Phi) * nth ui aay ay S19) 9 4) i Any . SSRN WLR NUD aN a ye tad Cane rae ae Set Oe i * ata ata fy oa + a ‘ URL OA as yeh bia) = es, oe FU RAE. HLSabee, 1a) a o ae a | Wy i a, Pia) ve ny ro! - _ i oe 1.) i We. AP a4 w Fh vr a a 7 a 1a ; Be Ad a a) a 7 1A re eee, if y 7 yy 7 - i. : aie xe Mya a 1 AY a : t ’ By) , ny ie i ts ae AY fe ap wl ‘ i : Bi Py F "ob ve " ave iy . ae ‘7 ar % - } e i , fifa nee FA a Ee hy ee x ‘ ct a 7 ey va na TA, Don ree. es a bith Aha ead ey AL lane ? ip ie ee A iy + a ; in he , at 1S) aS POY So oe: i Ma ae, AVY eae 4 = Sgro \ L- ey) TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION LSS 8y) BY J. Wis POW EEE DIRECTOR WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1903 a Ae ee LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau oF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., July 1, 1899. Smr: I have the honor to submit my Twentieth Annual Report as Director of the Burean of American Ethnology. The preliminary portion comprises an account of the opera- tions of the Bureau during the fiscal year, and the further development of a classification of ethnic science that has grown out of the Bureau’s work in the last two decades; the remainder consists of a memoir on the native pottery of the eastern United States, which embodies briefly the results of many years’ archeologic exploration by the Bureau, supple- mented by study of all the important collections of aboriginal American pottery in the United States. Allow me to express my appreciation of your constant aid and your support in the work under my charge. Lam, with respect, your obedient servant, Director. Honorable S. P. Lanetey, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. lil CONTENTS REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR Page IetnvoyshovenOil ==. so90ss soc caceedsseasceseoheoososEee sees coceeseposccsuS IX Field research and exploration x @ficemesearch esse mem eee eee ee ae eee XII Vivord’e That Ge VSO) OiS0y/5 oo ao seo sae ses ooeube ase scene aces sem aaess5e55 XII IWior kainate chino] Op syiem esse alee ee at XIII Work in sociology XVII Work in philology XxX Wiorksinieopbiologyseeeece a2 aes ee ame eee eee a em lm XXI Work in descriptive ethnology ------------.------------------------- XXIII Miscellaneous work XXIII Collections XX1V Property -.-- XXIV Financial statement. -... XXV Characterization of accompanying paper --.-..--------------------------- XXVI Technology, or the science of industries XXIX Introduclones sees sees ee = ee XXIX Substantiation XXXI (GlmisiaieMea sss See eden seo Se ceeaencdeseuaer seen Secs Snasce saceaceES XXXVI igen Ce 2 oko ceconnseeesoucias essen enesseer steseraséASosaneasacs= a0 (QaMNERED. Soo sec ooeedeoce Gout ear annoone SstasaSuacogudseoredoane XLII (Viedicineweseetese te sem eset see eae ere XLIX Sociology, or the science of institutions --.--...-.------------ ----------- LIX [Na¥nROYS HNGMOVE, <= ssoeeea sess hos S46 seog mess oSosoooesoo se sSepaseSoasonos LIX MiGiNs alse poe Sonb se cance scuoud aoenae seepesodeoe Sp eesoessosesces seo" LXI ID WOMENS posse seo SoU Sen eeS SHnac dees beooeebEoocmecesngn > LXIV (Onyatest Goodaannoaccseea- bodees -aneesaEeaoSEes LXXVIUI EStOn CS eee see XCI SEINE fs cose uSeossogscose XCT Igfilownoeie ~ 6 oo oes becuseES cece a Haos SHeEb us SeeppS cee ssesseders cIV MIGMENOMY 6 oan Sce sng sence saeeesoosesc cea csueaneEEanse CXI Republickism CXVIII Bthicss-=-=- - CXXVI Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression... ---.-------- CXXXIX Miroduchlon Mere eer rea eee eee Bat Seen epee See a eee CXXXIX Emotional language CXL (vm Tninyeqenye - 3 soos odeso cess] ase seesae Sones ss sesosaeRes esos CXLIV Introduction==2-=--..- CXLIV IPhOnICs!|Ssoacce ses = CXLVI IUGSROMGEAY Ge ee bve seconde bens ae soe sd qeoceoeepasaossscecessceses CXLVULI (Gin oe oe so oebon dasenane eG pe eoeb acwoenresneesosSScoccses CXLIX Tn mMO Olay San cone pene eases ease a asec seas asc eacesasese sees odors CLI Sematolopyeree cra. = See the previous paper, p. XXIx. LXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 In all these classes of arts something is produced for con- sumption, and we have already learned that the something produced does not immediately reach its entelic purpose, but may remain in a state of disuse until an event of production changes it in some manner so that it may reach its entelie consumption. During all these stages it remains as property. This is true of all property of whatever nature. Then there is much prop- erty which requires a long time for its consumption; for example, houses may remain to be consumed by a generation or even a succession of generations, but the houses are origi- nally produced from substances which men produce, and a house may not be wholly consumed by the domiciliary user without the production of intermittent repairs. Land is not produced by man from original substances; it is only improved by man that it may be rendered more useful through the pro- duction of improvements. We are thus led to understand the nature of property itself. It is something which serves men’s purposes and which remains for a time more or less ephemeral in the possession of individ- uals, or of corporations, or even of governments, and may be exchanged from one possessor to another at any time while it yet remains; and its continuance in time is ended by the entelic consumption, except in the case of land itself, which does not cease with the production of one crop, but continues for the production of others indefinitely as long as proper cul- tivation is continued. Men create property by producing it through labor; when produced to the entelic state it is consumed, yet it may remain in stages of production and also in stages of consumption. In any of these stages it may be accumulated. The foundation of property is primordial appropriation from nature through labor. The tribal man who appropriates fish from the sea constitutes it property, though it may be of an ephemeral nature. Still, while the food may be ephemeral, there may be appropriated other substances of longer value; thus, he may take whalebone, which remains a longer time as property; if he appropriates animals from the forest, their POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXIX skins may be property much longer than their flesh. This appropriation from nature has been universal among mankind, and in its simplest form is always recognized as just. But there come complications in the appropriation from nature which give rise to differences of opinion about the extent to which and conditions under which this appropriation may be carried on. By civilized man land is thus appropri- ated; this is absolutely necessary that he may make it use- ful. As he appropriates it by labor, the labor on the soil first produces a single crop. The labor of appropriating the land perhaps does not obtain its full reward by the first crop, but the labor for the first crop enhances the value of the land for subsequent crops. All the land of the United States has been thus appropriated at first by individuals under grants from Euro- from nature pean governments, but since the organization of the present government it has appropriated the land and has either sold it again to individuals or allowed them to appropriate it for themselves by homestead settlement. But in assuming the ownership of the land the general government has invariably recognized the prior titles to the land inhering in the aborig- inal tribes, and has purchased it from them by treaties, paying for the land by grants of money. The total sum thus granted is more than three hundred millions of dollars. The title of the Indians to the land was a title which arose out of a quasi appropriation of the same—not by improving the lands them- selves, but by gathering from the land their food, clothing, and shelter; still, in some cases the natives cultivated patches of soil. But the ownership of the land by these seemingly imperfect processes was fully recognized by the government of the United States. The title to the land obtained by appropriating it through the labor of improvement has always been recognized among modern civilized peoples. But there are other agencies which give the land value, not included in that produced by improve- ments. Land may have an ever-increasing value given it by extraneous conditions sometimes equal to or even greater than the interest on the investment as purchase money. The LXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 interest on the purchase money may partly or wholly be paid by the sale of farm products. In whom should the increased value to the land inhere? Men are divided in their opinion about the just method of distributing these increments of value. Our purpose is not to discuss such questions, but to point out the nature of the problems which are involved in the study of economics. Wealth. Here we have to note that the fundamental pro- duction of property is appropriation from nature by labor. The substance appropriated from nature becomes new prop- erty at every stage of production, as artifacts, powers, and goods. Forever the value of the property is increased. Thus, property remains only as property which is consumed as it is obtained, but property becomes wealth as it is saved. Frugality is thus the foundation of wealth, though industry and enterprise may contribute. Frugality, industry, and enterprise may add to wealth, for wealth already accumulated may be used as capital to increase itself. Capital. Property, which has become wealth, may now be considered as capital. Wealth may be used as capital in the purchase of machinery and the appliances necessary to the use of machinery, in the purchase of material for further stages of production, and, finally, in the employment of labor to aid in the industry of production. We have thus considered capi- tal in its use in manufacturing. In the same manner we may consider it in its use in commerce. These cases are sufticient, perhaps, to illustrate the principle. Investment. Capital may be invested in such manner as to produce more without the owner of the capital engaging in commerce or manufacturing or in any of the industries of sub- stantiation which we have heretofore considered. But as capi- tal is of value in all of these industries, and as it may be invested with others who wish to conduct them, the interest on the capital may go to the owner of the capital. Thus capital becomes investment. ‘That which in one stage we call prop- erty, in another stage wealth, and in another stage capital, we here call investment, meaning by that pure investment for interest. POWELL] SOCLOLOGY LXXI Endowment. And yet we are to see property and wealth and capital and investment assume a fifth form; this is endow- ment. Men are not all chiefly interested in the pursuit of physical welfare, and those most deeply interested have other purposes which they hold dear. The farmer may still be interested in his church and may be glad to endow his church; the manufacturer may still be interested in a library and be glad to endow a library; the merchant may still be interested in a college and may be glad to endow a college. So some wealth at last becomes endowment. We have different stages of the same thing, and call these stages, severally, (1) property; (2) wealth; (3) capital; (4) in- vestment, and (5) endowment. It would be convenient if we had a generic term to express these things. Let us call them all possessions. In the terminology of jurisprudence the word possession is somewhat ambiguous when it is used to denote a holding as something distinct from ownership. Thus, a horse may be said to be in the possession of a man who has the right to use it because he has hired it, and its more permanent ownership may be in another man. ‘The man who has hired the horse has a right to its use during the time for which it is hired, but the ownership of the property is said to still remain in the man from whom it is hired. Still further, a thief is said to be found in possession of property when it is discovered in his custody, but the possession is fraudulent or criminal. Taking the term in all its uses, possession seems to be the best generic term to signify property, wealth, capital, investment, and endowment. Here we need terms for a genus and its species, and select the terms as shown. It is the nature of property to be consumed, and it becomes property only because it can be consumed; but ultimate con- sumption may be postponed, and often consumption requires time. In the same manner it requires time for production, and in modern industry it often becomes necessary that the materials of nature should undergo successive stages of production in «lif- ferent hands; so property exists in stages of production and in stages of consumption. Entelic consumption is forever in prog- LXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 ress, and what it produced is finally consumed. Wealth is that which remains over and above relatively immediate consump- tion. Capital is that part of wealth which is used by its owners in gaining other wealth. Investment is that part of capital which is used by its owners in gaining other wealth as interest, while the capital itself is in other hands in order that it may produce property for these others. Kndowment is that part of investment which is dedicated to perpetual purposes, which the endowers believe to be important to mankind and from which they do not expect gain for themselves. We call all of these 5° things possessions. Corporations The several forms of possession which we have described lead severally to forms of corporations. We have already defined corporations and shown how a body of men may be incorporated by organizing for a purpose. Assisting corporations. ‘That form of possession which we have called property, in which the possession is held by the owner for consumption, gives rise to a class of corporations which we will call assisting corporations. They are necessarily temporary in their nature, but they are often organized. A group of forest men unite to make a circle hunt of deer, or a driving hunt of mountain sheep. Such a corporation would belong to this class. The instance to which we have already alluded of the men united to build a log house would be another example. In frontier countries the men of a community often unite to build a bridge across a stream, or they unite to work the roads, or they unite to burn the grass-lands that they may be more valuable for the production of natural hay. These mstances will suffice to set forth the nature of what we eall assisting corporations. Partnership corporations. "Two or more men unite by form- ing a partnership to carry on a business together. They com- bine their limited wealth with their common labor. Perhaps they employ assistance, but such assistance is ancillary to the object of the corporation. No further description is needed to set forth the nature of partnership corporations. POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXIII Creative corperations. The third class of corporations we shall call creative corporations. Here capital in larger quan- tities is organized, a company to operate the enterprise is organized, and the employees or laborers are organized, every one to accomplish some particular part of the work. It may be that a factory is built for the purpose of manufacturing shoes; in it there are many machines, each operated by a special expert, and all the operations are supervised by a foreman, or there may be a foreman and his assistant foreman. Modern industries present many illustrations of these creative corporations. First, there is an organization of capital; sec- ond, there is an organization of machinery; and, third, there is an organization of labor. This complicated organization I eall a creative corporation. Creative organizations have the effect of instigating the laborers to organize societies which are known as trade unions, of which something more hereafter. When employers organ- ize, employees organize. Thus power offsets power. Investing corporations. We have seen how capital becomes investment. Investment is for interest. But there comes at last a stage in which the investors themselves organize as stock companies, not for the purpose of operating industries, but solely for the purpose of investing, while other corporations carry on the operations. These I call investing corporations. They might, perhaps, just as well be called stock corporations. Societies. We next come to that class of corporations to which endowments pertain; these are usually called societies. It is manifest that each group of corporations which we have hitherto defined may be classified by the pentalogic qualities as those designed for pleasure, those designed for welfare, those designed for justice, those designed for expression, and those designed for instruction. Yet, if we were writing a treatise on political economy it would be necessary to deal severally with assisting corporations, partnership corporations, creative corpo- rations, investing corporations, and society corporations, for there are principles of justice which specially pertain to every one of these classes. Thus, assisting corporations often assem- ble on the invitation of the person to be assisted, and whether LXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 the invitation be heeded is wholly voluntary with the individual invited, and yet custom is almost as imperative as statutory law. ‘Then there are special principles of jurisprudence which pertain to partnership corporations, which affect the responsi- bility of the parties to others, and the mutual ownership of the incorporators. In creative corporations the employees are more thoroughly differentiated from. the proprietors, and the employees themselves are apt to organize trade unions, and the employers as corporations negotiate with the trade unions in important particulars. Again, in investing corporations the stockholders constitute a special body themselves, the mem- bers of which may not take a personal part in the creative cor- porations, although the members of the creative corporation may sometimes hold stock in the investing corporation. In these corporations the employees all receive salaries, but some are known as officers and others as laborers. In society cor- porations the purpose is usually to promote some desired end, the interest in which will continue for time indefinitely, as when schools are endowed or churches built. For present purposes we need not take up the classes of corporations seri- atim, but need only indicate their classification by qualities. Corporations for pleasure. A number of schoolboys wish to play ball. Two leaders are chosen, and each one selects his helpers and assigns to each a particular part in the game. He thus organizes a baseball nine, which is a corporation for pleas- ure. Nine men, with an additional number as alternates, are organized under a manager and play a game, not for the pleasure of themselves but for the pleasure of others, and receive from the others payment as a reward. The players may also take pleasure in the game, but their ultimate pur- pose is gain or welfare, so that it is welfare to the players and pleasure to the lookers-on. Whether the game is considered as a pleasure or welfare, provision must be made for render- ing justice when disputes arise, and hence there is an umpire. Now, the persons assembled to witness the game take great delight in the skill manifested by the players. Their delight is not in the activity of play, but in the skill of those engaged in the play. At every moment as the play proceeds the POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXV players must use judgment, and their suecess depends as much on their judgment as on the skill with which they express it. The observers also exercise their judgment, and have their opinions about the players and about the judgments of the umpire, and express these opinions in approbation or disap- proval, and the crowd is boisterous with such expression. In this example we see that the five qualities are concomitant in the same game, but the controlling quality is pleasure, for pleasure is the purpose of the multitude who come to look on, and it is the purpose of the players to give them pleasure that they themselves may have gain. This illustration is used to set forth the nature of demotie qualities and how some quality becomes a leading motive in demotic activities, while all the other motives remain ancillary. Purposes can not be dissevered from one another in concrete activities, but they may be considered separately; that is, qualities are concomitant. It will be noticed that the players must be organized into : corporation, but the onlookers constitute but an aggregate of people, although they may be assembled in a dense crowd. They are not organized for a purpose, although they have the common purpose of pleasure. Corporations for welfare. ‘There are corporations to promote the industries of substantiation, such as farmers’ clubs, organ- izations for agricultural fairs, stock-growers’ associations, and mining associations. There are corporations for the industries of construction, such as corporations for manufacturing, or societies for the promotion of a special class of manufacturers, such as bicycle manufacturers, men engaged in manutactur- ing leather goods, men engaged in manufacturing iron and steel goods. Not only do the capitalists themselves organize into societies, but the laborers organize into societies; these are usually trade unions; thus the carpenters are organized, and the locomotive engineers are organized, and all varieties of labor may be organized in like manner. There are many corporations to promote the interest of merchants, which are partnerships to promote solidarity and societies to promote division of labor. There are corporations LXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 of publishers to promote common interest, especially in the gathering of news, the publication of which gives circulation to advertisements. I need not consider such corporations further; they are apparent on the suggestion. Corporations for justice. All political party organizations are designed to promote and secure justice. Individuals may have other purposes, as advancement in political life, but the body of people who are thus organized have justice for their purpose. All ecclesiastical bodies are organized for the establishment and promotion of the principles of justice, but it is rather the higher principles which are considered as ethical principles. There is another motive for ecclesiastical bodies, which is the wish to promote sound ethical principles supposed to depend on the acceptance of sound theological doctrines. But what- ever the theory of ethics may be the ecclesiastical organization has for its purpose the control of human conduct in the interest of the principles of justice. We need but to mention these principles to see the verity of this statement. The principles or elements of justice are peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity, for which all courts as well as all ecclesiastical bodies are organized. Corporations for the promotion of expression. At first sight these incorporations may seem to be hopelessly involved with corporations which have knowledge for their purpose, but on more careful consideration it will be seen that schools, which perform the double function of organizations for knowledge and expression, are in practice clearly differentiated. Of course schools for expression can not succeed without con- sidering the knowledge to be expressed, nor can schools designed for the increase of knowledge succeed in their pur- pose without considering how knowledge may be expressed. In America the differentiation is well recognized by the com- mon practice of calling the elementary schools “grammar schools.” In these grammar schools the primary object is expression; the ancillary object is thought to be expressed. The purposes can not be divorced, because expression and knowledge are concomitant; but we consider the primary object of the grammar schools to be expression. ‘The teacher POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXVII who supposes that he can teach language without teaching the nature of the knowledge to be expressed will fail utterly. So that the teaching of language or expression resolves itself into teaching the best method of expressing judgments and con- cepts, and before expression can be taught the nature of these judgments and concepts must be understood, that knowledge and habit of correct expression may be inculeated. The organizations which are designed to secure expression are therefore the common schools of the country, or, as they are often designated, the grammar schools of the country, includ- gartens. tao} ing the modern organization of kinder High schools, colleges, and universities consider the knowl- edge obtained to be their purpose, yet they do not neglect expression; in fact, it is only of late years that knowledge has become their primary purpose, and expression. but an ancillary purpose. Originally such schools were organized for the study of the languages in which knowledge was buried, and their purpose seemed to be expression rather than knowledge. Common schools are not the only corporations for expres- sion; there are schools or clubs of oratory and many literary clubs whose function is to train in expression rather than to derive pleasure from literature. Corporations for the purpose of obtaining knowledge. There are many corporations of this character, and to properly set them forth we must touch them with the wand of pentalogy. Classified in this manner, they become corporations for instruc- tion in the knowledge relating to pleasure, welfare, justice, expression, and opinion. Thus fine-art schools are organized to promote a knowledge of the arts of pleasure, industrial schools to promote the arts of industry. We may pause here to note how the schools of industry are classified. (1) There are schools of substantiation, such as schools of agriculture and schools of mining; (2) there are schools of construction, such as schools of manual training; (3) there are schools of technology, which are schools of mechanics; (4) there are business schools, under various names, which are schools of training in commerce; finally, (5) there are medical schools. Returning to the principal series, we find schools of justice; LXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN. 20 these are known as law schools. Then there are schools of expression, as we have already shown; finally, there are schools whose purpose is knowledge; these are the high schools, col- leges, and universities. In addition to these there are many corporations designed to promote knowledge. After this consideration of the subject we are prepared to give a new definition to the science. Economics is the science of the relation of production to consumption through the media- tion of corporations. Crvics In characterizing the science of economics we have set forth the nature of possessions as exhibited in property, wealth, capital, investment, and endowment; then we have set forth the nature of the corporations to which possessions give rise. Corporations are groups of men organized for a purpose. We have further set forth that these groups of men may be classified to correspond with the fundamental classification of the qualities. From the demonstration of this subject the reader obtains a more or less clear concept of the way in which human interests are involved, and the relations which men sustain to one another. Forever we learn that the : individual is compelled to consider the interest of others. Cultured man inherits from the brute condition extreme egoism which the development of the arts is forever correcting. It is thus that the many individuals are incorporated into societies and finally into nations where every man is com- pelled to consider other men as partakers of his interest because he can not serve his own without first serving the purpose of his neighbor. This is the fundamental lesson taught by economics. Only a few men can obtain food for the vast majority must eat from other men’s cribs. Only a few can wear clothing produced by themselves—the vast themselves majority must wear the clothing produced by others. Only a few men can take shelter in domiciles built by themselves— the vast majority must live in homes produced by others. Every man is dependent upon others for his existence, and in infancy is dependent upon others for his preservation, and he POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXIxX remains still dependent in old age. Passing beyond the primordial principles of welfare, we still find the individual dependent upon others for his pleasure; we still find him dependent upon others for his language, for no man has ever invented a language, and the language used by one man would be the language of a fool. For his opinions every man is indebted to others. None of the opinions of mankind could exist to-day without culture, and culture implies that human knowledge is derived chiefly from others and that language is necessary thereto. The act of a man to seek his own interests regardless of the interests of others is a crime. In specialized society men must seek their own interests by promoting the interests of others. This is the law of political economy by which wealth is pro- duced. Self-interest may blind men’s eyes to their true rela- tions to others in relation to property. The brutal self-seeking which is inherited must by some agency be thwarted, else others suffer and hence self suffers. Then, the passions of men blind their eyes, and their passions must be controlled. By common agreement rules or laws for the yovernment of conduct are established, and these established rules are enforced ultimately by punitive sanctions. As punitive sanc- tions become more and more certain, the resort to such sane- tions becomes less and less necessary if some method is devised by which the contending parties may have their cases adjudged. This leads to the organization of government. Government is a scheme for providing an organization of the body politic which will lead to the settlement of disputes, with power to enforce judgment by punitive measures. Civics is the science of government. Government is organ- ized to promote and establish justice. There are five elements of justice, no one of which can be neglected if any other is secured, and at the same time justice is maintained. These elements are peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity. Peace. he fundamental principle of justice is peace, and primeval governments are organized to secure peace. There can be no pleasure without peace, and infractions of peace produce the most intense pain. LXXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [BTH. ANN. 20 Equity. On further consideration primeval man learns that he can not secure peace without exterminating the causes of infractions of peace. Every example of a disturbance of the peace is found to be the effect of some cause, and tribal man speedily reaches the conclusion that the causes which disturb the peace are the inequities which spring up in society. Per- haps men quarrel over the distribution of the spoils of the chase, perhaps they quarrel over their wives, but every infraction of the peace is seen to be caused by some inequity, and the ques- tion is asked, ‘‘ How can these inequities be removed?” So tribal men attempt their removal by instituting courts of justice that peace may be maintained between the members of the tribe. They further find themselves involved in disputes and wars with neighboring tribes, and they make it a rule, even in the most primitive society, that the tribe, not the individual, has the right to declare war, and this declaration must be made by the council of the people. After the council has decided upon war, individuals on their own initiative may make the war, but they can not engage in such war without the tribal consent. . We have seen that the incorporation and organization of social bodies is not fixed by juxtaposition of parts, but by purposes. Here we have to note that the equity which is necessary to the continual existence of social bodies is not equivalence of parts, as that term is used in physical science, but it is the equity of conduct. Equity, then, is the demotic term for equivalence. One man paddles the boat and another kills the game, but the gain is shared; this is equity, or equiva- lence of rights. While one party is hunting another party may be fishing; each party shares in the gains of the other; this is equity, or equivalence of rights. Still another party may be engaged in defending the whole group; all share in the protection, and all share in the food obtained; this is equity, or equivalence of rights. ; Equality. Peace can be secured only if justice is maintained. That justice may be maintained, the entire tribal council must be consulted when it is assembled as a court of justice. The fundamental requisite for a decision of the matter in such a POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXXI council is the equality of the members who compose the organization, One man’s opinion may weigh more than that of another; equality of opinion is absurd, but equality of voice or vote in the council is necessary. So primeval man discovers the principle of equality, and from the first organi- zation of tribal society to the present time, human equality has been a principle of justice. That which masks the princi- ple of equality in the councils of early nations is the idea which grows up in barbarism and becomes thoroughly estab- lished in early national society, that guilt or innocence can be established by supernatural methods, and that the Judgments of the council or tribal court should be controlled by super- natural agencies, as by ordeal; and when at last a stage of society is reached in which the ruler of the people is also the high priest of its religion, then the principle of equality necessary to the establishment of justice is temporarily over- thrown, for the man who can render supernatural judgment has supreme authority. The law of equality in demotie bodies is the law of equality in asserting judgments. Here we note that the equality is not that physical equality which is fundamentally expressed in science as the law that action and reaction are equal, but it is the equality of opinions of justice in the tribal court, which may be resolved into equality of purpose—one man’s purpose in rendering judgment must be equal to another’s purpose in rendering judgment. They must be equal because the men have a common purpose in rendering a judgment. We have noted how equality is masked or even overthrown when the ruler becomes a high priest. In modern society, as in the United States, when the authority of the priest is over- thrown, equality is more or less masked, although it may exist. Here the body politic is a very large group of people occupy- ing extended regions. The court is no longer the council and the court combined, but special individuals are selected to constitute courts, and individuals are selected to constitute councils. In these councils the members are chosen by equality of votes, and they become representatives of all the people. But the council itself may be composed of two 20 ETH—03 VI LXXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN. 20 bodies—a senate and a house of representatives. The house of representatives is directly representative of the people by their votes; but the senate is representative of the people in the second degree—it is representative of state legislatures which are representative of the people of the state. Representative government requires a comparatively high degree of intelligence. [Experience proves that uncivilized people can not properly understand the nature of representative government and can not successfully take part in such govern- ment with equality of vote, for they desire to vote upon all measures themselves rather than for representatives to devise measures: they would return to the savage council rather than submit to the judgments of the representative assembly. In the history of the United States we have been confronted with this difficulty in the management of the savage and barbaric tribes who were found as indigenes. It has been found impossible to induce them to abandon tribal government and to take part in national government by representation. As they claimed the land by hereditary possession, and as civilized man claimed the right to use the lands for purposes and by methods which civilization demands, a conflict speedily arose between the aboriginal inhabitants and the arriving thousands from oriental lands. This conflict has continued to the present time. Other nations having representative governments rule over subordinate peoples, who are not yet competent to take part in representative government, by the method of imperialism, as it has come to be called. In such cases the subordinate peoples are governed by rulers appointed by the central government, and the people are permitted to rule themselves by tribal goy- ernment, subject only to the central authority. The ways in which this is worked out in practical affairs are very diverse. Liberty. Tribal men having discovered something of the principles of peace, equity, and equality, soon lear> an addi- tional principle necessary to their establishment; this is the principle of liberty. Every man in the council who becomes the judge of the conduct of his neighbor must have liberty to express his judgment, whatever may be the judgment of others. When the council considers questious of common POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXXIITI action, such as the removal of the village, or a hunting or a fishing enterprise, everyone must have a vote in determining action, for all must take part in the enterprise. The hum- blest man in the tribe must have liberty to express his jude- ment and must not be subject to the dictation of other men; hence, liberty is recognized even in primeval society as essen- tial to justice. The liberty which men claim in tribal society is liberty of personal activity and the denial that such activity can justly be coerced by others. This remains in all stages of society; but in tribal government it pertains only to the members of the tribe. Alien persons may become slaves, and their liber- ties are not held sacred—a subject which we will hereafter consider. When the offices of priest and ruler are consolidated, the ruler becomes not only the judge, but he also becomes the arbi- trary ruler—not as one haying authority to execute the judg- ments of a council, but as one having authority to execute his own judgments, for he who can act by divine right and as the vicar of the deity must be obeyed. Charity. Still in primeval society men learn the nature of charity and incorporate that principle into the concept of Judgment. Perhaps the principle of charity has a more lowly origin than in human society. It is fundamental in all animal life where the parent provides for its offspring. On the bisexual organizatioh of animals it receives an additional impulse in the cooperation of male and female and in the sympathy and assistance which they render each other. The third principle of charity seems to spring up in human society when children render assistance to parents in their old age. In tribal society these three principles of charity are well recognized, and provision is always made in the law of custom which is enforced by the tribal council. It remained for civilization to add two principles to the con- cept of charity. The first is individually acted on by tribal men, but seems not to be enforced by legal tribunal. It is the assistance which men render to one another in misfortune. In early civilization this took concrete form by the establishment LXXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN, 20 of charitable agencies, by the institution of laws for their maintenance and support, either by social bodies corporate or by governmental bodies corporate. In that stage of society in which church and state were still under one head, while the fusion resulted in the temporary overwhelming of liberty, it performed a royal deed for mankind by enlarging the concepts of charity. The fifth principle of charity is the recognition that justice does not require punishment, but only remedy for the past and prevention for the future, and that man may not mete out vengeance. This is the crowning element of charity. The elements of charity may be stated as (1) care for the young, (2) assistance to Companions, (3) provision for the aged, (4) help to the unfortunate, and (5) mercy to the criminals. We have now developed the concepts of justice and have desig- nated them as peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity. The Departments of Government The departments of government may be classified as con- stitutive, legislative, operative, executive, and judicative. Constitutive department. A modern government may have a written constitution which sets forth the plan of government. Other nations have a system of habitual practice, modified from time to time as circumstances seem to demand, which is observed as the common law of the government. | wish to use the term constitutive government for one of its depart- ments coordinate with the others which I will set forth. I desire a term which will signify the manner in which the officers of the government in all its departments are selected, chosen, or appointed, In many governments the officers are such by hereditary succession. In other governments, as in the United States, the officers are largely elected, though provision is made for appointment even of certain important officers, while a large number of minor offices are filled in this manner. The per- sons who have the appointing power are persons who are elected to their offices and thus represent the people in their acts of appointment. Here different degrees of representation may be observed. POWEL1] SOCIOLOGY LXXXV We wish to have a term which will signify the method by which the officers of the government are selected and the rules by which such selection is accomplished, and for that purpose IT adopt the term constitutive government. I hold that this department of government is coordinate with the others to be explicated. A representative government is one in which the officers of government represent the people. The manner by which they become representative must be in harmony with the third prin- cipal of justice, which is equality. All persons who constitute the body politic, and who acknowledge the government as authoritative and seek its protection from unjust encroachment, should have an equal voice, expressed by a vote, in the choice of the representatives of the people who perform the functions of the government. In tribal government every person has a voice in the coun- cil, and the council is also the court. The chief of the council has but one vote like the other members, but he is also the leader of the people when they proceed to carry out the deci- sions of the council. Such a method of government is impos- sible in modern civilization, where the people are many and are scattered over a large region. So representative govern- ment is devised, in which few persons, compared with the whole number of the people, become the officers of the govern- ment, or, as they are sometimes called, the government itself. This is in harmony with that principle of evolution which is called specialization, in which the functions of society are par- celed among the people, so that one class of people may do one class of things for all. The experience of mankind in the evolution of society has resulted in an ever-increasing specialization of these functions. In other departments of human activity the specialization is largely voluntary with the individual, and men become farmers, manutacturers, or tradesmen by their own will; but whether they become officers of the government or not depends not upon their own will, but upon the will of others whom they are to represent. Ina high stage of culture the right to choose rulers is held of paramount importance. The wish to exercise LXXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN, 20 this right has led to the organization of representative govern- ment. : The impossibility of continuing to realize primitive justice and primitive equality by primitive methods has been more and more clearly demonstrated with the ages of advancing civilization. The savage is willing to be controlled by the voice of the people of the tribe, with every one of whom he is acquainted, and to every one of whom he is related by bonds of consanguinity and affinity; but under the new conditions of society, where the individual man may be unacquainted with the man who produces his bread as a farmer, or produces his shoes as a manufacturer, but upon whom he depends for the supply of his wants, he finds it necessary to organize represent- ative government. All men in the nation are neighbors of every man, and to maintain justice with these neighbors representative government is devised. Here we are interested in the consideration of how govern- ments shall be made representative. This is accomplished by some method of constituting a part of the members of the body politic the agents of justice, and those who select repre. sentatives for this purpose are called their constituents. That department which I call constitutive government is the one that deals with the selection of the representatives of govern- ment in all departments. Legislative department. This department of government is organized for the purpose of considering principles and deter- mining methods by which society should be governed. It therefore enacts statutes of law. The modern legislature or parliament is the differentiated organ for performing one of the functions which was performed by the primeval council in primitive tribal society, while the other function—that of the court—is performed by another department of government. The relation between the constitutive department and the legis- lative department is pretty well recognized in the United States. We need not set forth the nature of the legislative department, as that is a subject upon which men in this country are well informed. Operative department. The third department is pretty well POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXXVII recognized in all highly civilized countries, although it is but imperfectly differentiated from executive government. [mean by operative government that department which is undergoing rapid development and which is the subject of much contro- versy at the present time in this and other countries. It is affirmed by some and denied by others that the government should operate the railroads. Already the government, in one or another of its units, constructs the common highways, but beyond construction and maintenance further operation is unnecessary. City governments construct and maintain streets and sidewalks, and some of these subordinate units provide and maintain the agencies for lighting the city. Most city governments provide water for domestic use. The nation, the state, the city, the county, the township, or the precinet provides for the establishment and maintenance of schools. On every hand there is a development of the operative fune- tions of government. The distinction which we here draw is well understood by the people, and parties are divided on the question of the wisdom of the assumption of operative functions by the government. On one hand extremists affirm that only executive functions should be exercised, and that all operative functions are encroachments upon the rights of individuals. On the other hand extremists affirm that all the operative functions of modern society should be assumed by the gov- ernment in the interest of justice. This characterization of operative government seems to be all that is necessary for present purposes. Executive department. The executive department is primarily organized for the purpose of causing the statutes to be entorced. It is charged with the maintenance of peace and order in society, both in its internal affairs and in its external relations. It therefore consists, in its personnel, of the executive officers of the government, as presidents, governors, mayors, marshals, constables, and policemen, and in external affairs of the army and navy with all their multifarious personnel. Nowhere among civilized governments is the differentiation between the executive and the operative departments fully accomplished, though the distinction is well recognized. LXXX VIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH, ANN. 20 Judicative department. This department of government is pretty well segregated or differentiated from the other depart- ments which we have indicated. Two distinet branches of the judicative department are well recognized, the one branch composed of justices of the courts, the other composed of the advocates or attorneys of the courts, who practice before the justices in guiding the procedure, in marshaling the evidence, and in calling attention to the law and the principles of law which they deem of importance in deciding cases. This side of the court is employed in the support of the interest of the disputants, both parties being represented in this manner, while the justices of the court preside over the hearing and, sometimes with the aid of ancillary juries, render a decision. While the legislature is engaged in the consideration of the principles of justice as applied to the people at large, the courts are engaged in the application of these principles to cases which arise in dispute. Having set forth the nature of the five departments of gov- ernment and explained how they may be perfectly recognized and yet imperfectly differentiated in practice, we find it desirable to make some further comment in relation to the importance of complete differentiation in these functions. The founders of the Government of the United States were deeply imbued with the doctrine that the legislative, executive, and judicative depart- ments should be thus differentiated, and it is often held as one of the crowning marks of their wisdom. When we consider the stage of differentiation of function which they found exhib- ited in the governments of the world, and consider their own accomplishment in this respect, it appears that a great advance was made in the interest of justice and the purification of polit- ical lite. The fathers of the Republic were confronted by the very general, though not universal, opinion of mankind, that a republican government would fall by inherent weakness; so they adopted measures in the interest of stability of govern- ment which were inconsistent with the principles which they avowed. Again, they had to meet and harmonize the interests of diverse colonies, and were compelled to adopt what have since been called the compromises of the Constitution. For POWELL] SOCIOLOGY LXXXIX these two reasons some things were embodied in the Constitu- tion by its founders which their successors have deemed it wise to change. Among these may perhaps be placed their failure to differentiate the departments of government to such an extent as fully to carry out their principle, and the dream of repre- sentative government which we find depicted in the writings and speeches of the fathers of the republic has in part failed. But more: At that time the whole scheme of differentiation was but imperfectly understood. It may be that some radical work is needed, but the progress exhibited in the last decade of history gives warrant to the opinion that these changes may be made by evolution without revolution. It is now abun- dantly manifest that the government of the republic requires important changes in its constitutive methods. These methods should be revised and the constitutive functions fully differ- entiated. On the other hand, the division between operative and executive government requires immediate consideration; their union leads to corruption on the one hand and to injus- tice on the other. It is the opinion of the author that the great question in American politics to-day is to complete the differentiation of the departments of government. A remark is here necessary. It is needful to discriminate between what I have here called the departments of gov- ernment and the departments as they are known as offices of administration in the national union, as we speak of the Treas- ury department, the War department, the Navy department, the Interior department, and the Department of Agriculture. These departments do not correspond to the departments of government as herein considered. Regimentation Governments are organized into a Iierarchy otf bodies. These bodies are units of different orders. The people of the United States, with trivial exceptions which need not here be considered, are naturally constituted of families in which are involved duties and rights one to another. The families of a township or precinct or ward are organized into another body politic. Here we must note that town, precinct, and ward are XC ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN. 20 names of units of the same order, although the different terms are used in different sections of the country and under differ- ent conditions. The families which constitute the townships are also organized into counties. Sometimes a city embraces more than one county, but usually the people of the city and the people of the county are identical. The families of town- ships and of counties are organized into states. Here we adopt American usage in the names of the subordinate units of the nation. The people of the states are organized into the nation which we eall the United States of America. Wherever the English language is spoken this nation is known as the Ameri- can nation. In considering this organization we must clearly conceive of its units as a hierarchy of subordinate units in the national unit, and recognize that the nation is not something different in its personnel from the states, the state not some- thing different in its personnel from the counties of which it is composed, the county not something different in its personnel from the townships of which it is composed, and the township not something different from the families of which it is com- posed, but that the people are organized in this manner by the territorial grouping of their domiciles for the purpose of promoting and securing justice, and that part of the social relations of the people are regulated by the agencies of the nation, another part by the agencies of the state, another by the county, another by the township, and another by the family. Thus rights and duties are parceled out among the units of governmental organization. Over those relations which the nation controls, its organs are of supreme authority, but it does not control those rela- tious which are relegated to the state governments, nor do the states assume to control the relations relegated to the counties, nor do the counties assume to control the relations relegated to the townships, nor do the townships assume to control those relations relegated to the families. At one period the differ- entiation between national and state government may differ from the differentiation which prevails in another period; but when this differentiation is changed, it must be done by a change in the written constitution submitted to the states sev- POWELL] SOCIOLOGY XCI erally for their ratification, in which case the constitutional majority, which is more than a plurality, must affirm. We have spoken of the organization of this nation as an example, but all other civilized nations have a corresponding organization which varies in differentiation of functions, but the same hierarchy of units is usually to be observed. In the same manner it is necessary to consider that the differentia- tion of the departments of government varies from nation to nation throughout the civilized world, and that the principles of government which we have set forth as peace, equity, equality, liberty, and justice are differently expounded and applied to governmental affairs. Hisrorics Histories is the science which records events of social life and shows the relation existing between social causes and social effects. A mere record of events is usually called annals, and furnishes the data for history. Only the history of peo- ples is usually called history, the history of individuals is usually called biography; but as we wish to include history and biography in the science which we are to characterize we shall eall it histories, meaning that history and biography are included therein. We shall divide the periods or stages of social history into savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and democracy. SAVAGERY To the ethnologist a savage is a forest dweller. In com- mon conception the savage is a brutal person whose chief delight is in taking scalps. Sometimes the sylvan man is eruel—but even civilized men are sometimes cruel. Savagery is a status of culture to the ethnologist, who recognizes four such stages, of which savagery is the lowest. Some of the Amerindian tribes belong to this lowest stage, while others belong to a higher stage which is called barbarism. Wishing to show my readers how a savage tribe is governed, I must at the outset ask them to consider the savage not as aman of eruelty, but as a man who takes part in a recularly organized government, with laws that are obeyed and enforced. What, XCIT ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 then, is a savage tribe, and how does tribal society differ from national society ? The nation, like the tribe, is a compound group of people, the distinction between them being in the method by which the grouping is accomplished. All.the people of the United States belong to the national group. They are citizens of the nation, and, at the same time, are divided into 45 groups as citizens of states. In every state there are counties, and the people of the state are citizens of one or other of these coun- ties. Then, again, the counties are divided into precincts, towns, or townships. Sometimes towns are divided into school districts, and cities into wards. And there are numerous vil- lages. Thus the people of the United States are organized in a hierarchy of groups, from the school district to the entire nation. The territory of the United States is divided into subordinate districts throughout the hierarchy, and there are at least four groups in the hierarchy—the town, the county, the state, and the nation; or, the ward, the city, the state, and the nation. Every citizen of the United States, therefore, belongs to four different organizations in a hierarchy. He has a vote in each organization, assists in the selection of its officers, obeys its laws, and holds allegiance to its authority. This is all very simple, but the plan of grouping or regimenting peo- ple by territorial boundaries is of late origin. Our Anglo- Saxon ancestors were grouped by a very different method. History teaches that the ancient Greeks and Romans were grouped by a different plan. In fact, it has been discovered that, in the two stages of culture which I have called savagery and barbarism, a very different plan of regimentation every- where prevails. This plan is known as tribal organization. Tribal organization characterizes the two lower stages of culture, though savage regimentation differs from barbaric regimentation in some very important particulars. In tribal society people are grouped or regimented in bodies of kindred. Let us first examine this grouping in the savage tribe. A savage tribe is composed of clans. Let us obtain a clear idea of what is meant by a clan. A tribe is a group of people belonging to clans; a clan is a POWELL] SOCIOLOGY XCIIT group of people having a common name. Suppose that a tribe springs from four persons, viz, a brother and a sister belonging to one clan and a brother and a sister belonging to another clan, and that each of the men marries the other’s sister. Let us call one of our clans “Wolf” and the other “Eagle.” The Wolf man marries the Eagle woman and the Eagle man marries the Wolf woman. ‘This is the first generation of a tribe com- posed of two clans, the man and his wife belonging to different clans. The four persons belong to two clans, and constitute two families. Let us suppose that each couple has four chil- dren—two boys and two girls. They will belong to two clans. The children of the Wolf mother will belong to the Wolf clan and the children of the Eagle mother to the Eagle clan, for the children take the name of the mother. This is the second generation. Then four people of the second generation and two of the first generation belong to the Wolf clan; and four of the second generation and two of the first generation belong to the Eagle clan. Thus we see that clans do not correspond to what we call families. The husband and wite belong to different clans; and the children belong to the clan of the mother, and take the name of the mother. The mother, not the father, owns the children; and the husband is but the guest of his wife, not the head of the household. Suppose that each man of the second generation marries a woman of that generation who belongs to a different clan, and that each pair has four children—two boys and two girls. These children constitute the third generation. The children belong to the clan of the mother. There are now three genera- tions of people in each clan; and every mother claims her own children as members of her clan. The head of the family is the mother; but the head of the clan is the grandmother's brother. Always the elder-man of the clan is the ruler of the clan; and the woman is the family ruler of her children. We may go on from the hypothetical beginning of a tribe through succes- sive generations; and still the ruler of the clan will be the elder-man of the clan and will govern not his own children and their descendants, but his sister’s children and their descendants. We may therefore define a clan as a group of kindred people whose kinship is reckoned only through females. XCIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 A clan always has a name, which is called its totem; and the object from-which it is named is in like manner ealled its totem. ‘Thus, in the two clans which we have considered, the wolf and the eagle are respectively called the totems of the clan. The totem receives great consideration in savage society. It is usually some beast, bird, or insect, or some important plant, such as the corn or the tobacco; or it may be the wind, the rain, a star, or the sun. The totem of the clan is consid- ered to be the progenitor or prototype of the clan. The people of the Wolf clan claim to have descended from the wolf; the people of the Eagle clan, from the eagle; the people of the Wind clan, from the wind; and the people of the Sun clan, from the sun. The totem is also the tutelar deity of the clan. There grows up about the clan a singular set of rules and observances which are rites on the one hand and prohibitions on the other. The prohibitions are usually called tabus. Thus, the members of the Wolf clan must not kill a wolf, as the killing of the wolf is tabued to the clan; but if they see one they must perform some ceremony. The rites and tabus of the totem are universal in this stage of society, and are held as sacred obligations. One of these tabus is especially to be noted: A person must not marry into his own clan. The tabu is sacred; and its violation is a horrible crime, which, in some tribes, is punishable with death. An individual is likely to have as many kindred through his father as through lis mother; and he is also likely to have as many kindred through his wife by affinity as through his father and mother by consanguinity. All those persons to whom the clansman is related through his father and through his wife, together with all the members of his own elan, constitute the tribe. Thus in savage society we have families, clans, and tribes. We have still a fourth unit. Two or more tribes may unite to form a confederacy for offensive or defensive purposes, or for both. Whena confederacy is formed, artificial kinship is introduced; and the tribes which unite agree to consider themselves related. If two tribes unite, the men of the tribes may consider cach other as elder and younger brothers, or as POWELL] SOCIOLOGY XCV fathers and sons, or even as uncles and nephews. Where many tribes unite to form a confederacy, relationships are dis- tributed to the members of the confederacy, but only after long conferences, where such questions are considered in detail. Thus we see that in tribal society men are not regi- mented or grouped territorially, as in national society, but are regimented by kinship, real or conventional as the case may be; the same end, however, is accomplished in full, that is, the people are grouped in a hierarchy of units. Thus in tribal society men are grouped or regimented by kindred, and each person belongs to at least four groups of different grades in the hierarchy. Certain things are regulated by the confed- eracy, certain things by the tribe, certain things by the clan, certain things by the mother of the family. In national society there is local government. In a democratic nation this is local self-government; and in a monarchical nation it is local gov- ernment through officers appointed by the monarch. — In tribal society there is group government, the questions of govern- ment being relegated to the several groups, and the elder man of the group having authority. In the course of generations some clans may die out, and the children be left without parents or grandpareuts: they must then be adopted into some other family. If they are adopted by a mother’s sister they are still in the same clan; but if they are adopted by a father’s sister they are consid- ered as belonging to his clan, which is the same as. that of his sister. It is thus that it sometimes happens that children change clans and, consequently, their totemic names. When the men of a clan go out to hunt or fish, to make a boat or build a house, or to do any other work together, the oldest man of the clan is the director of the enterprise, the chief. All Indians hold that superior age gives authority; and every person is taught from childhood to obey his superiors and to rule over his inferiors. The superiors are those of ereater age; the inferiors, those who are younger. It is the law of tribal society that superior age gives authority, and that inferior age imposes a duty. But the people of a tribe do not know their age, for they do not keep a record of time. XCVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN, 20 How, then, can they carry out this law? Well, they have a very simple device, by which every person in the clan may know that he is older or younger than other persons in the clan. Besides the totem name they have kinship names. Thus, there is a name for “father” and another for ‘‘son”; and the son always knows that he is younger than the father, and must obey him. Similarly the father always knows that he is older than the son, and that he has the right to command him. The same is true of mother and daughter. But there may be two or more brothers; so they have two names for “brother,” one meaning “elder brother,” and the other “younger brother.” In the same manner they have two words for ‘‘cousin,” one signifying “elder cousin,” and the other “younger cousin.” They have also two words corre- sponding to “uncle” and ‘nephew”; but the word meaning “uncle” is always applied to the elder, and the word which means “nephew” is always applied to the one who is younger. Thus in the Ute language there are two words: ain and aitsen. Ain applies to the one who is the elder, whether he be uncle or nephew; and aitsen applies to the younger, whether he be uncle or nephew. So long as the tribesmen live together in clans they have a simple method of keeping in memory their relative ages: for the names by which they address one another always express the difference in age; and it is a law in tribal society that one person must address another by a kinship term. He may speak of another by his totem name, or by any other name; but he must address another by his kinship name. It is always considered an insult to call another person of the same body of kindred by any name other than. his kinship name. A Caucasian boy on the street may call his brother “John,” but an Amerind boy in the woods must call his brother by one of the terms which show that he is older or younger than himself. The oldest man of the clan, having natural authority, accord- ing to Amerindian ideas, over all members of the clan, is their chief; and this is the basis of the patriarchy. A clan is said to have a patriarchal government. POWELL] SOCIOLOGY xXOVII Sometimes the elder-man or patriarch or chief becomes old and imbecile; or there may be another man in the clan whom they suppose to have greater ability, and they decide to make him the chief. In such a case the law is obeyed by a plan which lawyers term a legal fiction. The new chief is promoted; and then he becomes the grandfather of the clan. If his father is still living, he is compelled to call his chieftain son ‘erandtather”; if his elder brother is still living, he is compelled to call the chief ‘elder brother”; if his uncle is still living, he is compelled to call the chief ‘‘uncle.” So, by this legal fiction, the chief is still the patriarch of the clan. Not only can a chief be promoted to the head of the clan, but from time to time ditterent individuals in the clan are promoted over their fellows. A young man who proves himself to be skillful in fishing and hunting, or a brave warrior, may be promoted over his fellows, who thus become persons younger than himself and must address him as if he were older. Every year adds a new spike to the antlers of the stag. Some Amerinds call such a promotion the adding of a spike to a man’s horns; other tribes speak of it as adding another stripe to his paint; and still others, as adding another feather to his bonnet. Sometimes a chief may prove to be a coward; then he will be deposed. Or an individual may disgrace himself, when he will be reduced in rank. When a man is deposed the Amerinds will say that his horns have been knocked off, or that his paint has been wiped off, or that his feathers have been plucked. In a similar manner tribes and confederacies are governed by reckoning kinship in different ways and making kinship by legal fiction. All such governments are patriarchal. It will readily be seen that such government is not possible in civilized society. What man can know the names of all the persons living in a county or a state, or who can learn all the names of the people who live in a city, and how can one trace out the kinship of the people of a city into clans? ‘Tribal society, or kinship government, is therefore impossible in civilization, and is possible only where the group of people thus united in government is very small and the members know one another as kindred. 20 ETH—03 Vit XCVIIT ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN. 20 I have already explained the adoption into other clans of infant children whose clan kindred have become extinct. Such cases seem to be infrequent, but there are other cases of adoption which are more common. Children, and even adults, captured in war are usually adopted into some clan. Our European ancestors observed a curious custom among the tribes of this country, that of running the gantlet. A pris- oner was compelled to run between two lines of his captors armed with sticks and other missiles. This was formerly sup- posed to be a method of torture. On investigation it is proved to have had quite another purpose The prisoner was given an opportunity to show his mettle, his courage, and his ability to fight his way through a line of clubs. If he acquitted himself manfully, any woman among the captors might claim him for her child. Children ran the gantlet of children only, but adults ran the gantlet of men, women, and children. Female children were rarely submitted to this ordeal. The adoption of a captive was his new birth into the clan, and his official age dated from his new birth. If he proved himself skillful, useful, and especially wise, he might be promoted from time to time, until at last the captive might become a chief. Captives taken from tribes that are hereditary enemies and with which there have grown historic feuds, and who are held to practice monster sins, such as cannibalism, are given a fixed status from their birth into the clan, which they can not pass without promotion; for all persons naturally born into the clan may call them younger and have authority over them. This is the primal form of slavery, but by good behavior the rules of such slavery may be greatly relaxed, and captives from hated enemies may ultimately become promoted kindred. A person may not marry another of the same clan, but usually he must marry some one of the tribe not in his own clan. Before the marriage customs of the tribes of America were properly understood, a theory of endogamy and exog- amy was developed by McLennan and others, which has played quite a réle in theories of ethnology. There are a great number of languages spoken by the tribes of America; so that the terms used to signify the clan and the tribe are POWELL] SOCIOLOGY x OIEX multitudinous. The earlier writers on marriage customs in tribal society culled from the literature of travel a vast body of stories about tabus in marriage; and it was finally con- cluded that certain tribes required their tribesmen to marry women who were foreigners and aliens. This was called exogamy. Then it was held that other tribes required or permitted their tribesmen to take wives within the tribe, and this was called endogamy. So an attempt was made to classify the tribes of mankind, not only in America, but else- where, into two groups, the exogamous and the endogamous. Now, we understand that in all tribal society there is an endogamous or incest group, which we call the clan in say- agery, and the gens in barbarism; while at the same time the clansmen usually marry within the tribe by regulations which rary greatly from people to people. It seems that the ties of marriage are used to bind different peoples together in one larger group which we call the tribe, and that the clans of a tribe may at one time have been distinct tribes; that when tribes become weak, or desire to form permanent alliances with other tribes for offensive and defensive purposes, such tribes agree ‘0 become clans of a united body, and by treaty confirm the bargain by pledging not to marry women within their own groups, but to exchange women with one another. ‘Give us your daughters for wives and we will give you our daughters for wives.” Such a bargain or treaty, enforced for many gen- erations as customary law, ultimately becomes sacred, and mar- riage within the group is incest. Perhaps there is no people, tribal or national, which has not an incest group; so all peoples are endogamous, as all peoples are necessarily exogamous. The distinction set forth by McLennan proves to be invalid everywhere and among all peoples. Among the tribes of America there are many customs estan- lishing the group within which a person may marry. It may be that a man may marry within any clan but his own, or it may be that a man must marry within some particular clan. Sometimes there is a series of clans, which we will eall 4, B, C, D,and N. A man of A must marry a woman of B; a man of B must marry a woman of C; a man of C must marry a c ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 woman of D, and so on; and, finally, a man of N must marry a woman of A. Tribes themselves composed of clans unite with other tribes also composed of clans; and as a result of this consolidation into larger tribes there is found, in actual study of the Amerinds, a great variety of systems, all having the common feature of an incest group or clan, and provision for bonds of friendship, which are perennially sealed by inter- marriages. It thus happens that universally among the tribes of America marriages are regulated by customary law; and the parties married have no legal right to personal choice. Yet there are often ways established by which the clan confirms the personal choice. Though marriage is always regulated by the elders of the clan, yet they often consult the wishes of the candidates. There are three marriage customs, springing up from time to time among the tribes, which require special mention. A young man and a young woman may form a clandestine | marriage and live apart in the forest, regardless of the consent of the elders of the two clans involved, until a child is born, provided the tabu is not violated; that is, that the two parties do not belong to the same clan. There is another custom which the exigencies of life fre- quently produce. A clan may have many male candidates for marriage, while the clan in which their brides are found may have few eligible women. Then the young man may wish to marry a woman in some clan other than that in which his rights inhere. In such a ease the wife may be captured; but the capture is always a friendly one. If the girl has other contestants for her hand, she must be won by wager of battle. The battle is fought as a hand-to-hand conflict, without weap- ons other than those furnished by nature. A third custom is found, especially on the western coast of North America, where men buy their wives. This seems to occur in the case of polygamy, where the man who takes a second or third wife not only remunerates the woman’s clan, but makes presents to certain persons throughout the tribe who might have an interest in disposing of the girl in some other way. This seems to be the case in many tribes where ‘pot- latch” weddings are observed, and it may be true in all. POWELL] SOCIOLOGY Cl The possession of property which is exclusively used by the individual, such as clothing, ornaments, and various utensils and implements, is inherent in the individual. Individual property can not be inherited, but at death is consigned to the grave. Property which belongs to the clan, such as the house, the boat, the garden, is common property. No article of food belongs to the individual, but is the common prop- erty of the clan, and must be divided by the authorities of the clan, often according to some rule by which a special portion is given to the person who provides the food. Thus, when a hunter kills a deer, a particular portion is given to him; other portions may be given to those who assisted in its capture; and all the rest is divided according to the needs of the indi- viduals of the clan. The women gather fruits, seeds, or roots; that which is consumed at the time is divided by like methods, but that which is preserved for future use sometimes becomes the property of the clan. The elder-man of the clan is responsible for the training of children, and it is no small part of his duty daily to exercise them in their games and to instruct them in their duties. Thus he who Btoraes clan custom is the same person who instructs in clan custom; and when councils of tribe or confederacy are held, he is the representative of the clan in such councils. The chief of the confederacy is usually the chief of one of the tribes, and the chief of the tribe is usually an elder-man in one of the clans. There are clan councils, tribal councils, and confederate councils. The council is the tribal court and legislative body in one, All Indian life is cooperative; and all cooperative life is regu- lated by the clan, the tribe, or the confederacy. The clan hunt and the clan fishing expedition are regulated by the council; and when the clan or the tribe would move the site of its village, the council must so decree and regulate the matter. The council of the clan settles disputes between individuals of the clan; the council of the tribe settles disputes between clans; and the council of the confederacy settles disputes between tribes. Sometimes the members of the clan live separately by households; but often the clan, will build a. Cit ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 house for all its members, when the households will be rele- gated to distinct sections. It is curious to see the people dis- solved into households at one time, and at another aggregated in clans. If the clan moves temporarily to a favorite locality, where roots or fruits are abundant in their season, it may dis- solve into households which provide for themselves rude shelters of bark, brush, and leaves; but if the clan wishes to change its habitation permanently, it is likely to construct a new communal dwelling for the joint use of its members. Thus, the clan seems to be the most permanent and most fundamental unit in the organization. In the study of North American tribes it is always found that the purpose assigned and recognized for the organization of that unit is the establishment of peace. Two or more bodies go to war, and finally agree to live in peace, and make a treaty; and the terms of the treaty are invariably of one character, if the bodies unite as a tribe. The fundamental condition for the organization of a tribe is, that the one party agrees that its women shall be the wives of the other, with a reciprocal obli- gation. This is the characteristic which distinguishes tribes from confederacies. A body of people organized for the pur- pose of regulating marriages is a tribe. A body of people organized for war is a confederacy. Thus the organization of a tribe itself is the first recognition of the principle of peace in the origin of constitutions. The confederacy is always the unit of war organization. It is doubttul—in the present stage of investigation, at least—whether a tribe, as such, ever engages in offensive war. Confederacies become tribes by customary intermarriages, especially when the tribe becomes the tabu unit of intermarriage. It is thus that the three units— are variable from the clan, the tribe, and the confederacy time to time, although at any particular time these three units can be distinguished as well as the family or household unit. There are peculiar circumstances under which the household unit is variable. This variability depends upon customs which sometimes spring up among tribes, and are known as polyandry and polygamy. Sometimes the man who marries a woman is entitled to marry her sisters as they become of age. There are POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CIII other conditions under which men become polygamists, but they are not very common in savage society. In the same manner, there are cases in which the women of the clan are few as compared with the men to whom they are due; and, hence, one woman becomes the common wife of several men. This is polyandry. It is not certain that polyandry has ever pre- vailed in an Amerind tribe; but certain forms of polyandry are found elsewhere, especially in Australia, where the clan system has an aberrant development, doubtless due to the development of many tribes of the same linguistic stock, and to the spread of the same totemic clan largely over the Australian continent. Another organization, which involves all civic relations, must now be explained. There is a body of men (and sometimes of women also) who are known as medicine-men or shamans, and sometimes as priests, who control all religious ceremonies and who are diviners. As disease is supposed to be the work of human or animal sorcery, it is their function to prevent or to thwart it. They have the management of all ceremonies relating to war, hunting, fishing, and the gathering of the fruits of field and forest. It is their office to provide ceremo- nies for abundant harvests, to regulate the climate, and gen- erally to divine and control good and evil. ‘The principal shamans are men; but all the people are united into shaman- istic societies. Usually there is some determined number of these societies, over each of which some particular shaman presides, and he has subordinates, each one of whom has some particular office or function to perform in the societies. Some- times a person may belong to two or more of these societies; usually he has the privilege to join any one, and a revered or successful shaman will gather a great society, while a shaman of less influence will preside over a feebler society. Let us call these societies ecclesiastical corporations, and the shamans priests. The way in which they are regimented and controlled differs from tribe to tribe, and there is a ereat variety of ceremonial observances. In all civic councils the ecclesiastical authorities take part and have specified functions to perform; and they introduce into civic life the ceremonies which they believe will produce good fortune. Perhaps the CIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 ecclesiastical authorities may be more powerful than the civic authorities, and the hereditary line of special ecclesiastical governors may gradually overpower the civic constitution and absorb it as a secondary element in the ecclesiastic constitu- tion. It must be remembered that the chief priests are men, and that the women play a very small part in ecclesiastical affairs. Now, as the men manage ecclesiastical affairs as chief priests, so civil affairs are managed mainly by men as elder men. The conflict which sometimes arises between the two forms of government is mainly between men and men, or between: able elder-men and able shamans; but sometimes both officers are combined in one person, and the great elder- man may also be the great shaman. BARBARISM In barbarism the tribe is composed of groups which we call gentes, and is said to have a gentile organization. Among the Romans such persons were known as agnates. A group of agnates is composed of persons who reckon kinship through males. Gentile organization is best known through the early history of the Romans and Greeks; it was well developed among the peoples of early history who spoke the Sanskrit language; it appears among the early Anglo-Saxons; a few tribes in North America have gentile organization, and it has been at one time or another widely spread throughout the earth. As a clan is a group of people who reckon kinship through females to some ancestral female, real or conventional, so a gens is a group of people who reckon kinship through males to some ancestral male, real or conventional. It seems that the primordial constitution of the tribe is by clanship and that the clanship tribe is developed into the gentile tribe. Most of the tribes of North America have clanship organiza- tion, yet there is a goodly number with gentile organization, while perhaps it may be said that a majority of the clanship tribes have some elements of the gentile organization, and there is scarcely a gentile tribe which has not some feature of clanship organization as a survival; so that it may be justly affirmed that a great many of the tribes on this continent are POWELL] SOCIOLOGY eas in the stage of transition. But more than this—all of the tribes of North America have come into association to a greater or less degree with the European invaders, and have thus taken on some of the elements of civilized culture, so that the Columbian period has been one of very rapid devel- opment in tribal organization. Now, again and again we find abundant evidence that the savage tribe yields its peculiarities by exchanging them for barbaric characteristics. A review of the evidence which has been accumulating through a series of years on this subject demonstrates that clanship organiza- tion develops into gentile organization. To set forth in a summary manner how this development is accomplished will perhaps be the best method of explainig the nature of a barbaric government. In savagery there are societies which are organized for the purpose of securing the cooperation of ghosts in the affairs of mankind. These societies are often called phratries or brother- hoods, and are the custodians of the lore of unseen beings. They occupy themselves with ceremonies and various practices intended to secure advantages and to avert evils which are attributed to multitudinous ghostly begs which are supposed to have tenuous bodies and to live an occult and magical life as they take part in human affairs. Everything unexplained is attributed to ghosts. The leader in these thaumaturgic societies is called by white men a medicine-man, or sometimes priest, or even a thaumaturgist; a better term is shaman. The phratry over which the shaman presides has a special care of health and the occult agencies of welfare, so he presides over elaborate ceremonies which have a religious significance. These phratries, called by some of our writers societies, take a very active part in savage society, for much of the time of the people is occupied in the performance of the rites of thau- maturey antecedent to any enterprise of importance in which the clan may engage. These phratries which are organized to obtain the assistance of ghosts develop periodical ceremonies which are designed to secure the annual productions of nature upon which human welfare depends. Thus the fishing tribes of the Pacific coast CVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 that depend largely for their food on the coming of the salmon from the sea at particular times have ceremonies designed to secure their coming; those that depend upon cereals, like wild rice, also have their ceremonies to invoke the aid of ehosts to bring abundant seeds. In arid lands, where vegetation is so dependent upon rain, these ceremonies take the form of invo- cations for rain. Thus in every region of the United States periodical ceremonies are performed to secure harvests and supplies of game. Again, human beings are subject. to many diseases which are universally attributed to ghosts. Ceremonies to ghosts are common for the purpose of propitiating them or of preventing their malign influences or even of obtaining the aid of some ghosts to defend the people from other ghosts. Societies, or incorporations, as we have ealled them, but which are often called phratries, or brotherhoods, are first incorporated among men as religious societies on the theory that the good and evil of life are largely dependent upon ghosts. In tribal life the head of such a society, if it be a man, is known as father; in some few cases the head may be a woman, when she is known as mother. The children of such a head of a society are known as brothers and sisters, hence among classical peoples the societies were known as phratries. These brotherhoods constitute an important element in savage society, and their chiefs have on some occasions quite as much influence as the governmental chiefs. Often the father of the brotherhood and the elder-man of the clan is the same person. When this is the case, authority is doubly established. Ultimately this union effects a reorganization of the tribe itself, and clans become gentes. How this is accom- plished we must now explain. Clans are the bodies corporate for all industrial purposes. Much of the hunting is clan hunting without firearms; the wild animals have to be entrapped or captured by many devi- ces in which all the members of the clan take part. These clan hunts are important occasions when distant woods, distant valleys, or distant mountains become the theater of operations. Under these circumstances it sometimes happens that the male POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CVII members of the clan desire to have their wives with them, but their wives belong to other clans and have their households with other clans, hence on such hunting excursions the clan organization is to a greater or less extent interrupted, and the women fall under the control of their husbands instead of their brothers and mothers’ brothers. This is but a temporary arrangement; but it often occurs when the clans visit some favorite stream or seaside resort to gather and dry fish. By and by agriculture is developed. The cultivation of the soil seems usually to have been first developed in the arid lands. Everywhere in America where a primitive tribe has engaged in irrigation for agricultural purposes we find a tribal village as a central winter homestead, with a number of out- lying villages or rancherias, which are occupied by the several clans during the season of irrigation. To understand the nature of primitive agricultural industry in America it becomes necessary to take these facts into con- sideration. In every great ruin group in America situated in the arid lands where agriculture was practiced, and also in such humid lands as were cultivated, a central ruin of the habitations of the tribe is found with outlying ruins or ran- cherias. When people have thus reached the state of agricul- ture where irrigation is practiced there is still stronger reason why the clansmen should control their wives and children. Irrigation requires the management of the stream which is used to fructify the soil, and irrigation works must be con- structed. The stream must be dammed and the water carried over the land by canals; this means the construction of works that have a perennial value, and attention to the crops during the season of irrigation as well as that of planting and harvest- ing. One clan on one little stream is separated from the other clans, who also have their streams during the entire season of growing crops, and the clan is thus segregated in a little summer village of its own, and in a distinct village from that occupied by the tribe during the remainder of the year. Again, as animals are domesticated and flocks and herds are acquired, wives and children become still more essential to the prosperity of the men, for the women and children must take OV IIL ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 part in the care of the flocks. By all of these agencies the con- trol of women and children is taken from elder brothers and given to the husbands, and the practical accomplishment of this change results in a new theory of the family—the children are no longer considered the children of the bearing mother, but of the generating father; that is, the children belong to the father, not to the mother, for in tribal society there seems to be an inability to conceive of mutual parenthood and authority. In the clan the mother is the parent and owns the children, and the father is but temporarily the guest of the wife and children, When the elder-man has the authority of the shaman, he easily usurps the authority of the elder-man of his wife’s clan, especially when such authority is conducive to his industrial interests; for the same reason that impels the elder-man to this acquisition of authority impels the elder-man of his wife’s clan to a corresponding assumption of authority, so the interest of the one is the interest of the other. There may be many clans in the tribe, and all the elder-men are interested in the like acquisition of authority and are alike willing to give and take. When this transfer is made into what we now call the gens, and the elder-man or chief of the gens has authority over his wife and children, this authority waxes very great, for he has a double power—that of the elder-man and that of the shaman, and we have the same state of affairs among the barbaric tribes of America that is exhibited to us in the historic account of the tribes of the Greek and Roman peoples, and in fact of all of the Indo-European peoples. Under these couditions kinship is reckoned in the male line and the clan is transformed into the gens. The ruler of the gens is the patriarch who has a right to control by reason of superior age, for the law that the elder rules is still supreme; but the elder rules with a rigor unknown in savage society. The phratry does not become the gens, though it is efficient in transforming the clan into the gens, and the phratry or brotherhood becomes a fifth unit in the hierarchy of incorpora- tions which constitute a barbaric society. The family remains as a more or less distinct unit of organization composed of the father, mother, and children, or it may hold together as a group POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CIxX ruled by the grandfather. The gens still remains as a group controlled by the patriarch or chief who is in fact or by legal fiction the elder-man; but there is a tendency in the gens to break up into a number of households, each one ruled by a real or conventional elder-man. Then comes the phratry, to which are relegated many functions. We must now understand something more about the religion of gentile tribes. In this stage private and public religion are pretty clearly differentiated. The elder-man of the gens oftici- ates as the priest in the domestic worship, but the public wor- ship is conducted in the council chamber, or, as it is usually called in America, the kiva, which is the place of meeting of a brotherhood or phratry, and the ceremonial worship of the people is conducted in this place. Among the Greeks the kiva was called the prytaneum. Various names are used among the barbaric tribes of America, and various names were used among the barbaric tribes of the Orient. In the upper stages of savagery there is developed a calendar system by which the kiva ceremonies are regulated. The various codices which have been discovered in Central, North, and South Americ: are all of them calendars designed to regulate the ceremonies of the kiva. The kiva worship is controlled by the phratral unit; that is, by the brotherhood. The place of worship is also the place where the council of the brotherhood is held. Sometimes the council of the tribe is held now at one, now at another, of the kivas. The kiva is the general place for divination where the signs are consulted for the purpose of determining whether enterprises will be successful or not All of the operations of the people and all of the things in which they are most deeply interested are controlled by these ceremonies held in the kiva. {specially is the weather controlled, for it is here that they pray for rain or for the abatement of storm. It is here that the ceremonies are performed which determine the nature of the crops. It is here that health or sickness is found. When the individual is once under the power of a disease the shaman may go to his relief and gather about his sick bed the members of the phratry, who sing, dance, and perform other ceremonies Cx ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN, 20 for his recovery. It is in the kiva that trials for witchcraft are held. In all barbaric societies and in many savage societies there is a place for the tribe to assemble. When architecture is developed this is called the temple, but very often it is a mere plaza under the shelter of trees, where special seats are fur- nished for the brotherhoods. Here men are promoted or invested with horns, feathers, or stripes—the investiture is always a time of merrymaking, with a feast and with danc- ing—and here men are deposed. Tribal life is chiefly public life. There is little domestic seclusion; often the house is a communal house for the entire clan or gens. Nearly all hunting is publie hunting; nearly all fishing is public fishing; nearly all gathering of seeds is public gathering of seeds; nearly all gathering of roots is public gathering of roots; all agriculture is public agriculture, and all herds are public herds. The kiva is the gathering place of the brotherhoods, and here they meet not only for religious ceremony, but to pass the time in conversation or in jest. Here the shamanistic orator entertains the people, and here the men do their weaving and the women their basket work. The kiva is the general place of rendezvous. In barbarism, where all the units of regimentation are fully developed, there are families, gentes, tribes, and confederacies, and for every unit there is a system of worship, and the high priest of the unit is the elder-man or chief of the unit; worship is thus specialized. The hearth of the family is the altar of the family. The place of worship of the gens is the kiva or pry- taneum. The kiva of the chief of the tribe is usually the kiva of the tribe. But sometimes the tribe has a special kiva inde- pendent of those of the gentes and we call it the temple. The chief of the confederacy is also the chief of the leading tribe, and the kiva of the tribe may thus become the kiva of the confederacy; usually confederacies only have temples. Thus three places of worship may always be recognized in barbaric society. On the hearth-stone worship is performed by obla- tions and other ceremonies, and sometimes with paraphernalia; in the kiva worship is performed with much ceremony and with POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXI very elaborate paraphernalia, while in the temple worship is performed especially for militant purposes and is