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TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TO THE

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MIAN INST IT;
SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTY ow Ty

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Je We POW-E LA

DIRECTOR

IN, Ee WvE@) IAG SAG a

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1904

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BurEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., July 1, 1899.

Srr: I have the honor to submit, as Acting Director,
the Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology.

The preliminary portion consists of an account of the
operations of the Bureau during the fiscal year; the
remainder comprises two memoirs, prepared by collab-
orators, which illustrate the methods and results of the
Bureau’s work.

Allow me to express my appreciation of your constant
aid and your support in the work under my charge.

Iam, with respect, your obedient servant,
W J McGes,
Acting Director.
Honorable 8. P. Laneiey,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

It

CONTENTS

PART 1
Reporr of THE DrrEcTOR
; Page
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ACCOM PAYA SupADClA eae ens Ce Seek wee ose Ue ee oe ee Baus as ees XLIIT
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

Two summers’ work in pueblo ruins, by Jesse Walter Fewkes (plates 1-Lxx,
PUES 22a see eee pase ee Se Gieh oot nitsioe See moe sa ooa ok Gemee ee eee 1

Mayan calendar systems, II, by Cyrus Thomas (plates LxxI-Lxxxn, figures
NZS iO See Seer Se eee oe See eee ee een eae eos aso oe Ree eeee See 197

PART 2
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS (CONTINUED)

The Hako, a Pawnee ceremony, by Alice C. Fletcher (plates Lxxx1-xcr, fig-

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TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

Duk hA UVOF AMERICAN ET EN O'L OG Y
J. W. PowExu, Director

INTRODUCTION

Ethnologic researches have been conducted during the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, in accordance with the act
of Congress making provision ‘‘ for continuing researches
relating to the American Indians under the direction of
the Smithsonian Institution,’ approved June 6, 1900, and
with the formal plan submitted June 9, 1900, and approved
by the Secretary June 19, 1900.

The field operations of the regular corps extended into
Arizona, British Columbia, California, Lower California
(Mexico), Maine, New Mexico, New York, North Caro-
lina, Ontario, Sonora (Mexico), Virginia, and Wisconsin;
while special work has been carried forward by agents or
temporary collaborators in several additional states, ter-
ritories, and provinces. The office work has comprised
the preparation and study of material from most of the
states and territories, as well as from various other parts
of the American hemisphere.

The researches have been carried forward in accord-
ance with an ethnic system based chiefly on the work of
the Bureau, though partly on the observations and deter-
minations of other scientific investigators in this and
other countries.

The ethnic system developed and adopted in the Bureau
is based primarily on the human activities—that is, on what
men do and think—rather than on mere physical features.

IX

x BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

On this basis, the habits and customs of the aborigines
receive first attention; and the tribesmen are classed by
their languages and dialects, by their forms of social
organization, by their systems of belief and opinion, and
by their arts and industries; so that the classification
affords a means of measuring the susceptibility of the
various tribes to civilization, to education, and to arrange -
ment on reservations in harmonious groups. The classi-
fication is thus essentially practical.

The practical tribal classification rests on a definition
of the activities discovered among the aborigines and
other peoples largely during the past quarter-century.
The primary activities thus discovered are esthetic; and
intimately connected with these are the industrial activi-
ties involved in maintenance and welfare. Equally im-
portant are the social activities shaping the collective
existence of families, clans, tribes, and confederacies;
and the relations are regulated by linguistic activities,
which are highly important and indeed fundamental.
Coordinate with these activities of arts and industries,
laws and languages, are the activities connected with
opinion, belief, philosophy—the sophie activities. On
weighing all the factors it has been found that the most
convenient classification of tribes is that based primarily
on language, as explained in previous reports; and this
mode of defining the Indian tribes, first proposed by Gal-
latin and adopted by the Bureau on its institution, has
now come into general use.

FIELD RESEARCH AND EXPLORATION

Throughout the first quarter of the year the Director
was in Maine, reviewing observations on shell mounds
and village sites in connection with the researches in
classification noted in other paragraphs; and the work
was resumed early in June. But limited collections were
made, though the observations and notes on the numer-
ous survivors of the Abnaki Indians proved of much
interest and value.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XI

An extended exploratory trip was made during the
autumn of 1900 by Mr McGee. Early in October he
proceeded to the field for the purpose of completing
researches relating to the aborigines of the Serian stock
and at the same time carrying forward studies of neigh-
boring tribes. A party was organized at Phoenix, Ari-
zona, and moved southwestward to Gila bend and thence
southward to the international frontier at Santo Domingo.
Here the outfit was admitted to Mexican territory through
the courtesy of Senor Don Fernando Leal, at the obliging
instance of Senor Don Manuel de Aspiroz, the ambassa-
dor from Mexico to the United States. In this vicinity
are several settlements of Papago Indians, including some
of the Arenenos of early literature and local tradition,
and the opportunities for study were seized. From Santo
Domingo the party proceeded southward to Caborca and
thence westward to the coast of Gulf of California, where
the Tepoka Indians (collinguals of the Seri) were reported
to live so late as 1894, subsisting on sea food and finding
potable water in the lagoons and sand beds at the em-
bouchure of the sand wash variously called Magdalena,
Santa Ana, Altar, Asuncion, and San Ignacio. On reach-
ing the coast the leader was disappointed to find the
tribal remnant entirely gone—probably through extine-
tion, possibly through migration down the coast to Seri-
land. Traces of the Tepoka habitations still remained,
together with shell accumulations and minor relies, cor-
roborating the reports concerning the tribe current at
Caborea in 1894; and the visit served also to clear up
doubtful points connected with the geography and history
of the region.

Failing thus to attain the primary object of the expedi-
tion, Mr McGee determined to visit the territory of the
little-known Cocopa Indians, reputed to live about the
‘head of the gulf, and to this end endeavored to follow
the coast northward to the mouth of the Colorado. Find-
ing this entirely impracticable, he returned by a new
route to Santo Domingo, collecting useful data concerning
the Papago Indians on the way; and from Santo Domingo

XII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

he proceeded west-northwestward over the old Yuma
trail (including a stretch of 90 miles now without water)
to Yuma, and thence southward to the Cocopa country.
Here valuable collections, notes, and photographs were
obtained; and after some weeks the party returned via
Yuma and the Gila and Salado valleys to Phoenix, dis-
banding there on December 20. The party comprised
Mr W J McGee, Ethnologist in Charge, as leader; Mr
DeLancey Gill, artist; Professor R. H. Forbes, of the
territorial university of Arizona (during part of the
trip); Senor Aurelio Mata, a Mexican customs officer
sent from the custom-house at Nogales to facilitate the
crossing at the international boundary; John J. Carroll,
of Tempe, teamster; Jim Moberly, of Tempe, packer;
Hugh Norris, of Tueson, Papago interpreter, and Ramon
Zapeda, of Tucson, Mexican interpreter. The Bureau
was placed under great obligations for free entry of the
outfit to the government of the neighboring republic
through the officers already named, as well as through
Senor Don Eduardo J. Andrade, of Yuma, custodian of
the Andrade grant, covering the territory occupied by
the Cocopa Indians.

On August 11 Mr James Mooney proceeded to the old
Cherokee country in western North Carolina and adjacent
territory for the purpose of collecting additional data
required for the completion of his series of papers on the
Cherokee Indians, and his field operations continued with
success until early December. On April 25 he made a
reconnoissance trip through eastern North Carolina and
Virginia for the purpose of locating remnants of aborigi-
nal tribes still surviving in the wooded and nearly inac-
cessible districts of that region; he revisited the Pamun-
key tribe and discovered considerable remnants of the
Chickahominy, Mattaponi, and Nansemond tribes.

On his appointment as Assistant Ethnologist (Septem -
ber 1), Mr John R. Swanton proceeded to British Colum -
bia to undertake researches among several northwestern
tribes. His work proceeded successfully up to the end of
the fiscal year, when he was still in the field.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIII

On October 1 Mr J. N. B. Hewitt repaired to the region
occupied by the survivors of the Iroquoian tribes in north-
western New York and neighboring portions of Canada,
where he began the collection and verification of traditions
and cosmogonie legends, and his work continued until
about the middle of February, when he returned to the
office with valuable collections and records.

On April 15 Dr Frank Russell was appointed as
Ethnologist, and was assigned to duty in Arizona; he
immediately proceeded to the field and began an extended
reconnaissance of the southern and central portions of
the Territory. Outfitting with a team at Tucson, he
passed around the northern end of Santa Catalina moun-
tains and up San Pedro river (visiting the caves and
pictographs of the Santa Catalina range and the cliff
houses of the Galiuro range on the way) to Nugent pass,
where he entered Aravaipa valley. Here he found an
interesting group of cliff houses. Thence he proceeded
by way of Eagle pass to Gila valley, where interesting
archeologic observations were made. Pushing on south-
ward he traversed the eastern slopes of Chiricahua moun -
tains and the western slopes of Swisshelm mountains,
‘and examined the easterly canyons of Huachuca moun-
tains. Next he traversed portions of the Babacomori,
Sonoyta, and San Rafael valleys about the Mexican
boundary; thenee he returned by new routes to Santa
Catalina mountains and Tueson, arriving about the end
of May. In the course of the trip he discovered various
ruins hitherto unknown, some of new types. Several of
the ruins were surveyed, and limited collections were
made. On June 11 he proceeded northward from Tucson,
crossing the Gila near Florence, skirting the base of
Superstition mountains, and traversing Tonto valley; a
number of cliff houses and other ruins were discovered
during the journey, which was not completed at the end
of the fiscal year.

In June an arrangement was effected with Mr O. P.
Phillips and the Armat Motion-Picture Company, under
which Mr Phillips proceeded to New Mexico and Arizona

29 wa —_04———“11

XIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

for the purpose of making motion pictures representing
the industries, amusements, and ceremonies of the
Pueblo and other tribes, it being anticipated that such
pictures would prove of especial service for purposes of
immediate research as well as for permanent record.
The preliminary reports indicate that the work has been
successfully initiated.

Throughout the fiscal year Dr Willis E. Everett remained
in Alaska, pursuing his vocation of mining engineer,
but availing himself of opportunities for observing the
native tribes and recording their languages and other
activital characteristics. Several reports indicating prog-
ress in the collection of such material were received in
the course of the year.

Dr Robert Stein, who spent the winter of 1899-1900 in
Elsmereland, primarily for purposes of geographic explo-
ration, but incidentally to make search for traces of abo-
riginal occupancy in the interests of the Bureau, reported
via Dundee, through the courtesy of masters of whaling
vessels, late in the summer of 1900. He found no traces
of Eskimo or other settlements in the territory traversed
by him, comprising the eastern coast of Elsmereland, and
his negative evidence is of service in investigations relat-
ing to the distribution and migrations of the Eskimo.
At the time of the last report he was preparing to cross
Baffin bay to Upernivik, on the western coast of Green-
land, with the expectation of extending his previous
observations on prehistoric Eskimo settlements along the
unexplored coast.

During the autumn Miss Alice C. Fletcher found it nec -
essary to revisit Oklahoma for the purpose of completing
the ritual of the Pawnee ceremony known‘as the Hako,
of which the greater portion was collected during the last
fiscal year. In connection with the collection of this
material she was fortunate in obtaining also much addi-
tional information touching the ceremonial and ritualistic
life of this highly interesting and httle-studied tribe.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XV

OFFICE RESEARCH
Work IN ESTHETOLOGY

In addition to administrative duties in the office as
Ethnologist in Charge and part of the time as Acting
Director, and the field work noted, Mr McGee engaged
in researches relating to the primitive symbolism found
among the American aborigines and other lowly peoples.
Certain symbols are of nearly world-wide distribution,
and extend into several stages of culture—for example,
the swastika, or filfot, appears on all of the continents
except Australia, and its culture range extends at least
from higher savagery into the lower strata of civilization.
Before the extremely wide range of such symbols was
ascertained various inquirers were led to regard their use
as an evidence of cultural identity, and hence of the orig-
inal unity of the peoples among whom they were found;
but since they have been observed among highly diverse
peoples in different stages of culture and on remote con-
tinents this interpretation has been modified or aban-
doned in large measure, and students have set themselves
to the task of tracing the development of the symbols in
particular cases. The recent researches have shown that
symbols of quatern character, like the swastika, express
or reflect modes of thought especially characteristic of
lower (but not lowest) culture, yet extend well into civ-
ilization and enlightenment. At the same time the
researches bring to light such diversities in the nature
and applications of the concepts expressed by the symbols
as to indicate, if not demonstrate, independent develop-
ment. Thus, quatern symbols abound among the Papago
Indians of Arizona and Sonora, as well as among several
neighboring tribes, yet the Papago concept is distinct, as
is shown by its extension to time as well as space, this
extension carrying such archaic features of ritual and
ceremony as to indicate increasing independence of the
concept in the generations traced backward.

XVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

The neighboring Zuni Indians have a more highly
differentiated concept in that their ‘‘ Cult of the Quar-
ters’’ involves six directions (zenith and nadir in addi-
tion to the cardinal points), yet the symbol retains the
original quatern form, with two added elements so placed
as to destroy the symmetry of the figure. These in-
stances of diversity in symbol, and still greater diversity
in meaning of the symbol (or in the primary concept),
might be multiplied almost indefinitely; they merely give
some indication of the development of simple quatern
symbols and of the complex and protean magma of
thought out of which they have been developed by simple
processes and easy steps. Incidentally the examples
marshaled corroborate and extend the law of activital
coincidences formulated in an early report of the Bureau;
but the applications of the recent study are numerous and
useful, especially in their bearing on symbolism in gen-
eral and on the development of systems of counting. The
results of the study are incorporated in the Nineteenth
Report in the form of a brief paper entitled ‘‘ Primitive
Numbers,”’

During the earlier portion of the year Dr Fewkes ar-
ranged for publication a series of graphic representations
of the personages composing the Hopi pantheon, together
with full descriptions of the pictures and a discussion of
characteristic paraphernalia of the personages repre-
sented. The representations are in outline and color and
well illustrate the early stage in the development of
graphic art reached by the more advanced among the
aboriginal tribes; hénce they throw strong light on the
codices and other pictorial essays of the more southerly
tribes, especially those of Mexico, Central America, and
Peru. The pictures were executed by a native artist,
who was also a priest in the hieratic or sacred organiza-
tion through which the tribal mythology is maintained,
and each picture is a faithful reproduction of ancient
representations handed down through many generations.
The material has been published in the Twenty-first An-
nual Report, the original drawings being used as copy and

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XVII

reproduced in slightly reduced facsimile. The work is
deemed an important contribution to knowledge of the
aborigines in several respects. It illustrates the motives
and conventions of aboriginal art in both form and color;
it reveals the rdle of symbolism in primitive art with re-
markable clearness; it illustrates with satisfactory com-
pleteness the nature and structure of a typical barbaric
pantheon; and since the symbols and conventions (and,
indeed, the personages represented) are of great constancy
in primitive thought, it affords a series of types available
for use in identification and comparison of a wide range
of symbolic representations among the Pueblo and other
tribes, not only in ceremonies and sacred paraphernalia,
but in the decoration of fictile ware, basketry, woven
fabrics, ete.
Later in the year Dr Fewkes was occupied with a sys-
tematic study of the collections made by him in Arizona
and New Mexico during 1896 and 1897, the study being
carried forward with special reference to the symbolic
decoration of the fictile ware. All systematic investi-
gators of the decorative devices used by primitive peoples
have been impressed by their constancy, that is, by
the exceeding slowness of modification. They have also
been impressed with the dependence of the modification
on external forces and conditions rather than on the
spontaneous internal factor so prominent in the art of
advanced culture. Recognizing these characteristics of
primitive art, Dr Fewkes undertook to define the symbolic
(or esthetic) types prevailing among the peoples of Walpi,
much as a naturalist might define types of animal and
vegetal life for the establishment of species and genera
and orders, and for tracing the lines of vital development
in a distinctive environment. His symbolic types were
based on specimens observed among the tribesmen or
obtained from sites occupied by their ancestors during the
historical period; and he soon found that the types served
to indicate what may be termed a symbolic province, that
is, a region throughout which the symbolic devices were

XVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

similar, but in which they differed essentially from those
of other regions. In this way he defined an ethnie dis-
trict and established standards for the guidance of future
investigation and also for the localization of ill-labeled
specimens in museums; for many collectors have been
content to label specimens of symbolic pottery and other
objects ‘‘Arizona,’’ ‘‘ Pueblo region,’’ or by other large
and indefinite political or natural divisions, thereby
confusing important symbolic distinctions and ethnic
districts.

As his investigations of the symbolic types progressed,
Dr Fewkes became more deeply impressed than any pre-
decessor with the persistence of motives and the regular-
ity of their evolutional lines; and he conceived, in a
definite and constructive way, the possibility of tracing
prehistoric migrations by means of the decorative symbols,
that is, of employing symbolic devices as prehistoric rec -
ords, reading from them the tale of tribal movements
before the coming of Coronado—he conceived the possi-
bility of coordinating the archeologiec record as taught by
symbols with tribal traditions, and the double advantage
of mutual verification between tradition and symbolic
record. Proceeding in accordance with these ideas, he
obtained from living Hopi men traditions of a former
residence of their ancestors at a locality which they called
Homolobi, and by excavations he identified this site and
verified the traditions, thereby extending his knowledge
of the evolution of the symbolic types; for the Homolobi
collections (now inthe National Museum) not only abound
in decorated ware, but are notably rich in symbols suscep-
tible of interpretation. Subsequent exploration brought
him to the site of a ruin on Chevlon creek, where excava-
tion revealed another stage in the same general line of
symbolic development, which corroborated the vague and
shadowy tradition that Hopi clans once inhabited this site.
He later sought a locality noted in still vaguer migration
legends, and was gratified by finding near Chaves pass
the archeologic record of this stage in migration inscribed

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XIX

in symbols related to the higher type from the more
northerly localities.

Beyond this point ruins which mark traditional halting
places in migration were not located; beyond it the sym-
bolic development has not yet been traced; but there is
good ground for anticipating that when Dr Fewkes returns
to the field he will obtain still earlier records of the pre-
historic movements and development of this branch of
the Pueblo peoples. The work is deemed of much impor-
tance as a verification of aboriginal tradition, as a means
of verifying other migration legends, and as a promising
introduction to the practical interpretation of history
unwittingly recorded in graphic symbols. Incidentally,
the work corroborates the earlier conclusion reached in
the Bureau, that the Pueblo peoples are a resultant prod-
uct of Southern culture and Northern blood; yet the sig-
nificant details throw new light on the entire problem.
The report is elaborately illustrated by colored photo-
graphs of the ware from the several localities examined;.
it occupies a portion of the present volume.

Work IN TECHNOLOGY

The earlier accounts of exploration in the territory
occupied by the Cocopa Indians seemed to indicate that
the tribesmen occupied the coast of Gulf of California
and were of maritime habits; but in the course of the
expedition led by the Ethnologist in Charge it was defi-
nitely ascertained that the folk are essentially agricultural
and confined, at least so far as habitations are concerned,
to the interior. The industrial condition of the tribe was
found to be of much interest. The tribal habitat com-
prises the Lower Colorado valley from the International
Boundary southward to the head of the gulf, together
with a few tributary valleys descending from the Cocopa
mountains on the west. The main valley is broad and
diversified by distributaries, or bayous, of which the most
important is Hardy river, or ‘*‘ Hardy’s Colorado.’’ There
are also several fairly permanent basins, filled by the

XxX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

annual floods and slowly evaporated during succeeding
months, and the greater part of the broad bottom is
swept by the freshets. Within the region lie a number
of ‘‘mud voleanoes,’’ apparently analogous to the ‘‘mud
lumps” of the Lower Mississippi, which have attracted
much attention by reason of their novelty, though they
are quite subordinate to the general features. The entire
district affords the closest American parallel to the valley
of the Nile, not only in physical conditions, but in the
influence of these on human conditions.

Like northern Africa, the general region is one of
extreme aridity, the rainfall (averaging less than 2 inches
yearly during the last quarter-century at the typical sta-
tion of Mammoth Tanks) being negligible; while the
habitable district is well watered by annual freshets of
remarkable regularity in period and height. These fresh-
ets not only flood but fertilize the riparian lowlands; they
control directly the local flora and somewhat less directly
the local fauna, and they regulate the movements, most
of the industrial habits, many of the social customs, and
much of the mythology of the human population. Dur-
ing the greater part of the year water is obtainable only
from the shrunken river, on whose banks grow most of
the seed-bearing and root-yielding plants available as
food, so that the people are led to occupy the lower bot-
tom lands. Here the cultivated crop plants are sown in
soil soaked by the flood and enriched by its silt deposit,
to grow and ripen rapidly under the subtropical sun;
here habitations are erected, naturally of hght and tem-
porary character, and here the small and scattered vil-
lages characteristic of the tribe grow up during each late
summer and early autumn. The chief crop plants are
corn (maize), beans, peas, squashes, and melons, and it is
noteworthy that most of these represent the aboriginal
plant stocks brought under cultivation in pre-Columbian
times.

Fishing and hunting the abundant waterfowl, as well as
other game, contribute to the tribal subsistence, and dur-
ing recent years part of the crop of corn, beans, and peas

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXI

is carried on horseback to Yuma and bartered chiefly for
appareling. Early winter is the time for ceremony with
the attendant feasting, and by early spring, when the
greater and less portable part of the annual crop is con-
sumed, the families prepare for the annual migration to
the higher lands, where they await the rise and subsi-
dence of the vernal flood. On its passing they return to
the low grounds, to rebuild and plant on the last year’s
farms or elsewhere according to the changes wrought by
the freshet or the chance of death and mortuary observance.
Naturally an agriculture depending so largely on chance
conditions is improvident, comparatively unproductive,
and incapable of sustaining any considerable or concen-
trated population, so that its tendency combines with
that of annual migrations to stifle the home sense and to
scatter the members of consanguineal groups, and thus
to affect the social organization. The recurrent floods also
affect the ceremonies and attendant faiths of the tribes-
men in various ways; for example, they control mortuary
observances and have undoubtedly led indirectly to the
eustom of burning the bodies of decedents in and with
their houses, distributing their property to nonrelatives,
and incidentally destroying adjacent houses and other
property. This.dispersive social factor combines with
that growing directly out of the agricultural methods, and
not only prevents the development of village life with the
concomitant institutions, but perpetually impoverishes
the tribe. Thus the Cocopa Indians present an industrial
paradox, for while they occupy one of the garden spots of
the Western Hemisphere, whose natural freshets might
be so utilized as to sustain an enormous population, they
subordinate themselves to the environmental conditions
and remain one of the poorest and most hopeless of the
American tribes.

During the earlier part of the year Dr Albert E. Jenks
(then a correspondent of the Bureau) revised his memoir
on ‘‘The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes’’ (pub-
lished as part of the Nineteenth Annual Report), incor-
porating some of the results of recent researches. On

XXIT BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

June 1 he was appointed to the position of Assistant
Ethnologist in the Bureau, and was assigned to work
related to his previous researches. He at once took up
the subject of birch bark, with the aboriginal industries
depending on this natural commodity of a considerable
fraction of the North American continent. One of the
most important products of the birch-bark industry is
the canoe; and this, like other industrial products of con-
sequence, exerted a powerful influence on the lives of the
producers. Through one of those harmonies of nature
on which the progress of mankind so largely depends,
much of the birch-bearing region of North America (a
zone stretching from Maine to Washington State and
Alaska, and extending from below the Great Lakes nearly
to the treeless Arctic) is also the region of late Pleisto-
cene glaciation, and hence of glacial lakes, swamps, and
labyrinthine streams; so that throughout the period of
aboriginal development an ideal canoe material coexisted
with illimitable functions for the canoe in the way of
travel and transportation.

Under the natural combination, aided by native intelli-
gence and skill, the lakes and streams became routes of
passage, and by reason of the lightness and strength of
the material, and the lowness and narrowness of the ice-
molded divides, portages were easy, so that the routes
passed from lake to lake, river to river, and drainage sys-
tem to drainage system, practically across the continent.
Under the stimulus of facility, the birch-canoe makers
became travelers and explorers; energetic hunters and
fishermen explored new waters and carried tribal knowl-
edge into new regions; ambitious scions struck out into
the remoter wilderness to make conquest over the unknown
and often to establish families and clans, and eventually
tribes, in new localities; so that in course of time the pad-
dlers of the hght canoe carried their kindred, their dia-
lects, their faiths, over the greater part of the vast region
defined by the birch tree and the glacial waterways. Most
of the canoemen belong to the Algonquian stock, most
of the remainder to the Athapascan stock; and the recent

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXII

researches render it clear that their water craft was a
leading factor in determining their wide distribution and
their success in making conquest of the continent up to
the plane of aboriginal standards. The detailed results of
the work are in preparation for an early report.

