--..-.-- 350 INDIA, coast of, connected with America- 513, 526 INEMIKEE, Menominitreaty commissioner 21 INFANTADO, DUKE OF, appointment of brother-in-law of 477 INITIATION into Menomini Mitawit-. 67, 68, 85, 137 —into Winnebago society. --- =o 110 INQUISITION, badge of, deseribed - .-. = 507 INTERMARRIAGE among the Menomini.-.. 35 —, see MARRIAGE. INTERPRETERS, followers of Cabeza de Waca trained a@s2---2-- << 52. ce. e etait 387 NiaGaRA, indian council at.--....--.--.-- 18 NiaqrawApomi, a Menomini chief - 44 —, member of Menomini court. -- 35 So US oe So ei psa cceee coon 50 NicHo.as, the Venetian, quotation from- 571 NICOLLET, JEAN, explorations by. -------- 12,15 NIGHT, mythic origin of.-.---..----.------ 200 Ni6PET, a Menomini chief-...-.........-- 44 —, penealogy of.-.--..-----.-.-- ...-.--. 48 —, member of Menomini court.-.........- 35 4 Ho mat O) Bee eeeeencosaacomerberciaa 6 49 —, importance of family of..-.-...-..--.- 43 NIPISSING regarded as sorcerers. .--.--.-- 62,138 Niza, Marcos Db, visit of, to Cibola..-... 353 —, career of, in Peru. --------..--5------ 854 = GW Staome pee onaas ssa easmadnc ass 474 —, visit of, to seacoast from San Pedro GUE tee Soe ence Ato sece ag ncec Hc 359 —, experience of, after Estevan’s death... $60 —, Visit of, to valley containing gold. -..- 362 —, selection of, as provincial of Francis- (CANS sectate = seem inne se ntanan es wien ele sae as 364, 476 Mad olshletiter ines sere e sas lesan alee OMAHA, source of medicine rituals of... -.-. ONATE, CHRISTOBAL DE, acting governor OLON Swale al Glare an— phen tense = ieee —, Coronado entertained by-.-......-.-.--- —, defense of New Galicia by.--.--------- —= COSHIMGN Vi Olt aac ee nea e ae wie eee re ONATE, COUNT OF, appointment of nephew Ohne esi oe ee eee coat aaa ae oe ONATE, JUAN DE, reduction of pueblos by. ONEIDA, Eleazer Williams among the -.-- — land cession — land purchase at Green Ba — population and lands 480, 87, 629 Page 365 547, 553 384 573 543 520 482 389, 484 410 114, 126 36 473 28 2, 23 XXXVii 269 128-129 246 630 Page ONEIDA, treaty with the..-.....---------- 30 — visit to Green Bay .-..---..----------- 23 ONONDAGA land purchase at Green Bay -- 23 ONORATO, companion of Friar Marcos... - 355 OpatTA, a tribe of Sonora. -..--------------- 537 —, houses of the..-.-..-..2.. <6... oo. 515 OpunTIA TunA. See TUNA. OREGON, coast of, explored by Cabrillo --. 411 ORIENTATION in juggler ceremony 147 —of medicine-lodge - 71, 86, 90, 156 ORNAMENTATION of pipes -- ae 248 — of quivers...--.--.---..- 5 281 ORNAMENTS of the Menomini ---.--.-- 75, 137, 264 ORONHIATEEHA, a Caughnawaga chief -.. 24 Orozco y BerrA on Mexican nahualism. 151 | Ort1z, survivor of Narvaez’ expedition. -- 348 OSAGE slaves among Menomini...-.--.-.- 35 OSKASHE, Menomini treaty signer-........ 28 OsHKOSH, agreement of, to land treaty--- 31 —, biographie notes on.---.-.--- 525k dss 46, 47 —, importance of family of...--.-.------- 45 —, genealogy of family of..---..--.------ 45 —, family of, of pure blood .-.....---.--- 35 —, genealogy of. 46 —, grave of........ 240 —, meaning of 46 Orrawa and Potawatomi intermarriage. - 44 — and Potawatomi relationship. ----- as 44 —, enslavement of captives by the-- = 35 — indians at Braddock’s defeat ---.- —, original totem of the--.---- = 44 — sleight of hand.........-.--.---.------ 105 OvrTeR in Menomini myth.-.---.------- 91, 134, 190 — in pueblo region......---..------.----- 518 OVANDO, FRANCISCO DE, treatment of, by NG DENN 28 secede soe saceicenscos 522 —, companion of Coronado......-.-..---- 477 —, see OBANDO, OvIEDO Y VALDEZ, G. F’. DE, on Corazones - 484 —, on Indian clothing. -....-.-.---..----- 515 OwANoQnio, genealogy of ..-.--.--------- 58 Owens, J. G., on Hopi dress .--..--..----- 517 —, on Hopi mealing troughs. .........---. 522 | Ow. in Menomini myth.....--..--.--- 91, 173, 200 OxITIPAR, district of, in New Spain------ 472 | Pacasas, Ternaux’s name for Pacaxes.- - 514 PAcaxks, indian tribe of Culiacan ------- 514 PADDLES made by the Menomini.-....--. 294 PADILLA, JUAN DE, leader of friars with COLSON <<. se oe costocet once oseece 400 —, Visit of, to Tnsayan....-..- 488 —, accompanies Alvarado. - -. 391 —., report of discoveries by = 594 —, journey of, to Quivira..-. - 571, 579, 592 —, remains in Quivira 529, 534 Paez, JUAN, report of Cabrillo’s voyage by 411 PAHOS, referenceito.-- 0-2. 5-2 oe ena 573 | Paint found in graves in Sikyatki-- 519 —, sacred, origin of -....-...---..--. 91 PAINTING of pueblo indians ......-..----- 558 PAIUTE, stone arrowpoints of the.....--- 282 PALMOS, RIO DE, probable identification of. 346 PANAMINT, stone arrowpoints of the .--.. 282 PANIAGUA, JUAN, miraculous recovery of. 500 PAnico, see PANUCO. INDEX TO PART 1 [BTH. ANN. 14 Page PANTHER and the rabbit, folktale of -.... 221 Banuco, reference to--2.4-2--.-aceensee es 592 — bay, location.of ~--2..32-- s.5-2--ce neces 346 Papa, title of, given to priests at Zui... 518 PARKMAN, F., on d’Iberville’s coloniza- HONS eee ne ore eee ay eee eee 14 —, on French and English relations with Hn diams eee ose seo ees o nen eee 17 —, on Niagara indian council - & 18 —, on the Pontiac conspiracy .......---.- 130 PASQUARO, visit of Mendoza to ......--.-. 478 PATEATLAN, see PETATLAN. PAWNEE mode of hair dressing... 394 — slaves among the Menomini. 35 PEACE ceremonies at Tiguex..- 496 —, form of making, at Acoma-..-.-- 5 491 PEACE PIPE of Menomini tradition. -...-.- 218 | PEACHES, introduction of, into pueblo | country ..---..-...--..---.--..