elaborate and ceremonious. I know not why four or five places of worship should not be developed in tribal society; but I have never discovered more than three, though I always discover the five kinds of worship. When the fathers of the phratries become the elder-men or chiefs of the other units in the hierarchy of govermental units, barbaric society is fully organized and savage society is fully overthrown. When we come to apply the criteria which we have set forth to particular tribal bodies, a difficulty arises in segre- gating savage bodies trom barbaric bodies, for in many instances in America we find some of the characteristics of savagery and others of barbarism. Gradually a custom has grown up among the students of these societies to relegate a tribe to savagery which has the characteristics of savagery predominant, and to relegate a tribe to barbarism which has the characteristics of barbarism predominant; in so doing we make clan organization by kinship in the female line the deciding mark of savagery, and gentile organization by kin- ship in the male line the deciding mark of barbarism. MONARCHY The cradle of civilization was rocked by the waves of the Mediterranean. Of the origin of one of the monarchies here established we have much history. In the Greek and Latin languages there is found a literature in which is recorded the development of the Hellenic and Latin tribes into a monarchy extending far beyond the shores of the Mediterranean, through Europe on the north and large portions of Asia and Africa on the west and south. Of the nature of the monarchies absorbed by Rome and of the nature of the tribes absorbed in northern Europe we have comparatively little data, but of the Hellenic and Latin tribes we have much history. By adding to this history the comparatively little-known history of the tribes that were amalgamated in the monarchies on the south, and the still less known history of the tribes on the north that came CXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 under the dominion of Rome, and by interpreting this tribal history from the standpoint which modern civilization has gained by the study of savage and barbaric peoples, we are able to reconstruct an outline of the history of the origin of the Roman empire. As the Roman empire was founded on the inchoate mon- arelues into which the Hellenic and Latin tribes were devel- oped, the literature of this transmutation is recorded in these languages. The modern European nations are in some sense the offspring of the Roman empire, and a family of these nations was developed. After the fall of the Roman empire a period of centuries elapsed which are often called the Dark Ages. History which we may not stop to recount led to what is usually denom- inated the Revival of Learning. Then the younger nations sought in the literature of Greece and Rome for the history of their origin, and they found in these languages the records of a high state of culture, especially in architecture, sculpture, poetry, and metaphysics. Thus the Greek and Latin lan- guages were the repository of ‘the wisdom of the ancients” on these subjects. To trace the evolution of European relig- ion it is necessary for us to go to its source in the Hebrew; but to discover the origin of the governmental institutions we must go first to the Greek to discover the nature of the bar- baric tribe, and then to the Roman to discover the nature of the monarchy, and from the two sources we may learn the development of tribal society into monarchical society. We must now characterize in a few sentences the agencies by which barbaric society is transformed into monarchical society. We first note that the more highly cultured tribes are domi- ciled in walled cities. Every such city is a center of culture superior to that exhibited by tribes not yet domiciled in walled cities. In savagery the custom of causing the captive to ‘run the gantlet” was early observed by civilized men, but the signifi- cance of the custom was not understood, for it was supposed to be only a method of torture. Prisoners who have long POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXIII remained in the custody of their captors tell us of the signifi- cance of the custom. Modern scientific investigation clearly reveals its nature. ‘There seems to be a desire among savage people to increase their numbers by incorporating captives into the body politic. Such captives are often selected to take the place of persons killed or captured by the enemy. Some- times the captive is required to exhibit his courage and skill by causing him to ‘“‘run the gantlet,” and if he emerges from the ordeal with honor some woman adopts him as her son. When he is thus taken into the clan, his birth dates from his adoption. He is therefore younger to all the members of the clan who at that time are living, but he is elder to those sub- sequently born. The captive may be promoted from time to time as other members of the clan if he wins such promotions by good conduct. He may thus become the elder-man of the clan or even the chief of the tribe or confederacy. There are circumstances under which the captive is refused promotion, as, for example, when captives are taken from hereditary ene- mies who are believed to be sorcerers, or who are popularly believed to be cannibals—that is, to eat human bodies for food instead of ina ceremony of magic, which is the universal prac- tice. The captive is thus doomed to perpetual youngership, if the term may be permitted—that is, to perpetual servitude— because all other members of the tribe may consider him as last born and never to be advanced in age. In savagery there seems to be but little evidence of this state; but when in bar- barism agricultural and zoécultural industries are organized, and other industries are carried on for exchange, then the labor of captives becomes an important factor in the industrial life of the people, so that captives are taken, not simply to reduce the numerical power of enemies and to increase the numerical power of the captors, but they are also taken as laborers; then labor slavery is first developed. Before this stage family slav- ery only exists. In the brief account which we are giving, what seems to be a radical change must always be considered not as instantaneous but as requiring centuries of history with its vicissitudes. Many different examples, occurring at differ- ent times, furnish instances of evolution representing only a 20 ETH—03 VIII CXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN, 20 part of the final change—one of changes on changes in the treatment of captives which result at last in changing family slavery into labor slavery. We will hereafter see how labor slavery is changed into chattel slavery. Walled cities become cities of wealth, because they are cen- ters of esthetic and industrial art. The aggregation of wealth in these cities makes them rich prizes and stimulates war, so that wars are instigated not only by current disagreements, as in savagery and barbarism, but by greed for wealth, which consists in the stores accumulated in cities and in the labor of the inhabitants when captured. Vengeance is a powerful motive for war, but greed has greater might. When men are gathered into cities, the land which they cultivate extends far outside their walls, and the animals which they domesticate are pastured on distant hills. In the stage which we are now discussing, slaves are employed as artisans in the city, and they are also employed as agricultural laborers and herdsmen in the country. Their employment in this man- ner requires surveillance lest they escape. To prevent their escape and to relieve the constant watchfulness of their mas- ters, it becomes necessary to give them many inducements to remain and labor; this is accomplished by giving them an interest in the soil and an interest in the flocks and herds, and by promoting their domestic life. Thus slaves become clients. Sometimes whole tribes are conquered and employed as clients to cultivate their own lands. Thus captives become serfs attached to the soil, and the title to the serfs passes with the title to the soil. Still the conquering city may reduce other tribes to vassal- age and require of them annual tribute, but permit them to continue in the pursuit of happiness and welfare by their ancient methods subject only to the collection of tribute. Sometimes the tribute may be in men, and is furnished to the armies of the conqueror. It is thus in monarchy that various forms of servitude are found, as family servants, as clients, as serfs, as vassals, and chattel slavery itself is common. In tribal society the integration of bodies politic is mainly POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXV by treaty agreement for offensive and defensive purposes; but in monarchical society much integration is accomplished through conquest, impelled by ambition, by which foreign peoples are reduced to subordinate positions. They may be made slaves by the greed for gold, but they may be made subjects by the ambition to rule. Such subject provinces must pay tribute, and usually the tribute- bearing people must be subject to rulers who are themselves subject to the central government, as members of the central aristocratic class. Thus monarchies are integrated through slavery and provin- cial government. There is yet another element of the transmutation which we must set forth. This is the consolidation of religious power in the chief of the central city, who is not only a king but is high priest of all the units of the monarchy. In the central city resides the centrai authority. The central tribe, in which are not included domestic servants, constitutes a distinct body politic with all its hierarchy of units, with its chief ruler who is also high priest, and subordinate rulers who are also subor- dinate priests. The subject provinces are governed by rulers who emanate from the central city. The people of the central city thus constitute an aristocracy to govern the subject prov- inces. When things are brought to this pass the pure mon- archy is developed. It will be seen that the fully fledged monarchy is a stage of society of long growth, but the steps in its growth are very irregular and often turn back before monarchical society is instituted. We have said that the emperor is the high priest of the peo- ple. Finally the high priest is fired with the ambition to become the high priest of all religions. Then comes the time of persecution for non-conformists, and then comes that cause for war which is most potent—the doctrine that false religions may be eradicated by force. Then comes the profound belief in the thaumaturgic doings of the god of aristocracy as mira- cles, and its concomitant belief that the doings of false gods are sorcery. Such are the agencies by which tribal society with kinship regimentation is developed into national society with district CXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN, 20 regimentation, where the land of the aristocracy is the home of central government, and the provinces subordinate units of the nation. In savage society the most important unit of organization is its body of kindred who reckon membership im the female line. tn barbarism the most important unit of regimentation is the body of kindred who reckon membership in the male line, and the patriarch becomes the high priest. In the monarchy the people are regimented by lands. The capital of the country of the aristocracy is the seat of govern- ment, the provinces are minor units of government, and the monareh is the vice-regent of the god. In monarchy a method of government and a consequent arrangement of society in hereditary ranks obtain. As the units of government constitute a hierarchy of control in both civil and religious conduct, so also there is a hierarchical aristocracy. Position in this aristocracy is determined by hereditary descent. Every person is born into a rank in society. The kingship is inherent in a family and descends from father to son. In the failure of lineal descent the kingship passes into a collateral line. Thus a dynasty is produced which continues from father to son, or to nephew, or occasion- ally to daughter or niece, until such dynasty is overthrown. Other members of the aristocracy are nobles of various ranks; nobility passes from father to son, the eldest living son taking precedence, and the title may pass beyond lineal descendants into collateral lines. The monarch may create new orders of nobility at will; and he may create nobles from the common ranks, and may also promote from rank to rank. It is thus that position among the nobles is in the gift of the crown as a reward for service. A shrewd monarch uses his power not only to reward men for service but also to keep up a body of persons of superior capacity to cooperate with him in sustaining the royal authority and dignity. In this manner a governing body is constituted in a hier- archy of ranks, social, governmental, and religious, with the power which inheres in wealth, the power which inheres in government, the power which inheres in the command of the POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXVIL armies, and the power which inheres in ecclesiastical domination and dignity. This comparatively small group of persons rule over the people, who are also arranged ina more or less clearly defined hierarchy of ranks, as freemen, serfs, and slaves. The freemen constitute a middle class, as merchants, artisans, farmers, and soldiers. In this class also there is a tendency to differentiate the people by their occupation into hereditary groups as guilds, so that the man inherits the occupation of his father. An extreme development of guilds results in the development of caste. In caste intermarriage between groups is forbidden; the higher castes become sacred, while the lower castes are held by the higher castes as unclean, and not ouly is inter- marriage prohibited but many other social functions can not be carried on in common. The failure of lineal descendants in the monarchy leads to disputes over the succession, and dynasties are often changed. The same thing occurs in the successions which oecur in the ranks of the nobles. Sometimes these successions become a matter of interest to the crown, so that the monarch often takes part in determining successions, thus rewarding his friends and punishing his enemies. Throughout the stage of monarchy great armies are organized, and sometimes successful com- manders arise, and such commanders are rapidly promoted into the ranks of the aristocracy. Sometimes successful warriors become ambitious even for supreme rule, and they overthrow the reigning dynasty to usurp its wealth, honor, and power. Thus hostile dynasties are produced. We have now presented a meager and perhaps inadequate account of that stage of society which we call monarchy; but the hope is entertained that the characterization has been suffi- cient to make plain how kinship society is transmuted into territorial society, while the principle of kinship with authority and privileges with the elder remains in the governing groups as an aristocratic body. CXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN, 20 REPUBLICKISM Tribal governments are almost pure democracies, if we understand by that term that leadership and measures of gov- ernment are submitted to the voice of all the people for decision. The ideal of tribal government which is forever held in view, though it may be obscured, is that of a pure democracy founded on the will of all the people directly expressed by them as individuals. When national government is established on a territorial basis, democracy is overthrown and kingship with aristoc- racy takes its place, and monarchial society is organized. Monarchical society, in turn, gives place to a fourth stage, which we here call republickism. We use the term in no partisan sense and select a new form of the word in order to avoid partisan implications. The term republicanism, as used by statesmen, of whatever party they may be, usually signi- fies a method of representative government. It is in this sense that we use the term republickism, and we leave the term democracy and also the term republicanism to be used with partisan meanings. As the fifteenth century drew to a close, Columbus, the great navigator and discoverer, became the promoter of an enterprise to sail westward from Europe in quest of a better route to the Indies, a land of fabulous wealth. For cen- turies scientific men had believed in the spherical form of the earth, but the great body of the people did not accept the doctrine. After many unsuccessful attempts Columbus at last sailed westward with a fleet bought at the price of the good (Jueen’s jewels. Instead of discovering a route to the Indies, he discovered a new world. Perchance others had previously discovered land at the north, but they knew it not as a new world, nor did they know it as a gateway to the land of fabu- lous wealth, nor were they impelled to the discovery by the acceptance of a doctrine of science. The merit of Columbus was his faith im science, and as a reward for his faith history crowns him as the Great Discoverer. The New World was the trophy of science. POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXIx The New World became the theater of new enterprise. The discovery gave to science the hope that it might prevail against superstition. Perhaps the thought that science may be useful to mankind was more potent with boon to man than the enlargement of the theater of industrial enterprise. Be this as it may, the New World became the home of repub- lics. The example of these republics has spread the egis of free institutions over much of western Europe, and the leaven of freedom works unrest for all monarchial governments of the world. The principles of representative government may seem to flourish best when republics are founded in due form, but they have an almost equal potency in reforming monarchi- cal governments. Such governments may not formally adopt republickism in terms of free institutions, but by a legal fiction they may engraft on the monarchy the substantial principles of republickism, though nominally they are governed by an aristocracy with a kingly chief. Formal republickism and virtual republickism seem thus to be competing for universal dominion, though competition may in fact be cooperation. The agencies at work to transmute monarchy into repub- lickism may be summarily, though impertectly, stated in the following manner: First, the industries of the world are undergoing transmuta- tion. Inventions multiply with the scientific thought that was born with the discovery of Columbus. Brawn is governed by brain, and brain through brawn governs the forces of the world, and thus men are emancipated from toil. ‘Through invention toil is raised to the dignity of industry sweetened with pleasure and rewarded with welfare. The invention of machinery and the development of scien- tific processes of production have had potent effect on the reconstitution of society. Handicrafts have been revolution- ized by the introduction of a high degree of intellectual skill, as manual skill is relegated to the operation of machinery to which great precision is given. When manual skill was obtained only by long practice in a restricted number of man- ual operations, it was held to be necessary to serve a long apprenticeship to a trade; but as the machine performs all the Cxx ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 nice mechanical work, the artisan turns his attention to the control of the machinery, and to be successful in its manipu- lation he must understand the principle of mechanism and the application of powers to the accomplishment of human pur- poses. The skill now required in handicraft is the skill of intelligence supplemented with universal skill in handiwork. It is thus that industry is emancipated from the system of slavery involved in apprenticeship, and a new system is rap- idly developing in which childhood and youth are taught the fundamental elements of all handicrafts in the common schools. Political economists have deplored the inability of laborers to change their occupation, seeing that the introduction of ma- chinery destroys many a special handicraft, and the laborers employed therein are compelled to seek employments without the benefits of apprenticeship. ‘The introduction into industry of scientific methods practically makes them all accessible to all men. ; Another change to be noticed is the enlargement of the sphere of commerce. Production may now be carried on in the most economic manner wherever special conditions exist favorable to production; climates may be more thoroughly utilized for the development of special products, and powers may be utilized wherever they are found under the most favorable conditions in nature. The enormous cheapening of products by their narrow specialization and by their multipli- cation through the efforts of the few who are the most favor- ably conditioned for the special production requires that the producers of large quantities of special goods have their prod- ucts distributed to great numbers of consumers, and thus com- merce is multiplied. For the development of commerce to meet these new conditions inventions are employed, and the highways of commerce are made to ramify throughout the country and throughout the world. All of these processes cooperate in the reconstitution of society by specializing industries and integrating them through commerce, and the lesson is taught in everyday lite that human success is best promoted by serving others. Second, from the primeval state of society up to that state POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXXI of society which we call republickism, tribes and nations were kept asunder by walls of language. An unknown tongue was a herald of enmity and a mark of folly, and aroused all the hate of superstition. When culture was buried in the classical languages, and when the accomplishment of the student was measured by his knowledge of these tongues, a great impetus was given to the acquisition of languages. Since science is promoted by all civilized nations, science itself demands a knowledge of many modern tongues. By all of these agencies it is discovered that a foreign tongue is not an unmeaning jargon, and language itself is no longer a barrier between civilized people. The wheels of commerce speed civilized men from land to land and they find themselves integrated by com- mon interests. There is a third agency by which the transmutation of society is accomplished. he literature of all lands is read in every land. The current history of all lands is recounted in every land. The agencies of intellectual culture are not restricted by national boundaries. Higher than all, and more potent than all, is the universal brotherhood of science by which the discovery made by one man is revealed to every other man and by which the generalization made by one man enriches the thought of all A fourth agency for the transmutation of society is found in the fine arts. The musical artist sings for the world. The limner paints for all lands. The actor impersonates for the universal stage. The novelist portrays for every fireside. The poet chants a lay to every dreamy heart. Thus the esthetic arts make a universal appeal to the finer feelings of mankind and forever teach the lesson of fraternity, and with the balm of joy heal the wounds of conflict. Fifth, all of these indirect agencies for the transmutation of society cooperate with the development of governmental prin- ciples due to the increasing intelligence of civilized men. With knowledge comes a love of justice that recognizes that rights may best be secured by the performance of duties. Forever and forever is this lesson taught by advancing culture. In the strife to establish justice through the agency of government CXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN, 20 men learn to delegate their power to representative men chosen for their wisdom. The first presentation of the true nature of representative government is recorded in the literature of Greece. In Plato’s Republe we find romance dealing with ideal government. The old philosopher dreamed of a state of society in which the conduct of government should be relegated to the wisest and best of mankind. Further, he attempted to set forth the con- ditions under which the wise men should rule by delineating their marriage relations and their property rights in terms that seem strange and even bizarre to modern thought. Alas, he did not properly comprehend the method by which the wise men could be selected. His theory of government by the wise and good became the ecclesiastical polity of the two great churches of early civilization—the Roman church and_ the Greek church, which were organized to secure the rule of the wise and good, and by both civil affairs were made subordinate to ecclesiastical affairs. While Plato thus became potent in founding the policies of these churches, Aristotle was more influential in founding their philosophies. The rdle which these two great thinkers played in the history of early civilization was profound, for they cast the thought of centuries into molds of learning, and these molds gave figure and structure to philosophy and to church polity which has lasted until modern times, when the molds were broken only by the blows of science. We have stated that to Plato we owe the earliest compre- hension of the principles of representative government. These principles we must now set forth. It is an inherent principle in society that the many follow where the few lead. Knowledge is always born of one and diffuses to the many. The annals of science are the record of the discoveries of individuals. Advances are made by discoy- erers and the world of science is dependent upon. intellectual leaders. A new thought may lie dormant until it finds clear expression. It often happens that new thoughts gain accept- ance only when they are presented by some person who has the genius of expression, but when they come to be deftly expressed they are speedily diffused among mankind. POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXXIII We discover in nature that all knowledge has its purpose, and that this purpose is its utilization in affairs of life. All knowledge must be utilized in this manner before it has its final expression which all men may understand. Universal diffusion of knowledge can come only by its utilization in the affairs of life which interest all mankind. This utilization depends first upon the inventor and second upon the under- taker—the entrepreneur. It is thus that knowledge must have a triune leadership in the discoverer, the inventor, and the undertaker, and they must cooperate for the increase and dif- fusion of knowledge among men; then only does knowledge receive its final expression which all men may understand. — It is within the province of every government to promote eco- nomic policies, and this it must do, either for weal or for woe. The leaders of the people must be protected and encouraged protected from injustice and encouraged by due reward. As their operations have a profound effect upon the progress and welfare of mankind, this effect must be promoted by the estab- lishment of justice to all. The four fundamental laws of eco- nomics for which governments are responsible are these: (1) Reward must be secured to the leaders; (2) protection must be given to leaders; (5) justice must be secured to their followers, and (4) welfare must be secured for all. The four maxims of good government require for their operation some method of securing wise and good men to carry on the government in all its departments. We have already seen that ancient society selected its leader by the methods of the pure democracy. There came a time when these methods broke down because of the great numbers of persons embraced in the body politic. Then the world tried anew plan of government by creating an hereditary aristoc- racy with hereditary kingship. This system also has failed. Now the effort to secure good government as representative government is undergoing trial. The theory of this method of government is fundamentally that of representation by election, but perhaps the principles of representation are inadequately understood. Let us try to formulate these principles. Fundamental or CXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 primary representation should not extend beyond the bound- aries of the primary units of government. These are town- ships, or wards, and the governing officers of these units should be elected by the citizens of the several units. In the secondary units, or counties, electors should be chosen by every township or ward composing the county, and they should select county rulers or city rulers where counties and cities are coterminous. In the third unit, which is represented by the state in this country, the county electors should choose the state ruler. In the fourth or grand unit, which is the nation, the county electors should choose national electors, and the national electors should choose the officers of the gen- eral government. This, it is believed, would perfect repre- sentative government. The rights and duties, or the theater of operations of the several units of government, should be defined; that is, town- ship rights, county rights, state rights, and national rights should be jealously guarded and strictly observed. History has already demonstrated that the government can not safely be intrusted to an ecclesiastical body. History has already demonstrated that the government can not be intrusted to an hereditary body. History has already demon- strated that the government can not be intrusted to a purely democratic body. The advanced nations of the earth are now making the’ experiment of intrusting government to a repre- sentative body, and it would be wisdom to consider how a representative body may be best chosen. The history of mankind has been the constant theme of the ages, because it has been the subject in which men are most deeply interested. Especially has the rise and fall of nations, the rise and fall of dynasties, and the part which individuals have played in such affairs been the theme most attractive. Notwithstanding this fact, the outlines of history as they have heretofore been presented have consisted largely of a more or less bare statement of events in chronological order. Univer- sal history has therefore been treated as annals. Special writers have attempted to treat of the different parts of history as the succession of causations, but universal history has rather POWELI] SOCIOLOGY » Cb0:9% been a compendium of names and dates. Since the establish- ment of some of the laws of evolution and the overthrow of the ancient doctrine of degeneracy, a new impetus has been given to history, and now a multitude of men are engaged in scien- tific research, having in view the discovery of the progress of mankind by revealing the causations involved. For this pur- pose the world is ransacked for the vestiges of human culture in all of the pentalogic departments of the humanities. His- torics as a science is thus disclosing a vast body of facts relating to the evolution of pleasures, industries, institutions, languages, and opinions. Hitherto we have considered only the nature of institutions, in attempting to set forth the four fundamental stages to be observed in their consideration. The course of history in the evolution of institutions is the best nucleus about which to gather the data of progress in the other departments of history. The sketch we are attempting will not permit of any exhaustive treatment. We must content ourselves with only a brief refer- ence to the evolution of pleasures, industries, languages, and opinions. The four stages of esthetic culture are well represented in the fine arts, which are music, graphics, drama, romance, and poetry. The course of this evolution we have already set forth to the extent necessary to this argument. We have shown that the stages of development in music are rhythm, melody, harmony, and symphony. In graphic art they are outlining, relief, perspective, and chiaroscuro. In drama they are dance, sacrifice, ceremony, and histrionic art. In romance they are beast fable, power myth, necromancy, and novels. In poetry they are personification, similitude, allegory, and trope. The four stages of industrial culture we have shown to be the hunter stage, the agricultural stage, the artisan stage, and the machinery stage, by setting forth the transmutations which these agencies have produced in society. In like manner we shall briefly revert to four stages of cul- ture in languages, and also in opinions, and shall attempt to correlate them with savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and CXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN, 20 republickism. It hardly seems necessary to call attention to the concomitancy of the five fundamental elements of culture, but simply to affirm that they are connate and that there can be no pleasure without welfare, and no welfare without justice, and no justice without expression, and no expression without opinion. ETHICS There is a fallacy in the reasoning of primeval man which has produced what has come to be known as the ghost theory. The notion of consciousness as a reified property independeit of the body is the first-born of those fallacies which constitute the foundation of metaphysic. But primeval man did not dis- criminate consciousness from cognition; so that the fallacy was rather the notion that organized consciousness or mind has existence independent of the body. So mind is reified and given a subtle tenuous body that can enter or depart from the material body. To understand the origin of this notion we must first dis- criminate between inference and cognition, and then realize that cognition is verified inference and that there is no cogni- tion without verification. Then we must understand that inference is the selection of a concept from memory with which to compare a sense impression. ‘The consciousness of the sense impression and the consciousness of the concept are both attributes of self. Hence inference is the comparing of a psychic effect on self with a psychic memory of an effect on self, to discover whether this cause is like that cause. It thus happens* that the self is taken as the standard of comparison in every inference. The objective world is thus gauged by the subjective world. This doctrine in which man is taken as the measure of the universe is known in science as anthropo- morphism. In the individual it is the interpreting of the objective world by concepts of self, and as men communicate concepts to one another in the race it is the interpreting of the nonhuman universe in terms of the consciousness of man. If we understand the nature of inference and its dependence on verification to become valid cognition, we are prepared to POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXXVII understand the origin of the ghost theory by unverified anthro- pomorphic inferences which produce fallacies. The fallacies at the foundation of the ghost theory are the fallacies of dreams. The notions of dreams are thus responsi- ble for the primitive doctrine of a ghost as a reified property. In dreams we traverse the regions of space and witness strange scenes and take part in wonderful deeds and have astounding emotions. That the notions of dream history are reinforced by the psychic phenomena of ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and insanity, we have set forth elsewhere. That such dream notions seem to be verified by certain phenomena of nature we have also shown, and need only to allude to shadows, reflected images, and echoes. Altogether this fallacy is deeply im- planted in the savage mind; it continues as a notion even in the minds of some of the most intellectual men of modern culture. In savagery the notion is that all bodies animate and inanimate alike have ghosts; the theory is then called animism. The relic of this theory in modern culture is the belief that all animals have ghosts, or, still further specialized, that only human beings have ghosts. The ghost theory has played an important role in the devel- opment of ethics, which we will try to unfold. In savagery, life and mind are attributes of ghosts. Material bodies are supposed to be inert, while to the ghostly bodies is attributed all action. Rocks, waters, plants, and stars, as well as animals, have ghosts. It is to ghosts that all purposes are attributed, and all powers to accomplish purposes inhere in the ghosts of material bodies. All of the good and evil which befall savage men are thus attributed to ghostly beings. Dancing, music, and feasting are the superlative joys of savagery, and the joy is an attribute of ghosts. Pain also is the attribute of ghosts. Ghosts seek pleasure and avoid pain. It is universal in the primitive stage of society to seek for good and to avoid evil through the agency of ghosts. This motive leads to the organization of shamanistic customs which constitute the religion of the people to secure superlative good and to avoid superlative evil. The motive of primitive religion CXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 is the longing for superlative happiness, and it remains as the motive of religion in all stages of culture. Religion is thus a theory or doctrine of securing happiness. The happiness desired may be in the immediate future or the remote future; it may be for time or it may be for eternity, or it may be for both time and eternity. If we are to understand the nature of religion we must always conceive it to be a system of securing superlative happiness. The motive of religion is the gain of happness, and the methods of religion are the methods of obtaining happiness. Weare now to explain what methods of securing superlative happiness are devised in savagery. Esthetic joys are the primary pleasures. Such joys are founded on the pleasures of physical activity; not the activity ot labor itself, but on social activity. The dance is the prime- val ceremony of religion; connate with it is the joy of feasting, so that both feasting and dancing constitute connate religious ceremonies that are universal in savage society. The festival is a religious ceremony of savagery. Preparation for the highest enjoyment of the festival is often found in the practice of fasting, so fasting becomes antecedent to festival. The pleasures of love naturally arise through the social pleasures of the festival and are often added. Therefore superlative happiness consists in the revelry of the festival. Days come and wants are renewed. Plenty brings joy, but hunger brings pain. The memory of want is the mother of fear. The experience of hunger is the primitive motive to industry, but industry has precarious rewards in savagery. The hunt may be in vain, The tree may not yield its fruits. The savage seems forever to be the victim of chance. The seasons come with heat and cold, with sunshine and with storm, and these vicissitudes press upon the savage a load of care and thought, for good and evil are dependent on the changes of nature. Over this nature he seeks to gain control. Primitive man knows of control only as control of motive. The ghosts of the world must be controlled in the interest of the people of the tribe. Ere he has learned to plant he attempts to allure, and before he attempts to control he attempts to POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXX1IX propitiate. He would secure happiness from the ghosts of the world by tempting them with the superlative joys of which he is himself conscious. So he attempts to influence ghosts with festivals, and to hold audience with the ghosts by charming them with the highest pleasures of which he has knowledge. Not only is the festival an assemblage of people, but it is also an assemblage of disembodied ghosts who take pleasure with them. The steps of the dance are controlled with the rhythm of music. ‘Thus music and dancing become associated. Ghosts also love music. Music and dancing attract the ghosts to the festival and inspire in their tenuous hearts the highest grati- tude. But how can ghosts best exhibit this gratitude to men? To accomplish this the forest dwellers devise methods of talk- ing to ghosts, expressing their wants, revealing their inten- tions, and alluring to beneficent deeds. So ways are devised for communication with ghosts by gesture speech and illustra- tion. In savagery a religious ceremony is a text of prayer with illustrations—prayer in gesture speech and illustration in altar symbols. In every savage tribe a place of worship is provided, which is also a place for the assemblage of the people in council, in social converse, and in amusement. Then an altar is pro- vided. An altar is a space on the floor or a table on which the paraphernalia of worship are exhibited. They consist of various things designed to symbolize the objects of prayer. Perchance the people pray for food; then corn, acorns, por- tions of animal food or parts of animals that are held to rep- resent them are placed on the altar. With tribes that collect grasshoppers for food, grasshoppers are used and grasshopper cakes are displayed. With tribes that cultivate maize, ears of corn become the emblems of desire, and ears of many differ- ent colors are selected to typify abundance. Then jewels of quartz and garnet and turkis and other precious stones are displayed to signify that the prayer is for well-matured grain, hard like the altar jewels. In arid lands they pray for show- ers and paint symbols of clouds upon altar tablets and provide flagons or ewers of water which they sprinkle in mimic show- 20 ETH—03——IX CxXxx ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 ers with wands made of the feathers of birds. Birds are also associated in their minds with the planting time and with the harvest time, and they make images of birds, carving them of wood and painting them with brilliant colors, or they make their bodies of fragments of cloth and decorate them with feathers. The birds are then placed upon perches and the perches are placed upon the altar. Many are the devices to represent animal food. The similitudes and associations which are suggested to the savage mind are utilized in this manner in many a quaint way. The “correspondences” which the sylvan mind discovers and invents to utilize in prayer speech would delight the heart of the mystic. Having provided an altar with its holy objects, the devout shaman pours forth his praises to the ghostly divinities and invokes their aid in controlling the sunshine and the storm, chanting in established forms of speech and prescribed reit- erations. As the prayer proceeds, at definite moments the appropriate symbols are displayed and symbolic actions are performed, all designed to illustrate the prayer. Such are the prayers of the sylvan man, designed to secure superlative happiness. The ceremonies are performed period- ically at appropriate seasons, and that they may not be neg- lected calendric systems are devised. These are painted on tablets of wood, on the tanned skins of animals, or on the walls of the house of worship, the calendars designating in some symbolic manner the time of the year when certain ceremonies are to be performed, the appropriate ceremonies for the time, the deities to whom the ceremonies are performed, and the characteristics of the ceremonies themselves. As primitive music has a religious motive, so primordial carving and painting have a religious motive. In like manner the first dramatic performances are religious, all designed to propitiate ghost deities and to secure their favors. When this stage of esthetic art as religion is fully developed, men have passed from savagery to barbarism. To rhythm melody is added in music, to outline drawing relief is added in graphics, and to dancing acting is added in the drama. Then terpsicho- POWELL] SOCIOLOGY CXXXI rean religion is developed into sacrificial religion, for in bar- barism the altar symbolism is further developed, so that food and drink are sacrificed to the gods. In this stage the ghost deities are believed to enjoy for themselves not only the dane- ing but the feasting which is offered them. All of the fine arts have their origin in religion, for in the worship of ghost deities tribal men seek to propitiate them and win their favors. In this effort they exhaust all their ingenu- ity in the production of music, graphic, drama, romance, and poetry. Tribal music is thus the worship of the gods; tribal graphic, in the same manner, is illustration to the gods; tribal drama is gesture speech to the gods; tribal romance is story about the gods, and tribal poetry is song of the gods; finally, tribal religion is first dancing to the gods, to which is added the feasting of the gods, and at the close of this state of society religion is terpsichorean and sacrificial in its essential charac- teristics. The practice of religion is no inconsiderable portion of tribal life, and it occupies a large share of tribal thought Here we must pause to emphasize the thought that religion has for its purpose the regulation of conduct in such manner as to secure, through the agency of the gods, superlative or per- fect happiness. Thus is the conduct of men regulated by motives that although artificial are yet profoundly potential, for the conduct which is thus instigated is held to be the wisest and best for mankind. It is the ethics of tribal men. Ethics is, therefore, a theory of superlative or perfect conduct. If we consider it as conduct, it is ethics; if we consider it as reward, it is religion. Ethics and religion are identical, the one is the reciprocal of the other. Through the stage of monarchy the king usurps the function of high priest. His courtiers flatter him as the vice-regent of deity, and he strives to be considered in this light. Often self- deceived by adulation he has a profound faith in the sacred character of his person and authority, notwithstanding which religion undergoes further development. The pageantry of kingly courts is the pageantry of religious ceremony. The festivals which are promoted by rulers all have a religious character, and the priesthood constitute a body of men who CXXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 are often learned, often devout, often zealous, and often pro- foundly interested in the good of mankind. Kcclesiasties thus constitute a specialized body of men whose function it is to receive the new born and consecrate them to the higher life of religion. It is their duty to train the youth in the nurture and admonition of religion. It is their duty to admonish and reprove for evil conduct — It is their duty to guide men in all the ways of life. When the most important event of social life occurs, they solemnize the marriage and they seek and often exercise the power of controlling marriage relations in the interest of religion; in sickness and in pain they shower com- fort and fortitude, and they bear in their hands as offerings for religious conduct the bounties of paradise. When the portal of death is open, kindred and friends are consoled, and the occasion serves to enforce the doctrines of religion. Thus religion, which is a theory of superlative conduct, employs sanctions of superlative potency. The association of the fine arts continues through the stage of monarchy. Largely their evolution is accomplished through the agency of the priesthood, and men of genius who are devout worshipers contribute their share to the advancement of esthet- ics, often impelled by religious ecstasy. In music melody and harmony are added by ecclesiastics as an adjunct to temple worship. In graphic, to sculpture and relief perspective is added, impelling the motive of decoration to the walls of the temple. In drama the mysteries of religion still constitute the theme, while to dancing and sacrifice ceremony is added The drama is no longer the leading element in religious worship, but it becomes an accessory element designed to instruct the people in the mysteries of religion. In romance, to beast fables and power myths tales of necromancy are added. In poetry, to personification and similitude allegory is added, and the themes of poetry are mainly the themes of religion. Religion itself undergoes marked development. ‘There still remains an element of terpsichorian worship and an element of sacrificial worship, but ceremonial worship is more highly developed, while terpsichorian and sacrificial worship is per- formed with an allegorical meaning. POWELT] SOCIOLOGY CXXXIII Here we raust note, as of profound significance, that the fine arts or arts of pleasure are all pursued in the interest of reli- gion. Musie, like all the other fine arts, may be made by indi- viduals for personal pleasure, but in tribal and monarchical society the motive which secures excellence is demotic. This demotic excellence inheres in religious ceremonies. In these stages of society the evolution of the fine arts is therefore wholly dependent upon religion. It is thus that religion is practiced in intimate association with the pleasures of mankind, from which it receives the glamor of superlative joy. Ethies and religion are still identical, for religion as a theory of conduct is still the highest ethics of mankind. We have yet to portray the evolution of ethics during the social state of republickism. On the threshold of this phase of the subject we must consider the réle which is played by great leaders in society. This we have already set forth in other departments of sociology, but in the department of ethics, moral leaders are most conspicuous, and by their disciples they are often esteemed divine, and especially do they rank as prophets. About their birth and about their personal history wonderful stories are told, and to their personal agency miracles are at- tributed. Among the most conspicuous of these great moral leaders, Laotse of the Chinese, Buddha of the Hindus, and Jesus of the Christians are perhaps most revered by the multi- tudes of mankind. Mohammed has a great body of disciples, though he departed from the course pursued by the others in attempting to propagate his doctrines by the agency of the sword. ‘These personages were all moral leaders who revolted against the ceremonial religion of their times, and as a substi- tute propounded doctrines of a higher ethical nature. He who would understand the principles of divine ethics must seek them in the teachings of Laotse, Buddha, and Jesus. Our civilization is familiar with the teachings of him who taught moral perfection in the Sermon on the Mount, which has been reiterated, amplified, and illustrated by the greatest thinkers, the wisest men, and the purest characters that have lived in all the history of the Christian nations. The disciples of these prophets have invoked the aid of the CXXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 fine arts, and thus the most exalted of the esthetic pleasures have become associated with their teaching. The sweetest music has still a religious theme. The most beautiful graphic has still a religious motive—that is, an ethical motive. The most thrillmg play has still an ethical purpose. The most absorbing story has still a high moral. The most entrancing poem is still informed with the spirit of truth. Music has added symphony to its methods; painting has added chiaroscuro; drama has added histrionic representations; romance has added the delineation of consequences for moral conduet, and poetry has added trope. Religion also has developed another stage which demands our consideration: Moral concepts propagated by teaching and assimilated by acception are affiliated to the notions already entertained; hence great prophetic teachers are not able to diffuse their doctrines in their purity, they can only prepagate them in a modified form. Concepts are propagated by cross fertilization, from which new varieties spring. To propagate fruits with their essential characteristics we must resort to cuttings; but concepts can not be propagated as cuttings, but only by fertilization. Thus moral concepts in the process of diffusion are modified. It is impossible in society to start a new stock of concepts. Moral opinions can not abruptly be revolutionized; they can only be developed. The past can not be ignored by the present; the present is ever modifying the past. Healthy change must be evolution, not revolution, though there is an element of revolution in all evolution. Something must be overthrown that evolution may be accomplished. The individuals of a species must die that new species may be developed, but the new species must be the offspring of the old. The great moral teachers and prophets have never succeeded in establishing a principle of ethics in all its purity as conceived by themselves. The notions of ceremony developed during the stage of monarchy were modified by the teachings of the prophets, so that a ceremonial religion was developed into a fiducial religion in which the ceremonies are considered as efti- POWELL] SOCLOLOGY OXXxV cient agencies of teaching; but the essential nature of ethical conduct is held to inhere in the opinions which men entertain. Ethics is a faith, and hence we call this stage of ethies fiducial. Men must entertain the opinions believed to be wise that they may gain that superlative happiness which is the reward of conduct. But how shall men know the good from the evil conduct? By what criterion shall men be guided in the affairs of life? Here a threefold standard is erected. The first is the teaching of the ancients, the second is the teaching of the priesthood, the third is the voice of conscience. These three authorities are supposed to coincide in producing valid concepts of good and evil. Conscience is the instinctive impulse to moral conduct. To understand this statement we must explain the origin of instincts. Instinct is to the emotions what intuition is to the intellections. Intuitions are habitual judgments of intellect, as instincts are habitual judgments of emotion. As intuitions become heredi- tary, so instincts become hereditary. The substrate of instinet is the choice exhibited in affinity. In the human mind the affinity of the several particles is organized as an apparatus of choice with a nervous system of ganglia, nervous fibers, and muscular apparatus which consists of a hierarchy of instruments of activity, otherwise called self-activity. . The habitual exercise of this apparatus in any particular method results in the production of habits which, on becom- ing hereditary, are called instincts. An instinct is inherited not as a developed habit, but as a tendency and facility to do or act in a definite manner. In common life these instincts are observed on every hand. ‘The instinct to partake of food is inherited as an aptness and developed as a practice; so the instinct to walk is inherited as aptness and developed by prac- tice. The instinctive fear of serpents is inherited as an apt- ness and developed by practice, so that children as well as adults easily acquire the fear of serpents and express this fear and repulsion by acts of fright and avoidance. The fear of fire is easily and speedily developed. There thus exists a tendency in the human mind to moral CXXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN. 20 conduct and to inhibition of immoral conduct. This tendency is called conscience. Every human being is thus endowed with conscience as an instinct or hereditary aptness to act in a moral way. There are many other habits that are instinctive, and other instincts may control the individual while the moral instinct is held in abeyance. The moral instinct, like all the other instincts, is inherited only as an aptness and must be developed by exercise. Conscience can be cultivated only by the moral sentiments which the individual entertains. The sentiments of good and evil are governed by the knowledge of truth and error; that is, the emotions are fundamentally gov- erned by the intellect, although the emotions may in like manner govern the intellect, for intellect and emotion are cooperative in every act of life. The knowledge of good and evil follows hard upon the knowledge of truth and error. In the economy of nature the intellect is first the servant of the emotional life until by its high development it becomes the master. In the ethies or religion of man in the scientific stage of culture the knowledge of good and evil will depend upon the knowledge of truth and error. Then conscience will be an infallible guide; thus con- science becomes the ultimate criterion. Ethical conduct is conduct sanctioned by conscience. The ideal of religion has ever been the control of conduct by that agency, although other sanctions have been employed. Conscience is the child of religion and evolves as religion evolves, and religion evolves as the intellect evolves. Such are the characteristics of the religion or principles of teach- ethics inherited by the moral teachers of modern times ers who flourish in the atmosphere of science. Among these there is a goodly number of moral reformers; in fact, as a class they are all moral reformers, some preaching against this evil, some against that; some exalting this virtue, others exalting that. The moral teachers of the times are more and more eschew- ing the ancient doctrines of theoretical ethics and devoting their energy to practical ethics. Theories of faith are held in abeyance to theories of practice. It needs but a few genera- POWELL} SOCIOLOGY CXXXVII tions to come and go before the new teaching of theory will be founded wholly on principles derived from practice. This will be the establishment of scientific ethies. The agencies of religion are multifarious; the teachers of religion are potent. The organization of institutions of religion are all progressive. They have not to be overthrown, but only to be perfected. We have identified ethics with religion. The teachers of religion may have erred in theories of ethics, and they may have been instrumental in the enforcement of ethical doctrines by unwise agencies. Some of these agencies have been of character utterly revolting to modern concepts of good and evil conduct. Usually the religion taught has been the reli- gion believed, though hypocrites have often nestled in the fold. The claim for superior conduct and for the sanctity of its teachings has enticed bad men into the ecclesiastical ranks. Above all, and more than all, the establishment of an official priesthood as one of the functions of government and one of the aristocratic estates has been the cause of abuses and horrors in the name of religion for which the student of ecclesiastical history must forever blush. As astronomy was developed from astrology, as chemistry was developed from alchemy, as medicine was developed from necromancy, so ethics is the lineal descendant of animism. Purified from animism, religion will remain forever to bless mankind. Having set forth the nature of ethics, it now remains to classify its subject-matter in compliance with the pentalogic qualities. It is believed that the classification will occur to every atten- tive reader and that its fundamental nature is evident. It is necessary, therefore, to state the classification without further elaboration. The subject is grouped into (1) the ethics of pleasure and pain; (2) the ethics of welfare and want; (3) the ethies of justice and injustice; (4) the ethics of truth and false- hood; (5) the ethies of wisdom and folly. It is the province of ethies to teach perfect character by pro- moting conduct governed by principles instinctively enter- COXxXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 tained as conscience, so that all acts are spontaneously good. Such conduct is purely ethical. In the science of economics we find that self-interest is sub- served by promoting the interest of others. In the science of institutions it is discovered that justice for self can be obtained only by doing justice to others. Rights may be obtained by performing duties. In the science of ethics we learn that all conduct, egoistic and altruistic alike, must become sponta- neous and habitual. Habitual conduct thus spontaneously con- trolled has its sanctions in conscience. Ethics, therefore, is the science of conduct controlled by conscience. PHILOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF ACTIVITIES DESIGNED FOR EXPRESSION INTRODUCTION The fourth group of arts in the scheme hitherto presented in this journal consists of the languages which men devise to express their thoughts. Every art has its foundation in nature, for art arises through the attempt to improve on nature. Activity, as we have defined it, or self-activity as it is often called in psychology, is the primeval expression of animals by which their thoughts are interpreted by other animals. This primeval activital expression assumes a new phase under development, when it is known as the language of the emo- tions. In fact, primitive activital expression is the germ from which all other kinds of language are developed. All nature is expressive, but activital nature is especially expressive of mind. Thus activities constitute a natural lan- guage expressing the minds of activital bodies, but such expres- sion is not designed to be understood by others; it is therefore not conventional, and therefore not artificial. Natural expres- sion must be distinguished from artificial expression or lan- guage, for natural expression is not designed to convey con- cepts, while expressions which are designed to convey concepts constitute language. Hence language may be defined as the artificial expression of concepts in judgments by words in propositions. Natural methods of activity are themselves indicative of thought which others may interpret, but when activities are conventionally produced for the purpose of expression and are interpreted as such by others, language is produced. The producer of the speech implies the interpreter of the speech, and the two by custom come into a tacit agreement or under- standing by which the language becomes artificial as conven- tional. So language may again be defined as an activital movement designed to convey thought to others. CXXXIX CXL ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN, 20 It may be well to reexamine briefly the nature of activital movement, although the subject has more elaborate treatment in my former work entitled Truth and Error. Movements in the animal body are performed by muscles. The muscles are found in opposing pairs, or more or less in opposing groups, which have the function of contracting and relaxing, and one may contract while the other relaxes, and thus originate a movement in the animal body. The contraction and relaxa- tion are produced through the agency of metabolism. When metabolism is constructive it is called anabolism, when it is destructive it is called catabolism. I suppose that catabolism produces contraction and that anabolism produces relaxation, but of this Lam not sure Certain it is that when muscles are contracted and relaxed, metabolism in both its methods is involved, so that all muscular action is founded on metabolic action, and metabolic action involves affinity, which is choice, as we have heretofore deductively demonstrated. The move- ments in animals which depend on muscular action due to the function of opposing muscles, one of which relaxes and the other contracts, we call activity. Activity is under the control of the will, for the individual animal controls activity indi- rectly by controlling the metabolism of molecules. It is thus that activity is innate in every living animal body. EMmovTionaAL LANGUAGE The natural expression of strong emotion is cultivated by man in the-earlier stages of society and likewise in childhood, so that an artificial language of the emotions is produced. Thus we have in laughter the language of joy, and in weeping the language of grief, each highly expressive of emotion. To man who already uses language in its highly developed state, it may seem at first blush that laughter 3s a purely nat- ural ebullition of joy, but on further examination he will see that it is no less artificial and conventional than the term joy itself; yet it is probably universal with mankind and is ‘an expression inherited from his anthropoid ancestor. Those species nearest allied to this anthropopithecus indulge in laughter, and even squirrels chatter in a manner exceedingly suggestive of laughter. POWELL] PHILOLOGY CXLI Of what emotion laughter is the expression in its purely natural state we are left to conjecture. Let us assume, as seems probable from the little evidence we have, that it was the expression of joy, for it has this meaning with the species allied to anthropopithecus. Then came a time when laughing was conventional, as being designed for such expression that others who heard might understand it in this manner; then laughter became true language as we have defined it. Used at first with difficulty, it speedily became easy, and becoming easy it gradually became habitual, and finally instinctive by inheritance. The nature of this process can well be illustrated by citing the case of screaming, of which we will treat a little later. Even laughter is consciously used with designed expression, as when we laugh at things which are not amusing to us out of courtesy to others, when its original nature becomes apparent. In treating of emotional expressions it will serve present pur- poses to speak only of one meaning for each expression; thus we speak of laughing as an expression or word of joy, but laughter, like all words in spoken or written language, has many meanings; in fact, emotional signs are especially char- acterized by multifarious meanings; for this reason emotional language is highly ambiguous and a ready tool for deception. Smiling as an expression of pleasure. In smiling we have an expression of an emotion, less intense than that of joy, which may best be called pleasure. In laughter the muscles about the mouth, especially the risorius, are contracted, as also are the orbicular muscles about the eyelids. The group of muscles involved may be called the smiling muscles. The smile needs no further description. It expresses pleasure in a great variety of meanings, and it is clearly seen to be artificial, whether the approval be genuine or assumed. **T set it down That one may smile, and smile, and be a villain.” Weeping as an expression of grief. In weeping tears flow and various muscles about the eyelids, especially the orbicu- lars, are involved, for through their agency tears are produced. CXLII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 The expression of sorrow is also found about the corners of the mouth, which droop. All the muscles that take part in the expression, and there are many, may be called the muscles of grief. Those naturalists who are also psychologists explain the origin of weeping in the irritation to which the eyes are subject from smoke, dust, or other foreign particles and from scratches and blows. Primitive man seized upon this natural effect of discomfort to artificially produce weepmg in order that he might express grief to others. Thus weeping became a linguistic sign, and a linguistic sign is a word in the gener- alized meaning of the term. Weeping is expressive of many emotions; hence the word has many meanings. Like all other signs of emotion it may be used in the practice of deception. Sobbing as the expression of despair. Sobbing is caused by sudden or spasmodic inspiration and is accompanied by the facial signs of grief through the action of the muscles of grief. Habit has made it instinctive, but its true nature as an arti- ficial sign is plainly exhibited when sobbing is simulated. Screaming as a sign of command. Screaming is common to many of the lower animals, both mammals and brutes; it seems to be universally used by the young as a ery for help and is thus subject to the will. In the human infant the instinct of screaming is exhibited before that of weeping. It is probable that all generations of human beings and genera- tions of remote prehuman ancestry practiced the art. In the human being it is a ery or command for relief, and is so inter- preted by every mother. Thus a cry has evolved into a word. Bodily attitude as a sign of anger. ‘The emotion of anger, which is naturally expressed by striking, has many concomi- tants. In the infant it is accompanied by kicking and the general activity of the body which may be called squirming. This general activity causes a determination of blood to the head, so that the angry person becomes red. Another accom- paniment of anger is the assumption of an attitude of belliger- ence, when the form is held erect, the hands are clenched as fists, and the arms held akimbo. With the adult, striking and kicking are often inhibited, while there yet remain the attitude and the flushed face. This attitude is a true linguistic POWELL] PHILOLOGY CXLIILE sign and hence a word. Sometimes the anger is expressed by simulated kicks, but usually this expression is one of contempt. Among some of the lower races the expression of striking is with the hands, for they are more accustomed to slapping than to fisticutts. Showing the teeth as a sign of rage. Rage is a more intense anger, and to the sign of anger is added an additional element which is earlier than that sign. Brutes fight mainly with their teeth, and express their anger by showing their teeth, espe- cially their canines; they also express anger by bodily atti- tude, and finally they express it as an artificial sign by erecting the hairs of the body, especially around the head and neck, thus causing a show of great size and strength. There remains with the more evolved man the sign-word of exposed teeth, in which the canines especially are displayed, as a habit inherited from the brute. It is thus that the more intense anger which we call rage is artificially expressed by man in an exhibition of the teeth, and perhaps in grinding them together. Compressing the lips as a sign of determination. The com- pression of the lips as a word expressing determination or fixed purpose is universal among mankind. In origin it probably expressed the meaning, ‘there is no further word to be said.” If so, its meaning has gradually changed. With this meaning it has become habitual and hereditary, so that the expression is made when the determination is made, without conscious intent to express this meaning to others; yet it is still used with this intent when we wish to simulate determination. Frowning as a word of disapproval. Disapproval is expressed by frowning, which as a sign has become an artificial word. No word of emotional language is more common or more readily understood, and yet it is not devoid of ambiguity. It is expressed by the eyebrows through the corrugator muscles. But as these muscles are used in many other signs there is an element of uncertainty in its interpretation. Many other activities are used for expression. We may mention a few more without discussing their origin. They are, averting the head as a word of disdain; shrugging the shoul- ders as a word of doubt, hesitancy, or helplessness; raising the CXLIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 eyebrows as a word of surprise; turning the eye without averting the head as a word of warning; beckoning to approach; beckoning to depart; beckoning to keep silence; beckoning not to move; nodding assent; shaking the head in negation. The principle of antithesis has been potent as an agency in the development of emotional language, as from its nature it is the expression of judgments about qualities. Qualities are always antithetic. This is one of the characteristics by which they are distinguished from properties and quantities. Dar- win, in his Emotions 11 Man and Animals, abundantly dem- onstrates this principle. In asubsequent article we shall attempt to demonstrate that the emotions are fundamentally and properly classified as feel- ings, enjoyments, affections, understandings, and sentiments. OraL LANGUAGE INTRODUCTION One method of expressing emotional language has been developed as oral speech. The characteristics of this method peculiarly fit it for development in the first stages of human culture. The organs of speech can be used when the organs of locomotion and manipulation are otherwise employed. This characteristic serves a double purpose: it is advantageous to the maker of speech, and it is also advantageous to the interpreter. In visual language the interpreter must have his attention preadjusted thereto, while in order that it may serve his purpose the maker must. also see that attention is paid. The conditions for conveying speech are superior in these respects to those for conveying visual language. Doubtless this advantage led to the development of speech in advance of the development of gesture language. With the development of speech the organs with which it is produced were evolved until an apparatus was constructed capable of making with precision the differentiated sounds of speech and music, and of combining them into syllabic suc- cessions and the syllables into polysyllabie words. Doubtless POWELL] PHILOLOGY CXLV the experience of very many generations was necessary to the production of the apparatus, and without doubt it can be affirmed that oral speech itself was developed in many of its essential characteristics during the process. From study of the speech of birds we are led to conclude that the primitive speech of man was probably exclamatory, and that the first words were designed as warnings, calls, invi- tations to mates, and other simple expressions. To these were then added pronouns which served both demonstrative and personal functions. The J, the you, and the he probably sub- served the purpose of the here, the there of you, and the there of him, for which specialized cries were developed even as they are among the lower animals. Such cries may best be called exclamations; thus the exclamation is the first part of speech. It is a verb or word of the imperative mode in being an excla- mation, and it is a noun in being a pronoun. In this stage parts of speech are undifferentiated, for every word serves the purpose of all parts of speech. Refined distinctions of thought and refined distinctions of expression were not as yet. From observations of child-language and from observations of bird-speech it seems probable that inflections or glides of the voice from higher to lower keys constitute the primitive method of differentiating the meanings of such words. Then, perhaps, adjectives of good and bad were developed, not as adjectives, but as asserters of good and evil. They were thus verbs as adjectives and as asserters. Thus pronominal verbs and adjectival verbs may have been made ere the organs of speech were fully developed for the expression of well-ditfer- entiated sounds. Words of a simple character were made with undifferentiated meanings, of undifferentiated sounds, by undifferentiated organs. Thus far we may legitimately go, guided by the phenomena of bird-speech and child-language. To trace the evolution of oral language beyond this stage we must depend on vestigial phenomena. To set forth the characteristics of oral speech it will be found advantageous to explain the evolution of its characteristics as found in the higher languages. For this purpose it becomes necessary to explicate the elements of oral speech. These ele- 20 ETH—03 x CXLVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN, 20 ments are (1) sounds, which give rise to the science of phonics; (2) vocables or words, which give rise to the science of lexi- cology; (3) the use of words in sentences, which gives rise to the science of grammar; (4) the derivation of words one from another, which gives rise to the science of etymology; (5) the significance of words, which gives rise to the science of oral sematology. PHONICS The advantage which sound possessed over other elements of emotional language caused it to be much used and thus to be highly developed. In the process of this evolution special organs of speech were produced. Vocal speech thus became universal with mankind. In the passage of air through the throat by inhalation or expulsion, sounds are emitted by means of the vibration of the vocal chords, which sounds are made in great variety by lengthening or shortening the chords and by passing the air with greater or less force. Another class of sounds are produced by the modification of breathing with the lips, teeth, tongue, palate, and nostrils. The consonants may be classified in this manner. With such a complex apparatus, subject to the will of the speaker, a great variety of consonantal and vowel sounds may be produced. In the practice of ages the undifferentiated sounds made by primeval man are gradually specialized. ‘This specialization pertains more to the consonants than to the vowels. A peculiarity is found in these consonantal sounds, for in the different languages particular differentiations occur more or less characteristic of them severally, so that a language may often be distinguished by its consonants. One language may be remarkable for its development of labial sounds, another for its development of dental sounds, another for its development of lingual sounds, another for its development of nasal sounds, another for its development of palatal sounds. Again, languages may vary in being more or less vocalic— that is, the speakers may resort more or less to the vocalic sounds as compared with the consonantal sounds. Again, there are certain sounds that are intermediate between vowels and POWELL] PHILOLOGY CXLVII consonants, and these may prevail to a greater or less degree in different languages. It is thus that the vocal apparatus of sound used to express speech in voice is capable of producing a great number of different sounds when we consider all the languages of mankind. On the other hand, when we consider the sounds of any particular language we find that only a limited number of well-differentiated sounds are used. Per- haps two or three score of such well-differentiated sounds will be discovered. If for any language we wish to represent every sound by a distinct character, the problem is more easily solved because the number of sounds to be represented is thus restricted. Should we wish to represent all the sounds of all the languages by distinct characters, so that one character will stand for its special sound and no other, the problem is not so easily solved. The characters, then, are far more numerous. Very much practice and great painstaking are required to discover the sounds of an unknown tongue. The speech of one man differs from another in the emission of sounds, even though they may have a common language. There are thus innumerable slight differences in the sounds produced in the same language by different persons, but habit interprets them according to a common standard which is established by vocal and written spelling. The habit thus formed of interpreting the sounds of the language to a conventional norm renders it very difficult to interpret the sounds of an unknown tongue. It is thus that students of the lower and unwritten languages use very different characters, because they interpret the sounds of such languages by assimilating them to the sounds with which they are more or less familiar; and there are instances in which the same person will interpret a sound as one thing and then another by its associations, and even in the same word the sound will have a double interpretation on different occasions or when used by different persons. ‘There are certain characters used to represent sounds in which this hability to misinterpre- tation is common. Such are the sounds represented by / and n, the sounds represented by p and 6b, and even by p, b, and w. In one language related sounds may not be differentiated, and the synthetic sound produced will then be interpreted in vary- CXLVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN. 20 ing ways. It is thus that the student of the phonics of many languages will always have a perplexing problem to solve. Primitive languages are widely separated from one another. As they are now found they are already evolved into a high state of complexity and special sounds are developed in every one, for the centuries during which they have been spoken ‘an not be enumerated. Some languages are more highly evolved than others, but there is no reason to believe that one tongue has its roots more deeply embedded in antiquity than another. Surely no philologist would dare to affirm that the roots of one language are more ancient than those of another. The philologist may compare a language as it is spoken now with the same language as it was spoken in some ancient time, and he may also compare a less developed language with the ancient stages of a more highly developed language. In doing this he may speak of a current language as if it were antique; but we must understand by this not that he affirms ereater antiquity for the language, but that he affirms for the methods of the lower language a state of evolution revealed in the ancient forms of a highly developed tongue. LEXICOLOGY I use the term lexicology to denote the science of vocables or words. The dictionary and the thesaurus illustrate two methods of assembling words for use. By one they are arranged alphabetically; by the other they are arranged clas- sifically with an alphabetic key. The science of words is pur- sued in both of these methods, and I call the study of words the science of lexicology. It will be seen that this science is well differentiated from the other sciences of language, although it can not dispense with phonology, grammar, ety- mology, and sematology, for the elements of language are concomitant. For dictionaries the alphabetic arrangement of words is not only convenient but necessary to their utilization. A classifi- cation of words by their meanings is a very difficult task which has never been accomplished in any perfect manner, and yet such a classification, to which an alphabetic key is appended, POWELL] PHILOLOGY CXLIX is very useful to the scholar who is careful in the selection of lis terms. A vyocable is a succession of sounds that are emitted in a prescribed order. This constant order by much repetition establishes a habit of emission which integrates the word and distinguishes it from other words. Thus an habitual succes- sion of sounds constitutes a word. In sentences words are used also in succession, but the successions are variable and hence they do not integrate by habitual expression. In sen- tences the variability in the order of expression is an agency by which the sounds are prevented from coalescing; in words the invariability produces coalescence, so that we may define a word as a succession of coalescing sounds. The degree of coalescence is variable, and the degree of the separation of words in the emission is variable. Thus words may be of more than one syllable and yet the syllables may be distinct in a minor degree, while the words of a sentence flow into each other so that one sentence may be distinguished from another, but the separation of words is more distinctly marked than the separation of syllables. In the production of words from sounds idiosyncrasies pre- vail which are peculiar to the different languages severally. In one language certain sounds will not coalesce with certain other sounds to the extent necessary to the formation of a word, but one or the other of them will be modified. Facility in the combination of sounds into words is thus variable from language to language. GRAMMAR Grammar is the science of arranging words in the sentence. Sometimes it is called syntax. Grammar is held to include other of the elements of language, but we have already seen that the elements of language are concomitant, and one can not be considered without implicating the other, and often overt affirmation is necessary. The word and the sentence may be identical units; that is, a word may be a whole sen- tence. In some languages most sentences are but single words. In the examination of the many languages spoken by CL ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 mankind they are found to differ from one another in the degree in which they construct monovocable sentences. It may be affirmed that the greater the prevalence of mono- vocable sentences the lower is the language in the scale of culture. The characteristic which we have here described has been called by various terms, as synthesis, polysynthesis, or encap- sulation—using as a figure of speech the inclosing of boxes, one within another, in the order of their size. Perhaps it will be better to use the term coined for the purpose by Lieber. He calls such languages ‘holophrastic,” and a word-sentence may be called a “holophrasm.” Bird sentences seem to be holophrasms, while some bird songs may be sentences com- posed of more than one word. In child speech we discover that the first words spoken are sentences. We may thus con- clude that the primal speech was holophrastiec. We must now set forth the manner in whieh speech is devel- oped from the primitive holophrastie condition to that which has sometimes been called analytic, but which we will here call organic. The terms synthetic and analytic are misleading in that they implicate fallacies, hence we have selected the terms holophrastic and organic as they will better convey our meanine. The organs of a sentence are the parts of speech of which it is composed. We must therefore deal with the parts of speech. In words the office of assertion is fundamental. This office is often called predication. Attempts have been made from time to time to group the things which can be asserted or predicated, and they have been called predicaments. In that stage which we have reason to believe to be universal in the lowest culture all the offices of words are performed by one holophrasm. I say to an offender, ‘‘Go!” I mean by the expression, You, the offender, and I further mean to assert a command that he leave my presence. All of these things are implied in the word go. The word come may thus be used. So we may use a great variety of imperative verbs. In like manner all eyecneee may be used. In savage languages POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLI adjectives may be conjugated as verbs in the different voices, modes, tenses, numbers, and persons. We have in English many so-called verbs which are in fact adjectives used as verbs in this manner. Participles and adjectives are one in office; only difference in office constitutes different parts of speech. In all verbs the office of assertion still remains in the words. Words which still retain this office are called verbs, whether they express action or not; that which is essential to the part of speech which we call a verb is the office which it performs as an asserter. When the verb fo be is used as an asserter it is a more fully differentiated verb. All other verbs are less differ- entiated, for they perform other offices in a greater degree. In the expression “I hear,” hear is both an asserter and an adjective. The two offices may be differentiated by using two words, “I am hearing,” am being the asserter and hearing the adjective. Even yet am is not a fully differentiated asserter, for am also conveys the idea of first person, singular number, and present tense. The degree to which the offices of words are specialized is variable in different languages, and it is also variable in differ- ent ways of expression found in the same language. The verb often contains in itself the elements of the holophrasm, which may or may not be repeated in the sentence, when the verb is said to agree in such characteristic with its subject or even with its object, using these terms in their grammatical sense. This is a characteristic of the classical languages. Such tongues give duplicate expression to ideas, and hence require duplicate efforts of thought and expression. The evolution of modern languages out of languages in which holophrastic methods prevail has as its essential motive economy of thought and speech. This is obtained by the atrophy of methods of agreement. When number is expressed in the noun, in the adjective, and also in the verb or asserter, the number must be considered three times and expressed three times. The greatest economy is yet not all told. When such methods of expression are replaced by organic methods, and only one word is used to express the number, it is found that in the vast majority of cases the purpose of the speaker is CLII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN, 20 better accomplished by omitting to express the number. It is thus that in a perfectly developed organic language it is pos- sible for the speaker to give his attention exclusively to the expression of the thought desired, and he need not detain the locution to consider and express multifarious inconsequent details. Why should a person in speaking of a ship be com- pelled to think of its number, its gender, and its case every time he uses the word, or the verb with it, or the adjective with it, when such particulars are of no consequence in the narrative ? The varying of forms of words to express particulars about the thing of which the word is a name is called inflection. The classical languages are thus highly inflected. The mod- ern languages which have developed from the classical stage are more thoroughly organic. Yet men with linguistic super- stitions mourn the degeneracy of English, German, and French without being aware of the great improvement which has been made in them as instruments for the expression of thought. All words are names, and names are used in sentences for the purpose of making assertions. A sentence consists of a subject, an asserter, and an object. The subject is that of which something is asserted. The object is that which is asserted of the subject, and the asserter is that which predi- cates the object of the subject. In the science of language subject and object are terms used in a different sense from that in which they are used in psychology. Sometimes the sentence is said to be composed of subject and predicate, in which case the asserter and the objeet are considered as one; but this habit involves an error in the discrimination of the offices of words. It is fundamental to the sentence that the three offices should be performed. The offices of words in sentences, as distinguished from their meanings, are as subject, asserter, and object; but as we call the asserter a verb we may say that the primary parts of speech are subject, verb, and object. Then there are subor- dinate parts of speech. The subject may be qualified, limited, or defined; we shall call the words which perform this office adjectives. The verb may also be qualified, limited, or de- POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLIIL fined; that is, the assertion may be affirmative, negative, or conditional; we shall call the words which perform this office modals. Again the object may be qualified, limited, or de- fined; we shall call the words which perform this office adverbs. Thus the six parts of speech are the subject, verb, object, adjective, modal, and adverb. The grammars of the higher languages have hitherto been constructed on the theory that the classical languages were the proper standard of comparison, but in English certainly there is a tendency to construct grammar on the theory that the standard of comparison must recognize the subject, the asserter, and the object, which are then treated as defined or modified by subordinate elements. Already this change has made much progress, for practical teachers find that the elements of grammar when considered in this manner are far more simple and lend themselves better to intelligent instruction. ETYMOLOGY Etymology is the science of the derivation of voeables or spoken words. Human cries are probably the elements from which words are derived, and words have been evolved there- from by the gradual differentiation of specialized sounds as the apparatus of speech has been developed. : That words may serve the purpose for which they are designed in expressing concepts they must be enunciated by the speaker and heard by the person addressed. In making and receiving the sounds of speech the persons who are in daily association cooperate, so that the development of speech is a demotie process, for words must not only be spoken but heard, and they must be informed with thought if they convey thought. In tribal life, which is the earliest society, the tribe constitutes the body of persons by whom a language is developed. We shall hereafter see that in this state an intertribal lan- guage is evolved which involves other methods of speech not produced by the vocal organs. This intertribal language is gesture speech. Gesture speech thus seems to be the normal language for intertribal communication so long as_ tribes remain distinct. CLIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 In the evolution of social groups one tribe coalesces with another. Some tribes develop their numbers to such an extent that they fall apart and no longer actively cooperate in the development of oral speech. The coalescing of distinct tribes or of fragments of distinct tribes is one of the great agencies in the evolution of language. Distinct tongues render mutual aid in the process. The language originating in this manner is compounded, and a wealth of synonyms is produced which readily take on specialized meanings highly advanta- geous, particularly to people who extend over a wide area of country in search of food or impelled by a desire for barter, and especially is it advantageous for tribes or portions of tribes that migrate to new habitats. In early society migration is a potent agency in the evolution of language. New scenes origi- nate new thought, and new thought promotes new expression, and the new expressions are most readily learned from new tongues. It is thus that the vocables of a language are multiplied as synonyms by the coalescing of distinct languages, which words ultimately have specialized meanings. This process has been continuous among mankind. Small tribes have become great. tribes, and tribes have become nations, and nations have been absorbed by nations until the multitudinous tongues spoken in savagery have been greatly reduced in number and the tongues spoken by the developed nations of civilization have become few in number. This is the grand factor in the evolution of language, thoroughly attested by the history of civilization, for the tribes of savage and barbaric people are found with a much greater diversity of tongues than the peoples of civilization. New thoughts come with advancing culture. The words by which the new concepts are expressed may be new words from new languages, but often, and perhaps usually, the new thoughts are expressed by the old words. It is a slow process by which the new thoughts are expressed by differentiated words derived from distinct tongues. When new meanings are desired, some modification of the old words is made. In this manner one word is derived from another. Languages integrate by coalescing and differentiate words as parts of speech by derivation. POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLV With advancing thought new concepts arise. For these new concepts new words may be coined, or the synonyms of coales- cing languages may be used; but the usual method is to use an old word with a new meaning; this leads to duplicate mean- ings of words. In every language words have many meanings. If the words of the English language were multiplied so that one word should have but one meaning, and if syhonymous words were reduced so that one meaning should be expressed only by one word, still the number of words in the language F1Ve would be multiplied several fold. Duplicate meanings Y rise to ambiguities, for the speaker may use a word with one meaning and the hearer may interpret it with another. There is a mechanical habit of using words by which many fallacies are produced in logic. That pseudo-science which is known as formal logic is provocative of these fallacies, for formal logic is a system of reasoning with words rather than with things. When we remember the number of distinct meanings with which words are conventionally endowed, it is not surprising that such fallacies should spring up; but it is surprising that they should be used from generation to generation and from century to century, so that fallacies of antiquity should still survive. The rules for deriving one word from another differ in the different languages, but the method of deriving one word from another is universal. There is a mnemonic advantage in knowing the derivation of a word. Wishing to express ideas, the words are more easily recalled for deft expression through the laws of association, and words which are unfamiliar may be recognized by recognizing the elements of which they are compounded. In the early history of the European nations the literature of Hellas and of Rome played an important part in human culture, for the Latin and Greek languages were the reposito- ries of the thought to which scholarly men most resorted, and learning itself was dependent on these languages; so that learning was often considered as the acquisition of the lan- guage rather than as the knowledge of the thought contained in the literature of the language. CLVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 In the derivation of new terms with the progress of culture, resort was had to these classical languages for the new terms which were needed, and scholars developed a system of rules which were expressed or implied as regulations for the deriva- tion of new words. One of these rules was a prohibition upon the compounding of words from the elements of two languages; thus Greek and Latin elements should not be compounded in one word. As many of our words are not immediately derived from Greek or from Latin, the same rule was sought to be enforced with them all, and the words not compounded with the authority of these conventions were considered to be barbarous or unscholarly. Most new words are not produced by scholars, but by the common people in everyday speech, and thus a commonplace dialect is produced which scholars are ultimately forced to adopt in order that they may be popularly understood. Yet there is a sentiment, whether well-founded or not, against the coining of new terms from other tongues than the Latin and the Greek, and against the mixture of different linguistic roots. Sometimes these conditions are carried so far that the new term must be made according to the methods practiced in the Greek or the Latin at some particular time in the history of those languages. Comparing those languages which exhibit the most highly differentiated parts of speech with the languages of savagery, we are able to discover the course of evolution in the past, and we may with some confidence predict their further evolu- that is, the nature of the ideal language to which all languages are tending. The vast tion and even surmise the outcome integration of tongues which has already been accomplished tells of a time when there will be but one human language as oral speech, and the state which will be reached in the special- ization of parts of speech may be stated as a surmise in the following way: There will be primary and secondary parts of speech. The primary parts of speech will be the subject, the verb, and the object, which will be distinguished as words. The secondary elements will be definers. The definers of the subject will be adjectives, which will be words, phrases, or subordinate sen- POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLVIL tences. There will be modals to define the asserters for the purpose of distinguishing affirmation and uegation and all conditional modes of assertion; these modals will be words, phrases or sentences. There will be adverbs to define the objects; these also will be words, phrases, and sentences. We may conjecture that to such a stage the parts of speech will be differentiated, guided by the motive for economy in thought and expression. SEMATOLOGY Sematology is the science of the signification of oral words and sentences. In considering this subject it becomes neces- sary not only to consider the significance of words, but also the development of the significance. ‘Words are signs of ideas,” or, as we say, words are signs of concepts. It is funda- mental that we recognize bodies as such by their properties, and cognize properties as good or evil for our purposes as qualities. The nascent mind speedily learns by experience that different properties inhere in the same body. ‘The mind thus posits or implicates the existence of one property when it cognizes another. The bodies of the world are cognized by the use of the five senses, every one of which primarily deals with a special property. The senses in highly developed man, though fundamentally devoted to a distinct property, have become highly vicarious, so