In tracing the joint lines of migration and esthetic
development noted in other paragraphs Dr Fewkes be-
came impressed with the fact that among the ancestors
of the Hopi Indians the esthetic standards were much
more permanent than the industrial standards. Through-
out the entire course of tribal migrations retraced by his
researches—a course covering several distinct treks, alter-
nating with periods of stable settlement, the whole cov-
ering some centuries—the symbolic devices inscribed on
the fictile ware remained constant or underwent only
slight and easily traceable modifications, while at each
successive settlement new materials were utilized in the
pottery making, the manufacturing processes and the
final forms of the ware being manifestly adjusted to the
character of the material. The discovery that the indus-
trial activities (which directly measure the conjustment
of man and environment) are the most progressive of the
entire series is not, of course, novel; still less is it novel
to learn that the especially conservative esthetic concepts,
which are at once hereditary and prophetic, as shown by
Groos, outlive whole generations of contemporaneous
industrial concepts; yet the example is notably apposite
and instructive, largely by reason of the freedom of the
folk from external interference, with the consequent sim -
plicity and integrity of the record. The details are incor-
porated in Dr Fewkes’s paper in another part of this
report.

In the course of his reconnoissance of central and
southern Arizona Dr Frank Russell gave especial atten -
tion to the architectural features of the ruins, and defined
a number of types, of which one or two are new to south-
western archeology.. The work was still in progress at
the close of the fiscal year.

XXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
WorK IN SoctoLocy

A portion of the year was employed by the Director
and the Ethnologist in Charge in reviewing the abundant
data in the Bureau archives relating to aboriginal insti-
tutions, and in systemizing the principles of sociology in
the light of these data. One of the lines of inquiry, ren-
dered important not only by inherent interest but by
aurrent problems growing out of the recent expansion
of the territory of the United States, relates to slavery
among the primitive peoples, and the researches render
it clear that the relationships so designated vary widely
with intellectual plane or culture grade—indeed, the
social subordination of lower culture is so unlike the
slavery of civilization that the application of the same
designation to both institutions is quite misleading. In
the slavery of civilization the slaves are not only aliens
but chattels, personal ownership of whom is definitely
established and maintained through laws relating to
tenure, bequest, conveyance, etc., but in savage society,
in which personal proprietary rights are inchoate or non-
existent, in which the tenure inheres practically or abso-
lutely in the group, in which bequest is hardly, if at all,
recognized, and in which thrift sense is lacking and prop-
erty sense involved with mythic factors, such slavery is
simply impossible. True, there are many recorded in-
stances of slavery among lower tribes, but most of these
rest on casual or superficial observation, or on other testi-
mony stopping short of inquiry into the precise nature of
the relations between the supposed slaveholders and the
supposed slaves, while the convenience of the common
term for the expression of social inequality has contrib-
uted to mislead recorders and (still more seriously)
readers.

To understand the so-called slavery of savagery it is
necessary to grasp the mode of social organization char-
acteristic of that culture grade. As shown chiefly through
the researches among the American aborigines, such
organization is based primarily on consanguinity (actual

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXV

or imputed), and secondarily on age; and the relations
growing out of these factors are kept constantly in the
mind of every member of each clan and tribe by habitual
forms of address. So the constituent individuals of a
given clan are fathers and mothers, sons and daughters,
brothers and sisters, and these relationships are constantly
indicated in salutations, and even in ordinary conversa-
tion (the precise relationship to the speaker being com-
monly expressed also by a pronominal element). At the
same time it is constantly borne in mind that father and
son, mother and daughter, are not coordinate, the for-
mer being the superior by reason of greater age; similarly
brethren are classed as elder brothers and younger broth-
ers, While the female kindred of the same generation are
classed as elder sisters and younger sisters, and the elder
ane always deemed superior, the younger inferior, in rank.
By simple and practical extension of the system, the rela-
tive ages of all persons in the clan are kept in mind; and
since, according to the universal usage of savagery (so far
as known), superior age confers authority, there is a prac-
tically simple, though theoretically complex, regimenta-
tion running through the entire clan, whereby the eldest
person commands all and obeys none, while the youngest
person obeys all and commands none, and each other per-
son is entitled to command and bound to obey in the direct
proportion of relative age. This regimentation is com-
plicated by various factors, such as adoption, and (espe-
cially) what may be called promotion and demotion, that
is, advancement in ‘‘age’’ (rank) by common consent in
recognition of prowess, ete., with correlative reduction in
‘‘age’’ as the penalty for cowardice, etc., so that the actual
age relations may be completely lost; yet the imputed
relationship serves practical purposes, and the organiza-
tion is maintained with unimpaired efficiency by means of
relationship terms. The same system is extended from
the clan to the tribe, in which the several clans are
ranked in the order of ‘‘age’’ (of course imputed), and
eventually to the tribes united in confederacies; so at last

XXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

the system reaches every member of the tribal confed-—
eracy and each is entitled to command or bound to obey
any other according to the relationship expressed in the
form of salutation and constantly kept alive in conversa-
tion. True, uncertainties and differences of opinion may
arise, especially between the remoter individuals and
groups; commonly these are settled by more or less pro-
longed deliberation and discussion, or ‘‘ council,’’? though
some of the bloodiest wars of Indian history grew out of
such misunderstandings; yet even the appeal to force
and arms but serves as a means of settlement of the dis-
pute, for the conquerors thereby become the elder and
the. conquered the younger in primitive thought. So,
too, when stranger tribes meet, both are constrained by
universal tribal law, and proceed to council or war, as the
case may be, for the purpose of fixing the relative ‘‘ age,”’
with the consequent right of command, and in some cases
the question may remain open for centuries (as between
the Apache and the Papago) and lead ‘to interminable
warfare. Now, the conquered tribe may merely retire
from the field of dispute, leaving what both conceive to
be the verdict of superhuman potencies beyond reach of
continuous execution; but if the contestants are actually
related, or if the conquest is complete, they commonly
remain in association, the survivors of the conquered
families being absorbed or more formally adopted into
the conquering tribe, and perhaps distributed among the
families of that tribe, whereupon all the captives become
subordinate to each and all of the conquerors, to whom
thenceforth they owe obedience. Commonly it is this
condition of obedience on the part of a certain class or
group to the commands of another class or group which
impresses observers and leads to the records of slavery
among primitive folk, though the institution involves no
ownership of human chattels, no rights or duties save
those connected with a system of rank correlated with
relative age, actual or imputed. The institution might
better be styled wholesale adoption, or collective adop-
tion, than slavery. Among the American aborigines the

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXVII

captives, or adoptees, are usually assigned an ‘‘age’’ cor-
responding with the time of their entry into the tribe,
so that they are compelled thereafter to obey all children
then living, and are entitled to command all children sub-
sequently born into the tribe, and there is thus a fixed
way whereby they attain in time the rank of the con-
querors. Moreover, the method of promotion permits
any ‘‘slave’’ (that is, captive-junior) to attain ‘‘age’’ by
the display of prowess, industry, skill, generosity, or
other attributes appealing to the sentiments of primitive
men. Among certain other peoples, the custom of collee-
tive adoption appears to be so modified that the captives
remain juniors not only to members of the captor tribe
born anterior to the captivity, but to all others, and it is
this modified institution which matures in actual slavery
with the development of property-sense; but even in this
ease there are (at least in the early stages) devices for the
manumission or liberation of, or the acquisition of rank
by, captives (or captive-descendants) of exceptional abil-
ities. The several primitive customs grade into the insti-
tution of slavery proper in ways which are of much
interest, but which need not now be followed; it suffices
to emphasize the important distinction between the captive
subordination of primitive peoples and the real slavery of
some civilized nations.

In the course of his researches among the Cocopa In-
dians Mr McGee discovered several industrial factors of
dispersive tendency, that is, factors tending to weaken
home ties and family bonds and to scatter the families
and clans; and naturally these factors are reflected in
the social organization. The tribe is now distributed
over an area of several thousand square miles, extending
from the International Boundary on the north to the head
of salt water (of Gulf of California) on the south, and
from the eastern border of the Colorado bottom to the
base of Cocopa mountains; and within this area are seven
subtribes, of which some, and perhaps all, are really
clans, each organized under a subchief and all definitely
united under a head chief, the present incumbent of this

XXVIIT BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

office being a man of parts, an orator of ability, and a
leader of much shrewdness, commonly known as Pablo
Colorado. Now, naturally (and necessarily for the main-
tenance of tribal integrity) the dispersive factors are
counteracted and balanced by connective factors; and
while it is probable that some of these remain undiscov-
ered, a few of no small significance were detected by Mr
McGee. As has been mentioned, the mortuary observ-
ances include sacrifice of all the immediate belongings of
decedents, for immediately after the death of a tribes-
man his personal possessions—horse, saddle, weapons,
implements, apparel, grain and other food stuffs, bed-
ding, dogs, ete.—become public and are distributed
among nonrelatives in the order of arrival, while any
unclaimed residue is burned with the body and house.
Several social consequences attend this industrially
improvident procedure. In the first place, the largess is
an incentive to maintaining connection between the scat-
tered families and clans and to lively (albeit morbid)
interest in the state of health of invalids, thrifty pro-.
ducers, and other members of the tribe; again, the actual
mortuary distribution brings together scattered tribesmen
and their families and unites their interests in ceremonies
of affecting if not imposing character; and finally the
material sacrifice commonly leaves dependents (widows,
children, and perhaps agelings) to be supported by the
informal public bounty of tribal life, or perhaps to be
distributed among scattered families in such manner as
to strengthen sentiments of communality and to keep
alive the sense of community in interests. This factor is
prominent in the customs of the tribe, and its influence is
direct and easily traceable.

A less direct factor of similar tendency is found in the
marital customs, or rather in the observances preceding
and preparing the way for marriage. The girls’ puberty
feast is, indeed, one of the most imposing and widely
heralded of the tribal ceremonies; commonly it brings
together representatives of all the subtribes or clans; and
the proceedings are conducted with extreme formality

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXIX

and dramatic impressiveness. The principal ceremony
lasts through a night, following a day of preparation and
followed by another day of final feasting, accompanied
by games, etc. The central episode is the temporary
burial of the novitiate; a shallow pit is excavated, and in
this a fire is made, as for a fish bake; after the earth is
thoroughly warmed the remaining fuel and coals are re-
moved, the girl is placed in the pit and buried to the neck
with the earth thrown out in making the excavation;
there she spends the night, and in the morning is extri-
eated and brought before the assembled tribesmen as a
woman; and commonly a match is made with a repre-
sentative of some more or less remote branch of the
tribe. Through the ceremony community of thought is
maintained in most effective fashion, and through the
resulting marriage the two families are united to the
extent that a common consequence is the breaking of
a new path, often many miles in length, through the
luxurious herbage of the annually flooded bottom land.
The formal organization of the Cocopa tribe is in large
measure esoteric, so that it can be ascertained fully
only after prolonged and intimate acquaintance with the
tribesmen, but the preliminary investigation serves to
show that the field of inquiry is one of promise.

In his comparative study of myths Mr J. N. B. Hewitt
found various references to social customs of such sort as
to indicate clearly certain archaic institutions of the Iro-
quoian Indians. Thus the Onondaga legends illumine
the legislative and executive customs of the tribe, and,
while ostensibly giving traditional warrant for the cus-
toms, they really picture a somewhat earlier stage in the
development of institutions than that found by the Cau-
casian pioneers. In this tribe all matters of public policy,
especially the selection of chiefs and the discontinuance
of war, were first considered by the elderwomen in fairly
definite clan councils. Their conclusions were formally
communicated to a male spokesman, usually the elder
brother (actual or putative) of the elderwoman, and by

22 ETH—04——111

XXX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

this spokesman, with others of similar character from
the other clans, the opinions of the mothers were brought
before the exclusively masculine tribal council for debate
and final decision. In this way the women sitting in clan
council constituted the primary legislative body, while
their brothers sitting in tribal council formed a senate or
final legislative body whose decisions were binding on the
executives of clans and tribes; so that the social organi-
zation may be classed as adelphiarchal (like that of the
Seri Indians described in earlier reports) in principle,
though largely patriarchal in detail. As among the Seri,
too, the maternal features of the legislation were paral-
leled by recognition of large maternal rights in material
possessions—for example, throughout the Iroquoian tribes
the control or nominal ownership of lands was in the
women as the collective and perpetual mothers of the
tribe. These and other points of general interest are set
forth in Mr Hewitt’s memoir, which was assigned to the
Twenty-first Annual Report.

Work IN PHILOLOGY

Throughout a considerable part of the year the Director
was occupied in developing and applying the system of
linguistic classification foreshadowed in the last report.
Primarily, languages are devices for the expression of
thought; secondarily, they are mechanisms for shaping
thought. The simplest languages are emotional and
largely demonstrative, comprising not only articulate vocal
utterances, but inarticulate sounds, gestures, facial ex-
pressions, etc., and these spontaneous expressions of feel -
ing and thought grow into the four leading lines of lin-
guistic development. The simplest of these is gesture
language (or sign language), which arises largely in pan-
tomime, but matures under favorable conditions in highly
complex systems such as those investigated by the late
Colonel Mallery and more recently by Major H. L. Scott
(whose studies were unfortunately interrupted by the
Spanish-American war). <A far more important line of

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT ; XXXI

linguistic development is that of oral speech, and the ae -
tivities of expression have been so long and so vigorously
exercised in this line as to have developed a series of spe-
cial organs differing widely in refinement of function and
delicacy of structure from those of lower animals. By
means of these organs the speaking animal, Man, gains
mastery of sound, which is created at will and reduced to
vocables, tones, and sentences in such manner as to convey
ideas of the utmost complexity with hardly perceptible
loss of meaning; and with the development of words and
sentences lexicology and grammar arise, while etymology
and sematology gradually acquire importance. The third
line of linguistic development is that of written language,
which first involved manual adaptation, together with a
revolution in mode of thought, and afterward involved the
invention of that long series of mechanical devices now
forming the sign and measure of higher intellectuality.
The last line of linguistic development is that represented
by characters expressing quantitative values; it may be
styled logistic language. Although based primarily on the
rich records of aboriginal American languages preserved
in the archives of the Bureau, the system of linguistic
classification was shaped by extended comparisons with
the various languages of Europe and Asia, together with
some of those of Australia, Africa, and Polynesia. The
system was freely discussed with students and published
in preliminary form for the purpose of eliciting further
suggestion and criticism; the matter was incorporated in
full in the Twentieth Annual Report.

In connection with the linguistic classification, the
Director continued to study the recorded languages of the
Mexican and Central American tribes, with a view to
classifying these tribes by linguistic affinities in a manner
corresponding to that already adopted for the American
tribes north of Mexico (the classification being published
in the Seventh Annual Report). In this work he had
the constant assistance of Dr Cyrus Thomas, whose famil-
larity with the literature of the southern districts of North

XXXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

America proved invaluable. Before the end of the year
a preliminary classification was made and mapped; but it
is deemed unwise to submit the matter for publication
pending reexamination of various critical points. It has
been the good fortune of the Bureau to see its classifica—
tion and mapping of the tribes north of Mexico adopted
widely, and it is naturally desired that the continua-
tion of the work southward shall be equally worthy of
acceptance.

Dr Albert S. Gatschet continued the arrangement of
the comparative Algonquian vocabulary, and also carried
forward his analysis of the complex structure of the
Peoria language. In both directions his progress was
considerable and his results of much value, not only as
an aid in formulating the linguistic classification above
described, but to the collaborators of the Bureau and
students generally.

Dr Franz Boas continued the arrangement of linguistic
material for publication at intervals throughout the year.
In addition, he revised the proofs of his memoir entitled
‘* Kathlamet Texts,’’ submitted just before the close of
the last fiscal year and transmitted for publication in bul—
letin form early in the present year. By reason of the
highly technical character of the matter, composition was
necessarily slow and proof reading laborious; but the
matter is now all in type.

The Natick Dictionary, compiled from the Eliot Indian
Bible by the late James Hammond Trumbull (noted in
the last report), is still in the printer’s hands, though
nearly ready for publication.

In connection with the collection of Troquoian myths,
Mr Hewitt has continued recording the vocables and
working out the grammatic structure of the languages
spoken by several Lroquoian tribes. Some of the results
of the work appear in his memoir on comparative myth-
ology in the Twenty-first Annual Report of the Bureau;
others are in condition for incorporation in future reports.

Asalready noted, Mr John R. Swanton spent the entire
year in collecting linguistic material in British Columbia.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXII

The languages of this district give promise of special
importance in their bearing on questions of tribal migra-
tions and intertribal relations. Mr Swanton has not yet
taken up the preparation of his material for publication.

The work on the Diccionario de Motul, described in the
last report, is still under way. A considerable portion of
the manuscript in Maya and Spanish was transcribed by
Miss Jessie E. Thomas during the year, and Senor
Audomaro Molina, of Merida, Yucatan, is engaged in fur-
nishing an English translation and in extending the
vocabulary through personal acquaintance with the Maya
tongue.

Work IN SOPHIOLOGY

As has been indicated by the contents of previous
reports, the Director has for some years been engaged
in developing a system of anthropologic classification
designed primarily to serve as a basis for the researches
in the Bureau, though it is hoped that the system will be
of use to the students of the Science of Man throughout
the world. It was the partial development of this system
that led first to discrimination of the human activities
and later to the definition of the five groups of activities
observed in the researches and described in recent reports.
During the last five years several of the groups or cate-
gories of activities have been formulated and character-
ized with some degree of fullness. The treatment began
with the arts, or esthetic activities, and proceeded to the
industries, or technical activities, and thence to the insti-
tutions expressing social activities. During the past year
the characterization was extended to languages, or the
activities designed for expression, as already set forth,
and toward the end of the year the last and most complex
of the activital groups, that is, the sophic activities
involved in opinion, together with myth, faith, and the
more refined and ennobling products of mentation, was
taken up. Fair progress was made in the analytical
work.

XXXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

During his Southwestern expedition Mr McGee found
opportunity to witness certain ceremonies of the Yaki
Indians, which were of interest partly because the tribe
has been little studied, partly by reason of the prominence
of zoic motives in the vocalization and instrumentation,
as well as in the gestures and movements of the cere-
monial dance. In portions of the ceremony each actor
impersonated an animal. He wore a headdress (not
extended into a mask, as among more northerly tribes)
consisting of a scalp, with ears, horns, and other append -
ages of the animal kind, and leggings abundantly deco-
rated with claws or hoofs of the same animal. He carried
a rattle or flute, used to imitate the voice of the tutelary
or the sound of its movements, while he imitated its notes
of alarm, fright, pain, and pleasure with his own voice,
and mimicked its corresponding movements; yet in other
parts of the ceremony the same actors passed by carefully
graded stages into the strictly conventional movements of
a dance involving collective action of considerable com-
plexity. Briefly, the ceremony seemed to be character-
ized by a remarkable combination of symbolic and con-
ventional features, indicating an exceptional range from
the primitive impersonation to the formal figures and
movements attending moderately advanced culture.

Mr James Mooney continued his researches relating to
the mythology of the Cherokee Indians, making good
progress in the collection of additional material in the
field, as well as in the extension of comparisons between
the myths of the Cherokee and those of other tribes and
peoples. The appheation of comparative study to primi-
tive mythology is proving highly instructive and useful.
In the infancy of ethnologic research students were fre-
quently struck by the discovery of activital parallels, or
similarities, among more or less remote peoples, and were
led thereby to infer previous contact, or even closer rela-
tionship, between the peoples; but as study progressed
and new parallels were discovered, even among the
remotest peoples of the earth, the verity of the inference
came to be questioned, and finally the law of activital

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXV

coincidences was formulated as a convenient generaliza-
tion of the facts connected with independent development
of devices produced in the constant adjustment of the
intelligent organism to its environment. At first the law
of activital coincidences rested chiefly on industrial arti-
facts; then it was found to have equal support in the
esthetic products of various peoples; next it was found
to have still stronger and more direct support in institu-
tions, in the devices and features of social organization ;
while certain features of language were found also to
indicate the extent and efficiency of coincidental interac -
tion between mind and nature in shaping the activital
products. Hitherto most investigators of mythology
have been content with discrete studies and explorations,
or, at most, with exoteric parallels. Accordingly many of
them have stopped with the inference of former contact
or kinship on which the students of industrial artifacts
rested a quarter century ago, that is, their studies were such
as to bring out resemblances among the mythic systems
examined, but not such as to detect and properly empha-
size the essential differences. Now, Mr Mooney’s com-
parisons, although not exhaustive, are sufficiently general
to permit discrimination of the exoteric coincidences from
esoteric motives in the myths. Accordingly they clear
the way for the appleation of the law of activital coinei-
dences to primitive mythology, if not to sophiology in
general. The greater part of the material completed for
publication has been incorporated in the memoir on
‘** Myths of the Cherokee,’’ published in the Nineteenth
report.

Another comparative study of myths has been carried
forward by Mr J. N. B. Hewitt; and this investigation
is noteworthy in that the comparisons are confined to a
limited group of confederated tribes (of the Iroquoian
stock) and in that the features compared are in excep-
tional degree esoteric. The myths were obtained at first
hand and carefully recorded and verified in the aboriginal
terminology, after which literal and free translations were
made, so that each chapter of the work is at once a

XXXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

linguistic record and the best obtainable version of the
ancient traditions. Now, it is noteworthy that most of
the similarities found thus among the several Iroquoian
myths are rather external than internal, rather superficial
than essential, and, concordantly, that the more im-
portant differences are primarily internal, that is, more
directly connected with concept and motive than with
ritual and emblem. The voluminous material was prac-
tically ready for the press at the close of the fiscal year
and was assigned to the Twenty-first Annual Report.

During the closing months of the year Dr Fewkes was
employed in summarizing his own observations and those
of others in the pueblo region, with the object of present -
ing an outline of Pueblo mythology. As noted in earlier
reports, the pueblo region is arid, and hence infertile and
harsh as an environment for human inhabitants, and the
harshness of environments is curiously reflected in highly
differentiated beliefs and ceremonies, so that the pueblo
region as a whole may, perhaps, be regarded as a sophie
province, that is, a province defined by a distinctively
typical series of myths and faiths. Good progress was
made in the work, which was not, however, completed at
the close of the fiscal year.

In addition to the inquiries connected with the classi-
fication of the languages of Mexico and Central America,
Dr Cyrus Thomas gave continued attention to the hiero-
glyphic records of the inscriptions and sculptures of
Yucatan and interior Mexico, materially supplementing
and extending his paper on calendric systems published
as a part of the Nineteenth Annual Report. He made
some progress also in the preparation of a final memoir
on the codices.

Although seriously handicapped by ill health, Mrs
Matilda Coxe Stevenson continued the preparation of her
memoir on the ceremonies and myths of the Zuni Indians.
A portion of the manuscript was submitted for editorial
revision in May, and the remaining chapters were reported
as nearing completion at the end of the fiscal year.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT AXXVII

As noted in the last report, an exceedingly valuable
acquisition was made through Miss Alice C. Fletcher in
the form of the Pawnee ritual known as the Hako; but
on arranging the material for printing certain breaks
were found which seemed of such importance as to war-
rant postponement of publication pending further efforts
in the field to complete the ritual. Accordingly Miss
Fletcher revisited Oklahoma, and afterward brought her
principal informant to Washington, where the record was
finally made perfect. The ritual is remarkable for ex-
tent and fulness, for the clear ight which it throws on
archaic customs and beliefs, and for the systematic and
harmonious development of the musical and terpsicho-
rean features. The original record was obtained by aid
of the graphophone, and this record was then written in
words and musical notation, and afterward verified by
repetition. On the whole the ritual is one of the most
complete ever acquired by the Bureau, and is in every
way worthy to be regarded as a type of aboriginal ritual-
istic production. The final arrangement of the material
was nearly finished at the close of the fiscal year, when
the work was interrupted by Miss Fletcher’s temporary
absence from the city.

Work IN DESCRIPTIVE ETHNOLOGY

During the earlier portion of the year Mr F. W. Hodge
continued the preparation of the Cyclopedia of Native
Tribes in connection with editorial work, his progress in
both lines being highly satisfactory. On January 31 he
resigned his connection with the Bureau to accept a posi-
tion in the office of the Secretary. The Cyclopedia mate -
rial was then turned over to Mr Mooney, who has made
some progress in preparing it for publication.