+-------- 550 PEARLS on coast of Gulf of California. --. 350 | Pecos, labors of Friar Descalona at...-.. 401 — visited by Spaniards................-- lvii, 391 | —, see CICUYE. | PEcOs RIVER crossed by Spaniards......- 504 | PEMABEME, Menomini treaty signer... ---. 28 PEMMICAN used by plains tribes 528 | PENETRATION of arrows ...:..------------ 280 | PENNYROYAL, native American........-.. 517, 528 | PENONAME, Menomini treaty commis- RIQNELe nee ecee= ate ssesie ones ae ae 21 Peoria language, study of the..........- xli PEREZ, ALONSO, companion of Coronado - 597 | Perez, MELCHOR, mention of slave ofs..- 592 | PEREZ DE BOCANEGRA, HERNAND, testi- \ Bhmonyiofossee t=) ah 5 See Ole Bey 596 PEREZ DE RIBAS, ANDRES, see RIBAS. | PERSONAL NAMES in Menomini myth..-... 165, 166 Perv, Alvarado’s expedition to.. 352 | PEesTLes of the Menomini..-...-...- 257 PETATES, or mats, used for houses......- 515 PETATLAN or PETLATLAN, indian settle- ment in New Galicia........-....-..--- 355 a description of...-.-....-..- - 514, 538 | —, description of, by Jaramillo------- 584 —, description of indians of--.....-.....-- 568, 572 —, indian from, captive and interpreter at CIDOLA cases tee ae eben eee ae ae 563 —, friendly indians at river of..--.-...--- 548 —, river of, in Simaloa.........--.-.-..-.- 348 PETEATLAN, see PETATLAN. PHELPS AND GORMAN indian land pur- chase. - 21 Pup, King of Spain -. 474 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ...-..--.---+---:----- 545 PuiLosopHy of the Menomini....----.--. liii PHOTOGRAPHIC WORK ...-.-...----------- xlviii PICONES, native American fish. ....------ 517 PicroGRAPHY, mnemonic, of the Ojibwa. 106 wa, POLE sin arena ee nee ee iene wae ee Xxxi IPICURIEy DUGDIO Of ee sc see ean aera 519 —, name for Acoma among.--.--------- 43 492 —, name of Taos among..........-...-.-- 575 PIGEON in Menomini myth..-.-.-.-...---- 233 Pike, Z. M., quoted on the Menomini. --. 34 | —, quoted on Tomau..........-..-------- 54 ETH, ANN. 14] INDEX TO Page Pituine, J. C., bibliographic work of ..-. _xlii, xviii, xlix PIMA, cultivation of cotton by the....--- 350 —, Friar Marcos among the.....-.. : 356 PINE NUTS, use of, as food ... - 517,518 PINON NUTS, use of, as food.......--.----- 517, 522 Pires of the Menowini -.-.-- --- 159, 247, 253 = TONNG ag) Sik vation. one < nooo cee snes 519 PIPESTONE quarries in Minnesota--.----- XXXV PiraHAYA, native American fruit... ---.- 515 PizARRO, FRANCISCO, purchases Alvara- dolsexpedition. —.-<2-5 nee ase eee 352 —, struggles of, in Peru .........-.-.---- 376 PLAINS, Spanish soldiers lost on .--.----- 508 —, descriptions of indians of ......-.. 527, 578, 580 —, see GREAT PLAINS. PLANTS used as tobacco .-----.-..-------- 250 —, see MEDICINE. PLUMS of preat plaing ---..---......2.-5- 528 PLUMSTONE GAME of the Menomini - 241 — in Menomini myth ....-...-..--- 188 PoBARrEs, F., death of. - 499, 500 Porson, native, of Sonora...-.....--.---- 537, 541 | —, use of, by indians --.-.-.-----..-....- 500, 502 POISONED ARROWS discussed 284 PontTIAc, hostility of, toward English -.- - 18 —, ball game during conspiracy of.------ 130 —, Menomini participation in conspiracy Ofe peepee as Asc oes texss2eS seb eee 51 | PopuULATION of the Menomini-.....--..--- 17, 32 | —, proportion of warriors to -.----------- 33 — statistics, difficulties of obtaining-. --- 33 | PorcuPInE, folktale of the. 210 | — found by Coronado at Cibola .---- 560 PorawaAToMI and Ottawa Aavemarennae 44 — and Ottawa relationship. -.-.......---- 44 — at Braddock’s defeat .....-...-... eee 16 —, dreamer society of the.....-...-...-.- 157 P= habitat Of; itt OS4e otitis eeetetaete 15 | — story of Nanaboojoo.- 2. -------.--cmcce 207 | PoTSHERDS in Wisconsin mounds..-.....- 38 Portery formerly made by Menomini.. .. 257 — found at Sikyatki 519 — of pueblo indians 522 PouLtry HOUSES of the Menomini -.---- 255 PowEL1L, J. W., on indian linguistic } SUCKS == 2-22 ese ee ere eee 525 —, stone knives collected by resoce 283 | Poworysnoir, Menomini treaty signer --- 28 | PRAIRIE DOGS seen by Coronado on great * plains ..-------------------------------- 510, 528 PRESENTS, distribution of, at Mitawit cere- CH) i eeeen oer besererrese Aes scocecoccs 104 Price, C. M., Menomini treaty commis- MO) hh eser een —oemercm ere enesttccoosns 21 PRICKLY PEAR, see TUNA. Priests of pueblo indians .----.-.-..-..- 518 —, £¢e MEDICINE-MEN, PROPERTY, Menomini inheritance of ..... 43 — marks on arrows -----------------<-e~= 278 PROSOPIS JULIFLORA, see MESQUITE. PROSTITUTION among the Tahus -.--....- 513 Prunes, wild, found by Coronado. ... 507,582,591 | PSYCHOLOGY, work im .--------..-.-..--2. xlv PTOLEMY, maps in geography of, cited --- 403 PvALA, Espejo’s name for Tiguex.pueblo. 496 PUBLICATIONS, report on ..---.----------- xviii PART 1 Page PUEBLO, use of term by Niza 358 — method of building. .--.....-.......-.. 520 — settlements, description of, by Colorado TIVET INGIGNS cease ene eae ose 404 — settlements, description of, by Sonora WNdiaNs=-so5-— eso ne eee 356 PUERCO RIVER, pueblos on ...-..---.-.--- 491 PURCELL, —, on proportion of warriors to population! soe sacar ame sane ow aeeee eee = 33 PURIFICACION, defense of, in Mixton war- 409 PYROMANCY among Algonquian tribes -. - 153 QUACHICHULES, seé GUACHICHULES. QUAREZ, AGONIEZ, wounded at Cibola.... 557 QUEBEC, Menomini at siege of.-.-..---.-- 16 QUERECHOS, description of -..-.-.....-..- 527, 578 —, description of, by Coronado- 580 —, description of, by Jaramillo... 587 — identified with Tonkawa. . 