that one sense seems to cognize all of the properties. The origin of this vicarious action of the senses is founded on the concomitancy of properties, for in cognizing a property we recognize other properties. In the developed mind every act of cognition is also an act of recog- nition; it is an act of cognizing one property and of recognizing others. This may be stated in another way: When we cognize a property we implicate the existence of other properties. All this has been set forth in another volume, but it requires restating here that we may properly understand how the meanings of words are produced. The first words were calls, then came demonstratives, then adjectives of quality followed. Things were called by such names as “the sweet,” ‘the bitter,” “the high,” ‘the low,” “the fierce,” ‘the gentle”’—so the qualities were parceled out to CLVIIT ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 things as their names. Researches in the etymology of the lower languages to discover the roots of words seem to lead to this conclusion. Not only were bodies named by their quali- ties, but properties also were named by their qualities. As eradually the qualities of things were discovered, quality names were differentiated; then property names were differen- tiated, and then the names of bodies themselves were differ- entiated. In savagery every property is known as a quality and is called by a quality name. Even the sunset is read as a beautiful color, a hue of rejoicing, instead of as the result of the rates of vibration revealed to the scientific student of light. Properties are known as qualities in savagery. Various properties are found in the same body, and the names by which they are called may stand for the body itself. Thus every body may have a variety of names depending on its properties conceived as qualities. The discovery of this characteristic is the first contribution made to the science of language through the study of ethnic or tribal languages. Max Miiller, with characteristic deftness and scholarship, was, so far as 1 know, the first to clearly propound this doctrine. He seems to have derived it from a study of the appellations of the deities. Surely it was Max Miiller who caused it to be accepted as a law of philological science. The same deity can be invoked by many names, and can be praised in varied speech; and when another god is addressed, many of the same terms can be employed. The substrate of this custom is found in the concomitaney of qualities and properties. Every god in sav- agery is the wisest and the best betimes, and every god has superlative attributes. The evolution of the meanings of words must first be considered as a development in knowledge by the discovery of new qualities, and new properties must be considered as qualities, because of their concomitancy. In primitive society the discovery of new bodies is ever in progress by a law of mind. As they are discovered they are atiiliated to those already known and described in terms of the known. When experience finds it desirable to discrimi- nate, the terms of expression are gradually differentiated, and thus new methods of speech arise. In savage society the tend- POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLIX ency is to produce a holophrasm by modifying the old. Asa linguistic phenomenon, classification is thus an agency for the development of speech. By classification the same body may have different names. Thus, while the same body may have different names by reason of its different properties, it may also have different names by reason of the different classes to which it belongs in the hierarchy of classes. In this manner names are greatly multiplied. Again, by evolving culture, things previously unused come to be utilized and are given names which also signify their uses, so that names are multiplied by utilization. Meanings undergo corresponding evolution; the impulse for different meanings becomes the impulse for differ- ent names. This is general; the purpose gives rise to the expression. The confusion which arises from the failure to distinguish consciousness from cognition, or the workings of the mind due to the organization of the nervous system from the substrate of mind as exhibited in all bodies even without organization, led to the theory of ghosts. This theory, which has also been called animism, induced savage men to personify all bodies. The personification in savagery was developed into similitude which is fully evolved in barbarism. In this stage of society a multitude of similitudes are found which in a later stage give rise to allegory, a variety of which is parable, and finally allegory is developed into trope. The meanings of words are multiplied by this agency, for the same word may have different tropic meanings, or, as it is often expressed, words may have figurate meanings. The giving of words figurate meanings is founded on the concomitancy of properties, and is developed in a multitude of ways all through the course of culture until it appears in the highly developed language as trope. Here we may pause to note the fallacies of reasoning which are developed by the figurate meaning of words—fallacies so subtle that, although discovered by the ancient philosophers, who failed not to give their warning, they have yet been the bane of logic exemplified in all metaphysical literature. Form is the Anglo-Saxon term by which internal structure is desig- CLX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 nated, but as the internal structure gives rise to the external shape, both structure and shape are expressed by the term form. A spoken word is a succession of sounds. By a figure of speech we speak of the spoken word as a form, meaning thereby a succession which is an element of time, not of space. This usage is convenient, but it must be carefully distinguished when we reason, for the confusion which arises when a time succession is confounded with a spacial series is such a fallacy in science as to be disastrous. In psychology contiguity in time and contiguity in space are often confounded, especially in the discussion of the laws of memory. The term form is sometimes used with a figurative meaning in other ways, as when we say “the form of an argument,” meaning thereby the constitution of an argument, or the order in which the averments occur. In this sense every argument it is the form of has a form; but it is not the form of space succession or time. When the argument is committed to writ- ing, the letters may have forms as the sounds have succession; but the letters not only have forms, they also have succes- sions. In the same mainer written sentences have forms as well as successions. In this fact there is another source of obscuration in the use of the term form. Rightly understood it is proper, but if neglected it is a source of fallacy. In phi- losophy it is better to use the term form only to express strue- ture and shape as they are found in space. The story of the confusion of meanings in the use of the term form is yet but imperfectly told, for there are many derivatives of the word, as formation and formative. We may use the verb to form in any of the senses of ‘to make,” “to produce,” or “to generate.” Sometimes we may be consider- ing only the spacial form, but when we are considering some other topic the word is used in a sense which may give rise to confusion. I may combine oxygen and hydrogen and_pro- duce water, and i may say that oxygen and hydrogen form water, when I mean that they produce water, or that the com- bination of the two substances results in water. The use of the term in this manner is convenient and rarely leads to mis- apprehension; but when in science we use the term form out of POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLXI its spacial significance, philosophy is apt to degenerate into metaphysic. We might go on to set forth the use of form and its deriva- tives in other senses than that of spacial form, and still the subject would not be exhausted—not even in a great tome. Words in English derived from languages other than the Anglo- Saxon are subject to the same confusion of meaning. Mor- phology is the science of form, and yet the term is used as the name of a journal which deals mainly with the genesis and evolution of plants and animals, and which treats of the forms of plants and animals in but comparatively insignificant degree, for it is devoted mainly to the genesis of function. Metamorphosis is used not only to signify change of form, but also the change of all other properties. This habit of using words with figurative meanings leads to bad reasoning. Spencer, in the first volume of The Principles of Ethics, presents a masterly chapter on the relativity of pains and pleasures. Here, in the use of the term absolute, he dis- tinguishes it from the relative by properly implying that what is relative must also be absolute. The same act is absolute as an act, though relative in its consequences. Subsequently in his work Spencer sometimes uses absolute in another sense. Thus he speaks of “absolute ethics,” mean- ing thereby conduct perfectly or superlatively ethical, and he uses the term “relatively ethical” to mean imperfectly ethical. No harm would be done by the use of the words in this manner did he not use a doctrine which he had previously developed about the absolute and the relative in ethics, as if he had demonstrated the same doctrine about the perfect and the imperfect in ethics; hence his consideration of perfect and imperfect ethics is vitiated. Please permit the expression of an opinion about the origin of a fundamental fallacy in Spencer’s Principles of Ethics: He fails to discover the true nature of ethics and its origin in religion, primarily by the failure to discriminate between perfect and imperfect on the one hand, and absolute and rela- tive on the other; hence he confounds ethics with justice. The principles of justice are evolved under the sanctions of 20 ETH—038——xXI CLXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 legal punishment, while the principles of ethics are evolved under the sanctions of conscience. Of course a discrimination of words must follow upon the discrmination of meanings, but the habit of using words with different meanings is apt to prevent the proper evolution of concepts. Knowledge increases by the discovery of new bodies, new properties, and qualities. As new concepts are added in this manner, new methods of expression must be coined. The first method is by asserting the existence of the new thing; after a time the new thing is given a name. It is the habit of modern science to give this new name at the time of the dis- covery, but in work-a-day life this is not common, and a name must be developed by experience. We have next to describe a method of developing the mean- ings of words which has not only been universal but has also been very efficient. This method has been called a “disease of language.” When a fog settles over the coast, it may some- times be seen as a cloud of moving vapor; at other times it may be seen to descend as fine drops of rain, when it is described as a “long-stemmed” mist by seafaring folk. In the same man- ner I have heard the shower which is composed of very large drops of rain to be described as a “long-stemmed” storm. Let this method of expression become habitual to a people and the term long-stemmed will become an adjective descriptive of storms. Then the different words will coalesce and drop some of their sounds, and there will be an adjective descriptive of storms as ‘“long-stemmed.” Again, a storm of rain may be called a ‘“long-stem,” and the connotive meaning may be lost and the denotive meaning remain in common comprehension. I have known sailors to speak of a storm as a ‘“long-stem.” It is reasonable to suppose that the term long-stem might be used in this manner: As.we may say of a man who is char- acterized by his fits of anger that he is a ‘‘storm,” so we miglit say of such a man that he is a “long-stem,” until an angry man might habitually be called a “long-stem.” The “disease of language,” as it has been called, is thus the specialization of sentences into words, and the use of connotive terms as denotive terms. Literary men are forever giving new meanings to old words. POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLXIII Lang, in the first volume of Myth, Ritual, and Religion, says, “Tt is ‘a far cry’ from Australia to the west coast of Africa.” We have only to suppose that the term cry becomes a measure of distance as the term foot was developed, and that the term be used only in this sense, while other synonyms are used in what is now the ordinary sense, and we have a fine illustra- tion of this phenomenon. What has been called a “disease of language” is the substi- tution of a word to express a new meaning and the atrophy of the old meaning. THE ARYAN PROBLEM In the study of the languages of the earth we find in a general way that the more primitive the culture of the people the fewer are the people who speak a common tongue and the greater are the number of distinct tongues. By a world-wide review of this subject we reach the conclusion that every tribe in the beginnings of human speech spoke a distinct language. We can not pause to completely assemble the data on which this conclusion is founded, but it seems that a language as an art of expression was originally developed by every distinct body politic. The persons who habitually associated as a body of kindred developed a language for themselves. Thus in thought we have to view an ancient condition of languages when every tribe had a tongue of its own and hence that the number of languages was approximately equal to the number of tribes. Languages thus commenced as a babel of tongues. If we investigate the modern development of any one of the languages of higher civilization we find its elements to be compounded of many diverse tongues. What we know by historical evidence we are compelled to infer as true of all existing languages, and in fact no language—not even that of the most savage tribe can be intelligently studied without discovering evidence of its compound character. We must now call attention to the process of evolution of languages in which they are integrated—that is, they are for- ever becoming fewer in number. They do not multiply by evolution; they integrate. With this process of evolution, languages forever differentiate more thoroughly specialized CLXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 tongues; they also differentiate more thoroughly specialized parts of speech, and they also integrate and differentiate mean- ings. The process of evolution in language, therefore, is the integration of distinct languages and the differentiation of more specialized elements. Many of the nations of Europe and America speak lan- guages which are held to be cognate, and thus most of the more highly developed languages of the earth are said to belong to one family. These tongues are called Aryan. Lin- guists have devoted great labor and profound scholarship to the task of discovering a primitive Aryan speech on the theory that this supposeel ancient common speech has been differen- tiated into the tongues of the Aryan nation, the theory being that of a single people inhabiting some limited locality in Europe or Asia. Opinions that were held of the degeneration of mankind gave rise to the theory, and scholars began the research by assuming degeneracy of speech, and by assuming the multiplication of tongues with the lapse of time. Research which has been pursued with so much labor and learning has failed to discover either the land or the people, but has for- ever resulted in the discovery of more and more diverse ele- ments in the speech of the Aryan nation until few scientific linguists remain to speak of the separation of the Aryan tongues. The course of history has been continuous in the integration of languages, and no language can be found at the present time that is not a compound. Through this compounding of lan- guages many tongues of to-day have common elements, and the higher the language the more diverse are the elements that have been incorporated. Yet men will still seek to solve the Aryan problem! GESTURE LANGUAGE Gesture language, like oral language, has it foundation in natural expression and emotional language. In the earlier his- tory of speech it was ancillary thereto, and yet as language it remained more rudimentary and hence it retained more of the characteristics of natural expression. As tribes developed speech independently, every one for itself, gesture language, POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLXV which still retained many of the characteristics of natural language, became a means of communication between tribes having diverse tongues. The gestures themselves, though remaining largely natural, gradually became somewhat developed conventionally. Notwithstanding these artificial elements, gesture language in all history has been character- ized by great crudity, and it largely resembles emotional lan- guage because both of them are akin to natural language. The gesture language which is found in tribal society was replaced by written language, as we shall hereafter show; but new gesture languages have from time to time been devised for use by those unfortunate people who have been born deaf or who have by disease been rendered deat. Therefore the nature of gesture speech is learned from the study of two distinct exam- ples—the languages of intertribal society on one hand, and the modern languages of deaf-mutes. While intertribal languages are founded on natural expres- sion, and while some of the deaf-mute languages also are founded on natural expression, others of the latter have a more highly artificial or conventional structure. When the sounds of spoken words are represented by manual signs, or the let- ters of the alphabet are represented by finger-wrought signs, then gesture language itself consists of signs for signs, the vocal signs themselves standing for concepts. This form of gesture speech is therefore very highly conventional. It is not consonant with our present purpose to further enlarge on this topic; it is necessary only for us to mention gesture language as one of the pentalogic series that the com- plete series may be exhibited. WritTeEN LANGUAGE Modern written languages differ from speech in that sounds are represented by letters. Letters, therefore, are signs for signs. When we study the history of the origin and growth of written language we find that it does not always use the method of representing sounds by written characters. In the Chinese, for example, the written characters have no reference to sounds as sounds are analyzed in phonics. Thus the Chi- nese have no alphabet. When we come to investigate the CLXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 origin of alphabets we are led into a vast field of research in which we find that alphabets have a long history as picture writings anterior to their development into alphabets. In tribal society all written language is picture writing, used mainly for religious purposes. The pristine picture writing was a means of communication with the gods and a method of record necessary for the proper observance of religious cere- monies, and especially of the time when such ceremonies should be performed. Thus the chief picture writings of tribal society are calendric. In the lower stages of society, when spiritual properties are held to live a distinct existence from the other properties of bodies, so that animism universally prevails, then ghosts are invoked for the purpose of gaining their assistance in the affairs of human life. The oldest differentiated calling in society is that of the shaman communicating with ghosts. He who makes a profession of a man who is supposed to have skill in ability to communicate with ghosts is called in various lan- guages by various terms that we now translate as shaman—a term derived from the early study of the Africans along the Guinea coast. The shaman is thus a man who claims to hold linguistic intercourse with ghosts. The shamanistic profession is practiced in every tribe, and it is through invention by sha- mans that picture writing was devised, and it is further through their invention that picture writing was developed into alpha- betic writing. It will be equally interesting and instructive to contemplate the origin of picture writing. It is common in savage society to hold periodical festivals with fasting, feasting, music, danc- ing, dramatic performances, and athletic sports on the occasion of making invocation for abundant harvests. There are many other oceasions for like festivities with all their accompani- ments. One example will suffice to set forth the nature of the picture writing displayed on these occasions, and we will select for this purpose a calendric festival of rejoicing after the harvest-home which is also a prayer for future good harvests. The festival to which I am now to refer was continued through several days. At one time the shaman and the mem- POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLXVII bers of the shamanistic society over which he presided were gathered in a kiva or underground assemby hall where mid- night prayers were made for abundant crops. On this occasion the customary altar was arranged with the paraphernalia of worship. Among other things were wooden tablets on which were painted the conventional picture writings for clouds and lightning, below which were the conventional signs for rain- drops, and below the raindrops the conventional signs for growing corn. In order more fully to understand these picture writings we will mention some of the other objects placed on the altar. There were wooden birds painted and placed on perches; there was a ewer of water about which ears of corn were placed; there was a case of jewels—crystals of quartz, frag- garnets; then there was a bowl of honey upon the holy altar. When the shaman prayed he asked that the next harvest might be abundant like the last; he prayed that they might have corn of many colors like the corn upon the altar; he prayed that ments of turkis, fragments of carnelian, and small the corn might be ripened so as to be hard like the jewels upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be sweet like the honey upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be abundant for men and birds, and that the birds might be glad, for the gods love the birds represented upon the altar as he loved men. Then he prayed that clouds would form like the clouds represented upon the altar, and that the clouds would flash lightning like the lightning on the altar, and that the clouds would rain showers like the showers represented on the altar, and that the showers would fall upon the growing corn like the corn upon the altar—so that men and birds and all living things would rejoice. In savagery and in all barbarism such festivals are very common, and much of the time is occupied in worship. In savagery worship is terpsichorean, and in barbarism it is terpsichorean and sacrificial, and in both stages of society all amusements are religious. So in tribal society all time devoted to amusement is religious. The ceremonial festivals are held in regular order through the seasons from year to year. For this purpose a calendar is devised in weeks and CLXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 months, when the days of the year are numbered in a hier- archy of weeks and months. The number of weeks in a month and the number of months in a year vary greatly. The months and years are counted off and the seasons are indicated by the appearance of stars as signs of the zodiae. Now, these numbers, together with the signs of the zodiac, are arranged in calendars, and the principal events of each festival are recorded under the calendric signs or picture-writings. Great ingenuity is needed to symbolize the principal events of the festival. The season of the festival and the events of the festival are all recorded in picture-writings until the shaman becomes deft in picture language. The records which have been discovered among tribal men are usually called codices. They are recorded on various things, such as papyrus, fiber of the maguey plant, birch-bark, and the skins of animals; espe- cially are calendars painted on the walls of temples. These records made from time to time through century after century become very highly developed. When a concept is given a sign it becomes more and more conventionalized until its character as a picture is lost. In this stage a curious phenomenon is observed. An ideoglyph is read as a word instead of as a pictorial event. This is the stage in which Chinese writing is to be seen at present. Now, when a glyph is read as a word, the interesting phenomenon of which we have spoken is this: Words have different meanings, the same word may express different concepts, and the glyph may be read by speaking the word and attaching to it amy meaning which the spoken word represents. In this early society words are mysterious things supposed to be properties or qualities of things, rather than signs of things. When such glyphs become signs of spoken words they are signs of sounds. They become signs of word-sounds, then signs of syllabic sounds, and ultimately signs of alphabetic sounds; and thus picture-writing is developed into alphabetic writing. In the higher civilization written language is founded on alphabets as spoken language is founded on sounds; but prim- itive written languages do not consist of graphic signs designed to represent sounds. The written languages produced in primi- tive time have distinct words as ideographs; they also have a POWELL] PHILOLOGY CLXIX distinct grammar for the arrangement of these glyphic words unlike that of highly developed written language. Etymolo- gies also take a different course; thus, in the Chinese, the etymology of glyph words is highly complex and is upon a distinct and peculiar plan. The sematology of the language represents the culture of the people who employ such a writ- ten language. On the other hand, in fully developed written language alphabets represent sounds, while letters are arranged in words and the words in sentences. The etymologies of the written words correspond to the etymologies of the spoken words, while the sematologies of the written words also corre- spond to the sematologies of the spoken words. Loaistic LANGUAGE The fifth language of the series now requires characteriza- tion. In the earliest and best developed condition it is found as the language of enumeration. Here numbers are repre- sented by graphic characters which have been called digits, because originally the fingers of the two hands were used as an abacus for counting, and the written numbers represented the fingers—the nine vertical strokes for nine fingers and a cross stroke for the tenth. Ultimately the ten strokes were developed into ten figures which are still called digits; the tenth digit is called a cipher, and in order that it may be sig- nificant it must be read as ten times some other digit; thus one with the zero is read as ten, two with the zero is read as twenty, ete. A hundred is represented with a one and two ciphers, two hundred by a two and two ciphers. Hence units of different orders are recognized. A constant ratio exists between one order and its next higher, which is ten, because the original abacus for counting was the ten fingers. As this linguistic system had its beginning in a number system, we eall it logistic speech. There have been developed many tables of measures for quantities of various kinds; thus there are the long-measure table, the square-measure table, the cubic- measure table, the dry-measure table, the liquid-measure table, various weight-measure tables, various time-measure tables, etc. These are all examples of logistic speech, which were CLKX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 developed out of ideographic writing into a language of more universal application. The highest development of this language which yet exists is found in the science of mathematics, eahien has a plus sign, a minus sign, a multiplication sign, a division sign, an equelnice sign, a root sign, and many others—we will not go on to enumerate them because they are many and so well known that the few will suggest them all. The science of astronomy has also developed an elaborate logistic language, the science of chemistry another, and the science of geography, the science of geology, the science of botany, and the science of zoology have all developed something of a logistic language. A logistic language is also developed in many of the arts; especially is music thus written. The essential characteristic of logistic language is that its sematology is universal, so that the meaning of any character depends on the meaning assigned to it by the user—it is the special language of reasoning and avoids all ambiguities of other languages due to the multifarious meanings of single words. There is no source of error in reasoning which com- pares with the fallacies of diverse meanings, but science con- structs for itself a special language which obviates this evil. The grammar of this language is yet unwritten, for the lan- euage has scarcely been developed to a sufficient extent for the purpose. It may be that when logic is wholly emancipated from metaphysic, logicians will devise a grammar of logistic language. Perhaps they will then call it the grammar of logic, and what I have called logistic language will be called logic. All that is valuable in the so-called logic will remain as com- ponent elements of a grammar—a grammar of the science of reasoning with language. Logic is the science of reasoning with language, and logistic language is the language of reasoning. We have thus seen the nature of emotional language, oral language, gesture language, written language, and logistic lan- guage. The five fundamental sciences of philology are thus briefly characterized, and the nature of philology itself is set forth in its pentalogie elements, which I deem to be inclusive of all and severally exclusive of each other. SOPHIOLOGY, OR THE SCIENCE OF ACTIVITIES DESIGNED TO GIVE INSTRUCTION Sophiology is the science of instruction. I shall treat the subject under two rubrics: First, the nature and origin of the opinions which are inculcated by instruction, and, second, the agencies of instruction OPINIONS, THE SUBJECT-MATTER OF INSTRUCTION Opinions are about particles severally or about them con- jointly as they are organized into bodies. Particles thus con- sidered are found to have essentials, relations, quantities, prop- erties, and qualities. There are no essentials without relations, no relations withont quantities, no quantities without prop- - erties, and no properties without qualities, for the world is concrete and there is nothing abstract but in consideration. Essentials, relations, quantities, properties, and qualities we call categories. When the world is looked upon as concrete, and bodies are discovered, it is found that every one is composed of a group of bodies; but to express the fact without confusion it is better to say that a body is a group of particles, for when one body is considered as a constituent of another it promotes clear statement to say that the compound body is composed of particles. Ultimate particles have never been reached by analysis unless it be in the ether. Concepts grow as the products of thought. The stream of thought is composed of instantaneous and successive judments, some of which are duplicated and endlessly reduplicated. While mentations arise from sense impressions, like sense impressions are oftentimes repeated and by association past mentations are revived, so that there is a vast repetition of the instantaneous judgments as they follow on through the stream of mental lite. CLXXI CLXXII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 It is thus by repeated and revived mentations as judgments that concepts or notions arise. These notions constitute opin- ions. We can not make a complete consideration of opinions without considering their origin in the compounding of judg- ments into concepts. While opinions often change, they are not necessarily born to die. Correct opinions developed in the individual and propagated from man to man become immortal, while only incorrect opinions ultimately die; but the vast body of opin- ions as they arise from moment to moment are born only for an ephemeral life. Of those that have appeared upon the stage of history because they have been accepted by the great thinkers, it remains to be said that still the many die and the few live. While they live they are esteemed as science, when they die they are esteemed as errors; hence sophiology can be defined as the science of opinions and their classification as errors or truths when accepted as such by the leaders of human thought, together with the methods of discovering and propagating such opinions. We are now to consider how opinions originate and change. For this purpose we will consider them in groups in the order in which they were developed by mankind. These groups fall into five rubrics: animism, cosmology, mythology, metaphysiec, and science. Animism, which is the belief in ghosts, first pre- vailed. We will, therefore, consider this subject first. For the original formulation of this doctrine we are indebted to the great ethnologist Edward B. Tylor. The science of ethnology teaches the nature and origin of the ghost theory; that is, it discovers the nature of ghosts and explains how men come to believe in them. There are many peovle who believe in ghosts, the opinion being a survival from primitive society, but with tribal men the belief is universal. Ethnology also teaches the nature and origin of primitive cos- mology, which has now become discredited, though vestiges of it exist in the opinions of simple folk, when itis called folklore. I have previously set forth the nature and origin of animism and cosmology. POWELL] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXIII MYTHOLOGY Heretofore in treating of the fundamental processes of psy- chology the nature of cousciousness, inference, and verification have been set forth. Inference alone may and often does result in error, while truth is assured only by verification. Every judgment involves a consciousness and an inference ; and if the judgment is valid, its validity can be established and known only by verification. The repetition of an erroneous judgment is often confounded with verification, and thus men come to believe in fallacies. Of the multitude of errors in judg- ment those most often repeated by mankind, and especially those which have been coined by the leaders of thought, are those which are woven into mythology. Though we have a criterion by which to distinguish true from erroneous judg- ments, still judgments are compounded into notions that ultimately are exceedingly complex, and it is often found diffi- cult to resolve notions into their constituent judgments; so that while there is an infallible criterion, it is not easily applied. We are not here dealing with the whole subject of psychology, but only with the leading concepts which distinguish science from mythology. That history of opinions which is often called the history of philosophy (but which is mainly the history of metaphysic), together with the history of science, gives us the data of what is here called sophiology. Science has already cost a vast amount of research, and we may safely prophesy that only a beginning has been made. It would be an inane proceeding to attempt to forecast what research will ultimately unfold, but perhaps it would not be unprofitable to review in outline the characteristics of the fundamental errors of mankind in so far as they have already been detected. False inferences primarily arise through referring sense impressions to wrong causes. A term is needed for this error, and it will be called imputation. Imputation, then, is the ref- erence of a sense impression of which the mind is conscious as an effect, to a mistaken cause. This wrong cause may be a wrong body or it may be a wrong property. CLXXIV ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH, ANN. 20 Let us now see if these two propositions can be made plain. The savage hears the thunder and infers that it is the voice of a bird. This is imputing a sound to a wrong body. Birds have voices, and not knowing the cause of the thunder, the savage imputes it to a bird; but as he knows of no bird with such a voice, he imagines a new and unknown bird. Thus an imaginary bird is created as the explanation of thunder. The creation of imaginary things to explain unknown phenomena is mythology. ‘Thunder may be interpreted as the voice of a bird in such manner by many people until it falls into common speech. Thus an imaginary thunder-bird may become the theme of much thought and much talk, and at last a number of stories may grow up about it. The barbarian who drives a span of horses to a war chariot becomes accustomed to its rattle and compares it to thunder. Then the thunder itself is symbolized as the rattle of the chariot of the storm. In this a storm god with his case a new imaginative being is created chariot in the clouds. So the reference of an effect to an erroneous cause results in a myth. There may be many analogies called up by the noise of thunder, and there may be many myths established in such manner; but it is manifest that none of them can be verified. In the course of the history of verification, which is the history of science, an hypothesis as to the cause of thunder may be veri- fied; when such verification is reached, all myths relating to thunder die as notions, and the scientific concept is established. All false philosophy—that is, all erroneous explanation—must necessarily lack verification. It may be believed and become current in the philosophy of a people or of a time, and this current belief may be held as science; but sooner or later an erroneous notion, however widely believed, will present some incongruity to the developing concepts of mankind and will challenge such attention that new hypotheses will be made to be examined until one is verified. When the verification comes, science is born, and the old notion is relegated to mythology. Philosophy is the explanation of causes; whatever else may be involved in the term, this must be involved. It is the cen- tral point in philosophy, though not the whole of philosophy. POWELL] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXV We may now make a definition of the growth of science and the discovery of error. Research, by which science grows, is the verification of hypotheses and the elimmation of incon- eruous notions, and such discarded notions as have been pre- viously and generally received as science are relegated to mythology. Let us illustrate with another example. Conceive a people in such a primitive stage of culture as not to know of the ambient air. Such people have existed and some even yet exist. In all that culture known as savagery this fact is unknown. ‘The air is unseen; but it often has corporeal motion, and is then called wind, and this wind pro- duces effects. Blow upon your hand, or invigorate the fire with your breath, and then contemplate the wind among the trees: How like the breath is the wind! Now impute the north wind to some great monster beast, and you do only that which millions of people have done before. Many savage peoples explain the winds in this manner, imputing them to monster beasts. In this instance, and in ten thousand others that can readily be supplied, the error of imputing an effect e body results in the creation of to the wrong cause as a wron imaginary bodies, which is the essence of mythology. When air is unknown there are other things besides breath which the wind suggests. You can blow the fire with a basket tray, and you can fan your brow with an eagle’s wing. So the wind suggests a fanning, and may be explained in this manner. But what is it that fans? A bird with wings. If the wind fans it must be accomplished by some great sky-bird. The myths of such sky-birds are common. After this manner a host of imaginary animals are created. To the wildwood man, who roams the prairie and haunts the forest, the world is the grand domicile of beasts. Beasts are men, and men are but beasts. To his mind the beasts are rather superior to men. The beasts have more magical power, and hence are often immeasurably superior to human beings. The savage admires the superiority of the beast and longs for his activities; he is forever contemplating the accomplishment of beasts—the wonders which they can perform—and is envi- ous of their skill in what he supposes to be magic. He sees CLXXVI ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 the trout dart from bank to bank in the brook and is amazed at its magical powers, and from admiration he often proceeds to adoration. He sees the serpent glide over the rock, swift with- out feet and having the sting of death in its mouth; in this respect it seems superior to man. He sees the chameleon gliding along the boughs of trees in sport with rainbow hues, and is delighted with its magical skill. He sees the eagle sail from the cliff to the cloud region, at home in wonderland. He sees the lion walk forth to conquer with occult majesty. Yes, all the animal world is magical, and men are but degenerate animals. Inspired with wonder, he is filled with adoration, and the beasts are gods. The world is thus the home of men and gods, and the gods are the beasts. : A mythology has sprung up with every primordial language. These languages are found to be many—how many we do not know, but certainly there have been many thousands, and with every tongue a mythology has been developed. The tribes of mankind seattered over the whole habitable earth between the polar walls of ice, living in small clusters, every one having a distinct language and pouring out the generations that have peopled the earth, have created a host of imaginary or mythic bodies. One of the methods of reasoning by means of which mon- sters are produced is imputing to one property that which is due to another. Water is transparent and water reflects the light. These two facts are universally observed in savagery. It is something with which men are familiar as an experience growing from day to day and from hour to hour. ‘There is another fact with which they are almost as well acquainted, namely, that the eye is transparent, and also that it reflects images. The eye is the organ of sight, and it is not strange that the power of vision should be referred to transparency. The reflection of light is an unknown and undreamed_ prop- erty, but transparency is well known, and images are well known, and images appear in vision. Thus, with the Zuni Indians, as with many of the tribes in North America, the property of transparency is esteemed as vision: all water sees, and the dewdrop is the eye of the plant. It is long before it POWELL] SOPHIOLOGY CLXXVII is learned that transparency is ability to transfer certain kinds of motion, while vision is a mentation. Thus force as reflec- tion and vision as mentation are explained as transparency. The mythology of the Amerinds is replete with myths con- cerning the powers of thought. There is no error more common than that of confounding thought with force. When the savage theurgist tells us that his hero can think arrows to the hearts of his enemies he makes this mistake. So it is believed that there are mythic men who can think their boats over the river; they can think themselves to the topmost branches of high trees; they can think rocks onto the heads of their enemies. There is no myth more common than this one of confounding thought with force, and there is no myth that has a more venerable history. No Egyptian king has received higher honors, for it is embalmed in the cerements of learning. We now know that heat is a mode of motion and that cold is a low degree of heat; in the same manner we know that color is a mode of motion, and we measure the number of vibrations in the ether that are required in a unit of time to produce a variety of color. The love of knowledge is the most delightful plant in the garden of the soul. In the individual the failure to make correct judgments entails innumerable evils, while correct judg- ments lead to good. Judgments directly or indirectly lead to action, and that action is wise as judgments are wise. Every hour, almost every moment of the day, brings the lesson that knowledge is advantageous, and these lessons are repeated by every individual in every generation. Thus there is an acquired and hereditary love of knowledge. Mental life pre- sents a vast succession of judgments, some correct, others incorrect, and as they come they are enwrought in notions that inspire activities, and by these activities the notions them- selves are adjudged. Those notions that stand the test are held fast, those that fail are cast away, for men love the true and hate the false. All this is so evident that it seems com- monplace, and yet we are compelled to account for the inten- sity with which men cling to mythology. 290 ETH—03 XII CLXXVIII ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT [ETH. ANN. 20 The repetition of a judgment is sometimes a valid confirma- tion, but it is often the bulwark of fallacy. Judgments many times repeated becomes habitual, and habitual errors are hard to eradicate, for they are venerable. Errors associate in com- munities; as they dwell inthe mind they constitute a fraternity for mutual protection, Assail one notion with the club of incongruity and a host of notions arise in its defense. Perhaps this will fully explain the fact, which we are to consider, that men invent arguments to sustain myths. He who contemplates this state of affairs may readily fall into despondency, for there seems to be as much mental activity occupied in the invention of false reasons as in the discovery of truth; but on further contemplation it is seen that science has an advantage in that its gains are constant and imperishable, while the gains of error overstep themselves and sooner or later exhibit new incongrul- ties and hence are self-destructive. The appeal to antiquity is the appeal to habit, and the appeal to habit is the appeal to repetition, which must always be distinguished trom the appeal to verification. The argu- ment from antiquity is a two-edged sword, and may be an instrument of suicide; but it is the first argument used to sup- port a myth. -“It was taught by our forefathers” is inseribed on the banner of mythology. But can we not use the argu- ment from experience? Yes, if we distinguish the method of verification from the method of repetition. This is our only criterion. Myths are detended by another argument which must now be set forth. It may be called the argument from intuition. Plants grow from seeds; animals from eggs. The develop- ment of the individual from the germ is called ontogeny. The process of ontogeny has been well recognized from primordial human time. Germs also develop from generation to genera- tion. The acorn is a very different seed from that of the plant from which oaks were developed. The egg of the bird is a very different germ from the egg from which it was developed through successive generations. This development of germs is also called the development of species. The process is now well known to science, but it was long unrec- POWELL] SOPHIOLOGY OLXX1IX ognized except in a vague way. The process is called phy- logeny. Ontogeny and phylogeny together are termed evolution. While ontogeny was more or less fully recognized in antiquity, phylogeny was very dimly discerned and it was supposed to be exceedingly restricted; so that while there might be varieties of plants and animals, it was held that all liv- ing creatures are encompassed by barriers beyond which they can not pass. It could be observed that plants and animals grow from germs, but that races grow by minute modifications of germs accumulating through many successive generations was not so easily observed. That the offspring is like the parent is a more conspicuous fact than that the offspring is a modification of the parent. Therefore it was believed that every existing species is the descendant of a primal species, and the number of primal species has remained constant. Finally it was discovered that species become extinct and that species begin at different periods in the world’s history; this was revealed by the science of geology. Thus the notion of constancy of species was finally shown to be erroneous, and it has been replaced by the scientific concept of the evolution of species. So much of what is now commonplace science must be given that we may understand the doctrine of primordial intuition, which was invented as a defense of mythology. As plants grow from seeds by minute increments through the process of on- togeny, and seeds grow from other seeds by minute increments by the process of phylogeny; as animals grow from eggs by mi- nute increments, and as eggs themselves grow from other eges by minute increments, so ideas grow ontogenetically by minute increments of judgments and also phylogenetically by minute increments of judgments. Thus the notion grows in the mind of the child by ontogeny, and the idea grows in the mind of the race from generation to generation by a process analogous to phylogeny. As man once believed that plants are inexorably limited to specific forms that are constant, as he once believed that animals are limited to specific forms that are constant from generation to generation, so men have believed that ideas are limited to specific forms that are constant. That which in plants CLXXX ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT (ETH. ANN, 20 and animals was called the limitation of species in ideas was called intuition, and by that term was meant the limitation of certain specific ideas. It was recognized that ideas grow or de- velop in the individual, but it was denied that they develop in the race. Sometimes it was conceded that ideas or concepts grow phylogenetically, that is, they are developed in the race; but it was held that there are certain fixed limits to ideas or notions which can not change, these limits being fixed primordi- ally inthe mind. Now, there have been many modifications and many phases of this doctrine which we can not here elaborate, but that which is essential to all forms of the doctrine of specific innate ideas has been set forth. We must now see how this doctrine is used to shore up mythology. Venerable errors are supposed or affirmed to be universal and also to be innate—that the notions which they involve have been preserved from primordial time, and that they were given to man at his creation when all species were created. This doctrine of primordial specific innate ideas is one of the most important themes of scholastic learning. Born in say- agery, flourishing in barbarism, it is believed in civilization, and its exposition ultimately becomes one of the tests of schol- arship. When the doctrine had reached this stage, so-called philosophers or mythologists attempted to defend these pri- mordial concepts. This attempt culminated in the Critique of Pure Reason. This defense of mythology by Kant led to the usual result; he, or at least his followers, supposed the argu- ment to be exhausted and the question of innate ideas set at rest when it was stated anew as innate forms of ideas. | t=) > . stantine Pilling 1891 [1892] 8°. x, 614 p., 82 facsimiles. Out of print. (14). Bibliography of the Athapascan languages by James Con- stantine Pilling 1892 8°, xu, 125 p. (incl. + p. facsimiles). ; } } (15). Bibliography of the Chinookan languages (including the Chi- nook jargon) by James Constantine Pilling 1893 8°. x1, 81 p. (incl. 3 p. facsimiles). (16). Bibliography of the Salishan languages by James Constan- tine Pilling 1893 8°. xr, 86 p. (incl. + p. facsimiles). (17). The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia by Jno. Garland Pollard 1894 Si NE) yo (18). The Maya year by Cyrus Thomas 1894 > Sr, (HE FaE. Al fell (19). Bibliography of the Wakashan languages by James Constan- tine Pilling 1894 8°. x1, 70 p. (incl. 2 p. facsimiles). (20). Chinook texts by Franz Boas 1804 [1895] Sep YU jhe al yall (21). Anancient quarry in Indian Territory by William Henry Holmes 1894 Ser Loh ps L2 pled te cevill BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (22). The Siouan tribes of the East by James Mooney 1894[1895] Ss. LOL p., map. (23). Archeologic investigations in James and Potomac valleys by Gerard Fowke 1894 [1895] 8280s. wane: (24). List of the publications of the Bureau of Ethnology with index to authors and subjects by Frederick Webb Hodge 1894 S-. 2b p: 25. Natick dictionary by James Hammond Trumbull 1903 Roy. 8°. xxvinl, 349 p. 26. Kathlamet texts by Franz Boas 1901 Roy. 8°. 261 p., 1 pl. 27. Tsimshian texts by Franz Boas 1902 toy. 8°. 244 p. 28. Haida texts by John R. Swanton Jn preparation. 29, Mexican and Central American antiquities and calendar sys- tems Nine papers by Eduard Seler translated from the German under the supervision of Charles P. Bowditch Zn preparation. 30. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and history Twenty papers by E. Férstemann, Paul Schellhas, Carl Sapper, Eduard Seler, and E. P. Dieseldorff translated from the German under the super- vision of Charles P. Bowditch Jn preparation. 31. Kwakiutl texts by Franz Boas /n preparation. ContrisuTions to NortH AMERICAN [XTHNOLOGY ( All of the volumes of this series are out of print) Department of the Interior U. 8. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region J. W. Powell in charge— Contributions to North American ethnology— Volume I |-VII, [IX|— [Seal of the department] Washington Goyernment Printing Office 1877 [-1893] 4°. 9 vols. Contents Vouume I, 1877: Part 1. Tribes of the extreme Northwest, by W. H. Dall. P. 1-106, 10 unnum- bered pl., 9 unnumbered fig., pocket map. On the distribution and nomenclature of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent territory. P. 7-40, pocket map. On succession in the shell-heaps of the Aleutian islands. P. 41-91, 10 pl., 9 fig. On the origin of the Innuit. P. 93-106. Appendix to part 1. Linguistics. P. 107-156. Notes on the natives of Alaska (communicated to the late George Gibbs, M.D., in 1862), by His Excellency J. Furuhelm, late governor of the Russian-American colonies. P. 111-116. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS COIX Votume I—Continued. Part 1—Continued. Terms of relationship used by the Innuit: a series obtained from natives of Cumberland inlet, by W. H. Dall. P. 117-119. Vocabularies [by George Gibbs and W. H. Dall]. P. 121-153. Note on the use of numerals among the T’sim si-an’, by George Gibbs, M.D. P. 155-156. Part u. Tribes of western Washington and northwestern Oregon, by George Gibbs, M.D. P. 157-241, pocket map. ; Appendix to part ir. Linguistics. P. 243-361. Vocabularies [by George Gibbs, Wm. F. Tolmie, and G. Mengarini]. P. 247-283. Dictionary of the Niskwalli [Nisqualli-English and English-Nisqualli], by George Gibbs. P. 285-361. VouumeE II, 1890 [1891]: The Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon, by Albert Samuel Gatschet. Two parts, evii, 711 p., map; ili, 711 p. Vouume IIT, 1877: Tribes of California, by Stephen Powers. 635 p., frontispiece, 44 fig. (incl. 42 pl.), 3 p. music, pocket map. Appendix. Linguistics, edited by J. W. Powell. P. 439-613. Votume IV, 1881: Houses and house-life of the American aborigines, by Lewis H. Morgan. xiv, 281 p., frontispiece, 57 fig. (incl. 28 pl.). Votume V, 1882: Observations on cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculptures in the Old World and in America, by Charles Rau. 1881. 112 p., 61 fig. (forming 35 pls. ). On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets, by Robert Fletcher, M. R.C.S. Eng., act. asst. surgeon U.S. Army. 1882. 32-p., 9 pl., 2 fig. A study of the manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas Ph. D., with an introduc- tion by D.G. Brinton, M.D. 1882. xxxvii, 237 p.,9 pl., 101 fig., 25 small unnumbered cuts. Votume VI, 1890 [1892]: The Cegiha language, by James Owen Dorsey. xviii, 794 p. VotumeE VII, 1890 [1892]: A Dakota-English dictionary, by Stephen Return Riggs, edited by James Owen Dorsey. x, 665 p. Vouume VIII: {[Nore. As was announced in the list of publications issued as Bulletin 24, it was the intention to publish Professor Holmes’ memoir on the pottery of the eastern United States as Volume VIII of the Contributions, but as the act of January 12, 1895, failed to provide for the completion of this series, the eighth volume will not be published. ] VotumeE IX, 1893 [1894]: Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, by Stephen Return Riggs, edited by James Owen Dorsey. xXxxu, 239 p. 20 ETH—03——xIV CCX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY INrRODUCTIONS (All of the volumes of this series are out of print) (1). Introduction to the study of Indian languages, with words, phrases, and sentences to be collected. By J. W. Powell. [Seal of the Department of the Interior.] Washington: Government Printing Office. 1877. 4°, 104 p., 10 blank leaves. Second edition as follows: (2). Smithsonian Institution—Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell director—Introduction to the study of Indian languages with words, phrases and sentences to be collected—by J. W. Powell—Second edition—with charts— Washington Government Printing Office 1880 4°. xi, 228 p., 10 blank leaves, + kinship charts in pocket. A 16° * Alphabet” of 2 leaves accompanies the work. (8). Smithsonian Institution—Bureau of Ethnology—Introduction to the study of sign language among the North American Indians as illustrating the gesture speech of mankind—by Garrick Mallery — bre- vet lieut. col., U.S. army—Washington Government Printing Oftice L880 4°. iv, 72 p., 33 unnumbered figs. (4). Smithsonian Institution—Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell, director—Introduction to the study of mortuary customs among the North American Indians—by Dr. H. C. Yarrow act. asst. sure. U.S. A.—Washington Government Printing Office 1880 4°. ix, 114 p. MisceLuangEous PuBLICATIONS (AU of the works in this series are out of print) (1). Smithsonian Institution—Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell, director—A_ collection of gesture-signs and signals of the North American Indians with some comparisons by Garrick Mallery brevet lieut. col. and formerly acting chief signal officer, U. S. army—Dis- tributed only to collaborators—Washington Government Printing Office 1880 4°, 329 p. Nore. 250 copies printed for use of collaborators only. (2). Smithsonian Institution—Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell director—Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North American Indians by James Constantine Pilling—(Distributed only to collaborators)—Washington Government Printing Office 1885 4°. Xx, 1135 p., 29 pl. (facsimiles). LIST OF PUBLICATIONS CCXT Nore. Only 110 copies printed for the use of collaborators, 10 of them on one side of the sheet. It was the intention to have this Bibliography form Volume X of the Contribu- tions to North American Ethnology, but the work assumed such proportions that it was subsequently deemed advisable to publish it as a part of the series of Bulletins, devoting a Bulletin to each linguistic stock. (8). Linguistic families of the Indian tribes north of Mexico, with provisional list of the principal tribal names and synonyms. [1885] 16°. 55 p. Norr. A few copies printed for the use of the compilers of a Dictionary of Ameri- can Indians now in preparation. It is without title-page, name, or date, but was compiled from a manuscript list of Indian tribes by James Mooney. (4). [Map of] Linguistic stocks of American Indians north of Mexico by J. W. Powell. [1891.] Nore. A limited edition of this map, which forms plate 1 of the Seventh Annual Report, was issued on heavy paper, 19 by 22 inches, for the use of students. This map was revised and published in the Report on Indians Taxed and Not Taxed in the United States at the Eleventh Census, 1890. (5). Tribes of North America, with synonymy. Skittagetan family. [1890] 4°. 13 p. Nore. A few copies printed for the use of the compilers of the Dictionary of American Indians. It was prepared by H. W. Henshaw, and contains two samples of style for the Dictionary, the second beginning on page 7 with the head, ‘‘ Diction- ary of Indian tribal names.”’ (6). Advance pages Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology—Dictionary of American Indians north of Mexico [Vignette] Washington 1903 8°. 33 p. Nore. Prepared by F. W. Hodge. Two hundred and fifty copies printed by the Smithsonian Institution for the use of the compilers of the Dictionary. InpeEx To AuTHoRS AND TITLES A=Annual Report. B=Bulletin. C=Contributions to North American Ethnology. I=Introduction. M—=Miscellaneous publications. Achivibalisimt lari ulesl (GOWelll) anna s2 eee ae eter ee ea ae. A i, lxv. Activities. See Esthetology; Technology; Philology; Sociology; Sophiology. Alaska, Notes on the natives of (Furuhelm) ..............--.-- Cer aie Algonquian languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling)..........-- Byi3: Amulets, cranial, Prehistoric trephining and (R. Fletcher) ..---- C vy. Animal carvings from mounds of the Mississippi valley (Hen- SEK) midge ae nes SESE Rca S eb eee ee Ee Aesce Ese See eee ae aay, UG Anthropologie data, Limitations to the use of some (Powell)....A 1, 71. Antiquities; Mayan calendar systems, history, and (Férstemann, Schellhas, Sapper, Seler, Dieseldorff) ...............--.-- B30. Mexican and Central American calendar systems and (Seler)..B 29. Apache, The medicine-men of the (Bourke) -...........--.---- A rx, 448. Archeologic investigations in James and Potomac valleys (Gio wike)) Mee cae ec arere e e es. oe ec ae Se B23. Archeological expedition to Arizona in 1895 (Fewkes) .--..----- A xvir, 519. Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola (V. Mindeleff).........-.-- A. vuit, 3: Arizona, Aboriginal remains in Verde valley in (C. Mindeleff)...A x11, 179. Archeological expedition to, in 1895 (Fewkes)..-...---.------ A xvir, 519. The cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly in (C. Mindeleff) -.-...-- A xvi, 73. Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1879 (J. Stevenson).A 11, 307. MBG Sle MR OLEVCOSOM) Sane cceeer eee too see Soo eee A mi, 511. ores levine) Jbaheneswore (Mos N))) eee oeecconcooncssscesoososeS IN 20.960 See Casa Grande; Tusayan. Art, Ancient, of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia (Holmes) ..A v1, 3. ceramic, Form and ornament in (Holmes) ....--.....-...----/ AY iv, 437. in shell of the ancient Americans (Holmes)..............---- IX, aby, UPA Prehistoric textile, of eastern United States (Holmes) ---..-.-- AY xat, 3; Stoner (How Ke) paces eee ee eae ree ee eye eer 3.400, CU Lexile wAUSsticyso lithe) GElOlmes) hee semen eee erase oA avr 189: Artists, native, Hopi katcinas drawn by (Fewkes)......-.....--A xx1, 3. Athapascan languages, Bibliography of the ( Pilling)..........-- 3 14. Bering) Strait, Eskimo about((Nelson)-<--22---..---=-+-----=-=- AM EXVINT Ss Bibliography of the Algonquian languages (Pilling)-..----....-- Beals: of the Athapascan languages (Pilling).....-.....--....--.--- 3 14. of the Chinookan languages, including the Chinook jargon (Ei ina'py) aes a ee oe ee aoe eRe eet Seema se B 15. otiberskimolansuarel (Pilling) ie sa. eeeeeeeeee eae eee By i of the Iroquoian languages (Pilling)........-..-...---.---.-- BIG: of the languages of the North American Indians, Proof sheets of (Billing) Paseasee ea ceca coetece seme oe oe seca asoue M 2. of the Muskhogean languages (Pilling) .-..........-.-..--.-- Bio: of the Salishan languages (Pilling).--..---2-.22.-.----------- B 16. CCXIIL CCXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Bibliography of the Siouan languages (Pilling)...-.......--.--- B of the Wakashan languages (Pilling)...............---.----- B Boas, Kranz-- | The!Gentraleliskim oes =es sees ee eer @hinook-texts..2 22) js3 cece seee eee ee eee ee eee B Kathlamet texts: 5 =... 8. o5 oases ste See eee ee ee eee B Kewakiutlitextsts ss sce pee asa se see eee pee eee ee B ‘Tsimshian texts) re eee 4 ee neko ae ee eee B Bourke, John G. The medicine-men of the Apache ...........-/ A 3owditch, C. P. [Papers translated under the supervision of ]..B Brinton, Daniel G. The graphic system and ancient methods of the: Mayas 02 222 2. aa soe ec sea aeces tee eee eee esse C Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians (Mooney) ....----------/ A Calendar systems, Mayan (Thomas) --...............----------/ A Mayan antiquities, history, and ( Férstemann, Schellhas, Sapper, Selerebieseldoriiizsse= oes ce eee eee ee B Mexican and Central American antiquities and (Seler)..-.---- B California, Perforated stones from (Henshaw).----.------------ B MribesvolM Powers) poe pee sare oe eee se ee ee eee a eee C Carvings, Animal, from mounds of the Mississippi valley (Hen- SND SSS Se Ie Res es Se B ee Se aoa CASES SEBS A @asav Grande suing (@.Mindeleit) asses meee sens se sence eee A The repair of, in 1891 (C. Mindeleff) -.--..-.----- Beye poe Catalogue of collections from New Mexico and Arizona in 1879 (aStevenson))s.ssox st cccios nee ee ee cee ee re of collections from New Mexico in 1880 (J. Stevenson).......-/ A of collections from pueblos in 1881 (J. Stevenson) .......-----/ A of collections made in 1881 (Holmes) .........-...--.-...----A of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Eth- nology ((Pilling))2 S22 sesscccmee oo = ee ee ce eee meee eee A of prehistoric works east of the Rocky mountains (Thomas). ..B @egiha languace, Chel (Morsey) esses ase ees ees ee C Central America, numeral systems of Mexico and (Thomas) -...A Central American picture-writing, Studies in (Holden) .......-./ A Central American and Mexican antiquities and calendar systems (Selene Sa aio eer Se Se ee ete ae arte B Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the Naval ouGio Stevenson) sass aee eee eae alee etee erie A Ceremonies, Tusayan Snake (Fewkes) -...-........---------.--/ A Ceremony; The Hako, A Pawnee (A. Fletcher)......----------/ A Cessions, Indian land, in the United States (Royce-Thomas) - -../ A of land by Indian tribes to the United States (Royce) ----.---+ A Cherokees My thsiof thes (Mooney) hasan ese sees eee A nation of Indians, The (Royce) -.---------------- PY Sehr ad A The sacred formulas of the (Mooney) -.------.--.---------------/ A @hinook texts) (Boas) sassce= secce eset eens a sense eee eee eres B Chinookan languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) ......------ B Chiriqui, Columbia, Ancient art of the province of (Holmes) -...A Isthmus of Darien, The use of gold and other metals among the ancient inhabitants.of (Molmes)isssese-2 eee ee ceeeeaeeeeea ee B Cibola, Architecture of Tusayan and (V. Mindeleff) .........-.-A See Zuni. Clans, Tusayan, Localization of (C. Mindeleff) ......--.--------+ A Cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona (C. Mindeleff) ---~-----: A 19. vi, 399. 20. 26. eile ae 1x, 443. 29 and 30. Vv (pt. 3), xvii. Xvi, 129) xrx, 693, and XXII. es uli XIII, 289. xv, 315. 11, 307. ll, 423. m1, 511. mr, 427. I, 553. 12. VI. X1x, 853. 1, 205. 29. vill, 229. XVI, 267. 2.8018 XVII, 521. 1, 247. MK os Vv, 124. vir, 301. 20. 15. VI, 3. 3. Vill, 3. XIX, 65D. RVI, Vos LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Codices, Aids to the study of the Maya (Thomas) .............-: A Collections, Illustrated catalogue of, from New Mexico and Arizona vial WSVAS) (Io SWE GME) So cece ncoseadeusE pesos See eeoe ABeeBerP. A from New Mexico in 1880 (J. Stevenson)............2....--4 A iromepuEblosanelssin(Jsstevenson))is- 2.9222 2-5-=-----2---=A Maden ssin UOlMeS) seeas ese mesaee se 5 - 2s aes A A study of the textile art in its relation to the development of LOREEN dk OTN AM CRU eee eee et sere eae esi tata ono A Mextilertabnicsiomanc entibenWese sas erems sae = ee aes B The use of gold and other metals among the ancient inhabitants GlaChiriquislsthmusrotD anicneemer = =e eam aes sae ae B Honduras, northern, Mounds in (Gann)-.-.-.--..-.-.---2----.--4 A Hopi katcinas, drawn by native artists (Fewkes) -..--.--..-----+ A See also Tusayan. Houses and house-life of the American aborigines (Morgan)... -- Cc Houses Navabon (Cavin deleti) Pee aaneeeres oo. scss nee sete ad A Hudson Bay territory, Ethnology of the Ungava district (Turner) - A Illustrated catalogue of collections made in 1881 (Holmes) ------+ A of collections from New Mexico and Arizona in 1879 (J. Ste- VGUEOM)) Boe cucSbeecedo carne eA RGae nee e Cee ae eee of collections from New Mexico in 1880 (J. Stevenson) ...--..-/ A of collections from pueblos in 1881 (J. Stevenson) ..---.------4 A Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages ( Dorsey, Gatscheumhiico) kemeeeece ate aoe ae see coh oe serciseeiyrcioe a A Implements, Omaha dwellings, furniture, and (Dorsey) --------/ A Stone, of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province (EINE) ea Reese eee ok Steet Ee tem am Same Sa aes. Indian Territory, Ancient quarry in (Holmes) ...--..----.------ B Industries; Technology, or the science of (Powell) -.-.---------+ A Innuit, Terms of relationship used by the (Dall) -....-----.---- Cc Institutions; Sociology, or the science of (Powell) -......-.-----/ A Instruction; Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to Pies (ROWS) eee ee eee ee as tae eee ee rete A Introduction to the study of Indian languages (Powell) --------- I to the study of mortuary customs (Yarrow) ---.-------------- I to the study of sign language (Mallery) -.....-..------------- I Troquoian languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) -----..-.---- B raquoisicosmogoniya (Me wilt)) 2. sees sae eee eae are en A TroquoiseMiythsio.u ches (psn lth) ee ceee eee eee ee ont A CCXVII vil, 143. XLV; 3; I, 205. Osc Me 7A Ws mt, 427. Iv, 257. G0 Dy Ill, 393. XVii, 469. x1, 159. wi, 427. 11, 307. 11, 423. my, 511. I, 5¢9: x1, 263. 2AM) 235 21. XK ORES my, Ality/. OG Ibbe, XX, C]xxi. 1 and 2. 4. 6. COXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY James and Potomac yalleys, Archeologic investigations in (Fowke)! .c.0.05. cscs wase = cece ce eeseee on eae at See eee eee B Jenks, Albert Ernest. Wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes...A Justice; Sociology, or the science of activities designed for (Powell) soe S22 one ee ee See area eee ee eee eee A Katcinas, Hopi, drawn by native artists (Fewkes) ........------2 A Tusayant (Mewes) \sses== sess eee ae eee eee ere A Kathlamet texts (Boas)/= 225222... 22-2252 = =e ee eee eas == B Kiowa Indians, Calendar history of the (Mooney) -.-...----------+ A Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon, The (Gatschet) ----.- C Kwakiutlitexts{((B0as) hs So=ccn ace meee eee ee Renee eecat B Labrets, masks, and certain aboriginal customs (Dall) -..-.-.-----: A Land cessions, Indian, in the United States (Royce-Thomas) - - ~~ A Manguage. The Gegiha ((Morsey) een -sase aaa eae eee rea C Hyolution off (Powell) 2.2252. 2ee sae oe nee ace eee eae \ Philology, or the science of (Powell) ......---.--------------/ A Languages, Indian, Illustration of the method of recording (Dor- sey, Gatschot, gRICES) Seo soe en eee eon a ee se ese ee A Introduction to the study of (Powell) .-.--.---..-.--.--.--- I of the North American Indians, Proof sheets of a bibliography of the (Pilling) -. ..-- Ve ISE Ske ace nes onee Sac eecee erences M See Bibliography. Letters) OmahaiandPonkal (Dorsey)ns--s=-ee ee eee eee B Lexicology, Comparative, of the Senan and Yuman languages (Hewitt)! sss. ce ee es roc ern oe eerie A Limitations to the use of some anthropologie data (Powell) -----+ A Linguistic families of America north of Mexico, Indian (Powell) A of the Indian tribes north of Mexico (Mooney) -....--------- M Linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, Catalopueoh (Pilling) (eee seceeese ons ee eae eee eee A Linguistic stocks north of Mexico, map of (Powell) .-.--.------ M List of publications of the Bureau of Ethnology (Hodge).--..-- B MacCauley, Clay. The Seminole Indians of Florida......-..---+ A McGee, W J. Preface to the Pamunkey Indians of Virginia (Rolland!) 22 222i este cece eee ee Seeeee ee eee eet ees B Prefatory note to the Maya year (Thomas) .--.....-..--------- B PrimitivemUmMibersian ese sees eee eee ean eee eee aaa A Mie Senielndisns hese cae a eee eee easier A TheSiouan Undians! 222-5. Soo cec a= eae cee eee eee A and Muniz, M. A. Primitive trephining in Peru..-....-..---: A Mallery, Garrick. A collection of gesture signs and signals of the North American Indians, with some comparisons. - --------- M Introduction to the study of sign language among the North American Indians as illustrating the gesture speech of maui- etn ios 2 each eae se ee er ee eres =e I Pictographs of the North American Indians. A preliminary [ee ae aes ee ser sas anata Joeen no odassaaseseasoase: A Picture-writing of the American Indians_.-........-.--------+ A Sign language among North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and deaf-mutes --...-------------# A. Manuscripts, linguistic, in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, Catalosneieie (Pilllint) 2 sss2s = eee ae ee eae A Notes on certain Maya and Mexican,(Thomas)........-------A Manuscript Troano, A study of the (Thomas) ........------.--- C 23. xix, 1013" xx, ix: XRT os xv, 245. 26. Xvir, 129. II. ole il, 67. XvulI, 521. Vi. ral DSS, (HOSI6-<, Tots , 1 and 2. 11. XVinI, 299%. fe 18. xx, 821. xvi, 1. xv, 153. XVI, 3. te LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Map of linguistic stocks north of Mexico (Powell) ......-.------ M Masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs (Dall) --...-.-----2 A Massachusetts. See Natick. Matthews, Washington. Navajo silversmiths -...........----.-/ A Nava TORW CAV ers eee em ame ce saree teecne sae see a annonce A The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony -...-.--------------/ A Maya codices, Aids to the study of the (Thomas) -.....--.------+ A Maya and Mexican manuscripts, Notes on certain (Tlomas) - -- --/ \ WE yea (WaoeeS)) peo seccoe ses see ses ooScsuecSseeeeeeeS B IDE pyaol ovoHS} HE (Have) ((AaVoyeeHS)) A ee see see ce saesoeee! A Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and history (Forstemann, Schellhas, Sapper, Seler, Dieseldorff) .......-..-.---------- B Mayan calendar systems (Thomas) -...--..-.------------------4 A Mayas, Graphic system and ancient methods of the (Brinton) ---C Medicine-men of the Apache, The (Bourke) -------------------/ \ IMenomini Indians) The (Elofiman))-2-2- -2.----2--\--=----------4 \ Metals, Use of gold and other, among the ancient inhabitants of Clavimigpan (eo lens) o55ssescesaesesseeoccosssesosscesessacs B Mexican and Central American antiquities and calendar systems (Seller) perenne ee ernie Satara tome orn e sini B Mexican and Maya manuscripts, Notes on certain (Thomas) -...A Mexico and Central America, Numeral systems of (Thomas) ----/ A Midé’wiwin or ‘‘grand medicine society’? of the Ojibwa, The (Blom MD) —. 5= canoe ctacanecoosessnobee sneer sessosesencaaso: A Migration traditions, Tusayan (Fewkes) .....-.--.-----------.- A Mindeleff, C. Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona.....A bea, Grmyacke initio. « ce se soccosesogas cn sacoerasscdusesroousss: A Cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona........-..--.--.----/ A ocalizationion duusay ame Clans iets eles cee ne eer A INEHAING INO WSs oo secbas poo acoo sa aEe a Oooo EB EeaaSESocSSosee A Repair of Casa Grande ruin in 1891 ...........--.------------4 A Mindeleff, V. A study of pueblo architecture: Tusayan and (Oil Aa pecan scaaedon sect SdenO Cs eEeeRCaee Se reaEaoee: A Mississippi valley, Animal carvings from the mounds of the ((BIGMEWER))) oa accocsmoceooc cuss co saue cnosen sosDEeEeHeeeosoe: A Ancient pottery of the (Holmes) .........-...---------------! A Mooney, James. Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians..--.-.--: A The Ghost-dance religion, with a sketch of the Sioux outbreak Gi IGM) Wc odseeseed ce cae cadeee ne aanb coe ese covoneeceqemee A Linguistic families of Indian tribes north of Mexico -..------- M My fhs\otthe @herokee assem asses seem ne =e a= A Sacred formulas of the Cherokees -:......-.-----------------/ AY Shei ial oes} ON Woe IDRIS ooo cone gsaososcoseeEeseesEeer Ess B Morgan, Lewis H. Houses and house-life of the American abo- MKAITGS) GoooacscsRbaosad en aoeecacopssseqcusESeeaS=Reaceece Cc Mortuary customs, Introduction to the study of (Yarrow) ------ I of the North American Indians (Yarrow)....----------------/ A Mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology (Thomas) -----+ A Mounds, Burial, of the northern sections of the United States (Giintomas) ese ee eee eee eee a A MmMortherneeondurasn (Gann) sesesesseeesees es = eee eet A of the Mississippi valley, Animal carvings from the (Henshaw) - A Ohio, The problem of the (Thomas). ------------------------ B prehistoric, east of the Rocky mountains, Catalogue of (Thomas) . B CCXIX 4. tt, 67. ur, 167. Toile Wg) Oo: VI, 253. xvi, 199. 30. XIX, 693, SUT: and V (pt. 3), xvii. Ix, 443. 2 KLVy Ss 29. Wane XIX, 853. vil, 148. KILO: x1, 179. xi, 289. RVs tos XIX, 635. xvir, 469. xv, 315. VII, 3. on dali Iv, 361. XviI, 129. xiv, 641. CCXX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony (Matthews) -.-....----------+ A Muniz, M. A., and McGee, W J. Primitive trephining in Peru..A Murdoch, John. Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expe- Gition 26.2 os Pte A eee Seon a ene dete eo Nae an eee A editor. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson Bay terri- tony. by7 lucien’ Mien ere ee ener A. Muskhogean languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) -...-...--- B Mythology of the North American Indians (Powell) ....-.-------+ A Myths, Zuni creation, Outlines of (Cushing) ....-.--..--.------/ A of the\Cherokee: (Mooney) zessen genes ee eee ene ae A ofithe Iroquois (Smith))225-- 22-5 S-ce a -- esses eeeee eee teens A Natickidictionary (rombullll) f=. -sssneesoce sees ae B INavahovbouses(C: Mindelett) <2. a - eateries ree ee er A Navajo ceremony, The mountain chant, a (Matthews) -...------2 A Navajo Indians, Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the (J. Stevenson)... --- Re ea ete aa \ Navajo silversmiths (Matthews)........-.-.-------------------4 : INavajovweavers|(Matthews) 2.424. 2 - sss2 5 aes nee Nelson, E. W. The Eskimo about Bering strait New Mexico, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1879 (Is:Stevenson)) Sere. Sse nace ese ee anata see ee ee ee A. Ine 880i (Ve Stevenson!) as. sess = Soe ase eee eee in, L881 (De Stewenson!) 22st soee aoe soe eteriae elise are ie age A Northwest, extreme, Tribes of the (Dall) ....-.------.......---- C Notes on the natives of Alaska (Furuhelm) -..-.-...-.---------- Cc Numbers; sprimitive: (McGee) Sasa e se cee eee eee eee \ Numerals, Note on the use of, among the T’sim si-an’ (Gibbs) - .-C Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America (Thomas) - - --- + A Ohio, The circular, square, and octagonal earthworks of (Thomas) -B Ohio mounds, The problem of the (Thomas) .-.......-.--------- B Ojibwa, The Midé’wiwin or ‘‘grand medicine society’’ of the (Hloffnian)) 422 8 so -0 casas sees eee Ree eae eee A Omaba‘and! Ponkaj letters: (Dorsey) 52-22 as --se B Omaha dwellings, furniture, and implements (Dorsey). .--------+ A Omaharsociplosy(Morsey) a --s2 542 oo ee eee eae nee A Opinions; Sophiology, or the science of (Powell). ....----------- A Oregon, northwestern, Tribes of (Gibbs)..-.......----------:--C southwestern, The Klamath Indians of (Gatschet) ----------- C QOsarestraditionss (Dorsey) ease eee see ee ree ee eee AL Pamunkey Indians of Virginia (Pollard).--....--...----------- B Pawnee ceremony, The Hako, a (A. C. Fletcher) ----...--------2 A Perforated stones from California (Henshaw) --...-------------- B Peru, ancient, Textile fabrics of (Holmes) ..-..---.------------ B Primitive trephining in (Muniz-McGee) .......--------------/ A Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression (Powell) ec ses oan ne a ere ee a eg eee cee ee re A Pictographs of the North American Indians ‘ Mallery) ..--------+ A Picture-writing of the American Indians (Mallery) -..----------+ A Picture-writing, Studies in Central American (Holden) ---------+ A Pilling, J. C. Bibliography of the Algonquian languages - - -- -- - B Bibliography of the Athapascan languages -....-.------------ B Bibliography of the Chinookan languages ----...----.-------- B Bibliography of the Eskimo language-----...--....----------- B x1, 159. 9; Ty XI, 321. KIX, 3: 1, 47. 25. xvu, 469. Vv, 379. Vill, 229. 11, 167. 1d estan XVIII, 3. 11, 307. Il, 423. mt, 511. rele Prados SJ Ogutspa ls I, 155. IX, (Socs xu, 263. 11, 205. Xx, clasi. Tphots XX, CXXXix. Ly, 3. Mane 1, 205. 13. 14. 15. 1. —E LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Pilling, J. C.—continued. Bibliography of the Iroquoian languages. -.....--.--..-------- B Bibliography of the Muskhogean languages ..--.-----..------ B Bibliography of the Salishan languages -...-.-...---.--.----- B Bibliography of the Siouan languages. ........--------------- B Bibliography of the Wakashan languages ---.........---.---- B Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau Oleh tino logy Mere eee seen eee eere sma tee aaa se succor A Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North Aimiericansindian Simsssemece = seeeci see set eee sinnccicce M PimanindisansroteArizo na alm er ChUSSe lls) Nemes mise ae sare er ue A Pleasure; Esthetology, or the science of activities designed to give (Rowell) Ree meen ie cone ace sane eee e onane wet \ Point Barrow expedition, Ethnological results of the (Murdoch) -.A Pollard, J. G. The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia-....---.---- 3 Ponkaland | @Omahalettersi ((Worseyissssescee ae = = - B Potomac and James yalleys, Archeologic investigations in (Fowke) B Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province, Stone implements of (lol mes) eee ese see anette ne eet te setet cece nants cot A Pottery, Aboriginal, of the eastern United States (Holmes) ----.-/ A Ancient, of the Mississippi valley (Holmes) -.-........-.-------/ A Ohtheanelent pueblos Golmes)| esses eee ess s = sesso A Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, derived from IM pPLESsiONs On (ELOlNICS)) seme ree ae sep ee aia a en ween A Pueblo, A study of, as illustrative of Zuni culture growth (Cushine)eseee= een seen nels ate ee A Powell, J. W. Esthetology, or the science of activities designed LORI Cy LEAST O gates ere eer atte eyelet ele eaiae sila ais slajeinls io A Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico......-.-/ A Introduction to the study of Indian languages, with words, phrases, and sentences to be collected.._...--.----.------ I Map of linguistic stocks of American Indians north of Mexico.M Ontachivitalisiml anit Cope eee a a eae See soto cots melt A On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data......--.-4 A Oniregimentation sees ss ee sesso am aoae cee aime as eke ae A Onutheyevolutioniofilanouages=. ao-- ean sea sees cee cen nee nat A Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression. A Sketch of the mythology of the North American Indians. -----/ A Sociology, or the science of institutions.-.....-.--..--------- A Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruc- WON 68 68 cane SSe cue sb eRR SIC aT GRACES ae ees eE Ease Sees A Technology, or the science of industries. .......-------------- A W yandot government: a short study of tribal society -....-.-- A editor. Linguistics (of the tribes of California) -......---..--- C Powers, Stephen. Tribes of California .........-..------------ C Prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets (R. Fletcher) -.----- C Jekaloaayys Wpovenl Kerash (MES) ee eee concpe Sesosboss ss sace A Problem of the Ohio mounds, The (Thomas) -...---.---------- B Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North AMEN Cane lnigisxsn (alll oye seeee eee aaee eee eens M Publications of the Bureau of Ethnology, List of (Hodge)-.-.--..-- B Pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola (V. Mindeleff) -....--- A Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuni culture growth (Cushing) --A Pueblo ruins, Two summers’ work in (Fewkes) ..---..---------/ A Pueblos, ancient, Pottery of the (Holmes) COXXI 6. 9. 16. Dd: 19. 1, 553. 2. XXIII. XIx, lv 1.45 195 Wie il. 23. Xv, 3. XX, 3. Iv, 361 Iv, 257 TAG, Bio Pe: Iv, 467. KIX, Lv vil, 1 1 and 2. 4. i, lxv. is ck XV, Civ. Te KX, CK KKLK. Trelis OG bbe XX, CIxXxi. Og BOOS 1, 57. iI, 439. IT. Vv. Kix, 821. 8. 2. 24. VIII, 3. 1v, 467. XXII. IV, 257: CCXXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Quarry, Ancient, in Indian Territory (Holmes) ........-------- B Ran, Charles. Observations on cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculptures in the Old World and in America .....-.-.------ C Resimentation) (Powell) ee tesa seesee eee ee eee cee eee A Relationship, Terms of, used by the Innuit (Dall)......-.--.--- C Religion, Ghost-dance (Mooney) ....--..-------------------.--/ A Religious life of the Zufi child (M. C. Stevenson) -.....---.----/ A Rice gatherers of the upper lakes (Jenks)....-..-.-------------A Riggs, Stephen R. Dakota-English dictionary ....-....-------- C Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography....-.-------------- C Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages -..:-. A Royce, C. C. Cessions of land by Indian tribes to the United States: illustrated by those in the state of Indiana..-..-.-../ A The C@herokee nation of Indians=22 25255 -s2s— = see eee le A Indian land cessions in the United States.........-----------/ A iRiriney CasauGrancder(C:eviund eleth) =e seer mee eee =e A Reps onan so (Cvindel ett) See asee eee eesee=sane A Ruins, Cliff, of Canyon de Chelly (C. Mindeleff).........-.---./ A pueblo, Two summers’ work in (Fewkes).-...---------------- A Russell, Frank. The Pima Indians of Arizona .........-.------ A Sacred formulas of the Cherokees (Mooney) ....--...----------4 A Salishan languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling).........----.-- B Sand painting of the Navajo Indians, Mythical (J. Stevenson) ...A Sapper, Carl, and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, an RbistOnver esos ccc atone erie eee eee eee B Schellhas, Paul, and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, BNO shIStOR Ves ase ce Sok Soe eee eee eee ee cc ei eats eee B Sculptures, cup-shaped and other lapidarian, Observations on (Raw \ice 2 £5 2 ieee So Seats eee clemieioee sesaee see creereeets C Seler, Eduard. Mexican and Central American antiquities and calendar systems 2. Sa..2)-2 acess oa ais ceo ieee ee esas B and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and history. B Seminole Indians of Florida, The (MacCauley).......-.--------/ A potevull|Gacshtznalsy od Moran Chik Go) So pee eee Ee ncanereacanodovees A Serian and Yuman languages, Comparative lexicology of (Hewitt) -A Shell, Art in, of the ancient Americans (Holmes) .----.---------4 A Siay The s(GMaGs Stevenson) -eee- 2 eee ee ae oo ee eee A Sign language among North American Indians (Mallery).-..-.---- A Introduction to the'study of (Mallery)---.--2-----------2---- I Signals, Gesture-signs and, of the North American Indians (Mallery:)\ Ss 25 0l2t ee ete ne oeee eee 2 eee eee esses M Silversmiths, Navajo: (Watthews)) 222.27 ee oa. ee see el = A Sihaaemshstesh cranaiahecil (Anal): oo soososode soos aseasceasensac A SioudnicultesAvstudy of (Dorsey) = -ssee eee eee eet A Siouan Indians Phe i(McGee)eeeascsee ce eee eee seers ete Siouan languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) .....--.-----.-- B Siouansociolopys (Dorsey) isan see. eee eee ee eee A Sionan tribes’ of the’ Hast. (Mooney )/=:--_--.---2------<--- -----= B Sioux outbreak ofal'890) (Mooney) eases see see eee eee Smith, Erminnie A. Myths of the Iroquois ---....------- Sco Snake ceremonies, Tusayan (Fewkes) ...-..--------------------/ A Snake and Flute ceremonies, Tusayan (Fewkes)..-....----------+ A Sociology, or the science of institutions (Powell) -..--.--.-.----- A XV, Civ. 1 La. xiv, 641. Vv, 533. xix, 1013. VII. iy BA) I, 247. Vv, L2i. Xvi, 521, x11, 289. xv, 315. XVI, (a. KOR XXIII. vit, 301. 16. vii, 229. 30. vy, 469. Xvit, 1. Xvit, 299*. 11, 179. Kio: 1, 263. 3 Up 11, 167. 1, Ixy. XI, 351. xv, 153. 5. Xv, 205. 22, xiv, 641. 11, 47. XVI, 267. XIX, 957. og, Ibb<, LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Sociology, Omaha\(Morsey)) 2222 sa 2 22s a eee ese e ec sect A Siouany (MOrse Mw) exes ress sete es shee nsgsecas-ccens asco Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruc- nko, (QeOK Rel) es A eae oe ne Boe ORES ae ee ee Stevenson, James. Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the Navajo Indians ........-...--..---.---2 A Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the Indians of INewa Viexico;andeamizong in 8/9) aeeae es ae eee ec cecal Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the Indians of NewellexiconmulS80mes sas ne sas ociteee ose ce ccs sese eee ence A Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the pueblos of Zuni, New Mexico, and Wolpi, Arizona, in 1881_...-...-.: A Stevenson, Matilda C. Esoteric and exoteric life of the Zuni In Gi aNS Peers Ae eee ese hae mse adiseecces He ceeaee cee Mheimeligious teofthe Zuni childis2-422----s2s2-2--45--—--64 \ PUNO} S1B eememac ieee ie eee cece cece aie cece screc second \ Stevenson, Tilly E. See Stevenson, Matilda C. Stonerant (Bow ke) kee =e g sesies cine steeieate Sess etotersraasic. = 2 A Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province (@Elolmes) Leeeee asc eegersecte cs saeSeee see eece seca en oceed \ Stones, Perforated, from California (Henshaw).-.--..----------- B Studies in Central American picture-writing (Holden) ----------/ A Study of Pueblo architecture, A (V. Mindeleff) ......-...--.-.--: A Study ot siouanyculltsy Ay (Dorsey) s-emeseeeiens sss soa aan ened \ Study of the manuscript Troano, A (Thomas).-.-...------------- C DAN LON Soran Ela Oantex Laman: meaner Seer ey Ses een ennai B Symbols, Day, of the Maya year (Thomas).........--..--------/ A Synonymy, Skittagetan (Henshaw) ..-..........:.-..--------- M Technology, or the science of industries (Powell) ..---.---------- \ Textile art, Form and ornament in (Holmes) -.-----...---.----A Prehistoric, of eastern United States (Holmes) ------.--------2 A Textile fabrics of ancient Peru (Holmes) -....-.......---.------ B Prehistoric, of the United States (Hiolmes)_......-.....--.---/ A Uteseiise COlowtevayoy's (18ichYs) Go coceeaedadaete aSee oo aes ee ee eae B grammar, and ethnography, Dakota (Riggs) --.-..----------- C Efaidan (Swanton) ler aseet een ose asacc ccc ae cee acres | B egw kr uth (Boas) Seo eran mensses sees = see a cee ce a B Katinlamets (boas) ee prea terme cae Ser secon ee 3 cPeiishiane (O28) hee eee se ene tee oc eniels cineca se B Thomas, Cyrus. Aids to the study of the Maya codices.........A Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States...A Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the Rocky mountains. ..B The circular, square, and octagonal earthworks of Ohio--.----- B WavisyrnbolsioninedMarvamy Cartes ce.) 2,-2.2 32a = lela == A Introduction to Indian land cessions (Royce) .---------------+ A WMayantcalendaraystemsrrrm-s-—----ssssees= Se eee ncecouse A in ewMiaiy alsy cam aeerst ete trta etaiacyateta ala Cree tern © ae nie eerie B Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts .-...--.-----2 A Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America..--..---.---/ A Mbhesproblemiorthe Ohionmounds= 2 oe -se =e eee B Report on the mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology. A ACstudyot the manuscript TMroanos< 23. + -sss2e—==5 5 -55=-- Cc Work in mound exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology ------ B CCXXITII Ti, 250. Xv, 205. Xx, Clhexi VilI, 229. 11, 307. II, 423. ui, 511. T, 205. vitt, 3. Xoo. Vv. 28. xvi, 199. 5. LOG, 3.9.05.¢ vi, 189. XIII, 3. Us II, 393. 20. xe 28. 31. 26. 27. Vi, 253. Vis os 12. 10. xvi, 199. Xvi, 521. xix, 693, and XXII. 18. Ill, 3. xix, 853. 8. xis, Vv. CCXXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Traditions, Osage (Dorsey) <2. 2-25-4252 4-2e sees esac eaeta A Musayan' misration(Bewkes) =o -sssseeee esses eee eee aes A Trephining, Prehistoric, and cranial amulets (R. Fletcher) ----- C Primitive; in Pero. (Muniz-Mie Gee) passes sae see eee eee A Tribal society; Wyandot government: ashort study of (Powell) -.A TribesiofCahtornia (Rowers) eee ee eee eee eee eee C of'the/extrememorth west) (Dall) Sees casera seer C of North America, with synonymy. Skittagetan family (Hen- Shaw) 25, Sethe ad ee Me ene Le eee M of western Washington and northwestern Oregon (Gibbs) ---- - Cc Troano manuscript, A study of the (Thomas) ..-.-.-.-----.---- C Drumbull\win He | Natickidictionanyes=s-eeee= eee ee eee eae B Tsimshianystexts' (Boas) )2sseee eee asa see ee eee eee eee eee B T’sim si-an’, Note on the use of numerals among the (Gibbs) ...-C Turner, Lucien M. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson Bay territory: .c2.226 366 se ssmeioen ac ceeee Sao eee aN Tusayan and Cibola, architecture of (V. Mindeleff)............-4 A Tusayan clans, Localization of (C. Mindeleff) ....--......------4 A Tusayan Flute and Snake ceremonies (Fewkes) ...--..--------- A Pusayantkatcinas (Hewices Peas nase css ne sae eee see A Ungava district, Ethnology of the (Turner) -...........-------- A Upper lakes, Wild-rice gatherers of the (Jenks)........-------- A Verde valley, Aboriginal remains in (C. Mindeleff) .......-.--- A Virginia, The Pamunkey Indians of (Pollard)-...........--.---- B Vocabularies of tribes of the extreme northwest (Gibbs-Dall) -..C See Bibliography; Language; Linguistic. Wakashan languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) -...-.--.----. B Washington, western, Tribes of (Gibbs) -.........--.---------- C Weavers, Navajo (Matthews) -.-.---.--- aos Ste tees co aaee aes A Welfare; Technology, or the science of activities designed for (Powell) ----- RIS BEE ans hee 1 en reine SE EA ye hE A Wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes (Jenks)......-----------/ A Winship, G. P. The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542 -.........A Wolpi, Arizona, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1881 (Js Stevenson) 52 s2c soe tew ces se eco sas Se eee eee merece A Wyandot government: A short study of tribal society (Powell) ..A Yarrow, H. C. Introduction to the study of mortuary customs among the North American Indians .........-.-.---------- af A further contribution to the study of the mortuary customs of the North) Americantind ans se se ese eee ee ee A Yuman and Serian languages, Comparative lexicology of (Hewitt). A Zuni, New Mexico, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1881. (JT Stevenson) =< sa s5ns-. sec eee ee eee ee ee eee A Zuni child, The religious life of the (T. E. Stevenson) --..------ A Zuni creation myths, Outlines of (Cushing) ---...--.--..-.------4 A Zuni culture growth, Pueblo pottery as illustrative of (Cushing) .A Zunifetiches! (Cushing) 2 eaes Sse se ee eee ae re A Zufi Indians, Esoteric and exoteric life of the (M. C. Stevenson). A See Cibola; Coronado. VI, 373. xix, 573: Vv. XVI, 3. 1, 57. ion Ale viel be 5. 1, 157. Ve 25. 2. 1, 155. ~ re, 11338), Vill, 3. XIX, 635. XIX, 957. Ky, 246. XK, aos Xvi, 267. x1, 159. x1x, 1013. x1, 179. Wp 1G Als 19: 1, 157. it, 371. G.G, ROOD. xrx, 1013. Xivy, 329. ui, 511. Tote 4. 1, 87. xvir, 299%, ui, 511. Vv, 533. x1, 321. Iv, 467. II, 3. XXIIL. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL.I JUUUS BIEN SCO.LITHNY. INDIAN WOMAN OF FLORIDA, WITH EARTHEN BOWL AND EARS OF CORN(?) FROM A DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE NOW IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF THE EASTERN UNITED STATES W. H. HOLMES 20 ETH—03——1 Ceramic CONTENTS ANH al TaLeN END ISO) A Ceca es ascnca bon aoeeaeaaae eee a Ieee eceeee bOnSinalleAmen canupObteryjcenesemcera a someone ceca ee 22 cease IPGtLer yO be reasterns Wmited States ee aee eee aan eee eee ce ec a. = GeverapnicrorOupin ceeeeme mee eer ae eer ae te See Oe ee eye (@ amiterbiny ey Clts Giallo U ta © Tiles enero ernie eee rey yet ryt pe) ey Manner of occurrence ChiranG] Op eee ee SR ee Na aie ele a eS oe ene ee nase eae Fun Materials - CUONAIRE ROU DINO spe e see Eee meee cee eres Cae estas See Clagsiticantonola ise eer epe meer tees sch issn ache Ss aes ee Sal tamalin pay esce Sea eee omnes cies te ek oe ee Sussman Pav esses mae eee mee tee cease esa ne ae ere Syorovcbls (airs Git Obics as coscugneen oben oe Goo beE ees codeae eas Musical instruments of earthenware - - - iBaked-clavgoitening- meceptaclesar=ees =< 22. ces-s 02 se eee ee Cemrentrandeplasters=cpseree es cae a eae ss alee eee Mamuneniwane usedmnb ities em eam ees eee esate ale se eee ee MarthenwanreGsksian disposer see cecees ccs ss seee eee eee iBamthenwares to baccoipipese sme = oes. 2 2 -cee <2 ay- eeeeeeeee Claire Naee ee ae, IeianySiine REIL. . oa oe ee aes ASE coe eee Sea sn oben cece DAE ADEE: Ve EW 23 cs ea es NN SEreCOnAS esse ate adres clase Scars. a staat Sane ere miele ee Hinstquse OlMGlayeere ee ose (Agel, eee eee eee eens Shapineyprocessesiand appliances 22522 =s-se = see eee see eee Mecorabin SIP LOGESSeS= ase 2 2.35 Baste eee noes ees sa eee eee < Bain CAP DOCESSCS aia Brackenridge, H. M., Views of Louisiana, Pittsburg, 1814, p. 186. ¢ Sellers, George Escoll, Aboriginal pottery of the salt springs, Illinois, in Popular Science Monthly, vol. x1, New York, 1877, p. 576. 30 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH ann. 20 Mr Sellers discovered a village or camp site in proximity to one of these springs, and his observations with respect to it are as follows: I found the most abundant remains of pottery, not only represented by fragments of the large, coarse salt pans, but by many pieces of small vessels of much finer tex- ture and of superior workmanship, such as would be used for domestic purposes. From these and large quantities of chippings and offal I inferred that this was the site of the old settlement. The broken pottery, the black soil, the waste from long occupancy extending a considerable distance both east and west of the springs, and to the foot of the bluffs on the south, covering an area of about 30 acres, were con- firmatory of this view.