During the earlier months of the year Colonel F. F.
Hilder was, by temporary transfer, engaged in making
collections in the Philippine Islands under the auspices
of the Government Board of the Pan-American Exposi-
tion. After his return he resumed his duties as Ethnologic

XXXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

Translator and continued the transcription, translation,
and annotation of an early Jesuit manuscript history of
Texas, obtained through the instrumentality of the
Bureau, but now preserved in the Library of Congress.
The sketch was found rich in important ethnologic data,
and the anonymous author was identified by Colonel
Hilder, through collateral information, as Padre Morfi.
The work was nearly completed when brought to a pre-
mature end by the sudden death of Colonel Hilder on
January 21.

PUBLICATION

Mr F. W. Hodge continued in charge of the editorial
work until his resignation took effect, as already noted,
after which this work was conducted by Mr H. 8. Wood.
The first part of the Seventeenth report and the first part
of the Eighteenth report were received from the Goyern-
ment Printing Office during the year, and these, with the
second part of the Seventeenth report, have been distrib -
uted. The second part of the Eighteenth report was
not delivered at the end of June, while neither of the two
bulletins of the new series was quite complete; and the
Nineteenth report, though nearly all in type, was not yet
ready for the bindery at the close of the year.

Mr De Lancey Gill remained in charge of the illustra-
tive work, preparing copy for and revising proofs of the
numerous illustrations for the Eighteenth and Nineteenth
reports. He also made photo-portraits of some two hun-
dred Indians, chiefly members of delegations visiting
Washington in the interest of their tribes, and developed
a considerable number of negatives made by the several
collaborators in the field.

COLLECTIONS

As usual, the several collaborators engaged in field
operations made more or less extensive collections for
purposes of study and for ultimate transfer to the U. 8.
National Museum. The largest collection of the sort was
made by Mr McGee among the Cocopa Indians. It com-

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XXXIX

prised domestic utensils of wood, stone, and clay; sev-
eral bows with arrows; war weapons; complete suits of
women’s apparel; cradles; decorative and symbolic ob-
jects of shell and bone; flutes, rattles, etc., together with
the chief vegetal food products used by the tribe, the
collection being sufficiently complete to permit the con-
struction of one or more life-size groups. The most
elaborate war weapon is of interest in that itis designed
to serve at once as standard and spear, and in that the
sharpened point for the latter use is at the inner end of the
shaft, so that the weapon illustrates the centripetal move-
ment of lowest culture rather than the centrifugal arm
movement characteristic of advanced culture. Smaller
collections were made by Mr Mooney among the Cherokee
Indians, by Mr Hewitt among the Iroquoian Indians of
Canada, and by Dr Russell in Arizona. A number of
collections were obtained also by purchase under the more
immediate direction of the Secretary. Among these may
be mentioned the Steiner collection of stone implements
from Georgia, which comprises a large number of types
and of which a portion was obtained during the last fiseal
year. Another collection of special note was obtained
from Major H. N. Rust, of Pasadena, California. It com-
prises several types and numerous examples representing
the stone artifacts of southern California. Advantage
was taken also of the opportunity to acquire a number of
the remarkably faithful Indian portraits executed by Mr
J. H. Sharp, of Cincinnati. A particularly instructive
collection of obsidian blades (including the largest known
specimens) was also obtained during the year through Mr
Nathan Joseph, of San Francisco, while a few particularly
fine pieces of aboriginal Alaskan workmanship were
obtained from Lieut. G. T. Emmons. A small collection
of basketry produced by the renegade Apache at Palomas
was picked up by Mr McGee, together with several pieces
of Pima basketry made near Maricopa. A small but
noteworthy object obtained was an anthenticated Sitting
Bull belt of beaded elk skin; and half a dozen small col-
lections of stone implements and weapons were secured.

XL BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

PROPERTY

The property of the Bureau is practically limited to (1)
office furniture and apparatus, (2) ethnologic manuscripts
and other original records, (8) photographs and drawings
of Indian subjects, (4) a working library, (5) collections
held temporarily by collaborators for use in research, and
(6) undistributed residue of the editions of the Bureau
publications. The fiscal year witnessed little change in
the amount or value of the office property. The aceumu-
lation of manuscripts and other records of original work
progressed steadily; about a thousand photographie neg-
atives, together with several hundred prints and a num-
ber of drawings, were added to the collection of illustrative
material. The library maintained normal growth chiefly
through exchange, and the number of back reports was
considerably reduced through the constantly increasing
public demand for ethnologic hterature. Mr J. Julius
Lund continued in charge of the property as custodian.

NECROLOGY—FRANK FREDERICK HILDER

On January 21, 1901, the Bureau suffered a grievous
loss in the death of Colonel F. F. Hilder, Ethnologie
Translator.

Frank Frederick Hilder, soldier, geographer, and eth-
nologist, was born in Hastings, England, in 1836. Edu-
cated at Rugby in the approved manner of the times, he
afterward graduated from the British military school at
Sandhurst, and entered the army as a cornet in early
manhood, at a time when the eyes of all England were
turned on India. Sent immediately to aid in quelling
the Sepoy rebellion, he soon saw service of such severity,
and met it with such intrepidity, that he was awarded
the Indian Mutiny medal, with special-service bars for
Delhi and Lucknow.

It was during this period of his career that Hilder
traversed the Indo-Gangetic plain, trod the Himalayan
foothills, and visited the provinces and eities of the

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLI

northwestern empire from Bombay to Kashmir, and
from the Punjab to Nepal, laying the foundation for a
broad yet precise geographic and ethnologic education;
and some of the lectures of even the latest years of his
life drew inspiration and significant detail from the
researches enlivening these early campaigns. He saw
service also in Farther India, Borneo, and the Philip-
pines, and after rising through a heutenancy to the rank
of captain was transferred to Africa. Here he won the
Egyptian medal, and his skill as military expert and
organizer attracted such attention that after his return to
his regiment in India he was recalled and promoted to a
coloneley at the express request of the Khedive.

In Africa, as in India, Colonel Hilder seized every
opportunity for scientific research; but his tenure in the
Egyptian army was cut short by the terrible experience
of a sand-storm, which so injured his eyesight that he
decided to abandon a military career. Coming to Amer-
ica on his recovery, Colonel Hilder met again the conta-
gion of military spirit stimulated by our civil war, and
did special work of importance in the Engineer Corps,
but held so firmly to his election of a peaceful life as to
decline an American commission. In the later sixties he
became the international representative of a small-arms
manufactory, and spent fifteen years chiefly in travel
through the several Spanish-American countries; and
during this period he acquired an extended and intimate
acquaintance with languages and peoples, as well as with
national leaders and policies. Impressed by the oppor-
tunities for international business presented by the
actual and prospective republics of Spanish America, he
established a house in Chicago, only to be ruined by the
fire of 1871; later he combined business enterprises in
St Louis and Mississippi City with notable researches
in the archeology of the Mississippi valley. Unhappily
pursued by conflagrations, he turned to research and
publication, making important contributions to the
projectors of the Pan-American Railway and the Bureau
of American Republics.

XLIT BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY —

Colonel Hilder acted as secretary of the National Geo-
graphie Society during the year ending June, 1899, after-
ward becoming Ethnologic Translator in the Bureau of
American Ethnology. He continued in this position to
the time of his death, though he was detailed as a special
agent of the Pan-American Exposition for work in the
Philippines during the earlier half of 1900. Despite the
briefness of his connection with the Bureau, he had
already made himself a place among the most valued and
trusted members of the corps.

As indicated by his career, Colonel Hilder possessed
remarkably strong character; yet he was by instinct a
naturalist and student, and devoted the best energies of
his life to the increase and diffusion of knowledge. His
later publications, through the Bureau of Education and
the Bureau of American Republhes, as well as through the
National Geographic Magazine, the Forum, and other
standard periodicals, are well known; while his graceful
and instructive lectures, based on personal observations
in India, Egypt, South Africa, Central America, the
Philippines, and other remote regions, livein the memory
of thousands.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT

Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, ‘‘for
continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians under
the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or com-
pensation of all necessary employees and the purchase of necessary
books and periodicals, fifty thousand dollars, of which sum not exceed-
ing one thousand five hundred dollars may be used for rent of build-

mhoversie> ((fsiobavohiey, Ceohialll Byer, Ahoboven(o}y JS[00) 9 ee ee ke Sasso secscesceses $50, 000. 00
Salaries or compensation of employees. ..........-----.---- $34, O80. 45
Special services=-s en occee eee: Seen eee ee arene $526. 35
Traveling and field expenses.....---..---------- Pea ey2
Bthnologie'specimens! se essse- esses. eee seat ee 3,388. 78
Mamusériptes 232 tase -enes sacs aseeas nesses 2,011. 00
Drawings and ulllustrationsseseseeeesse ee aes eres 407. 95
Negatives): 2. sige 4 ee Ss ee eel a 10. 40
Books and periodicals for library ----.--.-------- 822. 58
Office ren tallies. Aaa eeenise eee ee eee eee 1, 500. 00
Officetturmiinresses =e eee eee bho SA ee 683. 33
DBighting: 3: 005-22 556 ae eoece eee eee 94. 53

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT XLII

Siationenry. supplies) ele 2222. =<sa2--s0>sece+ eu $1, 258. 04
RMAC Mies tena aoe a= sees e eee aeeseohss cee 257.93
Rostarew telegrams: CC. 5-52 2s she seesae cece 72.50
Miscellaneous... 225 0-5- 22 ssecitsosean sa nbs ee 108. 65
$18, 234. 86
Total disbursement -...-----....-- a AN ech ee, POE et $47, 315. 31
Balance duly.ls 19022 ot 2 ese n oe oss eme ase oe Cee 2, 684. 69

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

The three papers presented in connection with this
Report mark a forward step in the systematic researches
undertaken by the Bureau, and relate to fields already
more or less fully occupied by the authors represented.
The paper of Dr Fewkes, Two Summers’ Work in Pueblo
Ruins, is based on explorations made in the heart of the
pueblo country during the years 1896 and 1897, and
serves, in connection with his previous writings, to extend
our knowledge of the local tribes back into the shadowy
time that witnessed the gathering of the clans on the
plateaus and in the canyons of the Colorado valley. The
ruins described are located in the middle part of the
valley of the Little Colorado and in the upper Gila valley,
to the south. In the prosecution of these researches Dr
Fewkes has made much progress in verifying traditions
of the Hopis and in determining affinities and movements
of the prehistoric communities; and, by utilizing his rich
fund of accumulated knowledge, he has sueceeded in
contributing materially to our understancing of the unique
culture of this remarkable region.

The paper by Dr Thomas, Maya Calendar Systems,
deals with the interpretation of the ancient records of the
Maya tribes of Middle America. Not having discovered
an American Rosetta stone, the students of this impor-
tant branch of native culture have given chief attention
to the more pregnable features of the records—the systems
of numeration as applied to the native calendar. Largely
through the persistent and most praiseworthy efforts of
A. P. Maudslay, the known examples of glyphs, sculp-
tured in stone and wood, modeled in stucco, and painted

XLIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

on walls, have been accurately recorded and published
and are available to students the world over, and discus-
sion can now proceed to much better advantage than
heretofore. A first paper on the Maya calendar systems
by Dr Thomas appeared in the Nineteenth Annual Report
of the Bureau, and the present paper continues the dis-
cussion, with special reference to the interpretations of
Mr Goodman. These papers necessarily assume a some-
what controversial character, but this is probably not to
be regretted, since the legitimate outcome of honest con-
troversy is a closer approximation of the truth. Already
some notable results have been achieved and are generally
accepted, and a fair understanding of the entire calendar
system may be looked forward to with confidence.

‘“The Hako”’ is an important ceremony enacted by
various western tribes, and the record presented in the
paper by Miss Fletcher is exceptionally full and satisfac -
tory. This record was made among the Pawnees under
most favorable conditions. After years of patient work
the words and music of all the songs and explanations of
the rites and the hidden meanings of every word and act
were obtained. This was done mainly through the aid of
an old manof the Chaui band whois known as the Kurahus
or leader of the ceremony. Like primitive ceremonies
generally, this is a prayer, and its motives are peace,
plenty, and abundance of offspring. It is intertribal, and
not only serves as a means for the interchange of ideas
through contact and through gifts but represents one of
the many powerful agencies which, by spreading tolerance
and friendly feeling, tend to weld scattered warlike bands
of men into great peaceful nations. In its melodies, re-
corded on the graphophone and transeribed into our
notation by a skilful musician; in its meters, carefully
studied and analyzed; and in the metrical translation,
which has caught so perfectly the spirit of the original,
there is abundant material for students of music, poetry,
and religion. The Bureau is fortunate in being the means
of presenting to the world this superb study of a typical
aboriginal ceremony.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

22. ETA—04——1

TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS

BY

JESSE WALTER FEWKES

CONTENTS

Page

Swirls UGE.» 222. tS eek a A Se Ree Eee Bee, ee ee ene nee Games B 17
Generalrouulinomerepe = sees a2 eee ee ee ey eR Eee Sees 17
Ruins on themduittle Coloradoiriver.-—-_-.-2----- ==. 20
Goncralet eau Tes == eres oases ee Se 20
TRATES TASB Ny se ON /isa oe ee tee ee eee ee ee 22
hove oOmoOlLO Due TOUD melee ea ee Oe eee eo eS ee 23
ICA 2235 25g eee ace 4 see e588 Sos asnesae ee Seeeee 23
onmer inhabitants. a ee eee 24

Jeyetben I 5 <5 2S 5 ce See Seb en see oe eR ee ne eee eee Ree 25

CELT eee Ree 2s Shoe oe SA Oey Roe wo ie | ee 29

SELL DS ee ee Se ees en oes ee eae 29

EC ae nee eee 2c et ce ee eee 30

The Cheylon ruin (Cakwabatyaki)_-.---.-..---.2-2----=---=-- 30
The Chaves pass ruin (Tciibkwitcalobi) -__._--_--------.----- 32
Ruins between Winslow and the Hopi pueblos-_-__-____. ---_-. -_-_-- 34
@avatemuins mearsHlarstatt ===. <= he eee eee 35
Oldcavessae ate acs e aces ee saas b See Sas sense eae eeeeen en 36

IN GWEC VGGE™ meen te. eo eee eee Es ELS Se ee eet 37

BRE yap cl ke Cay OS tee ee ee ae a ee aoe 38

Ruins near the Black falls of the Little Colorado _______-_---- 39
Location and previous exploration. .-..----._------------- 39
General ifeatures sees) ee ee Beene = ee ee 40

(Gary a A oe een ee ee a eee eee eee 42

phe Citadel =a seewe ree Soe eRe ese 43

EG CUR oe ee a Se es ei ry ee ore 43

Rains'B Can eDiets s= sent sre oie tS! eke oe nla 44

CEA ary cin Gl ree es ee ene ee eS 44

Ris iGH land ines: sae eseathet ee oa eae eee Saale 44

EU GLLTI Ke ee es ee ee eee Pe eh) Pe 45

UU ie eee ee eee he SLs es a Se ee 46

UUM ees ae eee passer, Sera Ps ae eel 46

(Cioybl ote Bape ce eoe seme ae Se ene tae ee Bae oS 47

TRA ee cys See er Sa Set 47

IRD Bee ee een eset 22) flee ae oy ae eae eee ese 50

TRIN Ce nee ne a ee ee IN en = Se eee Be 50

6 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

Summer of 1896—continued.

Ruins on the Little Colorado river—continued.
Ruins between Winslow and the Hopi pueblos—continued.

Ruins near the Black falls of the Little Colorado—continued.
Group iC es soe caegcsnecce sess ne aca e ee ees see
IRVIN Ale Se woe gee ee eee eee
IRGINSB Ee. Se ee ee ee
Ruins near Honani’s house at Burro spring--_-_--_____--______
Objects from the Little Colorado ruins .-__-_-------.-------------- are
POtbORy 22 ceo 2 ee eae see ee ea es
General features 2: 222-22 S22 cee Sosa ee oe ee a
Classification by color and surface finish_____________________-
Coarse unpolished (ware 22) 522-2 penne =e eee
Undecorated polished wwrane sees ee eee eee
Decorated. polished:;ware,2 == =. =_ 2045202 2 - eae
Redvand brown wares cen. oe =e ee ee ee
Yellow: wartex2e:2 2-2-0 20c 3o= - ee eee
Black wateess- === s5e-6 eS ee eRe eee eee
Black and white ware_-----_--------. See ee er ae
Redtandiblackaware y=. 22
Red, black, and white ware___.___-._--.-_-- che sea!
‘Wehite‘and' green:wares Go 2 = eee ee eee
@lassificationi bye Orie ees eee ae ee eee eee
Mood bowls.4.2..2° bebe tes 5 ee ee ee
Wases and jars a. ee Se ee ee ee
Dadles2 2: 6 oF 2. 2 22 as ees = ce ee eee
Canteens: 2222.22). 2asei sae siea te. @ ee eee eee
Cups! eso eee er RO Fae ee eee
‘Animaltforms ts 2228 22 sees eae a ee eee ee
Slipper-shapedvessels=22 5-2 eee = ae eee See eee See
Decorative designs — 2.0 86s ee ee ee ee eS
General characters =~ — 54.06 2s ae ee ee ee nee
uma ieuress sass oa oe ee ee ee ae
Quadruped figures 2 - =<... 9 2222 eee eee ee
Birdfigures: . =o... 5-622 ees Basa eee ee ee
IMSeCh iS Unes seas ea ne eer hs ee ee
Arachnidfigures2« 4.22 22 2-- 3o=5 «= ee ae ee ee
Geometricaldesigns: 2 5222522. .-65 522 = = eee eee
Ornaments, 2=*5<s. 5.222255 2ses6 See Se aks oe eee
Mosaics! 4 <8 eo 2 22 = Ses oe ee oe ee eee
TLignite:ornamoents 2522-52 52-2 a oe ete ee en eee
Shellormaments: 22222-32252) 2 50 ---o) Bees eee
Bone implementsiessase22so sac see enc an ee ee
Turtle carapaces!:225: ou 2 = = 8 een oa oe aoe ee esos
Horn; Objects 2242265233 hess. eee aa oe ee ee eee

Page

59

FEWKES] CONTENTS

Summer of 1896—continued.
Objects from the Little Colorado ruins—continued.

IW nah ee ae Sa oe EA eae ee Ses Naess et See ighe
IBSSEG UY) cece ee ee oe ee ee ee ers ae ee ee ee ae
PTA 00-8 GLGKS ee acts See ee ee ne ee ae eee ee eee eS
BO Wiandtarro WS) ae Suan eee oe ee mee ee ee a eee NS Ss ee ee
Gamine canes] = --) oe. ee EO ee ea ae AS. ae
SIE (0 LS, = AUER Soe BE a Ag a pel ee rte Ft See er =j es

Sirovateiabeay ol ayaa eyenislte 33 ea eee Ses eee ee eee a eae
DLONGS DS pease eee ta Sees cere eee oe eee eed ee ee eee

Mrsce lian GOUsiO DJECLN nen eee ae eae Ss a ereae = Sea eee aes
Rime Os OlGIShUMOpPOVA pee ae a Stee ee eee ee ee
(Generale eajuren = se ee ee a a ee Beer ee Se as ae Se
(Potterysirom the TuInsee >. 8. oases ee ee aa ee aera cane
Generaleicatures rand elonms 2 sees ea nee oe

MSCOLA TIONS see Oe ne ree ee nen er ise pan Senet See

IRotbenyecomMihe rain 42 = 22 ese ee een esa ee eee eee
General featuresiand form!’ =. 4-5) s2-- = eee ee eee eee
Mecoration ss 2 2. s25 en 8 tno aise ee eee sees eae

Miscellaneous objects from the ruin __------_..------------------.

VETERE AAG [2 cc lie a nr ate Ae :

RAINS Meare OLDLOO Kio eeas esa eee Peres ee ree ee
OpjectsrtrompWiOodtniiy DM Uhe) eee ease ae eee ea oer ee
Ancient habitations in the petrified forest --_..--_-_---------. .---

Mounr-mileirdin = 22. 22-0 seeks ee ee ea anne nee onan se eee cee ee
General plan 22-3 2-s. acta e ee oes sone ae eee as oeeesee Seles
ASTOOTOALD GG CUI Nise tee oe eee ean eee ee see es eee ee
Suburban Ovens 525 eae ae see See arcs aen Set Sekwe ks ces Sesee
Wemeteries i. a= se we ae ae se eee meee eee sens
Wolbehlons 2352s. soe ee eo Re Sse he alee cee ea re aun nee

POULELY, ot oce rene Sock ceo eee ee wos see eo ee see Se epee SES
Principality pes ss-2-- s-- 2s 2 - see oss eee ee a ee ee ecee
Galaaty PO see tee eee se eee ee Sooke a ane tae mcs es

8 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH, ANN, 22

Summer of 1897—continued. Page
Four-mile ruin—continued.
Collections—continued.