396 —manner/of, lifeof 2 )-2-2s2-s--=256csce~ 504 QUERES, PUEBLOS of the ---.-............. 525 QUINCE JUICE, use of, as poison antidote.. 537, 541 QuirRIx, Spaniards visit province of.. 503,519, 525 —, see QQUERES. Quivers of the Menomini.-.....-.-.-...-.- 281 QurvimA, causes for stories of Turk regard- Te A epee cept dee Soe dee Seca aes IEE 588 —, cartographic history of......-.-....-.. 403, 544 —, descriptions of, received by Coronado. 393, 576, 580 —, departure of Coronado for..-....-..-.. 503 — visited by Coronado. ..-..- - lvii, 508, 396 —, description of .......--... Soe) Dol, OUT —, description of, by Coronado. 582 —, description of, by Jaramillo. 589 —,mention of ......---..--- 492 —, death of Friar Padilla at............-. 401 RaBsir and the panther, folktale of... .-. 221 —and the saw-whet, folktale of ........-. 200 -—— jn Menominimyth-=- ----...------=- 87, 113, 126 —in Potawatomi myth.-.-............----- 207 — rock, myth of the..---..---.---.....-.- 117 —skins, use of, for garments------------- 517 Raccoon and the blind men, folktale of-. - 211 Races of the Menomini 245 —, see FOOT-RACE. Rarts made for Diaz by Colorado river WGN. coe ree cotetenecedecese cteesesses 407 —, use of, in crossing Colorado river. --.- 486 RA, worship of, by pueblo indians-.... - 561 — ceremony of the Menomini -----..--.-- 150 —, Menomini mythic origin of.-...---..-. 40 RAINMAKER among the Menomini-.-----. 150 RAMIREZ DE VARGAS, LUIS, see VARGAS. Ramusio, G. B., translation of Mendoza’s letter by ------------------------------- 349 —, translation of Coronado’s letter by---- 552 —, quotation from.--------.-.---.-.----.. 554, 556 RATTLE described and figured. -.....-----.- 148 —, gourd, of the Menomini.--.------...-- 77, 78 — in Menomini ceremony.---------------- $1 —, mystic origin of 93 REAUME, JUDGE, on Menomini intermar- relies) pee eae SSeS SaesSae 35 RepDBIRD in Menomini myth 235 632 Page RED RIVER, identification of, with Zuni EV ET iene ene Se Renee ee eee 482 —, possible southern limit of Coronado’s route across plains...-....-.....--.--.- 399 REGINALD, a Menomini, genealogy of ..-.. 49 RELATIONSHIP among the Menomini. - ---- 43 RELEASE of arrows. ..------------ 280 RELIGION of plains indians 578 — of pueblo indians .........-... 573 —of the Potawatomi:....-.--2.---222.-- 207 — Ofitiie Tahns: 25 -s2- scenes eee eee 513 — Of Dipnex andians =o." esas> saa = ese 575 — comparative, study im -..-..--...-..--. lx RELIGIOUS BELIEFS, classification of -....- 1x RESIDENCIA, definition of .....--.---..... 474 REVOLT of pueblo indians .--..-..-.-...- 392 REVOLUTION, Menomini warriors in .....- 18 Ripas, ANDRES PEREZ DE, on Petlatlan.. - 515 RIBEROS, EL Factor, companion of Coro- AG LE at ce iS eecnee seen pag acon cesseae 477 Rice in Menomini mythology ---..--..--- 40 —, wild, used by Menomini = 290 Rice, JEAN B., a Caughnawaga chief. - --- 24 Rice, Mary ANN, mother of Williams. ..-. 24 Riaes, 8. R., linguistic manuscript by. --- xl Rio DE LA PLATA misgoverned by Cabeza GGUS i ad oe ene eoenocaSso sonnets 348 Rio GRANDE, disappearance of, under- path hoe a Ae eemeenoee SorecossSaes oc 511 —, discovery of, by Alvarado. .... . 575, 594 —, ice of, crossed by Spaniards 503 —, limit of Narvaez’ territory-----....--- 346 ——PUSDIOS Mean san se wee ee ae aia ee 519, 524 — visited by Spanish soldiers---.-...--.- 390 ROPE-MAKING by the Menomini..-...-..- 260 ROSE-BUSHES, wild, found by Coronado - -- 507) 510, 517 ROWLAND, THOMAS, land-treaty witness. - 29 Repo Ensayo, quotation from, on poison. 538 Rvins, discovery of, by Alvarado ........ 594 —, see Mounp, PUEBLO. RusHES used for matsS.-..-......-......-- 259 SAABEDRA, FERNANDARIAS DE, appoint- ment of, at Chiametila..--.5.-........... 481 SAABEDRA, H. A. DE, mayor of Culiacan .. 533, 534 SACATECAS, see ZACATECAS. Saint Reais land cession .....-....-...-. 26 SaLazar, G. DE, royal factor for New SP AUG eee eee ee eee 596, 597 SALDIVAR, JUAN DE, companion of Coro Mado aca eeee ek S 477 —, lieutenant to Diaz.....-......... . 548 —, carries Diaz’ report to Mendoza. = 382 —,explorations by .--.----...---.-- = 480 —, adventures of, at Tiguex -- ste 496 —, Indian village captured by.--. 500 —,eseape of indian woman from. = 510 SALISHAN BIBLIOGRAPHY, work on......-- xliii SAL? among pueblo indians .. .-...---.--- 550, 559 Sci bCle AV IAS oe ees sors = 389 — found by Spaniards on great plains ----.- 510 —, natural crystals, finding of, in Ari- VANS Sno po tsn Sense eco Bado SS ehsote 490 — not used by the Menomini 286 SAMANIEGO, LOPE DE, appointment of, as ~eercacsssossssstse tse: 477 army-master INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN. 14 Page SAMANIEGO, LOPE DE, death of .....-.- 383, 480, 547 —, testimony concerning................ = 597 SANBENITOS, description of...-.... ...:-. 507, 515 SANCHEZ, ALONSO, soldier with conan 597, 598 SANCHEZ, Prxo, effect of Friar Marcos’ DS DOLU see ene eee eet 366 SANDIA, name for Acoma at . 499 San DiEGO, pueblo of... 525 SAN FELIPE, pueblo of...--...--..-......- 525 SAN FRANCISCO BAY overlooked by Ferrel. 412 SAN GABRIEL, vessel in Alarcon’s fleet -.- 385 San HIERONIMO DE LOS CORAZONES, found- QUOD - pam ate == fo Oe aioe ee eens 484 —, settlement of, under Diaz.-....-...-.. 406 —, description of town of..--....-...---- 515 —, events in, during Diaz’ absence..-..--- 501 —j destruction of: -..2522-seeese=--eaeee ee 530 San Juan, pueblo of.....-........---.-... 510 SAN JUAN RIVER named by Coronado. ---. 