“ A burial place was found on a terrace at no great distance. Some of the stone cists were paved with fragments of the ** great salt pans,” but these were much decayed. This, Mr Sellers believes, conclusively couples the tenants of these ancient graves with the makers and the users of the salt pans. In regard to the manufacture of these remarkable vessels it appears that Mr Sellers’s observations and theories are in the main correct. That baskets were not used is apparent on the most casual examina- tion. The manner of using the fabrics with which the ware is marked is discussed in the present paper under the head Manufacture. Mr Sellers’s identification of the factory is also well supported, and there is nothing improbable in the theory of the use of clay molds or cores to model on, though there is little corroborative evidence on this point. A remarkable example of this pottery recently found in the suburbs of Nashville, Tennessee, is now in the collection of General Gates P. Thruston, of Nashville. It is a flat-bottomed basin about 31 inches in diameter and 12 inches deep; the walls are nearly an inch in thickness and the surface has the characteristic fabric impressions (see plate m1 ¢). A large fragment of this vase is illustrated in his work on the Antiqui- ties of Tennessee, plate x, and the following paragraph relating to it is quoted therefrom: The large vessel was found within a few yards of the ‘‘Sulphur Spring,”’ or the old “French Lick,’’ at Nashville, in excavating for the foundations of the new spring- house. This sulphur and salt spring was doubtless the central feature of a populous aboriginal settlement for centuries. Extensive burial grounds were found on both sides of the ‘‘Lick Branch,’’? and many fine implements and specimens of earthen- ware have been obtained there. ? In the discussion of stone graves in the vicinity of Nashville, Tennes- see, Mr R. 8. Robertson makes the following remarks in regard to fragments of salt vessels: These graves are found everywhere about Nashville and within the city limits. On the ridges close to the Sulphur Spring the stones inclosing such grayes may be seen protruding from the ground, where the earth above has weathered off. Fragments of pottery abound, some of the common sort, and others very thick—about one-half aSellers, Aboriginal pottery of the salt springs, pp. 576-577. »Thruston, Gates P., The antiquities of Tennessee, Cincinnati, 1890, pp. 157-158. HOLMES] SUGAR-MAKING VESSELS 31 to three-fourths inch—composed of a grayish clay, with large fragments of shells. The yessels of which they were part must have been very large. Traditionally, they are believed to have been used in evaporating salt from the spring. A brief search resulted in finding numerous specimens on the surface and protruding from the sides of the ridges near the surface. It is said that the saline properties of the spring were more noticeable before the deep bore was made which produced the sulphur water, which is so much patronized. @ We have from East Tennessee, in Knox county, specimens of this ware identical with that from Nashville and other more western locali- ties. Although this pottery is not correlated with any particular salt lick or spring, we may fairly assume that it was employed in making salt, since there are salt springs in the vicinity. Referring to explorations of Mr William McAdams, of Alton, the Alton, Illinois, Telegraph speaks of salt springs on Saline creek, Cooper county, Missouri, in the following words: These springs were also a great resort of the.aborigines and mound-builders, and the ground about the oozing brine, to the depth of 8 or 4 feet, is filled with the remains of the peculiar earthen vessels used by the mound-builders in salt making. Inthe woods about, for the whole vicinity is covered with a forest, are many mounds and earthworks. From one small mound two of the earthen salt kettles were obtained. They were shaped like shallow pans, an inch and a half in thickness and near + feet across the rim.? Another site noted for the occurrence of this peculiar earthenware is located in St Louis county, Missouri, near the village of Fenton. Here there are springs, both sulphur and salt. This site has been visited by Mr O. W. Collett, of St Louis, who gives an account of it in the Kansas City Review, vol. rv, p. LO4. The following statement made by Du Pratz is sufficiently definite on the question of native salt making: About 30 leagues up the Black river on the left side, there is a stream of salt water flowing from the west; about 2 leagues up this stream is a lake of salt water which ss nearly 2 leagues in length by 1 in width; 1 league farther up toward the north another lake of salt water is discovered, almost as long and broad as the first. This water passes without doubt through some salt mines; it has the taste of salt without the bitterness of sea water. The natives come from a long distance to this place to hunt in winter and to make salt. Before the French had traded them kettles they made earthen pots at the place, for this purpose; when they had enough to load themselves, they returned to their country loaded with salt and dried meats. ¢ SUGAR-MAKING VESSELS In comparatively recent aboriginal times, if not in very ancient times, earthen pots were used for collecting and boiling the sweet sap of the sugar maple. So far as my observations have gone the earliest mention of sugar making by the aborigines is found in Joutel’s Journal, writ- aRobertson, R. S., Antiquities of Nashville, Tennessee, Smithsonian Report for 1877, Washington, 1878, pp. 277-278. bSee also McAdams, Wm., Prehistoric remains from southeast Missouri, Kansas City Review, vol. v1, Kansas City, 1884, p. 279. eDu Pratz, Antoine Simon Le Page, Histoire de la Louisiane, Paris, 1758, vol. 1, pp. 307-308. 32 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ann.20 ten nearly two hundred years ago. Lafitau, whose observations began about the year 1700, gives an illustration in which the whole process is indicated—the tapping of the trees, the collecting of sap, the boil- ing of the water, and the shaping of the soft sugar into cakes, the latter work being conducted by an Indian woman who in the engray- ing is represented as a handsome Caucasian girl. It will be seen from the following extract that this author makes the definite statement that the French learned the art from the Indians—no particular nation being mentioned, however. He writes as follows: In the month of March, when the sun has acquired a little force and the trees commence to contain sap, they make transverse incisions with the hatchet on the Fic, 3—Native maple-sugarmaking, Reproduced from Latitau. trunks of these trees, from which there flows inabundance a liquid which they re- ceive in large vessels of bark; they then boil this liquid over the fire, which consumes all the phlegm and causes the remainder to thicken to the consistency of sirup or even of a loaf of sugar, according to the degree and amount of heat which they choose to give it. There is no other mystery. This sugar is very pectoral, excellent for medicine; but although it may be more healthy than that of the canes, it has not a pleasing taste nor delicacy and almost always has a little burnt flavor. The French prepare it better than the Indian women from whom they learned to make it; but they have not yet reached the point of bleaching and refining it.@ The description of Lafitaw’s plate may be translated as follows: The women occupied in watching the vessels, which are already full of the liquid that flows from the trees, carry this liquid and pour it into the kettles seen on aLafitau, Joseph Francois, Mceurs des sauvages ameriquains, Paris, 1724, vol. 11, p. 154 HOLMES] SPINDLE WHORLS OF CLAY 33 the fire, which are watched by an old woman, while another, seated, kneads with the hands this thickened liquid, now in a condition to acquire the consistency of sugar loaf. This plate was reproduced in an article on maple-sugar making by H. W. Henshaw, published in the American Anthropologist for Octo- ber 1890 and is given in figure 3. The following extract from Hunter indicates that the making of maple sugar by the Indians was very generally practiced. He is speaking of the Osage Indians and their neighbors. In districts of country where the sugar maple abounds the Indians prepare con- siderable quantities of sugar by simply concentrating the juices of the tree by boiling till it acquires a sufficient consistency to crystallize on cooling. But as they are extravagantly fond of it, very little is preserved beyond the sugar-making season. ‘The men tap the trees, attach spigots to them, make the sap troughs; and sometimes, at this frolicking season, assist the squaws in collecting sap.” Dr Lyman ©. Draper makes the following statement, which suffi- ciently indicates the nature of the sugar-making industry in recent times: From twenty-five to thirty years ago, when I resided at Lockport, in western New York, I well remember that large quantities of stirred maple sugar were brought into the country, made by the Indians in the Mackinaw region, and put up in small bark boxes, containing from one to several pounds each. ¢ Sugar is still made by a number of tribes, but earthen vessels have probably not been used in its manufacture for many years. SPINDLE WHORLS OF CLAY The state of culture of the eastern tribes had not yet led to the gen- eral employment of many earthenware articles beyond the mere yessel for cooking and containing. The clay effigies so common in some sections were generally vessels shaped exteriorly to resemble animal forms, exceptions being noted especially in Florida, where various mortuary figures having no practical function were manufactured. Spindle whorls appear to have been used to a limited extent in the South, and in Adair’s time clay was used for weighting the spindle. Speaking of the use of wild hemp, that author remarks that— The old women spin it off the distaffs with wooden machines haying some clay on the middle of them to hasten the motion.? As found on ancient sites, however, there is difficulty in distinguish- ing such articles from beads, gaming disks, or other perforated bits of clay,and I have discovered few examples of fully authenticated spindle whorls within the area here considered. aLafitau, Mceurs des sauvyages ameriquains, yol. 11; Explication des planches et des figures, planche vit. bHunter, John D., Memoirs of a captivity among the Indians, London, 1823, p. 290. eDraper, Lyman C., in Grignon, Augustin, Recollections; Third Annual Report and Collections of the Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, 1857, p. 255. ad Adair, James, History of the American Indians, London, 1775, p. 422. 20 ETH—03 2) 2) 34 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ann. 20 MusicauL INstRuMENTS OF EARTHENWARE Many early writers mention the use of earthern vessels for drums. Parchment or buckskin was stretched over the mouths of large pots, and this, beaten with sticks, furnished the music for dances and cere- monies and noise for the gratification of savage taste. In Central America and apparently, also, in Florida special forms were modeled for this purpose, the rim being shaped for the convenient attachment of the skin head. Joutel, speaking of the southern Indians, states that on burial occa- sions the— dancer= take care to tie calabashes or gourds about their bodies, with some Indian wheat in them, to rattle and make a noise, and some of them have a drum, made of a great earthen pot, on which they extend a wild goat’s skin, and beat thereon with one stick, like our tabors.¢@ Fic. 4—Use of earthen vessel as a drum (Potherie). Potherie has bequeathed us an illustration of an Indian beating a pottery drum (see figure +4)—drawn from description, no doubt, but interesting as a record of facts or statements not embodied, so far as has been noted, in the text of his work.’ Lafitau mentions the use of earthenware drums by the Iroquois; and Butel-Dumont makes the following statement, reference being had to the Louisiana Indians: The next day at dawn all this troop sets out on the march, having at its head the cleverest among them, who carries the calumet, and as they approach the village all begin to sing and dance. One of them carries in the left hand an earthen pot covered with a dressed deerskin stretched tightly over it and fastened to it by a cord, and with a single drumstick in his right hand he beats the time on this pot, which serves aJoutel’s Journal of La Salle’s last voyage, in French, B. F., Historical collections of Louisiana, pt. 1, New York, 1846, pp. 187-188. bPotherie, Bacqueville de la, Histoire de l’Amérique septentrionale, Paris, 1753, vol. 1, plate opp. p. 17. HOLMES] IMPLEMENTS OF EARTHENWARE 35 as a drum; ali respond by cries, which they utter in time; some carry Chichicouas or empty gourds, in which are placed glass beads or little pebbles to make a noise, and they shake them in time with the rest. @ Lawson mentions the use of an earthen porridge pot with deerskin head as a drum by Indians of Carolina. Were it considered necessary, many other references could be made to the use of earthenware drums. Whistles and rattles of baked clay are yery common in Mexico, and in Central and South America; but few examples, so far as the writer has learned, have been dis- covered in the mound region. General Thruston, in his valuable work on the ** Antiquities of Ten- nessee,” illustrates an earthenware rattle and the pellets of clay used in it (see figure 5). A few vases have been found having hollow legs or attached animal features, in which pellets were placed so that when used on festive or ceremonial occasions they would serve as rattles as well as receptacles. Fic, 5—Earthenware rattle, with clay pellets (Thruston). Various IMPLEMENTS OF EARTHENWARE Trowel-like objects of baked clay are occasionally found in the cen- tral districts of the Mississippi valley, and illustrations are given in figure 6a, and also in a subsequent section. The body is discoidal in shape, and an arched loop or a ridge springing from one side serves asahandle. The other side, which is the working surface, is slightly convex, never flat, and generally shows considerable polish. These objects resemble ina general way our ordinary smoothing or ‘‘ flat” Fic. 6—Earthenware trowels and modeling tools. iron for laundry work. (General Thruston found excellent examples of these implements in graves near Nashville, Tennessee, and he is convinced they were trowels used in plastering and smoothing walls and floors of houses. A similar implement having, instead of a loop handle, an upright stem from 1 to 6 inches in length and 1 inch or more in diameter occurs very generally over the middle Mississippi region (see figure 64,c). The upper end of the handle is sometimes enlarged a little or simply rounded off, and again it is divided into two aButel-Dumont, George Marie, Mémoires sur la Louisiane, Paris, 1753, vol. 1, pp. 192-3. 36 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. Ann. 20 or three lobes or prongs. When placed stem downward these imple- ments very closely resemble an ordinary form of toadstool. They have been regarded by some as stoppers for bottles, but this was certainly not their normal use, and General Thruston is probably right in classing them as modeling tools for pottery making. The conyex surface is smooth, often retaining the peculiar polish that comes from long use. The form is exactly suited to use in supporting the wall of the semiplastic vase © from within while the manipu- lation of the outer surface is going on with paddles or other modeling or decorating tools (see figure 7). It is true that all forms of these objects may have been used in rubbing sur- faces under manipulation or in pulverizing substances in mor- tars, taking the place of mullers or pestles of wood and stone, Fic. 7—Probable manner of using earthenware model- and this was the view of Dr dior ing ol: pasa interior moron a8 a ROMAINE seo Jones with respect to the loop-handled variety. Whena number of these objects of both forms are placed together, with the polished convex surface to the front, all are seen to be identical in appearance, save that a few of the loop-handled yariety are oval in outline (see plate XXXVI). BaKED-CLAY OFFERING RECEPTACLES Another not uncommon use of baked clay was in the construction of sacrificial basins or altars. Dr Joseph Jones in the following para- graph describes the use of a large shallow receptacle not differing materially from the salt pans already described: In the center of the mound, about 3 feet from its surface, [ uncovered a large sacrificial yase or altar, 43 inches in diameter, composed of a mixture of clay and river shells. The rim of the yase was 3 inches in height. The entire vessel had been molded in a large wicker basket formed of split canes and the leaves of the cane, the impressions of which were plainly visible upon the outer surface. The cir- cle of the vase appeared to be almost mathematically correct. The surface of the altar was covered with a layer of ashes about 1 inch in thickness, and these ashes had the appearance and composition of haying been derived from the burning of animal matter. The antlers and jawbone of a deer were found resting upon the sur- face of the altar. The edges of the vase, which had been broken off apparently by an accident during the performance of the religious ceremonies, were carefully laid over the layer of ashes, and the whole covered with earth near 3 feet in thickness, and thus the ashes had been preserved to a remarkable extent from the action of the rains. @ aJones, Joseph, The aboriginal mound-builders of Tennessee, in American Naturalist, Salem, 1869, vol. 111, p. 68. a a HOLMES] EARTHENWARE USED IN BURIAL B37 The altars found in the mounds of the Ohio valley are usually large shallow basins built in place by applying clay to a basin-like depres- sion in the ground and smoothing the surface roughly with the hands or trowels. The altar fires baked the clay, giving it the consistency of earthenware. CEMENT AND PLASTER Native clays and earths were extensively used in the construction of numerous classes of fixed works, and it is found that various mix- i | =——rn = Ts Fic. 8—Use of clay in plastering house wall of interlaced canes, Arkansas. From Thomas, 12th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, figure 118. tures—cement-like combinations of clay, sand, gravel, etc.—were em- ployed to add to the firmness of these constructions. In the middle and lower Mississippi valley provinces plastic clay was employed exten- sively in plastering the walls and roofs of houses of cane and other interlaced vegetal parts, and floors were laid in the same material (see figure 8). EARTHENWARE Usep IN Buriat To what extent earthen vessels were used as receptacles for the remains of the dead can not be satisfactorily determined. The whites, Fic. 9—Rectangular burial casket . 10—Earthen vessel containing bones of of earthenware, Tennessee. children, Alabama (Moore). accustomed to the practice of burial of ashes in cinerary urns among eastern nations, were prone to discover traces of similar customs here, 38 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _ [£TH. Ann. 20 and perhaps made statements on insufficient evidence. It is true, how- ever, that the dead were burned in many sections of the country, and that the ashes or rather, perhaps, the charred remnants of bones were placed in such receptacles as were at hand for burial. The burial of the disarticulated bones of the dead, especially of children, in earthen Fic. 11—Earthen vessel inverted over a skull for Fic, 12—Earthenware burial urn protection, Georgia (Moore). and bowl cover, Georgia. vessels, was quite common in the South Appalachian province and occurred occasionally, at least, in other regions. To what extent vessels were manufactured exclusively for mortuary purposes can not be determined, since no particular form seems to have been considered necessary. The larger boiling or containing pots, taken from the household supply, seem to have been satisfactory. Occasionally, how- Fic. 13—Earthenware burial urn with Fic. 14—Earthernware burial urn with bow] cover cover, Georgia. and other vessels, Alabama (Moore). ever, receptacles appear to have been shaped for the purpose; the casket shown in figure 9 was of this class. It was obtained from a burial mound at Hale’s point, Tennessee, and contained the bones of an infant. Figure 10 shows the top view of a burial vase from a mound in Wilcox county, Alabama, containing bones of infants. HOLMES] EARTHENWARE USED IN BURIAL 39 In very many cases earthen vessels, especially bowls, are found inverted over the skull of the deceased, as shown in figure 11, and not infrequently large fragments of earthenware were placed over and around the head, prob- ably as a protection. The commonest form of pot burial is illustrated in figures 12, 13,14, and 15. The remains were crowded into the vessel and the bowl was fitted over or into the mouth of this receptacle. Perhaps the most general use of vases in burial was that of containing food, drink, and other offerings intended by friends of the de- 5,4 45 warthernware burial parted to serve some mythical post-mortem — umwith bowl cover, Alabama purpose. That the deposition of these arti- °°" cles with the dead had, however, become a mere form or symbol in many cases is shown by the fact that the vessels were often broken and REALS Fic. 16—Mortuary vases imitating the dead face, middle Mississippi valley. that fragments merely were sometimes used. In one section of the Mississippi valley we find small mortuary receptacles made to repre- Fic. 17—Toy-like yessels used as funeral offerings, Florida (Moore). 40 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH ANN. 20 sent the human face as it appears after death. So unusual is the shape that we are justified in assuming that the vessels were made exclu- Fic. 18—Toy-like funeral offerings imitating vegetal forms, Florida (Moore). sively for mortuary use and consignment to the tomb. They are too small to have contained bones, and we can only surmise that they were intended to contain food, drink, or other kinds of offerings. An Fic. 19—Toy-like funeral offerings imitating animal forms, Florida (Moore). example is shown in figure 16, and two excellent specimens appear in plate xuur. In some other regions, notably in Florida, rude imita- tions of vessels, hardly capable of bearing up their own weight, were made and cast into the grave (see figure 17). With these were also figurines made in the rudest way, representing many forms of animal and vegetal life, shown in figures 18 and 19. It is possible that these were offerings made after the man- ner of the ancient Egyptians, who placed images of slaves and various implements and utensils in the tomb, with the idea that they would in some Fic. 20—Toy-like figurine representing Way be of service to the dead in the babe in cradle, Tennessee (Thruston). future existence. The modeling of various life forms was extensively practiced by aMoore, Clarence B., Certain sand mounds on the St Johns river, Florida, part 1; in Journal of Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, ser. 2, vol. x, pt. 1, Phila., 1894. HOLMES] IMAGES IN EARTHENWARE 4] the potters of some sections, but almost universally as elaborations and embellishments of vessels, pipes, and other useful articles. Serious attempts at the modeling in clay of human or animal figures for the figure’s sake were apparently quite exceptional, although images in stone are common. Nearly all solid figures in clay so far report- ed haye the character of toys or rude votive or mortuary offerings. The collections of Clarence B. Moore contain many specimens of such burial figurines from the mounds of Florida (see figure 19). General Thruston illustrates a small clay figure representing a babe in its cradle from a mound in Tennessee (figure 20); also the image of a turtle from the Noel cemetery near Nashville (figure 21); and recently Dr Roland Steiner, of Groyetown, Georgia, has forwarded to the Mu- seum a number of small figures of reddish terra cotta in which a variety of physiognomy and facial expres- sion appear (see figures 22 and 23). These figures have a more marked resemblance to Mexican work of the same class than any yet found within the territory of the United States. The flattening out of the head, as seen in profile, is especially note- worthy. They are from the Etowah group of mounds in Bartow county, Georgia. Strangely enough, the most striking examples of this class of work yet found in the eastern United States are from a region where the ordinary wares are inferior and not very plentiful. I refer to some Fie, 21—Small image of a turtle, Tennessee. Fic. 22—Small earthenware figures suggest- ing ancient Mexican work, Georgia. Fic. 23—Earthenware heads of Mexican type, Georgia. specimens of small figurines in clay obtained by Professor F. W. Putnam from a mound in southwestern Ohio. They appear to excel any similar work north of Mexico in the appreciation of form and 42 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ayy. 20 proportion shown by the makers, but illustrations have not as yet been published. The occurrence of such unusual features of art as this and the flat- headed figurines mentioned aboye, adds force to the suggestion afforded by certain unique works in stone, copper, and shell found in the gen- eral region, that some of the early people had contact, more or less direct, with the advanced nations of Mexico. PrRSONAL ORNAMENTS OF EARTHENWARE Clay, colored by a variety of oxides and other substances, was exten- sively used for painting the person as well as various objects of art, but Fic. 25—Ear plugs of earthenware, middle and lower Mississippi valley. articles of baked clay were rarely utilized for ornament. Occasion- ally baked clay was employed for beads and pendants (see figure 24), HOLMES] EARTHENWARE DISKS AND SPOOLS 43 and for ear plugs and labrets (figures 25 and 26), in the same manner as were similar forms in stone and shell, but this use was not common, as the material was not sufficiently attractive in appearance to gratify the savage taste. Fic. 26—Labrets of earthenware, middle and lower Mississippi valley. EARTHENWARE DiIsKS AND SPooLs From many sections of the country we haye small earthenware disks, generally shaped from potsherds, and in some cases perforated. They average between 1 and 2 inches in diameter, and are in many cases very carefully rounded and finished. They are obtained from dwelling sites, and occasionally from graves. One theory as to their function is that they were used in playing games of skill or chance. The perforate variety may in cases have been used as spindle whorls, but recently Mr Clarence B. Moore has found specimens so related to human remains in burial as to lead to the conclusion that they had served as cores for copper ear disks. Examples are presented in Fic. 27—Pottery disks, probably used in playing some game. Among the imperfectly understood varieties of earthenware objects are some spool-like forms found in the Ohio valley. Illustrations of two specimens found near Maysville, Kentucky, appear in figure 28. The following notes regarding them are furnished me by Mr Gerard Fowke, of Chillicothe, Ohio: I have seen a few, probably 15 or 20, of these ‘‘spools,’’? though I am at a loss to classify them. A few are drilled [longitudinally] through the center. The figures engraved represent, perhaps, the extremes of slenderness and thickness in propor- 44 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [FTH. ANN. 20 tion to length. So far as my knowledge of them goes they are found only in Lewis, Fleming, Mason (of which Maysville is the county seat), Nicholas, and Bracken counties, Kentucky, and Brown and Adams counties, Ohio—all these counties being contiguous. It is reported that one was found in Ross county and one in Scioto county, Ohio. While there is considerable variation in the incised lines, they all seem to be mod- ifications of the two systems in the specimens illustrated. FiG. 28—Spool-shaped articles of clay, containing unusual designs in incised lines. From a photograph furnished by Thomas W. Kinney, Portsmouth, Ohio. EARTHENWARE Tosacco PipEs Pipes for smoking tobacco and other dried plants were generally made of vegetal substances or of stone, but in some sections clay was much used. Smoking as a matter of gustatory gratification was a widespread custom, and many accounts agree in making it an impor- tant feature in magic, religious ceremonials, councils, and treaties. -“h HOLMES] EARTHENWARE TOBACCO PIPES 45 There is probably no good reason to question the general belief that the pipe was in use in America on the arrival of Europeans. Speci- mens are found in such varied situations and, besides, the shapes are so highly differentiated that any other conclusion must needs be supported by strong evidence. The simplest form of the pipe is a straight tube, found only now and then in the East, but the prevailing form on the Pacific coast. In the northeastern states the fundamental shape is a nearly plain bent tube slightly enlarged at the bowl end, represented in the most elementary form by the pipes of the Chesa- peake province, and appearing in more elaborate shapes in the Troquoian region in Pennsylvania and New York. The short, wide- bowled, bent trumpet of the South Appalachian proyince is a local development of the same general type, and the clumsy, massive, bent tube of the Gulf and Middle Mississippi states is a still more marked variant. The monitor and platform shapes of the Central states depart widely from the simple tube, and no end of curious modifications of form come from changes in the relative proportions and positions of Sl =n ees ee 2 Ss Fig. 29—Range in form of tobacco pipes. stem and bowl, and especially from the addition of plastic life forms in almost infinite variety. A synopsis of the range of form from the straight tube to the platform with discoid bowl is given in figure 29. It is remarkable that the great Ohio Valley province and the Middle South, furnishing stone pipes of the highest grade, yield few and rude pipes of clay. Pipes were smoked with or without stems of other material. Illustrations and descriptions of type specimens will be given as the various groups of ware to which they belong are pre- sented. A comprehensive work on American tobacco pipes has been published recently by the National Museum.“ MATERIALS Chay Clay suited to the manufacture of the plain earthenware of the aborigines is widely distributed over the country, and it is not likely that any extended region is without a plentiful supply. The clay used was often impure, and in many cases was probably obtained from a McGuire, J. D., Pipes and smoking customs, Report of the United States National Museum, 1897. 46 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [etH. ann. 20 recently deposited alluvial sediments. Clean clays were, however, diligently sought and generally procured, and in many cases they seem to have been carefully prepared by pulverizing, washing, and knead- ing, as was observed by Dumont and others. Finely prepared washes of clay were made for surface finish. Clay unmixed with any kind of tempering was sometimes used for modeling vessels, pipes, and some of the less important articles. The more advanced potters used paste having degrees of refinement suited to the nature of the object modeled. Utensils to be used over fire were tempered with coarser ingredients. TEMPERING MATERIALS Great diversity of tempering materials is observed. This diversity is due to the multiplicity of mineral products brought within the range of experiment. It is apparent that many materials were suited to the purpose. The choice of a single material, where many abounded, must have been due to accident in the incipient stages of the art. Itis not uncommon, however, to find several substances used in the work of a single community—or what appears to be such. The ingredients varied to some extent also with the uses to which the vessels were to be devoted. They include pulverized rocks and mineral substances of many kinds, powdered shells of mollusks, powdered potsherds, and per- haps cinders, besides ashes of bark, sponge, and the like. Raw vegetal substances were also used, the fibrous parts being broken or pulverized. The advantages to be secured by the introduction of foreign par- ticles into the clay may be somewhat diverse. It is fair to assume that tempering was intended to impart some quality or property to the paste that the pure clay did not possess to the desired degree. In building vessels the clay may have been handled with greater facility through the introduction of sand, but this could not be true of the addition of coarse, sharp particles of shell or crystalline rock; their presence must really have added to the difficulty of shaping and finish- ing the vessel. Tempering may have served a useful purpose during the drying and baking of the clay. It is well known that pure clay has a strong ten- dency to shrink and crack in drying, and it is readily seen that the particles of tempering material would in a measure counteract this tendency. The coarse particles would interfere with the progress of the parting movements; the undulations that separate finer particles with ease would produce no effect. The progress of a crack would be impeded, just as a fracture in a glass plate is stopped by boring a hole at the extremity of the flaw. It would thus appear that even cavities in the paste serve a useful purpose, and that sawdust and cut straw, even if reduced to ashes by firing, would have performed in a way the functions of tempering. In a fine-grained paste the flaw would, when es oe HOLMES] TEMPERING MATERIALS 47 once started, continue through the wall of the vessel in a direct line without interference. In the tempered paste it would, in avoiding the solid particles, or through interference of cavities take a sinuous course or be led off in diverging directions. Again, any condition or ingredient that reduces the amount of con- traction resulting from drying out during the baking process must be advantageous. It may be possible for a body of clay to contract so evenly as to suffer no injury, yet, as a rule, there must be considerable unevenness of contraction, with consequent danger, and it would seem that the greater the contraction the greater the danger of disaster. Clay contracts through the evaporation of water held between the minute particles. The coarse particles of tempering may contain water, but, being rigid, they do not contract on drying out. The amount of con- traction would thus be reduced in direct ratio with the increase of tem- pering material, and this would seem a most important consideration to the potter. It may be further surmised that the presence of foreign particles in the clay may serve some purpose in connection with the distribution of the heat in firing or in subsequent use over fire. The points reached by a given degree of heat in pure clay may be on or close to a particular line or plane and may thus give rise to distinctly localized strain, whereas the foreign particles may tend to conduct the heat unevenly and distribute the strain. In reference to the function of the tempering material during the subsequent use of the vessel, it might seem that the presence of large fragments of hard substances would weaken the wall of the vessel so that when in use it would readily be fractured by a strain or blow; but the particles arrange themselves so that strong points alternate with the weak ones in such a way as to increase strength rather than to reduce it. Itappears further that the particles of tempering, espe- cially if coarse, must add greatly to the toughness of the paste during the use of the vessel, much as they do during the drying-out process, and it is not impossible for a flaw to extend entirely through and across a vessel, and still not seriously impair its strength, as the particles of tempering are so interlocked or dovetailed that separation can not readily take place. It would appear, therefore, that the offices of the tempering ingredient are almost purely physical, and not chemical. In America the heat employed in firing earthenware was not sufficient to seriously alter any of the mineral constituents. It rarely happened that the heat was sufficient to calcine the shell material with which the clay in many sections was filled. The fayorite tempering materials were powdered shell and pulverized erystalline rock. Sand, the grains of which were rounded, and various other materials, so finely powdered as to be almost impalpable, were \ often employed. In the piedmont regions of North Carolina and 48 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [TH ann. 20 Virginia vessels are found made of paste consisting of coarsely pulver- ized steatite and barely enough clay to hold the particles together. Mica, iron pyrites, and other crystalline substances were much used in some sections. It is not uncommon to see examples in which the paste con- tains 75 or 80 per cent of the tempering ingredients. The use of powdered shell was very general. It is not known that any particular variety of shell was preterred. The shells were pulver- ized in mortars or by means of such devices as were at hand. Du Pratz observed their use in early times. He remarks that— Near the Nactchitoches are found banks of shells [‘‘Coquilles de Palourdes’’] such as those which form the shell island. This neighboring nation says that ancient tra- dition teaches them that the sea was formerly extended to this spot; the women of this nation come here to gather them [the shells]; they make a powder of them and mix it with the earth of which they make their pottery, which is considered the best. However, I would not adyise the indiscriminate use of those shells for this purpose, because by nature they crack when exposed to fire; I think, therefore, that those which are found among the Nactchitoches have acquired this good quality only by losing their salt during a period of seyeral centuries that they have been out of the sea.“ It is rather remarkable that in many, if not in a majority of cases, the bits of shell have not been affected by the heat of baking or use, as their original luster is fully preserved. The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia, who were found practicing the art of pot making only a few years ago, calcined their shells, and, as a consequence, where a large percentage of the material was used in tempering the clay, the vessels are inclined to fall to pieces from the slacking that follows use in water. MANUFACTURE THe Recorps A careful study of the methods and processes or manufacture employed in the ceramic art of America must furnish much that is of interest to the student of technic evolution. Besides this, the intimate knowledge of the art gained in the study of the technique of manufac- ture may also be of value when applied to questions of a more purely ethnic nature, for peculiar methods and devices of art characterize the peoples employing them, and in connection with other classes of evi- dence may be of use in tracing and identifying peoples. Much remains to be done in this branch of the study, for, considering the fact that the ceramic art has been so generally practiced by the natives since the advent of Europeans, our knowledge of the methods of manu- facture seems very meager. Those whites who came in contact with the aborigines most intimately took very little interest in the native arts, and, as a rule, made no record of them whatever, and now, when interest is finally awakened, we tind these arts in the main superseded and lost. aDu Pratz, Antoine Simon Le Page, Histoire de la Louisiane, Paris, 1758, vol. 1, pp. 163-164. a nell og ae HOLMES] METHODS OF MANUFACTURE 49 Our knowledge of the technic of the art is fortunately not limited to that furnished by literature or by observation of modern practices. An examination of the many relics preserved to our time throws much light on the methods of fictile manipulation. The potter’s fingers haye left an indelible and easily read record upon every sherd. Slips, enam- els, and glazes which tend to obscure evidences of manipulation had not come into use or were sparingly employed, and the firing was so slight as to leave all the ingredients, save in color and hardness, practi- cally unchanged. First Usk or Ciay Clay was probably first employed in the unbaked state as an auxil- iary in various arts, but in such a simple manner that traces of the work are not preserved to us. The beginnings of the use of utensils of baked clay by our northern tribes must have been of comparatively recent date, but these incipient stages are necessarily obscure. If the art was of local origin a long series of almost imperceptible steps must have led up to successful methods of shaping and baking. Suitable clays would have to be discovered and brought into use, and it would be long before the intelligent use of tempering materials and advanced methods of manipulation were known. SHAPING PROCESSES AND APPLIANCES The shaping processes employed in vessel making were chiefly modeling and molding. These operations are equally elementary and probably of nearly equal antiquity, or, what amounts to the same thing, they came into use at corresponding stages of culture. If, as has been suggested, the clay vessel originated with the employment of clay as a lining for cooking pits, or in protecting baskets, fruit shells, or other articles from destruction by fire in culinary operations, the clay would be applied to, and would take the form of, the pit or vessel, and the art of molding would be suggested. Modeling began with the first touch of the fingers to a plastic material, but modeling directed to a definite end—the art of modeling—did not begin until some desired form was designedly reproduced. The assumption that the vessel was the first art form in baked clay may or may not be well founded, but that it soon became and always remained the most important product of the potter’s art must pass unchallenged. Although the molding process was much used in archaic times, it alone was never competent to complete a utensil; the plastic clay had to be squeezed into the mold and was therefore shaped, on one side at least, by modeling with the fingers or an implement. On the other hand, modeling alone was capable of accomplishing every necessary part of the shaping and finishing of vessels. AO) ETH—03——# 50 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£tH. any. 20 There has been much discussion regarding the probable nature of the mechanical appliances in use by pre-Columbian potters. It is now well established that the wheel or lathe was unknown in America, and no substitute for it capable of assisting materially in throwing the form or giving symmetry to the outline by purely mechanical means had been devised. The hand is the true prototype of the wheel as well as of other shaping tools, but the earliest artificial revolying device probably consisted of a shallow basket or bit of gourd in which the clay vessel was commenced and by means of which it was turned back and forth with one hand as the building went on with the other. This device is illustrated farther on in connection with studies of textile appliances employed in the art. Within the United States molds were generally, though not always, improvised affairs and seldom did more than serve as a support for the lower part of the clay yessel during shaping and finishing by the modeling processes. These molds were employed either as exterior or interior supports, to be removed before the baking began or even before the vessel was finished. They consisted of shallow baskets, sections of gourd shell, and vessels of clay or wood shaped for the purpose. The textile markings so often seen on the exterior surfaces of yases are not, however, impressions of baskets employed in model- ing and molding, but of pliable fabrics and cords used, possibly, in supporting the vessel while in the process of construction, but in most cases as a means of shaping, texturing, and ornamenting the surface, and applied by successive imprintings or malleations. This topic is presented in detail toward the close of this section. It is apparent that the actual process of building and shaping an ordinary vessel was in a general way much the same, no matter whether it was supported by a shallow vessel serving as a rudimentary mold or wheel, or whether it was the work of the hands unaided by such mechanical device. The work was commenced at the center of the rounded bottom, either with a small mass of clay, which was flattened out and modeled into the proper curve by pressure of the fingers, or with the end of a strip of clay coiled on itself and welded together and worked into the desired form. In either case the walls were, as a rule, carried upward from the nucleus thus secured by the addition of strips of clay which were often so long as to extend more than once around the growing rim, thus assuming the character of a coil. Coil building was practiced in a very skillful manner by the ancient Pueblos. With these people the strips of clay were cut and laid on with the utmost regularity, and the edges were made to overlap on the exterior of the vessel, forming spiral imbrications. In the eastern United States the strips of clay were wide, irregular, and rude, and were worked down and obliterated, the finished vessel rarely showing 2 hee HOLMES] MANUFACTURE AND DECORATION 51 traces of their employment. The strips were not systematically oyer- lapped as they were with the Pueblos, but one turn was set somewhat directly on the edge of the preceding turn and was attached to it by pressure and by drawing down the edges, both exterior and interior. Specimens from many sections fracture along the strip junctions, thus revealing the width of the fillets and the manner of their manipulation. The beginning of a coil is shown in figure 30a. Attachment was accom- plished by drawing both edges of the fillet down over the convex edge of the preceding turn, as is seen in bande. Commonly the walls were evened up and the form corrected and developed by the aid of modeling tools. A convex-surfaced implement, a piece of gourd, for example, vas held on the inner surface to support the wall, while paddles, rock- ing tools, and scrapers were used to manipulate the exterior surface. When the body of the vessel had been brought into approximately final shape, the margins—or in constricted forms the neck and rim— a b c | Fic. 30—Use of the coil in vessel building: a, beginning of coil; b, ordinary superposition of coils or strips: ¢, section. received attention. Handles, legs, and other relieved features, includ- ing ornaments, were shaped and added, and the points of junction were carefully finished off. In the case of compound or even of complex forms the parts were separately shaped and afterward joined by pres- sure and rubbing. Surface finish was accomplished in a number of ways, varying with the people, the period, and the locality, and with the use to which the vessels were to be applied. The most elementary treatment consisted of rubbing the surface with the hand and finger tips. But various tools were used, each leaving its own characteristic markings, and these in the more ordinary ware served as an ornamental finish. In the better ware the surface was rubbed down and polished with smooth stones or bits of shell. DECORATING PROCESSES When the vessel was built and practically complete, attention was turned toward decoration. During the shaping operations features of form and texture very often arose that proved pleasing to the potter, 52 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES | [2TH. ANN. 20 and these were preserved and elaborated. Thus the potters of each community, each nation, developed their own set of devices for deco- rating, besides acquiring from associated arts and from neighboring peoples additional ideas and facilities by means of which their art was gradually enriched. ; The fingers and fingernails were employed to produce many rude effects in relief and in intaglio; tools of many shapes, improvised or manufactured for the purpose, were used; sharp pointed ones to incise, gouge-like forms to excayate, dull and rounded points to trail, and all the varieties for indented designs. Of kindred nature is a species of rude inlaying, which consists of setting into the clay, in patterns, bits of colored mineral, such as mica and quartz. In some sections of the country engraved stamps, which generally took the form of paddles, were used to cover the plastic surface with diaper-like patterns; in others thin disks with indented or otherwise finished peripheries were rolled back and forth on the plastic surface, producing similar figures. Again, in many places woven fabrics were applied to the clay, leaving artistic patterns, and cords were impressed to produce ornamental figures of textile character. Then again proc- esses of preparing and applying color were known in some sections and extensively employed. Clays of yarying hues were ground and prepared in a liquid state to be applied with brushes. The surface was in cases prepared for the color by the addition of a layer or wash of fine paste. No description of the processes of applying the colors has been recorded, but they are probably not unlike those practiced in the Pueblo country today, and may haye been borrowed by the peo- ple of the lower Arkansas from their Pueblo neighbors or from nations inhabiting the western or southern shores of the Gulf of Mexico. 3AKING PROCESSES When completed the utensil was dried in the shade, in the sun, or before the fire, according to the needs of the case or to custom; after- ward it was baked with greater or less thoroughness. The Catawbas, it would seem, haying excellent clay, found baking before the fire quite sufficient. The Cherokees embedded the vessel in bark, which was fired, and the vessel came out red-hot. In no section was a very high degree of heat intentionally applied and the paste remained com- paratively soft. The shell material used in tempering was often not calcined, and vitrification rarely took place. Such traces of vitri- fication as have been observed may have been produced long subsequent to the original baking. It has often been stated that furnaces pre- pared for the purpose of firing earthenware have been identified, but it is difficult to substantiate this belief, as the phenomena observed may be due to the use of earthenware in connection with fireplaces or with kilns built for other purposes. eet ie ene HOLMES] CHEROKEE AND CATAWBA POTTERY 53 Methods of firing observed in use were extremely simple and con- sisted usually of devices for surrounding the vessels somewhat evenly with burning fuel. By such means the paste was hardened, and, in most cases discolored, taking a variety of hues depending on its min- eral ingredients and on the manner of applying the fire and the degree of heat attained, Some of the effects of color observed are undoubt- edly due to causes operating at a period subsequent to the original firing. In cases where pigments were used in surface finish or in ornamental designs it can not be determined whether or not changes in hue produced by chemical reactions in baking were anticipated and relied on to produce desired results. Processes OF MANUFACTURE IN PRESENT UsE Authors from whom information derived from personal observa- tions can be obtained are very few in number, and up to the present time no detailed account of the manufacture of earthenware in the great province covered by this paper has been published. The best accounts are casual notes by writers who sought only to entertain, or who had little conception of the subject with which they were dealing. Perceiving this I sought means of securing detailed and accurate infor- mation. In 1888, learning that Mr James Mooney, the indefatigable student of aboriginal history, was about to pay a visit to the Cherokee villages of western North Carolina, I secured his aid. Armed with a list of topics furnished by me he made a careful study of the art as practised among these peoples, and from his notes haye been compiled the two valuable accounts which follow: MANUFACTURE BY CATAWBA WOMEN Living with the Cherokees were (in 1890) two Catawba women, Sally Wahuhu, an old woman of 80 years, who had come from the Catawha reservation in South Carolina about fifty years before, and Susanna Owl, about 40 years of age, who had been with the Cherokees four years. These women, being skilled potters, were induced to make some vessels, that Mr Mooney might witness the operations. Their methods were probably in the main Catawban, but the manner of baking, by means of which a rich black color was given to the ware, was said by the elder woman to have been acquired from the Chero- kees. She also maintained that the Catawbas did not burn their wares in the fire, but baked them before it. On the Cherokee reservation two kinds of clay are used. They are found mainly on the north bank of the Soco creek, in Jackson county, North Carolina, and are usually closely associated in their deposition. One variety is fine-grained and of dark brown color; this is used for pipes, because it readily takes a high polish. The other variety is light gray or whitish in color and contains sand so coarse as to give it a gritty texture. For the manufacture of ordinary earthenware these 54 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ann. 20 clays are mixed in about equal proportions; they are placed together and pounded with a stick or with such tools as happen to be conven- ient. By adding water a paste of about the consistency of putty is soon produced, which in this state is ready for use; it may, however, be preserved an indefinite period provided it does not freeze. In making a vessel a sufficient quantity of the paste was placed by the Catawba women on a board and rolled into cylinders about an inch thick, which were cut up into sections eight or ten inches long. A small mass of clay was then taken, from which a disk about five inches in diameter was formed; this, turned up at the edges, served as the bottom of the vessel. It was placed on a board and one of the strips of clay, properly flattened out, was carried around its circumference and broken off on completing the circuit. The margin was bent slightly upward and the junction was rubbed over with the thumb nail to unite it. The process was repeated until the bowl was complete, the last strip being turned slightly outward with the fingers to form the rim. The joints were then rubbed over with the nails, and the whole surface, inside and out, was rubbed with a piece of gourd shell until it became quite even. During the smoothing process the vessel was beaten with the hands and dexterously turned by tossing in the air. The work up to this point had occupied about fifteen minutes. In the case of vessels requiring ears or handles, small cylinders of stiff clay were shaped, set in holes bored through the vessel, and clinched inside, and the joints were carefully smoothed over. The vessel was then allowed'to dry until the next day. Having remained in the sun for a number of hours it was again placed on a board which was held in the lap and the surface was scraped with a bit of gourd shell until the walls were sufficiently thin and even. Some parts, including the edges, were pared off with a knife. When the scraping or paring dislodged grains of sand, the holes were filled with bits of clay from the bottom of the yessel and the surface was smoothed over with the fingers. The surface was now rubbed over with the gourd shell and polished with a smooth pebble which, in this case, had been brought from South Carolina by the elder woman. This part of the process, occupying about fifteen minutes, finished the second day’s work. After the vessel had dried until the afternoon of the third day, in the sun, as far as possible, the surface was again rubbed inside and out with the polishing stone. This work occupied half an hour. After this the vase was placed before the fire where not exposed to drafts and dried or baked for an hour; it was then ready for firing, which was conducted indoors. Oak bark was used for firing; Sally Wahuhu stated that poplar bark gave a superior color and finish. Bark was preferred to wood because it was more easily broken up and was more convenient. A heap of bark was laid on a bed of living coals; the vessel was filled with broken bark and inyerted over the pile of ignited bark and then completely covered with the same fuel. The HOLMES] CATAWBA POTTERY 55 exterior bark was fired and the supply renewed for an hour, when the red-hot vessel was taken out. It was kept away from drafts during the burning and the first part of the cooling to prevent cracking. It was allowed to cool near the fire until the red heat had disappeared, when it was removed to the open air. On examination it was found that the inside had been colored a deep, glistening black by the burn- ing, but the exterior, save in spots where the bark had been dense and the fire much smothered, was of grayish and reddish tints. The Catawba potters excel in the manufacture of pipes. Susanna Owl used only the fine brown clay. In making an ordinary pipe she first rolled out a cylindric cone about tive inches long, one end of which yas less than half an inch in diameter and the other an inch or more. This cone was broken in the middle and the narrow piece was joined to the other near the smaller end and at right angles, the junction being perfected by the addition of bits of clay and by manipulation with the fingers. The processes of shaping, polishing, and drying were the same as with ordinary pottery. Three other varieties of pipes are made, described severally as cockscomb-shaped, ax-shaped, and boot-shaped. Incised ornamental figures are executed with a needle or a bent pin. This work is done on the evening of the second day or on the morning of the third. The bowl is not bored out until the pipe is nearly ready for firing. The pipes are baked, often several at a time, by embedding in burning bark, and a vessel is inverted over them during the process to impart a uniform glistening black finish. The work of the Catawba potters was observed by Dr E. Palmer on their reservation in South Carolina in 1884, and somewhat detailed notes were furnished by him to the Bureau of Ethnology. They use alight porous clay containing a large percentage of vegetal matter. It is moistened, then taken in the hands by bits, and kneaded by the fingers until all hard particles are removed and the texture becomes uniform. When enough is thus treated to make a vessel, a small por- tion is taken up and flattened between the hands and formed into +a disk. This is placed ona board, and other portions are rolled out into rolls a foot or less in length. One of these is wrapped about the mar- gin of the disk and worked down and welded with the fingers, and others are added in like manner until the walls rise to the desired height. When the surface is made sufficiently even and the cla\ becomes firm, smooth quartz pebbles are used to give a polish. The vessels are carefully dried in the shade and then baked by covering them with bark which is kept burning until they are sufli- ciently hardened. They are frequently moved about to prevent such constant contact with the burning bark as would blacken them too much. The colors produced are shades of brown mottled with grays and blacks. When the potters desire they produce a black shining surface by covering the articles with some inverted receptacle during the baking process. 56 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ann. 20 MANUFACTURE BY CHEROKEE WOMEN Mr Mooney found that although the making of pottery had fallen into disuse among the Cherokees, three women were still skilled in the art. The names of these potters are Uhydali, then 75 years of age, Katdlsta, about 85 years of age, and Ewi Katalsta, daughter of the last named and about 50 years old. Cherokee processes differ from the Catawba, or more properly, per- haps, did differ, in two principal points, namely, a, the application of a black glossy color by smother-firing, and, 4, the application of orna- mental designs to the exterior of the vessel by means of figured paddles or stamps. The employment of incised decorations was more common among the Cherokees than among the Catawbas. Katélsta used clay of the fine dark variety obtained near Macedonia Church. She prepared it as did the Catawba women, but in building she sometimes used one long coil which was carried spirally from the bottom to the rim after the manner of the ancient Pueblos and the potters of Louisiana. The inside of the vessel was shaped with a spoon and polished with a stone, the latter having been in use in the potter’s family, near Bryson City, North Carolina, for three genera- tions. The outside was stamped all over with a paddle, the body of which was covered with a checker pattern of engraved lines, giving a somewhat ornamental effect. The rim was lined vertically by incising with a pointed tool. At this stage of the process the vessel was lifted by means of a bit of cloth which prevented obliteration of the orna- ments. When the vessel was finished and dried in the sun it was heated by the fire for three hours, and then put on the fire and covered with bark and burned for about three-quarters of an hour. When this step of the process was completed the vessel was taken outside the house and inverted over a small hole in the ground, which was filled with burning corn cobs. This fuel was renewed a number of times, and at the end of half an hour the interior of the vessel had acquired a black and glistening surface. Sometimes the same result is obtained by burning small quantities of wheat or cob bran in the vessel, which is covered over during the burning to prevent the escape of the smoke. The implements used by the potters of this reservation are the tool for pounding the clay; the bits of gourd or shell, or other convex-surfaced devices for shaping and polishing; the knife for trimming edges; smooth pebbles for final polishing; pointed tools of wood, metal, ete., for incising patterns; and paddle stamps for imparting a rude diapered effect to the exterior surface of the vessel. The stamp patterns are usually small diamonds or squares, formed by cutting crossed grooves on the face of a small paddle of poplar or linn wood. Plain pipes of rather rude finish are made by the Cherokees after their ordinary manner of earthenware manufacture. HOLMES} MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY id Earty Accounts or MANUFACTURE For the purpose of showing the close general resemblance of the processes here recorded to those of Louisiana Indians witnessed, though inadequately described, by Du Pratz and Butel-Dumont one hundred and fifty years ago, I add the following paragraphs from these authors, quite literally translated. As soon as these peoples had settled in a fixed dwelling place, it was necessary to find the safest and most conyenient method of cooking maize and meats; they bethought themselves of making pottery. This was the work of the women. They sought for greasy earth, reduced it to powder, rejected the gravel which was found in it, made a sufficiently firm paste, and then established their workshop on a flat block of wood on which they formed the pottery with the fingers, smoothing it with a pebble, which was carefully preserved for this purpose. As fast as the clay dried they added more, supporting it with the hand on the other side; after all these operations they baked it by means of a hot fire. @ The following is from Butel-Dumont: Moreover, the industry of these Indian girls and women is admirable. I have already reported elsewhere with what skill, with their fingers alone and without a turning lathe they make all sorts of pottery. This is the method they employ: After having gathered the earth suitable for this kind of work, and having well cleansed it, they take shells which they grind and reduce to a very fine powder; they mix this very fine dust with the earth which has been provided, and, moist- ening the whole with a little water, they knead it with the hands and feet, form- ing a dough of which they make rolls 6 or 7 feet long and of whatever thickness is desired. Should they wish to fashion a dish or a vessel, they take one of these rolls and, holding down one end with the thumb of the left hand they turn it around with admirable swiftness and dexterity, describing a spiral; from time to time they dip their fingers in water, which they are always careful to have near them, and with the right hand they smooth the inside and outside of the vessel they intend to form, which, without this care, would be undulated. In this manner they make all sorts of utensils of earth, dishes, plates, pans, pots, and pitchers, some of which contain 40 and 50 pints. The baking of this pottery does not cause them much trouble. After having dried it in the shade they build a great fire, and when they think they have enough coals they clear a place in the middle where they arrange the vessels and cover them with the coals. It is thus that they give them the baking which is necessary. After this they can be placed on the fire and have as much firmness as ours. Their strength can only be attributed to the mixture which the women make of the powdered shells with the clay. A few additional accounts of the making of earthenware by the tribes of the region under review may be quoted. The statements of persons who have not themselves witnessed the processes of manufac- ture may in cases be vitiated by information derived through unre- liable sources and should always be carefully considered with this possibility in view. aDu Pratz, Antoine Simon Le Page, Histoire de la Louisiane, Paris, 1758, vol. 11, pp. 178-79. > Butel-Dumont, George Marie, Mémoires sur la Louisiane, Paris, 1753, vol. 11, pp. 271-73. 58 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£7H. any. 20 Hunter, who is one of the best early authorities on the Osages and other Indians of the Missouri and the upper Mississippi regions, makes the following statement: In manufacturing their pottery for cooking and domestic purposes, they collect tough clay, beat it into powder, temper it with water, and then spread it over blocks of wood, which have been formed into shapes to suit their convenience or fancy. When sufliciently dried, they are removed from the molds, placed in proper situa- tions, and burned to a hardness suitable to their intended uses. Another method practiced by them is to coat the inner surface of baskets made of rushes or willows with clay, to any required thickness, and, when dry, to burn them as above described. In this way they construct large, handsome, and tolerably durable ware; though latterly, with such tribes as have much intercourse with the whites, it is not much used, because of the substitution of cast-iron ware in its stead. When these vessels are large, as is the case for the manufacture of sugar, they are suspended by grapevines, which, wherever exposed to the fire, are constantly kept covered with moist clay. Sometimes, however, the rims are made strong, and project a little inwardly quite around the vessels, so as to admit of their being sustained by flattened pieces of wood, slid underneath these projections, and extending across their centers. @ These paragraphs appear to apply to the Osage Indians and proba- bly to their neighbors. Mr Catlin’s account of the manufacture of pottery by the Mandans of the upper Missouri is a valuable addition to our knowledge. Al- though often quoted it should not be omitted from this paper. I spoke also of the earthen dishes or bowls in which these viands were served out; they are a familiar part of the culinary furniture of every Mandan lodge, and are manufactured by the women of this tribe in great quantities, and modeled into a thousand forms and tastes. They are made by the hands of the women, froma tough black clay, and baked in kilns which are made for the purpose, and are nearly equal in hardness to our own manufacture of pottery, though they have not yet got the art of glazing, which would be to them a most valuable secret. They make them so strong and serviceable, however, that they hang them over the fire as we do our iron pots, and boil their meat in them with perfect success. I have seen some few speci- mens of such manufacture, which have been dug up in Indian mounds and tombs in the Southern and Middle states, placed in our Eastern museums, and looked upon as a great wonder, when here this novelty is at once done away with, and the whole mystery; where women can be seen handling and using them by hundreds, and they can be seen eyery day in the summer also, molding them into many fanciful forms and passing them through the kiln where they are hardened. ? That the art was very generally practiced even by the less sedentary tribes of the great Missouri basin is attested by the following extract from a very interesting book by Mr George Bird Grinnell: Years ago, on the sites of abandoned Pawnee villages, on the Loup Fork and on the Platte, fragments of pottery used to be found among the débris of the fallen lodges. The manufacture of this pottery was no doubt abandoned long ago, and has probably not been practiced to any considerable extent since they met the whites. aHunter, John D , Memoirs of a captivity among the Indians, London, 1823, pp. 255-89. bCatlin, George, Letters and notes on the North American Indians, London, 1844, vol. 1, p. 116. es a HOLMES] MANUFACTURE OF POTTERY 59 A man about fifty years of age stated to me that he had never seen these pots in use, but that his grandmother had told him that in her days they made and used them. He said that they were accustomed to smooth off the end of a tree fora mold. A hot fire was then built,in which stones were roasted, which were afterward pounded into fine powder or sand. This pounded stone they mixed with fine clay, and when the material was of the proper consistency they smeared it oyer the rounded mold, which was perhaps first well greased with buffalo tallow. After the clay had been made of even thickness throughout, and smooth on the outside, they took a small, sharp stone, and made marks on the outside to ornament it. When the material was sufficiently dry, they lifted it from the mold and burned it in the fire, and while it was baking, ‘‘put corn in the pot and stirred it about, and this made it hard asiron.’’ This may mean that it gave the pot a glaze on the inside. In these pots they boiled food of all kinds. Mr Dunbar informs me that these pots were also made in later times within a frame-work of willow twigs. The clay, made yery stiff, was smeared on this frame, the inside being repeatedly smoothed with the moist- ened hand, and but little attention being given to the appearance of the outside. After they had been sun-dried, such pots were baked without remoying the frame, which burned away in the fire, leaving the marks of the twigs visible on the outside of the pot.¢ : The following extracts from the writings of Peter Kalm refer to the practice of this art in the eastern portions of the country, and indicate that the art of clay vessel making was entirely abandoned in those sections familiar to that author more than a century ago. The specimens exhibited by Mr Bartram probably came from the South. Mr Kalm wrote: Mr Bartram shewed me an earthen pot, which had been found in a place where the Indians formerly lived. He who first dug it out kept grease and fat in it to smear his shoes, boots, and all sorts of leather with. Mr Bartram bought the pot of that man; it was yet entire and not damaged. I could perceive no glaze or color upon it, but on the outside it was very much ornamented and upon the whole well made. Mr Bartram shewed me several pieces of broken earthen vessels which the Indians formerly made use of. It plainly appeared in all these that they were not made of mere clay, but that different materials had been mixed with it, according to the nature of the places where they were made. Those Indians, for example, who lived near the seashore pounded the shells of snails and mussels and mixed them with the clay. Others, who lived farther up in the country where mountain crystals could be found, pounded them and mixed them with their clay; but how they proceeded in making the vessels is entirely unknown. It was plain that they did not burn them much, for they are so soft they might be cut in pieces with a knite; the work- manship, however, seems to have been very good, for at present they find whole vessels or pieces in the ground which are not damaged at all, though they have lain in the ground aboye a century. Before the Europeans settled in North America the Indians had no other vessels to boil their meat in than these earthen pots of their own making, but since their arrival they have always bought pots, kettles, and other necessary vessels of the Europeans, and take no longer the pains of making some, by which means this art is entirely lost among them. Such vessels of their own construction are therefore a great rarity even among the Indians. I have seen such old pots and pieces of them, consisting of a kind of Serpentine stone, or Lin- neus’s Talcum, Syst. Nat. 3, p. 52. aGrinnell, George Bird, Pawnee hero stories and folk-tales, New York, 1893. » Kalm, Peter, Travels into North America, vol. 1, Warrington, 1770, pp : 60 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _[ETH. ANN. 20 In the following extract the author appears to refer to the use of pottery in New Jersey; and sherds now found in so many localities no doubt represent the art of the time referred to. The old boilers or kettles of the Indians, were either made of clay, or of different kinds of pot stone (Lapis ollaris). The former consisted of a dark clay, mixt with grains of white sand or quartz, and burnt in the fire. Many of these kettles haye two holes in the upper margin, on each side one, through which the Indians put a stick and held the kettle over the fire as long as it was to boil. Most of the kettles haye no feet. It is remarkable that no pots of this kind have been found glazed, either on the outside or the inside. A few of the oldest Swedes could yet remember seeing the Indians boil their meat in these pots. @ Many details of clay manipulation are given in subsequent pages as the various groups of ware are presented. SIZE The production of a vessel of clay required much skill, experience, and foresight; it was not a single, simple act of construction that was necessary, but a series of progressive operations of a delicate and diffi- cult nature, extending over a number of days. These difficulties were much increased with the increase in dimensions of the utensil. A ves- sel so small as to be kept well within the grasp of the fingers could be built at once, and without great danger of failure at any stage of the work, but in building a large vessel the walls had to be carried upward by degrees, time being required to allow the plastic paste to set and thus to become capable of supporting additional weight. The danger of failure in subsequent stages of the work also increased with the size, anda vessel of clay two or more feet in diameter, and three-fourths that height, carried successfully through all the steps of modeling, drying, burning, coloring, and ornamentation may well be regarded as a triumph of barbarian manipulative skill. The average Indian vase, as seen in our museums, is rather small, having a capacity of a gallon or less, but these surviving vessels do not fairly represent the dimensions of the original products; large vessels are rarely preserved for the reason that as a rule, save in limited districts, they were not buried with the dead, as were the smaller pieces. The use for which the vessel was intended had much to do with its size. The boiling of messes for feasts where many people were to be served required large pots, as did also storage, and evaporation of water for salt or sugar. The so-called salt pots found in Tennessee, Illinois, and Missouri are among the largest vessels known in any sec- tion of the country, and fragments have been found indicating a a diameter of three feet or more. In such vessels the depth usually is not great; indeed, few vessels of any class have been collected having a height greater than twenty-four inches. The thickness of the walls of «Kalm, Peter, Travels into North America, vol. 11, London, i770, pp. 41-42. _~—— HOLMES] FORMS OF VESSELS 61 these large vessels, in many cases, reaches or exceeds three-fourths of an inch, and their weight must have been considerable. The potter undoubtedly found it a difficult task to handle them while the clay was still in a plastic or semisolid state. Asa rule the walls of ordinary vases are surprisingly thin, and we are led to admire the skill of the potter who could execute vessels of large size and fine proportions with walls at no point exceeding three- eighths of an inch in thickness. Size varies from the extreme propor- tions above mentioned to those of toy vessels not more than an inch in diameter and height. FORMS The avsence of all suggestiveness of form in the natural clay, together with its plasticity when moist, and its brittleness when dry, must have prevented its early independent use in the shaping arts; but when the means of hardening it by baking, and strengthening it by tempering, came to be understood, a new and ever-expanding field was opened to art. With primitive peoples the first known use of baked clay is in the construction of vessels. The development of form in vessel making is governed by numerous influences and conditions; first, there are functional influences or requirements; second, inherited suggestions and limitations; third, mechanical agencies; fourth, ideographic requirements; and fifth, esthetic forces. 1. Function is of necessity the leading influence in all that pertains to the selection of models and the determination of size and general contour. Primarily the vessel was intended to contain that which unre- strained would be difficult to hold, handle, and transport, and its shape had to be such as would permit the successful performance of these functions. As uses differentiated and multiplied, the various primal forms underwent many changes. The manner of use also led in many cases to special modifications of shape. A pot to be placed upon the fire differed in base and rim from one that was to be suspended; a vase intended to stand upright on a hard floor was different in shape from the one that was to be set upright in the sand. 2. The duties to which earthen vessels were assigned were originally performed by other classes of vessels, and when a new material, wholly amorphous and offering no suggestions of form, came into use, shapes were copied from antecedent vessels, as men, in constructing, necessa- rily follow suggestions offered by what already exists. Clay vessels, therefore, took forms depending much on the vessels with which the potter was acquainted, and the potters of different nations having unlike models produced different forms from the very start. These inceptive characteristics were long retained and exercised a lasting influence. No race in the world appears to have made as much use of 62 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ann. 20 natural forms in the art at a corresponding grade of culture as the American Indian, and the striking result is seen at a glance, when any large number of vessels made by the more advanced tribes is brought together. 3. In the use of any material in the shaping arts certain processes and certain mechanical aids are employed, and these vary with the materials and with the acquirements of the potter so that great varia- tion of form results. Clay has limitations of strength unburned and burned, and form is governed by these limitations. If the potter is unskilled of hand and eye, his work will lack in symmetry and grace; and if his appliances are imperfect, its form will as a consequence be unsymmetric and rude. The introduction of each improved device leads to modifications of form. It is readily seen, for example, that the discovery of the wheel must have led to the introduction of many new features of form, consigning many others to oblivion. +. Ideographic influences are felt but little in early stages of the art, yet in time they become a powerful force in giving shape to articles of clay. If, for example, a vessel is intended for use in connection with rites relating to a particular animal deity, the shape is made to suggest the form of that deity. The idea in such cases governs not only the shape but the color and decoration. 5. Esthetic influence is necessarily weak during the earliest prac- tice of the art, and shape is apparently slow to receive esthetic notice and modification; but, even at this stage, use, model, and technic give much that is regarded as pleasing in form. Certain proportions and something of grace are necessarily embodied in each vessel and it is quite impossible in a given case to determine at just what point the esthetic idea begins to produce its effects. In even the most primi- tive groups of earthenware there are apparent traces of the action of this force in the modification of margins and in the turning of curves. The forms produced in the primitive stages of the art are, asa rule, exceedingly simple. We may assume that the most elementary form is the bowl or cup with rounded bottom, wide mouth, and plain margin. There are a number of influences tending to give the base a rounded rather than a flat or concave shape, among which are the ayailable natural forms or models, the manner of use, and the ease and natural- ness of construction. Flat and concave bottoms come late, as do also such features as pedestals, annular bases, feet, and legs. These come into use no doubt with the introduction of hard, level floors in the dwelling. As skill increases, the margin of the vessel rises, the outline varies from the globular form, and many causes lead to specialization and elaboration, so that we have oblong and flattened bodies, constricted rims, straight and recurved lips, short and high necks, and many degrees of constriction of opening. Compound and complex forms follow, and finally the potter ventures on the production of natural HOLMES] COLOR IN POTTERY MAKING 63 forms, repre esenting and portraying shells, fruits, birds, beasts, and men, essaying also many fanciful creations. However, fora long time the fandstdental purpose of vessels was that of containing, and the various changes rung on their forms do not seriously interfere with this normal function. After great skill is acquired in the handling of clay other articles are manufactured, and the ceramic field is greatly enlarged; thus we have implements, pipes, figurines, idols, spindle whorls, musical instru- ments, and personal ornaments. COLOR CoLor or Paste The colors observed in primitive earthen vessels are, in a great meas- ure, the result of causes not regulated or foreseen by the potter; the clays employed have different hues, and in the process of baking alter- ations in color take place through chemical changes or through the deposition of carbonaceous matter on the surfaces. The range of these colors is quite large and varies with materials and processes, but the prevailing colors are dark reddish, yellowish, and brownish grays, often unevenly distributed over the surface of the vessel. Many tribes were not satisfied with the colors produced in this way, but submitted the vessel to special processes to effect desired changes. One method, already referred to and thought to be aboriginal, consisted in covering the vessel with fuel which was burned in such a way as to confine the smoke, thus giving a glossy black finish. When vessels are broken, it is observed that the color of the paste is not uniform throughout the mass; usually the interior is darker than the surface, which was exposed directly to the heat in baking and lost such portions of its original coloring matter as happened to be most volatile. Possibly this effect may in cases be produced by weathering, or, rather, by the bleaching action of the soil in which the vessels were embedded. APPLICATION OF COLOR It was a common practice with some tribes to apply a wash of color to the surface of the vase, generally to the more exposed parts of the exterior only. Little is known of the manner in which the colors were mixed and used. They were usually applied before the baking, and were always polished down with a rubbing stone. Red was the favorite color. Du Pratz mentions the use of color by the Natchez Indians in the following lines: On the same hill (White hill) there are veins of ocher, of which the Natchez had just taken some to stain their pottery, which is very pretty; when it was besmeared with ocher it became red after burning. @ The preferenc e for particular colors may be due to a number of eae Pratz, Antoine Simon Le Page, Histoire de la Louisiane, Paris, 1758, Wal I, p. 124. 64 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ann. 20 causes, two of which are of especial importance: first, with some peo- ples colors had peculiar mythologic significance, and on this account were appropriate to vessels employed for certain ceremonial uses; second, most savage and barbarian peoples havea decided fondness for colors, and appreciate their esthetic values, taste being exercised in their selection. There is good evidence that both superstitious and esthetic motives influenced the potters of the mound region; but it is impossible to say from a study of the vases exactly what part each of these motives took in producing the results observed in the wares studied. Ordinarily domestic pottery did not receive surface coloring, as subsequent use over fire would entirely obliterate it. Coloring for ornament is more fully discussed in a subsequent section (page 66). DECORATION Evoiution or DEcoration A volume could be written on this most attractive subject, but a brief outline is all that can be given in this place. The origin and early development of the idea of embellishment and the manner in which decorative features came to be introduced into the ceramic art ‘an not be examined in detail. I have dwelt on these topics to some extent in two papers already published, Form and Ornament in the Ceramic Art, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the Evolution of Ornament, an American Lesson, in the American Anthropologist, April 1890, It is not essential to the purpose of this paper that I should here do more than characterize and classify the native decorative work of the eastern United States in a somewhat general'way, detailed studies being presented in connection with the separate presentation of ceramic groups. Decoration may be studied, first, with reference to the subject- matter of the ornamentation—its form, origin, and significance—and, second, with reference to the methods of execution and the devices and implements employed. It may also be examined with refer- ence to such evidence as it affords regarding racial and tribal history. The subject-matter of primitive ceramic ornament, the elements or motives employed, may be assigned to two great classes based on the character of the conceptions associated with them. These are non- ideographic, that is to say, those having a purely esthetic office, and those haying in addition to this function associated ideas of a super- stitious, mnemonic, or other significant nature. Nonideographie ele- ments are mainly derived from two sources: first, by copying from objects having decorative features, natural or artificial, and second, from suggestions of a decorative nature arising within the art from constructive and manipulative features. Natural objects, such as sea- shells and fruit shells, abound in features highly suggestive of embel- lishment, and these objegts are constantly and intimately associated with the plastic art and are copied by the potter. Artificial objects HOLMES] METHODS OF DECORATING 65 have two classes of features capable of giving rise to ornament; these are constructional and functional. Those of the former class are represented by such features as the coil employed in building, and the stitch, the plait, and the twist employed in textile fabrics. Those of the latter are represented by handles, legs, bands, perforations, ete. Suggestions incidental to manufacture, such as finger markings, imprints of implements, and markings of molds, are fruitful sources of nonideographic decorations. In the primitive stages of the art simple nonideographic elements seem to predominate, but it is difficult to draw a line separating them from the ideographic, for an idea may at any time become associated with even the most elementary design. When, however, we encounter delineative elements or subjects employed in ornamental offices, we may reasonably assume that ideas were associated with them, that they were symbolic. It is pretty generally conceded that life forms were not employed in early art save when they had a peculiar significance and applicability in the connection in which they were used, and it is probable that the associated idea was often retained even though the representation became so conventionalized and formal that the ordinary observer would no longer recognize the semblance of nature. This topic was examined in detail in a recent study of the art of ancient Chiriqui,“ and is presented in equally definite form in the section of this paper devoted to Gulf Coast ware. The range of imitative subjects employed in surface decoration is not large. Within the whole area studied, no representation of a plant has been found; birds and the human figure were rarely delineated, and even quadrupeds, so generally employed in modeling, do not appear with frequency in other forms of expression. Ceramic decora- tion is probably late in taking up the graphic and ideographic art of a people. This conservatism may be due to the fact that in early stages the art is purely domestic, and such delineations would have little appropriateness. It is probably not until the fictile products come to take a prominent place in superstitious usages that: significant designs are demanded and employed. Mernops oF DECORATING The decoration of earthenware was accomplished in a number of ways which are classified by form characters as relieved, flat, and depressed. The processes employed are modeling with the fingers and with tools, molding in baskets or other vessels having ornamented surfaces, and stamping, paddling, impressing, puncturing, carving, incising, polishing, and painting with such tools as were most conyen- ient. A brief review of the decorating processes has already been given under the head Manufacture. «Holmes, W, H., Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, in Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1888. 20 ETH—03 5 66 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ann. 20 RELIEVED ORNAMENT The modeling of animal forms constituted a prominent feature of the potter’s art in the Mississippi valley as well as in some other sections. Asa rule the figures were modeled, in part at least, in the round, and were attached to or formed essential parts of the vase. Usually, no doubt, they had a symbolic office, but their decorative value was not lost sight of, and the forms graded imperceptibly into conventional relieved features that to all appearances were purely decorative. Decorative designs of a purely conventional character were often executed in both low and salient relief. This was generally accom- plished by the addition of nodes and fillets of clay to the plain surfaces of the vessel. Fillets were applied in various ways over the body, forming horizontal, oblique, and vertical bands or ribs. When placed about the rim or neck, these fillets were often indented with the finger or an implement so as to imitate, rudely, a heavy twisted cord—a feature evidently borrowed from basketry or copied from cords used in mending or handling earthen vessels. Nodes were also attached in various ways to the neck and body of the vessel, sometimes covering it as with spines. In some cases the entire surface of the larger vessels was varied by pinching up small bits of clay between the nails of the fingers and the thumb. An implement was sometimes used to produce a similar result. INTAGLIO ORNAMENT The esthetic tendencies of the potters are well shown by their essays in engraving. They worked with points on both the plastic and the sun-dried clay, and possibly at times on the fire-baked surface. Figures thus produced exhibit a wide range of artistic achievement. They illustrate all stages of progress from the most archaic type of ornament—the use of loosely associated dots and straight lines—to the most elegant combinations of curves, and the delineation of life forms and fanciful conceptions. In many cases when a blunt implement was employed, the line was produced by a trailing movement. The result is quite distinct from that of incision, in which a sharp point is used, and excision or exca- vation which is more easily accomplished with the end of a hollow reed or bone. The application of textile fabrics giving impressions of the mesh was very general, and engraved paddles were used to give simi- lar effects. These topics are treated at length elsewhere in this paper. Repoussé work, which consisted in punching up nodes by applying a blunt tool to the opposite side of the vessel wall, was common in some localities. PAINTED ORNAMENT The use of color in decorating earthenware marks a very decided advance beyond the inceptive stage of the art. Vessels to be employed in ordinary culinary work needed no surface ornament, and could not retain it during use. When differentiation of use had made some prog- HOLMES] METHODS OF DECORATING 67 ress, and neat appearance became desirable, coloring was applied, and when the office became ceremonial or superstitious, elaborate designs were employed. Ornament in color is common in the middle and lower Mississippi regions, and is seen to some extent along the Gulf coast and in Florida; rare examples have been found in the middle Ohio region and east of the Appalachian high land in Georgia and the Carolinas. The most decided prevalence of color in finish and decora- tion is discovered in the Arkansas region, from which locality as a center this feature is found to fade out and gradually disappear. The reason of this is not determined, but it is to be remarked that Arkansas borders somewhat closely on the Pueblo country where the use of color was general, and this idea, as has already been remarked, may have been borrowed from the ancient Pueblo potter. The coiors used in painting were white, red, brown, and black; they consisted for the most part of finely pulverized clay mixed with ochers and of native ochers alone. Occasionally the colors used seem to have been mere stains. All were probably laid on with coarse brushes of hair, feathers, or vegetal fiber. The figures in most cases are sim- ple, but are applied in a broad, bold way, indicative of a well-adyanced stage of decorative art. Skill had not yet reached the point, however, at which ideographie pictorial subjects could be presented with much freedom, and the work was for the most part purely conventional. As would be expected, curvilinear forms prevail as a result of the free-hand method of execution; they embrace meanders, scrolls, cir- cles, spirals, and combinations and groupmg of curyed lines. Of rectilinear forms, lozenges, guilloches, zigzags, checkers, crosses, and stellar shapes are best known. Many of these figures were doubtless symbolic. Life forms were seldom attempted, although modeled fig- ures of animals were sometimes given appropriate markings, as in the case of a fine owl-shaped vessel from Arkansas, and of a quadruped vase, with striped and spotted body, from Missouri. Examples of human figures from Arkansas have the costume delineated in some detail in red, white, and the ochery color of the paste, and numerous vases shaped in imitation of the human head have the skin, hair, and ornaments colored approximately to life. In some cases the patterns on vases are brought out by polishing certain areas more highly than others, and an example is cited by C. C. Jones in which inlaying had been resorted to.“ USE OF TEXTILES IN MODELING AND EMBELLISHING RELATION OF THE TEXTILE AND CrRAMIC ARTS Among the tribes of a wide zone in southern British America and northern United States, and extending from the Atlantic to the Rocky mountains, the ceramic art was intimately associated with the textile art, aJones, C. C., Antiquities of the southern Indians, p. 459. 