Pottery—continued.
POrms=y o.- Steet hoese: Shee cacteae= ea eee oe eee 142
Decoration... 2 seus 2.5 ashen ase nao eee aehe eee 142
Human fioures! ae eee a eae ee eee eee 143
Quadruped figures ----.-.---- SE eRe eee 145
iBirdfieures:224- == <3) se ae eee ee ees 146
Butterfly figures: -2 3-22.52. - ooo eso aenn ee eee see 148
Heather: decorations - see) < see ee eee ee 149
Geometricalsiounes tess = ae ee eee een ee 150
External ornamentation on food bowls -_-----------_- 152
Riain= Clo waded Csi Sirsa see eee eee 155
Character and treatment of mortuary pottery --------_-_- 158
(Potterisioubfit oss 6 22-2 hosts ee serene ee ee eee 158
Stonenmplementsresee = see eee see ae ee ee ee eee 159
Stoneislabs)2=—- <" 45-2 aero Bee on ee ee ee eee ss 160
Copper bells 2 se desie aac ee eaten eeise oe pee ea ee oe nee Eee 162
IPrayer-Sticksi= === eee sentast oes aaeeee Ba iteiaxents saa eeeieee 163
Gourd rattles! 222 <6 2c5s22/os= 925 ss5oc= hese ce se cueee = =e ee eee 163
@rmaments: 2) ss =) = a a Soe ee oe See ee eee 163
Bonevimplements; 2-202 =o 2S eee ee a ee eee 64
iAnimaliremains 2-2 8a pS noe Nee el ae 164
Tequubals|aterhom Nowbesoand sys bobe aoe Sees SES. Sse e 8 2 ee ee bat 164
Ruins ab Pinedales= sass. s=2ss=— a sSiahhe robe, ea eee ea ae aoe 164
he buildin gS! a= — 2s ep acs sae etcetera eee 164
@ollections' = =.= Sse eh es 2a aoe = ee ee eee ee See ea 166
Stothiran chert: =a ea ee 167
Ruinstin: PuebloiViiej ove Ses 5- = = aor ee ae ee eee 168
The valley and its history—general features of the ruins _________- 168
DistribuponiaL ruins in pee) OVE ey Olsens =e eae 70
Bipley?s witty) 6-32) 5 ago. sa d-t en a eee Ot ee ee eee ee 17
Buena Vista ---.-- Fass Soseis San ae ig vece eee Soe oe ee 17
Otheriruing: 2255.2 - sean ol eee se oes s Skee eee See eee eee 173
Changes in thetvalleyisince: Wi8472 2-2 S222 2 een eee mali
Hormer populationiof the valley oss se) sess nee == eee ee 175
Cremationtof thetdead (22 42 sas 2 ose en ee eee 175
Architecture. -_-_---- SR ts 2 eee eee a Wa: J AY ae ea 176
Terraced gardensiae-= saver oases A a ee ee ee 177
Prehistoricurr cation in ePueplonViey} Oye ae ee 178
Pottery from jPucbl ove] Oss see ee eee 17
Coloriand§surfaceutinishs ses ee ay
(Wmdecorated aoe baw ait eee eee 179

IDecoratedtroughiyare es eee a a 179

FEWKES] CONTENTS

cc

Summer of 1897—continued. Page
Ruins in Pueblo Viejo—continued.
Pottery from Pueblo Viejo—continued.
Color and surface finish—continued.

lundecoratedired) ware 22 22 ees ene we eee 180

Decorated black and white ware ---..-...__---.---------- 180
Mecoratedkorayawareyee- 3- eee ees ao een ere 180

Mecoration, 2e=- sae 2 ae aes Foe ee 2 ak oe ae Se 180
StoneobyectsifromiuPueblo Wiejo —= 2--2-—- -=-- ee ee 183
itmplem enitspee eee peers ean ae ee oe eee 183
Stonelslabs eee se see = se Sees eee wien race eeeae eee SoU aS 185
©therstonewop jects. ee a ne es ee es eee 186
Shelliornaments/ from! Pueblo) Viejo ==2:—----------=2------=5--=—-- 187
Clitshousestoni bonita creekssee=- see ona ne oe ae ee eee 187
Roinsin! the) foothills of Mount Graham <-2--=-----=--- === 2-5 -- === 187
Sacrticialicavesie==ssa= ae ene == see aoe Se sete ote sees ees 187
Collections from’ a cave'in the Nantacks.-.---.--.-.---.-------------- 188
Biipyavases trom) southern Arizonaie 9 -- 2s) aes e nes 2 soe ee eo 189
Distribution of decorated pottery in Arizona --------.---------------- 192

Evolution of the pueblo type of architecture .._....--.----.-=--------- 193

ILLUSTRATIONS

Pa;
PuaTe I. Old caves, near Flagstaff, Arizona ___._.___..._..._...-------- 196
i: (New caves; near Plagstatf, Arizona ..-.. -.52-.- =) 2.222528 8, 196
It, Entrance to New caves, near Flagstaff, Arizona ______________- 196
IV. Turkey Tank caves, near Flagstaff, Arizona __________._____._- 196
V. Interior of cave near Flagstaff, Arizona_-__-._...-....____...-- 196
VI. Interior of cave near Flagstaff, Arizona_____________________-- 196
VII. View from the Citadel, group A, Black falls, Little Colorado
EUV CL RAT ZAOU rae ae ee a a epee ee Se 196
VIII. Ruin G, group a, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona__
IX. Ruins Ho and J, group a, Black falls, Little Colorado river,
PAIZO 112 ee ee ee ese Sen eee” See een eee 196
X. Ruin J, group 4, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona__.. 196
XI. Ruin J, group 4, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona___. 196
XII. Ruin a, group B, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona___. 196
XIII. Section B, ruin a, group B, Black falls, Little Colorado river,
PATIZ OR Ape teeta ae ee Been ae ae nt Res eae oe Ee ee 196
XIV. Ruin a, group B, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona_.__ 196
XV. Chimney in ruin 4, group B, Black falls, Little Colorado river,
PATTAZONA == + eae anne = ee se es SR eae ae Seta eae 196
XVI. a, Reservoir, ruin a, group B, Black falls, Little Colorado
river, Arizona; b, Small ruin near camp, Black falls, Little
Coloradosriver;;Arizonajcae 22 - ence ee = las = ee eee 196
XVII. Ruin a, group c, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona
(view from the east) -.------------- eee ee ee 196
XVIII. Ruin a, group c, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona
(yew, tromstheswest)/ pe lees es oe eee ee eee 196
XIX. Ruin 4, group c, Black falls, Little Colorado river, Arizona
(Miewsiromitheinorih) = see sees ee ee ee ee 196
XX. Vase trom Chevlomi ruin, “Arizona 9292-222) 2 2 ee 196
REX Vase LromeHomolo bin Anz OU eas a aoe ee ee ee ee 196
XOX Vases trom OMOlObiPATIZOnase =e ee oe aes See Sees 196
XXIII. Food bowls from Homolobi, Arizona.__-________.__. .________- 196
XXIV. Food bowl from Four-mile ruin, Arizona.__...........-.--___- 196
XXV. Food bowls from Four-mile ruin, Arizona__.___---._______.____ 196
XXVI. Food bowl from Four-mile ruin, Arizona___.-_.---__---______- 196
RemVil. hood bowls trom Homolobi, Arizona__--2---25 2-2 196
XXVIII. Food bowls from Chaves pass and Chevlon, Arizona. __________ 196
XXIX. Food bowls from Chaves pass and Homolobi, Arizona ________- 196

PLATE XXX.
XXXiI.
XXXII.
XXXII.
XXXIV.
XXXV.

XXXVI.
XXXVI.
XXXVIII.
XXXIX.
XL.

XI.
XLIT-
XLIII.
XLIV.
XLV.
XLVI.
XLVII.
XLVIII.
XLIX.

. Vases from Shumopoyi, Arizona

LY.
LVI.
LVII.
LVIII.
LIX.
LX.
LXI.
LXIL.
LXIIl.
LXIV.
LXV.

LXVI.
LXVII.
LXVIII.
LXIX.

LXXx.

. Plan of Kintiel ruin, Arizona

TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS

[ETH J

Vases from Homolobi, Arizona_______- ee aoe ee
iViases/LromsElomolo bie eAv1Z On cae ee ee
Vases tron Elomolo bi. Avi Z0ne see aes a
Vases trom seELomo] ooieAas1z O11 eee eee
Dippers from Cheylon, Homolobi, and Chaves pass, Arizona_
Food bowls from Cheylon, Homolobi, and Four-mile ruin,

AT 17 08 Se aes = See ee eee
Pottery objects from Chaves pass and Homolobi, Arizona___
Food bowls from Cheylon, Arizona _.._.....-..._..____- oa
Wasesiirom Chev oni eA 70nd
Food bowls from Cheylon, Arizona ________________-
Food bowls from Four-mile ruin, Arizona ________._______--
Food bowls from Four-mile ruin, Arizona

Food bowls from Four-mile ruin, Arizona
Food bowls from Cheylon and Homolobi, Arizona __________
Mosaic frog from Chaves pass, Arizona _____._____. __.____-
Bone implements from Chaves pass, Arizona _______________
Stone slab with rain-cloud design, from Cheylon, Arizona__
Vase and food bowl from Cheylon, Arizona_________________

Vases from Shumopovi, Arizona

Vase from Shumopovi, Arizona

. Food bowls from Shumospovi, Arizona_______.._---__-------

. Modern cemetery at Hopi pueblos, Arizona____._ _________-

. Surface of mounds at Four-mile ruin, Arizona, before exca-

Vation £uo" 2 Se Se. ae Seta. 2 es eee ee

Food bowls from Epley’s ruin, Gila valley, Arizona

Food bowls from Four-mile ruin, Arizona

Excavations at Four-mile ruin, Arizona ______.____. __-
Plan of a room in’ Four-mile ruin, Arizona

Vase and pitcher from Four-mile ruin, Arizona______-------
Vase and food bowl from Four-mile ruin, Arizona

Food bowls from Four-mile ruin, Arizona

Vases from Four-mile ruin, Arizona

Food bowls from Four-mile ruin, Arizona_________________-
Spiral design on food bow] from Four-mile ruin, Arizona —__-
Perforated stone slab and loom stones from Four-mile ruin,

IATAZ ON A Meee Reames aaa oe eal ee ee ee ete
Plan of Buena Vista ruin, upper Gila valley, Arizona______-
Food bowls and vase from Pueblo Viejo, Gila valley, Arizona-
Vase from Pueblo Viejo, Gila valley, Arizona -_-_------------

Food bowl and vases from Pueblo Viejo, Gila valley, Ari-

VA) 0b? ee ae ee i e yeS SSaan ne Se SSE poses

Map showing distribution of ancient pottery in Arizona_--_-

ANN. 22

Page
196

196
196
196
196

196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196

196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196
196

196
196
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196

196
196

FEWKES] ILLUSTRATIONS 13

Page
MT CUREAE ee MA prOLMANCIONG CUSRYAD - 2-2 8-252 see es hese one eee ae esa = 21
ORRIN ELOMOLODe ose se eo a oe ee os See oe Seen Sees 26
SaPlanotany “Oldicaye:: dwelling |=) 55... e est eae ee 37
APwhineyCiaAdely CTOUD A. 88 === cee oe oes sea eae Gee 43
He Plante main, gOnOUP Act 22 20 42 -2— oo ta ee =e eee a nee ane 45
Ga Séchiones a roins AM OTOUPIB . 2 aasee = os. Sees ease eee Scenes 46
Pe elaAMvOi@nechlOnessirtIn A STOUp IB. 2-2 = =e soe eee 47
See inkOtmseG GOMys att Ary PTCOUP Bae = 9a - Se ee ee eee ene eee 48
Om Evuimeaedor OUpiG.eLrOm) tne SOU bn. ean eee ee ee a 51
HO MPR lancotaruiniraneLOUp Case ser. 2) mae an Boas aes pee ne tee 52
iP lanko feruinus. oTOUpI Ol see= a= ase sess eee ee ee o4
12. Ladle with divided handle, from Chevlon--_-_-_----.-----.------ 2
13. Ladle with figure on handle, from Chevlon-_ ._____------------- 63
14. Cup with bird designs -__--_- ee Boots st eee See 64
iS Dippertromullomolobis sa=4= 945-5 225 a6 soso eee eee eee 65
ifs Minoo nromublOmOloOl sass = ae ee: pw Seo eee 65
17. Cup, rough ware, decorated, from Cheylon -____--.-.--------- 65
ELS eV eee ee ee eee ee eR Sena ane ae 66
One Minot om @hevlonen sere =. c= es ane Sse see sos odae cease 66
20. Duck-shaped vessel from Chevlon -_.---.--.------------------- 67
iy Jan with four knobs, from Hlomolobi-=- 2-2 --22.5-- <+-5--42=- 67
22. Bird-shaped vessel from Chevilon -_.......-..---.----=--.----- 68
235 (Bird-snake:vase from) Chevloni.--2-- === =-52.9224-5- ee Sense = 68
24, Footprints on inside of vase from Homolobi ------------------ 70
25. Quadruped figure on food bowl from Chaves pass- ---.-------- 71
26. Quadruped figure on food bowl from Chevlon_ ___-------.--.-- 72
Disa ase: wibh) beat’ s-paw design. —2-.- 222-226. 22-225 cn ees nsa ten 73
28. Mythic bird figures and rain-cloud symbols on food bowl from
(Chev one ene eae re tae Sen er eee te Ode Jee eee 74
29. Vase with four bird figures, from Homolobi-___. --_-_- -------- 75
30. Mythic lird figure on food bowl from Chaves pass--------. ---- 75
31. Bird design on food bowl from Homolobi _____----_------. ---- 76
32. Bird figure on food bowl from Homolobi - --------------------- 77
33. Mythic bird figure on food bow] from Chevlon_-_----_---._--- 78
34. Bird figure on food bowl from Chevlon-.---_-_-_-------.-------- 79
35a Hoodiibowdawathibindtdesiong =) 2 a 2 Be ee 80
36. Vase with bird symbols, from Homolobi -.___. --_-------- iS 81
7. Spider and sun emblem on food bowl from Homolobi ___- __-__- 82
38. Three lines of life; design on food bowl from Cheylon______---- 83
39. Geometrical designs on food bowl from Chaves pass - -_-__- ---- 84
40. Broken fret on food bowl from Cheylon_____-_------------___- 85
41. Food bowl with geometrical patterns --__--_. ----------------- 85
An. Mosaic zorgeu from Chaves pass: .-------- 5. =2s<-s ase === aoe 86
3) bone ear pendants fromiCheyvlom 22- =. 222] eee. == eee aes 86

44. Lignite ear pendant from Chevlon ---------------------------- 87

14 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22
Page
EIGurRE45;, Lionite gorgets. 2222-4. =e == oe eee ee ees 88
465 Incisedjarmiletitrom @hevlons sss ee ee 89
47. Armlet with inlaid turquoise, from Chevlon ________-._._____- 90
48. Shell used for rattle, from Chevlon -----_--.-__-----------__-- 91
49: ‘Shell ornament from) Homolobia22 22 s25s— oat aa eee 92
BOS Shelliitros trom" Chewy] ones ya ee ee eee 92
dle ShelliobjecttromiChevlon eae esse ness sae ee ee 92
52. Shell gorget from Chevlon ----_-.----- se OR os Ss ee ee ee 92
8) Bonelaiwiitromi@ havestpassas sean eee ery eee ee 94.
542 (Carved boneawlitrom)Homolobicassss-= ss 2220 ne == eee 94
55. Bone implement from Chaves pass_-_-_---_--.------------------ 94
D6: Bone tubemromHomolobia sso ese see a eee 95
57. Stick used by stick swallower, from Chevlon -______ -_.___.__- 95
OSs Wiskiof turtleyshelle trom: Chevlone sees eee eee ee eee 96
59. Kaolin cup from Chaves pass_-___.-.-_--------- Shy Hosins Soe cee 96
60. Matting from Chevlon -____ Be ss set ASA ES mesa ee eh SS 97
61. Basketry of Oraibi type, from Chevlon----__--.-.-------.---- 2 98
62. Basketry of Oraibi type, showing manner of plaiting__________ 99
63. Basketry of coiled type, from Chevlon _-____--__------_---_-_- 99
645 (Gaming canesfrom'Chevlone. seen ae a ee eee 101
65. stoneimplement from) Homolobinsss-2 24-5 aes se ee eee 102
66ar Scone axs LO MBE OM Oo] 0p lee ee ee 102
672 Copper/bellitromiChay.esipass see ea eee 111
68: Bowl with snout, from Shumopovi__-_-2-----=22---=-_- =e 114
69. Plumed snake; design on food bowl from Shumopovi_________- 114
70. Mythic bird and game of chance; design on food bowl from
Shum opoyaleetes = a0- see ee ee es ee ene, 115
71. Bird design on food bowl from Shumopoyi.-_------------.-_-- 116
72. Mythic bird design on food bowl from Shumopovi-_---_-______- 117
73. Symbolic bird design on food bowl from Shumopoyvi ------ ---- 117
74. Gambling canes and bird; design on food bowl fromShumopovi_ 118
75. Dipper with decorated handle, from Kintiel__.---_-----.---.--- 130
762 Coiled: vaseuromy Kanticll 5222s ke ee ee ee 130
77. Two-handled bowl from Kintiel ___------------- , BAe PR Sa 131
78) GlobulambowlefromeKantiel a2 eee ee ee 131
79 Hand lerotidippernyer omy Kein tie lees ee eee 131
805 Erogidesign oni bowl fromKintiel 2 s= sas eee ee 132
S15 Hloodibowiliir omit ee ea ee eee 132
82. Bird design on food bowl from Kintiel---.--..-.-.------------ 132
83. CuprfromKantiel ese s == one ojo See eee a eee 133
84> Dippertiromycintiel ee sees sats ee eeeeeee ae 133
85. Stone birds from Woodruff butte ---____- 235 A ee ee 135
86. View of Four-mile ruin from river bed_-_-_-----------------.-- 136

87.

Upright posts in wall at Four-mile ruin-_-_--....._.-.---------- 138

FEWKES] ILLUSTRATIONS . 15
Page
Fiaeure 88. Ornamented rough bowl from Four-mile ruin_______________- 141
89. Small saucer from Hour-mile ruin ---_-___=-_---_----_..-_.-- 142
90. Human figure on food bowl from Four-mile ruin_____________ 144
91. Bird design on food bowl from Four-mile ruin _______________ 146
2. Bird design on food bowl from Four-mile ruin ______________- 147
93. Bird designs on food bowl from Four-mile ruin ______________ 147
94. Bird design on food bowl from Four-mile ruin ______________- 148
95. Butterfly design on food bowl from Four-mile ruin__________- 149
96. Sun emblem on food bow] from Four-mile ruin____________. _- 150
97. Bowl with double spiral design, from Four-mile ruin_________ 151
98. Decorated vase from Four-mile ruin _____________-___________- 151
99. Unknown design on food bowl from Four-mile ruin_________- 152
100. Bear design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile ruin____ 153
101. Twin bird design on exterior of food bowl from Pinedale____- 154
102. Bird design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile ruin ____ 154

103.’ Bear’s-paw design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile
SefOU NA “ans Hn Se Repel ee ees ES, ee 6 eS SaaS eR ee Be es 155

104. Geometrical design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile
PFC ee en ee ee Ren coe ees Bae 155
105. Cloud emblem on food bow] from Four-mile ruin ___________- 157
106. Stone used in belt frame, from Four-mile ruin --____________- 160
107. (Stoneslab from: Four-mile roin'.-..--..--2.---_=-----=.------ 161
LOS Copper belli:trom- Hour-mile ruin - == 5222-2 2-= 5-222 3522522-- 162
109. Bone implement from Pinedale ruin ___________---______----- 166
110. Decorated slipper jar from Pueblo Viejo___________________-- 181
111. Moccasin-shaped jar from Pueblo Viejo___--.-___--.--_-_-.-- 181
112. Arrow polisher from Pueblo Viejo-_-_-___. _--.----------------- 182
113. Arrow polisher from Pueblo Viejo--.-__-----------.--------- 183
IiaaiMetatonrom-Pueblo ViejOrcc 42-25-88 seek eee 184
115. Unknown stone object from Pueblo Viejo _____-------------- 184
116. Ceremonial stone slab from Pueblo Viejo _-_-__---------------- 185
117. Ceremonial stone slab from Pueblo Viejo _-_--_-------------- 186
118: Stoneifetish from Pueblo Viejo 2." - =2--22:225 222-222 22--5- 186
119. Indented bowl from a cave in the Nantacks --__-------------- 188
120. Small amphora from a cave in the Nantacks --_-_----.-------- 189
121. Human effigy vase from a cave in the Nantacks-_.--_-.------- 189
1225 Bihipy vase from PueblowViejonn a. === 5--= <2 oe 191

TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS

By JESSE WALTER FEWKES

SUMMER OF 1896
GENERAL OUTLINE

The following report embodies the results of archeological field work
for the Bureau of American Ethnology in the summer of 1896.4

The author was fortunate in having as his assistant Dr Walter
Hough, of the National Museum, who, at his suggestion, took up in
addition a study of Hopi ethnobotany, the results of which study have
already been published.’

A week after his departure from Washington on May 30 the author
began excavations at a ruin called Homolobi, near Winslow, Arizona,
where he worked continuously until the close of June. During July
anda part of August he excavated ruins at the mouth of Chevlon fork,
on the Little Colorado river, and at Chaves pass.°

The short distance of Homolobi and the Chevlon ruin from Winslow
allowed him to make daily trips from that town to the ruins, where
the workmen were encamped. At the close of each day’s work the
objects found on that day were carried to the hotel, where they
were catalogued and packed for shipment. Even with this precau-
tion some of the specimens were appropriated by visitors attracted by
the beauty of certain of the pottery objects. White archeological work
in the vicinity of a town has advantages so far as the practical work
of boxing and shipping are concerned, it has many disadvantages, one
of the least of which is that just mentioned.

The considerable distance of the Chaves pass ruins from a town
necessitated a camp at the diggings, which was far from a hardship,
considering the beautiful forests and the fine water near the ruins.
A camp was made at Old Shumopovi during a short stay at this ruin.

«A preliminary report on the field work of this year may be found in the Annual Report of
the Smithsonian Institution for 1896.

6 American Anthropologist, May, 1897.

eThis report was written and transmitted for publication in 1898. Since that time there has
been considerable archeological activity in Arizona, and several collections have been made in
the region, even in the ruins here considered. Certain specimens in these collections add impor-
tant data to the discussion of the culture and migrations of the people who once inhabited this
part of the Territory.

22 ETH—04——2 7

18 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22

The objective material collected numbered 1,875 entries in the
National Museum catalog, but since many of these entries include sev-
eral objects, the actual number of specimens obtained was somewhat
larger. The specimens were collected from the following localities:

Homolobis. == =2 22/22 2s oe ee ee 700
Chevlon fork (Hopi name, Cakwabaiyaki) ---------.------ 635
Chaves pass (Hopi name, Tctitbkwitcalobi) -__--___-______- 284
Shumopovilee. ss a= -= 2 ee Sousa ete cores usar eseece 108
Various other ruins ee. ss see =e = ee eee 97

@1,824

Other specimens were obtained from various ruins on the Little
Colorado, and from Mishongnovi, Awatobi, Sikyatki, and Old Walpi.

By far the greatest number of specimens collected were objects
of a mortuary nature from the cemeteries. Although many of these
were broken in getting them out of the ground, it is estimated that
over one-half were entire, and fully two-thirds of the remainder
have been so well repaired that they answer all the purposes of the
student. The breakage was in part due to the inexperience of the
workmen, but most of the vases, bowls, and the like were fractured
by the earth, logs, or stones thrown on them in the graves when they
were buried. Each bowl appeared to have formerly contained mor-
tuary offerings of some kind, as food, paints, or prayer-sticks, and it
was not rare to find food bowls piled up in nests one within another.
There is no conclusive evidence that any large number of vessels
were broken by design when interred.

At the close of the archeological work on the ruins mentioned, the
author witnessed the Flute ceremony at Mishongnovi, and the Snake
dances at Oraibi, Shipaulovi, and Shumopovi. Some of his observa-
tions on the latter have been published in the Sixteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and a short description
of the Mishongnovi Flute altars, observed in 1896, appeared in the
Journal of American Folk-Lore. The author also made a few studies
of the Walpi Flute observance, which supplemented those already
published elsewhere, and enabled him to prepare an extended memoir
on this important ceremonial as performed on the East mesa.”

On his return to the railroad, after the close of the summer’s work,
the author visited Zuni to prospect for ruins in anticipation of future
exploration, and made a flying trip to the pueblos Isleta, Sandia, and
Tesuki. A small collection of ethnological objects was made at these
pueblos, and other specimens were purchased at Santa Fe; these, con-
sisting of old paintings on skin from ancient pueblo missions, have
been presented to the National Museum. It is believed that there is
considerable material in the hands of traders or others in the South-
west, illustrative of the early mission period, which ought to find a

a Besides the 1.824 specimens catalogued in the field 51 additional objects were entered in the
National Museum catalog.
bSee Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1900, part 2, p. 952-1011.

FEWKES] VISIT TO SANDIA—RUINS NEAR HOLBROOK 1)

permanent home in the National Museum. Some of these objects are
very old, and show a mingling of Pueblo and Christian symbolism
which is highly instructive, but in the rapid extinction of old manners
and customs they are being replaced by more modern objects, and
willsoon disappear completely. Their preservation might well occupy
the attention not only of the ethnologist but also of the historian.

Although the visit to Pueblo Sandia was a short one, of the nature
of a reconnaissance, it was full of interest. For some unknown reason
this pueblo seems to have been overlooked by most ethnological
students of the pueblos, but to one interested in the Hopi Indians,
Sandia presents many highly instructive problems. It is peopled by
descendants of the people of Payiipki, now a ruin on the Middle
mesa, and no doubt the Sandians have legends of the former home of
their ancestors in Tusayan.¢

Sandia has a large kiva, not unlike those in other Rio Grande
pueblos, where old rites are undoubtedly still perpetuated. It would
be interesting to know something of the nature of these ceremonies,
in order to compare them with those of the Tusayan ritual.

The author hoped that he would be able to find some ruins in the
immediate neighborhood of Holbrook, Arizona, and he visited the
mesa north of the town with that thought in mind; but he was
disappointed, although evidences of temporary camps and a few picto-
graphs were discovered. He heard, however, of ruins at Carrizo, and
saw a few beautiful specimens of stone objects from that locality.
The trip from Navajo Springs to Zuni failed to reveal any consider-
able ruins along that trail, but the examination was a superficial one.
There are several large ruins not far from the Navajo railroad station,
which were not examined.’

There are small ruins on some of the hills of the bad lands of the pet-
rified forests® near Holbrook. One or two of these are of consider-
able size, and many objects indicative of former visitants or occupants
were found on the ground about them. The author succeeded in dis-
covering a single grave in one of the mounds, and excavated from if
a few fragments of pottery, but these objects did not occur in suffi-
cient quantities to justify extended work. Not far from Adamana
station, on the Atlantic and Pacific railroad, there is a large ruin on
a hill, which visitors to the petrified forest have no doubt noticed.
This ruin is of considerable size, and promises a rich yield of
archeological material should reasonable excavations be made out-
side its walls.

aOna map by Menchero the site of Payiipki is called ‘‘ Mesa de las Tiguas.” indicating that it
was peopled by Tiwas. Some of the Hopis say that relatives of the Asa clan once lived there.

> Some of these rnins were specially studied in the summer of 1897, and will be described later
in an account of the operations of that year.

e This remarkable collection of fossil trees is about 15 miles from Holbrook, and may be called
one of the wonders of Arizona. There are in reality three petrified forests, or three places where
the bad lands are eroded sufficiently to lay bare the huge fossil trees which they cover. The
signs of former habitation observed in the section nearest Holbrook show comparatively late
occupation.