586 SANJURJO, ALVARO DE, representative of De Soto in Mexico ......-.....----..--. 380 San LucAS ISLANDS, death of Cabrillo at - 411 SAN PEDRO BAY visited by Ferrel. 412 — RIVER in Arizona.............-. 387 — VALLEY visited by Niza 359 Santa ANA, pueblo of.....-.....-. 525 SANTA BARBARA, Visit of Ferrel to 412 SANTA CLARA, visit of Ferrel to... --. 412 Sanva Cruz, colony at, under Cortes -... 351 — ISLAND, visit of Ferrel to......-...-.-- 412 — RIVER in Arizona 387 Santa Cruz, ALONSO DE, ay map of city OleMexiCOlD Yaseen saeena cease eee 363 SANTIAGO, use of, as war cry-.-..----- 388, 483, 565 Santo DoMINGO, pueblo of.....-..---.--- 525 SAR-RAY-NUM-NEE, Menomini treaty sign- Qe Hentsoc abana sono sae soc-mmecoste 28 SAUK, enslavement of captives by the. --- 35 —, expulsion of the..-..-------.......... 16 SAUK AND Fox expelled from Green bay . 19 SAU-SAY-MAN-NEE, Menomini treaty sign- Qe Segcones oom Ree a eotmeeccooossEon 28 SAVAGE, JAMES, on natural products of ING DISS Kia ee a ae sane aaa eee eat 528 SAVAGE, T. H., mound investigation by.- 36 SAW-WHET, rabbit and the, folktale of... 200 ScaRAMOIO, name for a Spanish grass- .-.- 553 ScHootcrart, H. R., land-treaty witness - 28 SEBASTIAN, native companion of Padilla. 400,535 —, negro slave of Jaramillo ..-...-.------ 592 SEDELMAIR, PADRE, on indian giants 485 SELISH, beadwork introduced among...-. 269 — myth of the coyote..-.-..-----...--... 205 SEMINOLE, proportion of warriors to pop- i Enh eee A soe nt See Ses 503 33 SENECA land purchase at Green bay -.--. 23 —,remoyal of, to Green bay ....---------- 23 SENORA, see SONORA. SERGEANT, JOHN, Stockbridge missionary 22 Serr, Coronado’s account of 554 —,useot poison by------.----------- 538 SERPENT in Menomini myth. -...-.-.------ 132 SERRANO, FRANCISCO, on effect of Marcos’ report. ...-...-----.-.-----0------=----- 366 SERRANO DE CARDONA, ANTONIO, testimo- 597 Ty Olena er Ara nanesonaaie se roasevetocee: ETH. ANN, 14] Page SERVANTES, see CERVANTES. SEVEN CITIES, stories and legends con- CONE Oe ns cleanin vince stems eens 363, 553 —, expedition to, under Guzman.....-.--- 473 —, see CIBOLA, ZUNI. SHAMANS of the Menomini-..----..-....-- 61-62 —, see MEDICINE-MEN. SHANOT, genealogy of......---- eeeeecsas 57 SHASHAMANEE, Menomini treaty commis- Sess s3onS5 Sasa aeopes acces aaeeon 21 SHAWANO or SHAWNEE dance of the Me- Tie oo saos soos s seep sso dase sSacesteo 248 — language, study of the .--.--......-.-- xli —, Meaning of term ........-...------.--- 247 —, migrations of the....-.-.-.------------ 345 SHEA, J.G., on Cabeza de Vaca’s route --. 348 —,on Menomini language. -.........------ 60 —,on Menomini native name. .-........-.- 12 —,on Menomini population. ............. 33 —,on possible conjunction of Coronado ANAC) SSO CO ee ate alate er 371 SHEEGAD, Ojibwa treaty signer. -- : 28 SHEEP given to friars by Coronado. ------ 592 —, merino, imported by Mendoza....-..-..- 375 —, mountain, description of, by Castaneda 487 —, native American. .-....-.------------- 516 — taken by Spanish soldiers for food. 501, 535, 542 —, see MOUNTAIN GOAT. SHEEWANBEKETOAN, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 SHEKKATSHOKWEMAU, see TSHEKATSHA- KEMAU. SHELL, magic, of the Menomini........-... 75 —, sacred, described and figured .-.-...-. 101 —, sacred, given to Ma/niibiish--.-...----- . 91 —, sacred, in pictography .-...--.--------- 109 —, sacred, mystic power of..-..-.----- 102-104, 112 —, sacred, of the Winnebago- 110 — used as spoons...-.------ 256, 257 — used in bead-working..-.-- 265 — working by California tribes . 266 SHINGUABA WOsSIN, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 SHIvwits, stone knives among the---.--- 283 SHOANK-AY-PAW-KAW, Menomini treaty Signer .....-------------------------.--- 28 SHOANK SkAw, Menomini treaty signer. - 28 SHOANK-TSHUNKSIAP, Menomini treaty BUQM ON ea na am ew wine 28 SHOSHONTI, linguistic affinity of the -...-. 525 —, stone arrowpoints of the.......-...-.. 282 SHRINES of Sonora indians.-----.--.----- 515 SHUNIEN, genealogy of....-.--.-.--------- 58 —, portraitof.---....-- - 59 Sr, pueblo of ...-..---.. x 525 — mentioned by Jaramillo - 587 = ONG ONG Oe rete anette eerie xliv —, see CHIA. SIBOLA, see CIBOLA. Srpv/Lopa’, Isleta name for buffalo.....-. 517 SIGN LANGUAGE, work in -...-----.--.---- xxxi SIGNALING by various means --.-.-.--..-- XXxii Siens, use of, by plains indians ..-....--- 504, 527 SIKYATKI, excavations at......-...--..-.- 519 St.ver found by Coronado at Cibola... --- 563 — found by Spaniards at Yuqueyunque-. - 511 —, reports of, from Quivira. - - 508, 504, 512 = Mines iM Culiacan en see secon -e 514 INDEX TO PART 1 633 Page SILVER, use of, by pueblo indians for glaz- UW EES OSCR CORDCSCe ier hore ence ine mr 526 —, use of, in indian trade. 472 — workers, stories of...-...-.---- 473 SIMPSON, JAMES H., on location of Quivira. 397 — on location of Tienex Saee ROR ecancice son SINEW used for bowstrings. --.. - — used in arrow-making -...-.---.--- 2' — used in blade-mounting...---..---.---. SINALOA, river and settlement of —, see CINALOA. Sr1oux, ceremonials of the.-.-.....-...--- 111 —, ghost dance among the-.-....--.-..----- Xxxix SISSETON, poisoned arrows used by the... 285 Srrrine Butt, character of-...-.--------- 63-64 Srx Nations, Wisconsin land treaty with. 31 SKIN-DRESSING by the Menomini .-.--.--- 261 SKULLS used by Acaxes to decorate houses 514 SKUNK, folktale of the.---..-------..-..--- 213 —in Menomini myth -. 239 SLAVERY among pueblo indians---.-.----- 548 — at Pecos-.