68 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES | [£1?H. any. 20 and the earthenware exhibits traces of this intimacy as one of its most constant characteristics. These traces consist of impressions of textile articles made on the plastic clay during manufacture, and of markings in imitation of textile characters traced or stamped on the newly made vessels. The textile art is no doubt the older art in this region as else- where, and the potter, working always with textile appliances and with textile models before him, has borrowed many elements of form and ornament from them. Textile forms and markings are thus in this part of America a characteristic of the initial stages of the ceramic art. It is true that we can not say in any case whether the potter’s art as practiced in the northern districts is exclusively of local development, springing from suggestions offered by the practice of simple culinary arts, especially basketry, or whether it represents degenerate phases of southern art radiating from far away culture centers and reduced to the utmost simplicity by the unfriendly environment. We are cer- tainly safe, however, in assuming that this peculiar phase of the art a stage through and from which arose the higher and more complex phases characterizing succeeding stages of represents its initial stage barbarism and civilization. Whether with all peoples the art passed through the textile stage may remain a question, because the traces are obliterated by lapse of time, but we observe as we pass south through the United States that the textile-marked ware becomes less and less prevalent. However, sufficient traces of textile finish are still found in Florida and other Gulf states to suggest a former practice there of the archaic art. Cuasses oF TEXTILE MARKINGS Textile markings found on pottery are of five classes: first, impres- sions from the surface of rigid forms, such as baskets; second, im- pressions of fabrics of a pliable nature, such as cloths and nets; third, impressions from woven textures used over the hand or over some suitable modeling implement; fourth, impressions of cords wrapped about modeling paddles or rocking tools; fifth, impressions of bits of cords or other textile units, singly or in groups, applied for ornament only and so arranged as to give textile-like patterns. In addition, we have a large class of impressions and markings in which textile effects are mechanically imitated. The several kinds of textile markings are not equally distributed over the country, but each, to a certain extent, seems to characterize the wares of a particular region or to belong to particular groups of ware, indicating, perhaps, the condition and practices of distinct peo- ples or variations in initial elements affecting the art. There may also be a certain order in the deyelopment of the various classes of impressions—a passing from simple to complex phenomena, from the purely mechanical or the simply imitative to the conventionally modi- tied and highly elaborated phases of embellishment. a EE - the distinction in all cases. Practical uses may be of several kinds. In modeling a clay vessel a basket may ‘be used as a support and ‘pivot, thus becoming an in- HOLMES] PROCESSES OF MANUFACTURE 69 Use or Baskets in Moupinc anp Mopeuina The extent to which baskets were used in modeling pottery in this great province has been greatly overestimated. Instead of being the rule, as we have been led to believe, their use constitutes the excep- tion, and the rare exception. The functions of the fab- rics and textile elements used in connection with the manufacture of pottery de- serve careful consideration. There can be little doubt that these functions are both practical and esthetic, but we shall not be able to make cipient form of the wheel ne (see figure 31). It may Fic. 31—Use of a basket in modeling an earthen vessel EAGLES eG cr ing the bodies of the ves- : sels, thus assuming in a limited way the functions of a mold (see fig- ure 32). The mat on which a plastic vessel happens to rest leaves impressions rendered indelible by subsequent firing. The same may be true of any fabric brought into contact with the plastic surface, but the impressions in such cases are ac- cidental and have no practical fune- tion. That baskets were used in the East as molds is attested by historical evi- dence, as may be seen by reference to the citation from Hunter, previ- ously made. I can but regard it as remarkable, however, that in hand- Fic. 32—Use of a basket as a mold jor the ling thousands of specimens of this Bah ee Po aiaas, pottery I have found no vase the im- prints on which fully warrant the statement that a basket was employed as a mold, or even as a support for the incipient clay form. Many assertions to the contrary have been made, probably through misapprehension of the nature of the 70 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. Ann. 20 seesiese + < y. Fic. 38—Vase showing impressions resulting from the use of pliable fabrics in wrapping and sustain- ing the vessel while plastic. Height 4 inches. Fic. 3i—Fragment of salt vessel, with cast in clay, showing kind of fabric used in modeling vessels. About one-half actual size. ain —_ a ee. HOLMES] USE OF TEXTILES IN MANUFACTURE wl markings observed. On fragments of imperfectly preserved vessels distinctions can not readily be drawn between disconnected impres sions made by the partial application of pliable fabrics or textile. covered stamps and the systematically connected imprintings made by the surface of a basket. The unwary are likely even to mistake the rude patterns made by impressing bits of cords in geometric arrange- ment about the rims of vases for the imprints of baskets. User of PLIABLE Faprics in MopELING Pliable fabrics, such as sacks, nets, and cloth, were made use of as exterior supports in holding or handling the vessel while it was still in a plastic condition. Mr Mooney says that the Cherokees use a rag to lift the pot at one stage in its manufacture, and it is easy to see _that cloths or nets wrapped about the exterior surface of the plastic walls would serve to prevent quick drying and consequent cracking of Fic. 35—Fragment of a cooking pot showing impressions of a net-covered paddle, North Carolina, About three-fourths actual size. the clay along a weak line. Binding up with cloths or nets would inter- fere with the deforming tendency of pressure during the modeling process and of sinking from weight of the plastic walls. Mr Sellers, a very acute observer, believed that the modeling of certain large salt basins was done on core-like molds of clay. In such a case, or where, as observed by Hunter, blocks of wood were used, the cloth would serve an important purpose in facilitating the removal of the plastic or partly dried clay shell and in supporting it during subsequent stages of the shaping and finishing processes. Such removal would probably be accomplished by turning the mold, with the vase upon it, upside down, and allowing the latter to fall off into the fabric by its own weight or by the means of pressure from the hands. An excellent example of the impressions made on the surface of vases by fabrics applied in the course of manufacture is shown in figure 83. The (iP ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ANN. 20 Fic. 36—Bowl from a North Carolina mound, showing impressions of a cord-wrapped malleating tool. Diameter 6 inches, Fic. 37—Bowl made by the author, The surface finished with the cord-wrapped paddle shown in figure 38. Diameter 6 inches, HOLMES] USE OF TEXTILES IN MANUFACTURE 73 specimen is a small vessel obtained from a mound in Lenoir county, North Carolina. Figure 34« illustrates an ordinary example of the fabrics used by the makers of salt pans in wrapping the plastic form. The positive restoration, 4, was obtained by making an impression in clay from the potsherd. Use or TExTILES IN MALLEATING SURFACES An extended series of experiments, made for the purpose of deter- mining the functions of fabrics in pottery making, has led to the observation that the imprintings were in many cases not made by textiles used as supports, but were applied wrapped about the hand or a modeling tool as a means of knitting or welding together the clay surface. Experiment shows that the deeper and more complex the imprintings, if properly managed, the more tenacious be- comes the clay. An example of net-paddled ware is given in figure 35. Scarifying, comb- ing, pinching with the fingernails, or malleat- ing with engraved paddles, served the same purpose. Use or FLar Corp-wRAPPED MALLEATING TooLs It was further observed, as a result of these investigations, that more than half of the textile markings on vases are not really im- prints of fabrics at all, but are the result of going over the surface with modeling tools covered or wrapped with unwoven twisted cords. This is well illustrated in figures 36 and 37. Figure 36 illustrates a small bowl from a mound in North Carolina. The surface is completely covered with deep, sharp mark- ings made by paddling with a cord-wrapped : : Fie, 38—Cherokee potter’s paddle tool applied repeatedly and at various angles. — rapped with cord and used in Figure 37 shows a similar cup made of malleating the bowl shown in figure 37. potter’s clay as an experiment. The mal- leating implement was a Cherokee potter’s paddle which I had wrapped with native cord (see figure 38). Use or Corp-wraprpep RockinG Toors Of the same general class as the cord-wrapped paddle were other tools, more or less rounded and wrapped with cord. These may have been applied as paddles, but were usually rocked hack and forth, the rounder forms being revolved as a roulette. The impressions of the 74 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _ [ETH. Any. 20 Fie. 39—Potsherd showing effect produced by rocking a cord-wrapped implement back and forth, About three-fourths actual size. a b c Fic. 40—a, A cylindric modeling tool wrapped with cord (restored); b, a notched wheel or roulette (restored); c, a vessel made by the author; surface finished with a cord-wrapped implement and decorated with the roulette. About one-half actual size. HOLMES] USE OF TEXTILES IN MANUFACTURE (© flat paddle are distinguished by the patchy and disconnected nature of the imprints. The rolling or rocking implement was not lifted from the surface, and gave a zigzag connection to the markings, illustrated in figure 39. ; The rolling or rocking modeling tools had an advantage over the Fic. 41—Potsherds showing simple method of applying cords in decorating vases. About three-fourths actual size. flat paddles in treating round surfaces, and especially about the con- stricted neck of the vessel. I have undertaken to restore this imple- ment, as illustrated in figure 40a, and have used it successfully in Fic. 42—Small pot with finger-nail markings giving the effect of basket impressions. One-third actual size. imitating effects common in the simpler wares of a vast region (see figure 40 c). Implements of this class served the triple purpose: (1) of modeling the surface, reducing irregularities; (2) of kneading and knit- ting the surface, making the walls stronger; and (3) of impirting a 76 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _ [ETH. ann. 20 Fic. 43—The roulette (restored) inked and rocked on a sheet of paper. Fic. 44—Potsherds illustrating markings produced by the notched wheel; a about three-fourths actual size; b about one-third actual size. HOLMES] USE OF TEXTILES IN MANUFACTURE ti texture to the surface that may have been regarded as pleasing to the eye. It is seen, however, that whenever it was desired to add orna- mental designs, even of the most simple kind, this cord marking was generally smoothed down over that part of the surface to be treated, so that the figures imprinted or incised would have the advantage of an even ground. Use oF Corps IN IMPRINTING ORNAMENTAL PATTERNS Growing out of the use of cord-wrapped tools in modeling and finish- ing the clay surfaces is a group of phenomena of great importance in Fic. 45—Potsherds with stamped markings giving textile-like effects. One-half actual size. the history of ceramic ornament. I refer to the imprinting of twisted cords, singly and in such relations and order as to produce ornamental effects or patterns. In its simplest use the cord was laid on and imprinted in a few lines around the shoulder or neck of the vessel. Elaborations of this use are imprintings which produce a great variety of simple geometric patterns, differing with the regions and the peoples. Connected or current fretwork and curved figures were not readily executed by this method, and are never seen. A few examples of cord- imprinted patterns are shown in figure 41. Hard-twisted cords were 78 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ann. 20 b Fic. 47—Potsherds showing textile-like effect of finishing with engraved paddles. About one-half actual size, HOLMES] IMITATION OF TEXTILE EFFECTS 79 in most general use, but their markings were imitated in various ways, as by imprinting strings of beads and slender sticks or sinews wrapped with thread or other unwoven strands. Various Means or Imrratinc TEXTILE CHARACTERS It would seem that the textile idea in decoration went beyond the imprinting of textiles and cords, and that textile markings were imitated in many ways, indicating possibly the association of ideas of a special traditional nature with the textile work and their perpetuation in cera- mics by the imitation of textile characters. A few of these imitations Fic. 48—Incised designs of textile character. About one-half actual size. may be mentioned. In figure 42 is shown a small pot to which the appearance of a basket has been given by pinching up the plaster surface with the finger nails. The notched wheel or roulette, restored in figure 40), was used in imitating cord-made patterns, and this was probably an outgrowth of the use of cord-covered malleating tools. This tool was confined rather closely to one great group of pottery, the so-called roulette- decorated ware of the Northwest. Its effective use is shown in figure 40¢, and in illustrations of the ware given in the sections treating of the pottery of the Northwest. The manner of using the implement is well illustrated in figure 43, where an improvised wheel has been inked and rocked back and forth on a sheet of paper. The potsherds shown in figure 44 illustrate these markings as applied by the ancient potters. 50 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. Ann. 20 Decorative effects closely resembling those produced by the use of cords and the rocking tool were made by narrow, notched stamps applied to the plastic surface in the manner indicated in figure 45. Connecting directly with this simple stamp work, in which a succes- sion of separate Imprinting give the textile effects, is the use of the engraved modeling and decorating paddle, so common in the South Appalachian region. Two Cherokee paddles with engraved surfaces are given in figure 46 @ and /, and the effect of the use of similar implements is shown in figure 47. The sherds illustrated are from Florida mounds. In figure 48 is presented a bit of ware from a New Jersey village site in which textile-like combinations of lines have been worked out with an incised tool. Owing to the close association of these rouletted, stamped, and incised effects with the textile-imprinted groups of ware, I feel war- ranted in speaking of them as in general growing directly out of textile practices, although they are not necessarily always so connected, as the use of the stamp may in cases have arisen from the use of non- textile tools in modeling. It is thus seen from what has been said that the textile art has served in various ways to shape and modify the ceramic art, and the textile technic has bequeathed its geometric characters to the younger art, giving rise to most varied forms of embellishment, and no doubt pro- foundly affecting the later phases of its development. POTTERY OF THE MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY In presenting a review of the several groups or varieties of earthen- ware it seems advisable to begin with that group most fully represented in our collections, as it will exhibit the widest range of those features and phenomena with which we must in all cases deal. By far the most complete in every essential is the great group of utensils repre- senting the middle Mississippi valley region. The descriptions and illustrations of this group will serve as a basis of comparison in pre- senting all other groups, thus greatly facilitating and abbreviating the work. GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION The geographic distribution of the ware of this group naturally receives first consideration. Apparently its greatest and most strik- ing development centers about the contiguous portions of Arkansas. Missouri, Illinois, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The area covered is much greater, however, than would thus be indicated; its borders are extremely irregular, and are not as yet at all clearly defined. Typical specimens are found as far north as Chicago, as far northeast as 7 Ny rg ya BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV = e a ‘ n pre hoa! * Ray peur: < \Middle Mississippi roa Valley group cette as | Seale eae | \ FTN sagustine eS. Apalac 3 FeseBlass \§r.George . Iroquois group | q S ee 27") ] En fy North i § { | estern | rr up DISTRIBUTION OF ABORIGINAL sub! POTTERY GROUPS | ee \ IN EASTERN UNITED STATES | | BY W.H. HOLMES, 1901. \ - JULIUS BIEN ACO LITHN ¥ Seema ° S747 sie. a =. TWENTIETH ANNUAL RE ICAN ETHNOLOGY ___ a ; = $$ — ne . 7 9 ‘ PORT PL.iv = 3 —— SEE re Wd SP tee! . } hh te + — ST et \ i> 2" “7 - Fe & A. 'e 7e= perc: ¢ meyer *s} aleange ve ema) Ae A : 4 . w x ” ; in a . ~ S Roman \ z ‘e — . - & fal Misei *. ‘ Middle Mississippi = \ Valley group ~ » * 4 A e ; 3X ~ Ye . Apalach io , ascBlase St.George ' | | ABORIGINAL, OISTRIBUTION oF POTTERY GROUPS MAPIMI *¥scaton sp phe Se RN UNITED sTaTEs 1 eS Tl scsi BY W.H. HOLMES. 1901, > JULIUS BIEN A CO_LITH.N.Y. HOLMES] CORRELATION OF POTTERY WITH TRIBES 81 Pittsburg, and as far southeast as Augusta, Georgia. Closely related forms are found also along the Gulf of Mexico, from Tampa bay to the Rio Brazos. As a result of the segregation of the peoples of this vast province into social diyisions—each more or less isolated and independent and all essentially sedentary—there are well-marked distinctions in the pottery found, and several subgroups may be recog- nized. The most pronounced of these are found, one in eastern Arkansas and western Tennessee, one in southeastern Missouri, one in the Cumberland valley, Tennessee, and a fourth in the lower Missis- sippi region. Others may be distinguished as collections are enlarged. The pottery of this great group does not occupy exclusively any large area. Varieties of ware whose typical development is in other centers of habitation may be found in many places within its range. As to the occurrence of occasional specimens of this ware in remote localities, it may be remarked that there are many agencies that tend to distribute art products beyond their normal limit. These have been referred to in detail in the introductory pages. The accompanying map, plate ry, will assist in giving a general impression of the distri- bution and relative prevalence of this ware. ETHNIC CONSIDERATIONS It is not clearly apparent that a study of the distribution of this pottery will serve any important purpose in the settlement of purely ethnic questions. The matter is worthy of close attention, however, since facts that taken alone serve no definite purpose may supplement testimony acquired through other channels, and thus assist in estab- lishing conclusions of importance with respect to tribal or family history. It is clear that this ware was not made by one but by many tribes, and even by several linguistic families, and we may fairly assume that the group is regional or environmental rather than tribal or national. It is the product of conditions and limitations prevailing for a long time throughout a vast area of country. As to the modern representatives of the pottery-making peoples, we may very reason- ably look to any or all of the tribes found occupying the general region when the whites came—Algonquian, Siouan, Muskhogean, Natchesan, and Caddoan. With respect to the origin of this particular ceramic group we may surmise that it developed largely from the preceramic art of the region, although we must allow that exotic ideas probably crept in now and then to modify and improve it. That exotic features did mi- grate by one agency or another from Mexico is amply attested by various elements of form and technic found in the ceramic as well as in other arts. I have sought by a study of the plastic representations of the human 03 20 BETH 6 82 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ann. 20 face and figure to learn something of the physiognomy of the pot- tery-making peoples, but have sought without success. It is evident that portraiture was rarely, if ever, attempted, and, contrary to what might be expected, few of the greatly varied representations of faces suggest strongly the Indian type of countenance. CHRONOLOGY The pottery of this great province is wonderfully homogeneous in its most essential characteristics, and we are not able to say by its appear- ance or character that any specimen is older or more primitive than another. Exploration has been too unsystematic to enable us to reach any safe conclusions respecting the comparative age of specimens based on the manner of occurrence or relations to artificial or natural deposits. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that the manu- facture of this ware began many centuries before the advent of the white race; it is equally certain that the art was extensively practiced until quite recent times. The early explorers of the valley witnessed the manufacture, and the processes and the manner of use of the ware are, as we have seen ina preceding section, described by several writers. Notwithstanding the early introduction of metal vessels and other utensils that naturally superseded those of clay, some of the tribes of the province seem to have practiced the art continuously nearly to the present day, and some of the pieces recovered from mounds and graves are thought to suggest European models. It is certain, however, that the art had reached its highest stage without the aid of civilized hands, and in the study of its many interesting features we may feel assured that we are dealing with essentially aboriginal ideas. PRESERVATION It is generally admitted that there is no vital ethnic or other dis- tinction between the pottery found in mounds, that found on village sites, and that obtained from ordinary graves or stone cists. The con- dition of the mortuary ware varies with the quality of the terra cotta, and with the conditions of its inhumation. Considering the porous character of the paste and the great degree of moisture in the soil of the Mississippi valley, the state of preservation of many of the vases is remarkable. In some other sections of the country the pieces of pottery were perforated or broken before their inhumation took place, but such was not the practice in this province. The ware of village sites and middens naturally is largely in fragments, and the plowing of cemetery sites has broken up vast numbers of the mortuary vessels. STATE OF CULTURE OF MAKERS The simple life of these people is indicated by the absence of such ceramic forms as lamps, whistles, bricks, and tiles, and by the rare HOLMES] POTTERY APPLIED TO VARIOUS USES 83 occurrence of other articles in common use with many barbaric nations. Clay pipes, so neatly shaped even in neighboring districts, are of very rude character over a large part of this district, as is shown in plate xxxim, at the end of this section. The reason for this is not plain, since the potters of the middle and lower Mississippi region were in adyance of all others in the eastern half of the United States in the manipulation of clay, as a comparative study of form, color, and decoration will amply show. In variety and refinement of form this ware excels perhaps even that of the ancient Pueblos, but in almost every other respect the fictile art of the latter was superior. There is nothing to indicate that the culture of the earlier occupants of the valley differed materially from that existing among the historic tribes of the same area. Users It is difficult to determine with precision the functions of the various forms of vessels in this group, or, for that matter, in any group where differentiation is well advanced. Certain varieties of rather plain and often rude vessels show traces of use over fire; these were doubtless for boiling and cooking, and for the manufacture of salt. They are usually recovered from midden sites and are in a fragmentary con- dition. Particular forms were probably intended for preparing and serving food, for storing, carrying, and containing water, oil, honey, salt, paint, fruit seeds, and all articles pertaining to domestic or cere- monial use. Nearly all the better finished and delicate yases are with- out marks of rough usage, and there can be little doubt that many of them were devoted to sacerdotal and mortuary uses, and that they were made expressly for these purposes. Vases of refined and unusual shape, carefully finished and ornamented, especially those decorated in color, were certainly not generally intended for ordinary domestic use. Rarely an unusual shape is found suggesting manufacture for burial purposes, and the larger culinary vessels were at times devoted to the burial of children, and probably, also, to the burial of the bones of adults. The presence in the graves of unbaked vases, or what are believed to be such, and of figurines, miniature image vessels, and death’s-head vases is suggestive of special making for mortuary use. Probably no other people north of the valley of Mexico has extended its ceramic field as widely as the southern mound-builders. The manufacture of images, toys, rattles, gaming disks, spool-shaped ear ornaments, labrets, beads, pipes, trowels, modeling tools, ete., indi- cate the widening range of the art. MATERIALS AND MANUFACTURE Materials and manufacture have been discussed in the introduction in such detail that httle further need be said here. A few features 34 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ann. 20 distinctive of the group may be noted. It is observed that the paste varies in color from a light yellowish gray to dark grays and browns. The light colors were used in vases to be decorated in color. The paste is never vitreous, but is often well balked, firm, and tenacious. Now and then a specimen is discovered that seems to have been sun-dried only, disintegrating readily in water. It is not unusual to find examples of vessels whose paste is quite porous and of low specific gravity. This may be due partly to the use of combustible tempering matter or to the decay of portions of the pulverized shell tempering. As a rule the vases are of medium or heavy weight, and in some cases the walls are quite thick, especially in the tall bottles. In the better ware tempering materials were finely pulverized or were used in comparatively small quantity. Coarse shell was used in the ruder forms of domestic ware and for the so-called salt vessels. Fragments of shell fully an inch in greatest dimension have been observed in the latter ware. In exceptional cases, especially on the outskirts of the area covered by the group, powdered quartz, mica, and other minerals in large and sharp grains are observed. The paste yas manipulated after the fashion already indicated in the introductory pages, and the firing was conducted, no doubt, in the usual primitive ways. Traces of pottery kilns within the district have been reported, but sufficient particulars have not been given to enable us to form a definite notion of their character. SURFACE FINIsH The finish, as compared with the work of civilized nations, is crude. The surface was often simply hand-smoothed, while in cases it was scarified or roughened by the finger nails or by modeling tools. Gen- erally, however, it was more or less carefully polished by rubbing with an implement of stone, shell, bone, or other suitable material, the markings of these tools being distinctly visible. There is no rea- son for supposing that glazing was understood, although pieces having partially vitrified surfaces are occasionally found. The surface was often washed with a film of fine light-colored clay, which facilitated the polishing, and in many cases a coat of thick red ocher was applied; this also was polished down. The comparatively rare occurrence of textile finish in the better wares may be due in a measure to the pref- erence for polished or painted surfaces, in producing which original texturings were necessarily obliterated, but it is also probable that these potters had risen above the decidedly primitive textile stage of the art. CoLor As has been indicated, the paste of this ware, presents two marked varieties of color—-a dark hue, ranging from a rich black to all shades of brown and gray, and a lighter series of tints comprising warm BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V SS 2S | ee 2 Diao Pec <> SERIES OF OUTLINES INDICATING RANGE OF FORM OF VASES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VI SERIES OF OUTLINES SHOWING VARIOUS FEATURES OF VASE ELABORATION MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VII nm n a) VASES OF COMPOUND FORM MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI! VALLEY GROUP —~* HOLMES] FORM AND ORNAMENT 85 ochery grays, rarely approaching the reddish or terra-cotta tones. It is possible that these differences of color were, to some extent, inten- tionally produced by regulation of the materials or methods of firing. This theory is confirmed by the fact that certain forms of vases are quite generally dark, while other forms are as uniformly light, the latter in nearly all cases having been finished in color or with designs in color. Form RANGE This ware exhibits great variety of outline, many forms being extremely pleasing. In this respect it is far superior to the other groups of the eastern United States. The vessels are perhaps more varied in shape than those of the Pueblo country, but are less diversi- fied and elegant than those of Mexico, Central America, and Peru. They take a higher rank than the prehistoric wares of northern Europe, but, as a matter of course, lack the symmetry and refinement of out- line that characterizes the wheel-made pottery of Mediterranean coun- tries. As the vessels are grouped by forms later, in presenting the illustrations, it is unnecessary to make further reference to this topic here, save to call attention to the accompanying plates of outlines (plates v, v1, and vit), which give in a connected series the full range of form of this group. ESTHETIC MODIFICATIONS It can hardly be maintained that the ancient peoples of this region had a very refined appreciation of elegance of outline, yet there are many modifications of shape that indicate a taste for higher types of beauty and a constant attempt to realize them. There is also a very decided leaning toward the grotesque. To such an extreme have the dictates of fancy been followed in this respect that utility, the true and original office of the utensil, has often taken a secondary place, although it has never or rarely been entirely lost sight of. Bowls have been fashioned into the shape of birds, fishes, reptiles, and shells, and vases and bottles into a multitude of animal and vegetal forms, without much apparent regard for convenience. Much of this imita- tive and imaginative art is undoubtedly the direct offspring of myth- ologic conceptions and superstitious practices and is thus symbolic rather than esthetic; but it seems to me highly probable that pure fancy, mere playfulness, had a place, as in more southern countries, in the creation of unusual forms. ANIMAL FORMS The portrayal of animal forms in one art or another was almost universal among the American aborigines, but with these middle Mis- 86 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. any. 20 sissippi valley peoples it was more prevalent, perhaps, than elsewhere. Not only are many animal forms recognizably represented, but a con- siderable number of the grotesque shapes already referred to probably originated in representation of animals. ORNAMENT The ancient potter of the middle Mississippi valley province gave particular attention to the embellishment of his ware, and the results are much more varied and mature than those of the northern and astern sections. Nearly all methods known in the country were employed, but the higher types of linear and plastic design prevailed much more fully here than elsewhere. The method of execution was usually by incision, a more or less sharp point being used. Finger-nail marking and indentation with a point were favorite decorations, and ridges and nodes were set on in decorative arrangements. Decoration in color was common in this province, though rare in others. The colors used in painting were white, red, brown, and black, and generally consisted of clays, white or tinted with iron oxides. Occasionally the colors used seem to have been mere stains—possibly of vegetal origin. All were probably laid on with coarse brushes of hair, feathers, or vegetal fiber. The color designs are in most cases quite simple, and are applied in broad, bold lines. The figures are, to a great extent, curvilinear, and embrace meanders, scrolls, circles, and combinations and groupings of curved lines in great variety. Rectilinear forms, lozenges, guil- loches, zigzags, checkers, crosses, and stellar forms are usual, and the stepped figures so characteristic of Pueblo work are sometimes seen. The decided prevalence of curyed forms is worthy of remark. With all their fertility of invention, the inhabitants of this valley seem not to have achieved the rectangular linked meander, or anythmg more nearly approaching it than the current scroll or the angular guilloche, while with other peoples, such as the Pueblos of the South- west and the ancient nations of Mexico and Peru, it was a favorite device. The reasons for this, as well as for other peculiarities of the decorative art of the province as embodied in pottery, must be sought in the antecedent and coexistent arts of the proyince. These peoples were probably not so highly accomplished in the textile arts as were the Pueblos, and had not felt the influence of advanced architecture as had the Mexicans. The practice of highly developed forms of these arts gives rise to and encourages angular geometric styles of decoration. DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERS OF THE GROUP If asked to point out the one feature of this ware by which it could most readily be distinguished from all other groups, I should select HOLMES] SOURCES OF INFORMATION 87 the bottle shape as the most satisfactory. There is no group of primi- tive ware in America, save possibly in Peru, in which the slender- necked carafe or decanter-like bottle is so marked a feature. In most of the native groups it is unknown. This, however, is not the only marked characteristic of the ware. The range of shape is very wide, and several features are strikingly unique. There are many effigy vases of remarkable character; of these may be mentioned those representing hunchback human beings, cups or vases imitating heads of men and beasts and grotesque, nondescript creatures or conceptions. Again, the use of color in surface finish and decoration is a strong character- istic of the ware. Colored ware is found in many sections, especially in the South, but in no other part of the region considered in this paper was color so generally or so fully applied to the execution of ornamental designs and realistic delineations, as in depicting wings and feathers of birds, spots of animals, costume on human figures, and in ‘effigy vases even the color of hair, skin and face-paint—features of decoration practically unknown elsewhere in the area considered. Head-shaped vases are rather rare in North America, although common in Peru. Excellent examples are found in the center of the Middle Mississippi province, and in cases are so well modeled as to have lead to the suggestion that they may be actual casts from the human face. Sources OF INFORMATION Owing to the wide range of form and character exhibited by the vessels of this group it will be impossible fully to illustrate them within the limits of this paper. The student may, in a great measure, supply the need for fuller illustration by referring to the following works: Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee, by Joseph Jones, Washington, 1876; Reports of the Peabody Museum, by F. W. Putnam; and Antiquities of Tennessee, by General Gates P. Thruston, These works for the most part illustrate the ware of Tennessee. Edward Evers, in Contributions to the Archeology of Missouri, pre- sents a large number of vases of the southeast Missouri district; and an extended series of illustrations of the wares of Arkansas was published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. EXAMPLES The illustrations brought together in the accompanying plates com- prise examples of almost every type of the earthenware of this proy- ince, but they still fail to give a satisfactory idea of the very wide range of form and ornament. PLATTERS, CUPS, AND BOWLS Platters and bowl-shaped vessels exhibit great diversity of size, shape, and ornament. In size they range from less than 1 inch in 88 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ann. 20 diameter and depth to upward of 20 inches in diameter and a foot or more in depth. If we include under this head the so-called salt pans, described in the introduction, the greatest diameter will reach perhaps 40 inches. In material, color, and surface finish they are generally uniform with vessels of other classes. Their uses were doubtless chiefly domestic. Many of these bowls are simply segments of spheres, and vary from a shallow platter to a hollow, perforated globe. Others have elongated, compressed, or conic bodies, with round or flattened bases, The horizontal outline or section may be round, oval, waved, rectan- gular, or irregular. Some have flattish projections at opposite sides or ends, imitating a common form of wooden tray or basin. Stands and legs are but rarely attached; handles, except those of grotesque character, are rarely seen. A dipper or ladle shape is encountered now and then. The ornamentation of bowls was accomplished in a variety of ways. Rim modifications constitute an important feature. In section the margin or lip is square, oblique, round, or grooved. The scallop was often employed, and notched and terraced forms, resembling the sacred meal bowls of Zuni, are not uncommon. Relief ornaments such as fillets and nodes and various horizontal projections were also employed, and pleasing effects were produced by the use of incised lines and indentations. The potter was not satisfied with these varied forms of decoration, and his faney led him to add embellishments of elaborate and extra- ordinary character. The nodes and ridges were enlarged and pro- longed and fashioned after a hundred natural and fanciful forms. Shapes of shells, fish, birds, beasts, human and imaginary creatures were utilized in a multitude of ways. Especial attention was given to the heads of animals. These were modeled in the round and attached to the rim or side, while other parts of the animal were placed upon different portions of the vessel. The body of the bowl was somewhat less profusely ornamented than the rim. The interior as well as the exterior received painted, relieved, and intaglio designs. In the painted bowls the favorite idea for the interior was a series of volutes, in broad lines, radiating from the center of the basin. Groups of festooned lines, either painted or engraved, and arranged to give the effect of imbricated scales, formed also a favorite motive. The exterior surface of the incurved rims of globular vessels offered a tempting surface to the artist and was often tastefully decorated in varied styles. As arule the bowls and platters of this region are fairly uniform in material, surface finish, and decorative treatment with the other yes- sels of the region. A somewhat unique group of bowls was obtained from a small domiciliary mound near Arkansas Post, Arkansas, two BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII b (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER OF BOWL 6 INCHES) @ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAS, LENGTH 8% INCHES) c (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 5% INCHES) f (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 6 INCHES) Ju (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER 12% INCHES) CUPS AND BOWLS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IX b (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 8: INCHES) ec (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER 8 INCHES) l (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e€ (ARKANSAS, LENGTH 14 INCHES) f (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION & (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER 104 INCHES) ONE-THIRD) CUPS AND BOWLS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL X b (TENNESSEE, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-FOURTH) ¢ (MISSOURI, M. C. LONG COLLECTION, DIAMETER 292 INCHES) LARGE BOWL, BURIAL CASKET, AND CALDRON MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL @ (TENNESSEE, DAVENPORT ACADEMY b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) c (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ALABAMA (?), DAVENPORT ACAD- EMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) 2 (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD, 7 (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY & (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACAD- COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) EMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) hh (ARKANSAS DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) 7 (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 4: INCHES) COOKING POTS, ETC. MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP - Xi BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIl @ (TENNESSEE, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) LARGE COOKING POTS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP ee HOLMES] BOWLS AND POTS 89 illustrations appearing in plate vu1gy and 4. The most striking char- acteristic of these vessels is their ornament, which embodies some unusual combinations of lines deeply and rather boldly incised. Many of the pieces are new-looking, but a small number haye been black- ened by use over fire. The hemispheric shape is most common, although there are some shallow forms, anda few of the vessels have flaring rims. The paste is yellowish and the surface is roughly fin- ished. A very large percentage of shell has been used in tempering. Other bowls of simple though varied form, and having « variety of incised decorations, are shown in the same plate. Allare from graves or mounds in Arkansas, except e and £, which are from a mound in southeastern Missouri. A second group of bowls is given in plate rx. All these are from Arkansas except }, which is from a contiguous locality in Missouri. An exceptionally fine piece of work is illustrated in e. An example of the deep cauldron-like boiling vessels found in some sections is presented in plate xa. A curious casket used for burying the bones of a child is given in plate x4. It is preserved in the collection of the Davenport Academy of Sciences, and was found in a graye at Hales point, Tennessee. One of the largest examples ever recovered ina complete state is shown in plate xe. It was obtained from a mound in Jefferson county, Missouri, and is 294 inches in diameter. Most of these specimens have been described in the annual reports of the Bureau of Ethnology. POTS Plate x1 serves to illustrate a very large class of wide-mouthed vessels of pot-like character. They are generally darkened by use over fire, and more than any other form probably served as ordinary culinary utensils. The size varies from that of a drinking cup to that of a cauldron of 15 or 20 gallons capacity. Two large and fine specimens are given in plate xm. The frequent occurrence of strong handles confirms the theory of their use for boiling and handling food. The specimens illustrated are from Tennessee and Arkansas. The rims of these vessels were modified for decorative purposes very much as are the rims of the bowls. The bodies are sometimes elabo- rately ornamented, mostly with incised figures, but often with punc- tures, nodes, and ribs. The incised lines, curved and straight, are arranged to form simple patterns encircling the upper part of the vessel. The punctures, made with a sharp point, form encircling lines and various carelessly executed patterns. A rude sort of orna- mentation was produced by pinching up the soft clay of the surface between the nails of the fingers and thumb. Relief ornament consists chiefly of applied fillets of clay arranged to form vertical ribs. Rows of nodes are sometimes seen, and in a few cases the whole body is covered with rude nodes or spines (see plate x1). 90, ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ANN. 20 BOTTLES Of all the forms of vessels found in this province the bottle is the most varied and interesting, and is more suggestive of the advanced taste of the potter than is any other class of vessel. In plate xm some fine examples of bottles are shown. Two neat specimens are illus- trated in w@and %. The surface finish is excellent in both cases. The lines of the figures are carefully drawn, and seem to have been pro- duced by trailing a smooth, rather blunt point, under eyen pressure. It is difficult to get a line so even and nicely finished by simple incision or by excavating the clay. The design in @ consists of groups of curved lines arranged in pairs, which are separated by plain vertical bands. It might be considered an interrupted or imperfectly connected form of the running scroll. This grouping of lines is frequently met in the decorative designs of the southern states. The design on the other vase, 4, is still more characteristic of the South. It consists of an encircling row of round, shallow indentations, about which are linked series of imperfectly developed incised scrolls, and of two additional rows of depressions, one above and the other below, through which parallel lines are drawn. The handome vase shown in ¢ was obtained, along with many other fine specimens, from mounds near Little Rock, Arkansas. It is of the dark polished ware with the usual fire mottlings. The form is sym- metric and graceful. The neck is ornamented with a band of incised cheyrons, and the sloping upper surface of the body is encircled by a series of stepped figures engraved in the plastic clay. The vessel shown in d has a wide annular base and a body apparently compounded of a large flattish form and a smaller kettle-like form set upon it. The latter is furnished with handles and decorated with encircling lines of indentations. The vessel shown in ¢ may be taken as a type of a very large class. It is most readily described as a short-necked, wide- mouthed bottle. It is symmetric and nicely finished. The lip is sup- plied with a narrow horizontal rim. The body expands somewhat abruptly from the base of the upright neck to the squarish shoulder, and contracts below in an even curve, giving a hemispheric base. We have in f# a good example of a class of bottle-shaped vessels, the necks of which are wide and short and the bodies much compressed vertically. It is a handome vase, symmetric, quite dark in color, and highly polished. The upper surface of the body is ornamented with a collar formed of a broad fillet of clay, or rather of two fillets, the pointed ends of which come together on opposite sides of the vase. As skilled as these people were in modeling life forms and in engraving geometric devices, they seem rarely to have attempted the linear representation of life forms. We have, however, a few good examples of such work. The engraved design covering the body of a BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XiIll @ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 7 INCHES) € (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, 7 (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER 9 INCHES) ONE-THIRD) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV b (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 7 INCHES) ec (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 9 INCHES) a@ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d@ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 10% INCHES) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPP| VALLEY GROUP HOLMES] VASE WITH SYMBOLIC DECORATION 91 small vase, figure 49, is one of the most remarkable eyer obtained from the mounds. It consists of two winged and crested rattlesnakes which encircle the expanded part of the vessel, and of two sunflower- like figures alternating with them. These designs are carefully engraved with a needle-like point and are adjusted to the form of the vase in a way that suggests forethought and experience and an Fic. 49—Bottle decorated with serpent designs, Arkansas, Three-fourths actual size. appreciation of the decorative value of the figures. By dint of rub- bings, photographs, and sketches, a complete drawing of the various figures has been obtained, and they are given in figure 50 on a scale of about one-third actual size. The rosette figures probably represent the sun. There can be little doubt that the figures of this design are derived from the mythologic art of the people. Fic. 50—Winged serpents and sun symbols from the vase illustrated in figure 49. The ancient potter of the central districts did not venture, save in very rare cases, to delineate the human figure graphically, and such attempts as have come to hand do not do much credit to the artistic capacity of the people. A specimen is shown in figure 51, the four figures in simple lines occupying the periphery of the body of a large plain bottle of the usual dark-colored ware of eastern Arkansas. 92 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _[ETH. Ann. 20 In plate xtv we have selections from the very large group of high- necked bottles. The piece shown in @ is a good illustration of a type of form common to Missouri and Arkansas. The neck is high and cylindric and the body resembles a slightly flattened globe. Set about the shoulder are four medallion-like faces, the features of which are modeled roughly in low relief. The ware is of the ordinary dark, slightly polished yariety. There are few vases from the mound region more pleasing in appearance than that shown in }. It is a black, well-polished bottle with neck expanding below and body pecul- iarly flattened beneath. The body is encircled by a band of chaste and elaborate scroll work. A handsome bottle-shaped vase with flaring lip is shown inc. The neck widens toward the base and the body is subglobular, being slightly conical above and rather abruptly expanded at the periphery. The surface is only moderately smooth. The body is ornamented with a hand- some design of incised lines, which con- sists of a scroll pattern, divided into four sections by perpendicular lines. The vase shown in d is compound, and represents a bottle set within the mouth of a pot. The neck is high, wide, and flaring, and rests on the Fig. 51Bottle ormamented with four en. CXC Of a Tudely-modeled frog, which graved human figures, Arkansas. One- lies extended on the upper surface Attecwelaize: of the body. The notched encircling ridge, beneath the feet of the creature, represents the rim of the lower vessel, which is a pot with compressed globular body and short, wide neck. This vase is of the dark, dead-surfaced ware and is quite plain. Four vertical ridges take the place of handles. One of the most striking of the bottle-shaped vases is shown ine. It is symmetric, well-proportioned, and well-finished. The color is dark and the surface is roughened by a multitude of pits which have resulted from the decay of shell particles used for tempering. The paste crumbles to a brownish dust when struck or pressed forcibly. The most remarkable feature of the piece is the broad, convex, hood- like collar that encircles the neck and spreads out over the body like an inverted saucer. This collar is curiously wrought in incised lines and low ridges, by means of which grotesque faces, suggesting owls, are produced. The eyes are readily detected, being indicated by low knobs with central pits, each surrounded by three concentric circles. They are arranged in pairs on opposite sides. Between the eyes of each pair an incipient nose and mouth may be made out. The face is outlined below by the lower edge of the collar and above by a low indented ridge crossing the collar tangent to the base of the neck. The BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XV b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) @ (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 8 INCHES) € (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, d (ARKANSAS HEIGHT 73 INCHES) ONE-THIRD) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI @ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) ce (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 93 INCHES) d (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 8: INCHES) BOTTLES MIDDLE MISSISSIPP! VALLEY GROUP NVA MY SAGALVIISTT dNOYD ASTIVA IddISSISSIN 31OGIW S31LLO8 40 SWHOS SNOIYVA WAX “Td LYOd3Y TWANNY HLSILNSML ADOTONHLA NYOISSWY 30 NW3SYNG — — aE 8 HOLMES] BOTTLES AND COMPOUND FORMS 93 most expanded part of the body is encircled by an incised pattern con- sisting of five sets of partially interlocked scrolls. A step in differentiation of form is illustrated in the vessels pre- sented in plate xv. A flat bottom would serve to keep a tall bottle in an upright position on a hard, level floor, but a ring was still better, and could be added without deformation of the vessel. Annular bands of varying heights and shapes were used, several forms being illus- trated in this plate. The tripod afforded even better support than the ring, and had come into common use with these people; four legs, in imitation of the legs of quadrupeds, were occasionally employed. The form of these supports is extremely varied, and some of the more usual types are illustrated in plate xvi. The first, a, is a large-necked, rather clumsy vessel of ordinary workmanship, which rests on three globular legs. These are hollow, and the cavities connect with that of the body of the vessel. The whole surface is well polished and dark in color. The vessel depicted in 4 has a number of noteworthy features. It resembles the preceding in shape with the exception of the legs, which are flat, and have stepped or terraced margins. The whole surface of the vessel is a warm gray, and is decorated with characteristic designs in red and white. A stepped figure encircles the neck, and semicirecu- lar figures in white appear on opposite sides at the top and base. The body is covered with scroll work in broad, red lines, the spaces being filled in with white. Each leg is half red and half white. The bottle ¢ is from Missouri, and is of the plain dark ware. The specimen shown in d is finished in plain red. For the purpose of conveying an idea of the great variety of shape characterizing the simple bottles of this group and the boldness of the painted decoration the series presented in plate xvi have been assembled. The four pieces in the first group are of the plain, dark ware and have annular bases. Those of the second group are supported on tripods; the series beneath shows variations in the form of the body; and the specimens in the third line illustrate the use of designs in white, red, and black. ECCENTRIC AND COMPOUND FORMS Three vessels are shown in plate xvi a, }, and ¢ which in form resemble the common teapot. The specimen shown in 4 is well made and carefully finished. A spout is placed on one side of the body and alow knob on the other. The latter is not a handle but represents, rather, the head of an animal. These characters are repeated in most of the specimens of this type that have come to my notice. Two small circular depressions occur on the sides of the vessel alternating with the spout and the knob, and these four features form centers about which are traced four volutes connecting around the vessel. In 94 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _ [ETH. ANN, 20 a fine red piece from Mississippi, now in the National Museum collec- tion (plate xu), the knob is replaced by the head of a turtle or other reptile and the spout becomes the creature’s tail. In connection with the teapot-like vessels it will be well to describe another novel form not wholly unlike them in appearance, an example being shown in d, plate xvi. The shoulder is elongated on opposite sides into two curved, horn-like cones, which give to the body a somewhat crescent-shaped outline. The vessel is of the ordinary plain, dark ware and has had an annular base which is now broken away. Vases with arched handles, like those shown in ¢ and f, are quite common. In some cases the handle is enlarged and the body reduced until the vessel assumes the appearance of a ring. Similar forms are common in other parts of the American continent, especially in Peru. Vases of compound form are of frequent occurrence in this region. A number of examples in outline have been assembled for convenience of comparison in plate vir, and many others could be added. LIFE FORMS Clay vessels imitating in form marine and fresh-water shells are occasionally obtained from the mounds and graves of the Mississippi valley. The conch shell appears to have been a favorite model, espe- cially as modified for a drinking cup by the removal of one side of the walls and all the interior parts (plate xix, @ and 4). A two-story cup of the same class is shown in c. The clam shell is also imitated. The more conventional forms assumed by these vessels are especially inter- esting as illustrating the varied ways in which life forms modify the normal conventional shapes of vessels, thus widening the range of the art.¢ A yery good illustration of this class of vessel is given ind. It is eyi- dently intended to imitate a trimmed conch shell. The apex and a few of the surrounding nodes are shown at the right, while the base or spine forms a projecting lip at the left. A coil of clay forms the apex, and is carried outward in a sinistral spiral to the noded shoulder. Excellent examples in clay, imitating clam shells, are illustrated in General Thruston’s work on the Antiquities of Tennessee, plate v1 (plate xnvit of this paper). In many countries the shape of earthen vessels has been profoundly influenced by vegetal forms and especially by the hard shells of fruits.” The gourd, the squash, and the cocoanut are reproduced with great frequency. In many cases the shape of the body of vases not at once suggesting derivation from such forms may finally be traced to them. Thusthe lobed bottles of Tennessee probably owe their chief characteristic to a lobed form of the gourd. In plate xrx fand g aFor studies of shell vessels and their influence on ceramic forms, see Second Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 192, and Fourth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 384 and 454 bThis subject 1s discussed in a paper on form and ornament in the ceramic art, Fourth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 446. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII d@ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) € (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 4 INCHES) @ (ARKANSAS, DIAMETER 7 INCHES) 7 (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) BOTTLES OF ECCENTRIC SHAPE MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP PT, ; ‘ Ss sd 7 x i ? ‘ > | | u, %s “a = é a i ; ' | eae ine . i a ts \ { ’ J ' at j 3 h \ : y dy A: ‘ ; ; j 2 ol ‘ * Wy Fi es : ‘ ia wy & * ‘ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY c¢ (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 4 INCHES d. (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) f (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 5 INCHES VESSELS IMITATING SHELL AND GOURD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALL “inn a ae @ a” ~ UZ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX b (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 44 INCHES) ¢ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) 7 (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLEC- TION, ONE-, HIRD) BOWLS IMITATING BIRD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI] VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI @ \ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) c¢ (MISSOURI, LENGTH 2 INCHES) b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING BIRD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY s Pia c¢ (TENNESSEE, HEIGHT 9% INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING BIRD FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII 1 sme hire ae ar BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII @ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) & (ARKANSAS. DAVENPORT ACADEMY COL- LECTION, ONE-THIRD) f (MISSOURI, DIAMETER 5! INCHES) It (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING FISH AND BATRACHIAN FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV @ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING ANIMAL FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPP! VALLEY GROUP i 7 yi Va is T —— Ewes vit, =F Fi | t 4 4 a] ri i BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV @ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (TENNESSEE, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) ¢ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY 7 (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) d (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COL- & (ARKANSAS, LENGTH 102 INCHES) LECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING ANIMAL FORMS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI! VALLEY GROUP HOLMES] VESSELS IMITATING ANIMAL FORMS 5 two examples of gourd-shaped vessels from Arkansas are given. The Tennessee forms are fully illustrated by General Thruston (work cited). Plates xx, XXI, Xx are intended to illustrate the treatment of animal forms by the ancient potter. The anitnals imitated cover a wide range, including probably a large percentage of the more important creatures of the Mississippi valley. The manner of applying the forms to the vessel is also extremely varied, making a detailed account quite impossible. The degree of realism is far from uniform. In many eases birds, fishes, and quadrupeds are modeled with such fidelity that a particular species is forcibly suggested, but the larger number of the imitations are rude and unsatisfactory. Many forms are grotesque, sometimes intentionally so. In plate xx are several illus- trations of the manner of applying bird forms to the elaboration and embellishment of bowls. Specimens a and / are from southeastern Missouri. The peculiar form of head seen in @ is found all over the lower Miss turned inward, and resembles a vulture or buzzard. In d two heads ssippi and Gulf regions, while the example ¢ has the head are attached, both grotesque, but having features suggestive of birds. A finely modeled and finished bird-shaped bottle is shown in e. It is finished in red, black, and white, the wings being striped with red and white. The heads in 4 and fappear to have human features, but it is not improbable that the conception was of a bird or at most of a bird-man compound. A very striking specimen is shown in plate xx1w, the neck of the bird being unusually prolonged. In / the bird is placed on its back, the head and feet forming the handles of the vessel. The wings are rudely represented by incised lines on the body of the vessel. Other bird forms are shown in plate xxir. The delineation of the painted specimen ¢ is unusually realistic, and the general appearance recalls very forcibly the painted owl vases of the Tusayan tribes and the more ancient occupants of the valley of the Rio Colorado. The usual manner of treating forms of fish is shown in plate xxu1 a,b, andc. The exceptional application of the fish form to a bottle is illustrated in d. The frog or toad was a favorite subject for the aboriginal potter, and two ordinary examples are presented in ¢.and 7. The originals of g and / are not readily made out. The use of mammalian forms in-vase elaboration is illustrated in plates xxiv and xxv. There can be but little doubt that the potter had a deer in mind when plate xxiv was modeled, while / suggests the opossum. But the originals for the specimens presented in plate Xxy are not readily identified, and the head in e is decidedly grotesque, although it is not impossible that the particular species of animal intended in this and in other cases may finally be made out. Plates xxv1, xxvut, and xxvii serve to illustrate some of the varied methods of employing the human figure in ceramic art. In plate xxv1 five bottles are shown; «@ represents the entire figure, and } the entire 96 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _[ETH. Ann. 20 figure seated upon the globular body of the vessel, while ¢ and d are average examples of the hunchback figures so common in the art of this region. It seems probable that persons suffering from this class of deformity were regarded as haying certain magic powers or attri- butes. A small blackish bottle, capped with a rudely modeled human head, is illustrated ine. The opening in all of these figurines is at the top or back of the head. A number of noyel forms are given in plate xxvu. In @ the heavy figure of a man extended at full length forms the body of the bottle. The treatment of the figure is much the same in 4, and other forms are shown in c, d,¢, and... A very interesting specimen is shown in plate xxvur. The figure represents a woman potter in the act of modeling a vase. In plate xii we have two examples of the remarkable head vases, probably mortuary utensils, found in considerable numbers in graves in eastern Arkansas and contiguous sections of other states. The faces have been covered with a whitish wash well rubbed down, the remainder of the surface being red. Fuller descriptive details are given in preceding pages and in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Additional specimens are shown in_ plates XXIX, XXX, XXXI, and Xxx1r. Specimen @ of plate xxrx has two owl- like faces modeled in low relief on opposite sides of the body, and ¢ is embellished with a well-suggested human mask painted white and haying closed eyes. The striking vessel presented in ¢ and in plate xii / and plate xxx serves well as a type of the mortuary death’s- head yases, and the various illustrations will serve to convey a very complete idea of their character. So well is the modeling done and so well is the expression of death on the face suggested that some students have reached the conclusion that this and other specimens of the same class are bona fide death masks, made possibly by coating the dead face with clay and allowing it to harden, then pressing plastic clay into this mold. Mr Dellenbaugh” has urged this view, but it is difficult to discover satisfactory evidence of its correctness. Most of the heads and faces of this group are so diminutive in size and so eccentric in shape that ordinary modeling was necessarily employed, and this implies the skill necessary to model the larger specimens. This head (plate xxx), which is the largest of the group, is only 6 inches in height, and if cast from the actual face, would thus repre- sent a young person or one of diminutive size. My own feeling is that to people accustomed to model all kinds of forms in clay, as were these potters, the free-hand shaping of such heads would be a less difficult and remarkable undertaking than that of molding and casting the face, these latter branches of the art being apparently unknown to the mound-building tribes. aDellenbaugh, F. §., Death mask in ancient American pottery, American Anthropologist, Feb- ruary 1597. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI @ (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 5+ INCHES) @ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) a (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) b (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 95 INCHES) e (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN FORM MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII a@ (MISSOURI, EVERS COLLECTION, HEIGHT 6 INCHES) ce (TENNESSEE, HEIGHT 72 INCHES) b (ARKANSAS, WIDTH 7 INCHES) 7 (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 8} INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN FORM MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII VESSEL REPRESENTING THE POTTER AT WORK (INDIANA) MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP (HEIGHT 7 INCHES) = . 7 oie 2. - = oy 7 1 1 - « r <— ~. 4 oy , ® HOLMES] VESSELS REPRESENTING THE HUMAN HEAD 97 In form this particular vessel is a simple head, 6 inches in height and 6 inches wide from ear to ear. The aperture of the vase is in the crown, and is surrounded by a low, upright rim, slightly recurved. The cavity is roughly finished, and follows pretty closely the contour of the exterior surface, except in projecting features such as the ears, lips, and nose. The walls are from one-eighth to one-fourth of an inch in thickness, the base being about three-eighths of an inch thick. The bottom is flat, and on a level with the chin and jaw. The material does not differ from that of the other vessels of the same locality. It contains a large percentage of shell, some particles of which are quite large. The paste is yellowish gray in color and rather coarse in texture. The vase was modeled in the plain clay and permitted to harden before the devices were engraved. Afterward a thick film of fine yellowish-gray clay was applied to the face, partially filling up the engraved lines. The remainder of the surface, includ- ing the lips, received a thick coat of dark red paint. The whole sur- face was then polished. The illustrations will convey a more vivid conception of this strik- ing head than any description that can be given. The face can not be said to have a single feature strongly characteristic of Indian physi- ognomy; instead, we have the round forehead and the projecting chin of the African. The nose, however, is small and the nostrils are narrow. The face would seem to be intended for that of a young person, perhapsa female. The features are well modeled, and the artist must have had in his mind a pretty definite conception of the face to be produced, as well as of the expression appropriate to it, before begin- ning his work. It is possible even that the portrait of a particular face was intended. The closed eyes, the rather sunken nose, and the parted lips were certainly intended to give the effect of death. The ears are large, correctly placed, and well modeled; they are perfo- rated all along the margins, thus revealing a practice of the people whom they represented. The septum of the nose appears to have been pierced, and the horizontal depression across the upper lip may indicate the former presence of a nose ornament. Perhaps the most unique and striking feature is the pattern of incised lines that covers the greater part of the face. The lines are deeply engraved and somewhat ‘‘ scratchy,” and were apparently exe- cuted in the hardened clay before the slip or wash of clay was applied. The left side of the face is plain, excepting for a figure somewhat resembling a grappling hook in outline, which partially surrounds the eye. The right side is covered with a comb-like pattern, placed ver- tically with the teeth upward. The middle of the forehead has a series of vertical lines and a few short horizontal ones just above the root of the nose (see plate xxx). In plate xxrxec ar ~u ste of the front face is given, and the engraved figure is projecced at the 20 ETH—03 T 98 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£7TH. ann. 20 side. The significance of these markings, which no doubt represent tattooed or painted figures, can only be surmised in the most general way. It happens that some rather indistinct markings at the corner of the mouth have been omitted in the engraving. It is observed that on the forehead, at the top, there is a small loop or perforated knob. Similar appendages may be seen on many of the clay human heads from this valley. A Mexican terra-cotta head, now in the Museo Nacional, Mexico, has a like feature, and, at the same time, has closed eyes and an open mouth. A head covering, possibly the hair conventionally treated, extenas over the forehead and falls in a double fold over the back of the head, terminating in points behind, as is seen in plate xx1xc. Another vase of a very similar character, now in the Davenport, Lowa, Museum, is about one-half the size of this. The face is much muti- lated. A third specimen, also in the Davenport collection, is somewhat larger than the one illustrated in plates xxrx¢ and xxx, but is nearly the same in finish and color. The face has the same semblance of death, but the features are different, possessing somewhat decided Indian characteristics, and there is no tattooing. The specimen shown in plate xxmr¢@, and again in plate xxx1, was exhumed at Pecan point by agents of the Bureau of Ethnology. In size, form, color, finish, modeling of features, and expression, this head closely resembles the one first described. The work is not quite so carefully executed and the head probably has not such pronounced individuality. The curious engraved device that, in the other example, appeared near the left eye here occurs on both sides. The lower part of the face is elaborately engraved. Three lines cross the upper lip and cheeks, reaching to the ear; a band of fret-like devices extends across the mouth to the base of the ears, and another band, filled in with oblique, reticulated lines, passes around the chin and along the jaws. The ears are perforated as in the other case, and the septum of the nose is partly broken away as if it had once held a ring. A perforated knob has occupied the top of the forehead as in the other examples. The face is coated with a light yellowish-gray wash, and the remainder of the surface is red. Four additional examples of the death’s head vases are shown in plate xxx. They present varied characteristics in detail, but all cor- respond closely in the more important features of form and expression. TOBACCO PIPES In the East and Northeast the clay tobacco pipes of the aborigines were often superior in execution, design, and decoration to the ordi- nary utensils of clay associated with them. In the central and south- western sections pipes were for the most part remarkably rude and without grace of outline, and generally without embellishment. while BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX b (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 6: INCHES) @ (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 5 INCHES) c¢ (ARKANSAS, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, HEIGHT 6? INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN HEAD MIDDLE MISSISSIPP! VALLEY GROUP LYY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY RKANSAS) AD (A MAN H VESSEL IMITATING THE HU MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI] VALLEY GROUP (HEIGHT 6% INCH BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI | VESSEL IMITATING THE HUMAN HEAD, ARKANSAS | MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI] VALLEY GRCUP (HEIGHT 6: INCHES) & > BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL @ (HEIGHT 6% INCHES) € (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) @ (HEIGHT 5% INCHES) VESSELS IMITATING THE HUMAN HEAD, (ARKANSAS) MIDDLE MISSISSIPP! VALLEY GROUP HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. » KXXI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL - XXXill @ (ARKANSAS, MOOREHEAD COLLECTION, LENGTH OF BASE 2¢ INCHES) : b (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 2) INCHES) ce (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 2? INCHES) L (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 2% INCHES) e (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 44 INCHES) f (ARKANSAS, LENGTH OF BASE 21 INCHES) TOBACCO PIPES MIDDLE MISSISSIPP] VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV ce (TENNESSEE, LENGTH 6 INCHES) TROWELS OR MODELING IMPLEMENTS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP — ~ f i : n 7 a * : = 3 i : 7 a 7 E _ = \ 7 . / \ a . ° ’ ‘ - a - oe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL MODELING IMPLEMENTS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GR¢ : - i a HNOL<¢ HOLMES] PIPES AND MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES 99 tne earthenware of the same territory was well made and exhibits pro- nounced indications of esthetic appreciation on the part of the potters. A number of the pipes of the middle Mississippi province are illus- trated in plate xxxim. Generally they are made of the same admix- tures of clay and pulverized shell as are the associated vessels. The colors are the ordinary dark and yellowish-gray shades of the baked clay. Traces of blackening by use are observed, and the bowls ina few instances are still partly filled with the compacted black ash left presumably by the native smoker. The shapes are simple, being as a rule slight modifications of a heavy bent tube somewhat constricted at the elbow and expanding toward the ends. Both openings are large and conic and are often nearly equal in capacity and closely alike in shape. Without modification of the fundamental outlines, many varieties of shape were produced, the most common being a flattening of the base as though to permit the bowl to rest steadily on the ground while the smoking wes going on, probably through a long tube or stem. This flattening is in many cases accompanied by an expansion at the mar- elbow, as ine. Occasionally the shape is elaborated to suggest rudely the form of some animal, the projection at the elbow being divided and rounded off as though to represent the knees of a kneeling figure, and in rare cases various features of men or other creatures are more fully brought out. In one instance the projection at the elbow becomes an animal head, in another medallion-like heads are set on around the upper part of the bowl. In @ and ¢ incised figures have been executed ina rather rude way, the motives corresponding with those found on the earthen vessels of the same region. The specimen shown in @ was lent by Mr Warren K. Moorehead. Other variations of the type are illustrated in MeGuire’s Pipes and Smoking Customs, pp. 530-535. Typical as well as variously modified forms of this variety of pipe are found in Tennessee. Alabama, Georgia. Florida, and, more rarely, in other states.” MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES The art of the modeler was directed in the main toward the making and embellishing of vessels, yet solid figurines of men and animals and heads of men, mostly small and rude as though merely toys or funeral offerings, are now and then secured by collectors. Specimens are illustrated in the introduction and in connection with various groups of ware. In plates xxx1v and xxxy several articles are brought together to illustrate the use of clay in the manufacture of implements, personal ornaments, and articles of unknown or problematic use or significance. The specimens shown in plate xxxrv represent a rather rare variety of a For southern pipes see the various papers of Clarence B. Moore. 100 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [©TH. ann. 20 implement, already described in the introduction. They seem to be adapted to use as trowels or finishing tools for plastered walls or floors. They are found mainly in Tennessee. The discoidal smooth- ing surface shows generally a decided polishing by use, and the looped handle is manifestly intended for grasping, in the manner of a com- mon smoothing iron. These implements could have served, however, in the modeling of large earthenware vessels, or as crushers or pul- verizers of foods or paints. Illustrations of a large class of stopper- like or mushroom-shaped forms that may have been used as modeling or smoothing tools in pottery making, as indicated in the introductory section, are included in plate xxxv. That the functions of these objects and those given in the preceding plate are similar or identical is indicated by the character of the convex polishing surface shown in plate xxxvr. Illustrations of earthenware earrings, labrets, a small rattle and the pellets derived from it are given in the introduction. DECORATIVE DESIGNS Plate xxxvit is introduced for the purpose of conveying an idea of the character and range of the decorative designs most usual in this region. Many of the more elementary forms are omitted. The more elaborate meanders, twined designs, and scrolls are incised. Another group of designs, embodying many symbolic devices, is given in plate xxxvin. These are executed usually in red and white paint. From the beginning of my rather disconnected studies of the orna- mental art of the native tribes, I have taken the view that, as a rule, the delineative devices employed were symbolic; that they were not primarily esthetic in function, but had a more serious significance to the people using them. When vases were to be devoted to certain ceremonial ends, particular forms were made and designs were added because they had some definite relation to the uses of the vessels and were believed to add to their efficacy. The studies of Dr J. Owen Dorsey, Mr Cushing, Mrs Stevenson, Miss Fletcher, Dr Fewkes, and others have little by little lifted the veil of uncertainty from the whole group of aboriginal delineative phenomena, and the literal significance and function of a multitude of the designs are now known. We thus learn that the devices and delineations on the Mississippi valley pottery are symbols derived from mythology. Stellar and lobed figures and circlés probably represent the stars, the sun, or the horizon circle. The cross, the yarious forms of volutes and scrolls, and the stepped figures represent the four winds, the clouds, and rain; and the reptiles, quadru- peds, birds, men, and monsters are connected with the same group of phe- nomena. The vessels marked with these figures were no doubt devoted to particular functions in the ceremonial activities of the people. Plate XXXVII presents a series of the purely formal designs. Speculation as to the significance of particular forms of these figures is probably (QT alata" _ DECORATIVE DESIGNS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, XXXVIII OO©®*OO tare sy DEOROOS DECORATIVE DESIGNS MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP _ 7 i, 7 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX (1 (HEIGHT 6% INCHES) O (HEIGHT 10% INCHES) EARTHEN VESSELS FINISHED IN COLOR MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY ABTIVA IddlSSISSIN S10GIW ¥O100 NI GAHSINIA STASSSA NSHLYV]a %LL HLONAT) VY (SSHONI %11 LHDISH) Ww 1X “Td LYOd34 TVANNY HLSILNSML ADOIONHLS NYDIYSWY JO nySund A3STIVA IddISSISSIN S10GIW YO 100 NI GSHSINIS STSSSSA NSHLYVa (SSHONI OF LHDISH) d (SSHONI LL LHDISH) 72 WX “Td LYOd3Y IWANNV HLSILNSML ASOIONHLS NVOIYSWY 4O NvayNgG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII Cl (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 4 INCHES) © (ARKANSAS, HEIGHT 6 INCHES) d (MISSOURI, HEIGHT 8% INCHES) EARTHEN VESSELS FINISHED IN COLOR MIDOLE MISSISSIPP! VALLEY BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII } (HEIGHT 6% INCHES) EARTHEN VESSELS FINISHED IN COLOR MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY yr ay fe NOILO371090 NOLSNYHL) dNOdD ASTIVA IddISSISSIN 371GGIWN SSSSSNN31l 430 SYVMNSAHLYVS AIIX “Td LYOd3Y TVANNYV HISILNSML ASOIONHLS NVOINSWY 3O NV3aY"NG - : ; * cee rea = —— oe om ” \ A ra * ‘ i “i "Ss : ‘ ' - r 7 . : a 4 AX * 1L4Od3Y4 IVANNY HL3SILNSML (NOILO3711090 NOLSNYHL) dNOYD AATIVA IddISSISSIN 31GGIN SASSS3NN3L 4O SYVMNA3AHLYVSA ASOIONHL]A NVOINAWY 4O NV3aHuNs (NOILO371109 NOLSNYHL) dNOYND AZTIVA IddiSSISSIN 31GGIN SSSSSNN3L 3O SYVMNAHLYVA IATX “Id LYOd3Y IVANNV HL3ILNSML ASOTONHL] NVOINSWV JO NV3SHNG 4 (NOILO3171109 NOLSNYHL) dNOUYD AZTIVA IddISSISSIN 31G0IW SSaSSSNN4SlL 430 SYVMNSHLYVS HWATX “Id LYOd3Y IWANNY HLSILNSML ASOIONHLS NVOINSWY JO NvaHNG Ly : ; ' (NOILO3711090 NOLSNYHL) dNOXD AZTIVA IddISSISSIN 3TGGIW SASSANN3L 4O SYVMNSHLYVS & ATX “Id LYOd3Y IWANNY HLSILNSML ASOIONHL]A NVOINSWY JO avauna kL XITX “Td LYOdSY IWANNY HLSILNSML (NOILO31100 NOLSNYHL) dNOYD AATIVA IddISSISSIN ATGGIN SASSANNSAL 4JO SYVMNAHLYVA ASOIONHL]A NVOIYSWY JO NV3aHNaG ° (NOILO31109 NOLSNYHL) dNOYD AZTIVA Idd ISSISSIN 31GGIN SASSSSANN3L 4O SYVMNAHLYVA Td L8O0d3Y IVWANNY HLAILNAaML ASOIONHLS NVOINSWYV 4O NVaHNa HOLMES] PAINTED VASES, MISSISSIPPI VALLEY 101 quite unnecessary, since the general nature of all is so well understood. Definite explanations must come from a study of the present people and usages, and among the Mississippi valley tribes there are no doubt many direct survivals of the ancient forms. Mr C. C. Willoughby has discussed this topic at length in a paper published in the Journal of American Folk-Lore. The same region furnishes many similar symbols engraved on shell, bone, and stone. PAINTED VASES Several specimens, selected to illustrate the interesting color treat- ment so characteristic of this group of pottery, are presented in plates XXXIX, XL, XLI, XL, and xu. The flattish bottle, plate xxxrx @, is by no means as handsome or elaborate in its designs as are others in our collections, but it seryes quite well to illustrate the class. The red color of the spaces and figures is applied over the light yellowish ground of the paste and is carefully polished down. The specimens reproduced in plates xi, x1, and xii have been referred to and suf- ficiently described in preceding pages. An exceptionally fine example of the colored human figure is given in plate xxx1x}. Parts of the head and body are finished in red, other parts and the necklace are in white, while certain spaces show the original yellowish gray color of the paste. POTTERY OF TENNESSEE I am so fortunate as to be able to add a number of plates (xiry, XLV, XLVI, XLVII, XLVUI, XLIx, and 1) illustrating the wares of the Cumberland valley, Tennessee, and especially of the Nashville district. These plates appeared first in Thruston’s Antiquities of Tennessee, and I am greatly indebted to this author for the privilege of repro- ducing them here. POTTERY OF THE LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY Archeologic investigation has not extended into the central south- ern states save in a few widely separated localities, and enough material has not been collected to permit a full and connected study of the primitive art of the province. It would seem from present information that the region of the lower Mississippi is not so rich in fictile products as are many other sections; at any rate our museums and collections are not well supplied with material from this part of the South, and literature furnishes but brief references to the practice of the ceramic art (see Introduction). Some fugitive relics have come into the possession of museums, and on these we must mainly rely for our present knowledge of the subject. Much of the earthenware appears to be nearly identical with, or closely allied to, that of the middle Mississippi region, as well as with that of the Gulf coast far- ther east. j 102 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ErH. any. 20 A large series of the vases from Louisiana and Texas would, if they were brought together, undoubtedly yield many points of interest with respect to the influence of Mexican and Pueblo art on that of this province. Such a series would also be of much value in connection with the history of the various tribes occupying the valley when it was first visited by the French. Du Pratz and Butel-Dumont have left us brief but valuable records of the practice of the art in this section, but we are not definitely informed which of the various peoples were referred to in their accounts. In those days no distinction was made between the linguistic families, although Natchesan, Tonikan, Caddoan, Muskhogean, and Siouan peoples were encountered. So far as the evidence furnished by the collections goes, there is but one variety of the higher grade of products. Citations regarding the practice of the art in this province have been made under the head Manufacture, and need not be repeated here. Fig. 52—Bowl made by Choctaw Indians about 1860 (diameter 9; inches). The only specimen of recent work from this province which is pre- served in the national collections is a blackish bowl, well polished and ornamented with a zone of incised lines encircling the body. It is illustrated in figure 52. The record shows that it was made by the Choctaw Indians at Covington, St Tammany parish, Louisiana, about the year 1860. It is said that the art is still practiced to a limited extent by these people. The highest types of vases from Louisiana and Mississippi have but slight advantage over the best wares of the St Francis and Cumber- land valleys. The simpler culinary wares are much the same from St Louis to New Orleans. Some localities near the Gulf furnish sherds of pottery as primitive as anything in the country, and this is consistent with the early observations of the condition of the natives. The Natchez and other tribes were well advanced in many of the arts, while numerous tribes appear to haye been, at times at least, poverty- stricken wanderers without art or industry worthy of mention. It is possible that the primitive forms of ware found on some of these ee ee eee BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI e€ (MISSISSIPPI, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, ONE-THIRD) c (LOUISIANA, DIAMETER 5 INCHES) d (LOUISIANA, HEIGHT 63 INCHES) VASES WITH INCISED DESIGNS LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII @ (LOUISIANA, HEIGHT 434 INCHES) & (MISSISSIPP!, HEIGHT 4 INCHES) € (MISSISSIPPI, HEIGHT 434 INCHES) @ (MISSISSIPPI, HEIGHT 6 INCHES) VASES WITH INCISED DESIGNS LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIII N@Y@YENG DNONONG INCISED DESIGNS FROM VASES SHOWN IN PLATES LI AND LII LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY GROUP HOLMES] LOWER MISSISSIPPI VALLEY POTTERY 1038 southern sites may represent the art of the archaic ancestors of the more advanced peoples of the valley, but at present we seem to have no means of settling such a point. It is well known, however, that single communities produced at the same time a wide range of ware, the style, material, shape, and finish depending on the uses of the vessels or on the haste with which they were prepared. At Troy- ville, Catahoula county, Louisiana, for example, a mound examined by agents of the Bureau of Ethnology yielded almost every variety and grade of ware known in the South and Southwest, including coarse shell-tempered ware, silicious ware, fine argillaceous ware, stamped ware, red ware, fabric-marked ware, and incised ware. Of great interest, on account of the perfection of its finish, is a variety of pottery found in grayes and mounds on the lower Missis- sippi and on Red river. Daniel Wilson published a cut representing some typical specimens of this ware from Lake Washington, Washing- ton county, Mississippi.“ Several years ago a number of fine examples of the same ware, labeled ‘‘Galtneys,” were lent to the National Museum by the Louisiana State Seminary at Baton Rouge. Photo- graphs of some of these vessels were kept, but the Curator made no definite record of their origin or ownership. A small number of pieces of the same ware are to be found in the various collections of the country, notably in the Free Museum of Science and Art, Phila- delphia. The most striking characteristics of the better examples of this ware are the black color and the mechanical perfection of construc- tion, surface finish, and decoration. The forms are varied and sym- metric. The black surface is highly polished and is usually decorated with incised patterns. The scroll was the favorite decorative design, and it will be difficult to find in any part of the world a more chaste and elaborate treatment of this motive. In plate tra a photograph of a small globular vase or bottle marked ‘*Galtneys” is reproduced. The design is engraved with great precision in deep, even lines, and covers nearly the entire surface of the vase; it consists of a double row of volutes (plate timd) linked together in an intricate and charming arrangement, corresponding closely to fine examples from Mycene and Egypt. , represents a fragment of a handsome cup of similar shape, and serves to indicate the relation of the figure of the bird to the rim of the cup. Part of the tail, talons, and wing are shown. In ¢ we have all that remains of the design on the cup @ projected at full length. The strange figure illustrated in 7 was obtained from much shattered fragments of a well-made and neatly finished cup of cylindric shape. It seems to represent the tails of three rattlesnakes, the lines joined at the right as if to represent a single body. In plate tvut a, >, c, d, and ¢, we have examples of the modeling of heads of birds and other creatures for bowl embellishments. The treatment closely resembles that seen in more western work. Here, as in the Mississippi country, the duck is a favorite subject. In f we have a grotesque creature common in the art of the West. An eagle is well shown in ¢, and what appears to be the head of a serpent or turtle with a stick in its mouth is given in 4, This feature appears in the wares of Tennessee and Arkansas, the animal imitated being a beaver. Additional specimens appear in plate Lrx, three representing the human head and one the head of a bird. These are not figurines in the true sense, but are merely heads broken from the rims of bowls. Mr Moore’s collections from the Bear Point mounds furnish several very well-preserved specimens of bowls and yases with wide mouths and narrow collars, besides a number of heads of birds and mammals of usual types, derived, no doubt, from the rims of bowls. All repeat rather closely the finds of Mr Parsons, shown in plates tty to LIx. Specimens from Mr Moore’s collections are presented in plates Lx and LxI. PoTTERY OF THE ALABAMA RIVER Before passing eastward it will be well to notice the collections made by Mr Clarence B. Moore in the valleys of the Alabama and Tombig- bee. An examination of the superb series of vases obtained from mounds at several points between Mobile and Montgomery makes it clear that the Gulf Coast tribes extended inland well up toward the middle of the state. Below Montgomery there is hardly a trace of 108 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [e1H. ann. 20 the South Appalachian wares and only a trace of the Tennessee influ- ence. The differences noted in passing northward from the coast are the larger size of the vessels, the more frequent occurrence of pot forms and bottle shapes, and the coarser and more silicious character of the paste. The decorations are almost wholly of Gulf Coast types. The use of some of the larger vessels in burial is well illustrated in plate txu. Plate Lxim contains a large bowl with animal-derived incised designs, and below is a splendid specimen of pot or caldron, 18 inches in diameter. It is characterized, as are others of the same group, by a line of vertical ridges encircling the upright neck. In plate Lxtv have been brought together a well-shaped bottle, of north- ern or western type, embellished with simple incised scroll work, and two tobacco pipes. One of the latter, 6, is somewhat suggestive of Appalachian forms, and the other, c, is of the heavy southern type. Porrery OF CHOCTAWHATCHEE Bay The next point east of Pensacola bay at which Mr Moore obtained collections is Waltons Camp, situated at the western limit of Choctaw- hatchee bay, Florida. Im the main the ware repeats Perdido bay forms, as will be seen by reference to plates LXV, Lxvt, Lxvu. Three typical bowls are given in plate Lxv, and two platters, one with plain circular margin and the other with six scallops, are shown in plate LxvI. The form is exceptional, and all the pieces have been perfor- ated on burial. The incised designs of the scalloped specimen prob- ably represent the fish. In plate Lxvi1 have been assembled outlines of a large number of the Waltons Camp specimens. They serve for comparison with collections from points east and west. We are here within the range of the stamped ware typical of the Appalachian province, and a fragment with a simple angular type of filfot figure is shown in figure 53. Among the animal forms obtained at this point are two strongly modeled heads of large size, apparently representing geese. Shell forms are common (see plate Lxvu), and the engraved designs, treated farther on, are striking and instructive. From four sites along the northern and eastern shores of Choctawhatchee bay Mr Moore obtained large and very interesting collections. Perdido bay and western forms prevail, but there is a strong infusion of elements of Appa- lachian and Floridian art. A fragment of a cylindric bowl with the head of a duck modeled in relief at the top and conventional incised figures representing the body below appears in plate Lxviii@; and two views of a hunchback-figure vase are given in } and ¢. Of special interest is a small jar or bottle from a mound on Jolly a Moore, Clarence B., Certain aboriginal remains of the Alabama river, in Journal of the Academy of Sciences, vol. x1, Philadelphia, 1899. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXil Tt) @ (DIAMETER BB 17: INCHES) b (DIAMETER 17s INCHES) BURIAL VASES WITH COVERS, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIll @ (DIAMETER 143 INCHES) b (DIAMETER 175 INCHES) VESSELS OF LARGE SIZE WITH INCISED AND RELIEVED ORNAMENTS, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIV @ (DIAMETER 42 INCHES) b (ACTUAL SIZE) ¢ (ACTUAL SIZE) BOTTLE WITH SCROLL DESIGN AND TOBACCO PIPES, ALABAMA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV @ (DIAMETER 15t INCHES) b (DIAMETER 12% INCHES) c¢ (DIAMETER 15t INCHES) BOWLS WITH INCISED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) mY BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. b (DIAMETER 13 INCHES) PLATTERS WITH INCISED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) . LXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LXVII 67 © VESSELS WITH INCISED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVIII @ (HEIGHT 72 INCHES) (HEIGHT 9 INCHES) FRAGMENT OF VASE WITH A DUCK’S HEAD IN RELIEF AND VASE REPRESENTING A HUNCHBACK HUMAN FIGURE, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP {MOORE COLLECTION) HOLMES] POTTERY OF CHOCTAWHATCHEE BAY 109 bay, on which an eagle and an eagle-man mask are inscribed. These figures are shown in plate Lxrx. Plate Lxxv illustrates a curious dish with elaborate incised and indented designs representing conven- tionalized life forms. A rude bowl with highly conventional bird symbols appears in >. Both specimens were perforated before burial. In ¢ we have the top view of a bowl with incurved rim, about the lip of which are engraved devices probably intended to represent the frog. The most striking and instructive ware yet brought from the Gulf coast was obtained by Mr Moore from Point Washington, on the eastern margin of Choctawhatchee bay, just south of Jolly bay. Here the loeal group of ware prevails to a large extent, but two or three other varieties take a prominent place, not, apparently, as a result of the intrusion of outside peoples or of their ware, but through the adoption by local pot- ters of the forms and symbols of neighboring districts. The exotics are the stamped ware of the Appalachian district to the north, and two or more varieties of some- what well differentiated Florida pottery. Plate LXx1 includes a large number of the bowls, ladles, ete., in outline, and specimens of excep- tional interest appear Fig. 53—Fragment of vessel with stamped design, from Wal- in plates LXXIL-LXXIv. tons Camp, Choctawhatchee bay, Florida. Plate Lxxir illustrates three pieces which resemble the Mobile- Pensacola ware, but show rather exceptional forms and decorations. The deeply incised lines of the elaborate patterns have, in two of the specimens, been filled in with some white substance, giving a striking effect and reminding one of Central- American methods of treatment. These people had a marked fancy for embellishing their vases with animal forms, and hirds and beasts have been much utilized. In plate LXx we have three fine bowls embodying the frog concept, partly in low relief and partly in very conyentional incised lines. Plate Lxxtv contains two delineations, probably of the owl. The interesting point 110 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [&TH. any. 20 is that the conventional incised features representing the body and wings grade into the generalized ornament. Plate LXXvV represents a handsome bowl with engraved design, meant apparently for the frog, which was found by Mr Moore inyerted over a skull in a grave at Point Washington, Florida. APALACHICOLA WARE It is interesting to note that here and there along the Gulf coast there are certain pieces of pottery that do not affiliate fully with the ordinary ware and that at the same time appear to present closer analogies with the wares of Yucatan and the Caribbean islands than do any of the other varieties; such peculiarities are more marked in the Choctawhatchee-Apalachicola section than elsewhere. The specimens brought together in plates Lxxvri and Lxxvu, belonging to Mr Moore’s Point Washington finds, offer, to my mind, these hints of exotic influence. At the same time, they can not be divorced from their close affiliations with the ware of the Gulf coast to the west and with that of the Florida peninsula to the east. Two vessels of rather rude shape are shown in plate Lxxvia@ and 5. The upper part of the body is embellished with a wide zone of stamped figures, such as are common over a vast area to the north and east of Choctawhatchee bay. The most interesting feature of these designs is that, though typical of the South Appalachian stamped ware, they are seen at a glance to embody the commonest concepts of the Gulf Coast group—the conventional life elements, in which the eye, the teeth, and the body features of the creature are still traceable. Similar vessels are found toward the east, along the Florida coast, and appear in connection with a group of vases typically developed on Apalachi- cola drainage in Franklin county. The peculiar little vessel shown in ¢ has an oblong, flattened body, rudely suggesting an alligator’s head. The incised markings afliliate with the Mobile-Pensacola decoration. Vase d departs from western models, and approaches closely forms of ware typically developed on the peninsula of Florida. The remain- ing figure, ¢, is the top view of a small jar with a remarkable rounded lip. Although the engraved designs embody the Gulf Coast. life elements, the method of execution departs radically from the normal treatment. The elaborate figures are traced oyer nearly the entire vessel, and are deeply incised, the channels being carefully carved out, leaving rounded ridges between them. The form and the material unite with the decoration in indicating a type of ware radically different from that of the Mobile-Pensacola district, yet represented by few other pieces in our collections. It affiliates most closely with the Apalachicola forms. Equally distinct from the Mobile-Pensacola ware are the five pieces shown in plate txxvira, 4, c, d, and ¢. In ornamentation their asso- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIX (HEIGHT 4! INCHES) VASE WITH ENGRAVINGS OF AN EAGLE AND AN EACLE-MAN MASK, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) an 2 eee ee ——— —_ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX b (DIAMETER 42 INCHES) c¢ (DIAMETER 9 INCHES) PLATTER AND BOWLS WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) 7 : ae BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXI eegeteecccoeces "Po cec oboe O° OUTLINES OF VASES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) ; BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIl d (HEIGHT 72 INCHES) e (DIAMETER 5: INCHES) f (DIAMETER 5% INCHES) BOWLS AND BOTTLES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIll @ (DIAMETER 152 INCHES) c (DIAMETER 142 INCHES) BOWLS WITH RELIEVED AND INCISED DECORATIONS REPRESENTING THE FROG CONCEPT, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ba TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV “4 (| Ht Hi —_ @ (DIAMETER 112 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 53 INCHES) ¢ (DIAMETER 7% INCHES) BOWL WITH RELIEVED AND INCISED DECORATIONS REPRESENTING THE BIRD CONCEPT, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) (SSHONI SL YSLAWVIG ‘NOILOAT109 3xHOOW) dnoY¥ds LSvoo 41N9 vaiyO14 Tviyna NI T1NXS V YSAO GALYSANI 1MO8 AXX1 “1d LYHOd3SY IWANNY HLSILNSML ADOTONHL] NVOINSWV JO NV3aHNG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI @ \HEICHT 6 INCHES) d (HEIGHT 3+ INCHES) ¢ (LENGTH 6 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 64 INCHES) e (DIAMETER 6 INCHES) VASES WITH ENGRAVED AND STAMPED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVII @ (HEIGHT 42 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 3! INCHES) € (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) ad (HEIGHT 6 INCHES) e (HEIGHT 32 INCHES) VASES WITH ENGRAVED DESIGNS, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) HOLMES] POTTERY OF FRANKLIN COUNTY, FLORIDA 111 ciation is close with the pottery found at Tarpon Springs and other central and western peninsular sites. Their paste, color, and some details of form connect them with the Apalachicola ware, The frag. ment shown in ¢ appears to represent a well-executed vessel corre sponding in shape to ¢ of the preceding plate. A characteristic and very interesting series of vessels was acquired recently by the National Museum from Mr C. H. B. Lloyd, who exhumed them from a mound in Franklin county. Ten of these are shown in plate Lxxvur. They represent a wide range of form and finish. The paste is silicious but generally fine-grained, and in some pieces flecks of micaare plentiful. The color isa warm gray, save in one case, where the firing has given a mottled terra-cotta red. In general they are South Appalachian rather than Floridian, as is indicated by their material, form, and decoration. ‘Two pieces resemble the porous ware of Florida in appearance and finish. Three are decorated with elabo- rately figured stamps, and one is painted red. Incised lines appear in a few cases. Unstamped surfaces are finished with a polishing stone. All are perforated, a hole haying been knocked in the bottom of each, save in one case,in which a circular opening about an inch in diameter was made while the clay was still soft. This vessel has a thickened rim, flat on the upper surface and nearly an inch wide. A rudely modeled bird’s head is affixed to the upper surface of the rim. The surface is rather roughly finished and has received a wash of red ocher. A small fragment of another similar vase, supplied with an animal head, belongs to the collection, and a closely analogous speci- men, now in the National Museum, came from a mound near Gaines- ville. A remarkable vessel—a bottle with reddish paste, squarish cruci- form body, as viewed from above, and a high, wide foot—is shown in plate Lxxvur, and on a larger scale in plate Lxxvoral. > SGD GE eG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXI O O (C'O) O oc a. 5 ~~ Wr OOO — — = ENGRAVED DESIGNS REPRESENTING THE FROG CONCEPT, FLORIDA GULF COAST GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY = TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXII —— UT A NS << KG GEN ZS SG —— QA ——————————————— eee TOL Zz = === ( )) AN CALE Sa LP f ~y)\ ¥ LE a bs Swf“. = Z J 2 cc ccece scene clmeer See cereccere-ettocecccosore Sececvces gonnesmeteeas, .. . ' a Stearereeity. ° rox =s5 “*enwcocee’” AIO “1d 1LHOd3SY IOANNY HiSBILNSaML ADSOTONHLS NVOINSWY 4O NVaYNA BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV @ (DIAMETER 33 INCHES) ¢ (ABOUT ONE-HALF) b (ABOUT ONE-HALF) d@ (DIAMETER 52 INCHES) FRAGMENTS OF DECORATED WARE AND COMPOUND CUP FLORIDA PENINSULA - ere eerie rs - a , 8 ; i "| iat So + a AS a Ae Rie om “ ; . 