20 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

RUINS ON THE LITTLE COLORADO RIVER
GENERAL FEATURES

The plains and mesas bordering the Little Colorado river and its
tributaries were sites of populous pueblos in prehistoric times. There
remain many descendants of this former population who now inhabit
pueblos distant from that stream. The Zunis alone still live on the
bank of one of its tributaries, and from the source of the river
to its mouth the ancient pueblos have long since been deserted. It
is asserted by certain Tusayan clans that their ancestors formerly
inhabited the pueblos now in ruins on this river, and traditionists
have names for these villages. The plan of the present expedition
was to explore ancient ruins claimed by the traditionists of the Patki,
Patun, and Piba people as a former home of their families, in order to
determine the truth of their legends and to gather what archeological
data there were bearing on the prehistoric migrations of the people
who inhabited the western section of the pueblo area.

The ruins along the Little Colorado do not differ greatly in general
character from those in the vicinity of the inhabited Hopi pueblos.
They are situated both in the river valley and on bordering mesas,
and, owing to the open character of the country, are mostly of the vil-
lage type. Some of the tributaries of the Little Colorado in the Mogo-
llon mountains are said to be overlooked by cliff houses, several of
which, in Clear creek canyon, still remain well preserved, according
to report; but these ruins have not been investigated.

Drifting sand has buried most of the ruins of the valley so deeply
that the walls of few of them remain standing above ground. As a
rule they are built on natural mounds, which, near Chevlon fork, have
a gravelly character.

There is little to guide one in a determination of the probable age
of the ruins. No evidences of Spanish influence were detected in the
excavations, but this does not, of course, necessarily mean that the
pueblos were not inhabited contemporaneously with, or long after,
the advent of the Spaniards.

It is instructive to determine the probable causes of the evacuation
of these river villages by ancestral Hopi clans. Among other influ-
ences, the following may be mentioned. In the legends concerning the
forays of the Apaches it is always recounted that they attacked the
Hopi pueblos from the south. Although these vigorous nomadie peo-
ple originally came from the north, they seem to have early taken
possession of the portion of Arizona between modern Tusayan and
the southern boundaries of the Territory, raiding as they wished the
Pima settlements on the south, and the Hopi on the north. The
exposed pueblos along the Little Colorado were poorly adapted for
defense, and this may have led to their abandonment.

FEWKES] ABANDONMENT OF LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 21

Some years ayo two Mormon towns were built not far from the pres-
ent site of Winslow, and contiguous to Homolobi. These towns, Brig-
ham and Sunset, were prosperous for many years, and their inhabitants
cultivated extensive farms, which were irrigated from tributaries of
the Little Colorado. The remains of one of their acequias can still
be seen skirting the river side of Homolobi, and many of the stones for
the walls of the towns are said to have been obtained from the Indian
pueblo. The Mormon town is itself now a picturesque ruin, having

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g 2 Pennisi Ate 1 \
2 o Saar, \
ry é ,
y $ f i lle ,
4 i) - — \
PB 3 \ \
fe ee 2 SUNSET PASS_—-~~5— H
e < we Sire 1g
SF 2 a
, Holbro

ny ‘s ~ Woodruff
f rs
is Bi
A io & Chev |
o
az |
, "Heber |
¢ f ‘Snow’! is
Strawberry 2 é a Zed

Fic. 1. Map of Ancient Tusayan.

(Itinerary indicated by dotted lines.)

been gradually abandoned. One reason for the desertion of Sunset
is said to have been the alkalinity of the soil, which irrigation had
developed. If this explanation accounts for the failure of the Mor-
mon farmers, it might also apply to their Hopi predecessors. The
failure of crops may have led the Indians to seek other localities
better suited for farming. However that may be, atthe present time,
1896, the river valley opposite Homolobi has been turned into a profit-
able farm by a Winslow farmer, and when the author worked at

22 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

Homolobi this farm was green with alfalfa and various market vege-
tables.

A failure of the rain and the corn crop is distinetly mentioned as
one of the causes which led the Patki and other southern Hopi clans
to leave their settlements along the Little Colorado, but it is also
stated that they were afflicted by a kind of gnat or sand flea in some
of their earlier halting places. Possibly their dwellings became so
infected with vermin as to lead to their abandonment.¢@

The Little Colorado river was dry during the work at Homolobi, and
was crossed and recrossed almost anywhere, the sole obstruction being
the steep banks, which were several feet high. Late in the summer,
however, it became a raging torrent, impassable save in one or two
places, and even these were dangerous on account of the many quick-
sands. It is not improbable that the great freshets of the river may
have had an important influence in the abandonment of the second
ruin of the Homolobi group, one side of which is completely worn
away, although of course it is not unlikely that this happened after
its abandonment. Evidence of similar erosion is also apparent on the
river side of ruin 1 of the Homolobi group; cemeteries on that side,
if they ever existed, have long since disappeared.

RUINS NEAR WINSLOW

As has been noted, the Hopis say that the ancestors of the Patki
or Water-house? people lived in the far south. This tradition is very
definite, and if even declares that they once inhabited a pueblo
called Homolobi, stating that the position of this ancestral dwelling
was near where the railroad crosses the Little Colorado, not far from
the town called Winslow. With this exact statement as a guide the
author went immediately to that town, having made arrangements
with some Hopi workmen to join him there.

The ruins on the Little Colorado near Winslow were identified as
the Homolobi group by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, who mentions 10 ruined
pueblos in this immediate vicinity, but his reference to them is brief,
and includes no attempt at description. The best-informed inhab-
itants of Winslow were ignorant of the existence of ruins near their
village, and but for the confidence he had in the legends of the Hopis
the author also would have doubted their existence.

The site of Homolobi was found to be exactly where the Hopi stories
placed it, and archeological results confirmed the identification. The
author found not only Homolobi, but also three other ruins in the imme-
diate neighborhood of Winslow, and before a month had passed demon-

«The trail from Beaver Head in the Verde valley to Flagstaff, especially not far from Rattle-
snake Tanks, has a very bad reputation for the small gnat, which gives much annoyance to
travelers.

bThe name Water-house means cloud, and the members of this clan are called both the rain
and the cloud people.

FEWKES] RUINS NEAR WINSLOW 23

strated that this was one of the richest fields in Arizona for archeo-
logical work, although previous to this visit not a single specimen had
been described from the region.

It was also the author’s desire to see how the ruins of the Little
Colorado south of Tusayan were connected with those on the banks
of its tributary, the Zuni river, higher up the watershed. For that
purpose he examined somewhat in detail a ruin opposite the station
Hardy, on the Atlantic and Pacific railroad, near where Chevlon
creek empties into the Little Colorado river. This ruin will be ealled
in this report the Chevlon ruin. Its Hopi name is Cakwabaiyaki.

The objects exhumed from the cemeteries of the Chevlon ruin have
close likenesses to those of ancient Zuni ruins, as well as to those of
Homolobi, which is claimed by the Hopis. A logical interpretation of
these resemblances would seem to be that the culture differentiation
of the two peoples was not as wide in ancient times as it is af present.
The inhabitants of the villages of the Little Colorado and its tribu-
tary, the Zuni river, were formerly closely related, and, no doubt,
when these villages were deserted, some of the clans went to Zuni and
others to the Hopi pueblos. In subsequent times greater differentia-
tion took place, which led to the present conditions.

It was also desirable to push the examination of the ruins of this
drainage area as far south as possible, for which reason two ruins in
Chaves pass, about 30 miles south of Winslow, were investigated.
This was the southern limit of field work in 1896, and in the last
month of the summer the author followed the trail north to connect
the Homolobi ruins with those of the Hopi reservation.

We have good evidences from historical and legendary sources that
there were inhabited pueblos between Zuni and Awatobi as late as
the middle of the seventeenth century. One of these, that of the
Cipias (Tcipiya, according to the Hopis), is distinctly mentioned as
west and south of Zuni. It is not probable that all clans of the Patki
people had wholly deserted Homolobi in the sixteenth century, and
they may have been dwelling there as late as 1700. It is as yet an
unanswered question whether any one of the ruins which were exea-
vated in 1896 is Tcipiya, which, according to the Hopis, the Zunis
declare was midway between Awatobi and Zuni.

THE HOMOLOBI GROUP
Location

There are four ruins near Winslow, which may be called the Homo-
lobi group and are provisionally numbered 1, 2, 3, and 4. Of these,
ruin 1, true Homolobi, yielded the best archeological results, and was
nearest to the town, being about 5 miles away. More excavations
were attempted at that place than at all the others. The ruin num-
bered 2 is about three miles farther down the river and more distant

24 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

from it, but is on the same side. Ruin 3 lies on the left bank of the ~
river, about midway between the first and second, and ruin 4 is a few
miles beyond on the same side, somewhat removed from the river.
All of these ruins are thus within a radius of 6 miles of the town of
Winslow.

FORMER INHABITANTS

Several Hopi clans, belonging to groups called the Water-house, the
Squash, and the Rabbit, are said to have lived in these settlements
along the Little Colorado, near Winslow. Among the clans of the
first-named group may be mentioned the Corn, Agave, Rain-cloud,
Lightning, and various others whose totems are aquatic animals. A
list of them follows:

Patki Water-house

Kaii Corn

Omauwt Rain-cloud

Tanaka Rainbow

Talawipiki Lightning

Kwan Agave

Sivwapi Bigelovia graveolens

Pawik Aquatic animals (Duck)

Pakwa Frog

Pavatiya Small aquatic animals, Tadpole (pakwa, frog; tiyo, young)

The prominent chiefs of Walpi who belong to the Patki or Water-
house people are Supela, Kwatcakwa, Sikwistiwa, and Kwaa. Ana-
wita of Sichumovi is also a member of the family. The legends of
Homolobi were told to the author by the last mentioned, but Supela
and the others have much lore concerning this group of ruins which
has never been published.

The Patun or Squash people, now extinct on the East mesa, are also
said to have lived at Homolobi, and they are reputed to have settled
at Teukubi on the Middle mesa, and the Tawa or Sun people, who
are associated with the Pakab or Reed clans, once lived with the
Rain-cloud and Squash people in the Homolobi settlements.

There is evidence from the present Hopi ritual that the Patki,
Patun, Tawa, and Piba (Rabbit) families, among others, lived at
Homolobi. [For instance, it is stated that the following clans intro-
duced the societies and ceremonies mentioned, with their fetishes,
into the modern system:

Clans Ceremonies Societies
Pate ren : {Soyaluna _- \. Pe re he eee
\Paliilikonti Lalakonta
Piba_- o18 come e coe tees See NCW hres: 3 at eee Tataukyama
Patuis 222 222 See eee INewfire=- 2: 255.2 Wiiwiitcimta

This statement is supported by the facts that the chief of the Kwa-
kwantu, the great warrior society,” is Anawita, and that Supela is one

«aKwahu, eagle; kwan, agave.

FEWKES] RUIN 1 OF THE HOMOLOBI GROUP 25

of the chiefs in Soyaluna. The Sun priest, Kwateakwa, takes a
prominent part in the screen drama of Paliilikonti. The Kwakwantu,
Eagle-agave people, are distinctly southern, coming from the region in
Arizona where the great cactus or agave grows, and an examination
of details of the ceremonies mentioned shows an instructive likeness
to Mexican rituals. In both Soyaluna“” and Paliiltikonti the effigies of
the Plumed Snake play important parts, and this conception is dis-
tinctly a Mexican one, recalling Quetzaleoatl. It is for those cere-
monials in which there is the closest likeness to Nahuatl rites that
southern origin is claimed by the chiefs and other participators.

Ruin 1

As has been stated, the nearest of the Homolobi ruins to Winslow—
the one which was chosen for extensive excavations—is about 3 miles
distant on the right bank of the river, and about the same distance
from where the river is bridged by the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad.
At that point there are several small knolls separated by level spaces
which might once have been cultivated fields. Between the site of the
ruin and the river bank there is a small grove of cottonwood trees,
the bases of which are evidently at times flooded by the overflow of
the stream.

The river takes a general northwest course from the railroad cross-
ing, and is bordered with cottonwoods. On either side the banks are
low and sandy, frequently caving in, rendering it treacherous to
approach at certain seasons of the year.

The neighboring plains are parched and dry in the spring and early
summer, and violent sandstorms sweep over them, oftentimes so dense
as to obscure all outlook. At these times work along archeological
lines is very disagreeable, and life in the village is far from pleasant.

When approached from Winslow the ruin is indicated by a number
of low mounds without standing walls, and when it was first visited
there was little to indicate that it was the site of a former pueblo, save
many fragments of pottery strewn over the surface. The indications
that Homolobi would be a profitable field for archeological investiga-
tion were very small.

The excavation of ruin 1 of the Homolobi group began about the
first day of June, when a force of 5 Mexicans was employed to open
the mounds at the northeast angle. The results of the work were not
very satisfactory. They betrayed the fact that Homolobi was a pueblo
of small size and of irregularly rectangular shape, with its highest walls
on the northeast side. Considerable broken pottery, some stone
implements, and other objects were obtained, but all the evidences
appeared to indicate that the more valuable specimens were removed
when the pueblo was abandoned.

aAn illustrated account of this winter solstice ceremony may be found in the American
Anthropologist, v.11, March and April, 1898.

26 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH, ANN. 22

The workmen penetrated to the lower floor, and found that the
pueblo was two stories high at this point. The rooms were large and
the beams of the fluoring were well preserved. The floors of the rooms
were large, flat stones; the lower chambers were nicely paved. The
walls were made of stone masonry, nicely plastered, and in some
instances blackened by smoke. In one of the largest of these rooms
the floor stones were in two cases found to be perforated by round
holes about the size of a sipapu in modern kivas. These slabs are
in many respects similar to those found in graves outside the walls of
the pueblo.

Two human skulls, one of which indicated an old person, and
several human bones were found on the floor of chambers in the
northeast part or the ruin, and were supposed to represent intramural

2 <<

OES

Fig. 2. Ruin 1, Homolobi.

burials. No pottery, however, was found in the vicinity of these
skeletons, which fact would seem to indicate that they were not
buried with customary mortuary offerings.

Continued work on the side of the ruin toward the river revealed
the fact that this part had been worn away by the overflow of the
stream, and a section had been cut through it in digging an irrigating
ditch which formerly supplied the plains around Sunset with water.

The osteological collection from Homolobi was very large. Early
in his excavations the author was surprised at the number of animal
bones which were thrown out by the workmen, especially after they
had penetrated to some distance below the surface. There appears
no better explanation for the existence of these bones than that they
were remains of animals domesticated or used as food. These bones
were carefully gathered, and have been identified by Mr F. A. Lucas, of
the National Museum; a complete list of species found at Homolobi
is published in this report, page 110.

FEWKES] SKULL OF DOMESTICATED DOG 27

The occurrence of a skull of the domesticated dog in one of the
graves at the Chaves pass ruin is significant, showing that this ani-
mal was known to the ancients, and probably utilized by them. The
fact that this dog was the broad-faced variety is particularly instrue-
tive. It was not apparently a domesticated coyote or a mongrel like
those which now are so common in some of the pueblos. Mr Lucas
has published the following account” of this specimen:

Among the many objects obtained by Dr Fewkes last summer from the ruined
pueblo of Chaves pass, Arizona, is the cranium of a domesticated dog found in a
grave with a human skeleton. Although the mere fact of a dog being discovered
under such circumstances is in itself interesting, it is not at first sight remarkable,
since it is well known that in America, as elsewhere, the dog was domesticated at an
early date, and Clavijero mentions an ancient dog, which he calls **a quadrnped
of the country of Cibola, similar in form to a mastiff, which the Indians employ
to carry burdens.’’ Aside from the fact that this is the first dog’s cranium dis-
covered by Dr Fewkes, there are some points of special interest in the present
case. Most of the Indian dogs are more or less wolfish in their aspect and have
long skulls, with comparatively low foreheads, thus showing a small degree of
specialization in the way of breed, and this is true of such of the mummied dogs
of Egypt asI have seen. The cranium of the Chaves dog. on the contrary, is of
the broad-faced type. with high forehead, and, curiously enough, is precisely simi-
lar in size and proportions to the cranium of an Eskimo dog from Cumberland
sound, the resemblance extending to the peculiar concavity and squareness of the
nasal region. While this is an interesting coincidence, it is not brought forward
as implying community of origin, but as instancing long domestication in order that
so well-marked a breed could be established. A curious confirmation of the early
origin of this breed was received from San Marcos, Texas, where, in excavating
for ponds at the station of the United States Fish Commission, a human skeleton
and bones of other animals were found in a layer containing many flint imple-
ments, overlaid by two feet of black soil. The bones were those of existing species,
including teeth of several bison, and there was also a fragment of a dog’s skull
similar in size and proportions to that obtained at Chaves pass. Owing to the
circumstances under which the bones were exhumed, it is not known whether or
not the dog and man were found together. While none of the bones were min-
eralized, the condition under which they were found and the character of the
human cranium showed them to be of very considerable age.

Dr Fewkes states that the skulls of carnivores are used in Hopi religious cere-
monies, and that the skull, paws, etc., are regarded as powerful fetishes of war-
riors and cherished by them with much care. It is customary to bury a priest's
fetishes with him, and there is little doubt that the dog’s cranium from Chaves pass
was a fetish of the man in whose grave it was found. As Dr Fewkes believes
that the people of the Chaves pass ruin formerly lived far south, in contact with
Nahuatl peoples, it can readily be seen how a dog’s skull came to be part of the
ceremonial outfit of the priest in whose grave it was found.

The numerous turkey bones which were found do not necessarily
mean that this bird was used as food by the ancient sedentary peo-
ples of Arizona. We are told by the historian of Coronado’s expedi-
tion that the Pueblos had domesticated fowls, but these were probably
turkeys from which, as at present, were obtained feathers used in

a Science, n.s., v. 5, 1897, p. 544.

28 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

ceremonial practices. It would hardly seem possible that birds
whose feathers were thus used would be eaten, although parallels
to such a usage occur in the religious rites of many peoples. We
know that their bones were made into needles and bodkins, and there
is every probability that the wild turkey’s flesh was eaten.“

Because of the poor results of the early excavations at Homolobi
the author determined to abandon the work at this ruin. A search
for the burial places was not successful, although he carefully
examined the sandy hillocks a few hundred feet away, expecting that
they would be found there if anywhere. Meanwhile a half dozen
Hopi Indians who had been sent for came to Winslow, and the author
set them at work, having discharged the Mexicans. On the first day
they discovered the cemeteries of Homolobi, after which it was only
a question of time before a large collection was obtained.”

The burial places at Homolobi were close to the outer wall of the
pueblo, so near to it in fact that the skeletons in some instances
touched the outer face of the wall. These places of burial were liter-
ally ‘under the ladders” of the town, if we believe, as we legitimately
may, that the inhabitants formerly mounted to the house tops by
ladders.

The outer slope of the mound was thus found to be crowded with
the dead, and with them were multitudes of mortuary pottery offer-
ings of all kinds. These cemeteries were found on the east? side,
opposite the river bank, and although it is possible that in ancient
times burials may have been made on the side of the mound toward
the river, if they ever were there the overflow of the stream has
washed them away or covered them up.

The burial places were sometimes recognized by flat stones set on
edge projecting above the surface of the soil. These stones had
often fallen in over the grave, and were sometimes buried many feet
below the surface. In many of these there was a small, round hole
about the size of a broom handle; in others this hole was large and
square. In one or two instances traces of pigment were detected on
these burial stones, but in the majority the figures were not legible.
The reason assigned by some of the Hopi workmen for these perfora-
tions was for the escape of the soul; others regarded them as sym-
bols of the sipapt, openings in the kiva floors which they closely
resemble. In the pavement of one of the larger rooms which was exca-
vated two slabs were found, one of which was perforated with a single

«The eagles which are kept in the Moki towns to-day for the feathers used in ceremonies are
buried at death in certain cemeteries with ceremonies of a simple character.

>In the winter of 1897 Dr G. A. Dorsey, of the Field Columbian Museum, made some archeo-
logical studies of Homolobi, and he informs the author that he found many interments with
beautiful mortuary pottery not far from the trenches made in 1896. Others have dug many
specimens from the same ruin.

« While as a general thing the cemeteries to the east of a ruin are the largest, places of burial
are not confined to that side of a ruin

5

FEWKES] RUINS OF HOMOLOBI GROUP : 29

hole, and the other, which was broken, had a hole in the middle and
around notch on the broken edge, as though there had once been a
perforation at that place.

RUIN 2

Ruin 2¢ of the Homolobi group, unlike ruin 1, is situated on top
of a hill with a wide outlook. This is a much larger ruin than 1, and
the walls standing above ground are in a better state of preservation.
No very extensive excavations were undertaken in this ruin, but a
few graves were found some distance from the walls near the foot of
the hill on which the pueblo was built. Several graves were indi-
eated by upright slabs of stone set on edge in the soil, and from them
a dozen or more mortuary vessels were excavated. The pottery was
like that of ruin 1 in general character, yellow and brown ware pre-
dominating. :

From the great size of this ruin the author suspects that if it were
earefully excavated a rich collection might be found, but work upon
it would be difficult, as it is situated quite a distance from water,
and there are other practical difficulties, some of which, however,
might be easily overcome.

A number of bowls were found on the sides of the mesa on which
this ruin stands, but these appear to indicate isolated burials; the
cemetery was not discovered, and consequently the number of mor-
tuary objects from the ruin was small.

RvIN 3

Ruin 3 of the Homolobi group is very small, and is situated so near
the present bed of the river that a portion of it has been worn away
by the water.

One of the most interesting features of this ruin is the use of blocks
of adobe instead of stone in some of the partitions of the rooms. The
situation of this ancient dwelling was such that stone was not easily
obtained, and consequently, as so often happens elsewhere in the
Southwest, adobe was utilized as a building material.

Farther down the Little Colorado the author found in the ruins on
the plains which border the river indications that the ancient houses
were made of adobe alone, a fact readily explained by the absence of
suitable stone on the site of the habitations.

No other ancient Tusayan pueblo where adobe was used for the
construction of houses is known, and for the most part to-day the
building material is rock from the formation most convenient to
the pueblo.’

e This ruin, like ruin 1, was called Homolobi, and it is probable that the name is applied at the
present time to the whole cluster of ruins near Winslow. As different phratries are reputed
to have lived in this neighborhood, it may be possible to connect the several ruins with indi-
vidual families.

>There are adobe walls built out from the old mission at Awatobi.

30 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

Very little in the line of exploration of ruin 3 was attempted, as only
a single visit was made to it. The pottery fragments were identical
in character with those from the other Homolobi ruins, and the size
of the mound shows that it was a small settlement. The stream has
encroached on the foundations of the ancient town to such an extent
that the cemeteries on this side have been obliterated. The sur-
rounding plain was evidently cultivated, for remnants of old ditches
can be seen in the neighborhood, though they were difficult to trace
on account of frequent changes in the neighboring stream.

One of the most interesting and exceptional objects taken from this
ruin was a bone implement apparently made from the leg bone of
an antelope. The blunt end of this object was carved in imitation
of an animal, possibly a bear, the head, body, and legs being well
represented.

Ruri 4

Ruin 4 of the Homolobi group is one of the most picturesque in this
region, and has many resemblances to Shipaulovi, on the Middle
mesa of Tusayan. It resembles a castle perched on the pinnacle of
a butte, which is steep on all sides. Its height is possibly 100 feet
from the plain, and it has a wide outlook across the valley of the
Little Colorado. The top of the mesa is small and appears to have
been covered with house walls built of stone, fragments of which
have fallen down the steep sides of the mesa.

The general ground plan is roughly rectangular, apparently with a
central court, and the indications are that the houses were not more
than one or two stories high.

The débris at the base of the cliffs is full of fragments of pottery
resembling that of ruin 1, and here undoubtedly we must look for the
cemeteries, as there is no sign of a burial place on the top of the
mesa. Near the foot of the mesa, and half way up its sides, border-
ing the rough trail by which one can now ascend to the former site of
the pueblo, there are many large bowlders, most of which are covered
with pictographs pecked in the surface of the rock. These picto-
graphs closely resemble those found almost universally in the western
section of the pueblo area, and bear every evidence of being very
ancient. Many of them were almost illegible, possibly from age,
while others were fresh, suggesting more recent work. There are no
painted pictographs, suggestive of the Apaches or other Indian tribes.