------- ae 491 — among the Menomini 35 SLAVES, captive indians used as, by Span- hips Saeemoice Bam eased GOOLE OnG aS 499-510 —inarmy of Gaede 402 SLEIGHT OF HAND, see JUGGLERY. SMEt, P. J. DE, on story of Nanaboojoo. --. 207 SmirH, BUCKINGHAM, Cabeza de Vaca’s relation translated by --------- saat vee 347, 474 —, copy of Alvarado’s report printed by - 594 —, documents printed by ------.---.----- 572, 584 —, quotation from document printed by - 590 SMOKE OFFERING by the Potawatomi ...-.- 209 SMOKING among the Menomini........--. 251 —, ceremonial, by the Menomini..-...... 78, 80, 81, 83, 85, 88, 99, 158, 159 —, ceremonial, in pictography 109 SNAKE-BAG trick 97 SNAKE CEREMONY of the Menomini......- 36 SNAKE DANCE, significance of.....-..-.--- 561 SNAKE POISON, use of, by indians ....-..-. 500 SNAKEROOT, use of, by the Menomini 291 SNAKES, absence of, on great plains - = 513 | —, in Menomini myth. --.-- 132 —, worship of, among Tahus poem Sooces sci 513 SNARES of the Menomini .--....-....----- 274 Snow, mythic destruction of ......-.----- 216 SNOWSHOES in Menomini myth....-.-..-. 179 — of the Menomini 263 SNOW-SNAKE game of the Menomini ...-.- 244 SoBAIPuRI, Friar Marcos among the------ 356 —, knowledge of Cibola among.-.-.-..--- 358 SOcIETIES, cult, of the Menomini-.-..-...- 66 SOCIOLOGY, workin sss20- -~2 sees sce eae XXXVii Sopomy, absence of, at Cibola..........-- 518, 522 — among indians of Petatlan -.-.-..--.--- 515 — among indians at Snya.-..........-..-- 516 —— ANON SIP ACAK OS) o-oo eae ee eee ae 514 SOLIS, FRANCISCO DE.....-..--.-.--.-.--. 529 Souis, IstpoORO DE, mention of, by Jara- milo: 2232 ss2as2 sctsedoss cate cceccs sae 592 SoLis DE MERAS, GONZALO, mention of, Dad ae a Oe ean een ten erate 592 Sotomon, S., Menomini treaty commis- BIOUOD 260 = ental eocorenarcsbocncedsa: 21 634 Page SomATOLoGICc classification of indians..-. xxvii SoncG, mnemonic, of the Ojibwa...--.....- 106, 107 — of the Menomini..........-...--..- 114, 115, 126 — of the moose....-.-.----..----.------.. 193 —, rabbit, in Menomini folktale.........-. 221 —, see CHANT. Sonora, description of ......-.--..-..--.- 515 —, description of, by Jaramillo. -......-.-. 585 = LOOMS DI Wan anne saa se banana ame 554 — river and valley .-...--.....--------0.- 387 — valley, location of.....-...- 355 — yalley, Spanish settlement in --- 484 —, settlement of, by Spaniards. - 572 — traversed by Friar Marcos .........-.- 355 SORCERER, see J UGGLERS. Sorcery among the Menomini..........- lit —RMOU PP aCakx CR se sca aa sce ee moor 514 Soro, HERNANDO DE, account of meeting SAAT 09) MP een AS SPE RS SOE acl eS aes 348 —, soldiers of, hear of Coronado. -.....-...- 510 —, reputed route of.......-..-.-.-----.... 545 = O1SCOVGUIES) OF eaeeine mend iaee aes emis 370, 491 —, on great plains....-...--..-...--...... 529 —, right of, to Niza’s discoveries. -.-......- 371 Soromayor, HERNANDO DE, on effect of BNSZAl 8 MEMO Mp =e aria-iniam eee ae tee 366 SoTroMAYOR, JUAN DE, companion of Coro- NEG nee reiner cite eeemen case ene cer ons 477 Soromayor, P. DE, chronicler of Cardenas’ Ge qian ope Ssescensc apsis-ns socese de 490 SPEARHEADS, copper, on Menomini re- OTe © eer ee oe wea a ae ens Pe 36, 37 SPINOSA, see ESPINOSA. SPIRITUALITY among the indians -..-..... 39, 66 SQuaAsH, see GOURD, MELON. SQUIRREL in Menomini myth..-....--..... 126, 132 —, see PRAIRIE DOG. STAMBAUGH TBEATY..........----.-----00 29 STARLINGS in pueblo region .......---.... 521 STEPHEN, see ESTEVAN. STEVENS, JOHN, quotation from dictionary OF 2 echo seae tt foes Naneanes Maceroc eae 66, 547 INDEX TO PART 1 Sno pe xlivant a eee ap eae es ene ae see ane xliv, 359 STICKNEY, G. P., cited on use of wild rice- 291 STOCKBRIDGE land cession ...-...-...--. 22, 25, 31 — land purchase at Green bay 23 — population and lands ...--.--....--- 31 STONE ART, classification of-.-.......---.- XXXVii STONE-CHIPPING by Arizona tribes.......- 275 STONE IMPLEMENTS of Arizona tribes. -.--- 256 — of the Menomini ...--................. 266 Stoves of the Menomini................. 256 STRADA, see ESTRADA. STURGEON in Menomini myth ............ 202 — scales used in medicine.-............... 93 SUAREZ, AGANIEZ, wounded at Cibola ---- 388 SUAREZ DE FIGUEROA, GOMEZ, see FIG- UEROA. SUAREZ DE PERALTA, JOAN, reminiscences of Coronado’s departure. - 364 —, on return of Coronado........------.... 402 SuGAR, see MAPLE SUGAR, [ETH. ANN. 14 Page Semac, wild, in Quivira 591 Sun and the young hunter, folktale of.... 181 —, ceremony determined by position of-. - ill — in Menomini mythology..-........-- 92, 132, 209 — priests at Tusayan...--.........--..... 518 — worship by plains indians..-..-......- 578 —, see ORIENTATION. SURGEON, mention of, in Spanish army... - 498 SUTHERLAND, —, on descent of Menomini ASHI) FEM Se pei ICES CERRO Remar AS Seme se 43 Surya, San Hieronimo removed to. -......- 502 =; Geseription Of. =~. .-s--scencewae= 515 —, massacre of settlers at....-............ 408 — ES RCULC MGOMOL een ad an oes 399, 533, 578 Swan in Menomini myth-.....-........-- 203 SWEAT-BATH before medical treatment. --- 149 —) efficacy of. ---2----.- = 2 une --- 104-105 —, importance of . a 117 —, mystic origin of .......... a 92 SWEAT-LODGE, construction of.-........-. 117 — of the Menomini -~<..-< 2-22. -n-nasonns 235 SMR OLS Ofefl Chitin pact aeeeee ne Sees 129 [I SRNONWAEY, NWONK: Onl asn steep eeee eae xlv TAAIYALONE, a stronghold near Zuni-.... 390 —, see THUNDER MOUNTAIN. TABC of animals among the Algonquian.. 64-65 — of animals by Menomini...