5 2 od = 4 = ‘, 4 ai ¢ j Tei. ry BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI e (DIAMETER 5: INCHES) a@ (HE'GHT 102 INCHES) d (DIAMETER 34 INCHES) (HEIGHT 9 INCHES) ENGRAVED AND PAINTED VASES, TARPON SPRINGS FLORIDA PENINSULA (FREE MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND ART, PHILADELPHIA) *"NOLSOB ‘09 3dAL0173H VINSNINA3d VOINO14 AIYNE GNNOW GNVS NI SASVA 4O YSLSN19 ADOIONHLS NVYOINSWY 40 NV3YENE HAD ‘Id 4YOd3Y¥ IWANNY HLSILNSML HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE WEST COAST IY associated with the vase in accordance with almost universal custom. It is instructive, however, to observe the graceful ways in which the esthetic instincts of a primitive people have taken hold of the crude elements of symbolism, making them things of beauty. A third vessel of the same group, similar in shape and finish and embodying analogous elements of decoration, appears in plate crm and the design is drawn out in plate crye. This specimen is shown also in the preceding plate, ctr, in connection with a large plain pot, c, of symmetric shape and excellent surface finish. Two fragments deco- rated in this stipple style, one showing a graceful shield-shaped figure in relief, are shown in plate cy} and c. They came from a mound at Cedar Keys. The little cup shown in « of this plate is decorated with incised lines and punctures representing a crab-like animal, and also in color, certain spaces being finished in red. It is from Frank- lin county, Florida. The same plate includes a remarkable specimen of compound vessel froma mound in Franklin county. It is a plain ware of usual make and has five compartments, four circular basins arranged about a central basin of squarish shape. One of the encircling basins has been broken away and is restored in the drawing. One of the most novel forms is shown in plate cvra. It is goblet- like and is open at both ends, reminding one of the Central American earthenware drums. It appears, however, froma careful examination, that the base was originally closed or partly closed, and that the end was broken out and the margin smoothed down so that in appearance it closely resembles the larger open end. The surface is embellished with broad bands of red and incised figures, all probably highly con- ventionalized animal features. A similar specimen embellished with unique incised patterns is shown in 4 and c of the same plate. In plate cvir a bunch of four vessels, as exposed while excavating a grave in a sand mound at Tarpon Springs, is shown. Still other speci- mens of inferior size and make, also from Tarpon Springs, are similar in style to the pieces already illustrated, while some are small, rude, and quite plain or decorated with crude designs, and a few are modeled in imitation of gourds, seashells, and animals. In some cases compound and eccentric forms are seen. One medium-sized pot-like form, suggesting a common western type probably intended to stand for some life form, has a rudely incised design encircling the shoulder and four looped handles placed at equal distance about the neck. Occasional specimens are tall, and have the wide mouth and conic base so characteristic of the Appalachian region, and these are orna- mented with the patterned stamp in various styles. Fragments from Tarpon Springs showing the florid stamp designs are given in plate cv, and griddle patterns appear in plate crx. The pottery secured by Mr Cushing at San Marco on the Pile- 128 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ANN. 20 dwelling sites, and associated with remains and relics of the most remarkable kind,” is extremely simple in style, hardly excelling in its plastic and graphic features the gourd and wooden vessels found in such profusion in the muck-filled canals and, in many cases, it appears to be modeled in imitation of these vessels. It does not differ in kind from the ordinary West Florida ware, however, which indicates the practical identity of the Pile-dwellers with other occupants of the region in time and culture. Somewhat common in the western and northwestern peninsular region is another variety of decorative treatment related to the deli- sate engraved work described above, but contrasting strongly with it. The designs in cases duplicate the peculiar scroll work of the Mobile- Pensacola district, and again are somewhat like the Tarpon Springs scroll work. The main peculiarity is that the lines are wide and are deeply incised, as is shown in plate cxa, b,c. In}, which is part of a large globular bowl, the figures are outlined in deep, clean lines, and some of the spaces are filled in with stamped patterns consisting of small checks, giving very pleasing results. In « and ¢ some of the spaces are filled in with indentations made with a sharp point. Han- dled vessels—dippers, cups, and pots—are common, and it is not unu- sual to see the rim of a pot set with four or eight handles; ¢ illustrates this feature and also a treatment of the scroll much like that preva- lent farther up the west coast. There are traces along this coast of rather pronounced variations in composition, shape, and decoration. A number of sherds illustrating the varied decorative effects produced by pinching with the finger nails are illustrated in 7, 7, and /. ANIMAL FIGURES It is not uncommon to find in many parts of Florida, and especially along the Gulf coast, portions of fairly well modeled animal figures, mostly only heads, which originally formed parts of bowls and other vessels. These correspond very closely with similar work in the West, and are almost duplications of the heads found in the Pensacola region. The detached heads have been found as far south as Goodland point, San Marco island, where Mr Moore picked up two specimens that had evidently been made use of as pendants, probably on account of some totemic or other significance attached to them. Mr Cushing also found one of these bird-head amulets in the canal deposits at San Marco, All are of western types, and may have been brought from north of the Gulf. On the whole, the employment of animal figures in the art of Florida, as well as of the Atlantic coast farther north, seems a late innovation, and the practice of embellishing vessels with these features has probably, in a large measure, crept in from the West. «Cushing, F. H., Exploration of ancient key-dweller remains, Proceedings of the American Philo- sophical Society, vol. Xxxy. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII POTSHERDS WITH ORNATE STAMP DESIGNS FLORIDA PENINSULA (ABOUT ONE-HALF) OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL.CIX i A iB iy pif ‘a i 7 f jf f i i : fos fae td doe VS iF hy BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX eé (DIAMETER 6 INCHES) ad h HANDLED CUP AND VARIOUS SHERDS FROM THE WEST COAST FLORIDA PENINSULA BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI We Nt WT Hs } TOBACCO PIPES FLORIDA PENINSULA (MOORE COLLECTION, ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) Seaieadieeee ok HOLMES] TOBACCO PIPES AND OLIVE JARS 129 TOBACCO PIPES Tobacco pipes of earthenware are quite rare in Florida. The speci- mens figured in plate cxr are types,” being embellished with the imper- fect figure of a bird resting on the bowl and perforated by the bowl cavity, while 4 is undecorated. Other specimens appear in ¢, d, and 2. In general shape they correspond closely with the prevailing heavy-bodied pipes of the South and West. Only one entire specimen and two fragments have been re- ported from shell heaps. SPANISH OLIVE JARS From time to time collectors have reported the finding of pottery in Florida and other southern states bearing evi- dence of having been turned on a wheel, and also showing traces of a brownish glaze. Examination always discloses the fact that the ware is of Spanish manufacture. The Fie. 59—Spanish olive jars, Florida. paste is that of ordinary terra cotta, and in cases is burned quite hard, resembling stoneware. The forms are little varied, the short bottle neck and the long-pointed base being notable characteristics. The encircling ribs left by careless throwing on the wheel are often quite 20 ETH—(03 9 130 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES | [ETH. ANN. 20 pronounced. In numerous cases the inside of the lip has received a yellowish glaze. Occasionally these vessels are recovered from Indian mounds. In early times it was a common practice to ship olives to America in earthen jars of this class. Illustrations are given in figure 59. A very interesting specimen of this ware, figure 59¢, may be seen in the Natural History Museum at Boston. Tt is a jar with long, attenuated, conic base, which, with a glass bottle, was found embedded in a mass of coral obtained by dredgers from a coral reef off Turks island at the point where the British frigate Severn is said to have been wrecked about the year 1793. In a few instances very large and thick vessels of terra cotta have been reported, which are probably of European origin, and an antique bath tub of glazed earthenware was recently unearthed in one of the Gulf states. POTTERY OF THE SOUTH APPALACHIAN PROVINCE EXTENT OF THE PROVINCE A culture province of somewhat marked characteristics comprises the states of Georgia, South Carolina, and contiguous portions of Ala- bama, Florida, North Carolina, and Tennessee. On the arrival of the whites a large portion of this area was occupied or overrun by the Creek Indians or their congeners, now included by Major Powell under the head of the Muskhogean linguistic family. The early explorers of this region referred to the tribes encountered as *‘Apa- lachee,” and the name Appalachian has been given by our geographers to the range of mountains that extends into the area from the north. The designation of the culture area is therefore historically and geo- graphically appropriate. The general area over which the pottery of this group is distributed is indicated in the accompanying map, plate Iv. PREVAILING TypEs or Warr The ceramic phenomena of this province include one great group of products to which has been given the name South Appalachian stamped ware, and also several less distinctly marked varieties, belonging, in the main, to groups typically developed in neighboring areas. Of these overlapping varieties the Florida and Gulf Coast groups on the south, the middle Mississippi valley group on the west, and other less striking varieties on the north and east may be mentioned. Tribes of at least three of the stocks of people inhabiting this general region continued the practice of the potter’s art down to the present time. The Catawbas and Cherokees are still engaged to a limited extent in pottery making; and the Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Seminoles have, if the labeling of certain specimens now in the National Museum is cor- rect, but recently abandoned the work. The manufacture of earthen- ware by the two first-mentioned tribes is described in the introductory pages of this paper, and illustrations are presented in this section. HOLMES) STAMP-DECORATED POTTERY 131 Among the more noteworthy features of the ancient ceramic art of this province are the novel shapes of some of the vessels, the peculiar style of their decoration, the intermingling of local and what appear to be exotic forms, and, lastly, the very common use of vessels as recep- tacles for remains of the dead. A rare and exceptional feature of decoration, described by Colonel C, C. Jones and others, is the use of bits of shell and bright stones in inlaying. These bits were set in decorative arrangements into the clay while it was yet plastic —an art practiced to a limited extent at the present day by primitive peoples on both continents, but never rising to a place of importance, The principal fictile product of the province was the large caldron or cook pot, although bowls were used and fancifully shaped vessels are sometimes encountered. Small figurines and tobacco pipes were made in considerable numbers, and potsherds were often cut into discoid shapes, perhaps for playing games of skill or chance. The remains of what are supposed by some observers and writers to be primitive pottery kilns have been reported, but the evidence is not conclusive in any case. The most striking variety of earthenware found within the limits of the Atlantic drainage is distributed very generally over Georgia and contiguous portions of all the adjoining states. For convenience of designation it has been called the South Appalachian stamped ware. Many of the more typical specimens in our collections came from the valley of the Savannah. ‘The most strongly marked characteristics of this ware are its material, which is generally hard, heavy, and coarsely silicious; its shapes, the most notable of which is a deep caldron with conic base and flaring rim; and its decoration, which consists in great part of stamped figures of no little technic and artistic interest. This stamped pottery is obtained from mounds, graves of several classes, village sites, and shell heaps. In some localities it is asso ciated with remains of distinct varieties of ware, but in others it seems to occur alone, ‘This intermingling of different varieties is not confined to village sites and shell heaps where accident could have brought the different sorts together, but is common in mounds whose contents appear to have belonged to a single community. Whether the different kinds of pottery originated with a single people, or whether the association is the result of the amaleamation of distinet groups of people, can not be determined. ‘The area over which the sherds are scattered is so wide that we can hardly connect the manu- facture of even the more typical forms with any single tribe or eroup of tribes. It is distributed over areas occupied in historic times by numerous stocks of people, including the Algonquian, Troquoian, Siouan, Muskhogean, and Timuquanan, Of these eroups the Musk- hogean probably has the best claim to the authorship of this ware. ‘The modern Catawbas (Siouan) and Cherokees (Lroquoian), especially the 152 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [eTH. ayn. 20 latter, make vessels corresponding somewhat closely to those of Musk- hogean make in some of their features, but these features may have been but recently adopted by them. In the region producing type specimens, the material, shape, and ornament are so distinctive as unitedly to give the ware great individuality; but in other localities less typical forms are found to occur. In some sections the material changes, and we haye only the shapes and decoration as distinguishing features, while in others we must depend on the decoration alone to indicate relationship with the type forms. MATERIALS AND CoLor Usually the paste is hard and heavy, consisting of clay tempered with a large percentage of quartz sand or pulverized quartz-bearing rock. Occasional specimens from the Eastern Shore are tempered with shell. In color this pottery is of the normal gray and brownish hues of the baked clay. ForM AND SIZE The vessels of this group are well built, and have eyen, moderately thick walls and fair symmetry of outline. The shapes are not greatly varied as compared with other southern and with the western groups. There are bowls, shallow and deep, mostly of large size, having both incurved and recurved rims. There are pots or caldrons ranging from medium to very large size, the largest having a capacity of 15 or 20 gallons. The form varies from that of a deep bowl to that of a much lengthened subeylindric vessel. The base is usually somewhat conic, and in the bowls is often slightly truncated, so that the vessels stand upright on a flat surface. UsEs Asa rule the larger pieces show indications of use over fire, and it is not improbable that this stamped ware was largely the domestic or culinary ware of the peoples who made it, and that other forms less enduring, and hence not so frequently preserved, except in frag- ments, were employed for other purposes. This view would seem to be confirmed in some degree by the occurrence of smaller and more delicate vessels distinct in shape and decorative treatment along with the stamped ware on village sites and in some of the mounds opened by the Bureau of American Ethnology. Some of these vessels, how- ever, are so very distinct in every way from the stamped pottery, and are so manifestly related to groups of ware in which stamped designs, conic forms and quartz tempering were unusual, that we may regard them tentatively as exotic The preservation of the culinary utensils elsewhere almost univer- sally found in fragments is due to their utilization for mortuary pur- poses. In no other province, perhaps, was the custom of burying the BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY b (DIAMETER 11% INCHES) BURIAL VASES WITH COVERS, SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL . CXil HOLMES] DECORATION OF APPALACHIAN POTTERY 133 dead in earthen vessels so common as it was in the South Appalachian. Generally the bones are charred, and in many cases they belong to children. Apparently it was not customary to make vessels exclusively for burial purposes, although in some cases the bowl cover was con- structed for the purpose. Generally the mortuary vessel stood upright in the grave, but in some instances a large wide-mouthed vase was filled with bones and inverted, and in a few cases bowls have been found inverted over skulls or heaps of bones. In plate cxm we have illustrations of the manner in which these vessels were employed in burial. A bowl with incurved rim of a size to fit the mouth of the pot was set into it in an inyerted position as a cover, as is shown by a. This specimen is from a mound near Mill- edgeville, Georgia. A vase of different type is shown in}. It was obtained from a mound in Chatham county by Mr E. H. Hill, and is covered with a small bowl exactly fitting the cone-shaped top of the vase. Colonel C. C. Jones” gives a careful description of the discoy- ery in a mound on Colonels island, Liberty county, Georgia, of a burial vase with a lid of baked clay shaped to fit neatly. A smaller vessel containing the bones of an infant had been placed within the larger one. The larger vessel apparently differed from those found farther inland in having been covered with textile imprints, and in having a slight admixture of shell tempering. In these respects it resembled the typical pottery of the Atlantic seaboard, affiliating with the Algonquian wares of the Middle Atlantic province. DECORATION As has been mentioned, the remarkable style of decoration, more than any other feature, characterizes this pottery. Elaborately tig- ured stamps were rarely used elsewhere, except in Central and South America. The exact form of the stamping tool or die is, of course, not easily determined, as the imprint upon the rounded surface of the vases represents usually only the middle portion of the figured surface of the implement. It is highly probable, however, that the stamp had a handle and therefore assumed the shape of a paddle, as do the stamps used by the Cherokees at the present time. Occasionally par- tial impressions of a small portion of the square or round margin of the stamp are seen. It was the usual practice to apply the stamp at random over the entire exterior surface of the vessel, and thus it hap- pened that the impressions encroached upon one another, rendering an analysis of the design, where it is complex, extremely difficult. In many localities the design was simple, consisting of two series of shal- low lines or grooves crossing the paddle surface at right angles, leav- ing squarish interspaces in relief, so that the imprint on the clay gave aJones, Charles C., Antiquities of the Southern Indians, New York, 1873, p. 1384. ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£1H. ayy. 20 the reyerse—that is, low ridges with shallow rectangular depressions in the interspaces. The lines vary from 3 to 10 to the inch, and, when coyering the surface of a vessel, give a hatched or checkered effect closely resembling that made by imprinting a coarse fabric or a cord- wrapped tool. These figures have occasionally been regarded as impressions resulting from modeling the vessel in a basket or net, but close examination shows that the imprintings are in small, discon- nected areas, not coinciding or joining at the edges where the impres- sions overlap, and that the arrangement of parts is really not that of woven strands. The character of the work is fully elucidated by the Cherokee wooden paddles which are shown in plate cxm a, 4, c. One side of the broad part of the implement is covered with deeply engraved lines, carved no doubt with steel knives, but the work is not so neat and the grouping is not so artistic as in the ancient work. The effect produced by the use of such an implement is illustrated in @,a modern Cherokee pot, collected in 1889 by Mr James Mooney, and referred to already under the head Manufacture. Where an intricate design was employed the partial impressions from the flat surface of the paddle are so confused along the margins that in no case can the complete pattern be made out. By a careful study of a number of the more distinct imprints, however, the larger part of the designs may be restored. For several years rubbings of such imprintings as came to hand haye been taken, and some of the more interesting are presented in plate cxtv. They consist, for the most part, of curved lines in graceful but formal, and possibly, as here used, meaningless combinations. By far the most common figure is a kind that is to say, a grouping of lines haying a cross with bent arms as a base or center, of compound filfot cross, swastika, or Thor’s hammer shown in @ and %, The four border spaces are filled in with lines parallel with the curved arms of the central figure. The effect of this design, as applied to the surface of a fine large yesse! from a mound on the Savannah river 10 miles below Augusta, is well shown in plate cxvu. Another excellent example is seen in plate CXvI. An interesting result of my recent studies of the pottery of the region, referred to in the preceding section, is the observation that the designs stamped on the clay are in many cases closely anaiogous to designs used by the ancient insular Caribbean peoples. Many of the latter designs are engraved on utensils of wood, and the Appalachian stamps on which the designs were carved were likewise of wood, which suggests contact or intimate relationship of the peoples in ancient times. ‘There can hardly be a doubt that Antillean influence was felt in the art of the whole southeastern section of the United States, or that, on the other hand, the culture of the mainland impressed itself strongly on that of the contiguous islands. A comparison of the BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIll c (LENGTH 95 INCHES) 5 d (DIAMETER 10 INCHES) CHEROKEE STAMP-DECORATED POT, AND PADDLE STAMPS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIV EERE STAMP DESIGNS RESTORED FROM IMPRESSIONS ON VASES SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP HOLMES] APPALACHIAN STAMPED WARE 135 stamped designs illustrated in plate cxrv with others of Florida and Guadeloupe island, given in a recent publication,“ will make the anal- ogies apparent. The stamped ware is found plentifully throughout the state of Georgia and as far west along the Gulf coast as Mobile bay. Stamp designs constitute the prevailing decoration in the wares of Early county, southwestern Georgia. In eastern Tennessee, at a few points on the eastern side of the valley of the Tennessee river, examples varying considerably from the Savannah type have been observed. The vessels are generally intermingled with western forms of pottery. North Carolina furnishes some stamped ware, and in South Carolina stamped ware appears to be the prevailing variety. On the Florida peninsula this ware seems to have lost some of its most typical characters, the vessels having different shapes and the stamp designs consisting mainly of simple reticulations. Although some of the peculiar designs with which the paddle stamps were embellished may have come, as has been suggested, from neigh- boring Antillean peoples, it is probable that the implement is of conti- nental origin. It is easy to see how the use of figured modeling tools could arise with any people out of the simple, primitive processes of vessel modeling. As the walls were built up by means of flattish strips of clay, added one upon another, the fingers and hand were used to weld the parts together and to smooth down the uneven surfaces. In time various improvised implements would come into use—shells for scraping, smooth stones for rubbing, and paddle-like tools for malle- ating. Some of the latter, having textured surfaces, would leave figured imprints on the plastic surface, and these, producing a pleas- ing effect on the primitive mind, would lead to extension of use, and, finally, to the invention of special tools and the adding of elaborate designs. But the use of figured surfaces seems to have had other than purely decorative functions, and, indeed, in most cases, the deco- rative idea may have been secondary. It will be observed by one who attempts the manipulation of clay that striking or paddling with a smooth surface has often a tendency to extend flaws and to start new ones, thus weakening the wall of the vessel, but a ribbed or deeply figured surface properly applied has the effect of welding the clay together, of kneading the plastic surface, producing numberless minute dovetailings of the clay which connect across weak lines and incipient cracks, adding greatly to the strength of the vessel. That the figured stamp had a dual function, a technic and an esthetie one, is fully apparent. When it was applied to the surface it removed unevenness and welded the plastic clay into a firm, tenacious mass. Scarifying with a rude comb-like tool was employed in some sections for the same purpose, and was so used more generally on the inner aHolmes, W. H., Caribbean influence on the prehistoric ceramic art of the southern states, American Anthropologist, vol. vit, p. 71. 186 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [&TH. ANN.20 surface, where a paddle or stamp could not be employed. That this was recognized as one of the functions of the stamp is shown by the fact that in many neatly finished vessels, where certain portions received a smooth finish, the paddle had first been used over the entire vessel, the pattern being afterward worked down with a polishing stone. However, the beauty of the designs employed and the care and taste with which they were applied to the vases bear ample testi- mony to the fact that the function of the stamp as used in this prov- ince was largely esthetic. It may be safely assumed, in addition, that in many eases the figures were significant or symbolic. The use of stamps and stamp-like tools in other regions will be mentioned under the proper headings. EXAMPLES VASES The specimens shown in plate cxv may well be taken as types of the larger vessels of the Appalachian variety. The large vessel « is blackened by use over fire, and it not unlikely served the humble purpose of preparing food messes for the family, somewhat after the manner so graphically described and illustrated in Hariot’s history of the Roanoke colony.“ and shown in plate um. It is nearly symmetric, is 16 inches in height and the same in diameter, and has a capacity of about 15 gallons. The paddle-stamp has been carefully used, giving a pretty uniform all-over pattern; the design is shown three-fourths actual size in plate cxtva. The rim is decorated with two encircling lines of annular indentations and four small nodes indented in the center, placed at equal intervals about the exterior. From the same mound with the above several other similar vessels were obtained, two of them being larger than the one illustrated. Some fine, large bowls from the same mound have the entire exterior surface decorated with the usual compound filfot stamp. One of these is presented in the lower figure, plate cxv 4. The handsome vessel illustrated in plate cxvi was uncovered by the plow on Ossabaw island, Chatham county, Georgia. The negroes who discovered it at once reburied it. The manager of the place. learning of this, dug it up again. Within the vase were the bones of a child, with a few beads and ornaments. The bones were reinterred by the negroes, who feared that bad luck would follow wanton disturbance of the dead. A bowl, parts only of which were saved, was inverted over the top of the urn, and had prevented the earth from accumulat- ing within. The specimens were acquired by Mr William Harden, of Savannah, who presented them to the Bureau of American Ethnology. This vase corresponds fully’in material, shape, and finish with others from various parts of the Appalachian region. The stamped pattern aHariot, Thomas, A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia, Frankfort, 1590, pl. xv. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV @ (HEIGHT 16 INCHES) b (DIAMETER 16% INCHES) TYPICAL SPECIMENS OF STAMP-DECORATED WARE SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVI LARGE VASE DECORATED WITH FILFOT STAMP DESIGN SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP (HEIGHT 15 INCHES) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVII b (HEIGHT ABOUT 9 INCHES) @ (HEIGHT 14 INCHES) VASES DECORATED WITH PADDLE-STAMP SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP IMPRESSIONS HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE SAVANNAH Si is of the most usual type, but differs from others in having nodes at the center and in having the arms of the cross curved, as shown in plate cxtv/. The height is 15 inches, and the diameter at the rim 12 inches. The bowl cover is of the same kind of ware, and is well made and symmetric. The surface inside and out is finished with a polishing tool. The color, as in most of this ware, is a dark brownish gray, somewhat mottled by firing or by use over fire. Four S-shaped ornaments, with nodes placed within the curves, are set about the most expanded part of the body. The diameter is 124 inches and the depth 7 or 8 inches. The specimen presented in plate cxvit@ was plowed up near Mil- ledgeville, Georgia. It was engraved on wood for Dr. Charles Rau, and was published in his Collections of the National Museum, but the defects of drawing are such as to mislead the student with respect to the character of the surface finish. The stamp design was a very simple one, founded on the cross, the four inclosed angles being filled in by straight lines, as is seen in plate cxtve. One arm of the cross was more strongly relieved than the other, and this gave rise. where the impressions happened to be continuous, to the heavy lines shown in exaggerated form in the Rau engraving. That the stamp was rigid and flat on the face is apparent from the nature of the impressions on the convex surface of the yase,and also from numerous deep impres- sions of the edge of the tool at the sharp curve of the vessel where the neck joins the body. The somewhat fragmentary vase presented in 4 was obtained from a mound in Georgia. The stamp design, so far as it could be deciphered, is given in plate cxtv d, and embodies as its main feature the guilloche or the imperfectly connected scroll. The association of the stamped earthenware with ware typical of surrounding regions may be accounted for in two ways—first, through occupation of a single site by more than one group of people at the same or at different times, and, second, by the possession or manu- facture of more than one variety by a single community. ‘Two inter- esting illustrations of the intermingling of types may be presented. Explorations carried on for the Bureau of American Ethnology under the direction of Dr Thomas in the mounds and erayves of Caldwell county, North Carolina, yielded many fine examples of pottery, among which were vases and bowls of southern type, bowls decorated with modeled animal heads and other relieved ornaments in western style, fabric-marked pieces, and rude, undecorated vessels, such as character- ize the middle Atlantic tidewater region. A striking example of the intermingling of separate types was brought to light by the opening of a small mound 10 miles below Augusta, on the Savannah river, Richmond county, Georgia, by Mr HI. L. Reynolds, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. No mound has yielded finer examples of the stamped ware, two pieces of which 138 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ann. 20 have already been given (plate cxv), and along with them and intimately associated in the original interments were typical western forms. One piece, a long-necked bottle, with decoration in black paint, would, so far as its general appearance goes, be more at home in western Ten- nessee, or even beyond the Mississippi. This piece is shown in plate cxvuta. It is neither as well made nor as neatly finished as its western prototypes, and the walls are unusually thick. The clay is tempered with quartz and mica-bearing sand, a strong indication that the vase is actually of Appalachian manufacture. Other bottles of western form, but undecorated, were recovered. One remarkable piece is shown in 4; it resembles closely the famous *‘*triune vase,” e, from Cany branch of the Cumberland river, Tennessee, described by Caleb Atwater.“ Hardly less remarkable was the occurrence in this richly stocked mound of two cylindric cup-shaped vases, embellished with figures of rattlesnakes, combining in execution, materials, finish, and decoration most of the best features of the wares of the lower Mississippi and the Gulf coast. Unlike the ordinary vessels of the region, these ves- sels are of the finest clay, which in the interior of the mass is of a light gray color. The surface is blackened and well polished, and the designs, engraved with a tine sharp point, penetrate to the light paste, giving a striking effect. One of these vases appears in plate cxvin d. Encircling its slightly incurved walls are figures of two horned or antlered rattlesnakes anda third serpent only partially worked out. Occupying one of the interspaces between the sinuous bodies of the serpents is a human face resembling a mask, connecting with lines apparently intended to suggest a serpent’s body. The smaller cup contains the drawing of a single serpent extending twice around the circumference. These rattlesnakes are drawn in highly conventional style, but with a directness and ease that could result only from long practice in the engraver’s art. They are doubtless of symbolic origin, and the vases were probably consecrated to use in ceremonials in which the rattle- snake was a potent factor. The delineation of the serpent is not spe- cifically different from other examples engraved on stone, clay, and shell found in several parts of the South and West. This remarkable design is illustrated one-third actual size in plate cxtxa. The part at the extreme right repeats the corresponding part at the left. The human head or mask is unique among pottery decorations, but it is not distinct in type from the heads stamped in sheet copper found in the mounds of Georgia and those engraved on shell in many parts of the Appalachian and Middle Mississippi regions. That such a diverse array of ceramic products, inadequately repre- sented by the illustrations given, should have been assembled in an aAtwater, Caleb, Western antiquities, Columbus, 1833, p. 140. TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY _— b (HEIGHT 7s INCHES) a@ (HEIGHT 9 INCHES) 0 Nice Mt ll d (HEIGHT 5 INCHES) VASES OF VARIED DESIGN AND EMBELLISHMENT SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP q aT) E\ ; aS : Ny, 3 ®) IA ™ | / ES SS Ee ie : x 1x £0) “Tl d ae Y io} id =| Y 4 Vv n N N Vv H 1 =I IL N a ML A 2] le) 4 fe) N H Al a N Vv re) 1q 3 WwW Vv ] ie) n v | q n 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX BOWL WITH ELABORATE ENGRAVED DECORATIONS (MOORE COLLECTION) SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP LENGTH 9% INCHES) HELIOTYPE CO., BOSTON. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXI @ (DIAMETER 12? INCHES) LARGE VESSELS FROM EASTERN GEORGIA SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP (MOORE COLLECTION) - = i aa elt iar) el ee oq ey el ME 4 Pay Tse HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE SAVANNAH 139 obscure mound on the lower Savannah is indeed remarkable. Excel- lent examples of the pottery of the South, the Southwest, and the West are thus found within 100 miles of the Atlantic seaboard. Not the least interesting feature of this tind was the occurrence of part of an old-fashioned English iron drawing knife and some wrought-iron nails, associated, according to the report of Mr Reynolds, with the various articles of clay, stone, and copper in the mound, thus apparently showing that the mound was built and that all the varieties of ware were made or assembled by a single community in post-Columbian times. Mr Reynolds was firm in his belief that these vases and the diverse articles referred to were associated in the original interments in the mound, yet many will feel like questioning this conclusion. If a mis- take was made by the explorer with respect to this point, the interest in the series is hardiy lessened. If he is right, the mound was built by a post-Columbian community composed of distinct groups of people still practicing to some extent their appropriate arts, or by members of a single group which, by association, capture, or otherwise, had brought together artisans from distinct nations, or had from various available sources secured the heterogeneous group of objects of art assembled. If he is wrong, we are free to assume that the original stock which practiced the ordinary arts of the Appalachian province had built the mound and deposited examples of their work; -that, at a later period, they had acquired and used exotic artifacts in burial in the same mound, or, that the mound was, after the coming of the whites, adopted by a distinct people who there buried their dead, together with articles of their own and of European manufacture. In such a case it would be reasonable to suppose that the earlier people were of Muskhogean or Uchean stock, and that the latter were the Savannahs or Shawnees. The report of Mr Reynolds on the opening of this remarkable mound is embodied in the work of Dr Thomas in the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. A number of clay pipes obtained from this mound are shown in plate cxxty. They are of forms prevalent in the general region. The extension of typical Appalachian wares eastward toward the coast of North and South Carolina and Georgia is made manifest by recent researches of Mr Clarence B. Moore. Froma mound in McIn- tosh county, Georgia, Mr Moore obtained the remarkable bowl shown in plate oxx, and a second specimen nearly duplicating it. It is quite eccentric in shape, as is well shown by contrasting the end view, a, with the side views, / and c. The color is quite dark, and the surtace well polished. It is embellished with engraved figures in lines, and excayated spaces covering nearly the entire surface. The scroll bor- der aboye is somewhat irregularly placed, and encircles, at opposite sides, a little node, the only modeled feature of the vase. The design, drawn at full length, is shown in plate cxrx/, and is apparently a 140 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [erTH. ann. 20 rather crude attempt to depict a bird-serpent monster, some of the elements undoubtedly referring to the eye, wings. and feathers of the bird, while certain other features suggest the serpent; as a decoration it is very effective. It undoubtedly represents an important mytho- logic concept. The design from the companion vessel is shown also on this plate (¢), and is a more simplified presentation of the same subject. The large jar illustrated in plate cxx1a@ is unique in the shape of the neck, which is depressed, sinking partly within the shoulder. The form is graceful and effective, however, and the decoration is the typical button-centered filfot, applied with a paddle-stamp. It appears also that vessels of the Gulf Coast type—at least with respect to the ornamentation—occur on the Atlantic coast, and one is shown in plate cxx1}, This is a tub-like specimen, 15 or 16 inches in diameter, with broken incised scroll work encircling the upper half of the body, which expands toward the base in a way seldom noticed in ware of its class. In the collections recently made by Dr Roland Steiner in northwest- ern Georgia, we find another novelty in the shape of some terra-cotta gures. Some of these appear to have been derived from the mar- yins of bowls or other vessels, while others are figurines pure and simple. The faces in some cases are modeled with exceptional skill, but the most notable feature is the flattening of the head, which gives to the specimens a striking resemblance to the flat-headed terra-cotta figures of Mexico, These objects are shown in plates cxxir and Cxxm. The associated vessels are all of South Appalachian type. oe Eb TOBACCO PIPES It is difficult to say what forms the tobacco pipes of the southern Indians had taken in pre-Columbian times, the early writers haying said little with reference to them. Their great number, the high degree of elaboration, and the wide differentiation of form indicate, however, a long period of tobacco pipe making. Stone was evi- dently the favorite material, and steatite, especially, being easily carved, handsome in appearance, and not affected by fire, took a promi- nent place. The historic tribes of the region, and especially of the Carolinas, have always been great pipe makers and have for at least a hundred years“ practiced the art with much ardor, using the prod- uct in trade with neighboring tribes and with the whites. This commercial work has led to no end of fanciful elaboration of form, and to much that is strained and bad. We are led by this circumstance to question the age of all the more ornate forms of pipes not found in associations that prove them to be ancient. The prevailing Algonquian clay pipe was a simple bent tube, and the Troquois elaborated the same general form by various modifica- o Lawson, John, History of Carolina, Raleigh, 1860, pp. 46, | oo BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TIETH AN FIGURINES FROM I BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, CXXIV TOBACCO PIPES FROM BURIAL MOUNDS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV e if TOBACCO PIPES FROM BURIAL MOUNDS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVI @ (LENGTH 5? INCHES) b (LENGTH 5: INCHES) c (LENGTH 3; INCHES) d (LENGTH 5: INCHES TOBACCO PIPES FROM BURIAL MOUNDS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP wie HOLMES] TOBACCO PIPES AND ORNAMENTS 141 tions and additions. The same radical form is discoyered in the clay pipes of the Appalachian country. As has been observed elsewhere in this paper, the groups or varieties of pipes are not so well marked as are the groups of vessels. Pipes are subject to free transportation, and no matter how distinctive the work of a given people, the pres- ence of so many stocks moving back and forth must necessarily have led to much confusion. Nothing more will here be attempted than the presentation of plates in which are brought together a number of the more usual clay pipe forms from the general region. The clay used was probably much the same as that employed by the same peoples in vessel making, but was left pure or was tempered with finely comminuted ingredients. The surfaces were usually well polished or were covered with various relieved ornaments. The colors were those of the baked clay. Asa rule the fundamental shape was the bent trumpet; often, however, it was much modified, and was sometimes loaded with animal and con- ventional features in relief or in the round, as is shown in plates oxxtv and cxxv. Effigy pipes in clay are not common, but good examples are seen in our museums, and several are presented in plate cxxv1. The heayy pipe with stem and bowl of nearly equal weight is a western and southern type found all the way from Florida to Arkan- sas. Two specimens of this variety were found in a mound on the St Johns river, Florida, by Mr C. B. Moore. POTTERY DISKS Pottery disks cut from sherds of ordinary ware are common in the South Appalachian region as well as along the Gulf coast, and it may be Fic. 60—Small disks cut from sherds. added that they are found to some extent over nearly the entire pot- tery-producing region. Some of these objects may have been used in 142 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ayn. 20 playing games of skill or chance, but two pairs, found by Mr Moore in graves, indicate the use of the perforated ones as cores for copper ear-disks. A few examples are illustrated in figure 60. ORIGIN OF THE VARIETIES OF WARE It is not yet possible to make a satisfactory analysis of the pottery of the Carolinas. The presence here in pre-Columbian times of numerous stocks of people and the practice of the art by some of the tribes down even to the present day have led to great complexity of phenomena. It happens also that the region has been but little studied, and no one has undertaken the interesting task of tracing the art of the modern tribes—the Cherokees and Catawbas—back through the many changes of the last three hundred years to its pre-Columbian phases. The Cherokees and Tuscaroras are of Iroquoian stock. The former people practice their art to-day in one locality in western North Carolina; the latter, who removed to New York to join the league of the Iroquois early in the eighteenth century, dwelt in central and east- ern North Carolina, and probably left ware of somewhat marked pecu- liarities in this region, as well as in Virginia. The Uchees, and the Yamassees, of Muskhogean stock, dwelt on the Savannah, but probably ceased pottery making at an early date, as they were among the first to come into familiar contact with the colonists. The Shawnees, a tribe of Algonquian stock known in early times as ** Savannahs,” occu- pied part of Carolina and Georgia, and must have left numerous traces of their presence. Two tribes of Siouan stock, the Tutelo and Catawba, and perhaps others not so well known, inhabited parts of northern Georgia and western Carolina, and a small area in south-central Vir- ginia, and it is probable that much of the confusion observed in the ceramics of these sections is due to this occupation. The stock was a vigorous one, and must have developed decided characteristics of art, at least in its original habitat, which is thought to be west of the Alleghenies. Through the presence of the various tribes of these five linguistic families, and probably others of prehistoric times, the highly complicated art conditions were brought about. Whether the work of the various tribes was sufficiently individualized to permit of the separation of the remains at the present day is a question yet to be decided, but there is no doubt that the task may be at least partially accomplished by systematic collection and study. The first necessary step in this work is a study of the modern and historic work of the tribes that have kept up the practice of the art to the present day. In the introductory pages, under the head Manu- facture, the plastic art of the Catawbas and the Cherokees has been described at some length. We naturally seek in the Siouan work in the West analogies with the work of the former tribe, as it was of HOLMES] MODERN WARE OF THE CAROLINAS 143 Siouan stock. But the Siouan peoples have not been pottery makers in recent times, and we have no means of making comparisons, save on the theory that the Middle Mississippi ware is wholly or partly of Siouan make. Moreover, the modern Catawban pottery has been so modified by post-Columbian conditions that few of the original char- acteristics are left, and comparison is fruitless. But an examination of numerous ancient sites and a number of mounds in the region occupied by the Catawbas in early historic time, and for an indefinite period in pre-Columbian times, yields forms of vessels distinctly western in some of their features, and in cases there appear also pretty well- defined characteristics of the historic Catawba work. A group of Catawban vessels collected between the years 1876 and 1886 is pre- sented in plate cxxvira. A number of pipes of this people of the same or a later period are shown in plate cxxvut. Specimens found on the older dwelling sites of the people resemble the modern pottery in color and finish, but they are of better work- manship, and the shapes resemble less closely those of the whites. All are flat-bottomed, have the thick walls and peculiar color and polish of modern Catawba ware, and are well within the Catawba habitat, even if not from sites inhabited by them in historic times. One speci- men labeled ‘*Seminole” is identical with Catawba ware. It is prob- able that many other examples of old Catawban work exist, but only these few have fallen into my hands. Points of correspondence between this modern ware and the ware of the mounds in ancient Catawban territory, North Carolina, will be pointed out when the latter is presented. A remnant of the Cherokee tribe now occupies a small reservation in Swain county, western North Carolina. These people were in posses- sion of an immense tract of the South Appalachian region when first encountered by the whites, and there is nothing to indicate that they were not long resident in this region. An examination of their mod- ern art in clay develops the fact that they are skillful potters, and what is of special interest is the fact that their ware has several points of analogy with the ancient stamped pottery of the South Appa- lachian province. Their ware retains more of the archaic elements of form than does that of the Catawhas, and the stamps they use in deco- ration are identical in many respects with those formerly used in the entire region extending from southern Florida to Virginia. The question may thus be raised as to whether the Cherokees, rather than the Uchees or the Muskhogean tribes, are not the people repre- sented by the ceramic remains of the Southeast. Such speculations are, however, in the present state of our knowledge, quite vain, and they may be misleading. All we can surely know is that these people retain well-defined features of the ancient art of the region, and that much of the ancient stamped ware of northern Georgia, western 144 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES ,[£TH. ann. 20 Carolina, and eastern Tennessee is probably theirs, for it is found on the sites known to have been long occupied by them. Specimens of modern Cherokee work are shown in plate cxxvitb. Processes of manufacture have been sufticiently dwelt on in the intro- ductory pages. In plate cxxrx a number of vases from mounds in Caldwell county, North Carolina, are brought together. They display great diversity of characters—eastern, southern, and western—and, at the same time, bear evidence of recentness, and, in cases, of relationship to modern ware. All are tempered with silicious ingredients, and all seem, from the manner of their occurrence, to have belonged to a single com- munity. Two specimens, the right and left in the lower row, are typic- ally western in appearance. In the upper middle vase we see the handles and the side ornament in relief characters rare on the eastern slope but common in Tennessee; the stamped piece on its right affiliates with the southern ware, and the upper left-hand vase is a southern shape having incised designs like those of the Gulf coast. The remaining cup shown illustrates the use of fabrics in the construction and embellishment of pottery. The entire surface is deeply marked with a textile mesh, which at first sight suggests that of the interior of a rude basket, but close examination shows that it is the impres- sion of a pliable fabric of open mesh woven in the twined style. It is seen that there is much lack of continuity in the imprinting, and also that the markings must be the result of wrapping the plastic vessel in fabrics to sustain it, or of the separate applications of a bit of the texture held in the hand or wound about a modeling paddle. This piece is more at home on the Atlantic coast of North Carolina and Virginia than it is in the South or West. From the Jones mound, in the same section, we havea series of vessels of still more modern look. So far as shape and finish go they are decidedly like the modern Catawba ware. Over all this Carolina region there are indications of southern as well as western and northern influence, and vessels and sherds are obtained in many places that aftiliate with the art of the South. The stamped varieties are intermingled with the other forms in the shell heaps of the Atlantic, on river sites back to the mountains, and, in places, even across to the heads of western-flowing streams. There are also specimens of the peculiar florid scroll work of the Gulf province, and we may infer that southern tribes made their influ- ence felt as far north as Virginia, beyond which, however, a scroll design, or even a curved line, is practically unknown, and the southern peculiarities of shape are also absent. As we pass tothe east and north in North Carolina itis found that the southern and western styles of ware gradually give way to the archaic forms and textile decorations of the great Algonquian area. Froma BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVII a@ (DIAMETER OF LARGE BOWL 103 INCHES) b (DIAMETER OF LARGE POT 10 INCHES) MODERN POTTERY OF THE CATAWBA AND CHEROKEE INDIANS SOUTH APPALACHIAN GROUP IdALOINSH ws *NO1SO8 '°O9 3dALOIT3H (GYIHL-3NO) de ) NVIHOV1Vc YNITOYVO HLYON NI SG OHS AYSLLOd XIXXO “Td LYOd3y4 TWANNY HLSILNSML ADOTONHLS NVYOISSWY 3O NvaYuNd wo HOLMES] ALGONQUIAN POTTERY 145 kitchen midden on the Yadkin, in Wilkes county, within less than 25 miles of the Virginia line, we have a few specimens of very rude stamped ware and many pieces of large, coarse vessels that duplicate the shell-heap ware of the Chesapeake. This is about the northern limit of southern forms, but northern forms extend, with gradually decreasing frequency, to the western and southern borders of the state. POTTERY OF THE MIDDLE ATLANTIC PROVINCE REVIEW OF THE ALGONQUIAN AREAS As was pointed out in the introductory pages, a broad and impor- tant distinction is to be drawn between the ceramic products of the two great regions which may be designated, in a general way, as the North and the South. The former comprises that part of the great Algon- quian-Iroquoian territory of historic times which lies to the north of a somewhat indefinite line extending from below Cape Hatteras, on the Atlantic coast, through southwestern Virginia, eastern Kentucky, middle Ohio, northern Indiana, northern Illinois, and middle Iowa to Nebraska, and beyond; the latter comprehends the territory to the south of this line. The ceramic art of the North is archaic and simple, that of the South is well advanced and complex. South of the line there are compound and varied forms; north of it all forms are simple. The pottery of the South has animal shapes; that of the North has none. The South has vessels with high, narrow necks, and stands and legs; the North has none. The South has painted surfaces and decorations; the North has no color, save the natural hues of the baked clay. The South has the fret, scroll, and other current ornaments, as well as symbolic and delineative designs; the North has little else than simple combina- tions of straight lines. There are questions coming up for consideration in this connection, aside from those relating to the grouping and description of the ware, with which this paper is mainly concerned. We seek, for example, the meaning of the somewhat abrupt change of phenomena in passing from the South to the North. Is it due to differences in race? Were the southern tribes as a body more highly endowed than the northern, or did the currents of migration, representing distinct centers of culture, come from opposite quarters to meet along this line? Or does the difference result from the unlike environments of the two sections, the one fertile and salubrious, encouraging progress in art, and the other rigorous and exacting, checking tendencies in that dicretion? Or does the weakening art impulse indicate increas- ing distance from the great art centers in the far South, in Mexico and Yucatan? We are constrained also to ask, Is it possible to identify 20 ETH—03——10 146 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. any.20 the people or any of the peoples concerned on either hand, to follow their moyements from place to place, to follow them back through the mutations of their history? These questions and others come up for consideration. Answers, or partial answers, to some of them will probably be forthcoming as investigation goes on. Aside from these general questions, which are always uppermost in the mind of the ethnologist, there are others which pertain to the ceramic art in particular. What do these archaic northern forms teach of the beginnings and progress of art, and what can we learn from them of the inceptive stages of ornament? These queries have been considered to some extent in the introductory pages, and additional suggestions are made in presenting the various groups of ware. To exactly what extent the Algonquian tribes are responsible for the northern types of pottery, aside from those definitely assignable to the Troquois, may never be fully determined, but that these types are largely Algonquian may be assumed from the historic occupation of many sections by pottery-making communities of that family. There are complications in the Ohio yalley and also, to some extent, in the northern Illinois-Indiana region, where the ceramic phenomena are complex, apparently representing successive occupations of the area by different peoples. It may in time appear that numerous stocks of people were concerned, for, though the ceramic remains indicate in general a primitive condition—a rather uniform grade of progress for the peoples represented—there is marked divergence in the other groups of products; art in stone, bone, and metal had reached a com- paratively high degree of advancement in some sections. It may be remarked, however, that had the whole area now assigned to the Algonquian stock been occupied by that? stock from the first, to the exclusion of all others, we could not expect uniformity in art remains over so yast an area. Communities of the same blood and culture grade, separated for a long period by great distanges, and existing under distinctive environments, would acquire and develop activities and arts only a little less varied than would nonconsanguineous groups under like conditions. It is significant, however, that as we glance over the whole field we observe in the ceramic remains a marked family resemblance, not an equality of grade only, but close analo many features of treatment, form, finish, and decoration. Beginning in the coastal districts of the Carolinas, we pass to Vir- ginia, to New Jersey, to Connecticut, to Massachusetts, and to Maine through a series of groups exhibiting differences in detail, but having gies in decided general likeness. If we pass from the east across the great highland to the Ohio valley, we find that the differences are more marked, There is a general resemblance, with here and there signs of stronger touches and more advanced ideas and practices, but as we pass beyond to the upper Mississippi and the Great lakes, the East is HOLMES] PAMLICO-ALBEMARLE POTTERY 147 seen to be repeated in a marked manner, and the merest details must be relied upon to separate sherds from the two distant regions, if, by accident, they become intermingled. The Iroquoian group will be treated in a separate section, while the northern and eastern Algonquian territory may be reviewed as care- fully as the meager collections and incomplete observations at hand will permit. In the rather imperfect light of present knowledge, we may to best advantage consider the ceramic work of this great province under heads which express something of geographic culture grouping. First, we have the Middle Atlantic province, which, for comparative study of details, may be further separated into several subdivisions, the . principal being the Chesapeake-Potomac region, which presents a well- defined unit, geographically, culturally, and ethnically. Second, there are the entire New Jersey and New England areas. The first of these appears to be divided somewhat between the Delaware valley and the coastal districts, while in the second collected data are so meager that little can be done in the way of systematic technic or comparative study. These Atlantic provinces are indicated approximately on the accompanying map, plate rv. Third is the Ohio Valley province, in which we shall have two or three subdivisions of fictile remains which are not distinct geographic groups, one of them, at least, extending far to the west in a succession of areas. Fourth, we have the Upper Mis- sissippi and Missouri Valley provinces, so far little studied; and fifth, the region of the Great lakes, of which we have only fragmentary bits of information. PAMLICO-ALBEMARLE WARE @ South Appalachian forms of ware prevail throughout Georgia and South Carolina, save along the coast, where the simple textile-marked wares of the North extend far southward, gradually diminishing in fre- quency of occurrence. Southern forms prevail largely in North Caro- lina, giving way farther north and in the region of the great sounds and their tide-water tributaries to other forms apparently showing Algonquian handiwork or influence. The change from southern to northern types is rather gradual, which may have resulted from con- tact of peoples living contemporanecously in neighboring districts. In some cases all yarieties are found together, as in the Lenoir mounds in Caldwell county, North Carolina, the village sites of the Yadkin, and elsewhere. The intermingling does not consist exclusively in the assemblage of specimens of separate groups of ware, as if people from different sections had successively occupied the sites, but features typical of these sections are combined in the same group of vessels, or even in the same vessel. aJIn the illustrations all the pottery of the Middle Atlantic province has been classed as of the Chesapeake-Potomac group. SY 148 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH ANN. 20 The northernmost advance of strictly South Appalachian features of the art so far observed is in the valley of the Yadkin in North Carolina, near the Virginia line; and the farthest advance of southwestern fea- tures is in the upper valleys of the Shenandoah and James, on the his- toric highway of the tribes between the North and South. Particular attention may be called to the contents of village sites on the Yadkin in Wilkes county, North Carolina, just referred to. Here we have rather rude ware, mostly large, fire-blackened culinary uten- sils, manifestly of comparatively recent date. Among the sherds are afew pieces bearing stamped desfgns of southern type. We also have examples of the large, conic, net-marked vessels so prevalent in the Potomac-Chesapeake country. A wide zone of sites extending across the middle section of the state on the line of the Yadkin, and probably down to the sea in South Carolina, exhibits a remarkable intermingling of northern and southern elements. In form the Wilkes county midden ware is limited almost exclu- sively to the wide mouthed caldron, with rather long body and some- what conic base. The vessels are rudely treated, unsymmetric in shape, and thick-walled. The paste is tempered with a large percentage of gritty sand or coarsely pulverized steatite, the fragments of the latter standing out in high relief on weathered surfaces. The steatite in many cases forms one-half or two-thirds of the mass. In plate cxxx a series of outlines is given, restored from the many large fragments, which will convey a fair idea of the character of the vessels. This ware exhibits great diversity of surface treatment. Aside from the few stamped pieces (which may be the work of a separate people, although akin to the prevailing type in everything save the surface finish), the vessels are nearly all marked with netting of about the weight of our finest fish netting (plate cxxx/). A superficial examination gives the impression that the vessels have been modeled or handled when plastic in a net, or that a net has been applied to the entire surface by wrapping, but a study of the markings shows that generally the texture has been applied with the aid of a net-covered paddle with which the plastic surface was beaten. In plate Cxxxrq@ is photographically reproduced a fragment in which five facet-like sur- faces, the result of that number of applications of the net-covered implement, are imperfectly shown. Certain heavier knottings are repeated in each impression, demonstrating the fact that the fabric was fixed to the tool and not applied to the vessel as x mold or wrap- ping. Had the latter been the ease, the mesh impression would have been somewhat completely connected and continuous. In numerous vases parts of the surfaces have been scaritied with a serrate-edged tool or comb, obliterating the net marks, as if in preparation for polishing and decorating. In a few cases very rude incised figures have been added, as is seen in the examples given in plates CXxxXxTw@ and CXXXIT¢@. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX @ (DIAMETER 13: INCHES) R b (DIAMETER 12 INCHES) c (‘DIAMETER 6 INCHES) d (DIAMETER 9 INCHES) e (DIAMETER 10 INCHES) if g (DIAMETER 11 INCHES) KITCHEN MIDDEN POTTERY WITH VARIED MARKINGS CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, CXXxI KITCHEN MIDDEN POTTERY OF THE YADKIN VALLEY CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP (ONE-HALF? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI/ KITCHEN MIDDEN POTTERY OF THE YADKIN VALLEY CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) HOLMES] PIEDMONT PLATEAU POTTERY 149 The rim was smoothed down with the fingers, and the interior surface was finished with the scarifying tool. roughly applied. Ina few cases rude ornamental effects have been produced by using the finger nail as a roulette, giving much the effect of fine net impressions. The nail was rolled back and forth as the finger was moved with rather strong pressure around the neck of the vessel. A specimen of this unique treatment is shown in plate cxxx1//, and some simpler finger-nail work is seen in plate cxxxi1¢@. The use of a notched indenting tool is indi- cated in plate cxxxr7. Narrow fillets of clay were in cases rudely laid on and decorated with the nail in herringbone effects. The surface treatment of a number of specimens is identical with that of the net-marked vase from Caldwell county, shown in the pre- ceding section, plate cxxrx. It appears evident that in finishing the rim of the vase a fillet of netting was wrapped about the neck to cause the desired constriction and hold the vessel together while the margin was pressed outward and finished. The sherds shown in plate cxxxir / and c, the former from Wilson, North Carolina, and the latter from Clarksville, Virginia, illustrate the use of the cord roulette or cord-wrapped stamp in texturing and malleating the surface of vessels. The effect of rolling the tool back and forth is readily seen. The small fragment given in d@ shows the use of a wooden stamp with a neat design in curved lines in South Appalachian style. The clay retains the impressions of the grain of the wood. In ¢ the surface has been textured with a wooden stamp or paddle the face of which was grooved, the effect being very like that of stamping with cord-covered tools. PrepMont VirGiIntA WARE“ In northwestern North Carolina and in southwestern Virginia a somewhat marked local variety of pottery is developed which partakes to some extent of the character of the ware of the far Northwest, and probably represents some of the tribes which occupied the Virginia highland about the period of English colonization. Indeed, traces of this variety occur on the James in its middle course, and appear on the Dan, the Yadkin, and possibly on the upper Shenandoah. It occurs plentifully on New river, and will no doubt be found to extend down the westward-tlowing streams, thus connecting with the little-known groups of northeastern Tennessee, eastern Kentucky, and western West Virginia. The pottery is always rude, and consists of simple pots, nearly always showing the soot-blackened surfaces of culinary utensils. Their strongest characteristics are the very general presence of rudely modeled looped handles, which connect the outcurved rim with the shoulder, bridging a short, slightly constricted neck, and the asee footnote on page 17. 150 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH ANN. 20 frequent occurrence of a thickened collar, sometimes slightly over- hanging, after the TIroquoian style, but marked with cords and cord indentings, characteristic of the rim decoration of the Upper Missis- sippi and Lake Michigan pottery. More extensive collecting may enable us to separate these wares into two or more groups or varieties. Pipes of the simple form common in the eastern Algonquian country are found on some of the sites. A number of sherds illustrating this pottery are brought together in plate cxxxm1. The people concerned may have belonged to the Algonquian stock, for Algonquian features decidedly prevail, but there is a possibility that they were Siouan, Several sherds from a village-site burying ground 34 miles north of Luray, Virginia, are presented in plate cxxxtv. The simple but extremely neat pots to which these fragments belong were buried with human bodies in individual graves on the bottom land near a mound, but this mound itself, though containing the remains of many hundred bodies, did not yield any pottery whatever.“ About Harpers Ferry and Point of Rocks we have the same ware, but at Romney, West Virginia, Troquoian types prevail. The pottery of upland Virginia and West Virginia is distinguished from that of the tidewater provinces by the prevalence of handles, few examples of which have been found in the latter areas, and the ware of the general Piedmont zone also differs from that of the lowland in the prominence given the neckband—a feature appearing frequently west of the fall line, but rather exceptional east of it. Poromac-CHESAPEAKE WARE GENERAL FEATURES The central ethnic group of the Potomac-Chesapeake province in historical times was the Powhatan confederacy, seated for the most part between Chesapeake bay and the James river. The art of this district was probably, in the main, developed within the general region, and was practiced in common by the confederacy and other tribes of the same stock along the Carolina coast and throughout the Virginia- Maryland tidewater province. It was probably practiced in more or less modified forms by isolated tribes of other stocks coming within the Algonquian influence. Possibly the conditions of existence along the thousands of miles of tidewater shore line, where the life of the inhabitants was largely maritime and the food was principally marine, may have had a strong influence on the potter’s art, tending to make it simple and uniform. The shifting of habitation, due to yarying food supply, and possibly to the necessity of avoiding the periodic malarial season, must have restricted the practice of an art which is essentially the offspring of sedentary existence; or the exclusive practice of simple aFowke, Gerard, Archeologic investigations in James and Potomac yalleys, Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1894, p. 49. Ww GINIA VIR RIVER NEW TEXT gDS WITH ERD POTSH E-POTOMAC GROUP CHESAPEAK XXXIV E REPORT IPE. ¢ TWENTIETH ANNUA BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY INIA FROM LURAY, VIRG RKINGS OTSHERDS WITH TEXTILE MA O Pp BOSTON, HELIOTYPE CO., ws BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV —_———_ UMMM MMMM Dba VOLO LSE ATO. 1206.00009990000000500940004990 9000009 900090000H00 O9IIC10/0.0 ° ° co) -f r ee * Ey ry COSCCPODCDD0DDO0D 00 C00OGO00b Rem BoM oli -LolehoRowohekehokeNe Mol -hel-i-i-) 90 9OOGQDD INCISED DESIGNS FROM POTTERY, AND TATTOO MARKS CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP oo @ ee Se ew ee a ee ee ee ee ee HOLMES] POTOMAC-CHESAPEAKE POTTERY Lal culinary phases of the art may have resulted from the absence of cus- toms demanding vessels for mortuary purposes, ossuary burial at the end of a more or less prolonged period having prevailed to the exclusion of individual inhumation. At any rate, the elementary character and narrow range of the art are its most notable features, and it is remark- able that tribes cultivating maize and practicing several arts with exceptional skill should have been such inferior potters. Whole vessels are rarely found in the region, and the archeologist must depend for his material on kitchen middens and village sites which furnish fragmentary remains exclusively. There is little trouble, however, in securing enough evidence to reach a correct esti- mate of the nature and range of the ceramic products. Only pots and kettles and a few simple pipes were produced. The ordinary forms are deep bowls and wide-mouthed pots of medium or small size. Save in remote sections where western and southern tribes are known to have wandered, we do not encounter such features as eccentric or compound forms, animal shapes, constricted mouths, high necks, handles, legs, or flat bases of any kind. Ornament is archaic, and curved lines are almost unknown. These statements are in the main true of the whole Atlantic Algonquian belt from Albemarle sound to the Bay of Fundy. Though simple in form and archaic in decoration, much of the ware of the great tidewater province was well made and durable. The materials are the clays of the section, tempered with a wide range of ingredients, including pulverized shell, quartz, gneiss, and steatite, besides all grades of ordinary sand. The vessels were largely, if not exclusively, culinary. Decoration is to a larger extent than elsewhere of textile character, though the Algonquian everywhere employed this class of embellish- ment. Asa rule, the entire body of the vase is covered tyith imprint- ings of coarse cloths or nets or cord-wrapped tools, and the ornament proper, confined to the upper portions of the surface, consists in the main of simple geometric arrangements of impressions of hard-twisted cords. Details will be given as the wares of representative localities are described. Besides the textile designs, there are similar figures in incised lines, indentations, and punctures, or of all combined. In plate cxxxva are assembled a number of the figures employed, and with them are placed some tattoo designs (4) copied from the work of Hariot,“ whose illustrations represent the natives among whom the Roanoke colony was planted. Rims are slightly modified for esthetic effect. Occasionally they are scalloped, and inconspicuous collars were sometimes added. Various indentings of the margin were made with the finger nails, hard cords, or modeling tools. @Hariot, Thomas, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia, Frankfort, 1590. 152. ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ANN. 20 There is marked uniformity in the ware of thousands of sites scat- tered over the entire tidewater country, an area nearly 20,000 square miles in extent. The only distinction worth noting is that existing between the commoner yariety of village-site ware and a coarser form found nearly everywhere associated with the ordinary variety, but pre- vailing over it in the great oyster-shell deposits. This latter ware cor- responds to the net-marked pottery found so plentifully on the Yadkin © in North Carolina, illustrated in preceding plates. In the Chesapeake country this pottery is not exclusively net-marked, other textile mate- rials having been used. Whether or not this ware belonged to a dis- tinct people dwelling at times in the region or whether it is a variety due to differences in function merely can not yet be fully determined, although analogies with the prevailing style are so marked that the theory of separate peoples finds little support. MODERN PAMUNKEY WARE Before we pass on to the ware of particular localities it may be mentioned that while the art practiced by the tribes of this province when first visited by the English colonists was soon practically aban- doned, at least one community, a remnant of the Pamunkey Indians, residing on their reservation on the Pamunkey river adjoining King William county, Virginia, was practicing a degenerate form of it as late as 1878. At about that time Dr Dalyrimple, of Baltimore, visited these people and made collections of their ware, numerous specimens of which are now preserved in the National Museum. generally simple, the meshes ranging from three to seven to the inch, Illustrations are given in plate cxxxvit d, ¢, f, g, h. One example, ¢, appears to have the threads arranged in pairs, but this effect, though often recurring, may be the result of duplicate imprinting. In cases certain strands present the appearance of having been plaited. As we have seen, similar pottery occurs on the Yadkin, in North Carolina; the materials are the same, the shape, size, degree of rude- ness, treatment of the surface, and decoration are the same, even the netting and the practice of partially obliterating the net impres- sions on the whole or a part of the vessels are the same. This pottery is found in more or less typical forms intermingled with the BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVII \t ws POTTERY FROM SHELL HEAPS AT POPES CREEK, MARYLAND CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY POTTERY FROM SHELL HEAPS AT POPES CREEK, MARYL TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY THIRDS) @ (ABOUT TWO: POTTERY FROM SHELL HEAPS AT POPES CREEK, MARYLAND CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP HOLMES) POTOMAC OREEK POTTERY 155 ordinary varieties of ware on sites extending from the Yadkin to the Delaware. POTOMAC CREEK WARE The Popes creek shell-heap site, referred to above, is the best representative of its class in the province. It is located just below the upper limit of the oyster banks on the Potomac, which was possibly farther upstream in the period which witnessed the accumulation of the shells on these sites than it is to-day. It will be interesting and instructive to compare the ceramic remains of these deposits with those of a neighboring site on Potomac creek just above the oyster- producing limits, a stretch of nearly 20 miles of the lake-like Potomac intervening. The Potomac creek site, the seat of the famous Algon- quian village of Pottowomeck, referred to by Smith, is still well supplied with fragments of the finer varieties of the ware of the region. Few coarse, heavy, carelessly made pieces are found, and net-marked specimens of the Popes creek type are rare, if not absent. It is observed, however, that the coarser wares are fragile, and that they disintegrate readily, as was observed at Popes creek, where the sherds taken from the shell deposits generally crumble on being handled. The two hundred years of cultivation to which the Potomac creek site, unprotected by compact layers of shell, has been subjected, must have gone far toward destroying all save the particularly durable pieces. , The clay used in the Potomac creek ware was usually very fine in texture, the sand employed increasing in coarseness with the size of the vessel. Weathered surfaces show the particles of white sand in relief, while shell is rare or absent. The paste is well baked, ane of the usual warm gray colors, rarely approaching terra cotta. The modeling was often skilful, and the surfaces of many of the smaller vessels were eyen and well polished. Most of the vessels were quite small, many being mere cups, holding from a pint to a quart. The walls of these vessels were thin and even, and the outlines approxi- mately symmetric. The forms were well within the lines usual in the province, varying from that of a deep cup or bowl to that of a wide- mouthed pot with upright rim and slightly swelling body. The few bases preserved are slightly conic, the point being a little flattened, so that the vessel would stand alone on a hard surface. The finish is considerably varied within certain narrow limits. The prevailing body finish was given by some form of modeling tool covered or wrapped with fine, well-twisted threads, which was rolled back and forth, or was applied as a paddle. In some cases the textile markings were rubbed down for the application of incised or indented desi and rarely the entire surface was polished. ens, 156 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [&£TH.any.20 Decoration was confined mostly to a zone about the rim, and con- sisted in the main of cord impressions arranged in lines encircling the vessel, or grouped in various ways to form simple patterns. The effect was varied, in cases, by series of indentations made by impress- ing a sharply folded cord of larger size. Rim-sherds are shown about one-half actual size in plate cxid. The work was all, or nearly all, done by the application of cords singly, the cord having been wrapped about a wheel or some round surface so to be readily rolled back and forth. The rim-margins are simply treated, and are round or squarish, and either plain or indented with an angular tool or a cord. A few small pieces bear marks made apparently by very neat stamps of chevroned lines, possibly some animal or vege- tal form. There are other markings too obscure to be made out. It is evident that in cases a finely ribbed paddle was used, almost duplicating the textile effects. Numerous fragments of the simplest form of tubular clay pipes have been found on this site. The best specimens are in collections made by Mr W. H. Phillips, of Washington, and are illastrated in plate CXL. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA WARE Generally speaking, the important village sites of the Potomac present a pretty full range of the two types of ware described above as the Popes creek and the Potomac creck varieties, although the latter may be said to predominate and to have the more general distribution. It will be unneces- sary to examine other localities in detail, but, on account of local and national interest in the his- Fic. 6I—Rudeearthenware tory of the site of the capital city, reference may figurine, Potomac yalley ae ; be made to ceramic remains from the ancient vil- (Phillips colleetion ) lage sites now occupied by the city of Washington. When the English first ascended the Potomac they found a small com- munity of the natives occupying the terraces on the south side of the Anacostia river or Eastern branch, near its junction with the Potomac. Archeologists now find that the occupation was very general in the vicinity, and that relics of stone and clay utensils occur on nearly every available spot along the shores of both rivers, within as well as above and below the city limits. The ceramie remains of these sites, as turned up by the plow and exposed by erosion and city improvements, are wholly fragmental, but restorations are readily made, and a few illustrations will serve to BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL POTTERY FROM POTOMAC CREEK, VIRGINIA, AND ANACOSTIA, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLI CO ig >) CONT TAT; Coengenyy HUAI OH) a (DIAMETER ABOUT 10 INCHES) d é (DIAMETER 6 INCHES) POTTERY FROM THE VICINITY OF WASHINGTON, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA (RESTORED FROM FRAGMENTS) CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP HOLMES] POTTERY OF CHESAPEAKE REGION ILfS3( convey a correct idea of the art as practiced by the prehistoric Wash- ingtonians. Outlines of several vases are presented in plate oxnr, and photographic reproductions of fragments are given in c, d, ¢, plate oxi. The fragment ¢ is a part of the vessel outlined in @, plate cx. It was found on a village site which was partly destroyed in building the south abutment of the Pennsylvania avenue bridge across the Ana- costia river in 1890, The shape was pleasing and symmetric, and the surface was well smoothed, though not highly polished. The simple ornament about the scalloped rim consists of cord imprintings arranged in a series of connecting triangular spaces. The mouth was about 9 inches in diameter. It may be mentioned as a curious fact that as we approach the head of tide water on the Potomac and enter the district furnishing soapstone we observe the influence of this material on both the paste and the form of the earthenware. The sites about West Washington contain many sherds tempered with pulverized steatite, and the vessels to which they belonged were, in cases, supplied with rude nodes set a little beneath the rim, closely resembling the handles characterizing the steatite pots of the same section. From this circumstance it is clear that the making of pottery and the working of the soapstone quarries were contemporaneous events, a fact shown also by the intermingling of articles of both classes in the débris of many village sites. ; In figure 61 a rudely modeled doll-like tigure from the Phillips col- lection is shown. It is from one of the Potomac river sites, and is the only example of its kind so far found in the whole province. WARE OF THE CHESAPEAKE AND EASTERN SHORE A description of the sherds of an average Potomac river site could be repeated without essential change for those of an average site on the shores of Chesapeake bay. At Riverton, on the Nanticoke, for example, the general features of form, size, color, fragility, finish, and decoration are repeated. Minor differences are observed in many cases. Incised decoration takes the place, in a measure, of the cord- imprinted figures of Potomac creek. Shell tempering prevails, and the wrapped-cord paddling and rouletting takes the place largely of cord texturing. Net impressions are comparatively rare. The plain and indented rim, the conic base, and the combed interior surface observed in the Potomac wares are repeated here. In advancing to the north we come to realize that gradually a change is taking place in the character of the ware, and that the change is toward the characteristics of the work of the Iroquoian province. The scalloped rim and the peculiar arrangements of incised lines take on northern characters. We have thus, as in other cases, indications of 158 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _ [ETH. Any. 20 the close association in some way or other, peaceable or warlike, of the occupants of neighboring northern and southern provinces. Collections from the upper Maryland and Delaware districts are extremely meager, and it is impossible now to trace in detail the tran- sitions that take place between the drainage of the Potomac and that of the Susquehanna and between the latter stream and the Delaware. Topsacco Prees Although it was Virginia, possibly, that gave to England the form of tobacco pipe largely adopted there and most used by the whites gen- erally throughout the three centuries that have elapsed since the found- ing of Raleigh’s colonies, the clay pipes of the Virginia province are of the simplest possible tvpe. They are slightly bent tubes from 4 to 6 inches in length, having gently expanding bowls less than 2 inches long, and stems that taper slightly to a neat mouthpiece. They are not unlike some forms of cigarette or cigar holders of the present period. The stem, in cases, is flattened so as to be held easily between the teeth or lips, as is indicated in the sections in plate cxni«@ and c. The finish is of all grades between rude smoothing with the fingers and an excellent polish. The paste is usually very fine grained, the baking is often excellent, and the colors are the ordinary warm grays of the baked clay. Ornament is seen only in rare cases; some specimens have a slightly relieved band about the bowl, and in a very few instances indented designs are observed. The bow] of the specimen shown in d has been decorated with an extremely neat design of the usual style of the region, applied apparently with a delicately notched roulette. The inside of the bowl and stem is usually blackened by use. It is a fact worthy of note that many of the sites yield fragments of pipes of much the same size and general style, which are made of pure white clay and bear indications of having been pressed in molds after the fashion of our ordinary clay pipes. This would seem to indicate that the whites took to making pipes for trade while yet the shores of the Potomac and Chesapeake were occupied by the native villagers. I will not enlarge on this subject here further than to present an illustra- tion of a pipe and tobacco pouch, 7, copied from a plate in Hariot’s Virginia. The pipe is identical in shape with the clay pipes of the region as here illustrated, and we have the good fortune thus to be able to connect the historic tribes of the Roanoke province with the sites supplying nearly all of our archeologic material. Pipes of this class are confined pretty closely within the South Algonquian province. The change from the wide rimmed, sharply bent clay pipe of the South Appalachian province is quite abrupt; but on the north the change is somewhat gradual into the more elaborate and elegant pipes of the Iroquois. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLII Ff (ACTUAL SIZE) TOBACCO PIPES OF THE POTOMAC VALLEY CHESAPEAKE-POTOMAC GROUP & i a vl a i ee a i a HOLMES] POTTERY OF IROQUOIAN TRIBES 159 POTTERY OF THE IROQUOIAN PROVINCE Tue TRoquo1an TRIBES The group of tribes now classed, on the basis of language, as [ro- quoian, constituted one of the most important grand divisions of the aborigines otf North America. The central culminating event in their history was the formation of the league, which included at first five nations and finally six. The seat of this great group of communities was in New York, but their strong arm was felt at times from Nova Scotia on the east to the Mississippi on the west, and from the drain- age of Hudson bay on the north almost to the Gulf on the south. There were several outstanding tribes of this stock not absorbed by the league—the Conestogas on the lower Susquehanna, the Cherokees in the Carolinas and Georgia, the Wyandots along the St Lawrence and the Great lakes, and others of less prominence in other sections. All save the Cherokees were surrounded by tribes of Algonquian stock. The cultural remains of this strongly individualized people constitute a well marked group of art products, fully identitied and correlated with the makers. These remains are central in New York, in which state the types are found, but they extend out into the neighboring states, where they gradually lose their typical character. The tracing of the peculiarly Iroquoian art and art influence from center to cir- cumterence of the great province occupied, is a matter of very consid- erable importance to the historian of the aborigines, but little has been done as yet in a systematic way toward carrying out the work. Morgan, Schoolcraft, Hale, Boyle, Beauchamp, Harrison Wright, Perkins, Squier, Thomas, Cushing, and many others haye contributed not a little, though most of the work has been fragmentary. GENERAL CHARACTERS OF THE WARE Pottery constitutes the most important feature of the Iroquoian remains. In general, it falls in with the simple ware of the northeast- ern states, but at the same time it presents numerous striking and distinctive characteristics of shape and decoration. Within the group there are many local variations in form, ornament, and composition, indicating the existence of somewhat marked tribal peculiarities, and it may be possible in time to segregate the work of some of the stronger tribes, such as the Onondagas and the Mohawks, who dwelt for a long time in limited areas. The Cherokees and Tuscaroras had for gener- ations or perhaps centuries been completely isolated from their kin, and their work was thus highly distinctive. The Iroquois did not dwell largely on the Atlantic seaboard, but occupied the shores of the lakes, especially Lake Ontario. Their favorite resorts, however, were along the rivers and on the banks of the hundreds of charming upland lakes in New York state. The 160 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£tTH. ayy. 20 question of the influence of the sea and of the lake. environments upon their art, as distinguished from that of the great interior upland, has been raised hy Mr Frank H. Cushing, who gives his observations and deductions with respect to this obscure but interesting matter in a paper published in Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthro- pology at Chicago.” At present I do not feel qualified to discuss the question, lacking the necessary knowledge of the peoples and environ- ments concerned. It is possible that the Algonquian Indians may be responsible for most of the shore work, and the Iroquois responsible for the art of the inland and upland districts, which would account for most of the differences. We are not able to determine the precise effect of environment on an art until we have made full allowance for peculiarities of peoples and differ- ence in period. When the French entered the great St Lawrence basin the Ivo- quoian tribes were actively engaged in the practice of the plastic art, but its total abandonment was quickly brought about by the introduction of utensils of European manufacture. That these peoples had dwelt fora long period in this general province, and that their arts, as developed at Fig. 62—Bark vessel showing characters‘some- the time of Columbus, mere largely times copied in clay by Iroquoian potters. ot local evolution, seems highly probable, and the stamp of local environment is especially marked in the potter’s art. The accom- panying map, plate Iv, indicates in a general way the distribution of the Iroquoian pottery. In the various groups of plastic products previously examined, the vessel in its numerous forms is the leading feature, and in some cases it is almost the exclusive feature of the fictile remains. In the Iroquois region it is different. The art of tobacco pipe making shared the honors with vase making, and led to an elaboration of plastic forms and to a refinement of manipulation seldom surpassed within the area considered in this paper. Life forms, rarely imitated by the sur- rounding Algonquian tribes, were freely employed by the Iroquois. The strongest characteristics of the earthen vessels, and those which may best be relied on to distinguish them from all other like wares, is the pronounced projecting or overhanging collar—a frieze-like development of the rim—the outer surface of which was almost always ornamented with incised patterns. A squarish mouth, with elevated aChicago, 1894, p. 216. HOLMES] MANUFACTURE OF [ROQUOIAN POTTERY 161 points at the corners and sagging margins between, is also a marked feature, and the sharp constriction about the neck and the gracefully swelling body, conic below, are hardly less pronounced and valuable group characters. It is possible that some of these features owe their origin to the bark vessels of the same region. This idea is presented by Cushing in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,? from which figure 62 is reproduced. In the application of the human face or form in relief, we have another group index of the highest value. The angles of the frieze are very often emphasized by enlarg- ments, projecting ridges, and raised points, and to these the plastic life features, mostly human, are added. Besides the large percentage of vases presenting these character- istics, there are many of rather plain appearance that might not, if placed with vessels of Algonquian type, be easily distinguished save by the expert. Many are round-bodied and wide-mouthed, with inconspicuous lips. Some are bowls and others mere cups, the latter often quite minute. Leading features of form are brought out to good advantage in the numerous illustrations accompanying this section. MaAreriaLs AND MANUFACTURE The materials used were usually mixtures of clay and rather coarse tempering ingredients, in typical localities mostly silicious. The Ivo- quois occasionally used pulverized shell, as did their neighbors, the Algonquians, but they seem to have preferred pulverized rock of crystalline varieties. Respecting the securing and selecting of the ingredients, and the levigating, mixing, and manipulation of the paste, but little can be said. Evidences of the nature of the building proe- esses are obscure, but there is no reason to suppose that other than the usual methods were employed.’ The walls were probably built up of bits and strips of clay welded together with the fingers and worked down and polished with scrapers, paddles, and rubbing stones. The surface of the convex body of the vessel was sometimes finished by malleating with a textile-coyered paddle or by rouletting with a cord-wrapped tool. The rim was added, and was then squared or rounded on the margin and polished down in preparation for the use of the graver and the tubular or pointed punch. The paste for large vessels was often quite coarse, but for the smaller pieces and for most pipes pure clay of the finest quality was employed. The baking was conducted in shallow pits or on the surface of the earth, and in usual ways, no doubt, for the ordinary fire mottling is observed. No great degree of heat was applied. aP, 520. b¥or a very carefully made experimental studyof this subject, see F. H. Cushing’s article, The germ of shoreland pottery, in the Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago 1894. 