No excavations were attempted at ruin 4, and the author’s visit there
was a short one. Although the ruin is not quite as large as ruin 1,
the abundance of pottery fragments gave promise that it would be a
fruitful field for archeological studies.

THE CHEVLON RUIN (CAKWABATY AKI)

Cheylon creek is a small stream of water which empties into the
Little Colorado from its left bank about opposite the station called
Hardy, on the Atlantie and Pacific railroad. It is possibly 15 miles

FEWKES] THE CHEVLON RUIN 31

east of Winslow, with which it communicates by a tolerably good
wagon road. About 2 miles south of Hardy, near the Esperanza
ranch, the creek makes a graceful curve, west of which there rises a
low mound—the site of Cakwabaiyaki or Blue Running Water pueblo.

The country at this point is barren and sandy, with gravelly hills,
and with rock jutting above itssurface. There are no trees and only a
few scrubby bushes of characteristic Arizona vegetation. The banks
of Cheylon creek at this point are low, and in places there are numerous
sand dunes. There is always water in the bed of the stream, but in
the dry season much of it is lost when it gets to the thirsty sands of
the Little Colorado valley. It is not potable, however, and animals
do not drink it eagerly. Fishes and turtles in considerable numbers
inhabit this stream.

The road from Winslow to the Cheylon ruin crosses the railroad in
the suburbs of the town, following the plain to Salt slough, a putrid
water hole, by whose alkaline waters many animals have been poisoned.
From there the road leads to Clear creek, a beautiful stream which
has been dammed to supply water for the town. <A fine bridge has
been built over Clear creek, and the water at that point is very deep.
The banks are high and canyon-like, and the spot is one of the most
picturesque near Winslow. From this stream our Indian workmen
obtained many turtles, which they highly prize, and they make fre-
quent pilgrimages to it from Walpi to get water to use in their cere-
monials. Not far from the Clear creek bridge there are evidences of
a former population, and the broken-down walls of houses crown
some of the adjacent hillocks. There are likewise many ancient picto-
graphs in this vicinity. Higher up Clear ereek valley, where it is dry
and is called Clear creek canyon—a place visited on the way to
Sunset pass—there are many evidences of former human occupation
and abundant pictographs, some of which are of considerable interest.

There are likewise said to be mounds similar to those at Homolobi
on the banks of both Chevlon and Clear creeks, and there is little
doubt that this is true—at all events as regards the former stream.
Portions of canyons along the upper course of Clear creek were
examined and numerous pictographs were found on their walls.
There were also evidences of former habitations.

It must have been not far from Chevlon ruin where Sitgreaves and
his party camped on October 2, 1851, but in his narrative he does not
mention the ruin, though the short notice of camp number 9 corre-
sponds with the locality in other respects. He says (page 7):

The river [Little Colorado] here receives a tributary known among trappers as
Chevelon’s fork, from one of that name who died upon its banks from eating some
poisonous root. Their confluence produces an intricate labyrinth of sloughs, in
which we became involved and were forced to encamp, not finding an outlet until
late in the day. In several places veins of fibrous gypsum (selenite) were seen,
looking like the ice crystals that burst open the ground in spring. @

a Report of an expedition down the Zui and Colorado rivers, Senate Document 59, Thirty-
second Congress, second session, 1853.

32 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH, ANN, 22

This deseription may well apply to the mouth of the Chevlon in
the month of August, when heavy rains are common, but in June the
Little Colorado was repeatedly crossed near this point with the great-
est ease, there being only a small rivulet to ford. Later, however, the
river became a raging torrent, as the author found in attempting to
ford it on the trip to the Tusayan villages in July.

The burials at Chevlon resemble those at Homolobi, and are simi-
larly situated with relation to the ruin. Like those of the first ruin
of Homolobi, interments were found in the largest number just out-
side the outer walls of the pueblo, and at different depths. The
configuration of the site of the ruin naturally introduced some
modifications in the character of the burials. The drifting sand
has buried them somewhat deeper at Chevlon than at Homolobi.

No evidence of the cremation of the dead was discovered in the
Chevlon ruin, at Homolobi, or in the ruins at Chaves pass. The dead
in these three ruins were as a rule extended at full length, and not, as
at Awatobi, placed in a sitting position.

THE CHAVES PASS RUIN (TCUBKWITCALOBI)

Looking southward from Winslow one ean see in the distance a
high range of mountains which separates the valley of the Little Colo-
‘ado river from that of the tributaries of the Salt and the Gila. This
range is broken at one point by a pass through which, in old times,
there was a trail used by Indians in trading excursions and migra-
tions. It is called Chaves pass, from an old Arizonan named Chaves
who was killed by Apaches near by. A small wooden cross in the
open plain at the entrance of the pass is said to mark his burial place,
and there are many other unmarked graves of white men who have
lost their lives in this neighborhood.

By taking the road south from Winslow one passes over a_ hilly
country continually rising, with Chevlon butte far to the left, and,
skirting Clear creek, follows it to Sunset pass, which is clearly visi-
ble from Winslow. Beyond Sunset pass, where dwarf cedars afford
a refreshing change from the treeless wastes about Winslow, the road,
still rising, enters a well-wooded country between Sunset and Chaves
passes. The road now becomes rougher, rising rapidly, with tall
pines on all sides, until it passes an old well near the remains of
a deserted cabin. This well is situated in Chaves pass, and there the
road divides, one division continuing to Mormon lake and Rattlesnake
tanks, where there is said to be a ruin of considerable size, and ulti-
mately to the Verde valley, the ruins in which are numerous and
extensive, the other to the Tonto basin.

Two ruins lie on the hills above the pass; one, the smaller, is the
first approached on the right-hand side; the other is so placed as to
force the traveler out of his way, the road winding about it. Both

FEWKES] VIRGIN GROUND OF CHAVES PASS RUINS 33

are elevated above the trail through the pass, and from their house
tops the observer can look across the valley, in which flows the Little
Colorado, to the Hopi buttes, far to the north.

Their name, Teiibkwitealobi, is derived from teiibio, antelope,
kwiteala, notch, and obi, locative. The Navaho name Jettipehika has
the same meaning. Both names were due to the fact that the pueblo
lay in mountains where no short time ago antelope were abundant.

During his stay in Winslow the author heard much about the ruins
in Chaves pass and often gazed at the distant southern mountains,
which particularly interested him as the possible gateway to Palatk-
wabi, the Red land of the South. Chaves pass was fascinating in its
archeological possibilities, for it was one of the few breaks in the
rugged Mogollones through which ancient migrations could have been
made. Accordingly, after examining the ruin at the mouth of Chev-
lon fork, the author outfitted for a reconnoissance of the ruins which
he expected to find in the pass.

It need hardly be said that this was virgin ground for archeological
work. Noone, so far as is known, has ever mentioned these aboriginal
habitations, which is not strange, considering the great number of
undescribed ruins in this part of Arizona. Ruins at this point were
especially interesting from the fact of their elevation and their posi-
tion almost on the crest of the watershed of two great valleys, the
Little Colorado and Gila, both of which were sites of large populations
in prehistoric times. It is highly important to discover whether they
furnish a connecting link between the two regions. There can be
little doubt that the trail through the pass is an old one, and that it
was used in the migrations of Indians.

The two ruins at Chaves pass were built of the lava rock so abund-
ant in this region. The larger must have been a pueblo of consider-
able size, and covers an area much larger than any of, the Homolobi
group except ruin 2. The elevation on which it is built is consider-
ably longer than wide, sloping abruptly, but is easy of access on all
sides. The ruin is apparently of the rectangular type, with ineclosed
courts. It is composed of two house clusters connected by a range
of rooms one and two series deep. Its rooms are square, and their
outlines can be readily traced, though they are much obscured by
fallen walls. In general type there is a close resemblance between
the Chaves pass and Verde valley ruins.

Some attention was given to excavations in the rooms of both of
the ruins, but the limited work there was not rewarded with great
success. The walls of the rooms were built of blocks of lava rock,
which had tumbled into the inelosures, and it was necessary to remove
these before the floors were reached. Very little sand had drifted
into the rooms on account of their elevated site, and the outlines of the
rooms and the contours of the walls could be readily traced. No

22: ETH—04——3

34 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

rooms could be identified as kivas, and the plastering was, as a rule,
worn from the standing walls.

The burials at Chaves pass differ considerably from those at Homo-
lobi and Cheylon. It was found that flat stones with perforations
were not used in covering the burial cysts, but that logs—accessible
in this wooded region—were employed. The bodies of the dead were
extended at full length, and stones were laid at the head and feet.
Upon these stones a number of logs were placed parallel with the
bodies, and on either end of these logs there were other stones,
generally bowlders, to hold them down. The body was thus covered
with a rude floor, over which soil is now found.

The depth of burial varied considerably, and it was not rare to
find bodies 10 feet below the surface. The weight of soil above the
logs had been so great, however, that they were pressed down upon
the mortuary bowls, and many of these fragile objects were thus
broken into fragments.

Thirty-one skulls in good preservation were taken from the ceme-
teries at Chaves pass. These are numbered in the National Museum
catalog from 157669 to 157699, inclusive; but a large number of skulls
and skeletons were abandoned, as they were in too poor a state of
preservation for craniometric study. The facial bones of several
crania from Chaves pass were stained green with carbonate of copper,
and there were traces of black pigment on others.

The situation of the ruins at Chaves pass, which are, as has been
stated, practically on the trail from the Little Colorado valley to the
Verde, naturally leads to a comparison of the pottery objects from
the two localities. Fortunately, a considerable collection of Verde
valley pottery made by Dr Palmer is now in the Smithsonian Institu-
tion, and affords abundant material for a comparative study. There
is so marked a similarity between the ancient pottery from Chaves
pass and that from the Verde ruins, which in turn is related to that
of the Gila-Salado basin, that it almost amounts to identity. It
would be impossible from the character and color, as well as from
the decoration of the mortuary ware from these two regions, to dis-
tinguish them. The same red ware with rude geometric decorations
exists in both valleys. There is no doubt that the ancient people of
the Verde valley were closely related to the builders of Casa Grande
and the ancient dwellings near Tempe.¢

RuINS BETWEEN WINSLOW AND THE HOPI PUEBLOS

Under this heading are included the remains of habitations on the
banks of the Little Colorado and its tributaries which were visited on
trips from Winslow to Tusayan. The author followed the river for
many miles in order to avoid the Moqui butte, and while he did not

aThe ruins in the upper Gila valley, called Pueblo Viejo, were found in explorations in 1897 to
be of the same character as those of Chaves pass and Verde valley.

FEWKES] RUINS BETWEEN WINSLOW AND THE HOPI PUEBLOS 35

go as far down as Voltz crossing, he forded the river only a few
miles above that place.

The hills bounding the valley retreat a considerable distance from
the banks of the river in that section of its course, and the road winds
through a level plain destitute of rocks suitable for building pur-
poses. At certain points, however, the author passed low mounds,
not accurately mapped, upon which were scattered fragments of pot-
tery, most of which was of rough manufacture. These mounds may
have been sites of small adobe buildings which have weathered away,
leaving only piles of soil. He attempted no excavations and found
no standing walls of adobe or stone, but the presence of fragments
of pottery in quantity would seem to indicate former habitation.

It would be instructive to dig into one of these mounds, which are
undoubtedly artificial in character, in order definitely to determine
their character, which it must be confessed is now highly problematic.

Although the cavate ruins near Flagstaff and the ruins near the
Black falls were not carefully examined until 1900, they are described
here for comparative purposes.

CAVATE RUINS NEAR FLAGSTAFF

The following account of these ruins and of those near Black
falls was published in the American Anthropologist in 1900 (volume
2, page 423):

Sitgreaves, in 1852, seems to have been the first writer to refer to
the ruins about Flagstaff and along the Little Colorado. He figures
one of the ruined pueblos near the cascades or falls,? a ruin of the
same general character as those near Black falls, which he probably
did not visit. Major Powell, in 1885, visited and later deseribed? the
cliff houses, the cayate rooms of the volcanic cones, and several
pueblo ruins north and northeast of Flagstaff. He did not visit the
Black falls ruins, which are undoubtedly similar to some of those
which he deseribes. Since Powell’s description the literature of
the Flagstaff ruins has been confined mostly to popular newspaper
articles, archeologists seeming to have paid little attention to this
neighborhood.

The cavate rooms near Flagstaff are excavated in the lava, or vol-
canic breccia, and may be classified as (1) cavate rooms with vertical
entrances, and (2) cavate rooms with lateral entrances. The former
are well illustrated by the ‘‘Old caves,” 9 miles east of Flagstaff; the
latter by the ‘‘ New caves,” 12 miles from the same place, in the same
direction, and by cavate’ rooms half a mile west of Turkey tanks.
These two types of cavate rooms are similar, and their former inhab-
itants were apparently of the same culture. Major Powell learned
from the Indians of Cataract canyon that the ancestors of the Hava-
supais occupied these cavate houses, and he states that ‘‘ they doubt-

aProbably the ‘‘ cascades’ were the Grand falls, miles above the Black falls.
bSee Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891.

36 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

less lived on the north, east, and south of San Francisco mountain
at the time this country was discovered by the Spaniards, and they
subsequently left their cliff and cavate dwellings and moved into
Cataract canyon, where they now live.”

The fragments of pottery seen about the entrances to these caves
are identical with those found near the pueblo ruins in the neighbor-
hood, and there is no doubt that the cave inhabitants had burrowed
in the lava as the most practical means of constructing habitations
in this neighborhood. Free walls are found in combination with the
caves, but these walls have no distinctive characteristics, save that
they are built of lava. This would indicate that the builders simply
utilized readily available building material and took advantage of
peculiar geological conditions.

OLD CAVES

The ‘‘Old caves” lie near the top of Old Cave mountain, about 9
miles northeast of Flagstaff, and cover an area of about 5 acres. On
the top of this height there is a level space which was surrounded
by a rough wall made of volcanic breccia, from which a good view
ean be had of the surrounding country. The caves are found on the
southern slope, and were excavated in a conglomerate of cinders or
volcanic breecia which bears every evidence of having been erupted
from a crater or blowhole (plate 1). Clambering over the rough lava
blocks, one finds everywhere on the surface the remains of walls
indicating former rooms. In places there are level spaces which
seem to have been plazas, and the entrances into the subterranean
rooms often open vertically from these levels. At other points it
would seem as if the walls formed complete rectangles, but there is
no apparent evidence that they had roofs, which, however, may have
existed in former times. In fact, the Old caves show combinations of
underground cavate rooms with free walls above, and when inhabited
the settlement must have looked like a collection of low one-story
rooms continuous for several hundred feet. We may therefore call
this cluster of cavate rooms a pueblo in which each room above
ground had a corresponding subterranean chamber hewn out of
voleanie breccia.

One of the best-preserved and most characteristic rooms of the old
caves, with a vertical entrance, is shown in the accompanying plan
(figure 5). It will be seen that there are two subterranean rooms, A
and B, each of which is entered by an opening in the roof, indicated
by a dotted line. Room A measures 12 feet each way, and the entrance
measures about 6 feet. This entrance has a square enlargement, or
chimney, on one side, which extends to the floor of the room and has
perpendicular, regular walls.

At one corner of room A there has been hewn out of the lava a
small recess (E), the floor of which is lower than that of the room.
There is also a small recess (F) at one side of the chimney.

FEWKES] CAVATE RUINS NEAR FLAGSTAFF 37

Room B is larger than room A, being about 16 feet square. It com-
municates with room A by a broken doorway, and has an opening
through the roof. The floor is somewhat lower than that of A. A
recess (D) on one side of this room also communicates with the out-
side by a small opening which bears the same relation to room B that
the flue F does to room A.

Room C is an oblong, irregular, subterranean chamber, 5 by 7 feet,
with passageways into rooms A and B. The opening into A is almost
perfectly square, that into B less regular. Its floor is several feet
lower than the floors of the two other large rooms in this cluster.
There are evidences of clay plastering in several places, and: appar-

F ‘ENTRANCE Ra ,
ZZ ih é (ENTRANCE '

LZ Sofa g :

ZY 2
Zy
Z
Za LZ?”

Fie. 3. Plan of an ‘Old eave” dwelling.

ently the floor, walls, passageways, and possibly the roof, were
smoothly finished. The plastering has, however, fallen, exposing the
rough lava corners.

NEw Caves

The mountain in which the New caves occur is about 5 miles west
of Turkey tanks, or about 12 miles east of Flagstaff. This height is
interesting from a geological point of view, it being a section of the
rim of an old crater, as may be seen from its summit. The remain-
ing portion of the crater rim, that on the eastern side, has been
eroded into hills, the relation of which to the crater is recognized
only by their positions. The highest part of the rim, that in which
the caves are found, is the western wall of the crater, which, with an
adjacent southern section, forms a crescent connected by a ridge of
less altitude. The more northern of these elevations is the higher,
and the cavate rooms occur on its eastern side.

388 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

From the west the ascent to the mountain, though steep, is not dif-
ficult, the trail passing stunted cedars growing on a mass of cinders.
In the depression between the two hills which form the crescent we
find rows of voleanie breccia fragments arranged in rectangular and
other forms, suggesting a reservoir. From this point the ascent be-
comes more difficult, and as one reaches the top of the higher hill he
finds himself on the rim of a former crater. On the east the rim rises
almost perpendicularly, and its walls on that side are outcroppings of
exceedingly rough cinder conglomerate. In this almost perpendicular
wall, facing what may have been the middle of the former crater, tier
upon tier of cavate rooms (plates I, IM), irregularly arranged and
very difficult of approach, have been excavated. The crest of this, as
well as of the adjacent lower section of the crater rim, is capped by
artificial walls of considerable height, indicating former houses. The
whole aspect of the place is one of desolation, and the lava appears
as if it had been molten but a few generations ago. It may have
been great stress of danger which drove the aborigines to seek homes
in this forbidding locality.

TURKEY TANK CAVES

About half a mile west of Turkey tanks (about 15 miles east of
Flagstaff) there is a collection of cavate rooms with lateral entrances
arranged in tiers. These caves, although not so numerous as the New
caves, are comparatively well preserved. They are situated a short
distance to the left of the road from Flagstaff on the uplifted out-
crop of what appears to be an old volcanie blowhole, and are con-
fined to the northern side of the depression which marks the former
place of eruption (see plate Iv).

The outcrop on this side of the depression is composed of alternate
layers of hard lava and volcanic breccia. The former would tend to
resist any working with primitive implements, but the latter could
readily be excavated with stone tools. The average thickness of the
layers is about 8 feet. By the excavation of the breccia the layer of
harder lava above it has been undermined and has now fallen in
places, filling the rooms or closing their entrances so that the form
and dimensions are no longer determinable. As the layers are
uplifted, vertical entrances into these cavate chambers are absent,
the doorways entering horizontally from the side of the cliff. There
are at least three tiers of these rooms, corresponding with the strata
of voleanic breccia.

In some of these cayate rooms there is a combination of stone walls
and excavated chambers, the rooms having been separated laterally
by a plastered wall of small bowlders brought from the bottom of the
adjacent depression. Apparently, also, walls formerly existed in
front of the entrances to the caves, but of these the greater part have
fallen, and their outlines are difficult to trace except in small sections.

FEWKES] LOCATION OF BLACK FALLS RUINS 39

Entering by a side opening, one passes into a subterranean room
(plate Vv) 12 by 10 feet and 6 feet high, the walls and floor of which
are partly plastered. This room has five smaller rooms leading from
it, which will be called B, C, D, E, and F. They average about 5 feet
in diameter, and have their floors depressed about a foot below that
of the main room, A. The entrances into these lateral rooms, especially
that into D, are carefully made and almost square, and when plastered,
as there is good evidence that they once were, made good doorways.
In fact, although the walls of most of these cavate chambers are now
very rough, and the rooms seemingly desolate as places of habitation,
they must once have been comfortable abodes, for the plastering made
the finish almost as smooth as that of any wall which could be con-
structed.

Several of the rooms in which the plastering still remains have
ledges and cubby-holes in which the household utensils were doubt-
less kept (plate v1). The similarity of these cavate chambers to
those excavated in volcanic tufa in Verde Valley is apparent. The
material in which they occur is different, but the plans of the rooms
are almost identical. Whatever peoples inhabited the cavate dwell-
ings of the cinder cones near Flagstaff and the tufa mesas of the
Verde, their culture was not radically different.

RUINS NEAR BLACK FALLS OF THE LITTLE COLORADO

LocaTION AND PREVIOUS EXPLORATION

It has long been known that the banks of the Little Colorado and
neighboring mesas were sites of ancient dwellings, but exploration
has been confined mostly to the upper part of the river and its tribu-
taries. The numerous ruins along the stream from Grand falls to
its confluence with Rio Colorado have been wholly neglected, but
there is little doubt that future exéavation will be rewarded with
many novelties.

The Black falls ruins have been known for several years to local
amateur archeologists, and a considerable collection of ancient objects
has been taken from them by Mr Benjamin Doney, of Flagstaff.
Under his guidance several well-known residents of that town, among
whom may be mentioned Dr Robinson and Mr Jack, have visited
and photographed them.” Herders and cowboys are acquainted with
the ruins, and the former have cleared some of the rooms for use in
winter.

The geological features of the region in which these three groups of
ruins occur are instructive, but for present purposes one or two simple
statements about them will suffice. The two well-marked formations—
lava and sandstone—have affected the appearance of the ruins.

aThe author was guided to these ruins by Mr Doney. He is indebted to Dr Robinson and
Mr Reed for kodak photographs, and to Mr Jack for measurements of seyeral rooms.

40 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

The black lava covers the red sandstone, forming great mesas or
isolated buttes, the summits of which are crowned with ruins. The
lava ruins have low, rough walls, in which adobe mortar was not
detected. The red sandstone formed a more tractable material, and
the buildings constructed of it show fine masonry with adobe mortar.
These ruins ordinarily stand on the brinks of small canyons eroded in
the sandstone, on isolated blocks of the same stone, or on ridges left
by erosion. If these lava and red sandstone ruins were found in dif-
ferent localities they might be regarded as products of different peo-
ples, but their existence side by side in this region shows that the
slight differences in their architecture were due simply to the build-
ing materials employed. The irregular forms of the lava blocks made
it impossible to construct from them the fine rectilinear walls which
were possible with the well-squared blocks of sandstone. The erosion
of the lava produces a coal-black, porous sand, which as a rule covers
the finer red soil derived from the sandstone. This soil, drifting into
pockets or depressions in the surface rocks, afforded burial places for
the inhabitants of the villages.

This region has few trees; there are no pines, and only a few cedars.
It is the same sagebrush country which we find near the upper Little
Colorado at Holbrook and Winslow.

The region is arid; it now has few springs, those which were
used in ancient times having probably been filled by drifting sand.¢
Voleanic agencies have ieft their mark on the whole region, causing
in places deep fissures in the rocks, into some of which a strong cur-
rent of air continually passes, and from one of which emerges a roar
as though of subterranean currents of water. One of the largest of
these fissures is about 2 miles from the Tuba road, on the way to
the ruifs called group A; others are found in the rocks near ruins
G and H of this cluster, where their depth has not been determined.
These crevasses, which are no unusual feature in the geology of this
region, vary in breadth from a few inches to many hundred feet, and
from a hundred yards to miles in length. When very broad they
form canyons which end abruptly or merge into ‘‘ washes” as the con-
figuration of the country may dictate.

GENERAL FEATURES

The ruins near Black falls are as a rule rectangular in form, with
similarly shaped rooms of one or more stories. Curved walls are
rare, although in some instances the shape of the ruin follows the
eurvature of the mesa-on which if stands. As has been stated, the
ruins are built of both sandstone and lava, and the two varieties are
found in close proximity, sometimes within a few hundred feet of

a The author does not share a common belief that when these now ruined structures were
inhabited the precipitation was greater. In an arid region springsare rapidly filled by drifting
sand if not dug out repeatedly. The Hopisare obliged to clean out some of their largest springs
annually.

FEWKES] GENERAL FEATURES OF BLACK FALLS RUINS 41

each other. The character of the sandstone of the region is such
that when the stone is fractured slabs are produced which make pos-
sible the construction of excellent walls. Blocks of lava, however,
have no flat faces, and their use as building material results in poor
masonry, for the adobe mortar readily washes from the joints and the
walls soon fall. It is rare to find houses built of lava which now
stand many stories high. The best rooms constructed of lava con-
tain also sandstone slabs, which have strengthened their walls, as in
the ‘‘ Citadel” of the Black falls ruins, where blocks of sandstone
were also used as lintels. None of the walls show evidence that the
building stones were dressed after being quarried.