-..-........ 44 | TAHUS, a tribe in Culiacan. -. 513 TANNING by the Menomini. 261 TANO, a pueblo tribe--..---. 523 Taos, pueblo of...-..---- ot . 525 — mentioned by Jaramillo. ..........-...- 587 — called Valladolid by Spaniards..-.-....- 511 —, name for Acoma at....-....--.----.-.- 492 —, visit of Alvarado to. ...-...-2-----<-.- 575 TARAHUMARA foot-racing...-...--..----- 247 TARASCA, a district in Michoacan. .....-. 473 TAREQUE, indian village on great plains. - 577 TARTARS, use of dogs by.---------------- 571 TATARRAX, name of indian chief...-.-.-.- 492 TATTOOED indians visit Friar Marcos. --. 356 506 516 55 = DIDO Often eaten nena O 248 —, war message to Menomini by. 18 TEGUI branch of Opata indians..........- 537 TEJO, stories told by.................--.-- 472 TEMINO, Spanish soldier, death of. .-.--..- 538 Tents of plains indians, description of -. 504, 578, 581, 583, 588, 591 ‘TEOCOMO, river and settlement of....-.--- 515 ‘'TEREDO NAVALIS, damage to Alarcon’s LN a Vener ems o-Bea ao aecCeeseee 407 TERNAUX-COMPANS, HENRI, translation of Castaliedatbyesc-n-2--.s5-eee sa seecn eee lv, 413 —, translation of Coronado’s letter by 580 —, translation of Jaramillo by 584 —, mistake in translating. ----- 398 —, mistake of, regarding Ispa 585 —, quotations of translation of Castaneda [ARSE ne sine Senne ees Poe ee eee 472, 481, 489, 494, 496, 499, 501, 502, 503, 505, 506, 507, 508, 510, 511, 513, 514, 515, 517, 518, 521, 523, 524, 526, 527, 529, 531, 532, 533, 538, 589, 542, 545 ETH. ANN, 14] Page ME-OAT-HA or TAOS: --.- 2-2 ------6-------= 511 TEULES, a Mexican term 524 SRE AUN UC DIOR Simic ah cic ees lor ee aie te 525 TEXAS, copperfound in, by Cabezade Vaca. 350 —, intended destination of Narvaez.-...- 346 —, limit of De Soto’s government - - 370 TEYAS, Cicuye besieged by------- Seles 524 — met by Coronado.......-----..--.- 507, 527, 578 —, description of, by Coronado.......----- 581 — identified with Comanche. .........---- 396 Tuomas, Cyrus, researches by.----------- xxxvii THREADS of basswood fiber- --- 259 THUNDER in Potawatomi myth..-.-. 209 THUNDER MOUNTAIN, mesa near Zuni-.--- 390 —,ruins at 517 —, visit of Coronado to =e 565 THUNDERERS in Menomini myth - 39, 40, 92.131, 195 TIBEX, see TIGUEX. TIBURON ISLAND in gulf of California... -. 554 TIENIQUE, possible printer's error in Pacheco y Cardenas for Cicuye..-..-.-..- 587 Tigers found in Cibola by Coronado... -- 560 TiIGUA, name of Acoma among the -------. 492 TIGUEX, cartographic history of .--..---- 403 i COSCLI PUN Ole. = a) Jenne cienn nine 519, 520, 524 —, description of, by companions of Cor- COAG (RIES 2 Seer eRe eee Ese 569, 575 —, description of, by Jaramillo .- 587 —, discovery of, by Alvarado -.-. lvii, 390, 491, 594 —, indians of, refuse to trust Spaniards. -. 499, 503 —, revolt of indians at....-.............- 576 —, siege of, by Spaniards. -.....--..---.--- 497, 500 —, death of Friar Juan at...-....----.... 401 —, river of, identified with Rio Grande. - -. 390 TirIPiti0, meeting of Alvarado and Men- MLOZB Ai sats orice ne Main see ee ee ee 409 TIZON, RIO DEL, Spanish name for Colo- EIGER CL OS SRLS, Yate emer eee ee 407 —, reason for name of....-....--.--.-...- 485 —, see COLORADO RIVER. TLAPA, estate at, given to Coronado - --.- 379 TLAUELE, Mexican word .....--.-..-.--.- 524 Tosacco ceremony of the Menomini..... 215 — dance of the Menomini --..-.--.--.--.- 247 —in Menomini myth -----.---..------.---- 187 —, MYyAtic Oripin Of<..- - + 2-=-s—--~ ---==2an 205, 253 — offering in Menomini ceremonial ---..- 85 — offerings to the dead .-....----. = 69 — used in ball game..... 128 —, use of, by Menomini . - 249-253 —, see SMOKING. TOoBAR, see TOVAR. TomAv, genealogy of. 54, 58 —, death of. 55-56 Tomson, ROBERT, on Mexico in 1556-...-... 363, 375 —, quotation from ..--.-..---....-----... 507 TonaLA, settlement of, by Guzman -....- 473 ToNKAWA identified with the Querecho . - 396 Top1a or Topira, in Durango ...-..-..-.- 353 Topira, expedition of Coronado to------. 476 TORRE, DIEGO PEREZ DE LA, appointed to replace Nuno de Guzman....-.--..----- 357 —, administration of .........-...--.---.- 47. —— (MENON Of BON OL.n-- =. a= ache s=a2- ce 592 TORRES OF Panuco, wounded at Cibola.. 557 | TOTEMIC MARKS of the Abnaki.-.......... 65, 66 INDEX TO PART 1 Page ‘LOTEMIC MARKS on graves...-.----------- 74, 240 — organization of the Menomini. a 42 ToreMs of the Menomini.-..-.........---- 39-42 TOTONTEAC, cartographic history of ...-. 403 —, Coronado’s account of .....-...--..--. 560 —, cultivation of cotton at..........-..-- 550 — identified with Tusayan.............-.. 357 —, see Hopi, Moki, Tusayan. TOVAR, FERNANDO DE, position of-.....--- 417 Tovar, PEDRO DE, appointment of, as ONT PI ae a eaceie wa Seta eee ane se 477 —, accompanies Gallego to Corazones -... 395 —, journey of, from Tiguex to Corazones. 577 —, at San Hieronimo... f 502 —, flight of, from Saya 530, 533 —, discovery of Tusayan by.. lvii, 390, 488, 562, 574 —, wounded by indians .................- 557 —, use of papers of, by Mota Padilla .... 536 TOWANAPEE, Menomini treaty commis- CE ee ane CEC OD SIE OTIEE mae OES 21 TRADE between plains and pueblo indians 578 — among plains indians-.-.....-.--------. 527 — of Sonora indians with Cibola......... 357 —of Spaniards with Colorado river in- Wansies = secs eee ocean sate as ste 406 —, indian stories of 472 TRADITIONS preserved by medicine society 67 TRAIL, method of marking, on great --- 505, 509, 571 TRANSPORTATION, see DoGs, TRAVOIS. TRAPS of the Menomini.