20 ETH—03——11 162 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. any. 20 CoLtor, ForRM, AND SIZE The colors of this ware are the colors of the baked clay; where it has not changed by use or age, grays of yellowish and reddish tones, rarely approaching a terra cotta, prevail. In the matter of size these vessels have not the wide range of the more southern varieties. There are very few large pieces, and few very small ones. A height or diameter exceeding 12 inches is unusual. Small toy-like cups are occasionally found. To the student of the many and varied ceramic groups of aboriginal America, amost notable feature of this, and of the Algonquian ware as well, is the marked simplicity of the forms. As the vessels were based on simple models and employed for a limited range of uses, there has been little tendency toward elaboration or differentiation of shape. The art as practiced here must have been still very near its origin— young as compared with the potter’s art in the South. The only form prototypes that appear, and these are strongly suggested by the shapes of the vases, are the bark vessels and baskets in common use in the region. All are forms of use, yet a certain rude grace characterizes the outlines. The narrow limitations of form are indicated by the absence or rarity of bottles, bowls, plates, animal figures, compound shapes, flat bottoms, handles, feet, and pedestal-like additions. OrnAMENT— Puastic, LycIsED, AND RELIEVED The decoration of Iroquoian earthenware is simple in execution, and limited in range of subject matter, indicating a people yet near the threshold of their esthetic career. This archaic simplicity is not so pronounced, however, in the treatment of plastic details as it is in the linear designs. The forms of vessels are considerably varied within a limited range, and convey the notion, in many cases, that the makers had conceptions akin to our own with respect to proportion and grace; yet we are unable to say how much these qualities are due to suggestions acting within the art, and how much is the result of conscious appreciation of the esthetic in contour. Forms of tobacco pipes are often interest- ing and graceful. Nearly all are modifications of the trumpet shape, and the representations of living creatures so freely employed are generally added without serious detriment to the fundamental shape. The plastic additions to vases are also executed in a way to indicate the existence of restricting forces, traditional, esthetic, or otherwise, tend- ing to hold the potter to simple, consistent models. This is in strong contrast with the employment of life features by the potters of the mid- dle and southern provinces, where variety is endless and consistency is often disregarded. The rim-collar or frieze is often divided into two, three, or four parts by salients or ridges, and the modeled lite-shapes HOLMES] ORNAMENTATION OF TROQUOITAN POTTERY 163 are confined strictly to these features, adding emphasis to the form without reducing the simplicity or overburdening the vessel. Plastic ornaments comprise ridges, nodes, projecting points, medallion-like heads mostly or exclusively of men, and more or less complete figures of men. Mr Cushing has observed modifications of the ornamental ridges at the corners of the frieze which seemed to him to make them represent ears of corn. The modeling was done with the fingers, aided by modeling tools; the latter were used mainly in indenting, incising, and polishing. The fact that the life-forms employed in yase model- ing are confined almost universally to the human subject is worthy of note, since in modeling pipes many varieties of animal were employed. The idea is thus emphasized that pipe making and vase making, though practiced by the same people, must have been carried on under some- what different conditions or at periods not fully coincident. It is not unlikely that superstition gave rise to the use of these life-forms, and restricted them to the places on the vases and pipes to which they are so scrupulously confined. The women probably made the vases, but the pipes, it is surmised, were made by the men. The archaic, rectilinear decorations of this pottery are in strong contrast with the graceful and elaborate designs of the South and West. So far but few curved lines have been observed, and the cur- rent ornaments, such as the scroll, the fret, and the meander, were wholly unknown. So elemental are the motives that they may safely be regarded as illustrating the first steps of these people in freehand cera- mic decoration, though they were doubtless familiar with textile embellishment at a much earlier period. Textile texturing is not uncommon, and, in cases, nearly the entire body of the vase is covered with impressions of cords or coarse cloth applied by paddling or by some other method of malleating or imprinting. I am not certain that any specimen examined by me has markings made by handling the plastic vessel in a net or other inclosing fabric, as has been suggested by Mr Cushing’s experiments already referred to. The formal pseudotextile ornamental designs consist of straight incised lines and indentations arranged in simple combinations, form- ing encircling zones, generally around the frieze, but in cases around the body of the vase. The zones are usually bordered by parallel lines and marginal rows of indentations or notches, interrupted in the frieze by relieved features placed at intervals, dividing the space into two, three, or more sections. The margin or lip is rounded, square. or sloping, and is embellished with indents, punctures, or short lines, and the lower margin of the frieze is variously finished with a band of short lines. indented circlets, notches. indents, or relieved bead-like points. The execution is varied. The lines were incised with an acute or rounded point, sometimes forced rudely through the clay, leaving a 164. ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _ [TH. any. 20 ragged line, and again trailed across the surface, giving a compara- tively smooth channel. This, in the finer work, is gone over again and again to give it a smooth finish or polish. In cases, the effect seems to indicate that a curved edge was rolled back and forth, leaving linear indentations, and again that a notched or dentate edge, as of a wheel, was rolled along the line, being reset for each line, and not rolled back and forth in a zigzag, as the common roulette was. The skill exhibited in the use of the various decorating tools in the making of pipes is exceptional, and, in cases, remarkable. In rare instances the decorat- ing tools took the character of small stamps, the figures being squares in relief; made by cutting cross grooves on the end of a stick or the face of a paddle, The use of colors in ceramic decoration had not, so far as we can discover, reached the Iroquois country proper, and the very general use of intaglio and relieved decoration indicates that the plastic methods were exclusively employed. In plates exirx—cLi a number of examples of the grouping of incised and indented lines and attendant plastic features in the decorated zones of the vessel are brought together. The combinations are essentially the same throughout the Iroquoian province, and the nature of local variations may be seen by reference to the plates. DISTRIBUTION AND CHARACTERS OF SPECIMENS SOUTHERNMOST OCCURRENCE In passing up the Chesapeake and Potomac valleys, where Algon- quian forms of earthenware are encountered on every village site, the archeologist begins to observe the occurrence of strange features in the ceramic remains on the Chesapeake about the head of the bay, and on the Potomac about the mouth of the Shenandoah. In the vicinity of Romney, West Virginia, the burial places have yielded numerous specimens of Iroquoian ware, not, however, wholly typical in every respect. These are intermingled, apparently, more or less intimately, with pieces that resemble ina general way the Algonquian vases. The scalloped expanding rim, with its frieze of groupings of straight incised lines, is present, and leaves no doubt as to the placing of most of the specimens. In plate extut illustrations are given of finds at this place; they are from the collection of Mr Warren K. Moorehead, who visited the locality in about the year 1890, a period at which the freshets of South fork had exposed the contents of numerous graves. The general region is one likely to have been occupied, temporarily, at least, by the tribes inhabiting New York and Pennsylvania, and it is probable that the Tusearoras passed this way on their journey north- ward to join their brethren of the League. The execution of the vases is rude, and the frieze is rather heavy for the weak body, but the lines are not, as a whole, ungraceful. Identical wares are obtained BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIII @ (HEIGHT 42 INCHES) POTTERY FROM A BURIAL PLACE NEAR ROMNEY, WEST VIRGINIA IROQUOIAN GROUP (MOOREHEAD COLLECTION) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIV POTTERY FROM A VILLAGE SITE AT BAINBRIDGE, PENNSYLVANIA IROQUOIAN GROUP ABOUT ONE-HALF) HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE SUSQUEHANNA VALLEY 165 from Cayvetown and other localities in northern Maryland. The pipes, though resembling the south Algonquian forms, are like those of north- ern Maryland and southern Pennsylvania, and are distinctly Troquoian. LOWER SUSQUEHANNA POTTERY The occupation of the lower Susquehanna by tribes of Iroquoian stock might be readily proved by the ceramic remains of that region, if history were entirely silent on the subject. The peoples to whom this earthenware belonged were possibly the Susquehannocks of John Smith, but very probably were the Conestegas of later times, a people not connected with the League, and at war with some of the League tribes. The last remnant of these people were the unfortunate vil- lagers of Conestoga, who were massacred there and at Lancaster by the Paxton boys only a hundred and fifty years ago (1755). From a village site near Bainbridge, on the Susquehanna, Mr Gal- braith obtained a number of broken vases and sherds which came into the possession of the National Museum. These are of familiar types of form and decoration, as will be seen by reference to plate cxiry. Pulverized mussel shells were used in tempering the clay, and in cases the percentage of this ingredient is very large. We have here, as elsewhere, the small body, the scalloped rim, the heavy overhanging collar, and the archaic arrangements of incised lines. There are also the rather rudely modeled faces, two or four in number, projecting from the angles of the frieze (a, >, and c); and a somewhat unique feature is the enlargement of the notched lower margin of the frieze into pendant points, marked with incised lines, as is seen in d@andv. The diameter of this vase is about 10 inches. The surfaces are imper- fectly smoothed, as if rubbed down with the finger tips rather than with a polishing tool; and there are traces of textile imprints on the body and neck, as if a cord or fabric-covered tool had been used in malleating the surface. The incised lines are rather carelessly drawn, and the modeled faces are extremely elementary. The extension of this ware into eastern Pennsylvania and New Jer- sey has not been recorded, although Warren county, in northwestern New Jersey, has furnished examples of vases, preserved in the collec- tions of the Academy of Sciences, Philadelphia, which have the over- hanging upright collar, not, however, typically developed and not decorated in the Iroquoian style. The tempering is silicious, the treatment rude, the walls thick, and the bodies long and conic below. The bodies are finished with textile-like impressions, and they have Algonquian rather than Lroquoian characters. POTTERY OF NORTHERN PENNSYLVANIA AND NEW YORK The Wyoming Historical and Geological Society of Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, located in the midst of the Iroquoian territory, has been 166 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ANN. 20 exceptionally fortunate in securing several specimens of these vases in an excellent state of preservation, and descriptions and illustrations have been published in the proceedings of the Society by Dr Harri- son Wright. I have had seven examples reengrayed from the Pro- ceedings of the society, where they were published by Dr Wright, along with valuable descriptive matter. The fine and unusually large specimen shown in plate CxLv@ was found among the rocks at the Falls of the Wallenpaupack, Hawley, Wayne county, Pennsylvania, about forty miles northeast of Wilkes- barre, by Alonzo H. Blish, in 1847. The specimen shown in / was found by Weston Goss, July 12, 1879, under a rock, about one anda quarter miles from the Allen settlement, Lake township, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania. This is about fifteen miles west of Wilkes- barre. The striking little vase shown in ¢ was taken from an Indian grave on the site of an extensive burying ground in Plymouth town- ship, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania, about one mile west of Wilkes- barre, and presented to the Wyoming Historical and Geological Soci- ety by Mr John Kern. The symmetric pot illustrated in d was found by Asa L. Dana, in the year 1836, ina cave in Eaton township, oppo- site Tunkhannock, Wyoming county, Pennsylvania, about thirty miles north of Wilkesbarre. The neat little vessel shown in plate cxtyra@ is described as Tioga vase | by Mr Wright, and was obtained from a grave near Athens, Bradford county, Pennsylvania. It had been placed near the head of a body buried there, and had associated with it a ‘‘lapstone,” and a rude arrow point of local type. The mouth of the vessel is elliptical, 4 by 3x inches in dimensions, the rim is carried up in rounded projections at opposite ends, and is embellished without by a simply modeled human face, signalized by a headdress or notched fillet, flowing grace- fully to the right and left. From another graye at the same place, and similarly placed with respect to the skeleton, we have the exceptionally interesting piece presented in 4, It is notable for the abrupt battlement-like elevations placed at opposite sides of the rim, and also for the double zone of dec- oration, Several other vessels in a more or less fragmentary state, and less typical in shape, were recovered from graves at this point. It is interesting to note that these graves are on a tract of land pur- chased by the Susquehanna company from the Iroquois in 1754.4 The vases shown in ¢ and d are from the general region under con- sideration, but the exact locality is not recorded. In plate cxivi@ is given a handsome vessel with very unusual deco- ‘ation. It is from the vicinity of Wilkesbarre and was found by Mr Jacob Cist in the early part of the nineteenth century. The decora- tive patterns resemble textile patterns, and have been worked out with «a Wright, Harrison, Report of the special archeological committee on the Athens locality in Proe, and Coll. of the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, Wilkesbarre, 1886, p. 59. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, CXLV ¢ (HEIGHT 6 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 62 INCHES) t d (HEIGHT 7 INCHES) @ (HEIGHT 13 INCHES) VASES FROM GRAVES, NORTHERN PENNSYLVANIA IROQUOIAN GROUP (WYOMING HISTORICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY COLLECTION) ¢ ’ : 1h, —_ POV let th Nee ogee i CHC ho Ae BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVI Via¥ NX ee ; if j oat | ff b (HEIGHT 5! INCHES) c VASES FROM GRAVES, NORTHERN PENNSYLVANIA IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL SE sania Pe Lae shal @ (HEIGHT 8 INCHES) b (HEIGHT 11 INCHES) VASES FROM GRAVES IN PENNSYLVANIA AND NEW YORK iIROQUOIAN GROUP . CXLVII HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE MOHAWK VALLEY 167 great care with a pointed or notched tool, the form of which can not be determined. The state of New York has furnished many examples of ware of the general type illustrated above, but, as a rule, it is in a fragmentary state. It is hardly necessary to present additional examples, save in two cases. The remarkable vessel shown in plate cxiyi was obtained by Dr D. 8. Kellogg in Plattsburg, New York. It is 11 inches in height, and is apparently very well made. The shape, which is espe- cially notable, and the peculiar ornamentation take it out of the ordinary Troquoian group and place it with the wares of the upper Mississippi yulley. It has a long, conic body, slightly constricted neck, and simple expanding rim. The entire surface is decorated with roulette mark- ings. A minutely notched wheel was used on the neck, and apparently a distinct and more coarsely notched wheel or tool was used on the body. This vessel is decidedly an exotic in the region. Fig. 63—Fragments of decorated vase-rims from the Mohawk valley. Two fragments of the very neat and quite typical ware of the Mohawk district are represented in figure 63. They belong to a small series of like sherds presented to the National Museum by Mr 8. L. Frey. Reyerend William M. Beauchamp, of Baldwinsville, New York, has made careful examinations of the earthenware of the state and has acquired an extensive series of drawings, some of which have been placed at my disposal. It is expected that Mr. Beauchamp will in the near future publish detailed studies on this and other branches of Ivo- quoian art. EXAMPLES FROM NEW ENGLAND Historically and traditionally we learn that the Iroquoian tribes occupied or overran the greater part of the New England province. They are known to have visited the Atlantic coast at many points between New Jersey and Maine, and, according to Leclercq, the Gas- peian Indians of St Lawrence gulf were three times defeated or “destroyed” by this bold and enterprising people. The Abnakis of 168 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. Any. 20 Maine, in a treaty with the whites, claimed the land as far westward as the Connecticut river, which they spoke of as the ancient boundary between their people and the Iroquois.” It is therefc re to be expected that now and then remains or relics of the latter people will be found scattered over the New England states. A number of earthen vessels approaching the Iroquoian type were recovered by Professor Putnam from a grave in Winthrop, Massa- chusetts (plate ctx). They were accompanied by articles of European manufacture, leaving no doubt that pottery was in use after the coming of the whites. During early colonial times this region was occupied by Algonquian tribes, and, though the Iroquois are known to have visited the vicinity of Boston bay, the question may be raised as to whether this variety of ware was not, in this section, common to the two stocks of people. Its presence here is perhaps more reasonably accounted for by supposing that the Algonquians were subject to Iroquois influence, possibly obtaining the art of working clay from them. The larger piece (c) has the pronounced overhanging collar, embellished with a frieze of incised lines grouped in usual ways, the shoulder being encir- cled by a line of indentations. The small cup (4) is typically Algon- quian, while the fragment (~) presents Iroquoian characters repeated in vases from Ipswich, part of which were obtained by Professor Baird from shell banks. Good specimens of the same variety of ware are pre- served in the museums at Salem, and an interesting specimen, belong- ing to the same subgroup, was found by Professor Wyman in a grave at Hingham, Massachusetts. A rudely incised twined meander is the most remarkable feature of this vessel; it is the only example of its class, so far as my observation extends, found in New England. The treatment of the rim and the lower margin of the frieze, as well as the pointed base, is Iroquoian rather than Algonquian. In an inter- esting review of the antiquities of Connecticut, Mr James Shepherd illustrates a fragmentary vase from that state.” The restoration is possibly somewhat inaccurate as to outline, for, judging by the many other specimens of its class, the body should be much longer and the base somewhat more conic. The form as restored is not so much Troquoian as Algonquian save in its rolled rim, but the zone of incised ornament is apparently Iroquoian. The discovery of typical Iroquoian ware in the region of Lakes George and Champlain is to be expected, for the dominion of the east- ern tribes of that stock certainly extended over much of this country at one time or other. The collections and writings of Professor George H. Perkins, of Burlington, hear ample testimony to this.¢ aVaudreuil, Marquis de, letter of April 21, 1725, in Doe. Col. Hist. of New York, Albany, 1855, vol. LX, p. 943. bShepherd, James, New England Magazine, December, 1893. ec Perkins, George H., The calumet in the Champlain valley, in Pop. Sci. Monthly, New York, 1893, yol. XLIv, p. 238; some relics of the Indians of Vermont, in Amer. Nat., Salem, 1871, vol. v, p 14; on some fragments of pottery from Vermont, in Proc. Am, Ass. Ady, Sei., 1877, p. 325. HOLMES] VASE FROM COLCHESTER, VERMONT 169 A typical example of this ware from Vermont was illustrated and described by Mr Perkins in the American Naturalist, vol. y, p- 14, and again very jully described in the Proceedings of the American Association for 1876. The specimen was found at considerable depth below the surface of the ground, in the town of Colchester, Vermont, in 1825. It is remarkable for strongly emphasized contours, sym- metry, careful finish, and elaborate ornamentation, and is in every way typical of the group. An excellent cut of it appeared in Harper’s Fig. 64—Vase from a grave (?) in Colchester, Vermont. Magazine, vol. yxy, p. 254. The illustration here presented, figure 64, is from a photograph of a cast of this vase, now preserved in the National Museum. The rim has been partially restored. CANADIAN WARE In historic times, and for an unknown period of pre-Columbian time, the Iroquoian tribes occupied a wide belt north of the St Law- rence river, Lakes Erie and Ontario, and their dominion extended at times over the Lake Huron region, and into the country about Lakes Superior and Michigan. Asa matter of course the region is strewn with the fragments of their earthenware, which bears throughout the 170 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. any. 20 peculiar characteristics of Lroquoian art. There are many variations, however, of shape and decoration, as a number of tribes, the Hurons, Eries, etc.. and, later, the Wyandots, occupied the region. Ontario is especially rich in fragmental ceramic remains, and through the praiseworthy efforts of the Canadian Institute and other learned bodies of the Dominion, and especially of Mr David Boyle, of Toronto, many specimens have been collected and preserved, and numerous illustrations and descriptions have been published. I shall be able only to glance at these products, leaving all the details to those who have the opportunity for working personally in the various regions. The earliest publication of illustrations of Iroquoian pottery was made by Mr W. E. Guest, in the Smithsonian Report for 1856, p. 274. Many fragments were found in or near an ancient earthen inclosure at Spencerville, a few miles north of Prescott, Ontario, and the cuts published by Mr Guest are restorations, a little defective in outline, perhaps, as the base is more nearly flat than is usual with this ware. In every other respect their features duplicate those of the typical wares of the Iroquois. Mr Guest also gives illustrations of three small disks made from potsherds, one apparently being per- forated, as if for use as a spindle whorl or an ornament. The others are nearly identical with similar objects found plentifully in the southern states, and supposed to have served for playing some game of chance. Village and camp sites in the Balsam lake region, Victoria county, have yielded to the intelligent efforts of the Laidlaw brothers, resi- dents of the locality, numerous interesting sherds, of which a large series has been illustrated and described by David Boyle in the Fourth Annual Report of the Canadian Institute. In plate cxLvim is presented aseries of vases selected from his work. So typical are all of these in form and decoration that description is unnecessary. There is not a new element, beyond the simple variations to be expected in the art of a single people as practiced at different times or under changing conditions. The island of Montreal, the site of the ancient Hochelaga, an Ivo- quoian resort of great importance, furnishes much typical ware of this class. Illustrations are given by Dr J. W. Dawson, in the Canadian Naturalist, volume v, page 435, and in his Fossil Men, page 91. In the latter work is shown also a well-preserved pot obtained from the upper Ottawa. It is not so typical as some others, but has the upright projecting collar somewhat developed, and is finished with vertical and horizontal incised lines. The line of indentations about the upper part of the body is rather exceptional in the central and southern Troquoian regions, but is repeated in a similar piece from Bruce county, Ontario, and in many of the New England specimens. It is possible. since the PL. CXLVIII TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY a@ (DIAMETER 4+ INCHES) Wa i EEN a AN \ : ie ‘ : a A b (DIAMETER 3+ INCHES) miu Tat iia: Gis 7 (HEIGHT ABOUT 9 INCHES) PROVINCE OF ONTARIO CANADA VASES FROM THE IROQUOIAN GROUP (FROM BOYLE) HOLMES] DECORATIVE DESIGNS, IROQUOIAN POTTERY Lal Algonquian tribes encroached at times on the northern margin of Ontario, that these vessels may have been modified in certain details by the art of that people. Mr Boyle, in the Annual Report of the Canadian Institute for 1889, records the discovery of much fragmentary ware along and near the north shore of Lake Erie. It is stated that numerous unusual features of minor importance occur, but, from the descriptions and illustrations given, there is no reason for supposing it other than Iroquoian work. A number of exceptionally large pieces were observed, a diameter and height of 17 inches being noted. In the same publication Mr Boyle presents a vessel of unusual shape, restored from numerous fragments found by Mr John McPherson on Mindemoya island, northern Lake Huron. This piece is shown in plate cxtvu17. Attention may be called to the fact that it differs essentially from Iroquoian types, and resembles somewhat the Algonquian pottery of the Lake Michigan and Upper Mississippi regions. Since Algon- quian tribes occupied this region more fully, perhaps, than the [vo- quoian, the probabilities are that this vessel is of Algonquian make. It is a remarkable fact that in the National Museum there are a number of fragments of typical Ivoquoian ware entered as haying been found in southern Alabama. Fearing that there may have been a mistake on the part of the curator or his assistants in placing this accession on the books, I will not venture to do more than mention the circumstance. Such an occurrence, if sustained, would be of much interest to students of stock distribution. DercoraTIvE DESIGNS In plates cxurx, cL, CLI, and cLu, a series of figures is presented to illustrate the nature and range of the incised and modeled decorations of this pottery. The example shown in plate cxrix @ is from a Rom- ney, West Virginia, vase; 4, c, 7, and ¢ are from fragmentary vessels procured from a village site on the Susquehanna, near Bainbridge, Pennsylvania, while fand g are from Mohawk valley sherds. The designs shown in plates ci and cir are mostly from vases in the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society collections, and belong in the Wilkesbarre region. The second figure, /, of plate ci, represents part of a zone of ornament encircling a Cherokee split-cane basket, and is intended for comparison with the incised design illustrated in a. There can be little doubt that the latter motive was derived almost directly from some similar textile ornament, the art of basketry having been universally practiced by the ancient tribes of the East. The remaining figures of plates cL, CLI, and ci serve to indicate the general uniformity and simplicity of the linear designs of the whole province. The employment of double zones of figures is illus- trated in the lower figures of plates crt and ctu. The design in the 172 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ANN. 20 latter plate is from the Vermont vase shown in figure 64. The curved lines seen in these figures are not so by design of the decorator, but merely take the curves of the vessel margins with which they were associated, The manner of introducing life forms is also clearly shown in four instances. The entire human figure, modeled in rather bold relief, is seen in plate cnite, The face, with horizontal mark- ings indicating the place of the body, appears in 4, and a highly conventionalized treatment of the face is given in a These con- ventionalized forms are present in great variety. One of the most realistic examples of figure pre- sentation is shown in figure €5. Other figures and a number of rudely modeled faces are brought together in plate crim. These ornaments are in all cases at- tached to the angles of the frieze of square-rimmed vessels, or are placed beneath the elevated points of the round, scallop- rimmed variety. It is probable that these features are recent additions to the decoration, which consisted, originally, of archaic arrangements of lines and dots. Fig. 65—Fragment of vase-rim with rudely modeled human figure, New York. Topacco PIPEs THE PIPE A NATIVE PRODUCT The American natives were a race of smokers, and the use of tobacco in political and religious ceremonials elevated the pipe to a place of unusual importance among the various products of the shaping arts. Much time, labor, and ingenuity were expended on the manufacture of pipes of stone, and nearly every section of North America has fur- nished to collectors excellent examples of this class of work. Pipes were also made of wood, bone, horn, and other substances. It is highly probable that the antitype of the pipe was a vegetal form, such as a section of cane or other hollow stem, but, since smoking was practiced in widely separated localities, the earlier forms must have been divers. Clay was very generally employed in this art, and in some sections was in great favor. It is a notable circumstance that the Troquois took a high rank as pipe makers, excelling all other peoples in the number and quality of these productions. With this BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX —— SS GGL” “TIE. II MH} Ann N\ See ee @¢Vae LZ 20479 WF Se ga ee SS OMT RRGEG VIVA d LZ, : =<_=_~»=>== = INCISED DESIGNS FROM VASES IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL Mes Ajit lipo phe es i oe a Dae | se i lal id eta nelle at lle ail: rea ert ar lee lice Dieta eet lle ag ote Ee peice bel L IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLI AX ERS = 1 DINE LODO. SISINISN “-) _ ee eo eS If : SOLOT7 ooo pL LEAD EE OLEOEIL IOLA LEEL ALLEL ELLE EAL LEE SSS SSS EE —eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaoaoaoaoaoaoaeaee——LEEaEaaBaBaBaBhoaBESEeEeEeEE——ESE—— ee ———————————— ——[——[[=[=[=[=S=—DDBDDA9a9aa9@aBnanaBa===—_—_———__—_==_=_= y > 771tT, : : . . fa \ ex : ‘ Qe i *. LO. A ; . - S & » f x » Ks . A A . » i > ? ‘ Z . *» & C077 = FOL LGR PPO ILL > IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII ——— eal Ih ikea PIGGISMIPLOCOOLGIPLOCIDP PIP COCCIDIGIDOOAOA a IG) EWS IROQUOIAN GROUP EAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REF (ep) FIGURES FROM VASES IROQUOIAN GROUP (ACTUAL SIZE HOLMES] TROQUOIAN TOBACCO PIPES 1738 people the manufacture of clay pipes was, no doubt, practiced pari passu with that of vase making, but it seems in many ways to have been a distinct and independent art. Pipes were not made of the same varieties of clay, or by the same hands, as were the vases. In all probability clay pipes were the work of men, as were the pipes of stone, while vessel making was the work of women. That pipe mak- ing was contemporaneous with vase making is shown by the repetition in pipe bowls of the form and decoration of yases, but it is apparent that the former art continued long after the cessation of the potter’s art proper, extending down nearly or quite to Revolutionary times in the North, and down to the present day in the South among the Cherokees. In support of the theory of the later use of pipes of native make may be cited the fact that pipes are especially plentiful on the more recent town sites of the New York Indians. Metal pots were supplied plentifully by the earliest traders and colonists, but as smoking and pipe making were indigenous to America, it was prob- ably many years before the intruders engaged actively in pipe manu- facture. It is well known, however, that tobacco pipes of European make formed an important article of trade in colonial times, and we can not assume in all cases to distinguish the foreign from the native work. DISTRIBUTION Earthen vessels were made and used by women, and were little sub- ject to transportation beyond the permanent settlements, but pipes belonged to the men, and were carried habitually about the. person, thus reaching the farthest limits of the expeditions and forays of the people. They were also readily made on short notice at any point where clay could be secured. Since they were used in councils with neighboring peoples they were thus subject to still wider distribution by friendly or ceremonial exchange. It is observed, however, that the pipes of outlying communities are not wholly typical. The pipes of Romney, West Virginia, and Bainbridge, on the Lower Susque- hanna, resemble somewhat the South Algonquian pipes, and those of the Lake Huron region vary equally from the types. This is the result, no doubt, of contact with neighboring peoples and the influence of their art forms. MATERIAL, COLOR, AND FORM In the manufacture of pipes by the Iroquois, fine clay, pure or mixed with very finely comminuted tempering ingredients, was used. Pulverized shell was used at times on the outskirts of the province. So far as has been observed, the pipes have not been colored arti- ficially. The varied hues of light and dark yellowish, reddish, and 174 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [£TH. ann. 20 brownish grays, the latter sometimes approaching black, are the result of baking, use, accident, or conditions of burial. The simplest pipe form is a straight tube, with large enough open- ing at one end to receive the necessary bits of tobacco, and a passage small enough to permit the drawing of smoke without admitting parti- cles of the ashes or leaf. The original forms must have varied with the diverse models at hand, and, if we take the whole country into account, there is considerable diversity in form, size, and material. Pipes of stone are much more varied in shape than are pipes of clay. The clay pipe of the East and North is based on the plain tube, the prevailing modification being the development of the bowl and the addition of a trumpet-like mouth. The tube is not straight, but is bent at the base of the bowl at angles varying from a few degrees to a right angle or even more. j The bowl was subject to varied and often extraordinary moditica- tion of form. The stem, as a rule, remained a plain tube straight or slightly incurved, often of uniform thickness save at the tip, or swelling gradually toward the elbow or curve. Very often the bowl did not begin to expand decidedly at the bend but beyond it, some- times at the very rim, while in cases the expansion was gradual, the mouth being encircled by an inconspicuous band. In cases the lip was somewhat constricted. Description must fail to convey a clear and full notion of the varied modifications of this trumpet-shaped pipe, and four plates are introduced to serve this purpose. The bowl was the subject of much fanciful modification by the application of life forms, quadrupeds, birds, and men being freely employed. Occa- sionally the full figure of a man was represented, the feet forming the mouthpiece and the bowl opening in the top of the head. In cases animal forms were similarly treated, and serpents were made to coil about the full length of the tube. Generally, however, the upper part of the figure, the head alone, or certain features only were embodied in the bowl. Sometimes two creatures, or parts of two creatures, were affixed to one pipe, and a few specimens have been collected in which a number of heads or faces have been com- bined or knotted together in a grotesque cluster covering the whole exterior of the pipe. In very many cases a wolf-like head is modeled so that the mouth forms the bowl, the muzzle of the creature pointing upward. Generally when the head is placed on one side of the rim it faces the smoker, but pipes have been observed in which it looks to one side, or from the smoker. In one case a small face is modeled on the inner surface of the divided lip of the howl. I have been able to recognize with reasonable certainty, besides faces of men, the features of the bear, wolf or dog, owl, eagle or hawk, crow or raven, and snake. Grotesque figures, combining features of men and animals, are rare, but fancy was likely to take almost any direction with these versatile potters. TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIV ETHNOLOGY BUREAU OF AMERICAN ¢ (ACTUAL SIZE) @ (ACTUAL SIZE) § (LENGTH ABOUT 8 INCHES) EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP Uo, Steed) 5 Be FL BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLV d EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVII EARTHENWARE PIPES IROQUOIAN GROUP HOLMES] POTTERY OF EASTERN ALGONQUIANS Le) In order that a fuller notion may be conveyed of the artistic ability of the pipe makers, and their plastic treatment of men and other crea- tures, a number of pieces are assembled in plates ciiv, civ, ciyr, and CLV. POTTERY OF THE NEW JERSEY-NEW ENGLAND PROVINCE GENERAL CHARACTERS The pottery of the coastal districts throughout the middle and north- ern Atlantic states is uniformly archaic in its shapes and elementary in its decoration. Entire specimens are rarely found, as the custom of burying vases with the dead was not so generally practiced here as elsewhere, and the fragile culinary utensils found on the midden sites arealways fragmentary. Sherds have been collected all along the coast and on the bays and tidewater rivers from the Chesapeake to Nova Scotia. They abound on countless ancient sites, and are especially plentiful in the shell deposits which line the shores. These wares are toa large extent Algonquian in type, although there is more or less blending with the Iroquoian wares of the interior districts along the fall line“ and beyond in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and some- what nearer the ocean in New York and the New England states. The materials are, as in the Chesapeake country, clays of no great purity, intermingled with much coarse silicious tempering and, rather excep- tionally, with pulverized shells and other substances. The paste is hard and is moderately tenacious where well preserved, but it crum- bles rapidly when decay once sets in. The fracture is rough and uneven, and the colors are the usual brownish and reddish grays. Manufacture was confined almost exclusively to vases and pipes; the former are simple utensils, and the latter are the small, bent trumpet tubes common to the Algonquian areas. In shape the vessels are extremely limited in range, extending to no other forms than those included between a deep cup or bowl and a wide-mouthed pot. Vessels of the latter variety were rarely more than 10 or 12 inches in diameter or in depth. The rims were usually carelessly rounded or squared off, and were seldom much thickened. Exceptionally they were supplied with exterior bands, which in New England expanded into a rounded frieze, resembling closely that of the Iroquoian ware. The rims were also occasionally scalloped, as in the Chesapeake coun- try and in New York. The neck was never greatly constricted, the body swelled but little, and the base was often, especially in the New Jersey region, considerably lengthened below, and was decidedly pointed. Generally the walls were thin and the surfaces «The term ‘fall line’ is applied to the rather abrupt line of descent that occurs where the upland joins the lower tidewater districts. It passes through New York, Trenton, Philadelphia, Washing- ton, and Richmond 176 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [&TH. ann. 20 roughly finished. ‘The polishing tool was used only to give suflicient finish to enable the decorator effectively to use his stylus or roulette. Details of decoration and finish may better be given when the varieties of ware are presented. The presence here and there of peculiar and apparently exotic types of decoration is quite puzzling; for example, in Maine and New Jersey are encountered occasional examples of rouletting exactly duplicating the style so common on the upper Mis- sissippi. The peoples probably belonged to the same stock, however, and if is not at all improbable that migrations took place between these widely separated regions. The reticulated stamp, characteristic of Florida, appears now and then in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. No attempt will be made in this place to cover the coastal districts in detail, and attention will be confined to a few localities chosen to represent the ceramic remains of the Northeast. The area considered in this section is included, in a general way, on the map, plate rv, accompanying a preceding section. The Delaware valley is separated from that of the Susquehanna and Chesapeake by only a few miles of lowland, and it is not surprising that the forms of ware found on the village sites of the districts dupli- cate one another very closely. There is apparently no decided break in the characteristics of the art from Norfolk to New York bay. DELAWARE VALLEY WARE By far the most prolific of the pottery-producing sites in the Dela- ware valley is that on Pocatquissing creek, 3 miles south of Trenton, so thoroughly explored by Mr Ernest Volk for the Columbian Expo- sition. Here was found the largest, the best preserved, and the most highly elaborated pottery yet collected on the coast north of the Savannah river. Its relationship with the Algonquian wares of the Chesapeake and Yadkin is, however, very close, and is especially so in several minute details of form, elaboration, and decoration, thus enforcing the idea that the peoples were the same, or were very inti- - mately related or associated. The forms and ornaments are somewhat more elaborate and graceful than those in the Chesapeake ware, and in some features it differs decidedly from that ware. Among these features of unlikeness may be mentioned the occasional much elonga- tion of the bodies, the decided squaring off of the rim, the use of the roulette in decoration, and the addition of a line of indentations encircling the body low down and separated entirely from the main zone of embellishment about the neck. Characteristic examples of the better ware of this locality are given in plate civ. Large fragments appear in @ and 4, and the general shape is indicated ine. The diameter is 12 inches, and the height was probably a little more than this. The finish is excellent. The rim is flattened above and indented. The general surface is smooth, and TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY d (HEIGHT 5 (?) INCHES) - la Lr, “ SLD re rte, . SOAS OT te alice. ‘dd, « eortfee C40 1 hd betpie te” e (DIAMETER 8 INCHES) b POTTERY FROM A VILLAGE SITE NEAR TRENTON, NEW JERSEY NEW ENGLAND GROUP HOLMES] DELAWARE VALLEY POTTERY IETS the patterns, executed with a sharp point, are elaborate and unusu- ally neat. The figures which cover the upper part of the body have little symmetry or continuity, a characteristic of Aleonquian work, and consist of spaces and bands filled with simple lines, reticulated lines, and herring-bone patterns bordered by plain and zigzag lines. The prevailing outline of these vessels is given in c. A smaller vessel, nearly complete, though broken, is illustrated in d, plate ctvnr. It does not differ in any essential from the preceding, but is smaller and much simpler in treatment, and its profile shows a decided angle separating the upper and lower slopes of the body. The stylus has been used from the inside of the margin to punch out a series of nodes about the exterior of the rim, and an isolated line of indents appears far down toward the conic base. An additional example is presented in plate crrxa, the outline restored appearing in ¢ of the preceding plate. The diameter ap- proaches 10 inches, and the height must have been a little more than that. The rim is turned sharply outward and minutely notched on the outer edge, the neck has been very slightly constricted, and, as in many better preserved specimens, the base was probably sharply conic. The paste is silicious, moderately fine grained, and yellowish gray in color. The surface is smooth, but without polish. The deco- ration consists of 22 lines of roulette markings, imitating coarse cord imprints, encircling the upper part of the body. _A double line of like markings encircles the body quite low down. The largest vessel of which any considerable fragments were recoy- ered was originally about 25 inches in diameter and nearly the same in height. The surface was finished first with a net-covered tool, the meshes of the fabric being over half an inch in width. The upper part of the body was smoothed sufliciently for the addition of incised figures, but not so fully as entirely to destroy the deeper net impressions, and on the lower part and base the imprint is per- fectly preserved. The rim is three-fourths of an inch thick, flat- tened, and sloped inward above, and is decorated, as in many other eases, with cord or stylus imprints. The use of the net and the man- ner of rubbing down the impressions more or less carefully, accord- ing to the needs of the decorator, are identical with corresponding features of the Chesapeake and Carolina net-marked wares. So closely do some of these specimens resemble those of Popes creek, Mary- land, and Yadkin river, North Carolina, that the reader may be referred to plates cxxx and cxxxvui for details of shape and ornament. A village site at Point Pleasant, on the Delaware, 25 miles above Trenton, has furnished numerous specimens of earthenware. It is a notable fact that some of the fragments gathered by Mr H. C. Mer- cer from the surface or from exposures made by floods are of a stamped ware, resembling very closely the checker-stamp varieties so 20 ETH—03 12 178 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH.ANN.20 characteristic of Florida, Georgia, and parts of the Carolinas. It would seem that, if no mistake has ‘been made in the identity of the sherds, colonists or visitors from the far south must have dwelt on the site long enough to engage in the practice of the potter’s art. Aside from these specimens, all the varieties of ware observed cor- respond very closely with those of the Trenton sites and with the typical tidewater Algonquian forms of the lower Delaware and Chesa- peake regions. Higher up the Delaware we encounter vessels approaching the Iroquoian type, and finally, in the upper valleys, the ordinary Iroquoian wares prevail. It is stated by Mr Ernest Volk, and confirmed by Mr Mercer, that there were two successive occupations of some of the Delaware valley sites, and it is surmised from various reasons. one of which is the scarcity of pottery at the lower level, that a considerable period elapsed between the first and second occu- pations; but as these villages were situated on land subject to inun- dation, the change from the lower to the higher level may have been brought about inasingle season. The greater number ot relics in the upper deposits may have been due to longer occupation or to more thorough protection from floods. If there are pronounced differences in art, methods of burial, materials used, etc., it is quite as reasonable to suppose that the peoples changed as it is to assume that a period of such duration passed between the successive occupations that decided advances in culture status were made. It is a significant fact that, though there is less earthenware in the lower than in the upper deposits, there is no perceptible difference in the make. There appears, therefore, to be no suflicient reason for supposing that the earlier occupation of the valley, as shadowed forth in these remains, extends far back toward glacial times, or that the people in either case were other than the Algonquian inhabitants found in the Delaware valley by William Penn. New Encuanp WARE The ware of the region of New York bay, Long island, Connecti- cut, and Rhode Island indicates a closer affiliation of the makers with the Iroquoian potters than existed between the latter and the more southern Algonquians. A good illustration of the ware of the New York region is given in plate crix. A similar specimen, found at Farmington, Connecticut, is illustrated in an article on Connecti- cut archeology by James Shepherd, published in the New England Magazine, 1893. If we judge by the examples of this ware known to me, the restoration given by Mr Shepherd makes the vessel too short in the body and without the usual conic tendency of the base. The indented designs in these specimens resemble a prevailing Troquoian treatment. The same ware is found throughout Massachusetts, and I have had BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CLIX POTTERY FROM THE ATLANTIC COAST STATES NEW ENGLAND GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLX Senn nea Fh |) Lien g ht yew & (LENGTH 3 INCHES) e (HEIGHT ABOUT 5 INCHES) ee We th 7 (HEIGHT ABOUT 6 INCHES) d (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) POTTERY FROM NEW ENGLAND NEW ENGLAND GROUP HOLMES] POTTERY OF NEW ENGLAND 179 the good fortune to find fragments of a small yase on the island of Nantucket. The pottery of eastern Massachusetts is represented by a con- siderable number of pieces, some of which are entire, or nearly so. That the Algonquian tribes were making and using pottery on the arrival of the whites is made certain by numerous references to the sub- ject in early writings. Thomas Morton, in Force’s Tracts, volume rr. page 30, says that quarter to a gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their yitels in; very stronge, though they be thin like our iron potts.” It seems, therefore, that notwithstanding the presence of apparently Iroquoian features in these vessels, we are warranted in attributing them to the historic Algon- quians, since all the specimens are much alike in every essential respect. ee they have earthen potts of divers sizes from a The figures given in plate crix will convey a good idea of the characteristics of this ware. Specimens a, 4, and ¢ were obtained by Professor F. W. Putnam from graves in Winthrop, Massachusetts. With them were associated glass beads, so that the date of their manu- facture is probably somewhere between 1620 and 1650. The height of the larger vessel is about seven inches, and the others are shown on the same scale. Specimen d is from Hingham, Massachusetts, and the others given in outline are sketch restorations of small vessels recovered from a grave at Revere (¢), and froma grave at Marble- head (7). In nearly all cases the surface has been worked down with textile-surfaced tools, and subsequently portions about the rim and neck have been rubbed down and rudely decorated with incised lines and indentations. The pipe y was found in Connecticut, and is deco- ‘ated in a style corresponding closely to that of the Aloonquian vases. The village sites and shell banks of Maine yield considerable pottery of the simple styles common in the Algonquian areas. It is found in fragments, and but few specimens even of these have found their way to the museums. The vessels were mere pots, and the pipes, although sometimes ornamented with incised lines and indentations, are mainly the simple bent trumpet of the more southern areas. The clay is tem- pered usually with a large percentage of coarse sand, the finish is comparatively rude, and the ornament, though varied, is always ele- mentary. The surfaces have, in many cases, been textured with cord- covered paddles, and over these, or on spaces smoothed down for the purpose, are yarious crude patterns made with cords, bits of fabric, roulettes, and pointed tools of many varieties. The use of the roulette would seem to link the art of this Abnaki region very closely with that of the Middle Atlantic states and portions of the upper Mississippi region. The simple notched roulette was used in the manner shown in plate ciix c, and the compound roulette was quite common. Prolific sites are found on the Kennebee and Penobscot rivers, and all along the shellfish-producing shore as far as Noya Scotia. 180 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH any. 20 POTTERY OF THE APPALACHEE-OHIO PROVINCE The pottery of a large area lying between the Appalachian ranges and the Ohio river is difficult of characterization. The ceramic con- ditions in certain parts are apparently such as might result from an intermingling of the work of peoples from the North, West, South, and East, while in other sections the ware of a single style prevails. Collections have not been made with sufticient care to enable us to say what is the nature of the association of the different exotic forms and features with products of more strictly local development. In many localities in East Tennessee we find together specimens of the stamped ware of the South Appalachian district, the polished bowls, pots. and bottles of the Mississippi region, vessels that resemble quite closely the ware of the valley of the Ohio on the north, and others almost identical with those of the Gulf province on the south. The stamped ware of the East Tennessee dis- trict does not always repeat the forms and patterns of the South Appalachian region with accuracy, but ex- hibits, in cases, decided individuality. In like manner pottery of Fie. 66—Vessel with animal-shaped handles, from a mound on western appearance is Fains island, Jefferson county, Tennessee. nottypical of the West, but has a local flavor. The high-necked bottles, the humpback fig- ures, the grotesque animal forms, and the red and white painted dec- oration are apparently wanting. From mounds, graves, and dwelling sites over a large part of the province we have examples of a variety of ware, mostly shell-tempered, and consisting largely of culinary vessels, the strongest characteristic of which is the looped handles connecting the rim with the neck or shoulder. These handles are of many styles and vary in number from two to eight to a vessel. They are sometimes elaborated into ani- mal figures, as is seen in figure 66, but generally they are less care- fully worked out than in the West. Besides the two animal-shaped loops, placed on opposite sides of the rim of this vase, there are alter- nating comb-like ornaments, which probably represent some animal feature, set on the shoulder of the vessel. It is possible they stand for the hand or for a wing, and may thus be a conventionalized form of animal symbol common in the Central Southern states. This piece HOLMES] POTTERY OF EASTERN TENNESSEE 181 illustrates a prevailing form of culinary vessel, and exhibits the peeu- liar finish of the body produced by malleating with textile-covered modeling tools. A unique form of handle is shown in figure 67. This piece is not unusual in any other respect. A small vessel of very unu- sual shape for eastern America is shown in figure 68. It ex- hibits the usual crude manipu- lation of the region, and is tem- pered with coarse shell. It is in every respect characteristic of the district, save in the pro- longation of one side of the body into a rounded point, giving what may be likened to a shoe shape, but which also, as seen in profile, suggests the form of Fic. 67—Vessel with arched handle, from a mound a bird. The two handles are HESS BONN IL Ss placed as usual; one is normal, but the other extends out on the pro- jecting lobe and is continued in three spreading notched fillets which connect with a notched band carried around the shoulder of the vessel. Fic. 68—Shoe-shaped vessel, with incised designs, Loudon county, Tennessee. The neck and shoulder are embellished with a pattern of incised lines rranged in alternating triangular groups. A similar vessel from n adjoining county is shown in figure 69. Especial attention is 182. ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [etTH. ANy.20 valled to these vessels by the fact that they are the only examples so far added to our collections from the eastern half of the United States exhibiting the peculiar shoe shape so frequently appearing in the Pueblo country, and again as a prominent feature in the ware of Central America. There can be no doubt that the shape and the plastic elaborations are significant and sym- bolic, but the exact nature of their symbolism and the explanation of their isolated occurrence are not yet forthcoming. A small cup with three rows of nodes encircling the body is presented in Fic. 69—Shoe-shaped vessel, Monroe figure TO. Sie tat cae Ware of the general type to which the above specimens .belong is found along the eastern slopes of the Appalachian mountains in North Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia, It occurs along numerous streams entering the Ohio from the south, and probably passes gradually into the well-known ware of the Miami valley, where, at Madi- sonville, we have the most striking types of handled pots. It is un- fortunate that we must pass so briefly over a great area that ought to furnish much material for the history of arts and peoples, but such meager collections have been made that we seem to have warrant for the Fic. 70—Two-handled cup with rows of encircling nodes, Tennessee. theory that the absence of permanent residents, remarked of this region in early historic times, may have, ina measure, characterized the eastern portions of the ‘* dark and bloody ground” from the very beginning of native art in clay. OHIO VALLEY POTTERY CULTURE GROUPS The art remains of the Ohio valley occupy an important place among the existing vestiges of our native races, and the relics of earthenware pertaining to the region, although generally simple and inartistic, are, from their associations, invested with exceptional interest. HOLMES] POTTERY OF OHIO VALLEY 183 The province is a vast one, having a width of from 200 to 460 miles and a length of nearly 800 miles. It is divided into numerous physio- eraphic districts, more or less independent of one another, and furnish- ing boundless resources to peoples fortunate enough to occupy them. As a consequence, the ancient remains represent numerous important culture groups. The Allegheny river, heading far ta the north in New York and Pennsylvania, was the home of the warlike Iroquois, and the region is strewn with the remains of their peculiar arts. ‘The Monongahela drains part of the region occupied by the eastern Algonquians, and transiently by many hunter-tribes of other stocks, and it contains traces of their simple yet instructive handiwork. The main southern branches, heading along the Appalachian ranges, were overrun in their upper courses by the South Appalachian peoples, whose art has already been described; and in their lower courses they penetrated the very heart of the great culture province of the middle Mississippi valley. The northern tributaries drain a fertile region occupied in historical times by numerous tribes, mostly of Algonquian stock, but at earlier periods by tribes of mound builders whose athni- ties of blood are not yet fully made out. I have already dealt briefly with the wares of the eastern and south- ern borders of this wonderful province, and have now only to review the pottery of the immediate valley of the river and its extensions to the north and west. The study of the pottery of this latter region is invested with especial interest, for the reason that it may be expected to assist in elucidating the much-discussed problems of the mound builders and the relations of these peoples to neighboring tribes and to the Indians of historic times. Opportunities for study have not been wholly satisfactory, as the collections made by numerous explorers are much scattered, and, at best, are not rich. It has been possible to distinguish only two groups of ware that differ so decidedly from the surrounding groups, and that possess such individuality, as to warrant the predication of distinct groups of people or phases of culture. It is worthy of special note that although they represent regions furnishing evidence, according to many authorities, of exceptional progress in art and in general cul- ture, few of the examples of earthenware utensils rise above the level of the average ware of the eastern United States which is assignable to historic stocks. Indeed, it may be said that as a rule the ware belongs to the archaic northern grand division of the art rather than to the more highly developed product of the South. A number of small terra-eotta figures found by Professor Putnam in one of the Turner mounds near Cincinnati”, and referred to briefly in his report, seem to be an exception. The figures are said to be remarkably well modeled and wholly unique. a Reports of the Peabody Museum, vol. 11, p. 173. 184 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH ANN. 20 Professor Putnam’s reference to these objects is as follows: On another altar, in another mound of the group, were several terra-cotta figurines of a character heretofore unknown from the mounds. Unfortunately these objects, as well as others found on the altars, had been more or less burned, and many of them appear to have been purposely broken before they were placed on the altars. Many pieces of these images haye been united, and it is my hope that we shall succeed in nearly restoring some of them. Enough has already been made out to show their importance in the study of early American art. The peculiar method of wearing the hair, the singular headdresses and large button-like ear ornaments shown by these human figures are of particular interest. The ear ornaments leave no doubt of the character of the spool-shaped objects referred to on a previous page. @ Occasional specimens of Middle Mississippi Valley type are found in Ohio, but Iam not able to reach any conclusion as to the relation of the people concerned in their manufacture to the tribes referred to in the preceding paragraphs. Two excellent examples of this class are shown in plate ctxt. They come from a mound in Ross county, and are now preserved in the Ohio State Museum. Miamt Vattey Warr The pottery to be considered under this head does not include all the ware of the Miami district, but only that possessing character- istics peculiar to certain prominent sites located mainly on the Little Miami. This ware is not confined to the Miami region, for, as I have already indicated, it extends out with decreasing numbers of specimens and in less and less typical forms, even beyond the confines of the Ohio valley, especially into Kentucky and eastern Tennessee. The richest collections of the Miami wares are preserved in the Peabody Museum, and include a large series of well-preserved vases obtained from village sites in the vicinity of Madisonville. The Literary and Scientific Society of Madisonville made important finds in this region, and published descriptions and a number of illustrations.” Some fine pieces obtained by Mr McBride, in Butler county, are preserved in the Museum of the Academy of Sciences in Philadelphia. Squire and Davis, in Ancient Monuments, figure 72, illustrate two vases of this class from near the surface of the ground in Butler county. From a village site at Fort Ancient, Warren county, Ohio, Mr W. K. Moorehead obtained numerous fragments of this pottery, illustrated in plate CLXI1.¢ The prevailing type of vessel is a round-bodied pot with wide mouth and flaring rim. Deep bowls are occasionally seen. The pots are strongly characterized by their handles, which connect the lip with the shoulder. As a rule these handles are thin bands, and lie close to of American Archeology and Ethnology, vol. 111, numbers 8 and 4, p. 173. 6 Low, Charles F., Archeological Explorations near Madisonville, Ohio, Archeological Explora- tions by the Literary and Scientific Society of Madisonville, Ohio, 1878-80, parts 1, 2, 3, and 4. ¢ Moorehead, Warren K., Fort Ancient, Cincinnati, 1890, plate XXVII. . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXI @ (DIAMETER 3% INCHES) b (DIAMETER 72 INCHES) VASES OF MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI TYPE OHIO VALLEY GROUP (OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY COLLECTION) (SHLYNOS-33SYHL LNOBY ‘NOILO31109 GVSHAYOONW) dNOYS ASTIVA OIHO LNSIONVY LYO4S LV 3LIS SDSVITIA V WOYS4 SNOILVYOO3SC G3SIONI HLIM SGYSHS X19 “Id LYOd3Y4 TIWANNY HL3SILNSML ADOIONHL]A NVOINSWYV JO NW3Y"Na BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIII @ (HEIGHT 6 INCHES) e (HEIGHT 3} INCHES) b (HEIGHT 4 INCHES) € (HEIGHT 63 INCHES) iin} 4 f d (HEIGHT 10 INCHES) f (HEIGHT 7% INCHES) VASES FROM MOUNDS AT MADISONVILLE OHIO VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIV b (HEIGHT 4} INCHES) @ (HEIGHT 43 INCHES) VASES ILLUSTRATING TEXTILE IMPRINTINGS OHIO VALLEY GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXV ME \ IS SNES CU RUG IISII ; INCISED DECORATIONS FROM EARTHENWARE OHIO VALLEY GROUP HOLMES] POTTERY OF MIAMI VALLEY 185 the neck of the vessel. Their number is usually four, but two are sometimes seen, and occasionally there are more than four. In most cases they are wider where they join the rim, which is often drawn out tomeet them. The outer surface of the handles is plain and flat in most vases, but examples occur in which it is concave, and in rather rare instances it is round. In no other section do handles form so impor- tant a feature of the ware as in southwestern Ohio. Asa rule, in all sections, handles of this general type belong to vessels intended for culinary use, and it would appear from the signs of use over fire that many of the Miami vases were mere culinary utensils. A number of specimens obtained from a mound near Madisonville, and referred to above, are shown in plate ctxim. The first specimen, «, is supplied with two looped handles, alternating with which are two animal figures vertically placed. That the latter represent a quad- ruped is about all that can be said with safety, for they may have been intended for either a lizard or a mountain lion. In another case, a rudely modeled human head or face is attached to the upper margin of the rim. Nodes and low ridges take the place of handles in some specimens. Examples of the average pot are given in 4 and ¢. Some peculiar modifications of the simple vessels are observed. One specimen, (, is mounted’ on a crudely made foot or stand; it has an awkward, top- heavy appearance. The addition of this feature was probably an experiment on the part of the potter, who was possibly attempting in a crude way to copy the work of his southern neighbors. A double vase from the same site is shown in ce. There is no doubt that, as our collections are enlarged, additional forms will be added. Plate cixrv is introduced for the purpose of showing the peculiar surface finish observed in this ware. The modeling implement was a paddle or a cylinder wrapped with twisted cords, and applied to the plastic surface; it was generally held so that the markings are approxi- mately vertical. These markings are obliterated on the neck of the vessels by finishing with the polishing stone. Decoration proper is confined to the lip and neck. The lip is plain, rounded, squarish or uneven on the edge, or has a narrow collar or band on the exterior; this latter is often indented ina rudeand simple manner, a herring-bone arrangement of short incisions being com- mon. The constricted zone of the neck is generally rather rudely but effectively embellished with an encircling design, based on the meander, scroll or guilloche. A series of these figures is shown in plate cLxv, and the impression given is that the makers of this ware have in some way felt the influence of more southern culture, and have, in a crude way, introduced into their symbolism and decora- tive art a number of borrowed elements. In some cases, the current scroll, composed of neatly interlocked units, is clearly drawn, but asa 186 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ANN. 20 rule the lines form a somewhat disconnected guilloche, apparently the result of careless imitation of intertwined fillets. In some cases the figures are angular, and in a few instances they have been somewhat carefully elaborated with a modeling tool, giving a relieved effect. This pottery does not take a high place among the various ceramic groups of the mound builders, and, if we should assume to determine the relative culture status of the various peoples concerned in pottery making from this art alone, we should find the Miami tribes near the bottom of the scale. Judging by the poverty of shapes, there had been but little differentiation of use. The introduction of life forms had hardly commenced, and the esthetic features were treated in a very elementary way, as if but recently introduced. SaLtr VESSELS One of the most notable varieties of earthenware found in any of the regions is that represented by what are usually referred to as **salt vessels.” Two localities in the Ohio valley are especially noted for this ware; one is near Shawneetown, Illinois, and the other is near Nashville, Tennessee. A rather full account of the ware has been given in the introductory pages, and I do not need to dwell on it here, save to say that it is my impression that these utensils do not repre- sent a peculiar people or culture, but that they were produced by the various tribes of the region for the special purpose of reducing the salt waters of the localities in which they are found. POTTERY OF THE NORTHWEST Famity DistTrncrions In a paper published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology the ancient ware of the valley of the Mississippi was dis- cussed with some care, but the ground was not entirely covered. It was shown, however, that the pottery of the upper valley belongs to a family distinct from that of the lower, and that the limitations of its occurrence appear to mark, with some degree of approximation, the distribution of peculiar groups of people and of particular phases of culture. The general distinctions between the earthenware of the North and that of the South have been pointed out in the introductory pages and in the section treating of the eastern Algonquian areas, and it may be added here that the very poorly defined zone of transition crosses southern Ohio and extends across the middle portions of Indi- ana, Illinois, and Lowa. The southern ware extends considerably to the north of this zone in numerous cases, and the northern forms are found in decreasing numbers as we pass across it to the south. In some sections the typical wares of both provinces are found together HOLMES] POTTERY OF THE NORTHWEST 187 on one site. The correlations of either variety of ceramic products with groups of other classes of remains found in the same districts are not yet well made out. In the West the contrasts between the ware of the North and that of South appear to be quite as pronounced as they are in the East. That of the South is highly differentiated and specialized; that of the North is pronouncedly archaic. That of the South exhibits variously tinted pastes, tempered principally with pulverized shells. The vases, as a rule, have full bodies, rounded bases, and, in very many cases, nar- row and high necks. Animal forms are imitated with remarkable frequency and with much skill. The northern pottery shows a gen- erally dark paste, tempered largely with coarse angular sand derived from pulverized rocks. The shapes are those of simple pots. The mouths are wide, the rims plain, and the necks but slightly con- stricted. Animal forms are rarely seen. The ornament of the South employs flowing as well as angular lines, varied colors, and a wide range of motives; that of the North is almost exclusively archaic, consisting of incised and indented geometric patterns. A comparison between the specimens brought together in the accompanying plates and those in the numerous plates of the Middle Mississippi section will prove instructive. The pottery of the northern province is abundant, but is recovered for the most part in a fragmentary state. However, a sufficient num- ber of well-preserved pieces have been collected to indicate pretty clearly the range of form and decoration. This northwestern province includes the upper Mississippi valley, the Missouri valley, the region of the western Great lakes, and the valley of Red river of the North. The varieties of pottery are not confined to particular regions as decidedly as they are in the East. They may be classified for purposes of description under two heads, the rouletted and stamped ware and the cord-decorated ware, the latter including the work of the Mandans, the only tribe of the whole region known to have practiced the art in recent years. This pottery occurs over large areas occupied in historic times mainly by the Algonquian and Siouan stocks. Much of it affiliates closely with the ware of the more eastern branches of the Algonquian, and, in some cases, in nearly all features of detail. One variety, however, shows decided affinities with the work of the South Appa- lachian potters. The Siouan peoples were probably potters in a limited yay, especially where they were measurably sedentary in habits, and the same may be surmised of the Caddoan and other stocks. Mr A. J. Comfort, writing on this subject (Smithsonian Report for 1871, page 401), says that the Dakotas certainly practiced the art during the child- hood of men still living. Dr J. Owen Dorsey, the well-known student of the Siouan tribes, informs me that Half-a-day, historian of the 188 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. any. 20 Omahas, distinctly affirms that the art was practiced by his people as late as 1840, and the eld lodge rings found on their village sites are well supplied with the usual cord-decorated and textured ware characteristic of the Missouri valley. ROULETTED AND STAMPED WARE A large part of the ware of the Northwest may be brought together ina single group, which may be called, from its most pronounced technic peculiarity, the rouletted group, but it is impessible to define with any degree of precision its geographic limits. The localities rep- resented in the collections examined by me are indicated in a somewhat general way on the map accompanying a previous section (plate ry). The tribes by whom it was manufactured haye evidently, at one time or another, occupied a large part of the Mississippi basin north of the mouth of the Missouri river. Parts of the states of Iowa, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio are covered by this or by closely related ceramic groups, and traces of some of its peculiar characters are discovered far beyond these limits—as, for example, in New Jersey and Maine. There is some lack of uniformity within the group, and in time several subgroups may be distinguished, but the persistence of certain peculiar features in the widely separated localities goes far toward demonstrating a general unity. The clay used exhibits no unusual features, but the tempering is always silicious and often coarse. The vessels have a narrow range of form and are such as were commonly devoted to culinary uses. There is, however, considerable diversity of detail, as will be seen by reference to the illustrations. The decoration of this ware presents some striking features, the use of the roulette and the patterned punch stamp being especially char- acteristic. Cord-covered modeling tools were used in finishing the undecorated portions of the vessels, and pointed tools of various kinds were used in incising, trailing, and indenting patterns, as they were in other sections. In one locality a peculiar variety of patterned stamp was employed. Although the stamps were not quite the same as those used in the South Appalachian region, and were applied in a dif- ferent way. taking the form of punches rather than of paddles, their use suggests a relationship between the art of the two sections, and this is enforced by the facts that features of ornamentation, shape, and material show unusually close analogies. Specimens of this class were obtained from mounds near Naples, Illinois, by Mr John G. Henderson and Mr M. Tandy.@ In plates cixvi and cLxvit are reproduced a number of sherds illustrating the manner of applying the stamps, which must have been «Henderson, John G., Aboriginal Remains near Naples, Illinois, in Smithsonion Report for 1882, Washington, 1884 p. 686 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVI SHERDS OF STAMPED AND ROULETTED POTTERY, NAPLES, ILLINOIS NORTHWESTERN GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVII a SHERDS OF STAMPED AND ROULETTED POTTERY, NAPLES, ILLINOIS NORTHWESTERN GROUP (THREE-FOURTHS) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVIII @ (HEIGHT 44 INCHES) HANK : Laie MIL) ihe a: u( b (HEIGHT 6: INCHES) VASES DECORATED WITH THE ROULETTE, ILLINOIS NORTHWESTERN GROUP HOLMES] STAMP DECORATED POTTERY, ILLINOIS 189 mere bits of wood with the ends dressed in various simple, flattish- oval shapes, and divided by transverse grooves; they were but a step in advance of the ordinary punches and puncturing tools used in nearly all sections in decorative work. These stamps were not used to pro- duce the mixed, all-over patterns characteristic of the South Appa- lachian specimens, but were applied in a systematic way, the separate impressions being preserved, arranged in neat order to embellish mar- gins and fill in spaces. A number of the impressions are Siyen in figure 71. In plate ctxvim two of the cruder examples of the Naples vases which happened to be susceptible of partial restoration are given. Particular attention may be called to the larger vessel, which, although belonging to this locality and to this particular group of vessels, is remarkably like the Georgia type, duplicating specimens from the Sayannah in appearance, material, outline, and some of the details of decoration. Fic. 71—Stamps used in decorating vessels (restored). The pointed body has been textured with a cord-wrapped paddle or modeling tool, and the impressions have been partially obliterated in preparing the surface for the decoration. A punch was used to press out a row of beads encircling the rim; a stamp of the variety shown in figure 71@ was applied to the outer margin of the rim; a roulette with irregular points was carried around the neck in a wide zone and below was crudely executed a design consisting of six sections, three of which are festoons of incised and indented lines, while the other three are carelessly traced coils produced in the same manner, The smaller piece, 7, is also a South Appalachian shape. Closely related in origin and effect to the stamped decorations described above is the work of the roulette, which especially char- acterizes this group of products. The implement, instead of being straight on the edge, like the stamps, took the shape of a wheel, or part of a wheel, with toothed edge. This was rolled back and forth over the surface to be decorated in the manner indicated in figure 72, 190 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES [ETH. ayy.20 or was made to give broken lines, or to indent margins. A handle was probably used, as is indicated in the figure, the work being thus much more readily accomplished. Inexperienced observers would hardly be able to distinguish the markings made by the notched wheel from those made by the simple forms of notched or reticulated stamps, and by cords and fabrics, the general effect being much the same. In figure 73 is presented a small vase made by myself from ordinary potter’s clay, and with it are the two tools, a notched rou- lette and a cord-wrapped roulette, used in finishing and embellishing its surface. The cord-wrapped stick served as a modeling tool to assist in shaping the vessel, in welding the clay together, and in rendering the surface even; at the same time it imparted the pecul- Fic, 72—Use of the roulette or rocking notched wheel. This wheel is made of pasteboard and inkcd to show impressions on paper. iar fabric-like texturing, which is not at all unpleasant to the eye. The band about the neck of the vessel was then smoothed with the thumb, and polished with a bit of smooth, hard wood. The rim or collar was smoothed also, and the notched wheel was run over it, reproducing the simple patterns characteristic of this group of ves- sels. A wheel with coarse notches was then rolled around the lower margin of the collar to give diversity and emphasis. The whole operation of building and decorating such a vessel need not consume more than half an hour. In many cases the potters of this and other northern groups, instead of notching the wheel, wrapped a hard twisted cord around it, applying it to the clay in the ordinary way. HOLMES] USE OF THE ROULETTE IN DECORATION 191 In Indiana a number of localities have furnished examples of this ware, some of which may be considered quite typical. From a mound near Laporte Dr Higday procured several excellent pieces, described first by Foster,“ and frequently illustrated in more recent works. — I Fic. 73—Vase made for trial of the roulette and cord-wrapped modeling tool. have not had the opportunity of seeing these pieces, but base my interpretation of the various features on the illustrations, reproduced in figure 74 a, 4, and c. It appears that a square punch rather than Fic. 74—Vases from a mound near Laporte, Indiana ( Foster). a figured stamp or notched wheel was employed in the decoration of these vases, but the shape, the laying off of the decorated spaces, and the manner of filling these in with indentations is decidedly character- istic of the wares under consideration. From Michigan again we a Foster, J. W., Prehistoric races of the United States of America, Chicago, 1873, p. 247. 192 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES | [ETH. ANN. 20 have several other very fine examples of this ware, three of which are shown in plate cuxrx a, 6, cand d. All have a number of plain bands and figures, which alternate with roulette-indented spaces. The thick- ened rim in 4 and in ¢ and d is covered with reticulated incised or rou- letted lines, and the body is lobed, as it is in several specimens owned by the Kent Scientific Institute, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Similar in general style to the preceding is the handsome little ves- sel obtained from a mound at Albany, Whitesides county, Illinois, illustrated in plate cLxx¢. The shape and ornamentation are some- what novel. Four flattish lobes occur about the body, on each of which a figure, somewhat resembling a Maltese cross, has been made by incising or impressing broad shallow lines. The remainder of the body is covered with marks that resemble impressions of a coarse osier basket, but. which may have been made with a blunt stylus. Another fine specimen is shown in plate ctxx}, This is one of a pair of handsome pieces recently obtained by the Bureau of American Ethnology from a mound in Vernon county, Wisconsin. It is 6$ inches in height, and in symmetry and finish it rivals the best work of the South. The paste is dark, compact, and fine grained, and is tem- pered with fine sand. The color of the surface is a rich, mottled brown. The lip is smooth and the margin rounded. The outside of the nar- row collar is ornamented with oblique incised lines, and is crossed at intervals by lines made with a notched wheel. The neck is slightly constricted, and is encircled by a polished zone 1} inches wide haying a line of indentations along the upper edge. The body is separated into four lobes by four vertical, depressed, polished bands about. 1 inch wide. Two of these lobes are crossed obliquely by similar polished bands. These bands were all finished with a polishing implement and are slightly depressed, thus giving rise to the somewhat lobed shape. They are bordered by wide, incised lines. The intervening spaces or lobes are indented with a roulette, moyed back and forth in irregular zigzag arrangement. Specimens of this ware are found in Illinois as far south as Union county. On the west side of the Mississippi I know of no examples from localities farther south than Scott county, lowa. Some of these were illustrated in the first volume of the Proceedings of Davenport Academy of Science. ‘The yessel shown in plate cLXxx1q@ was found in a mound near Davenport, closely associated with human remains and other relics, among which were several copper implements covered with coarse woven fabrics. Its height is 11 inches, the width of the aperture is 74 inches, and the diameter of the base is 4inches. There is a broad, shallow constriction at the neck. The walls are from one- fourth to three-eighths of an inch thick, and the margin of the rim is squared off, showing the full thickness—a common feature in the northern pottery. The form is nearly symmetric and the surface is well smoothed, but is not polished. At present the paste is dark and BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIX @ (MICHIGAN) Bb (MICHIGAN) c¢ (MICHIGAN) d (MICHIGAN) 7 (MICHIGAN, FROM SQUIER AND DAVIS, HEIGHT 5 INCHES) EXAMPLES OF ROULETTE-DECORATED WARE NORTHWESTERN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL, CLXX b (WISCONSIN, HEIGHT 65 INCHES) @ (ILLINOIS, DIAMETER ABOUT 44 INCHES) EXAMPLES OF ROULETTE-DECORATED WARE NORTHWESTERN GROUP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI a@ (IOWA, DAVENPORT ACADEMY COLLECTION, HEIGHT 11 INCHES) b (OHIO, FROM SQUIER AND DAVIS, HEIGHT 5 INCHES) EXAMPLES OF ROULETTE-DECORATED WARE NORTHWESTERN GROUP HOLMES] ROULETTE-DECORATED POTTERY 193 crumbling and shows a rough fracture. A large percentage of sand was used intempering. The color is a dark gray-brown, and the entire surface, with the exception of a narrow band about the base, has been covered with ornamentation. Two or three distinct implements have been used in the work. A part of the neck ornament was made by rolling back and forth a circular tool, the edge of which was notched. A row of indented nodes has been produced upon the exterior surface of the neck by impressing upon the inside the end of a reed or hollow bone about one-fourth of an inch in diameter. Patterns of bold lines, rather carelessly drawn, cover the body, and seem to have been made by trailing under pretty strong pressure the smooth point of a stylus— probably the bone or reed implement already suggested. Some of the large indentations on the lower part of the neck may have been made by the same implement, held in an oblique position and used as ascoop. This vessel and several others of the same group and section are flat-bottomed. I regard this as very good evidence that the work is recent, and it may yet be shown that this ware and the much-dis- cussed engraved stone tablets of the same section are properly attrib- uted to the tribes occupying the banks of the Mississippi long after the steamboat began its career on the Father of Waters. A similar vase, tastefully decorated with indented lines about the neck and a band of decoration consisting of broad, plain, sinuous bands on the body, comes from a mound in Buffalo township, Scott county, Iowa. A vase from Ross county, Ohio, copied from Squier and Davis’s Ancient Monuments, figure 2, plate xiv1, is presented in plate cLxIx7. The ornament in this case is apparently treated in much the same manner as in the Laporte specimens, and the figure of a bird, quite conventionally drawn, is paralleled in a similar vase, plate cLXIx¢, obtained in Michigan, the exact locality not being known. The parallel holds good with respect not only to the bird and its treat- ment, but also to other features of ornamentation, and the vessels closely correspond in shape. ae ee HOLMES] MANDAN AND PAWNEE POTTERY 199 from village or burial sites at some point on the Missouri river. Specimen @ has been finished by paddling with an implement wrapped with fine cords, and specimen 4 is tempered with shell, and has rude scrolls scratched on the four lobes of the body. These features would seem to connect the specimen with ware of the Middle Mississippi group. PAWNEE POTTERY The National Museum contains an interesting lot of fragments of earthenware brought in by Dr F. V. Hayden about the year 1867. A <<. we SS. (ATS Soo SSS s> See Fic. 73—Outlines of vases from a Pawnee (?) village site, east-central Nebraska. Restored from large fragments. few pieces are shown in plate cLxxvit. They are from a Pawnee vil- lage site on Beaver creek, Nebraska, in the east-central part of the state. They exhibit unusual variety of form and ornament, but nearly all appear to represent small pot-shaped vessels, a striking character- istic being the many handles. In this respect they suggest the handled pots of western Tennes- see, illustrated in plate xir. The prevailing form is illustrated in outline in figure 78. The fragment of a pipe (figure 79) found with these sherds isan unusual feature in the far North- west. The paste of this ware is gray, with dark fire-mottlings, anditis not very hard. It is tempered with sand and, in cases, with grains of some dark crystalline rock. In general appearance the vessels are much like those of Mandan manu- facture. The rounded bodies of the vessels, as a rule, have been finished with cord-wrapped or ribbed implements, and the necks, handles, and rims have been smoothed off to receive the decoration of incised lines and indentations. In some cases the body has been rubbed smooth and left plain, and in others the incised ornamental markings have been carried down over nearly the entire surface, as is shown in the middle left-hand figure of plate CLXxv1. Fic. 79—Fragment of a clay pipe from a Pawnee (?) village site, east-central Nebraska. 200 ABORIGINAL POTTERY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES _ [©TH. ANN. 20 The following paragraphs are quoted from Dr Hayden’s account: All along the Missouri, in the valleys of the Little Blue, Big Blue, Platte, and Loup Fork rivers, I have observed the remains of these old dirt villages, and pieces of pot- tery are almost invariably found with them. But on a recent visit to the Pawnee reservation on Loup Fork I discovered the remains of an old Pawnee village, apparently of greater antiquity than the others, and the only one about which any stone implements have as yet been found. On and around the site of every cabin of this village I found an abundance of broken arrowheads, chipped flints, some of which must have been brought from a great dis- tance, and a variety of small stones, which had been used as hammers, chisels, ete. I have gathered about half a bushel of the fragments of pottery, arrowheads, and chipped flints, some of which I hope to place in the museum of the Smithsonian next winter. No Pawnee Indian now living knows of the time when this village was inhabited. Thirty years ago an old chief told a missionary that his tribe dwelt here before his birth. OrHER NORTHWESTERN POTTERY From a mound near Fort Wadsworth, North Dakota, Mr A. J. Comfort obtained much fragmentary pottery, and his descriptions, being detailed and interesting, are quoted: The sherds were evidently from some vessels no larger than a small jar or goblet and from others whose capacity must have been 4 or5gallons. * * * The thick- ness of these sherds varies from one-eighth to three-eighths of an inch, according to the-size of the vessel, though few exceed one-fourth. Sand has been the only sub- stance used to give stiffness to the mass during process of molding and prevent the ware from cracking while burning, and has probably been obtained from disinte- grated stones, some of which were found on the hearths elsewhere spoken of. I have been able to find no whole vessels, but from the fragments of the rims, sides, and bottoms it is not difficult to form a fair conception of their shape, which, for aboriginal art, was wonderfully symmetrical, gradually widening from the neck or more constricted portion of the vessel until it attains its greatest diameter at a dis- tance of one-third of the height from the bottom, which is analogous, in curvature, to the crystal of a watch. To the neck is attached the rim, about 1 inch in width, though sometimes 2; this slopes outward at an angle of about 20 degrees from a per- pendicular. * * * Ihave found no pieces containing ears or handles, though an Indian informant tells me that small vessels were supplied with ears. That the aboriginal potters of the lacustrine village of Cega Lyeyapi were fond of decoration, and practiced it in the ceramic art, is shown by the tracings confined to the rims. Rim ornaments consist of very smooth lines about one-twentieth of an inch in width, and as deep, drawn quite around the vessels, parallel to the margin. These are sometimes crossed by zigzag lines terminating at the neck of the vessel and the margin of the rim. Lines drawn obliquely across the rim of the vessel, and returning so as to form the letter V, with others parallel to the margin of the rim, joining its sides, the same repeated as often as space admits, constitute the only tracings on some vessels. The inside of the vessels is invariably plain. The outside of the vessels proper, exclusive of the rim, which is traced, bears the impression of very evenly twisted cords running in a parallel direction and closely crowded together, the alternate swelling and depression of whose strands have left equidistant indentations in every line thus impressed. These lines run, on the sides of the vessels, in a direction perpendicular to the rim, and disappear within a half aDr F. Y. Hayden, Smithsonian Report, 1867, p. 411. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTIETH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXVII POTTERY FROM A PAWNEE VILLAGE SITE, NEBRASKA NORTHWESTERN GROUP (ABOUT THREE-FOURTHS) HOLMES] POTTERY OF YELLOWSTONE PARK 201 of an inch or an inch of it, each indentation becoming indistinct near the end. I have counted from ten to fifteen of these casts in the space of a linear inch, and yet some of the sherds represent much finer cords.¢ The ware of the Mississippi valley proper naturally extend far up the western tributaries, and a few fragments have been found in the Yellowstone Park, one of the most remote and inaccessible localities in the country. These fragments were brought in by Colonel P. W. Norris, Superintendent of the Park, in 1880. They represent a large jar or pot with upright neck. The material is coarsely silicious and the walls are thick. Just below the rim is a line of nodes made by punching with a round implement from within, and there are indis- tinct traces of roulette-markings. These pieces have a close analogy with the roulette-stamped ware of Naples, Illinois, and therefore with the whole rouletted group. A few fragments of very archaic ware have been gathered in Idaho and on the site of Salt Lake City, Utah. These seem to be related to the primitive northern pottery, rather than to the Pueblo ware of the South. aComfort, A. J., in Smithsonian Report for 1871, pp. 400-401. re INDEX Nove. Abnaki region, extent of _- _--- 167-168 Ware Of -s-5.¢=5-2-. 5 179, CLIX Acknowledgements <2------------...------- 16-17 | Acorn Indians, classific term proposed _. xiv Acorns, devices for grinding ---...--.----- XV representation of, in Florida mortu- ary pottery-..-.--- 124, XCII, XCVIII use of, as food ___-_--- 2 Sxly Activities, classification of - xxix designed for expression ---.--. cxliii-exliy Adair, James, on spinning by southern heb hte set oe eeres-ereReee 33 Adams county, Ohio, occurrence of earth- enwareispoolsim-—--------- --== 44 Adoption, confusing effect of, on pottery TECOLOS Saas =ee ee aoa e nee 19 Advertising asan element of commerce- xlviii African physiognomy, suggestion of, in death’s-head vases. ----.------- 97 Age. See Chronology. Alabama, Iroquoian ware said to have been foundine=---222-------- 105,171 occurrence of stamped ware in__----. 122 Pipes Ofesan= sree ee ae cease sweee =e 99, LXIV POLLeby; LromMees= nese = eae 37,38, 39, 105-108, XI, LV-LXIV, LXX XII, LXXXIII Alabama river, pottery of. 107-108, LX1I-LXIv ‘Alaska, fieldmwOr knees) soq-ne asso ean ix, xi Albany, Il., pottery from ----.-.---- 192, CLXX Albemarle. See Pamlico-Albemarle. Alexander county, Il, occurrence of salt- making vessels in -__---------- 28 Algonquian creation myths, work on -... xxi Algonquian dialects, work on-_--.... xi, xx-xxi Algonquian pipes, character of-_____--.--- 140 GistribmilonO hss see ee saan nen 1ié Algonquian pottery, divisions ard distri- bution of __ 21, 144-145, 147, 164, 165, rv oceurrence of, Lake Huron region... 171, CLXVIII pottery resembling, South Appala- chian| proyvinCe@yess<===ss5===-=— 133 simplicity of form of__- 162 LATED GIL 250 Leen eee ee ees 161 See Middle Atlantic Coast pottery (pp. 145-158); New Jersey-New Eng- land pottery (pp. 175-179); Ohio Valley pottery (pp. 182-186); Northwestern pottery (pp. 186-201). Algonquian peoples, connection of, with Middle Mississippi Valley pot- WODNY ower heer ee cseheecpeect Stee 81 with Northwestern pottery. ------ 195 with shore pottery ----.----------- 160 with South Atlantic pottery... 131,142 inclosure of Iroquois by -------------- 159 Roman numeralsin small capitals designate plates; those in lower case designate pages. Algonquian peoples, possible influence of, on Canadian pottery -_------ 170-171 Algonquian region, occurrence of Iro- quoian pottery in_.-......._-.. 168 Allegheny valley, character of pottery Of@etresa osen2 36 teas cacees a Sees 183 Allen Settlement, Pa., vessel from___ 166,cxXLV Alligator, representation of, in Gulf Coast pothenyees- sso =--52-2— 110, LXXVI Altars, clay, occurrence of, in eastern United States__-...-...-.---.-. 36-37 Alton, Ill., Telegraph, on salt yessels-__-- 31 America, aboriginal pottery of-_........ 19-201 characterization of paper on aborigi- nal pottery of_--.--.---- xxvi-xxvii American Anthropologist, article on ma- Dies sare eee eee 33 papers on American pottery in_-_--_- 15 papers on evolution of ornament in_- 64 American Association for the Adyance- ment of Science, paper on Ver- mont pottery in Proceedings Ofe2 ree ee Set oo aes 169 American Museum of Natural History, acknowledgments to __-_--_--- 16 American Naturalist, paper on Vermont Dobboryyinies-s2e~ eee ee 169 Amulets, pottery, Florida peninsula-___- 128 Anacostia, D. C., aboriginal village on site pottery from -- 156-157, CXL, CXLI See District of Columbia. Anger, bodily attitude as a sign of. cxlii-exliii Animal forms and designs, Apalachee- Ohiospottery 67,86 Bryson City, N.C., polishing stone from_- 56 Buckskin bag, occurrence of, with Man- danivessel ®eese= sas eee 198 Buffalo Sioux, connection of, with North- western textilesmarked pot- tery pee 198 Burial, methods of, Florida peninsula and Gulficoast=22 <<. -- 2s: acsteeese 119 Potomac-Chesapeake province, in- fluence of, on potter’s art___ 150-151 use of pottery in ...._..... 23-24, 25,33, 37-42 See Mortuary pottery. Butel-Dumont, G. M.. on earthern drums of Louisiana Indians -_-____._- 3435 on pottery’ making in Lower Missis- Bipplaya lle yioee tense ase eee 57, 102 on preparation of clays for pottery MAKIN Gs soos Sa25=-5-5-5 2-528 - 46 Butler county, Ohio, collections of pot- tery from pee ee eee 184 Buzzard, representation of, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery-_-.... 95,xx Caddoan family, connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pot- COR yi) oo2 dee a pede an- se esse 102 with Middle Mississippi Valley pottery: - 2s--2222sss asec = 2-55 81 with Northwestern pottery -....- 187 Calabashes. See Gourds. Caldrons, See Pots. Caldwell county, N. C., mingling of wares INVMOuUNGSs\Ofess eye 137,147 pottery;from =. -2se-2sse0se 2 s=- 144 ORE resembling that of Yadkin valley. 149 California, collections from-_--__..-_-.-__- xxiv fleldiworkdnt= 2-2 --ccnsencsneo ens ix,x linguistic diversity among Indians OL ee ee ee Sts fee eee xXvii-xix milling apparatus used by natives (0) ON SO a ee A ee XV office work on material from ________- ix xiv, Xvi-xvii Camp sites, occurrence of pottery on ___- 23 Canada, Iroquoian ware of. 21,169-171, cxLy1ir resemblance of Northwestern pottery to thatof-- =.= 2-2-2 eee ce 194 Capture, association of wares through... 139 Carafes. See Bottles. Caribbean designs, resemblance of South Appalachian stamp designs tones 134, 135 Caribbean ware, Gulf Coast ware suggest- ingeoos=ts- 110-112, LXXVI-LXXVIITA Carolinas, Cherokee connection with pot- ‘Levy: Of -<@. = ee eee ee 143-144 difficulty in analyzing pottery of-- 142 intermingling of varietiesof warein. 144 ornamentation in color of pottery of- 67 pottery of coastal districts of--___.- 146, 150 pipe making by historic tribes of_____ 140 resemblance of Delaware Valley pot- tery to that of....------.-.-- 177-178 tribes formerly occupying--------__-- 142 use of steatite as tempering in vessels from), 22.2222 25222 Ab South Appalachian pottery ------..- 132, 188 pipes |==25222Ss2=c- ssces sensecese-se 141 Spanish olive jars ------.--- 129 Color decoration, Apalachee-Ohio pot- tery, absence of -_----_-------- 180 aboriginal American pottery ------------ 42, Florida pottery.) 5) s-ss2eesen ee 124, 125,127, XCIX, C, CV, CVI Gulf Coast pottery -_--- 111,112,113, Lxxviir Tarity: Of —=22222=s220 eee seaee sees 105 Troquoian pottery, absence of ______-- 164 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery ----- 103 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 84, 86, 87, 88, 93, 95, 96, 98, 100, 101, XVI, XXII, XVII, XXXIX-XLIII South Appalachian pottery ---. 138,cxXv1IT southern and northern pottery _---.. 187 Colorado, office work on material from_- ix Colorado river people. See Pueblo In- dians. Colombia, character of pottery of ----.--- 20 Columbia, District of. See District of Columbia. Columbia river valley, probable origin of Hopewell mounds obsidian in. 194 Comb, function of use of-----..------ 73, 135-136 use of, in finishing, Middle Atlantic Coastipottery)---=----2--------) 148) 153-154, 157, CXX XIX Comb-like ornaments, Apalachee-Ohio potterypossessencesseeee ase saee 180) Middle Mississippi Valley pottery -.. 97-98, 154, XXIX, XXX Comfort, O.J.,on manufacture of pottery iby Dakotasias---2--4-2-5-2--= LS yiLOD on pottery from Fort Wadsworth, Commerce, elements of -..-.--------- Compound vessels, eastern United States pottery, modeling of -_--..---- 51 Florida Peninsula pottery -- 118,126,127,cv | Gulf Coast pottery _--.-- -...-+-.---..- 105 | Troquoian pottery, rarity of -__- 162 | Ohio Valley. pottery ------------- == 185 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery_... 90, 92, 93-94, VII, XIV Middle Atlantic Coast province, ab- sence of Sah aseeonSederane conan as 151 South Appalachian pottery --.. 138, OXVIII 200-201 | INDEX 63 | Conch shell, representations of, Middle Mississippi Valley pottery_. 94, x1x Cones, occurrence of representations of, Florida mortuary pottery---. 124 Conestogas, connection of, with Susque- hanna valley pottery ---------- 165 habitat of. 2-2 =-.<2 = 22-222 see sccessce 159 Connecticut, Iroquoian pottery from __.. 168 potteryiOfeess sess eee 146, 178, 179, cLX Construction, principles of------- XXXVi-Xxxix See Manufacture. Containing, original use of vessel for —--. 