The sites of these ruins are ordinarily elevated, and it is not uncom-
mon to find an entire mesa top either covered with rooms or sur-
rounded by a wall.

The highest walls of these pueblos were as a rule situated on the
north and west sides, the pueblos being terraced on the south and
east. This arrangement was apparently adopted to secure sunny
exposure.

The ground-floor rooms had no lateral external entrances, but where
there were several chambers side by side they communicated with each
other by doorways. In the case of two or three story houses, it is prob-
able that the ground floor was used for storage and was entered from the
roof. This is an architectural feature still retained in the old Hopi
houses, but it has been somewhat masked by modern buildings erected
in front of them. The old houses of Walpi, Sichumovi, and Hano
had ground floors which were entered from the roofs, to which one
mounted by ladders, while entrance to the second story was gained
by means of a side doorway from the roof of the first. Many of these
old rooms are still to be seen at Walpi, especially around the plaza,
and there are one or two examples in the villages of Sichumoyi and
Hano.“ The oldest houses of Tusayan never had lateral entrances
from the ground floor, but when the first story was occupied it was
provided with a hatchway in the roof. This type of room, however,
is rapidly disappearing, the majority of ground-floor rooms on the
East mesa now being provided with doorways in the walls. On the
Middle mesa and at Oraibi the number of ground-floor rooms entered
by a side door is still smaller than on the East mesa. It may safely
be laid down as a rule that whenever in the Hopi pueblos ene finds
rooms on the ground floor entered by lateral doors, the construction
is new.’

aA good example of the ancient houses of Walpi, in which the lower story serves as a dwelling
room at certain times, is Saliko’s home, near the Snake rock, and the row of rooms from Honsi’s
house to the Mofi kiva. The Flute house is also a fine example of this type. In Sichumovi the
house of Piitce illustrates this ancient type, and there are several examples of it in Hano, of
which Kalacai’s house is a good one.

> The author will consider this architectural likeness of the ground rooms of the ancient ruins to
old Hopi houses in his final article on the Black falls ruins, where plans will be given illustrating
the relation of the ground-floor rooms with lateral doors to the old rooms on the East mesa. The
ruins near Black falls have their ground-floor rooms like the old rooms of the Hopi pueblos.

42 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

In many of the ruins there are found at the base of the mesa on the
south and east sides rooms of a single story which, from their position,
we may designate basal rooms. They are now covered with débris, but
were once protected by the overhanging edge of the mesa, suggesting
cliff houses, of which they may be a survival. These basal structures
may have been used as granaries, but in none of them were remains
of roofs found.

With the exception of ruin A, group B, most of the ruins show Little
evidence of long occupancy; few logs or beams remain in them, there
are no extensive deposits of débris, and there is a lack of large quan-
tities of pottery fragments such as are usually found about pueblos
which have been occupied for many generations. The general indi-
cation is that these buildings were inhabited in comparatively modern
times.

None of the rooms show marks of surface plastering, except those
of group B, where it is confined to the interior of the walls, as is the
case with the older Hopi buildings.

The size of the rooms is much greater than is common in very
ancient ruins. No kivas are found, and it is believed that the
religious ceremonies were held in the ordinary domiciles. No build-
ing had a roof intact, but in many instances the remains of the roofs
and floors of the upper rooms were found in the chambers below.

The fact that wooden beams occur so abundantly in ruin A, group
B, implies that it was either the last pueblo to be abandoned in this
neighborhood or that the beams were taken from the others to it, and
when it was deserted its inhabitants moved too far away to carry heavy
objects with them. Some of the timbers in the modern Hopi houses
are said to have been dragged from the Little Colorado, possibly from
old ruins.

Group A

Group A includes a cluster of ruins which as a rule are small and
have a general similarity in construction. It is situated about 15 miles
west of Little Colorado river. Following the road from Flagstaff to
Tuba to within about 11 miles of Tanner’s crossing, after passing
Deadman’s flat the visitor turns to the right, and, proceeding 4 miles
eastward, finds himself in the midst of the group. There are no trails
or wagon tracks from the well-traveled Tuba road to group A, but
the country is so level that one can readily go overland to almost
any point. A castellated, truncated lava cone, the ‘‘ Citadel” of
the group, can be seen soon after one leaves the Tuba road, and
this prominent landmark gives the general direction of the ruins
among which it is situated. From the top of this citadel all the ruins
of group A, with one or two exceptions, are visible, and the visitor is
advised to inspect it first in order to determine the position of the
surrounding ruins (see plate V11).

~~ EE

a i i i

FEWKES] GROUP A OF BLACK FALLS RUINS 43

THE CITADEL

The walls of the Citadel (figure 4) are constructed of blocks of lava
and sandstone, and cover the top of a truncated elevation. They are
arranged about a level central court or plaza, the surrounding walls
of which are best preserved on the western side. The hill on which the
citadel is built bears evidence of having once been a volcanic cone,
and was an advantageous place of refuge for the inhabitants of the
neighboring houses, as it had a commanding position, was difficult of
access, and was well fortified. As some of the structures were of two
stories, they appear to have been permanently inhabited.

Fig. 4. The Citadel, group A.

Twenty-three small ruins were counted from this elevated position
(see plate v1). For convenience of description these may be desig-

nated A, B, C, ete.
RUIN A

Ruin A of group A is situated at the base of the truncated mesa of
the Citadel. It is built of red sandstone, with a few courses of lava
blocks, is 50 feet long by 12 feet wide, and contains five rooms arranged
side by side. Although the house was evidently never more than one
story high, the many fallen building stones would seem to indicate
that its walls were once considerably higher than at present. Few
floor beams or rafters were detected.

44 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22

Near this ruin, at the base of the hill, are four walled inclosures,
one above another, suggesting terraced gardens. Their low walls are
composed of alternate rows of lava and sandstone. Near these former
gardens is a depression which may once have been a reservoir. This
ruin is the only one visited which was not built on an elevated mes
at or near the edge of a canyon.

RUINS B, C, AND D

There are remains of three houses, built of lava and sandstone
blocks, on a small lava hill a few hundred feet north of the Citadel.
On the same elevation there is a circular wall which may have served
as a fortification. Most of the walls of the ruins have fallen, and it
is almost impossible to determine the relationship of the former
rooms. There are also some small ruins on a lava hill near the
elevation on which B, C, and D are situated.

RUINS E AND F

A considerable distance from the last-mentioned cluster, but in the
same direction from the Citadel, there are situated two conspicuous
ruins visible from a considerable distance. One of these, on the top
of a lava mesa, is built of the same material of which the mesa is
composed; the other, situated at its base, is constructed of red sand-
stone. Near the latter, on a lava mesa, there are many pictographs,
representing spirals, frogs, snakes, and unknown figures. There is
much broken pottery near ruin F.

RUINS G, H, I, AND J

These ruins, especially G, H, and J (plates VIII-x1), are constructed
of limestone, and are situated on the brink of a canyon, at the bottom
of which, near ruin G, are mounds indicating the site of 1. The
walls of G, H, and J are well preserved, and show some of the best
aboriginal masonry in Arizona.

Ruin G (plate vir) had two rooms with walls rising 20 feet from the
rim of the canyon. The lower courses of the walls are much larger
than the upper, as is true of others in this neighborhood. The level
of the floors is indicated by courses of larger stones.

Ruin J (plates x, X1, figure 5) is the best preserved of all the ruins
in group A, and presents exceptional features. It is situated on the
left wall of a canyon which is about 40 feet deep and equally wide.
It deepens and widens east of the ruin, and then narrows, forming a
natural corral inclosed by cliffs. Eight good rooms were noted in that
part of the ruin situated on the top of the canyon wall, and in the
canyon below it there were several semicircular basal rooms, some of
which were sheltered by an overhanging cliff. Similarly sheltered
rooms are found in many of the ruins in this neighborhood, but
nowhere else are they so well preserved. There are no beams in

FEWKES] GROUP A OF BLACK FALLS RUINS 45

place, but their former positions are shown in many walls by
openings, indicating that when inhabited the pueblo had _ two,
possibly three, stories. An inclosure which may have been a ninth
room is so filled with fallen walls that the details of its construction
or size could not be determined.

As none of the rooms haye external lateral openings on a level with
the foundations, it is naturally supposed that all were entered by
means of ladders and hatchways. There are a modern doorway and
fireplace in one room, evidently of later construction than the walls.

Perhaps the most problematic structures in this ruin are the small
cysts in the canyon walls east of the entrance. A thin layer of
softer rock has so weathered as to leave a horizontal crevice which at
intervals is divided by stones set on edge into receptacles a foot or
so deep. They were formerly closed by flat slabs of stone, only two
of which now remain in place. These cysts were nicely plastered,
and the slabs which closed them were luted in place with adobe.
Nothing was found in them to indicate their use, whether as burial

CAanron?

BASAL OOMF

= aN
Subhas SS ee
if ZL

—, “writ
ania: vgs

a,

.

\

Ss

>
jj, 2 Ry? I MAS
CT ite “youn

SOM athtety, NN, Ul, |
ONE wv 9

NSS

Fig. 5. Plan of ruin J, group 4.

places for the dead or as bins for the storage of corn. Their number
was considerable, but they were so small that their capacity could
scarcely have been more than a few bushels. This is the only ruin in
which such inclosures were found, and no theory is advanced as to
their former use.

RUIN K

Ruin kK, which evidently formerly contained several rooms, is
divided into two sections and is situated on a high lava mesa difficult of
approach. The walls of the larger section inclose three well-preserved
rooms, and still rise to a height of about.8 feet. Five feet above the
base the red sandstone blocks of which the walls are built are
replaced by a course of stone of lighter color, which forms a horizon-
tal band around the ruin. The second section consists of a low,
rough wall built along the edge of the cliff, inclosing a level space in

‘

46 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

front of the first section. There are isolated rooms in this inclosure,
and a depression which may have been a reservoir. This ruin, like
many Others, consisted of dwellings and a fort for protection. There
are instructive pictographs on the rocks near by.

RUIN L

At the base of the mesa on which the last-mentioned ruin stands
is a ruin of red sandstone with five rooms and a foundation of
unusual shape. A huge rock, cubical in form, has fallen a few yards
from its former position in the bluff. Ruin 1 is built on the top of this
detached block, and its fairly well preserved walls are separated

Fic. 6. Section A, ruin A, group B.

from the bluff on all sides by a wide crevice. From a distance the
ruin appears to be perched on the bluff, but closer observation shows
its separation from the latter by an impassable natural moat.

RUIN M

This is an oblong ruin rising from the side of a deep, narrow
canyon, with walls consisting of alternating courses of large and
small blocks of red sandstone. Some of the walls have fallen, but
sections fully 10 feet high still remain in place. There are evidences
of five rooms, each two stories high, but most of the chambers are

a

FEWKES] BLACK FALLS RUINS 47

filled with fallen stones. The cemetery of this pueblo lies west of
the ruin, where there are also remains of walls.

Small ruins may be seen near the road from group A to group B,
a few miles to the left. Their walls are in good condition, but no
peculiar features were observed.

Group B
RUIN A

The largest of all the ruins in the Black falls cluster, and one which
bears evidence of having been inhabited for a considerable time, lies
about 35 miles northeast of Flagstaff and about 8 miles from the
Little Colorado. This structure is built on a ridge of sandstone
extending in a northeast-southwest direction, and consists of two
large buildings of moderate elevation (plates X1I-XxvVI, figure 6). On
each side the ridge slopes gradually to a depression, the talus on the

Fic. 7. Plan of section a, ruin a, group B.

east covering a series of rooms, while on the west side, where the
slope is more abrupt, no rooms were discovered. The ruin is divided
into two sections connected by rows of one-story rooms, the walls of
which have fallen. Remains of a great number of roof and floor
beams are still scattered throughout the débris. These beams are
larger than those in any other ruin of the same size known to the
author.

It is difficult to determine the original number of rooms in the first
section of this ruin, as the tops of the walls have fallen, filling the
chambers with débris. How many basal rooms were buried in the
talus of fallen walls at the base of the mesa on the eastern side could
not be discovered. Room A of this section (see figure 7) is elevated
on a rocky base about 10 feet high. The chamber is small, and its
walls have fallen on two sides. The débris has been cleared out of
this room by Mr Doney, who found in it the desiccated remains of
an infant wrapped in four well-preserved cotton blankets.

48 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

Room B is a small, narrow chamber with good walls on three sides,
but the fourth wall, which was situated on the edge of the mesa, has
fallen over the brink.

The ground-floor chamber of room C is formed by a gap in the mesa,
from which a large cubical block has fallen. The walls of this eham-
ber are the natural rock, to the surface of which adhere fragments of
plastering. The beams of the floor of an upper room still rest on the
edge of the gap, as in some of the kivas of Walpi to-day, especially
those on the eastern edge of the mesa. These are built in a depres-
sion, the solid rock forming the walls on three sides, the fourth wall
being of masonry.

Room D is buried under débris, and the broken beams, which have
pressed down on a plastered banquette, are still visible. The reeds,
straw, and impressed clay which once formed a floor may be seen in
section.

f

arth a lee “om tata OWI,

Wty ernie wage eins Wir roy,

(SRL VES - 7, eee ¢
: - 8 | fa)

3}

PASPALBT ART Bee N05 0 AMZ

hie wn nim int win: biel ein nalni'mvlela'w' aisiele ieqc)efetey er eleens

a ann, ; ns
WUT

STN RT

! CCAS Tt

TENG
torr wren SOS
me

BAe

NW

ws

Fig. 8. Plan of section B, ruin A, group B.

Room E has two stories, and the floor beams and rafters are still in
place but buried under débris. A high wall’extends from the east-
ern wall of room E, crossing a depression in the cliff, which is bridged
by logs serving as its foundation.

It seems within the bounds of probability that there were 50 rooms
in the first section of ruin A, group B, including the basal rooms now
deep beneath the fallen walls of the higher portion of the ruin. On
the supposition that half of these were uninhabited, and that there
were four persons to each room in the remainder, the first section of
the ruin would have housed a population of 60. This, however, on
the basis of the present population of Walpi, as compared with the
number of rooms in the pueblo, is a rather low estimate. Considering
the population of the second section as about the same as that of the
first section, and that of the connecting rooms as about 30, the approxi-
mate population of the pueblos would have been 150. Estimated on
the basis of that of Walpi, the population would be 200.

FEWKES] GROUP B OF THE BLACK FALLS RUINS 49

The rooms of the second section (figure 8), several of which are well
preserved, are lower than those of the first section, and the detritus has
covered the base so completely that the mesa is inconspicuous. Room
A (plate XIV) is nearly square and is built on two rectangular rocks, the
top of which forms the floor. One of these rocks forms a side of the
lower story of the adjoining room 8, which is in the best condition of
any in this section. The walls of this room are well preserved, and
it was oceupied as a habitation by a herder a few winters ago. There
is a lateral doorway through the wall on one side, and in one corner
is a fireplace communicating with a chimney, which will later be
deseribed. This room is 12 feet 4 inches long by 9 feet 7 inches wide.
In the second section many walls are still standing high above their
foundations, indicating rooms now filled with fallen débris, in which
beams, fragments of pottery, and other objects may be seen. Ten
large rooms were counted, several of which had two stories. As has
been stated, there were apparently basal rooms on the eastern side.
The entire section is about 60 feet long.

A chimney-like structure (plate XV) is one of the most conspicuous
objects in this part of the ruin. It rises from the mass of débris
covering room E and communicates with the fireplace in room B, but
a vertical line from its top is 7 feet 10 inches from the nearest wall of
the room in which the fireplace is situated. Whether this chimney is
aboriginal or not, or whether it is a chimney atall, are open questions.
Excepting its state of preservation and fine masonry, no evidence was
found that it is of more recent date than the walls of the rooms. If
it is an aboriginal chimney, which is doubtful, its structure is unique.
It may be a ventilator, comparable with the chimney-like structures
deseribed by Mindeleff in the kivas of Canyon de Chelly.

One of the finest reservoirs (plate XVI a) which the author has seen
in connection with a ruin was discovered near the bottom of the ele-
vation on which ruin A of group B is situated. This reservoir is cir-
cular in shape, 50 feet in diameter, and carefully walled. It lies south
of the second section of the group, and apparently had a break in the
wall in line with the depression east of the ruin. It appears to belong
to the same type as those reservoirs on the East mesa of the Hopis in
which snow and rain are collected for future use.

There are instructive petroglyphs near ruin A, group B. A number
of rock etchings observed in a small canyon about a mile from the
ruin were pecked in a perpendicular wall, protected by the overhanging
rim of the canyon. These petroglyphs were evidently made by the
former inhabitants of this region, as one of the best examples shows
the same design as that figured on pottery from the neighboring ruin.
There were likewise butterfly, sheep or antelope, and other figures.

It would be quite impossible in this preliminary notice to give a
complete account of the archeologic objects which Mr Doney has
taken from this ruin, but even a preliminary sketch would be incom-

22: ETH—04——4

50 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

plete without some reference to them. One of the most important
objects is the desiccated body of an infant wrapped in coarse cotton
cloth, allusion to which has already been made. This bundle was
inclosed in three small cotton kilts which were later washed and
found to be ‘‘as good as new.” At the foot of the infant was a desie-
cated parrot (?), some of the brilliant plumage of which is still to be
seen. This bird has a prayer stick tied to one leg, which makes
reasonable the belief that if wassa ceremonial object. Another inter-
esting specimen in the Doney collection is the dried body of a dog,
which was found in one of the deep clefts in the rock near one of the
ruins. This dog has a head similar to that. found by the writer in
the Chaves pass ruin. There are also several fragments of beauti-
ful cotton cloth and netting. Some of the specimens are embroidered,
others are painted with circles and other geometric designs. A heavy
wooden club, several planting sticks, and other wooden objects are to
be seen in Mr Doney’s collection. There are also many cigarette
canes, some with woven handles, as well as seeds of cotton, squash,
gourd, and corn, and many objects of shell, as tinklers, ornaments,
rings, and bracelets. One of the best Haliotis shells the author has
ever seen from a ruin was found in one of the graves.

There are also many large turquoise ornaments, some an inch or an
inch and a half square. The many metates are made of lava, and
are deeply worn, as if from long use. A copper bell from a grave
near ruin Ais a remarkable specimen. It has the same form as the
bells from Arizona ruins, which the author has elsewhere deseribed, but
on one side are ridges indicating eyes, nose, and mouth, apparently
made of strips of metal soldered or brazed to the surface. It is not
believed that this bell was the product of the former occupants of
these now ruined structures; more probably it was obtained by them
through barter.

RUIN B

Across the depression north of ruin A, beyond the reservoir and on
top of a mesa, there is a rectangular ruin consisting of two sections
connected by low, parallel walls, which inclose a rectangular plaza.
It appears that each section was composed of two single-story rooms.
No beams or other evidences of roofing are now visible, but a consider-
able quantity of masonry has fallen into the inclosures. From the
base of the mesa to the ruin an old trail can be traced by rows of
stones on the eastern side, and on the same side there are likewise
remnants of rooms. Graves were found among the rocks at the base
of the mesa.

RUIN C

About half a mile north of ruin A of group B there is a fortified mesa
with several rooms, some of which had two stories. The surface of
this mesa is flat, the rim is round, the sides are perpendicular, but

FEWKES] BLACK FALLS RUINS ult

of moderate elevation. Most of the walls built on the rim, continuous
with the mesa sides, have fallen, but sections of the houses 10 feet
high still remain, and the roof beams and wattling may be seen in
place in one or two rooms.

There are some fragments of broken metates made of lava, many
potsherds, and a considerable pile of débris at the base of the mesa.
Ruin A can be seen from the highest point, and the distant ruin A of
group C is plainly visible. The cemetery is on the east side, among
the rocks at the base of the mesa.

Fic. 9. Ruin A, group c, from the south.

Group C
RUIN A

This ruin, which lies 40 miles by road from Flagstaff and 5 miles
due west of Black falls, is one of the most impressive masses of abo-
riginal masonry in this section (plates XVII-XxIrx, figure 9). It is
visible for many miles, and from a distance resembles an old castle
as it looms from the north end of an isolated, oblong, red-sandstone
mesa rising 15 feet above the plain. The south end of the mesa is
higher than the north extremity, and on its rim appears to have been
built a low wall inclosing a plaza. Standing walls cover about one-
half the surface of the mesa. On its east side, about midway of its

52 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

length, there is a gap with perpendicular walls extending about 14
feet into the side and almost bisecting it.

The following measurements of ruin A, group C, were made by Mr
Jack, who has kindly placed them at the author’s disposal:

The longer axis of the mesa bears north 10° east (the bearing was
obtained by using the face of the eastern wall of the highest building).
The width of the mesa at the middle point, measured from the rim of
the overhanging cliffs, is about 65 feet. The height of the tallest
wall of room A is 19 feet above its foundation, on top of the mesa,
which is about ‘15 feet high. The inside measurements of the same
room are: Top of mesa to probable position of first floor, 7 feet 6
inches; first floor to probable position of second floor, 8 feet; bench
on which the floor beams of the second floor rest to the top of the

uly M,

yg Plies

Minn,
ia shui tio aanitinnnnt i,
%

NSS

Ho tmayrsayshorunrnfUbAON\ QT

NOM chainnditcrna
RAT IS CES
2 :

PSSED

can

Pesce

yyy

SEY

On)

VA

=
=

inc
ey ES

¥ Ws

ws

torr

&% we
WAYNE
CASAL AGOMS

FiG.10. Plan of ruin A, group c.

wall, 5 feet. It may reasonably be concluded that the third story
was as high as either of the other two, or about 7 feet 6 inches, which
would make the original height of the wall about 23 feet.

The inside horizontal measurements of the north and south walls
of room A are not the same. The former is 11 feet 4 inches, the latter
9 feet 9 inches. The east and west walls are 12 feet long. Room c
is 17 feet 9 inches long by 9 feet 7 inches wide.

Although the standing walls of this ruin are the best preserved of
any of those examined, no wooden beams were found in place, nor
were there remants of the flooring or other débris in the rooms them-
selves. This absence is explained by the supposition that at the time
of the abandonment of the settlement, or later, the woodwork was
earried away for use in new habitations. Possibly they were taken to

FEWKES] GROUP C OF THE BLACK FALLS RUINS 53

ruin A of groupB. There is good evidence that this ruin once had
large floor beams, as is indicated by openings in the walls in which
they rested.

Examination of the ground plan (figure 10) shows that the whole
surface of the mesa was once covered with rooms, the walls of which
still extend to its edge. The hignest walls, those which surrounded
room A, are three stories. The two outside walls rise directly from
the edge of the perpendicular cliff. There are several small openings
at various levels, and holes in which rested the great beams that once
supported the flooring are readily seen. At the corners of the rooms
the masonry of the second story is bonded to that of the first and
third, imparting solidity and strength to the high walls. There is no
entrance or passageway between rooms A and C, but access was had
to room A from room B. Room B is almost perfectly inclosed by
standing walls, formerly two stories high. The wallon the north side
has been overturned, and the many stones which have fallen at the
base make an entrance at this point possible. As is shown by the
depressions in the walls, this structure once had two large beams in
the roof of the first story, but* they have disappeared. Room Cc has
one story; its walls are complete on all sides, and there is an interior
entrance into room D, and an exterior passageway. Rooms A, B, and CG
are conspicuous from a distance and form the greater part of the ruin.
At intervals on the rim of the mesa other walls are found, some sec-
tions of which are 4 or 5 feet high. It is difficult to trace the walls
of the rooms designated D and E. This ruin also has cave rooms at
the south base of the mesa, which recall those of the other ruins in
the Black falls cluster.

Plate XVII shows ruin A, group C, from the east. The tall, square
tower on the left of the plate incloses room A, and the lower wall
extending to the gap is the side of room c. The fragments of masonry
on the right of the gap are all that remain of the walls of room E.
The mounds on the mesa to the right of the last are remnants of an
encireling wall and of rooms which once surrounded the open space
on the end of the mesa. On this side of the mesa the upper part
overhangs the lower, forming a cave, but no indication of rooms was
detected here.

The wall on the edge of the mesa which shows at the left of plate
XVHI is a part of room D, and at the bottom of the cliff at this point
can be seen the walls of the basal rooms built at right angles to the
cliffs. These are also shown in plate XIX.