--..-............ 273 TRAVOIs, dog saddle used by plains in- IANS eee saree emer a Ne neeete eeneee ate 527 TREACHERY of indians in Mixton war. .-. 408 — of indians toward Spaniards .......-.- 498 TREATIES with the Menomini .-....-..... 20-31 TREATY of Butte des Morts...........-.. 27 'TREE-BURIALS of the Menomini..---...... 241 TREES, mystic, in Menomini ceremonial, - 90 TREJO, HERNANDO, death of brother of -. 500 TRENTON GRAVELS, study of the.......-.. XXXV TROUGHS of the Menomini 257 TROWBRIDGE, —, Menomini and Winne- APOE NY Aiden can. doce aeons 25 TRUXILLO, adventure of, with devil...... 481 TSHAYRO-TSHOAN Kaw, Menomini treaty CHE GOR Soe eisonc Sree e dee cencnk Borin nee 28 TSHEKATSHAKEMAU. genealogy of.....--. 45, 52 TSHISAQKA, see JUGGLERS. TU-aTA’, native name of Taos ....-...... 575 TUBEs, bone, used in treatment of disease 149 TUGAN or TUCANO, see TUSAYAN. TUNA, native American fruit. 515 —, preserve made from .....-- 487 TvopaA, Picuris name for Taos -- at 575 TURK, name of indian slave who de- Bombed | Quiwirsie=- secs sere eel ree 394 —, communications of, with devil......-. 503 pt ALOTION Of mers nace =a eee salt 491 —, stories of, told by Castaneda ........-. 492 —, Coronado’s version of stories of. .-.---- 580 —, reports of stories told by ....-...-.-.- 576 —, motive of, in misleading Coronado.... 588 le—pexecution Ofer mer cme eae eS 509, 589, 590 TURKEY PLUMES, use of, for garments.... 517 TURKEYS in pueblo region .-............- 491, 521 636 INDEX TO PART 1 Page TuRQvoIs brought from north by Sonora SUNT 6 Ase Ser coc ntio ea seeracnns 3357 —, collection of, by Estevan...........--. 474 — of pueblo indians .-....... 489, 518, 549, 561, 573 —, presents of, made to devil-..-..- posec6 513 TURTLE in Menomini myth ........... 91, 189, 218 —, mystic power of the.---2-2-*.--- 22-2. 148 TUSAYAN, ceremonials at .......-:.-..-..-- 544 —, cultivation of cotton at......--....--. 550 —CeSCMp LOM, Obemecn sat aa atm tere ee 519, 524 —, description of, by Jaramillo -. 586 —, description of, by Zui indian-.-...-.. 488 — known to Sonora indians 357 — Visi TOLL Omarion se asaeee es vii, 390, 562, 593 —, Tucano identified with ....--..--...--. 390 —, see Hopi, Mokxt. TuSKARORA land cession....-...--..----- 26 TUSKARORA-ENGLISH DICTIONARY, work OD Seis ee ae ie oe ee ee xiii TUTAHACO pueblos.....-.-...------------ 519, 525 —, Coronado’s visit to ..-.--.....-------+ 492 —, description of, by Jaramillo ....-..-.-. 587 —, worship of cross at ....-.---..---.-.-- 544 TUTAHAIO, Tigua name for Acoma 492 TUTHEA-NAY, Tigua name for Acoma --.. 492 TUXEQUE, indian village on great plains. 577 TUZAN, see TUSAYAN. TWINE-MAKING by the Menomini-.-.-..-. 260 UsBeEDA, F. Luis DE, see LUIs. ULLOA, FRANCISCO DE, explores gulf of Galiformine ase stesee ren ttesn ne nese 369 —, limit of explorations of .......--...... 404 UMBWAYGEEZHIG, Ojibwa treaty signer .- 28 UPATRICO, settlement of .--...-....--.-.. 515 URaBA, indian village mentioned by Jar- PNT ae ne ees sae sohocaeseo Sone 587 —, see BRABA, Taos, YURABA. URINE, use of, as mordant ..-.------..-.. 522 UrkEA, LOPE DE, companion of Coronado. 477 —, indians interviewed by 499 UveE linguistic affinity ----.-. 525 | — stone knives..--..--.----- - 282, 283 UTENSILS of the Menomini 256 VacaPa, identification of --..-.....-....- 355 VACAPAN, province crossed by Coronado. 487 VALLADOLID, Spanish name for Braba.... 511,525 VALLE DE LOS VELLACOS, see VALLEY OF KNAVEs. VALLECILLO, settlement of -- 515 VALLEY OF ICNAYES, rebellious indians in 502 VARGAS, Luis RAMIREZ DE, companion of Coronadorseaee sean ee eee 477 VAUDREUIL, MARQUIS DE, Canada surren- ered Pyare ais) t- ee seme a a ee es 16-17 VEGETATION of great plains.---.--.-....- 527 — of pueblo country 586 VERA CRUZ, port of New Spain.....-.... B48 VERMEJO, RIO, crossed by Coronado...--- 586 —, identified with Colorado Chiquito - .-. 482 VERMEJO, HERNANDO, companion of Cor- OURM ON ee a heeee ep cheseeoneecessr stieee 565 —, see VERMIZZO. VERMIZZO, HERNANDO, companion of Cor- ONS00 eee cinerea ene rene aa 556 —, with Coronado at Cibola......-......- 388 [ETH. ANN. 14 Page VETANCURT, A. DE, on date of Padilla’'s TMD OMe eee eee ge 401 VIGLIEGA, horse of, killed at Cibola...... « 557 VILLALOBOS, R. G. DE, voyage of, across Pacific 412, 526, 539 —, expedition, reports of, to Council for the Indies 370, 371, 373 VILLAGRA, G., on marriage of pueblo in- dians. 520 Vimont, B., record of Nicollet’s journey UR fescpee cor eeace sa tao niceear sce cancaceen 15 VIRGINS among the Tahus.....-. 514 —, treatment of, among pueblo indians .. 522,523 VocaBULARyY of the Menomini.-------..- 294-328 — of the Menomini, reference to...-..-.- liv W ABENO, shamans of the Menomini. 62, 66, 151-157 WABENO MITAMU, genealogy of-..-....--- 60 WABosso in Menomini myth. . 207 Wacaquon, Menomini treaty commis- ; BIONOD soa. toate seen ie se oe eee sen 21 WAKASHAN BIBLIOGRAPHY, work on-.--- xiii WALAPAI, stone implements of the...._- 256, 283 WaALNvtTs, wild, found by Coronado.-..-. 507 WaAmPUM exchanged for prisoners ..-..-. 17 WAPAKA RIVER, Menomininame of .-..-. 199 WAR) OF) 1812! andians in'-.4-—.-¢2.- 22 -- 19 —, revolutionary, indians in -....-.-....- 18 WARBANO, Menomini treaty commis- BlOUCT cae ss eee sees eee eee 21 WARREN, W. W., on Ojibwa ceremonial terms 61 WARRIORS, proportion of, to population. - 33 Wash, R., Menomini treaty commissioner 21 WATER, worship of, by pueblo indians -- 561 W ATERCRESS, native American......-.... 