61 See Domestic pottery. Contributions to North American ethnol- Opy; Dilan ofS aii as se- seen 16 Conventionality of painted designs, east- ern United States pottery -_-- 67 Conventionalization of life motives, east- ern United States pottery -... 65,66 Florida Peninsula pottery --.---.----- 118, 123, 126,127, LXX XIX, XC, CI-CIV, CVI Gulf Coast pottery_ 113-114, LXXxX-LXXXIII Cooking. See Domestic pottery. Cooking pits, employment of clay as lin- Cooper county, Mo., occurrence of salt- making vessels in_---_--------- 31 Copper, association of implements of, with pottery, Northwestern IDLOVINC Cyaan eae eee eee 192 occurrence of articles of, in Georgia MOUNG see aee enn eae 139 occurrence of clay cores for ear disks (oe Se ee ee ee 43, 142 oceurrence of human heads stamped in} Georgiat=*—-s-e-) 2s aes 138 workin,suggesting Mexicaninfluence 42 Cords, imitation of impressions of, in pottery decoration ___. 66,79, 154,190 use of, in finishing and decoration, eastern United States pottery. 50, 52, 68, 72, 73-79 Florida peninsula, rarity of_-----. 118 Troquoian pottery --. 163, cXLVY-CXLVII Middle Atlantic Coast pottery. 148-156, OXXIX-CXXXIV, CXXXVII-CXXXVIII New Jersey-New England pot- On yee sae eee eee 179, CLIX Northwestern pottery -- 188, 189, 190,191, 194-201, CLXXTI-CLXXVII Ohio Valley pottery --------- 185, CLXTV See Fabrics; Paddles; Roulette; Tex- tiles. Corn, Pawnee use of, in glazing inner sur- face\oti pots = a2 59 Corn cobs, Cherokee use of, in smother- Airing Se eee coe Seer ee 56 | Corn ears, representations of, Florida Peninsula pottery ------------- 124 supposed modeling of, Iroquoian pot- UE) ta eis oo as SAS Soo ee 163 Corporations, organization of... Ixy-Ixvi, lxxii DULDOSCS (Of eee ee Ixxii-Ixxviii | Costa Rica, character of pottery of -_.._- 20 Costumes, representation of, on effigy yases, Middle Mississippi Val- leysbToupmess-—ee 57 INDEX 209 Councils, uses of pipes in _______.__------- 44 | Cups, Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 87-89, Covers to burial vases, South Appalachian 94, V, VI, VIM, X1X-XXI, PrOUD ees ee 133, 136-187, Cx1T XXIII, XXV, XXVI, XLVII-L Covington, La., bowl made by Choctaws Northwestern pottery -..---.. 196, CLXX1IT Biipsenes eee Set ee 102 South Appalachian pottery -.-.------ 138, Crab, representation of, Florida pot- 144, CX VIIT, CXXTX LOL Yann ee ee 127,cy | Curved-line ornament, absence of, north- Cradle, figurine representing. ---.-------- 40, 41 ern pottery --.--..--- 145, 151, 163, 187 Creative corporations, purposes of -___-_- Ixxili See Decoration; Meander; Scroll; Creek Indians, connection of, with Florida Volute. DOGHCI YS oe- sae te oe 115 | Cushing, F. H., acknowledgments to_-_-- wv with Gulf Coast pottery 105 illustrations from, showing Pueblo use with South Appalachian pot- of baskets in molding and tery-_--------- ..131-132, 189, 142, 143 occupation of South Appala- chian province by ----------- 130 Crescent-shaped vessel, Middle Missis- sippi Valley group 94, XVIII on influence of environment on Cross, symbolism of - 100 ai blest oe Suse eneee ao sya cognac sm 159 use of, in decoration, eastern United on manufacture of Iroquoian pot- States pottery --..-----.-------- 67 be pee hss one. Se eee 161, 163 Florida Peninsula stamped ware_ on origin of stamp decoration -___-_-_ 123 LXXVIII on ornament of Iroquoian pottery _.. 163 Gulf Coast stamped ware-.--.-- 108,109 pottery collected by, Florida penin- Middle Mississippi Valley pot- piles 222 one 126, 127-128, CI-cIV Lenyiec-t-seascces= 86, XX XVIII, XLII studies of, in American Indian sym- Northwestern pottery -__-_-- 192, CcLXX bolism \3s2-2- 2s 2 Se oe 100 South Appalachian stamped ware_ 134, vase restored by --.---..----.---- 126, CIT 136-187, 140, CIV, CV-CVI1I, CXXI work of, in Florida archeology -_--_- 115, Crow, representation of, in Iroquoian 126, 127-128 DIDOS 2 eee ee ee eae 74 in Iroquoian archeology 159 Culin, Stewart, acknowledgments to-____ 104 in mound exploration __ _ 16 Culinary pottery. See Domestic pottery. Cyclopedia of Indian tribes, work on ____ xxiv Culture, value of pottery in study of__ 18,19,20 | Cylinders, mortuary pottery, Florida four: stayestole-s.-- 2-252 eens eee xci peninsula == --22=2----~=----- 124, KCL Culture groups, lack of correlation of Dakota, pottery from-_----_----_-_-.--- CLXXV stamped ware with-_-__--_._-__- 122 | Dakota Indians, connection of, with represented by eastern United States Northwestern pottery --...... 187 Obie ae east ae as ao 20-22 recent manufacture of pottery by---. 195 represented by Ohio Valley pottery_ 182-184 Culture stage indicated by Atlantic coast MOLLOLYe aera n= re ese ase 33 indicated by Florida pottery _______ 117,122 indicated by Lower Mississippi Val- ley pottery -----.-_-...-._... 102-103 indicated by Middle Mississippi Val- ley potteryi-vos-s2 2s - 2.2 a ase 82-83 indicated by Northwestern pottery. 195 indicated by Ohio Valley pottery -... 186 of northern and southern potters... 143 ofpottery makin gy so en 24 value of decorative motives in deter- MINN So ssa See ase 122 value of pottery in determining —-_____ 22 Cumberland valley,abundance of pottery in-- 23 pottery of-..-..-- 81,101,188, XLIV-L, CXVIII quality of pottery ‘of _..2-.-.2-.----..- 102 Cunningham, K. M., bowls in collection (Of ee eee eee 112-113 Cups, Apalachee-Ohio pottery_--......... 182 Cherokee pottery CXXVIL Florida Peninsula pottery---.... 118,127,cv Gulf Coast pottery ---...- --- 105,107, Lv11 Troquoian*pottery;.------=---<---—<<<2~ 161 20 ETH—03——14 Dalrymple, Dr ——, modern Pamunkey pottery collected by_-- 152,cxxxv1 Dan valley, character of ware of __.-_-.-- 149 Dana, A. L., vessel collected by ----- 166, CXLV Dances, use of drums in, by American aborigines... s-s-s<-seseeee sees 34 Dayenport,lowa, pottery from near_ 192,CLXXI Davenport Academy of Sciences,acknowl- edgments to See 16 paper published in Proceedings of ---- 15 pottery in collections of-._.-.-.---- 89, 98, 192, VILI-XVI, XVITI-XXI, XX11I-— XXVI, XXIX, XXX, XLII, CLXXI Dawson, Dr J W., illustrations of Iro- quoian pottery published by. 170 Death’s-head vases, Middle Mississippi Valley group-.-=.-----=-=--- 96-98, XXIX-XXXII, XLIIT Decanters. See Bottles. Decoration, eastern United States pot- 25, 36, 40-41, 51-52, 56, 64-80 ee. 64-65 Florida Peninsula pottery,designs___ 118, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, LXxxIv— LXXXVIII, XCIX, C, CIV, CVIII-Ccx methods! << .cs25sn5 se cnseneeso-2—< 118 210 Decoration, Gulf Coast pottery,designs. 106,107 108, 109-110, 113-114, LIv, LVI, LVII, LXVII, LXIX, LXXI, LXXVITIG, LXXX - LXXXIII MELHOCS a= eee eee 105-106 Troquoian pipes -------- 174-175, CLIV-CLVII Troquoian pottery, designs -------- 171-172, OXLIX-CLIIT methods --- = 2 -- 2-2 ea ee 162-164 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery -... 103- 104, LIT Middle Atlantic Coast pipes ---------- 158 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery. de- Signs:en-=-52-2" 145, 151, 154, 156, cxxx, OXXXYV,CXXXVII, CXXXVIII, CXLI Methods 22222 -o eee ean seen ee sane aS — 149, 151, 154, 155-156, 157, cxxx— CXXXIT, CXXXVII, CXXXVII Middle Mississippi Valley pottery, de- Signs esses. eee 86, 88, 90-91, 92, 100- 101, XVII, XXIX, XXXVII-XXXVIII methods = -=-2:-=-=--- _.-- 85,86, 88,89 New Jersey-New England pottery -.- 177, 179, CLVITI-CLX Northwestern pottery -------------- 188-190, 191, 194, 196-197, 198, 199, 200-201, CLXVI-CLXXVII Ohio Valley pottery ---------- 185-186, CLXV South Appalachian pottery, designs.. 133- 134, 188, 139-140, cx111, CXIV, CXIX methods ---- southern and northern pottery- 145-146, 187 See Checker; Color; Comb-like; Cords; Cross; Fabrics; Filfot; Grid- dle; Guilloche; Herringbone; Incision; Indenting; Inlaying; Meander; Paddles; Roulette; Seroll; Stamps; Trailing; Vo- lute. Deer, representation of, Middle Missis- sippi Valley pottery -...-.. 95, XXIV Delaware, scarcity of pottery from_-_-__- 157 Delaware valley, occurrence of Iroquoian potberyeinsss= =: Sass eae 178 pottery of -..-...----.. 176-178, CLV1II, CLIX relations of pottery of ---------------- 147 resemblance of pottery of, to that of Chesapeake-Susquehanna val- MON) sat cs a eee aS 176 Dellenbaugh, F. S death’s-head vases. -...-------- 96 Designs. See Decoration; Forms. Despair, sobbing as an expression of -__... exli Determination, compressing the lips asa SIGN O bee ee ee eee eee exliii Dickerson collection, pottery from-____ 104, LIT Dictionary of American Indians, work (0) « ee i see ee xxiv Dinwiddie, William, acknowledgments to 7 Disapproval, frowning as a sign of --__--- exhii Diseases, explanation of, by imputation_-_ li-liv , pottery, eastern United States_... 38,43 Troquoian province..-------------- 170 middle Mississippi valley --_------- 83 South Appalachian province------ 131, 141-142 rolling, use of, in decoration -.-------- 52 INDEX Disks. See Ear disks; Roulette. Distribution, American pottery ---------- Iroquoian pottery- ----...-------- Middle Mississippi Valley pottery --.. 80-81 See also the various groups. District of Columbia, pottery of ------- 156-157, CXL-CXLI Diversion, use of pottery for, among American aborigines-------_-- 24-25 Doll. See Figurine. Domestic pottery, eastern United States. 24, 25-27, IT absence of coloration int ---- _. 64,66 Florida peninsula----------- 118-119 Gulf coast ie ackesete eee WOE Middle Atlantic province ----.----- 148-150, COXXX-CXXXIV middle Mississippi valley ---.--------- 83 New Jersey-New England province, condition of, on exhumation.. 175 South Appalachian province -. 132,136,cxVv See Uses. Dog, representations of, Florida mortu- ary pottery-.-------..---- 124, xcVvi Troquoian pipes- -------- 74, CLIV, CLYII Dorsey, Dr J. O., on manufacture of pot- tery. by Omahas=--.--2-=---. 187-188 studies of, in Amerindian symbol- isms es sS oto. ae ene LOU Dowling, Thomas, jr., acknowledgments Owe sessee = 16 Draper, Dr Lyman C., on Indian trade in Maple suas eae aaa 33 Drawing knife, occurrence of, in Georgia mound! 822.225 sos esos eee 139 Dress, representation of, on effigy vases, Middle Mississippi Valley QTOUD aera sae sae eee 57 Drink, use of vessels to hold, in burial... 39,40 Drinking cups, ceremonial, Gulf Coast group 107, LVI in imitation of conch shells, Middle Mississippi Valley group------ 94 See Domestic pottery. Druggist’s mortar. See Mortar. Drums, pottery, use of, by American ab- Origines os. esas see eeceaee 34-35 Drying, Eastern United States pottery -- 52 Catawba pottery --- 54,55 Cherokee pottery - -- 56 Pawnee pottery -- 59 See Manufacture. Duck, representations of, Florida Penin- sula pottery---....------ 123, 124, 126, LXXXIX, XC, KCVI,C, CLV Gulf Coast pottery- 107,108,L.V111,LX VI See Bird. Dumont. See Butel-Dumont. Du Pratz, Le Page, on Indian salt mak- ing 31 on pottery making by Louisiana In- dians 57, 102 on use of color by Natchez-----.------ 63 on use of shell for tempering by Natchitoches 2-2--—---=--=—~--= 48 Durability, Potomac-Chesapeake ware. 151 Duval county, Fla., bowl from -... 123, LXXX1X INDEX 211 Eagle, representations of, Gulf Coast pot- Esthetic culture, evolution of__..__.___.. CXXV tery: = so. 2-2-2 107,109, 114, Lit, UX1x value of pottery in study of ____._. 18,19, 20 Troquoian pipes ______________ li4,civ11 | Esthetic influence on form and decora- Lower Mississippi Valley pottery 104, L1 See Bird. Ear disks, copper, clay cores for --__ 43,141-142 Ear ornaments, American pottery --._ 25, 42,43 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery___- 83 shown by Ohio Valley figurines _____- 184 Ears of death’s-head vases, modeling of __ 97, XXX-XXXIT, XLII Ears, Catawba method of adding to vases 4 Northwestern pottery ___...____.. 4... 200 Early county, Ga., prevalence of stamped Wane ins= Reon setae ce ioce 135 112,118 Earrings. See Ear disks; Ear ornaments. Earthworks in Maine, field study of ___._- x East, character of tobacco pipes of_______ 45,98 East Tennessee, pottery of _____-.______ 180-182 Eastern Shore, pottery of_____-_________ 157-158 Eastern United States, pottery of___-_..- 3-201 Eating. See Domestic pottery. Eaton township, Pa., vessel from ___ 166,cxLV Eccentric forms, Florida pottery ._____._- 118, 119, 124, xc1I-xev, xcvil1 Gulf Coast pottery’ ..........___....-_- 105 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 85, 93-94, VI, XVITI, XL South Appalachian pottery __________- 131 See Forms. Economics, discussion of _- -- lxiy-Ixxviii elements Ofieese= sess oes eee Ixvii Editorial work 2-25-55 -5--- 2.5 == XxXili Education as an agency of instruc- Pion se eee eee ee ee exevi Effigies, clay, use of, in burial, eastern United States_-....__....-_..-- 33 Effigy pipes, South Appalachian group.. 141, CXXVI Effigy vases, Middle Mississippi Valley LOU Deere anne ee 87 See Life forms. Egypt, Lower Mississippi Valley ware re- sembling that of________ 103, LT, LI Egyptians, similarity of Indian mortuary offerings to those of ___________ 40 Electric power, use of _-.--..__....-__--._- xliii Elvas, Knight of, on salt making by Amer- ican aborigines __ 28 Embellishment. See Decoration. Emotional language, evolution of -___ exl-exliy Enamels, use of, by American potters____ 49 See Glaze. Endowment, use of wealth for____________ Ixxi English tools, occurrence of, in Georgia mMOounC ee eee eee 139 See European. Engraving. See Decoration; Incision; Paddles; Stamps. Enumeration, development of language Of See eee elxix Environment, effect of, on potter’s art__ 22-23, 24,145,146, 150, 159-160 Equality, principles of ___..._____- Ixxx-lxxxii Equity, principles of Ixxx tion, American pottery_ 25, 61,62, 6465 Florida Peninsula pottery ___...______ 127 Troquoian pottery 162 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery-__ 85,100 Ohio Valley pottery___.._________ 186 Esthetology, workin.-.2---.-.-/... xii Ethics, classification of subject-matter Of) eee a ee exxxvii evolution of ___. Ethnic determinations, value of study of REC HIMGHT =e eee ee ee ae 48 See Peoples. Ethnology, descriptive work in ________.- Xxili Etowah mounds, Ga., earthenware fig- (EINES ROTI eae eee 41 Etymology, definition of the science of_ ecliii_ elvii European goods, occurrence of, in Geor- piagmonnd jes eo ee 139 in graves with Iroquoian pottery. 168 European manufacture of pipes for Indi- an trade ss! 2: te. 2 European pipes, origin of form of- European pottery, apparent imitation of, by Middle Mississippi Valley potters ____ 82 effect of introduction of, on native pottery making 160 occurrence of, in Florida peninsula 120, 129-130 Everette, Willis E., field work by _______- xi Everglades, present partial occupation of, by Seminoles______._______- 11a Evers, Edward, work on Middle Missis sippi Valley pottery by ______- 87 Evolution, human, value of pottery in FSLOU0 bp} Coes Sa ane oe sd 18,19, 20 technic, light thrown on, by study of pottery manufacture _________ 48 Ewi Katalsta, pottery making by ________ 56 Exchange, as an element of commerce___ xlyi- xlvii Excision, pottery decoration by_______.__ 66 See Decoration; Incision. Fabrics, association of, with pottery ___- 192 resemblance of impression of, to rou- lette impressions ____ 190 to stamp impressions_-_-_- Bs ght use of, in modeling and decorating, eastern United Statespottery 28, 30, 56, 68, 70, 71-73 Florida Peninsula pottery _._...._ 118 Lower Mississippi Valley pottery. 103 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery _.. 151 Troquoian pottery __ 163 New Jersey-NewEngland pottery 179 South Appalachian pottery___.... 144 See Textiles; Net; Paddles; Roulette. Face, human, representations of, Ameri- can pottery--__._-_....-_.... 39-40,41 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 81-82, 97-98, XXIX-XXXII, XLIIT See Man. 212 Families. See Peoples. Fancy. influence of,on form, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery __---.-- 85 play given to, in Florida mortuary pottery,.-2. si-ose 252 sn cots ee ee) in Iroquoian pipes----.------------ 174 Farmington, Conn., pot from______-._---- 178 Feasts, need of large vessels in prepara- tion of -_- Be ee 60 Feathers, engraved representations of, South Appalachian pottery... 140, CXIX, CXX use of brushes of, in pottery decora- tion, eastern United States ___ 67,86 Feet, eastern United States pottery, re- centnessiOf ss -. ast. ssseanon sees 62 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery__.. 93, XV-XVII Ohio Valley pottery -----..-..-. 185, CLXIII See Bases; Legs. Fenton, Mo., occurrence of salt-making vessels Near = s=2--<2-25- === .25= 31 Fewkes, J. Walter, field work by X-xi Office work DY -. 3-25 eee sw eee e eae LLL studies of,in Amerindian symbolism_ 100 Fiber, use of, as temporing material, east- ern United States pottery_ 46,117,121 use of brushes of, in pottery decora- (blON! Ses ioe o2e nae ae eee eee ee 67 Field work, areas covered by ----_-..---- ix detailledieportiota=-s---s-2=-sease-e ee x-xi Figurines, eastern United States pottery _ 41 Florida Peninsula pottery -........... 119, 124, XCVI, XCVII Middle Mississippi Valley pottery_-.. 83,99 Ohio Valley pottery--..........--... 183,184 Potomac-Chesapeake group _____-._ 156,157 Southern Appalachian pottery 131, 140, OX XII, CX XTIT Filfot designs, stamped ware, Gulf coast PTOUD) a -2- Sects oe esaseceeeses 108, 109 South Appalachian group__..__... 134, 136-187, 140, CIV, CV, CVI, CXXT Fillets, decgration by, Apalachee-Ohio pottery —- Be enn nO eastern United States pottery ___- 66 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery_... 149 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 88,89 See Strips. Financial statement---..---...-.----- - XXV Fine arts, origin and evolution of -_____ CXxxi- exxxii Finger nails, use of, in finishing and deco- rating, eastern United States pottery, = =22-2- <= sssses=---De, D4; TOD) Florida Peninsula pottery __._ 118, 128, 0X Middle Atlantic Coastpottery. 149, 151, 154, CXX XI, CXXXIT Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery aes-- 22-25 525552225 83,86, 88, 89 Fingers, employment of, in modeling and finishing, eastern United States pottery--... 51,52, 65,66, 73,163 See Decoration; Manufacture; Model- ing. INDEX Finish, Cherokeeand Catawha pottery. 54,55,56 eastern United States pottery -. 46,51,67-80 salt-making vessels_-..........-.-- 28 Florida Peninsula pottery ____-- 117, 121,126 Gulf Coast pottery --....- 105, 106, 111, 113 Troquoian pottery .....-.-----.---.-.=. 16] Lower Mississippi Valley pottery ____- 103 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery —__ 151, 1: DIDOS Sete te Sees we eee nee -- 158 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery --_- 84 New Jersey-New England pottery_ 175-176, 177,179 Ohio Valley pottery;-s-ss-s--- === eee 185 Northwestern pottery.. 188, 196-197, 198,199 South Appalachian pottery -___- 133-136, 138 See Color; Cords; Decoration; Fab- rics; Finishing tools; Paddles; Polishing; Roulette; Stones; Tools; Washes. Finishing tools, clay, eastern United States <-.2 = 99,100, XXXIV-XXXVI See Stones; Paddles; Roulette; Stamps. Fire, drying of pottery before, eastern United States. _-....-------- 52, 54,56 tempering of vessels to be used OViOD) soon ecnen se eeesseeeeee noe 46 use of clay in protecting various uten- Sils'from)..222.55as.nc2=2ssen=-e5 49 use of pottery over, eastern United Statese- <2 262 2- sce os eep se Seo mie 121 105 ees 148,149 83,89 185 South Appalachian province ______ 132 See Domestic pottery. Firing. See Baking. Fish, representation of, Florida Peninsula pottenya =.= seeee ee eee 124, XCVII Gulf Coast pottery ----------- 108, LX VI Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 85, 88,95, XXII Flatiron, implements resembling, Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 99 100, XXXIV,XXXV Fleming County, Ky., occurrence of earth- enware spools in_---...-------- 44 Fletcher, Miss A. C., studies of, in Amer- indian symbolism ---.-..-.---. 100 Floor, influence of, on form of vessels... 61,62 Florida, burial customs of ------- 40, 106, 119-120 historic aborigines of ___- --- 15,115,1 office work on material from _- - ix, xii pottery. from-___-.—.-= 108-110, LXT, LXV-CXI textile fimishiin Se sces 22 eee eens 68 thick-rimmed bowls found in---...- 112-113 use of earthenware drums in--__-_---- 34 Florida Peninsula pottery, chara¢ter of - 22 decorationof,in' coloriases--es-so=—2-5 67 examples of-__..-.---. 120-130, LXXXIV-CXI fOTrMS\Of sae wes 118 manufacture of__-.-.. 117-118 materials used in making---------..-. 117 northward extension of__...--....---- 130 INDEX 213 Florida Peninsula pottery, occurrence of pottery resembling, Gulf Coast province ____- _--- 108,109, 110-111, 112 oeeurrence of decoration resembling that of, New Jersey-New Eng- Jandianeas 22222 hoo 2-0 176, 17778 pipes ------ “ - 99,129,141, cx1 range of 115, 116-117 stamped ware, characteristics of___-_- 135 USOS'OL e~t ead an Wen ese sonseseecimeee 118-120 westward extension of_--..----------- 104 Flowers, representations of, mortuary pottery, Florida peninsula -_-_ 124, XCTIT, XCTV Folklore, definition of science of excili Food, use of pottery in preparing, carry- ing, storing, etc., eastern Wnited: States-._-_--=-_-- 25-27, 39, 83 See Domestic pottery. Food supply, influence of, on distribution OlpOtteryiee-ha- coon ea eec cose 23 on deyelopment potter's art 22-23, 150_- Force’s Historical Tracts, citation from, on New England pots -_______- 179 Forehead of death’s-head vases, perfo- rated knob on_ 98, XXTX-XXXT, XLII Form of vessels, origin of__---.----._---- 6 49 Forms, eastern United States pottery____ 61-63 cooking vessels 2 <.2) snes anne aee 25,27 methods Of giving =-22=2--=-- anes 49-51 modeling implements --__________- 35-36 mortuary vessels MIPCS eo ssae= sae ee Se - raw ee o oees oe sece 45 OTMAMONtSSes= =e o seen eee 28 42 salt-making vessel]s____-...__._--_- 28 Florida Peninsula pottery 118, 119,121, 124,127, LXxXx1x, XCI-XCVII, C, CI, CVII Gulf Coast pottery -_.._-.--- 105,108,111, 112, LIV, LXVI-LXVI11, LXX, LXXVIII, LXXIX-LXXIX B Troquoian pottery ---------_- 160-161, 162, 163 Plpesie-- see eae 174-175, CLIV-CLYII Middle Atlantic Coast pottery__-__- 145,148, 149-150, 151,153, 155, xXx, CXXXVIT, CXLI DED OR Ste Janene es ements ieee oa 150, 151, 156,158, exit Middle Mississippi Valley pottery.... 83, 85-86, 87, V-v1r bottles: 56 =2--s25c2sene= 93, V, VII, XVII eccentric and compound___ 93-94, xv1IT Hf \ 28 Sess eseste ose aaes 94-97, XIX-XXX platters, cups, and bowls --______- 88 Pipes. otas see ee eee 98, 99, XX XTIT New Jersey-New England pottery... 175, 176, CLV11t Northwestern pottery ---.--------.-..- 187, 192, 196, 199, 200, CLX-VITI-CLXX Ohio Valley pottery -------- 184-185, CLXITI South Appalachian pottery---.. 181,132,138, 140, CXV, CX VII, CXVIIT, CXXT, CXXIT DIVES! so5= 25) coos 140-141, CXXIV-CXXVI southern and northern pottery. __-- 145,187 See Bases; Shaping. Forms, production of -_..---_---- XXXViI-XXxix Fort Ancient, Ohio, fragments of pottery PROM y= 2 oe ota accb sence se 184, CLXII Fort Stevenson, N. Dak., pottery from__ 198, CLXXV Fort Wadsworth, N. Dak., pottery from 200-201 Foster, J. W., illustrations from ________- 191 Fowke, Gerard, on absence of pottery in mound near Luray, Va ______- 150 on earthenware spools ---..-..--.-.--.- 43-44 Fracture, New Jersey-New England POblery? .2- 222 sose=secsshtesees 1%5 Fragments of pottery, use of, in burial, Florida peninsula -___-.-._---. Franklin county, Fla., pottery of- 127, LXXVIII, LXXVIIIA, CV Franklin county, Miss., bottle from --_ 106, Lv1 | Free Museum of Science and Art, Phila- delphia, acknowledgments to- 16 French, B. F., citation from Historical Collections of Louisiana of ____ 34 French, learning of Indian art of sugar makin p Dyess 22-255 50922 255=5 32 practice of potter's art by Iroquoian tribes at coming of __---------- trade of, with Indians, in salt ________ 31 Fret, absence of, Iroquoian pottery __--.- 163 See Decoration. Frey, S. L., pottery collected by---------- 167 Frieze. See Rim. Frog, representation of, Gulf Coast pot- LOT Vagre ee ee ee ee 107, 109, 110, 114, LVI, LXXIIT, LXXV, LXXXI Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 92, 95, XIV, XXTII Frowning as a signof disapproval-----__- exlii Fruit forms, eastern United States pot- tery, === 2252-202 ee ee 35,63 Florida Peninsula pottery ---..-------- 124, 127,128, xcv1Ir Middle Mississippi Valley pottery - 94-95, x1x Fruit shells, preceramic use of, for ves- sels, by American aborigines-- 25 suggestion of ornamental features by - 64 use of clay in protecting from fire____ 49 Function. See Uses. Funeral offerings. See Mortuary pot- tery; Toy-like objects. Furnaces. See Kilns. Gaines, A. S., thick-rimmed bowls in col- lection: of22=2G2--5sensa=5-825 112-113 Gainesville, Fla., fragment of vase from NOAM Pe eae Seas Sew eaa = ee 111 Galbraith, , pottery collected by-... 165 Galtneys, pottery labeled - 102,103 Games, resemblance of spindle whorls to pottery used in..-._-.---.--...- 33 use of pottery in, eastern United Statesi-s2- 5-3 os 225 2 Sees ee 25,43 Troquoian province --....-------_-- 170 middle Mississippi valley ----- Pree 83 South Appalachian province- 131, 141-142 Gaspeian Indians, defeat of, by Iroquois... 167 Gatschet, A.S., field work by os xi officemywork! bya se. see eee ee Gens (definitionsof=---.--2e--2= = see) - 8 = civ Gentile tribes, government of ciy-cxi melipioniof soe cone cee cix 214 Geographic distribution of peoples, value of pottery in study of __._ 18,19, 21-22 Geographic grouping of eastern United States: pottery: =-+-.5--=-------. 21-23 Georgia, character of pottery of_-....---. 147 Cherokee share in manufacture of mobberysolee eens . 143-144 decoration in color of pottery of-....- 67 Delaware yalley decoration resem- bling wihatiots 27a 177-178 intermingling of wares in __ 137-139 mortuary customs in____________-__. 106, 120 occurrence of human heads stamped OM CODDELsINe eee eet eens 138 occurrence of Middle Mississippi Val- leyspotterysin=====-- ee 80-81 occurrence of stamped ware through- OULU Reeser earn ae arenas 135 pipes of 99 pottery of__...-... 38,41, 106, 112, 131, 136, 137, 140, LV, CXVI, CXVIT, CXXI-CXXTIT resemblance of Northwestern pottery to thatiog 2222s) asec eee ee tribes formerly occupying------..---- 142 Gesture language, evolution of_____ elxiy—clxy Ghost theory, fallacies at foundation Ofeacsse= caesss222s25eseeeeeces exxvii nature and origin of _-__-_.---...-_.- elxxii role of, in development of ethics... exxvii- exxviii Ghosts, diseases attributed to --.._..----- widespread belief in-_....------------ elxxii Gill, DeLancey, acknowledgments to. __- 17 Glass beads, occurrence of, in association with New England pottery__- Glassware, occurrence of, Florida penin- Foe Fe ee ee ee eee Glaze, absence of, eastern United States pottery =-=-------- 49, 52,59, 60, 84, 195 pottery showing, Florida peninsula. 129-130 Gneiss, crushed, use of, as tempering ma- terial, Middle Atlantic Coast 130 DOblery; = 3-2-3552 ee ee 151 Goblet-shaped vases, Florida peninsula__ 126, 127, CVI Goodland point, Florida, occurrence of pottery animal heads at.--.... 128 Goods, classification of -_.-..---- a=) Xi, Goose, representations of, Gulf Coast pot- (EN pe Seer Sosa seems 110 See Bird. Government, classification of depart- mentsiof . 2. 22s2ssccceceaness, Ixxxiv constitutive department of_ Ixxxiy-Ixxxvi executive department of_-....--... Ixxxvii judicative department of_ lxxxviii-txxxix legislative department of-_.__.____- Ixxxvi operative department of_.. Ixxxyvi-Ixxxvii reasons for establishment of -_._--_.- Ixxix representative, principles of -. exxii-cxxiv Goss, Weston, vessel obtained by-_.-_ 166, cXLV Gouges, use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery--...-.-.- 52 Gourd forms, eastern United States pot- GOL Yioc nae ee eee eee 35 Florida Peninsula pottery ----..------ 118, 124, 127, 128, xcV11I INDEX Gourd forms, Middle Mississippi Valley Poblerye 22 eae ee 94-95, XIX Gourds, use of, for rattles, by southern Indians: _=2- =~ -s<22< 222-2 sce 34 in pottery making, eastern United Stateset 56-7 ie aes 50,51, 54,56 Grain of wood, possibility that use of carved paddles was suggested Dye ee see oe owen eee 1 Grammar, development of -_-_.-._---- exlix-chiii Grapevines, use of, in suspending vessels. 58 Grass, use:of. as tempering material, Florida Peninsula pottery --_- Grayel, mixture of, with clay, for use as plaster and cement---..._----- 37 Graves, character and preservation of pottery found in, Middle Mis- hz sissippi valley-.------.--- 5) =< 82 See Burial: Occurrence; Mortuary pot- tery. Great Lakes region, character of pottery Of 2225.8 ences oocnss sone 22-23, 146-147 occupation of, by Iroquois_-_-__-------- 159 pottery Olfsseapesne ssa ence 187-198 relations of 147 Great Salt lake basin, pottery of-__.._. 1,201 Green river valley, pottery of__....--.... 194 Griddle Florida Peninsula stamped ware ---.-.-------- 127, cIx See Checker designs. Grief, weeping as an expression of__ cxli-cxlii designs, Grinding devices, development of _____--- XV Grinnell, George Bird, on Pawnee pottery making. as ee ee 58-59, 195 Grosyentre Indians, modern pottery makin py by. 22-922 -2-seeee eee 195 pottery oly. t23222- 28223 ace eee 198 Grotesque forms, East Tennessee pottery, absence of... ---22-22-===-ss2ee 180 Iroquoian pottery, rarity of-_---.---- 174 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 85, 86, 87,95, VI, XX, XXII, XXvV Groups of aboriginal American pottery -- 20 df eastern United States pottery __.. 21-23 Guadeloupe island designs, resemblance of South Appalachian designs CO Ye ees 135 Guatemala, character pottery of-____----- 20 Guest, W. E., paper on Lroquoian pottery LS) (eee eee ee 170 Guilloche, presence of life idea in _______- 113 use of, in decoration, eastern United States pottery ---.--.-.----.. 67 Florida Peninsula pottery ---- LXXXVIII, CIV Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery ... 86, XVII, XXXVII, XXXVIIL Ohio Valley pottery -----.----- 186, CLXII, CLXV in stamp designs, South Appala- chian pottery.... 137, CXIV,CXVII See Decoration. Gulf coast, burial customs of -.--.....---- 120 European pottery from __.__--....---- occurrence of stamped ware on _..... 135 pottery of: .-=-=-2=.-:- 104-114, LIV-LX XXIII area covered by --...------------- 21,130 INDEX U5) Gulf coast pottery, character of -_----- 20, 22-23 decoration of, in color----------------- 67 form common in occurrence of features of, in East Tennessee». 22- <- 25-22-2545 ~cenenas 180 occurrence of pottery resembling, South Appalachian proyince---_- 138, 140,144 Pipes: ess =— setae coe eee 45, 108, LXIV resemblance of Lower Mississippi Valley pottery to__....---------- 101,104 _ resemblance of Middle Mississippi Valley pottery to. --.-._- 81 textile finish in 68 Gulf coast tribes, inland extension of __ 107-108 Habitat of peoples, value of pottery in Studyiofl=---22222es-cce-< 18, 19, 21-22 Hair, methods of wearing, shown by Ohio Walley figurines --..-..-.----.. 184 representation of, in death’s head WASOS a2 222s 0h Sceq-s-2asoeesccue 98 use of brushes of, in pottery decora- HONS Sees 2S2 52 8222-5 s2ce5—-5-50 67,86 Hale, Edward Everett, Natick dictionary obtained through-----...---... xxi Hale, Horatio, exploration of Iroquoian IDEOVIN COND Yses oncom ae eee eee 159 Hales point, Tenn., earthen burial casket EPOM Hee seers poses eee a eek Soe 38 Hamilton, H. P., acknowledgments to ___ 17 pottery collected by -. 195, CLXXII-CLXXIV Hand, decorations representing, Apala- chee-Ohio pottery ----.-..... 180 use of, in modeling and finishing, eastern United States pot- 12s HEBERT aE 50,51, 54, 68, 73 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- UG Day Se pses ee ae eae oes 84 See Decoration; Manufacture; Modeling. Handles, Apalachee-Ohio pottery -- 180,181,182 Catawba method of adding---____.... 54 eastern United States pottery, method of modeling 51 Florida Peninsula pottery _- 27,128, cX TarityiOl 2-9 see eae pee alts} Gulf Coast pottery-. 105,106, LIv, LX11, LXx Troquoian province, rarity of.___..... 162 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 88, 89, 90, 94, VI-VI—, XT, XII, XVIII, XX-XXVIT Ohio Valley pottery . 184-185, CLXITI, CLXIV Northwestern pottery -......-....-... 198, 199, 200, CLXXV, CLXXVI Piedmont Virginia pottery_ 149,150,cxx x11 Potomac-Chesapeake province, ab- sence of _---__-- 151 nodes resembling 157 South Appalachian pottery_-__- 144, CXXIX Harden, William, gift of vases to Bureau of Ethnology by-_-----.--.-_.-- 136 Hariot, Thomas, illustration of pipe and tobacco pouch from----...___- 158 illustration of use of earthen pot in boiling }fromies== 2222-22 eesees 26 on preparation of family food IM CSSO8 2a neue ane nc= eee 136, 11 Hariot, Thomas, tattoo designs from, Po- tomac-Chesapeakeprovince._. 151, CXXXV Harpers Ferry, Md., ware of _-....-_--.-- 150 Harper’s Magazine, illustration of Ver- mont pottery in-_-...-...---..- 169 Harrison, exploration of Iroquoian proy- Ine) DY=2222=- -22n-senaseae=-ee 159 Hatch. See Checker. Hatcher, J. B., collections made by __.... xxiv fleldisworksbyge 222-522 see eee xi Hawk, representations of, Iroquoian DIpes Saess= eee Aaa ae eee 174 See Bird. Hawley, Pa., vessel from_-__-..___--. 166, CXLV Hayden, F. V., on Pawnee villages along Missouri river - 200 pottery collected by __.-_- ! OLX XVII Hazen, W. B., pottery collected by-____-_- 198, CLXXVI Headdresses shown by Ohio Valley figu- TINGS esate ee eae Sees aoe 184 Heads, animal, FloridaPeninsula pottery. 128 Gulf Coast pottery ---.-.--.- 107, LX vit Troquoian pottery ------ 174, CLV, CLVIL Middle Mississippi Valley pottery + 87, 88, VI, XXIIT, XXV, XLVI-L South Appalachian pottery -_.... 137, 141, CXXV, CXXVI bird, Florida Peninsula pottery __.... 123, 128, LXXXIX Gulf Coast pottery- 106, 107,108,114, tyr, LVIII, LIX, LXVIII, LXXIV, LXXIX TIroquoian pottery---_-.----.-- 174, CLYIT Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 88, 95, VI, XX-XXTI, XLVII-L human, Gulf Coast pottery __-.--..- 107, LIx Troquoian pottery -_ ---- 163,172,174, CXLIV, CXLVI, CXLIX, CLIT, CLIT, CLIV, CLVII Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 87, 88, 96-98, Vv, VII, XXVI, XXVII,XXIX-XXXTI,XLIII-L Ohio Valley pottery_-........-.... 185 South Appalachian pottery _______ 138, 140, XVIII, CXIX, CXXIT, CXXIII See Animal; Bird; Life; Man. Heating. See Domestic pottery. Heat power, use of Homp, Indianiuse'of.22-_2- 2---2-=-sheeeee 33 Henderson, J. G., pottery collected by... 188, CLXVI-CLXVII Henshaw, H. W., article on maple sugar making by. s2t2cs --22ossase 02a = 33 Herring-bone designs, Delaware Valley DOLbOLY gee - ss aeae se aanas 177, cLv 111 Ohio Valley pottery --- -- 185,cLxv Northwestern pottery -----.-..... CLXXVII See Decoration. Hewitt, J. N. B., field work by -______.... officetworlk: bys==--=-—=-s—s eee Higday, ——, pottery collected by- Hilder, F. F., office work by _____- se Hill, E. H., pottery collected by ___-_- 133, OXI Hingham, Mass., pottery from --.. 168,179, cLx Historics, definition of --...._......-..-..- xei History, value of pottery in study of. 18,19, 21-22 importance of study of ornament in__ 64 216 INDEX Hochelaga, Iroquoian pottery from siteof 170 | Imputation, origin of practice of_..__...- li-liv Hodge, F. W., office work by .__.....-.... xxiii Incision, decoration by, Apalachee-Ohio Holmes, W.H. Aboriginal pottery of the pottery: ~s a= eee e eee ee 181 eastern United States _______- 1-201, eastern United States pottery... 55, 1I-CLXXVIT 56,65, 66 earlier papers on American pottery Florida Peninsula pottery —_.__._. 118, WY sacaeencotes acces teen 64, 87,9 121-128, LXXXIX, XC, CV, CVI, OX collections made by ..........-.-.-..-. xxiv Gulf Coast pottery................ 106- field work byis- = cacnae eee nee. cee x 14, LXNVI, LAX, LXAXIV, LXXVI, Office works Dy) 3..<-- = -ceenc ace ee cane xvi LUXXVIIM, UXXIX, LAXNII, LXXNI Hopewell mounds, Ohio, builders of ~_... 14 Iroquoian pottery -------....... 160, 161, origin of obsidian implements of. ___- IM 163-164, 166-167, 171-172, CXLIX-CLIT pottery from: =. 2 2-sssce2.55--25 19, CLXXIT Lower Mississippi Valley pottery. 103- Hopi Indians, researches concerning win- 104, plates ter ceremonies of __._..__-_-.-- x-xi Middle Atlantic Coast pottery - 14s, Horizon circle, representation of ____..... 100 151, ONXNIL Horn, Indian manufacture of vessels and Middle Mississippi Valley pottery_ 86, mines of: ----e soe oesns te ee 25,172 88-92, 97-98, 100, plates Hot Springs, manufacture of salt near, by New Jersey-New England pot- NG TANS Se oes oe cn ere 28 177,179, plates Hourglass, objects resembling, Florida Northwestern pottery -_-- - 189, mortuary pottery —_........ 124, xXev 197, 198, CLXVIIT House sites, occurrence of pottery on ____ 2 Ohio Valley pottery ......... 185, plates See Occurrence. South Appalachian pottery 13, Houses, use of clay implements in build- ing, eastern United States ___. Xs use of clay in building, eastern United SHEDS scesse ee seca see See ea 37 Hudson bay, extension of Iroquois influ- ONO UO: reese te sn ee ees 158-159 Hudson collection of basketry, acquisition OP eats eee eee ene x StU Ota naoe oon coe oan oe xvi-xvii Human. See Head; Man. Humpback. See Hunchback. Hunchback figures, East Tennessee, ab- RENCG OF =~ == =o seo 180 Gulf Coast pottery 10S, LUX vai Middle Mississippi Valley pottery.... 87, 96, XXVI, XLV Hunter, H. C., acknowledgements to -___. li Hunter, John D., on Osage pottery mak- Ne a a ee ee ee eee ee os on Osage sugar making --__...-......- 3 on use of baskets as molds, eastern United States_-_............-... 69 on use of wooden molds, eastern United States... ................ 7 Huntingtons, finding of fiber-tempered NY ERIC ON te eee Idaho, office work on material from _____. ix Idealism, nature and origin of —___.... elxxxv- elxxxviii Ideography. See Symbolism. Nlinois, abundance of pottery in parts of. ceramic complications in character of pottery of. _.... occurrence of salt-making vessels in. motteny: Gf- 250 52 e- cos ee tone eee 192,193, 1M, cLxvi- PIU, CLXX resemblance of Upper Missouri Valley pottery to that of__ 201 Tustrations, source of ~~ _---..-. 2.22... 16 Images. See Figurines. Imagination, See Fancy. Implements. See Modeling tools; Tools. Imputation, definition of -___.--...- lijelxniii | | 199, 140, 144, OXX, CXNXT, OXXIX imitation of textile impressions by... 79,80 tools used 'for=s- <<. nee ena OS, OG See Paddles; Stamps. | Incorporation, physical and social, differ- ences between Indenting, decoration by, Florida Penin- sula pottery. _ 118,122,126, 127,c1-crv TIroquoian pottery 168, 164 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery 149, 151, 155, CXXNXI Middle Mississippi Valley pottery _.__ s New Jersey-New England pot- Ono ses eee 176, 177, 178, 179, cLx Northwestern pottery. .-.....-... 189, 198, 199, CLX.VIIT tools used fon - 352. 5-55 ene 52 | See Decoration; Paddles; Punch; Punctures; Stamps. - Indiana, ceramic complications in________ 146 character of pottery of ...........__-- 186 occurrence of salt-making vessels in - 28 pottery) Of. cos... on 96, 188, 191, XXVIT Indian Congress, Omaha exposition, in- stallation and conduct of-____. xi DIAM TON ee een eee eee xvi Indian physiognomy, absence of, in death’s head vases-_-___---....- 97 Indian Territory, fleld work in_____~._... ix, xi oftice work on material from____._..- ix Indian tribes, cyclopedia of, work on .__. xxiv Individuality in pottery <<=~ 28,19;21, 23 Industrial culture, evolution of CXXV Industrial uses of pottery among Ameri- ~ | can aborigines. -_........--..-- 24-35 See Domestic uses; Modeling tools; Tools; Uses. Industries, classification of_ Industry, definition of ~.............-. Inheritance, influence of, on form of pot- | EN GAS Se a Se Se 61 Inlaying, pottery decoration by, eastern United States__................ 2,67 ee SS eee errrr—tsts—”t—Cs—sS—=< INDEX ; Polit Inlaying, pottery decoration by, South Appalachian province -_...... 181 Intaglio ornamentation, eastern United States o-< cco aas-asccc ene anne 52, 66, 88 See Cords; Fabrics; Fingers; Finger nails; Incision; Indenting; Paddles; Punctures; Stamps; Stipple; Textiles; Trailing. Institution, definition of term —_....__.... lix Instruction, characterization of agencies OLs- Soceccenecssssansteoes exeyv-exevil subject-matter of_...---...---- elxxi-elxxii International Congress of Anthropology, 1893, papers by F. H. Cushing im Memoirs OL-----5s-s--.---- 159-161 Investing corporations, purposes of -___- Ixxiii Investment, use of capital for ........___. lxx Iowa, character of pottery of---------__-- 186 office work on material from. pottery of ....... 188,192,193, cLXXI, CLXXV Ipswich, Mass., occurrence of Troquoian pottery at: -. .-2522-52-22--2-5-2 168 Tron oxides, use of, as paints, by eastern United States potters -_....... 86 Iron pyrite, use of, as tempering mate- rial, eastern United States pot- TOUV ios cece mane reac sc eee 48 Tron tools, occurrence of, in Georgia mound ._.. 139 Tron vessels, substitution of, for pottery, eastern United States. ...._... 58 Troquoian material, linguistic and mytho- logichetudyiof=----s----s2---4- xx [roquolanitnibest<2-+2-s2-2-=-5-2----0----- 159 creation myths of, work on______----- xxi manufacture of pottery by ----.-----. 160 partial occupation of South Appa- lachian province by --------.-- 181 representation of, in South Appa- lachian pottery -..------------- 142 study of language and myths of__.__. xi See Cherokee; Troquois. Troquoian pottery, area covered by -.-..- 21 blending of, with Algonquian, New Jersey-New England region... 175 chronology of 162 color of .-.--.. coo decoration of -- 162-164, 168, OXLIX-CLIT Gisntribmilomiote---sce ee noe e es 160, IV examples of......--..- 164-175, CXLITI-CLVI LOLM Of eee oe acas erie ee ee eee ean 162 general characters of ........-..------ materials and manufacture of _- occurrence of, in West Virginia--.... 150 on tributaries of Ohio. .-.......... 183 pipes - z . 45,172-175, CLIV-CLVIT reported occurrence of,in Alabama... 105 resemblance of Middle Atlantic Coast OLLELY. 10 eseeqse eee ee enen= 149, 157 resemblance of New Jersey-New Eng- land pottery to -.----.------- 175, 179 resemblance of Northwestern pottery Cy eames 196, 197, 198 size of _- uses of _- ae Troquoian province, exotics in__--- 167, CXLVIL pottery. of_..--.-..... 158-175, CXLITI-CLVII Iroquois, habitatof ~............ 150-160, 167-168 high rank of, as pipe makers -..__..-- 1i2 leseneicl the=---s.s>-cacos eee eeaee 158-159 Troquoian tribes not connected Wathen ope tan saene aoe neta sae 165 union of Tuscaroras with ......- ne vases from land sold to Susquehanna company by-..--..-..-.... 166, OXLVI See Iroquoian. Jackson county, N. C., Cherokee use of CIA ALYOU sawn geeeiens nee ease 58 James viver valley, character of pottery (eee eer ee 148,149 occurrence of Southwestern ware in. 148 Jefferson county, Mo., pottery from. ___- 89 Jones, ©. C., acknowledgments to__..-__- 16 on pottery decoration by inlaying---- 67 on South Appalachian burial pottery. 133 on South Appalachian decoration... 181 Jones, Joseph, on sacrificial basin in Ten- TIESH OS eee epee asian anes a 36 on use of trowel-like implements. .__- 36 work on Middle Mississippi Valley DOLLOI VED Yc eeeeaaicon sapere 87 Jones mound, N.C.,modern yvesselafrom. 144 Journal of American Folklore, paper in, on survivals of ancient Indian Sym DoUsIn see. n-ne eeee aes 101 Joutel, Henri, on Indian sugar making -. BL on pottery drums of southern In- GiANB een. ostosesan ae ese avee eae BA Justice, corporations for advancement 0) hee See ae CCE Ae Rae Ixxvi Clements of 2222 se2e oS aacecon nen snnae Ixxix princinlesiofes=--s—=sss=e=aass Ixxix-Ixxxiv Kalm, Peter, on pottery making in east- ern United States .....-.....-- 59-60 Kansas City Review, article on salt-mak-, ingipottery 10) ses----ceeeeo ence B1 Katalsta, a Cherokee potter -.....-...---- 56 Katilsta, Ewi, a Cherokee potter —..._._. 56 Kellog, D. S., vessel obtained by... 167, oxLvi1 Kennebec river, abundance of pottery OU ein ae eae ae eee 173 Kent Scientific Institute, lobed vases OWMEGID Yeon eee rerenacs oe LUT, Kentucky, abundance of pottery in parts Oe te tee aoe entree 80 eastern, character of pottery of-..... 149 extension of Miami Valley ware into. 184 occurrence of earthenware spools in. 44 MOLLOLVOlte- semen eens 43, 44,98, XXX1V Kern, John, vessel obtained by...... 166, OXLYV Kilns, reported occurrence of, eastern United States.....-..--...-.... 54 middle Mississippi valley ........- R4 South Appalachian province -___- 131 Kimmswick, Mo., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels.at ......:-.--.------ 28,20 King William county, Va., modern pot- tery of .-_-- SE Ey ree ER 1i2 Kinney, Thomas W., photographs of earthenware spools furnished LOR et PE eho OP ee 44 Kiowa Indians, aid by, in Indian con- Pe eee ache eee en Eee xi tribalicustoms'of_..--..-----.-<-..-..- xix 218 Kitchen midden sites, varieties of ware found on, Gulf Coast group -. 104 See Occurrence. Kiva worship, ceremonies of ___-.-._---.. control! of 5-2-5220 <5 sceneaenisceceaee== Knife, metal, occurrence of, in Georgia mMOUnNd) set- ce coS-t aa neeees eee 139 use of, in carving stamp-paddles, east- eix ern United States ---....-....- 134 in pottery making, eastern United Statesi3 eee a te ee 54, 56 Knox county, Ind., occurrence of salt- making vessels in -__...._----- 28 Knox county, Tenn., occurrence of salt- making vessels in___...-.-.---- 28,31 | Knoxville, Tenn., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels near_-_-------------- 28 | Labrets, clay, occurrence of, eastern | United States_-...-.-.---.-- 25, 43, 83 badd, Gal. onireality == -=--2------ elxxxviii Ladles, Gulf Coast group ---. 106,109,110, LX x1 Lafitau, J. F., illustrations of uses of earthen vessels from_--------- 26, 32 on earthenware drums among Ito- (0 he Co) (: Yee ee ae eee re 34 on Indian sugar making ---.--.--.---- 32-33 Laidlaw brothers, Iroquoian pottery col- lectediby: 2-2-2225 esescceeceee, 17 Lake Champlain, occurrence of Iroquoian pottery near! =—=--6 = =aee 168 Lake Erieregion, Iroquoian occupationof 169 occurrence of Iroquoian pottery in-. 171 Lake George, occurrence of Troquoian pottery; Nesr 2-6 - sa -- nana 168 | Lake Huron region, Iroquoian occupa- tion) of ses-2222-2=5 c 2a, e169) Troquoian pottery from__- 171, oxLyviit DIDCSiOL eee =s eeees ane re ee eee ee eee 173 Lake Michigan region, pottery from _... 196, CLXXII, CLXXTII resemblance of Canadian pottery to thatiofensosso.s2-- Rees ena es 171 resemblance of Piedmont Virginia WALlO tO oowesetene nae eee 149-150 Lake Nipigon, pottery from---_......... 197-198 Lake Ontario region, Iroquoian oceupa- tion Ofte a ee ee 159, 169 Lake township, Pa., vessel from _--_ 166,cxLV Lake Washington, Miss., publication of illustrations of pottery from_ 103 Lamps, absence of, Middls Mississippi Valley pottery =---2---5-—-- 82 Lancaster, Pa., massacre of Conestogas 165 Language, emotional, evolution of.. exl-exliy gesture, evolution of-__---.------ elxiv-clxy logistic, evolution of ____---.---- elxix-clxx oral, evolution of ____--- . exliy-elxiv written, evolution of __.._______ clxv-clxix Languages, evolution and integration Of Si sac rae soe Sa ceaenee elxiii-clxiv Laporte, Ind., pottery from ---...---.---- 191 Lathe. See Wheel. haw, detinitionof = 2 seo. eecee em ectemeccene) LK Lawson, John, on pipe making in the Car- C0} hk 0: Panetta Sas ene are ee re 140 on use of earthen drums by Carolina Indians ’22¢. sss22c- sas ae 35 INDEX Leclereq, Christian, on Iroquoian occu- pation of New England --.-... 167 Legs, eastern United States pottery, man- ner of modeling, ---+---.-_.-..- 51 TeCentNess Ole = 2. saae ae ee 62 Troquoian province, absence of__----. 162 Middle Atlantic province, absence of 145, 151 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery... 93, VI, XVI, XVII, XX, XXII, XXV See Bases. Lenoir county, N.C., pottery from, show- ing fabric impressions -..-_ 70,72-73 | Lenoir mounds, Caldwell county, N. C., mingling of wares in _-_-..___-- 147 pottery, fromys <2) sean nee eee 144, CXXIX Le Page du Pratz. See Du Pratz. Lewis county, Ky., occurrence of earth- enlware:spools)in.2-- = esas 44 Lexicology, definition of-....-...--.---- exlviii differentiation of, from other sciences ofilanguazels- === == 159 on savagery and barbarism Morton, Thomas, on New England pots... 179 tOVy -=25=8 2505-5 cee ee 124 Mortuary pottery, eastern United States_ 23-24, 25, 33, 37-42 Ploridaipeninswlass=2--2coss--- eee 116, 119-120, 124-125, xcI-C Gecoration of 2-222 8---2ccne eee 123 possible analogues of elsewhere. 124 Gulficoast-<--4¢2 5 2) 23 o- 104, 106, 108, 109, 110,111,112, Lx11, LX vi, LXX, LXXV, LXXVIII, LXxXIx middle Mississippi valley - 83 89, 95-98, 99, 101, X, XXIX-XXXII, XLIII New Jersey-New England province, rarity Of: 2. -° 22s -2ss eee 175 Northwestern province-__-.. 196,192, CLXx1I piedmont Virginia----......-.- 150, COXXXIV Potomac-Chesapeake region, absence South Appalachian province -___----- 131, 132-133, 136, CX1T, CX VI perforation of <-2ess-a==-s see eee 106, 109,119, LXVI, LXX,LXXVIII See Burial; Uses. Motives, classification of --....------------ Xxx in primitive decoration --_---.-_------ 64-65 See Decoration. Mound builders, early ideas concerning - 22 of Ohio, identity of-.-...-..-..---..- 183, 194 Mound building, post-Columbian contin- mance. ofa -..- 22 Sates enone 120 Mounds, character of pottery of, Florida peninsula __ Be ili Gulficoast--—--2----------< 104, 106 middle Mississippi valley -- iz 82 occurrence of European waresin 120,130 See Occurrence; Shell heaps. | Mountain lion, figure possibly represent- ing, Miami Valley ware__ 185, cLXTII Mount Royal, Fla., finding of mortuary pottery.at) 9-2 ee 124 Mouths, eastern United States pottery -- 62 Florida Peninsula pottery-_ 127, cl, cv, cx Gulf Coastipottery 280 2-ss2s2-e2-—-8- LIV Troquoian pottery --.--------- 160-161, CXLV Middle Atlantic Coast pottery... 151,cxxx Middle Mississippi Valley pottery-.-. v-v11 northermpotteryi-- == == ==-e-see nee 187 See Forms; Rims. Mulberry mound, Florida, finding of fiber- tempered ware in __-....------ 122 Miiller, Max, on qualities and properties. clviii Muscular power, use of -___-__- foe xi Music, primitive, religious motive of _-._ cxxx Museo Nacional, Mexico, terra cotta headstin2<_ 6-3 sao 98 Mush, dried, occurrence of, in Mandan ViGSSOlis =the ee enone eae 199 Mushroom-shaped objects. See Stopper- like objects; Tools. Musical instruments, pottery, eastern United States_-....- Muskhogean peoples, connection of, with Florida pottery _—---....---.---- 115 with Gulf Coast pottery --.-.-..-- 105 ——- INDEX Muskhogean peoples, connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pot- tery 102 with South Appalachian pottery 142,143 oceupation of South Appalachian provinceiby_----=2----ss-eee- 21, 22,167, CXLV1I reported occurrence of, in Ala- Ibamia 85-2 285 eases eee oo 105 relation of, to ware of North- WOStseese on ae to ee eee eae 194, 196 resemblance of New Jersey-New England ware to ---------....- 175 New York bay, pottery of--._....__.- 178, cLIx resemblance of pottery of, to that of Norfolkeitee. 2-2 cca 176 Nicaragua, character of pottery of __.... 20 Nicholas county, Ky., occurrence of earthenware spools in ________ 44 | Nodes, decoration by, Apalachee-Ohio pO btery: 32 s22s-5 2-225 aseeeee nae 182 eastern United States pottery ____ 66 Florida Peninsula pottery___ 118,126, cr Troquoian pottery -.-....-.....---- 167 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery_... 153 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 86, 88, 89, VIII, IX, XI, XIX 224 Nodes, decoration by, New Jersey-New England pottery _____--- li7, cLv1it Northwestern pottery -_________-- 189, 193, 201, CLXVI-CLXVIII, CLXXI Ohio Valley pottery -_---_-_- 185, CLXTII South Appalachian pottery--_--.- 137, 139, CXIV, CXX Noel cemetery, Tennessee, clay figurine EON ees eee one eee ee 41 Norfolk ware, resemblance of, to that of New Mork bays .n.---s52--25 176 Norris, P. W., pottery collected by -__--- 201 North, pottery of, area covered by__-__--- 145, 147-148, 186-187 character of _-_.--..---- 20,22-23, 145, 187 geographic grouping of _________ oo tli, OPiginiot. 2 L8s_2-S2est een ee 68 North Carolina, association of South Ap- palachian with exotic pottery 2 a Se a ee oe 137 character of pottery of _- 144, 147 coastward extension of South Appa- lachian pottery in ----.-.---.-. 139 former residence of Tuscarorasin_... 142 modern pottery making in______-- 53-56, 142 occurrence of Middle Atlantic Coast pottery in__- peewee IEYES} occurrence of pottery resembling that of East Tennessee in -_---.___- 182 occurrence of stamped ware in____. 122,135 | present Indian occupation of ____.___. 1438 potteryOfssse= sa) sonnet eee NOs ie tons. 148-149, CXXIX, CXKXX-CXXXITI resemblance of Delaware Valley pot- tery toxthatotiessss esas saee a liz resemblance of Potomac-Chesapeake pottery to that of__..---.__.... use of steatite as tempering in vessels from) 2222-2222 22525 Seer 47-48 North Dakota, pottery from_______ 198, CLXXV Northeast, character of tobacco pipes 98 Northwest, area covered by pottery of. 21,187 occurrence of decoration characteris- tic of, in New Jersey-New (0) Sa ee Sa ea ee ee ee Hnglandiareaje---ss---eesce- 25 176 modern pottery making by Indians Off sof ess oe ee ee eee 58 pottery of --._--__- 186-201, CLXVI-CLXX VII relation of pottery of, to eastern pot- DY ah ee ee Se ee 146-147, 179 relation of Hopewell mounds pottery to thatiot=-. -222 5 S-eese- 55-2 195 resemblance of Canadian pottery to thatiot 22-22 2-225 Se cee 171 resemblance of New York pottery to bhatiol(= = sere ek 167 resemblance of Piedmont Virginia pottery to that of _.._.__.... 149-150 use of roulette in -...--..-____.... 79, 189-190 Nose ot death’s head vases_________.___._. 97,98 Notches, decoration by, Apalachee-Ohio pottery 181 Florida Peninsula pottery -_..___- 118 | Troquoian pottery .-....-..-.---..- 163 Nova Scotia, abundance of potteryin_... 179 extension of Iroquois influence to-_.. 158 | INDEX Number of relics studied, importance of, in ethnic determinations ______ 19 Numbers, development of language of__ clxix Nurture, as an agency of instruction ____ exeyv Oak bark, use of, in firing, by Catawba potters: soto se esse ee see 54 Obsidian implements in Hopewell mounds, origin of -____________ 194 Occurrence, eastern United States pot- tery s225". =e) = eee ee 34 Potomac-Chesapeake province, forms of tobacco pipes found in ________ 45 occurrence of pottery in, resembling that of Yadkin Valley, N. C_ 145,148 mpotteryxOf------ 22-5225 150-157, CXXX-CXLII MelaGOns Ol 2-2-2, ae ee ee 147 resemblance of New Jersey-New Eng- land pottery to that of______ See Middle Atlantic. Potomac creek, pottery of __...____ 154-156, CXL resemblance of District of Columbia pottery to that of --_..__..___. 156 Potomac yalley, occurrence of Iroquoian WaTOLN cot Aer 8 one 2 See ee 164 See Potomac-Chesapeake; Middle At- lantic. = ( Potsherds, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery 46 See Sherds. Pots, earthen, use of, as drums__...______ 34 use of, for burial purposes ---- 38-39 Florida peninsula, rarity of __ =aed 118 Gulf Coast group_.______ 195,108, Liv, Lx11t Middle Atlantic province, preponder- 148,149, 151 Middle Mississippi Valley group_ 89, x1, XIT New Jersey-New England province, preponderance of_____.________ 175 Northwestern province, preponder- BNCOVOL noses a see. oe eae ee 187 Ohio Valley province, prevalence of__ 184 South Appalachian province, oceur- TONCE|Ofos ess se sere eee 151, 132 use of, in burial__.______. 132-133, CX1T Potter, vase representing_______._________ 96 Pottery,aboriginal American ___.._______ 19-21 characterization of paper on_ xxvi-xxvii development of art of.__......___....- 49 importance of, in study of man and higshistoryeee sees seen eee 18-19 Pueblo, memoir on, in preparation... xiii shortcomings of, in study of the his- tory of peoples _______.____. 19, 21-22 of eastern United States, chronology OLER ee ee eee eee te ee color/of-=:_-2-_- decoration of LOIS Of eee Nee ee I GI=63 functional grouping of - -- 2445 geographic grouping of - -- 20-23 ZLOUDS OL ee - 80-201 Manutachire Ol==—ee- eee 48-60 materials used in___....___________ 45-48 OCCUITONCE Olan aes ane ne eee 23-24 quantitative distribution of ______ 25 TANGO! OL Se aece seek ee eee 2. size of specimens of use and imitation of textil manufacture of _______ Pottowomeck village, location of ____ > Powell, J. W., administrative report by_ viii- XXV classification of Creek Indians by __._ 130 fleldiworkiby=ss--5 eo eee a xi office work by __-_ xii, xiii-xiy, xvii, xx, xxi Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression ___ exxxix— clxx Sociology, or the science of institu- HONS seme seas Sao eee lix-exxxviii Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruction. clxxi- exevii Technology, or the science of indus- Lriesi=es se 2iee --- Xxix-lvii Powhatan confederacy, connection of, with Potomac-Chesapeake WaAl@ lanes ieee cee eee 150 Prehistoric development, value of pot- tery in study of__....._____. 18,19, 20 Prescott, Ontario. Iroquoian pottery foundinear==ss=s peers aes ane 170 Present. See Modern. 228 “Preservation of Middle Mississippi Valley DOLCEI ier eee oe eee eee 82 Progress, human, value of pottery in study, of--2-422212--22-=-22-- 18,19, 20 | Property, consumption of _._ ____-.------ Ixxi creationiof! ss = nae Ixviiitxix distribution\op ]-2--.=-s=s—s= lxix-Ixx Mature Off: 2222-22 asec een of Bureau, additions to -..-...... xxiy-xxv Publication, as an agency of instruc- exevi-exevil excix—cexxiv Publications of Bureay, list of _- editorial work on Pueblo Indians, character of pottery of _- decorative designs on pottery of -_--- frequency of shoe shape in pottery of. 182 influence of art of, on Lower Missis- sippi Valley pottery memoir on pottery of, in prepara- tion range of form of pottery of possible derivation of eastern color decoration frome=-------------= b practice of potter’s art by use of basket by, in modeling and molding pottery ---.---------.-- _ 69 vase suggesting owl vases of _--... 95, XXII Punch stamp, use of, Iroquoian pot- TT Vg te eee See ee 161 Northwestern potter : 188 See Indenting; Punctures; Stamps. Punctures, decoration by, Iroquoian pot- Lenny Ross Seen ean 163 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery... 151 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery- 88,89 Northwestern pottery ---.-------- 197 See Indenting; Stipple. Putnam, F. W., accounts of Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery by ---- 87 mortuary figurines obtained by_. 41-42,183 on figurines found by him near Cin- CinnatinOhionssse--—aasen eee ot pottery collected by ----------- 168,179, cLx Pyrite. See Iron pyrite. Quadrupeds. See Animals. Quantities of pottery found in regions of eastern United States___-__.-- 23 Quartz, use of, as tempering material, Middle Mississippi Valley pot- OLY se- 22 ee a ee ee 83 Potomac-Chesapeake pottery. 151 South Appalachian pottery... 138 in inlaying eastern United States DOLLOP yee oe ene eee 52 See Materials; Rock; Silicious. Quebec province, Canada, Iroquoian pot- tery. frome saee2 ena 170 Quern, development of -_-..-.------_--.-- xv Races. See Peoples. Rage, showing the teeth as a sign of____- exliii Rain, representation of, by eastern United States Indians -__._._.- Range of American pottery of eastern United States pottery of Middle Mississippi Valley pottery - INDEX Rattles, gourd, use of, by southern In- Gians= 22s. 22sec casas ee pottery, occurrence of, middle Missis- sippi valley use of, in Mexico and Central and South America -...--.-----=-- use of pottery vases as __-------.------ Rattlesnakes, representations of, Gulf Coast pottery ---.---.------ 107, LVII Middle Mississippi Valley pottery - 91 South Appalachian pottery .___--. 138, OXVII, CXIX Rau, Charles, vase of which engraving was published by -------- 137, CXvIT Raven, representations of, Iroquoian RR & F | Recent. . See Modern. Records, absence of use of pottery for, by American aborigines -_-__-_---- of methods of manufacture, eastern United States pottery -__------ of pottery making in the Florida penin- stile 2 eee et eee Red river, abundance of pottery along -- | pottery foundion = -ss=- sees =ae | Red river of the North, pottery of valley | Of2 2) 2o Ree ee ae eae 187, 194 Reed, use of, in ornamentation, eastern United States pottery _-------- Northwestern pottery -.-.-------- Regimentation, discussion of -__---- Relieved decoration, Apalachee-Ohio pottery -__-- we seacse === 1804182, eastern United States pottery Florida Peninsula pottery 23 103 193 124, XCI-XCVIIT Gulf Coast pottery --.----..----- 106, 107, 108, LVI, LVIII, LIX, LXVIII, LXXIII, LXXIV, LXXVII, LXXVIITA-LXXIXB relation of, to engraved designs .. 114 (roquoian’ pottery, -2-2----¢-2- -- 2-52 162-163, 171-172, CLIX, CLIT, CLIIT pipes. i= ..32=222se=2se2- 173, CLIV-CLVI1 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery--. 85-86, 88, 89, V-XXIT Northwestern pottery -_----- eneee CLXVII, CLXX, CLXXV, CLXXVI Ohio Valley pottery .---------..---.- 184-185 CLXUI, CLX1IV South Appalachian pottery ---------- 141, 144, CX VIII, CXXIV-CXXVI, CXXIX See also Fillets; Forms; Handles; Life forms; Modeling; Nodes; Ridges. Religion, development of ------ exxxili-cxxxvii elements of, in gentile tribes --.-.---- cix influence of, on pottery ----.------- 62, 64, 65 smoking:in®. 2220 S25 5-2-2 ase - 22-26 44 value of pottery in study of —_..------ 19 See Ceremonial uses; Mortuary pot- tery; Mythology. Reptiles, representations of, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley pottery --- 85 Significancelofsas-----—ses— 2 oes 100 See Serpents; Turtle. Republickism as a form of government, development of--_----.- exviii-cxxiv INDEX Research as an agency of instruction .. exevii Revere, Mass., pottery from ----.--.-- 179, cLX Revolutionary times, making of pipes by Troquois in 173 Revolving devices\--=-5----=-------------0- 50 See Wheel. Reynolds, H. L., mound exploration in Georgiaibyss ssse- 2 =e eae 137 on association of materials in Georgia MOUNGhacce. esos ease e-s= 139 Rhode Island, character of ware of ------ 78 Ribs. See Fillets; Ridges. Richmond county, Ga., intermingling of wares in mound in --____------ 137 Ridges, decoration by, Florida Peninsular potbery: ==" 2s. 22-=2-2-—22-2- 118 Gulf Coast pottery---- 108, LXIII, LXXII Troquoian pottery--- 161, 162,163, CXLI11 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 86, 88,89, VI, XI, XIII, XVII Ohio Valley pottery --------- 185, CLXII1 Ridgway, John L., acknowledgments to- v1 Rims, eastern United States pottery.. 27,61, 62 Florida Peninsula pottery -_---.-.------ 118, 121, 126, LXXIX, LXXXVIII, CI, CX Gulf Coast pottery _-------.-------- 107,108, | 111, 112-113, Liv, LXVII, LXX, LXXVI ornamentation of 105 Troquoian pottery 160, 161, 166, CXLIII-CXLVI, CXLVIII ornamentation of----.------------- 162, 163, 172, CXLIX-CLIII Middle Atlantic Coast pottery ----- 149, 150, 151, 154, 156, CXXVII, CXxx, CXXXIIT, CXXXIV, CXL, CXLI Middle Mississippi Valley pottery.... 88, 89, V-XIII Northwestern pottery- ---- 192, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, CLXXIV, CLXXVY, CLXXVII New Jersey-New England pottery... 168, 175, 176,179, cLv11I-cLx Northern pobvenyj= see see eee ee 187 Ohio Valley pottery ----- 185, CLX11, CLXTI1 Pamunkey pottery ----.------- 152, CXXXVI South Appalachian pottery --_--.--_--- 131 ornamentation of__ 136,140, Xv, CXxXTIT See Decoration; Forms; Mouths. ling bases. See Bases. Rio Brazos. See Brazos river. Rio Colorado. See Colorado river. Riverton, Md., pottery of-.-_-_-.-----.--.. 157 Roanoke province, picture of pipe and to- bacco pouch of historic tribes Of) st 5 2S eee cence 158 Robertson, R. §., on salt-making vessels. 30-31 Rock, pulverized, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery --.----.- 46, 47,59, 60 Iroquoian pottery-_---- 161 Northern pottery ------ 187 Northwestern pottery 199 See Materials; Quartz; Silicious; Steatite. Rocking tools. See Roulette. Romney, W. Va., character of pottery of. 150 design from vase from--_--_----- 171, cXLIXx MEDIPOS Ole ons acco sso s-ao ane 173 229 Romney, W. Va., pottery of-.-.--.- 164, CXLIIT Rosewater, Edward, plan for Indian con- gressat Omaha formulated by- Ross county, Ohio, occurrence of earth- enware spools in__._...-_------ 44 pottery from.- 184,193, CcLXI, CLXIX, CLXXII Roulette, use of, in finishing and decorat- ing, eastern United States potterye=c. sce s-=-222 51,52, 73-77, 79 Troquoian pottery ------------- 161, 164, 167, CXLVIL MiddleAtlantic Coastpottery. 149, 153-154, 155-156, 157, CX XXII, CXXXIV, CXXXVIII, CXL pipes sete o = sen 158, CXLII New Jersey-New England pot- LOD Yue ease eee 176,179, CLIX Northwestern pottery - 188-195, 196-197, 201, CLXV1I-CLXXVII xvi Ohio Valley pottery----- 185, CLXIV use of tinger nail as, middle Atlantic COaSt---225-22--2=2=255--= 149, CXXXI Royce, Josiah, on idealism-_-_._..-.---- exc-exci Rubbing tools. See Stones; Tools. Rush baskets, use of, as molds for east- ern United States pottery. _--- 58 See Baskets. Sacerdotal. See Ceremonial; Mortuary; Mythology; Religion. Sacks. See Fabrics. Sacramento valley, California, field work phe > Fee Seer es keen ae Ss x Sacrifice. See Ceremonial; Mortuary. : Sacrificial basins, use of baked clay yes- sols as, eastern United States. 36-37 St Andrews bay, Fla., pottery from __-_-- 112, LXXIX-LXXIX B Ste Genevieve, Mo., occurrence of salt- making vessels at_----_-----.-- 28,29 St Francis river region, quality of pot- tery of 102 resemblance of Lower Mississippi Val- ley pottery to that of__.._._- 103-104 St Johns river, Fla.,midden ware of _._ 120-122, LXXXIV mortuary ware of --_--.--.--- 124-125, XCI-C painted ware of 125, XCIX, C paste used for pottery of__...-..-....- ab WG Pipes LOUNG! ONE Hanns nanan een nen Le range of pottery of_-- stamped ware of ____- it St Lawrence basin, practice of potter's art in, at coming of Freneh.-_ 160 Troquoian occupation of ___...---.---- 169 defeat of Indians of, by Iroquois-__--- 167 St Louis, Mo., occurrence of salt-making Wessels ean 2225s esos a eae 28 salt-making vessels in museum at___-_ 29 St Louis county, Mo., salt-making vessels PROM eer 8 el aves sens eesseces=s 31 St Louis Historical Society, pottery in museum Of. == -22=222-25-5=-2-= 193 St Tammany parish, La., bowl made by Choctawslatiees=----2s-22= ase 102 Salem, Mass., Iroquoian pottery from_.. 168 Saline creek, Mo., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels'on'--=-..\-=-22.------ 31 230 Saline river, Ill., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels on : 28 Saline springs, occurrence of pottery Near’ oP es eeet oeeesa eae 23, 27-31 Sally Wahuhu, pottery making by ------ 53-55 Salt lake. See Great Salt lake. Salt Lake City, pottery from site of ___._- 201 Salt making, pottery used for, in the east- ern United States .--._..... 24, 27-31 in the middle Mississippi valley -- 83 in the Ohio valley_- 186 Salt making vessels, size of .....-.-------- 60, 88 specimen of, showing fabric impres- SIONS: 5-222 Sass s2- ee eee = ee 70, 73 tempering of 83 use of clay molds in manufacture of -_- 7 Sand, form of vesselsintended to rest on- 61 mixture of, with clay, to make plaster andicement a2. -s.sssse = 37 use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery -___-_- 46, 47,53, 59, 60 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery. 148, 151, 155,179 Northwestern pottery -- 193,199,200 South Appalachian pottery-.. 138 See Materials; Quartz; Rock; Silicious. Sand mounds, Florida peninsula, burial in = 119 pottery of_____-_- 127, cvir Gulf coast, pottery of --=--=--=-------- 107 San Juan. See St Johns. San Marco, Fla., character of pottery col- lected at --- 127-128 ideas as to origin of stamp decoration suggested by work at --------- 123 occurrence of pottery animal heads At_sntswaeeess2 See, 1b) Savagery, discussion of . xci-civ government in -- . xci-civ methods for securing happiness de- vised)in. 2223-22 5-2.--= CXXVili-cxxx | pottery making during --------------- 24 socletiestin< =2-<-2¢ == <= 8 eee ev Savannah river valley, intermingling of WSDCS Miss neces oee samen 137-139 pottery Of o- =. -.ee eee 131,134, xvi resemblance of Northwestern pottery to that of -- 189 tribes formerly dwelling in 142 Sawdust, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery - 46 Seales, representation of, Middle Missis- sippi Valley pottery ---..-.....- 88 Seallop, rim decoration by, Gulf Coast pottery... =--====2---- 108, LX VI, LXX Florida Peninsula pottery -- - 8 Troquoian pottery ---------- -- CLVI Middle Atlantic Coast pottery_--_ 151, 157, CXLI Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 88, viii, 1x New Jersey-New England pot- PONY) 22 025e soso sae sane one. See Mouths; Rims. Scarifying. See Comb: Finish. INDEX Schooleraft, H. R., exploration of Iro- quoian province by-_--...---... 159 illustration of suspension of earthen pot over fire, from _---..-.---- 27 on Indian salt-making vessels _________ 28-29 Schools, organization of, as corporations for expression ____--.. ]xxvi-lxxviii Science, origin of excii-cexciv Scioto county, Ohio, occurrence of earth- enware spools in-___...._-._____ 44 Scott county, Iowa, pottery from 193 Scrapers, See Combs; Tools. Scroll, absence of, Iroquoian pottery -... 163 Northern pottery --.----.---------- 145 culture status indicated by use of... 122 presence of life idea in __..._-.....__.- 113 significance of ==) LOD} use of, in decoration, eastern Unite States pottery --.....-.-.-. 67 northward extension of. 144 Florida Peninsula pottery... 122, 128, LXXVII, CIV, CX Gulf Coast pottery ------.-- 106, 108, LIV, LXIV, LXX, LXXIx, LXXIX B, LXXXT, LXXXIT Lower Mississippi Valley pot- tery. Sa 102, 103, LI-L111r Middle Mississippi Valley pot- sess 86, 90, 92, 93, 100, x1v, XVII, X XXIII, XXXVII, XXXVIII Northwestern pottery. 199, CcLXXVI Ohio Valley pottery -- 185-186, cLXV South Appalachian pottery. 137, 139, 140, CXIV, CXVII, CXIX, CXX, CXVI See Decoration; Guilloche; Volute. Sedentation, effect of,on development of antec e= se 22-23 Sellers, George E., on salt-making ves- Sels'. 222: So. S25 2 Soo Seese cesses, BOyOU. on use of core-like clay molds in pot- tery manufacture-_....._....- 71 Sematology, definition of the science of. clvii- elxiii evolution(Ofesss2e--sa==sss =e elvii-clxiii “Seminole,” Catawban ware labeled.-.. 143 Seminole Indians, present habitat of ~~... 115 recent practice of potter’s art by ---. 130 Seri Indians, researches concerning --...- xxiv Serpentine, use of,as tempering-----..... 59 See Steatite. Serpents, representations of, Gulf Coast pottery == == =22-- === -6 107,114, Lw1t Troquoian pipes --------- 174, CLV, CLVIT Middle Mississippi Valley pot- MCT Ame poe mn ene ose 91 South Appalachian pottery -...... 188, 140, CXVIII-CXX Severn, European ware from site of WTOCKIOL- fore cere eee en 130 Sevier county, Tenn., vessel from -_------ 181 Shaman, use of term -------...------------ li Shamans, medical treatment by - --------- lii picture writing devised by---------- CLXVI religious ceremonies controlled by- ciii-civ Shapes. See Forms. INDEX Shaping processes and appliances, east- ern United States pottery__.. 49-51, 54, 55, 56,57, 58,59 See Cords; Fabrics; Modeling; Molds; Paddles; Roulette; Stamps; Tools. Shawnee Indians, former residence of-.-. 142 pottery of -- 139 Shawneetown, Ill., occurrence of salt- making vessels near--....---- 28,186 Shell, calcining of, when used as temper- inpima teria leeesss ses seen 48,152 effects of use of, as tempering ma- terial eesecncesee see eee 92 powdered, use of, as tempering ma- terial, Apalachee-Ohio pot- teGyja=-2--2-s--s.< Silicious tempering,eastern United States pottery: ~-2-=2=-. Bt me 29 Gulf'Coast pottery ---=2--2--=-25-2-=3-- 113 Troquoian pottenyjeas =e ene ae 161, 165 New Jersey-New England pottery_-. 175 Northwestern pottery -- 188,196,197, 200, 201 South Appalachian pottery._.----..-. 144 See Materials; Quartz; Rock: Sand. Silver Spring, Fla., occurrence of fiber- tempered ware at..--...-...-- 122 Simplicity, value of, in determining age of vessels pera 24 Sinews, use of, in imprinting textile ef- fects ocx 2s Reese se ee ae see eee 79 Siouan family, connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pottery... 102 with Middle Atlantic Coast pot- LOTS Vig aaa 150 with Middle Mississippi Valley DObLCIYfa see eee eee eccee ee 81 with Northwestern pottery - 157- 188,195, 197 with South Appalachian pottery. 131- 132, 142-143 partial occupation of South Appa- lachian province by _-------------- 131 See Biloxi; Catawba; Dakota; Man- dan. Sites. See Occurrence. Size, eastern United States pottery_-____- 60-61 salt-making vessels_____- Florida Peninsula pottery ---- Troquoian pottery-.--:-------=-------- 162 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery -------- 148, 151, 153, 155 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 87-88, 59 New Jersey-New England pottery... 177 Northwestern pottery -----.---- 196-197, 200 South Appalachian pottery~ --- 182,136 Skin, use of, for drum heads, by Ameri- cana borigines=-------5---<-==— 34 Skulls, inversion of pots over, Gulf coast TEPION, pees eee eee 110, LXxXV South Appalachian province.---. 138 232 Slips. See Washes. Smiling as an expression of pleasure ----- exli Smith, Buckingham, citation from trans- lation of Knight of Elvas’ nar- TativeMpy.-o2---2=-5->- eee 28 Smith, John,reference to village on Po- tomac creek site by -_-....-_-- 155 Smithsonian Report, paper on Iroquoian potberyain= = ssa eee 170 Smoke, use of, in coloring pottery, east- ern United States __......_.... 56,68 Smoking by American Indians---_---_- 44-45, 172 Smoothing. See Finish. Snakes. See Serpents. Snyder, H.F., pottery collected by ----. 193,194 Soapstone. See Serpentine; Steatite. Sobbing, as an expression of despair ____- exlii Societies, organization of, as corpora- tions Sess ae eee lxxiii-Ixxiyv Society, tribal, grouping of peoplein ---. xci Sociology, classification of science of -___- lx definition of lix field of research of __ Ix or the science of institutions.. lix-cxxxviii AO) i) oy bs pee a ee ee ee een P.ygits.ab.d Soco creek, North Carolina, Cherokee use) of clay; frome ees cease 53 Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruction. clxxi- exeyii worlkuin 2.22 -- 222-5 eee xxi-xxiii , 145, 186-187 northward extension of peculiarities Ofseassee ae See, LAS PISE= 187 occurrence of clay figurines in--__---- 33 occurrence of colored ware in__---_-- 87 South America, groups of pottery in--__-- 20 use of pottery whistles and rattles in- 35 South Appalachian pottery, area covered 1 Ree ee ee Pale 104, 103, 130,139, 144-145, 147-148 association of, with exotic ware - 137 color, Of 22222. 2ess == -seb sess =e 132 decorationole =) 80, 131, 133-136, 144 POPS) OF) = - sen anaes Se eee 130-132 examples of-.---_------ 136-142, CXIT, CXXIX materials of2--ss=2*22s-e4--2 550-9 =5 131-132 modern,relation of, toancient ware. 142-145 OCCUTTONCE' Offa. nasa na a= as = es ee 131 in Appalachee-Ohio province -___- 183 in East Tennessee --_--.-._--------- in Gulf Coast province--- pipess.--2-5---=-22 45, 140-141, CXXIV-CXXVI pottery resembling, Florida penin- Sula; 2222 o nee eee eee ee 117, 127 Gulfcoast 22-2225 Seseo- aoe eee eee 108, 109,110,111, LX XVI, LXXVIIT middle Atlantic coast --.---- 149, CXXXIT relation of Northwestern pottery to. 188, 189, 194 size of 132 uses of -- 38, 132-133 varieties of _____ Be naan ane es j LOU LO INDEX | South Appalachian province, exotic wares Of, ae cee sae eae ene eee 132, 137-138, 144, CX VIII, CXXIX extension of northern ware into _---. 145 extentiofecens se oe pe eee - 130 intermingling of wares in ____ - 137-139 occurrence of engravings of human heads on shell in. __...----.---- 138 See South Appalachian pottery. South Carolina, character of pottery of_. 147 coastward extension of South Appa- lachian ware in_-.-...----.----. 139 intermingling of northern and South Appalachian ware in____ 148 modern pottery making in _____ 5 55 prevalence of stamped ware in__ 135 South fork of Potomac river, pottery PPOM y= sa aeees Sods ateces=5 164, CXLIIT Southwest, character of tobacco pipes Ofs So eo oon een ee See Pueblo. Spaniards, possible influence of, on south- ern burial practices_-__-_..___- 120 Spanish ware, Florida peninsula ___ 120,129-130 Spear points, burial of sherds resem- bling, Florida peninsula _-.... 119 Specialization areas in eastern United States pottery --_....--.--..--. 21-23 Specific gravity, eastern United States Dotter yiea=s == sso ee 117,121 See Weight. Spencer, Herbert, on the relativity of pains and pleasures -____-_..-. clxi Spencerville, Ontario, Iroquoian pottery found at_____- eee lev) Spindle whorls, clay, eastern United Statesic~ 22. -=-2.. s22h.2253--55-— 33,43 disks possibly used as, Iroquoian proy- INCO as-337 se Ae See cee eens 170 Spines. See Nodes. Spinning among southern Indians -_-_-.-- 33 Sponge ashes, use of, as tempering mate- rial, eastern United States_-__- 46 Spool-like objects, eastern United States POULAT Ye = =-5 oe ee ees 43-44 Florida Peninsula pottery 124, XCII, XCVII1 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery ---- 83 Ohio Valley pottery--_------_-.-------- 1st Spoon, Cherokee use of, in shaping ves- SOS Saesscee sche see eee eee 56 Spirals, use of, in pottery painting, east- ern United States --.......--.- 67 Square-rimmed vessels, attachment of modeled ornaments to, Iro- quoian province ---..-.--.----- 1i2 Squash forms, occurrence of, middle Mis- sissippi valley 5..----==--==---- 94 See Gourd forms. 3 Squier, E. G., exploration of Iroquoian province iby---------=2>= aos 159 and Dayis, E. H., illustrations of pot- tery from __.. 184,193, CLXIX, CLXXI Squirrel, representation of, Florida mor- tuary pottery —_----:----- 124, XCVII S-shaped ornaments, South Appalachian DOttery == 232-82 s eas cee eses == 137 INDEX 233 Stains, use of, in color decoration, eastern United States pottery. ---._._- 5 Stamps, wooden, decoration by, eastern United States pottery ____ 52,77,80 Troquoian pottery -_--....-.... 164 Middle Atlantic Coast pot- 156, CXL Northwestern pottery -- 138-189, 191,198, CLXVI, CLXVII, CLXXV resemblance of, to roulette decorations ssh ee 190 See Paddles; Roulette. Stands. See Bases. Stars, representations of, in decoration, eastern United States pot- tenyy ee osose one 67,100 Statistics, definition of- ay pba BIOIMENLS OL ee Sense ene ee see lxiv need for collection of -_____.______ lxii-Ixiii Steatite, influence of occurrence of, on OOULGT: Vgeee eae ee ene ee 157 manufacture of pipes from, South Ap- palachian province. ______.___. 140 use of,as tempering material, eastern United States pottery___ 48 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery. 148, 151, 157 See Materials; Serpentine. Steiner, Roland, pottery collected by 41, 140, CXX11, CX X11 Stepped figures, significance of _________- 100 use of, in ornament, middle Missis- sippivalleyecsss == 93 Stevenson, Mrs M. C., office work by_.-__ xxii studies of,in Amerindian symbolism. 100 Stipple decoration, Florida peninsula __ 126-127 See Indenting; Punctures CIl-cly Stocks. See Peoples. Stone, occurrence of symbolic designs SUPTAV Gu ONE sees ae nen ae waa 101 workin,suggesting Mexicaninfluence 42 Stone images, eastern United States... 41 Stone implements, burial of sherds re- sembling, Florida peninsula_. 119 See Stones; Tools. Stone pipes, eastern United States__ 44,140,172 variation in form of -___..._.....__--- 174 Stones, use of, in finishing, eastern United States pottery 51s 54, 55, 56, 57,59, 62, 84, 135, 136, 161, 185 in inlaying, South Appalachian DOLLY none nee ae eee 131 heated, use of, in boiling water __..__ 26-27 | Stone tablets of Northwest, probable age Of eee sae ee eee 193 Stone vessels, eastern United States__.__ 25, 60 Stopper-like objects, eastern United States pottery ___.._ 35-36, 100,xxxy See Tools. Storage, need of large vessels for ________ 60 See Domestic pottery. Straw, use of, as tempering material, eastern United States pottery- 46 use of paddle wrapped with, in finish- ing Mandan pottery ---....-_-- 198 Strength, eastern United States pottery. 5 Strength, influence of tempering on influence of use of roulette and paddle OTe ee Se eee eee 75, 135-136 Strips, building of clay vessels by, east- ern United States ___._______. 50-51, 54, 56,57, 117,135,161 See Fillets; Manufacture. Substantiation, principles of____.__ xxxi-xxxvi Sugarmaking, pottery used for, ineastern United States___..__._ 24, 31-33, 58, 60 Sun, drying of pottery in, eastern United States ey 2 re 52,54, 56,59 representations of, Middle Mississippi Walley pottery--.----.-.__..- 91, 100 Sunflower-like design, Middle Mississippi Valley, pottery=2==----. 2.2 2.22 91 Superstition, influence of of life forms 163 See Mythology; Religion. Surface. See Finish. Susanna Owl, pottery making by ________ 58-50 Suspension of earthen vessels over fire, eastern United States____.. 27,58,60 modifications in form to permit._____ 61 Susquehanna Company, vases from land purchased from Iroquois by__ 166, OXLVI Susquehanna valley, design from vases from - 171, CxLIx pipes of 173 pottery from _ 165, CXLIV resemblance of pottery of, to that of Delaware valley. __....---_____ 176 Susquehannocks, connection of, with Susquehanna valley pottery. 165 Swain county, N. C., present Indian oc- CUPBtONIO fens See en 143 Swastika. See Filfot. Symbolism in form and decoration, east- ern United States pottery... 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67 118, 126-127 113-114 Florida Peninsula pottery Gulf Coastjpottery.----2- -----22-__ Middle Mississippi Valley pottery__.. 85, 100-101 South Appalachian pottery -_._____ 136, 138 value of pottery in study of ___. = 19 See Animal; Life. Symmetry, absence of mechanical de- vices for giving, among ab- original American potters____ 59 Table mountain region, California, field work in __. x Tablets, stone, of Northwest, probable Ei.) 0) ie ae ee ee 193 Tale. See Serpentine. Tampa bay, Fla., occurrence of pottery resembling that of Middle Mis- sissippi valley at -----.-----..- 81 thick-rimmed bowls found near__._ 112-113 Tandy, M., pottery collected by-.....-..- 188, CLXVI, CLXVUI Tarpon Springs, Fla., pottery from ______ 126, 127, CI-CIV, CVI, CVII pottery resembling that of._... 110-111, 128, LXXVII,cx 234 Tattoo decoration. See Indenting. Tattoo designs, representation of, on death’s head vases--_-_-...------ 97-98 resemblance of incised designs of pot- tery to, Potomac-Chesapeake DIOVIN COs ase eee een 151 Teapot, vessels resembling, Middle Mis- sissippi Valley group-------..- 93-94 Technic, pottery making, methods of gaining knowledge of--------- 48-49 value of study of pottery making in study of evolution of-_....--.-- 48 Technology, definition of -_----- xxix NOL KAT sone ee a eee eee ceaas xiii-xvii paper on, by J. W. Powell. --.... xxix-lviii Tehuelche Indians, field work among..-. xi Tempering materials, eastern United States pottery ----..----------- 4648 effect of, on cracking- 4647 See Fiber; Materials; Mica; Rock; Sand; Shell; Silicious; Steatite. Tennessee, abundance of pottery in..-... 80 connection of Cherokees with pottery (0) eee Pee ee eee me Loe tt extension of Miami Valley ware into. 184 occurrence of peculiar animal figures Mee ee Saar es = ausececeesaeeesee= 107 occurrence of pottery resembling that of, in Georgia __-_------- 138, CX VIII in North Carolina_-_-..-....- 144, 0xx1x oceurrence of salt-making vessels in. 28, 30,31, 186 occurrence of stamped ware in-_-_-- 122,135 Dipes! Ohya. sees sane eee eee See ~ 199 potteryj Of f2.csa= sseec te eee ane Oy ODy 37,38, 40, 41, 88, 89, 94, 95, 101, 106, 138, 180-182, 111, X-XITI, XXII, XXV, XXVII, XXXIV, XLIV-L, OXVIIL sourees of information concerning MOtterviOLsasees eee eae 87 southward extension of influence of Mottery.Olessocsse aeons n a ean resemblance of Pawnee pottery to thatof2ss22 22 == 19 special ceramic groups in Tennessee river, abundance of pottery Terraced. See Stepped. Terra-cotta vessels, Florida peninsula... 129-130 Texas pottery, probable influence of Mex ican and Pueblo art on_-....-- 102 Textile art, influence of, on pottery -_---- 80, 86 Textiles, imitation of impressions of, east- ern United States pottery --.. 52, 64, 65, 66, 76, 77, 78, 79-80, 123 use of, in modeling and embellishing, eastern United States pottery 28, 30, 50, 52, 66, 67-79 Troquoian pottery -. 161, 163,165, 166-167, OXLVII Lower Mississippi Valley pottery. 103 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery --. 151 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 84 New Jersey-New England pot- 102) ef = Ree OBO eL CECE Teer 179 INDEX Textiles, use of, in modeling and embel- lishing, South Appalachian pottery sess eee ee 133 southward extension of__..--.--- 144-145 See Baskets; Cords; Fabrics; Net; Pad- dles; Roulette. Texture, Florida pottery ------- 117, 118, 121, 122 Gulf Coast pottery 106 Troquoian pottery - 161 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery_- 148,153, 155 Dies heen sae eee seen eae eee 158 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery ____ 84 New Jersey-New England pottery_.. 175 Northwestern pottery ...._.....__..-. 196 South Appalachian pottery ________... 131 See Materials; Paste. Texturing. See Decoration: Finish. Thickness. See Walls. Thomas, Cyrus, exploration of Iroquoian DIOVINCE| DyAa--se= === easa eee 159 explorations by, in North Carolina__ 137 illustration of clay plastering from _- 37 office work by ease oe ee RS xxii proposed association of work on east- ern United States pottery with reportiof2 sees -csse= eee 15 report on opening of Georgia mound intwork ofless. 2-2 -sen= eee eee 139 Thor’s hammer, See Filfot. Thruston, Gates P., acknowledgments to_ 16 on use of trowel- and stopper-shaped objects ss. 2-226 5225 2 -- 23 eee 35, 36 pottery from collections of___-___-... 30, 35, 40, 41, 94, 95, 101, 106, 111, XLIV—L work on Middle Mississippi Valley MOULOrYsDY co eee eee eae 87 Tick Island mound, Florida, bowls from_ 121-122 iburialtof:sherds in tees ee eee ee 119 122 Fi aia et Ae She 150 Tierra del Fuego, collections from-__--...- xxiv field work in 5 xi Tiles, absence of, in Middle Mississippi Valley pottery,2-----=2-2--=-==- 82 | Time. See Chronology; Modern. Timuquanan peoples, connection of, with Florida pottery ---.-.---------- 115 partial occupation of South Apalach- Jan provincolbyoesses = sees 131 Tioga vases, Iroquoian group---..-. 166, CXLVI Toad. See Frog. Tobacco pipes. See Pipes. Tombigbee river, pottery of .....-----. 107-108 Tonikan family, connection of, with Lower Mississippi Valley pot- tonyposecs= aaana psec meee esac ee 102 Tools, pottery-making, development of.. 135 used by eastern United Statespotters. 35-36, 51, 52,56, XXXIV-XXXVI in producing and imitating textile markings ---- . 68,71, 72, 73-80 used by Iroquois potters_--..-....---- 161 See Bones; Gourds; Modeling tools; Molds; Paddles; Roulette; Shells; Stamps; Stones; Wheel. INDEX Totem, consideration of, in savage so- ClObY, = se as ae xciv Totemic value of pottery, Florida penin- SU] aye eee ee eae 128 Toy-like objects, eastern United States DO ULOT Yi se ae ene 40) 4] 4 Florida Peninsula pottery --_____.___- 116 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery____ 83,99 Trade, confusing effect of, on pottery NOCOLGS asa aa Soese 19 in pipes, eastern United States - 73 Middle Atlantic province ________. 158 South Appalachian province_..... 140 Trailing, decoration by, eastern United States pottery -._.....-_....... 52,60 Troquoian pottery --__-..._______.- 164 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery - Northwestern pottery __________ 193,197 See Decoration; Intaglio; Incision. Translation, work of F. F. Hilder in _____ xxiii Transportation, an element of com- NERO 2) enna ee ON AS d hal substances employed in -_____________ xlvi | See Domestic pottery. Treaties, smoking in’) -__-. --.2.2-..-.--... Trenton, N.J., pottery from near - CLYITIT, CLX Tribal society, grouping of people in_____ xci Tribe, barbarous, government of___.._ civ-cxi definition\of/ term == === = ---22 =.= === xcii gentile, religion of= 2--.----=- = -2 ==. cix savage, government of ____________. xei-civ See Peoples. Tripod vases, Gulf coast region, absence Of Ses o soon tee wate = po eee 115 middle Mississippi valley _____________ 93, VI, XVI, XVII Trowels, clay, eastern United States. 25, 35-36 middle Mississippi valley _- 83, 99-100, XXXIV, XXXVI Troyville, La., character of ware foundin moundia ties. = eso eee ee 103 Trumbull, J. Hammond, preparation of Natick dictionary by____..___. xxi Trumpet form of pipe, eastern United States pottery ----...-........- 45 See Pipes. Tsimshian vocabulary, preparation of... xxi Tunkhannock, Pa., vessel from near 166, CXLV Turkey, representation of, Florida mor- tuary pottery -__-..--._.- 124, XCVII Turks island, Fla,, European ware from TORT oan oe ere ee ne ae 130 Turner mounds, Ohio, figurinesfoundin._ 183 Turtle, representations of, eastern United States pottery -_-......-.------ 41 Florida Peninsula pottery _. 124, xcvu Gulf Coast pottery---...---..- 107, Lv Middle Mississippi Valley pottery. 94,x1L Tusayan. See Pueblo. Tuscaroras, former habitat of___________. 142 isolation of, from other Troquoian DGOD lene ee eee eee ee 5D) linguistic relationship of _ 142 pottery possibly made by 164 Tutelos, former habitat of__..__...._._._- 142 90 | 235 Twined designs, use of, in decoration, Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tery- 100, XX XVII Two Rivers, Wis., pottery from________. 195, CLXXIT, CLXXIIL, CLXXIV Tylor, E. B., doctrine of animism formu- lated Dynes eae ao es elxxii Uchees, connection of, with South Appa- lachian pottery -_.__....-_... 139,143 former residence of <_.-*-____________. 142 Uhytinli, pottery making by -__-______... 56 Union county, Ill, occurrence of salt- making vessels in -.-......---- 28 DOLLery Ole eae or ane ee eee 192 United States, eastern, pottery of__..____ 3-201 United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, collection from Perdido bay obtained by members of ______ 105 United States Geological Survey, ac- knowledgments to members of 17 Upland environment, influence of. on OLLON Yoo see ats cee oe ce = 159-160 Upper Mississippi valley. See Northwest. Urns, burial, use of, by American abor- ipines: S2esee5qceestsc=s- eee bie) Uses, Apalachee-Ohio ware. __-.----...-.- 180 eastern United States pottery __ -. 24-25 Florida Peninsula pottery _- - 118-120 varieties resulting from ________.- 116 influence of, on form and ornament Olspotveryeessea aoe nas 61, 63, 65 Troquoian pottery ____ 162 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery~____- 148,151 Middle Mississippi Valley pottery 83 New Jersey-New England pottery... 175 Northwestern pottery -__._._____. Ohio Walley, pottery_---=-----22_2__- South Appalachian pottery Wita hyspOGteryrOL anes ee ene ee Utility, occasional disregard of, middle Mississippi valley pottery ____ 85 Vegetal fiber, use of brushes of, middle Mississippi valley -_-.._____._- 86 Vegetal stains, use of, middle Mississippi Walley ce ee eee ee ees 86 Vegetal tempering, eastern United States pottery, soo ss2css-scces-e— sae 46,55 effect of use of, on color. _----_---___ 118 Florida Peninsula pottery __....______ iz Venetian ware, occurrence of, in Florida MOUNGS i sooo se sesh ee seen eee 120 Vermont, design from vase from _ 171-172, cuir DOtLeIsys TOM sense eee 169 Vernon county, Wis., pottery from. 192,cLxx Vessel, earliness of, among pottery forms_ 49 See Forms; Uses. Village sites, character of pottery found OD on ee eee 82 occurrence of pottery on ___-________- 23 See Occurrence. Virginia, former residence of Tuscaroras Mh Se eect concen ey dD modernipottery Of-ss = seen eee 152 occurrence of pottery resembling that of East Tennessee in 236 INDEX Virginia pottery of -----s-sesee-eee 146, 149-150, OXXXII-OXXXIV, CXXXVTI, CXL relation of pottery of, to that of Northwest®=2e6 25-2. oes 194 tempering materials used in 48 tribes formerly occupying ---- 142 See Middle Atlantic; Potomac-Chesa- peake; Piedmont Virginia. Vincennes, Ind., occurrence of salt-mak- ing vessels near _----_-_---.---- 28 Vitrification, rarity of, in aboriginal American pottery -.-----.-- 52, 84 See Glaze. Vocable, definition of Vocables, evolution of Volk, Ernest, exploration of Pocatquis- sing creek sites by ---.-------- 176 on occupations of Delaware valley... 178 Volusia, Fla., painted vessels from MGs esa - 125, XCIx,c Volute, significance of - 100 use of, in decoration, Lower Missis- sippi Valley pottery ---- 103, L1, LIT Middle Mississippi Valley pot- tenyss2.: <0 eee 88, 93, 94, XVIII, XXV, XXXIII, XXXVII,XXXVIIT, XLI Vulture, representation of, Florida Pe- ninsula pottery -- 123, Xc Middle Mississippi Valley pottery---- 94,95 Wahpeton. See Dakota Indians. Wahuhu. See Sally Wahuhu. Wallenpaupack river, vessel from Falls 0) a eee re 166, CXLV Walls, perforation of, Florida Peninsula pottery ----- 119-120, 124, 125, XCIxX, C Gulf ‘Coast pottery.-----------..-- 106, 108, 109, 111, 112, DXXVIIT, LXXIX thickness of, eastern United States Pottery; eee eee eee 60-61 salt-making vessels_----------- 28 Florida Peninsula pottery -. 117,121,126 Gulf Coast pottery ---- 106 Troquoian pottery --- 165 Middle Atlantic Coast pottery --. 148, 153, 155 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- UD fee ep pe en are ae ae 83,97 New Jersey-New England pot- tery eee eae c cone anes e ene 175 Northwestern pottery~ . 192,197,200 South Appalachian pottery. 132,138,143 Walton’s Camp, collection from ___..._-_- 108, LXV-LXVII Ward, Lester F., on derivation of mind fromfOrc’ eesees eee nee eae elxxxv Warren county, N. J., pottery from ----- 165 Warren county, Ohio, fragments of pot- tery from 2osetes ose seeees 184, CLXIT Washes, use of, eastern United States pot- TOL Yast ene eee 49, 52, 63 Florida Peninsula pottery -------- lly Middle Mississippi Valley pot- COPY: Ss ccecs sans onion ens eeeses 84,96, 97 Washington, D. C., pottery from site of. 156- 157, CXLI Washington. See Lake Washington; Point Washington. Water, vessels for containing. See Do- mestic pottery. Waiter power, SCO = ee aes eee ee LL Waterways, influence of, on distribution Of pottery as- 225.2 sssceeeee eee 23 Watsons Landing, Fla., occurrence of fiber-tempered ware at -----_- 122 Wayne county, Pa., pottery from___ 166,cxLV Wealth, foundation of _-_.--- Ixx Weeping as an expression of grief _-_ exl-cxlii Weight of vessels, eastern United States- 61 Hloridawpeninsula) 2-22-22] eeenees = I Teled middle Mississippi valley ------- ------ 83, 84 middle Atlantic coast. --.--.--.-..---. 158 See Walls. Welfare, corporations for promotion Of) 252 -s2cceeee eee tase aee esse LEERY, West coast, Florida, paste used for pot- TORY OL sites tee eee eee 117 pottery of __- eee eae sae LeO-128, CI-Ox West Indies. See Caribbean, West Virginia, character of pottery (0) (ene ne ee ee eee 149, 150 design from vase from Ss iljalter.deyp.< occurrence of Iroquoian pottery in-_. 164 occurrence of pottery resembling that of East Tennessee in -- 182 pipes!ofise. ses eer= sas eee 173 pottery. Of 2. 2222225 s2se5cecne cases CXLIIT | Wheat bran, Cherokee use of, in smother firing <232-2 8 2s eee 56 Wheel, absence of, among aboriginal American potters -_-----... 19,50,57 incipient form\0f/-=2--<=----===2---==-— 69 influence of discovery of, on forms of W.CSSOIS) aesaeee casn en Stee ence 62 pottery turned on, Florida peninsu- ----- 129-130 substitutes for, among eastern United States'potters:==----=- 2-2-5 ==--- 50 Whistles, pottery, absence of, in middle Mississippi valley _-...._...-.- 82 occurrence of, in Mexico and Cen- tral and South America__----- 35 White, John, drawing of Indian woman DY wa seste as ss Sc sane senseeee sees 15 drawing of use of earthen pot in boil- Ing Dy. seseese = aes sees aeeseeaae 26 White river, Ark., occurrence of salt- making vessels on ____--_------ 28 Whiteside county, Ill., pottery from. 192, CLXxX Wicker, preceramic use of vessels of, by American aborigines-----.---- 25 Wied, Prince of, on manufacture of pot- tery by Mandans, Minitaris, and Arikaras _-..-.---- -- 195-196 Wilcox county, Ala., earthen burial urn from Wilkesbarre, Pa., designs from vessels from'near 2-3 e =e 171, CL, CLI pottery from vicinity of ....-..--.-- 165-167 CXLY-CXLVII Wilkes county, N. C., pottery of -....----- 145, 148-149, CXXX-CXXXII — INDEX Willoughby, W. W., paper by, on survi- vals of ancient Indian symbol- IGMP oases Nae etee Hee ee ee 101 Willow baskets, use of, as molds, eastern United! States. --.--_-----_- see 58 Willow twigs, Pawnee use of framework en Nes 0X0) Gls ee 59 Wilson, Daniel, publication of illustra- tion of Lower Mississippi Val- leyawaneibycess -oo<2 ek 103 Wilson, N. C., pottery of _..____._. 149, CXX XII iWindipoweruselotees---2-- 2 = eee xlii Winds, representation of, on eastern United States pottery_________ 106 Wing, designs representing, Apalachee- @hiowpottery=- =.= 2--- eee ane 180 Florida Peninsula pottery _-- 123, LXXIX, XC Gulf Coast pottery 107, 110,114, UWI, LXXIV,LXXIX,LXXX Middle Mississippi Valley pot- beryseoe-20 sch se ceesce eee 95, XX South Appalachian pottery -____.__ 140, CXEX, GXX: Wings of vase from Franklin County, 111,112, UXXviiI, LXXIx Winthrop, Mass., pottery from_.__ 168,179, cLx Wisconsin, character of pottery of______- 22 pottery; Of-—222 sco seen eee ce 188, 192,195, CLXX, CLX XIII, CLXXIV Wolf, representations of, Florida Penin- sula pottery _.---.-------... 124, XVII Troquoian! pipes === sessssss= eee = 174 Women, making of pottery by, in eastern | World’s Columbian Exposition, explora- tion of Pocatquissing creek SITES LOR aoe me sone oa ee eee 176 Wright, Dr Harrison, exploration of Iro- quoian province by -_--..------ 915 report by, on collections of Wyoming Historical and Geological So- Clo ty essences 22 ee ee 166 Writing, picture, origin of ____... elxvi-clxviii Written language, evolution of __.. clxy-clxix Wyandots, habitat of ___..........-------- 159 Wyman, Jeffreys, fiber-tempered ware collectediibyssces=--==see enn == 122 Troquoian pottery collected by -__-.- 168 on shell-heap pottery in Florida_____- 116 on tempering materials of Florida pottery. < 222-25. =225-5 22-0 25-2 17 Wyoming county, Pa., pottery from_ 166, CxLV Wyoming Historical and Geological So- ciety, designs from vases in collections of --..-...---- 171, cL, CLI pottery in collections of____________ 165-166, CXLY-CXLV wwadiin: Valley: pottery. - 22-22-22 eee 145, 147, 148-149, CXXX,CXXXII resemblance of Delaware Valley ware WO em ececmanta aa naie Sees Sse sere 176,177 resemblance of Potomac-Chesapeake potterystojes=- anon eee 152, 153, 154 Yamassees, former residence of __________ 142 | Yellowstone National Park, pottery of_ 194,201 WWnited'Statess-25- 22 5--s= ae 57,58 in Iroquoian province._-...._..... 163 See Man. Wood, imitation of vessels of, in clay, Florida peninsula ----_-.-..._. 128 manufacture of pipes of, eastern Wmited'|States*e:-2n2-o- =o oe 172 possible suggestion of carved paddle designs by grain of_______._~__. 12 use of blocks of, as molds for clay, eastern United States____._ 50,58,59 | Words, evolution of-___-__- possible origin of Hopewell mounds ‘obsidian\in==-se se eee Yokai Indians, basket making among____ Yucatan, Gulf Coast pottery suggesting xvi that of __._ 110-112, LXxvI-Lxxyi11TA possible influence of art of,on eastern United States pottery. ________ 145 Zigzag, use of, in color decoration, east- ern United States pottery____ 67 Middle Mississippi Valley pot- teryisote esta oe as tal ie ce 86 in roulette decoration, eastern United States pottery. _..____- 75 | Zuni,occurrenceof pottery formscommon at,in middle Mississippivalley- 88 Zuni mythology, work on____-..._-..___- xxii eliii-elvii, elx,elxii | Vi: wih % ne a. ee ne E ~ i thon Pe, \ ea) ee es) a 7 : DP Gut bi th Uae olan Rock ‘ Tea. eb ; ie He vis ee eee ne 7 a fi 4 ish e eet, ih ‘an i) ys a lane Rik OG et - ei 7 ‘ : ie i : a. vad ver id ai ia iia . . ah el na a. ; ' i a: a at : J ve : ” ies a v4 an a | - ‘i : . } ; re it iy i, _ me | ae buy | ia.) | a1 ae eee ty: ae) i a oun Lay a * bic yaicas! We]! Ags Wa. fi nik 7 : ae : — eee. Aen , ap i - eae ne phe ; a ‘rn 7 pee) +7 ‘7 a ae : ee 4 a nn i tm A ipa 7 : : . Tas eas i aan fe a ; nD ) 1a ae a : an Wy gd at * at) ee . : A i) 7 . Ue : ie av" a iw ae I § on t eal oh ye a 0 a hi Me : ; ae ly i. trie ba 8 Fey. ee ee A ¥ mt i a i a te an ie rai ae i yay aie : i we a’ in i i my Hy cb Tee We a a : ce NE iCniay st mah 3 shh direc Hos ae ths ee = = Fag eee = es Sesitsrelst testes = =a sas rere tee nee = ay Se be PSs ‘ t mek Bye. ry Ne sia Shae Aira ; i * " on ue v Lal Mus he SUR EEN ea : haa Ba a yh oy it iJ (Vis eh oee ee y eee a A) y we 4 ° 7 yh raat a elclahe heat y's ‘) pe acid alee alah My er teh YES Y Naan f mira G ieee sg aah ai Neat pei re ' ia AN Kenan ‘, AA LEN at) 4, hie any, t eae We nye RNs Hh a Vata ate SAG Ue UNIT A AMEN AL asc AM aN * * eu) ‘ yn Mi ‘ ny ee es “a Wh he’s at a oA wat ~~ ih fy Mi hs ea te " ey Mest ®t ‘ pe que un 4 as ’ M4 eu AAS or ey Pre ek Patt Geea Ny hack ACA See A iihe BERK HN Wee Cut Cer A eee usin Wee # OANA AS , he fh Wi Py t) WN ity yi ci a) Ny unit Peni ale on bob phan bets eee, ne Nanas oh a Tere tek be + ee ek Fb Ae Ee aie sieteletcebetue th Na (reli be (Vs Pea aw et Par ea hy Up dient ari vt eh ' he f teu 4K p CRP SN Aw bk Pee A yan OR ‘yh * nee vives wehunye . vi shee Oa “ ¥ Lah f NaN ile HAE ays ut We Cra Whig anhar ts Sis Scape Aout ie Yea uly \ SN oN cl Sees Meio pine i. Can an ven vith ih eite » SACO) Ferrey Sh nad? von OL ts One ve . wee ee 4 a he ee ’ fhe ANS yar y SMITHSONIAN | HNN | | \\ |) II | Seth ees Wee STITUTION LIBRARIES mnt WIN NNN ll | | | | | WUT || 01453 2030 | I 88 Sk em le ay Cheer eee Ua eee htt TA OCCA PN ara RO a AK ON yee " we eM Ocecyi nem tee ou eee Mavens SMD Conan Mee aD be ON UL T ht PERURV A EVN OR EAN Orin ok at) hes HI | il |