517 WAT7ER DEMONS in Menominiimyth....... 227, 234 WATERMELODS, introduction of, into pue- Blo Comms tage eee a een 550 WAU-KAUN-HOA-NOA-NICK, Menomini WME UNe Ta ete Geseaatosoccgnesscnebore 28 WAUNK-TSHAY-HEE-SOOTSH, Menomini ieeahy SIPMON Esa =p aan pean elge eae 28 WAUWAUNISHKAU, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 WAYISHKEE, Ojibwa treaty signer .- - 28 WEAPONS, indian ---......--...-<.- 498 —, lack of, in New Spain. 540 — AOBtC PO Wer Of). a. = == seer aan 225 — OL the Menomini.=—.~ cn. 2 conan ee on 274 — of pueblo indians --- 404, 548, 563 WEAVING, see BEAD-WORKING, Mats. WEEKAY, Menomini treaty commissioner. 21 WELL dng by besieged indians ...-.--.-.. 499 WHEANK-KAW, Menomini treaty signer - - 28 WHISKERS, name given to Cicuye indian. 490, 497 — taken prisoner by Alvarado....--..-.- 493 == TOIGATO Oli ade en toes ee ae eee 503 WuitE MovuNTAIN APACHE RESERVATION traversed by Niza-.......-..----.------ 359 — crossed by Coronado. 2 387 WHITTLESEY, CHARLES, on Menomini char- acteristics. 2 34 | WICHITA LANGUAGE, study of the........ xl WIcHITA, KANSAS, location of Quivira TH im Sake qos occr Han sosteasosonocee 397 WICKER BASKETS among pteblo indians. 562 ETH. ANN. 14] Page WIGwaM, etymology of --- 70 WILpDcat, native Aimerican 517 — in pueblo region. .....-...--.---.------ 518 Wituiams, E. H.,JRr., on Eleazer Will- JEM Sy secsd Sottero moses o + 23-24 WILLIAMS, ELEAZER, sketch of -.......--- 23-24 —, effect of Stambaugh treaty on......-.. 30 WIND, mystic origin of.....--.-.--------- 92 WINE, native American, of pitahaya ---. 516 WInneEBAGO at Braddock’s defeat. ....--- 16 — ceremony, Ojibwa embellishment of... 62 —, early status of the.........-.......--- 19 — effect on Menomini ceremonial 109 — habitat in 1634.................-- 15 —, land claims of the. + 25 — land treaty ...-------.---.---- 27 — medicine ceremonial described 110 —, origin of name.......-.-- 5 205 —, physical character of the = 25 —, witchcraft among the.--...-----.---.- 143 WinsulP, G. P., memoir by, on Coronado XPEUIUION sees aot ale cee ae a setae ee 1, liv, 329-613 Winsor, JUSTIN, acknowledgments to. 339, 413, 599 —, quotation from. .......-..--..--------- 501 Wisconsin, early history of--.-.-.------- 4 WitcH in Menomini myth.--....--..---- 233 WITCHCRAFT among Pacaxes..-.-.------- 514 —, see JUGGLERY. WoINIss-ATTE, Menomini treaty signer-. 28 WOLVES in Menomini myth--.-..-.-.- Asaes 115, 116, 172, 183, 201, 233 — on great plains ...-.--....-.-.--.------ 528 Women, functions of, in pueblo ceremo- HHA soconssbosase coche sce tee see ees 518 —, surrender of, by indians - 499 5 AEE Oe cand pean Se aac poo eeCE Ee 294 WoovENWARE of the Menomini..-..----- 256, 207 | WoopPECKER in Menomini myth ---..--.- 229 W00D-WORKING by the Menomini-.-....-- 241 —, see CANOES. Wricut, Mary I., illustrations prepared Wy Soes cod oqc ice toc soe sed Josie pepectec xlvii XABE, indian from Quivira, with Coro- WEVA as on Scieee ton Aaerde AT OORE SCR 504, 511 INDEX TO PART 1 Page XALISCO, settlement of, by Guzman...... 473 —, destination of Alarcon at..........-.. 478 SRIRMN A PUGDIO Ole cn nose eee 523, 525 —, name of, forgotten by Jaramillo. ..--.- 587 YAQui or YAQUIMI, river and settlement h Otte San so sAeSs see eee es ewe ne 515, 553 — river followed by Coronado....-...---- 584 — river north of Galicia ../...-----.-.--- 386 YoOKES made by Menomini - 289 YSOPETE, « painted plains indian.....-.-. 505, 507 —supplants Turk in confidence of Coro- nado qoriri reset sess ec essere eee ee eee 509 —, efforts of, to guide Coronado. 588 | YucaTan explored by Alvarado -- 352 | YUCCA FIBER, use of, for garments 517 —, preserve made from...-..----.- 487 YUGEUINGGE pueblo..-.....-..--.- 525 —, indian form for Yuqueyunque --.--... 510 | YUMA INDIANS. Coronado’s account of. --- 554 = OSSCNUD MON! Olen. = seme eee eee ia 485 YUQUEYUNQUE, pueblo of...-......-.---- 525 —, visit of Barrionuevo\to..--..----..... 500 —, see YUGEUINGGE. YURABA, visit of Alvarado to .--.---..--- 575 —, see BRABA, URABA. ZACATECAS, a Mexican province......... 545 —, missionary work in. --.--..-.-.-------- 401 ZALDYVAR, see SALDIVAR. ZARAGOZA, JUSTO, editor of Suarez de Pe- Tal Ge eee cece: Bere 3 Pe 364 —, on murder of Cortes’ wife..--.-------- 473 ZARATE-SALMERON on native American DCO eerie Sea en ieeitesel aries ome 516 ZuNI, burial customs at - 519 —, ceremonials of. - - xiv, 544 | —, discovery of-...---..----------- lvii | —, foot-racing by the ---...-..--.. 247 | —, fruit preserves made by-.-.----------- 487 —, name of Acoma among indians of -.-.-.. 490 —, salt supply of-------------.--.---..... 550 —, tame eagles among.........----.------ 516 — treatment of Mexicans at ceremonies. - 361 — RIVER crossed by Coronado...-....----- 482 ~ = Sahu wane ay sm pee aeeiee se eevee eerie ark Ct ae ane ye mnt ebere hen hat pies seat ease rer Sy an eee ele a ee tr Y . t f ‘ : ? , Y SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTI o —rt—tCOCEAEOEOO Ba iee Ney aig erat ey ier re each ek Sietetne gis wre he epinetney fe ei tdaplh arses ivale piace mandy srr wed Saaseleierse ts date sink meee +e ese let isin Siena tae yates False ia wine enero 9 eI a wits dpa a hie why HAT Md Al Ice ate ie Pre mus poe yrat Ye a isthe Linen wisinee weed Bip se Peper wey Piper yl yiet poner iy eins Serpe yee Nae bebe alts Libs ee ie wim be cag om egies Ue Plex invent i be toe Fina be papa de ewig ee OA ATA aR LLNS TRON AAD Aik Mat ay Baad x rer ek . 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