The cemetery is about 100 yards east of the ruin and is small in
extent. The mortuary objects found in a single grave opened will
give an idea of the burial deposits. The graves are oval, and consist
of eysts made of slabs of stone set on end and covered with other flat
stones. The upright stones were cemented together with adobe, the
covering slabs being apparently luted to the edges of the uprights.
These burial cysts were commodious, and in the one uncovered the

54 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

body, which was that of a woman, lay on one side, at full length, with
the head at the wider end. To the right of the hips were found a
decorated food bowl in which was a smaller bowl, a large and beauti-
fully decorated vase, and a second small food bowl. On the left arm
was an armlet made of a Pectunculus shell identical with those found
inthe ruins of Homolobi. On the breast there was a remnant of a
wooden prayer stick painted green. Near the mastoid processes
were square ear pendants made of lignite covered with a turquoise
mosaic surrounding a central red stone. These are beautiful speci-
mens of turquoise mosaic, far superior to those now in use in the
Hopi pueblos. The skeleton was in a very poor state of preservation,
probably because of the character of the soil, which is a cinder sand
through which water readily percolates. There is a general similarity
in the texture and decoration of the four pieces of pottery found in
this grave. They belong to the black-and-white variety and have
geometrical ornamentation.

Wn Usha LEY
nace ELE EETE 4 %

cp wnant AL bin y hilton dt WS SS S
Dep uprsin 20 eae SSESA < S GQ6'6€
uy wn eee WS CLUES

= Trt S ~ ashe
a a \\, =
TEN Sey SSSSSS'8
Gp Gy S UY WS RS \\t Wf Ril Way .
ij Vy Sy Wn pi
iY Mh SU TTL in) SS \ | '
Xi, fe {9 "Win, SS n S
Trig lle 6 >
BASAL 00M ” Ne? ‘7 mi
Vy Ss /
Wy, \ |
1OFT “tery, ww

Fic. 11. Plan of ruin p, group c.
RUIN B

About 2 miles from the large ruin just described, to the left of
the road to Schiiltze’s spring, is a small red-sandstone ruin standing
on an isolated bluff. This ruin covers the top of the mesa, and is
conspicuous for some distance. The rim of the mesa overhangs in
places, as the lower strata are much eroded, and the ruin can be
entered at only one point. All the rooms of this ruin are single
storied, and most of the walls are high, though there is a consider-
able quantity of fallen stone in the rooms and at the base of the
mesa.

Room A (see figure 11) is a semicircular inclosure most of the walls
of which have fallen. It is perched over a projecting table or plat-
form, the rim of which the wall covers. The ground plan of room B
is nearly square; the walls are well preserved and rise directly from
the edge of the mesa, which is steep on three sides. The interval
between rooms B and D is strewn with stones, but traces of low walls
can be seen. One of these walls is on the edge of the steep mesa; the

—

FEWKES] BURRO SPRING RUIN 55)

other, parallel with it, almost divides the space in halves. This is the
part of the ruin which one enters first after climbing up the talus of
fallen rocks. Room D is large, with well-preserved walls 4 or 5 feet
high, and with a projecting platform on one side, on which only
obseure indications of artificial structures may be detected.

Room F is rather small, with walls built over a projecting platform,
resembling from below a bow window. Room E is well constructed;
it contains considerable débris, and its sides are continuous with the
perpendicular wall of the mesa. At the base of the cliff, just below
room E, there is a low, almost circular wall, forming an inclosure
somewhat similar to the basal rooms of some of the ruins already
described. Although in general its architecture does not differ from
that of many other rectangular ruins previously discussed, the over-
hanging platform gives a unique appearance to the structure. About
300 feet eastward were noted the edges of flat stones which indicate
burial cysts. The whole length of this ruin is 46 feet, and the width,
including the projections at F and G, 21 feet. The sizes of different
rooms measured were:

Room B, 10 feet 8 inches by 9 feet 10 inches.
Room p, 15 feet 4 inches by 10 feet 5 inches.
Room £, 10 feet by 5 feet 10 inches.
The following bearings were taken from this ruin:
Group C, ruin A, bears north 12° east.
Mount Agassiz bears south 48° west.
Schiiltze’s spring bears south 50° west.

RUINS NEAR HONANI’S HOUSE AT BURRO SPRING

The Hopi Indian Honani declared that there was a large ruin on
the mesa not far from his house at Burro spring. This ruin, how-
ever, was not visited, as Honani was away when the author passed
through that country. There is a legend that some of the clans of
Shumopovi once lived at this point, which is apparently on the line
of migration from the ruins on the Little Colorado to the Middle
mesa of Tusayan.* Honani is a prominent man in Shumopovi, which
fact may account for his occupation of land near the Burro spring.

The preceding description will give a general idea of the ruins in
this section. It is not possible to compare them with the ruins of
Homolobi, where most of the walls have disappeared or have so fallen
as to render the original plan unrecognizable. The difference in
building material employed in the construction of the pueblos on
Chevlon fork of Little Colorado river must have imparted a some-
what different character to the buildings erected there, but there is

«a The simple existence of a permanent spring of potable water in this part of Arizona may be
taken as indicative of ruins in its immediate vicinity, and when such a spring lies on or near an
old trail of migration, evidence of former settlements can not be difficult to find. Both Big
Burro and Little Burro springs lie on the pathway of migrations of the southern Hopi clans in
their journey from Homolobi, and were halting places for longer or shorter periods.

56 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

some likeness between the ruins at Chaves pass and the lava ruins
near Black falls. In this connection it may be stated that there is
also a large ruin near Homolobi built of lava blocks on a lava mesa.

The racial and clan kinship of the former inhabitants of these pueb-
los is somewhat problematic, but it is quite likely that the people
were akin to the Hopis. This is shown not only by the character of the
houses, but also by the pottery and various other objects found near
them. Both legendary and archeological evidences point to the con-
clusion that the people who once inhabited the pueblos near Black
falls came from the north, and were related to those who onee lived in
cliff houses and other habitations on the Rio Colorado and its tribu-
tary, the San Juan. Hopi legends say that the Snake clans formerly
lived at Tokonabi, on the Rio Colorado, and that they migrated south-
ward and built a pueblo about 50 miles west of the present Topi
towns, which they called Wukoki. This pueblo, it is said, still has
high-standing walls. The direction and distance of the Black falls
ruins from Walpi correspond pretty closely with those given in the
legend, and while it may not be possible to identify any single ruin of
this cluster as Wukoki, the traditional Wukoki of Hopi legend is not
far from Black falls. The tradition that the inhabitants of these
ruins came from the north is supported by the close resemblance in
character and decoration between their pottery and that of the San
Juan ruins.

It might naturally be supposed that there would bea close likeness
between the pottery of the Black falls ruins and that of Homolobi,
and that kinship once existed between the inhabitants of these
pueblos on the same river. Close study, however, shows marked
differences, and the author is led to the belief that while both were
pueblo people, and, therefore, similar in culture, the clans which
inhabited Ilomolobi were not the same as those which lived in the Black
falls villages. The clans which lived at Homolobi came from the far
south, through Chaves pass, while those at Wukoki came from the
opposite direction. Both evidently sought refuge in the IHlopi pueblos,
where their descendants now live together. The clans from Homolobi
were the Patki, Patun, and Tabo (Piba), whose route to the Hopi
towns was by a trail which extends directly north past the ‘‘ Giant's
chair.” The clans from Wukoki were the Teciia and others who
migrated almost eastward when they sought their home in Tusayan.

OBJECTS FROM THE LITTLE COLORADO RUINS

POTTERY

GENERAL FEATURES

The mortuary pottery from the three ruins, Homolobi, Chevlon,
and Chaves pass, is distinctive and typieal, with general resem-
blances to that from other localities. As a rule it is more varied in
character than that from the true Tusayan ruins, Shumopovi, Awatobi,

FEWKES] POTTERY FROM THE LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 5G

and Sikyatki, though its decoration has many likenesses to that on
the pottery from these ruins. It has seemed best to discuss the
ceramic ware of these three localities together, but in so doing it is
thought necessary to mention the particular place from which each
specimen was obtained.”

It has been shown in an account of the pottery of Sikyatki, where
conclusions were drawn from a large collection, that there was not a
single piece of glazed pottery found in that ruin. At Awatobi few
such fragments were found, but in the Homolobi and Cheylon ruins
there were many glazed bowls, pots, and jars.

The question whether the ancient Pueblos glazed their ware has
been answered in both the affirmative and negative, and this differ-
ence, no doubt, is due to the want of a good definition of the term
glaze. Some of the bowls found at Homolobi and Chevlon have a
black vitreous covering resisting a knife point, but which is not the
gloss derived from polishing the vessel, but apparently from some
salt used in the preparation of the black pigment with which the
ware is painted. This glaze, however, has not been detected on any
eolors but black and green, ot on any ware except the red, which is
so abundant in both the ruins here described.

It is hardly necessary to consider at any great length the various
forms of ancient pottery obtained in 1896, for this would simply
duplicate work already published in the author’s account of Sikyatki.
Moreover, the question of variety of forms has already been amply
discussed by others. The mode of manufacture, technic, coloration,
and like questions were the first to attract attention of students, and,
while by no means exhaustively presented, are treated more exten-
sively than the character and meaning of the decoration. A few
types present the various forms of pottery from the ancient ruins,
and for a study of form alone the material in our museums is ample.
With derivation of symbols, however, the problem is very different,
for in a collection of thousands of specimens we rarely find two in
which the ornamentation is the same. In a general way it may be
said that certain decorative types are followed, but the variations are
so many that in attempting to present an adequate idea of ancient
ceramic ornamentation it is necessary to describe almost every speci-
men. Manifestly that would be impossible, and as we need classifica-
tion in this department of study, the following is proposed.

a Unfortunately for close study of the lesson taught by Pueblo pottery regarding the migra-
tion of the ancient people of Arizona, the ruin from which ancient Tusayan ware was collected
is not mentioned in early writings on old Pueblo pottery. Thus, we find specimens from
Awatobi, Canyon de Chelly, and Sikyatki given one locality, ‘‘Tusayan,’ and modern Tanoan
pottery made at Hano by colonists from the Rio Grande bearing the same indefinite description.
Almost all the modern pottery from ‘‘ Tusayan” in the National Museum is intrusive in that
province, and is practically modified Tanoan.

58 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22
CLASSIFICATION BY COLOR AND SURFACE FINISH

The classification of pottery objects by color and surface finish
leads us to refer them to the following groups: 1, Coarse unpolished
ware, undecorated; 2, coarse unpolished ware, decorated; 3, polished
ware, undecorated; and polished ware, decorated, which may be again
divided into: 4, red and brown ware; 5, yellow ware; 6, black ware; 7,
black and white ware; 8, red and black ware; 9, red, black, and white
ware; 10, white and green ware.

COARSE UNPOLISHED WARE

Although a large collection of coarse ware was made in the excava-
tions, the forms obtained varied little from those deseribed from
Awatobi and Sikyatki. Of more than usual interest were specimens
of coiled-ware bowls, the interiors of which were black and glazed.
These are represented by several specimens from the Chaves pass
ruins.

There is but one specimen of rough ware the exterior of which
was decorated (see figure 17). The rudeness of the design on this
object is no doubt in part due to the character of the ware. As we
go south the number of these specimens of rude coiled ware with
external decoration increases. They are not found in ruins near the
inhabited Hopi pueblos, are represented by a few specimens at Homo-
lobi, increase in number at Chevlon, and are well represented in
ruins on the northern foothills of the White mountains.

UNDECORATED POLISHED WARE

While in a few eases polished ware was undecorated, this was excep-
tional, and only a few specimens were found, which all came from one
excavation. In certain instances there was evidently formerly an
ornamentation on some of these which had been obliterated; on others
no sign of decoration could be discovered. The polished undecorated
ware was ordinarily red, but there were likewise specimens of white
and black undecorated ware.

DECORATED POLISHED WARE
RED AND BROWN WARE

Red and brown ware is distinctively characteristic of the ruins
found along the Little Colorado, and of those south of this river to
the border of Mexico. The decorations on this ware (plate XXVI)
found along the Colorado river are much more complicated than those
of southern Arizona, where plain red ware is almost universal. In
both regions the color is no doubt due to the composition of the avail-
able clay, and to changes in firing. Bricks made from this clay at the

aA large number of these vessels were found in the more southern ruins excavated in 1897,
especially that near Snowflake, Arizona, where the largest collections were made that year.
As this pottery will be discussed at length in the report for that year, it is barely mentioned in
this section of the memoir.

FEWKES) POTTERY FROM THE LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 59

present time have much the same texture and color as the ancient
vessels—probably for the same reason.

YELLOW WARE

The fine yellow ware which is characteristic of the old ruins near
the inhabited Hopi pueblos is not found in the Little Colorado ruins.
There are many pieces (plates XXVII, XXVIII) which approach it in
color, but for the most part they lack that fine gloss which distin-
guishes ceramic objects of Sikyatki, Old Shumopovi, and other Hopi
ruins. While this difference may be in part ascribed to the chemical
components of the clay, the skill of the potter must also be given due
eredit. While yellow ware was sparingly made in the southern
pueblos, it reached its highest development in the villages which are
nearest the modern Hopi.

In the decline of pottery making the fine old yellow ware has greatly
deteriorated, and, although clever Hano artists copy it with some
success, they have never been able to equal the finest specimens which
the author has dug out of Sikyatki sand hills.

BLACK WARE

The Santa Clara pueblo Indians of New Mexico, as is well known,
make a characteristic black ware. The author has thus far failed to
find any specimens of this ware in Tusayan, but in the ruins of Homo-
lobi, Chevlon, and Chaves pass several food basins were found the
interiors of which were blackened and apparently glazed in the same
manner as is the Santa Clara pottery. In no instance, however, was
the external surface thus blackened. Some of these food basins with
black interior were of coiled ware; others were of smooth ware, but
all were destitute of other decoration.

BLACK AND WHITE WARE

The so-called black and white ware is found almost universally in
cliff houses throughout the Southwest, and has been thought to be
characteristic of this kind of dwelling. In his excavations at Sik-
yatki, however, the author found several pieces, and the same kind
was also taken from the older quarter of the ruin of Awatobi. Several
beautiful pieces of black and white ware, with decorations which are
identical with those of pottery from Colorado cliff houses, were taken
from the burial places at Old Shumopovi. In the Homolobi and
Chevlon ruins a number of most interesting bowls, vases, and dip-
pers of this kind of ware (plate Xx) were exhumed, and the same style
of ware occurred at Chaves pass. It appears, therefore, that black
and white ware is not uncommon in ruins of pueblos in the plains as
well as in cliff houses, which is but one of many evidences of the
similarities in culture of the peoples inhabiting these two kinds of
ancient dwellings. The author was at one time disposed to regard
these pieces as heirlooms, but the considerable number of specimens

60 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

found would seem to indicate contemporary habitation of the villages
and cliff houses from which they have been taken.

No specimen of the black and white ware in the collection is deco-
rated with designs representing human beings or animals, and even
pictures of birds, so abundant on other colored ware, are wanting.
The designs are purely geometrical figures, which are ordinarily
regarded as the most ancient style of ornamentation. These geomet-
rical figures, however, are very complicated—as a rule far superior
to similar decorations on other colored ware. They duplicate for the
most part the patterns on black and white ware from the cliff dwell-
ings of southern Colorado and western New Mexico, the headwaters
of the Salado and Gila rivers.

Among the specimens of black and white ware there are several
dippers made of a very fine paste almost as compactly hardened as
rock. <All of these, with one exception, were broken, and the single
unbroken specimen, one of the most beautiful in the whole collection,
disappeared from the table in the National Museum after it had been
seen and admired by many visitors. The author much regrets the
loss of this beautiful object, especially after it had been brought safely
to the National Museum.

While black and white ware is abundant in the cliff houses of the
San Juan, it is relatively as abundant in the houses of the plains in
some parts of New Mexico, as may be seen in the great collections
made in recent times in the Tularosa valley.

RED AND BLACK WARE

A majority of the ceramic objects from the three ruins investigated
in 1896 were red with black decorations. This variety was so
abundant that it may well be styled the characteristic pottery of the
Little Colorado and its tributaries. Black and red ware is found in
the ruins near the Zuni river, an affluent of the Little Colorado, and is
also found in ruins widely distant from the Colorado, but we are justi-
fied in regarding this combination of colors as distinetive of the Colo-
rado drainage area. Some of the best specimens of the glazed ware
well represented in the collections of 1896 are of these two colors, the
black designs being almost always glazed.

The red color is due to the clay, since bricks made at Winslow have
practically the same color. The many specimens of red and black
pottery with marginal lines in white on the black form a transition
from this variety into the next, in which, however, the white is more
prominent.

RED, BLACK, AND WHITE WARE

The type of ancient pottery included in the above designation
(plates XXI, XXII) is, as far as research has thus far gone, peculiar to
the Little Colorado ruins. No specimen of it has yet been figured
(1596), and there are no examples of it in the different museums with
which the author is familiar.

FEWKES] USES AND SHAPES OF LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 61

The three distinctive colors are red, black, and white—the latter
forming not simply bordering lines in the designs, but being used as
a slip to cover a considerable surface of the object decorated. While
specimens of this kind of pottery do not occur in ruins near the
inhabited Hopi pueblos, it is probable that the modern use of a white
slip by potters in those villages is a lineal descendant of the ancient
method of decoration.”

This colored ware is not found in ruins south of the Mogollon
mountains, but is confined to the Little Colorado river and its south-
ern tributaries.

WHITE AND GREEN WARE

A limited number of pottery objects of light color, with dark-
green glazed geometrical figures, were found in the Little Colorado
ruins (see plate xLi1b). This kind of ware appears to be rare in the
Hopi country, ancient and modern, but whether it is indigenous or
intrusive the author has been unable to discover.

CLASSIFICATION BY FORM

The various forms of pottery are determined largely by the uses for
which it is intended. They may be classified as follows: 1, food
bowls; 2, vases; 3, jars; 4, ladles; 5, mugs or dippers; 6, canteens;
7, cups; 8, animal-shaped vessels; 9%, slipper-shaped vessels.

Foop Bow1s

The food basins (piates XXII-XXTX) exceed in number all other
forms of pottery, and as a rule have the same shapes as those from
Sikyatki and Awatobi, described in the report on those ruins.’ The
basins are ornamented on the interior with symbolic designs, in which
geometrical figures predominate.

There is a much larger proportion of designs encircling the exterior
of the ware in the Little Colorado pottery than in that of Sikyatki,
and curved lines are also more common. Some of the food bowls
made of red ware are very large, but from their fragile nature and
size the majority of these were broken.

VASES AND JARS

The collection of vases was very large, but the pieces are, as a
rule, smaller than those previously described from Sikyatki. Some
of the forms of these vases may be seen in the accompanying plates
(XXX-xxxV). The majority are globular, with a slight neck, but
there are several in which the neck is elongated.

a The use of a white slip isa marked feature of the pottery now manufactured at the East mesa
of Tusayan. This appears to have been introduced after the fall of Sikyatki, for the fine yellow
ware of this pueblo shows no white superficial covering.

+ Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1898, pt. 2.

62 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH, ANN, 22

The designs on vases are usually geometrical; animal and human
figures are wanting. Some of these vases are very small, having
evidently been used for pigments or condiments. The lip is some-
times decorated with parallel marks, but with one exception the
interior is destitute of ornamentation. A single specimen had an

zs : Se 4

Fig. 12. Ladle with divided handle, from Chevlon (number 157051).

indented or concave base, to secure stability, but in the majority the
base is rounded.

The distinction between vases and jars is more or less arbitrary,
the latter having, as a rule, a smaller orifice.

FEWKES] USES AND SHAPES OF LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 6¢
LADLES

Many ladles were found in 1896, the general forms of which were
in no respect peculiar. The most striking variations are in the form
of the handles. They are usually decorated on the interiors, and
generally with geometrical patterns.

j
j

Fic. 13. Ladle with figure on handle, from Chevlon (number 157306).

Figure 12 shows a ladle with a double handle—a rare form. Figure
13 is a ladle with its handle decorated with a human figure. The
evidences of wear on the edge of this ladle are pronounced, showing
that it was probably used in dipping food from bowls or vases. In
modern times gourd ladles are generally used for drinking purposes.

64 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22

Many ladle handles broken from their bowls occur in all the exeava-
tions, and from the appearance of the broken end it is evident that
the handle was made separate from the bowl and was later joined to it.
A conical projection from the side of the bowl was inserted into a
savity of the handle, which is sometimes hollow throughout, and was
then luted in place before firing. Several ladle handles were per-
forated, and in one specimen there were small pebbles which rattled
when the ladle was shaken.

The extremity of the ladle handle was at times fashioned into a rude
image, recalling the clown priests’ heads so common on modern clay

ladles. The ladle with hollow handle opening at one end into the -

bowl, which is so commonly made in modern times by the Pueblo
potters,” has not yet been found in the ancient habitations of Arizona.

Fia. 14. Cup with bird designs.

CANTEENS

The canteens by means of which the ancients carried drinking
water were shaped somewhat like the modern canteen, but were more
flattened, and generally decorated. While canteens of this shape
from old Tusayan ruins are known, they have not yet been excavated
‘from any of the Little Colorado ruins.

The second kind of canteen, of which several were found, has a very
different form and probably a different use. While the former was
generally borne on the back, the second was carried in the hand. It
has an oval or globular form, with a handle which is hollow, having
an opening midway in its length. It is possible that this form of
canteen (plate XXXVI b) was used to carry water for ceremonial pur-
poses from a spring to the ceremonial chambers, or possibly from
the houses to the fields. These canteens are of small capacity, and
are generally ornamented exteriorly with complicated designs.

a These forms of drinking ladles, made of clay or gourds, are used in the following way: The
water is dipped up in the bowl and the end of the handle is put in the mouth. A proper slant to
the bow] allows the liquid to pass through the handle into the mouth. The ancient ladles were
not used in this way, but were used as dippers are to-day.

FEWKES] USES AND SHAPES OF LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 65

Cups

The antiquity of the cup form of household utensil has been ques-
tioned, but from these excavations there seems no reason to doubt
that this form was made in prehis-
toric times. Numerous specimens
(figures 14-19) were found at
Homolobi, Chevlon, and Chaves
pass, and the material of which
they are made differs in no respect
from that of other vessels.

A very fine specimen of coiled
ware (figure 15) had a handle made
of two coils of clay artistically
twisted together. There were a
few specimens of cups with flat
bottoms, but the majority were in the form of small vases with
rounded base. The decora-
tion of the cups was external;
the interior was, smooth,
without figures. Geometrical
figures predominated in or-

NG Pig ee
4 ne gee 4? 4

Fia. 15, Dipper from Homolobi (number
156891).

namentation. Several speci-
mens bore evidences of con-
siderable use, the rims being

in some cases much worn.
One of the best of these cups,
with handle made of two
coils, is shown in figure 16.
The bowl-shaped cup shown
in figure 17 is made of rough

Fic. 16. Mug from Homolobi (number 156891)

coiled ware decorated on the exterior, and has a glossy, black inner
surface. The form of the handle is exceptional, and is not duplicated
in the collection.

Fic. 17. Cup, rough ware, decorated, from Chevlon (number 157095).

A number of vase-form vessels with handles connect the true mugs
with vases. The general form of these is the same, but the position

22. ETH—04——5

66 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

of the handles varies. In figure 18 the handle extends from the lip of
the vessel to near the equator, while in figure 19 it is smaller, and
placed just below the neck of the vase. In figure 17 the handle is
confined to the equatorial region.

aoa Sanaa

Fic. 18. Mug.

There were several specimens of a mug form in which the body is
trifid. These forms were probably used for pigments or condiments,
and were of rough ware, or were polished and sparingly decorated.

The external decoration of these cups varies in character as widely
as does their form; but in
plate XXXIV the reader will
find some of the designs,
which are practically the
same as those on the in-
side of certain food bowls
from the same ruins.

ANIMAL FORMS

Pottery objects in the
forms of birds, though
common among the ce-
ramic productions of cer-
tain modern pueblos, are
rarely found in ancient
ruins. The excavations
made in 1896 brought several specimens of these to light, one of the
best of which was from Chevlon (figure 20). In this specimen we
have a well-made head recalling that of a duck, and three knobs
representing the tail and wings. Interesting in connection with this
specimen is the presence of triangular designs witb terraced figures
painted on the sides.

It may be supposed that the vase (figure 21), with four knobs

Fic. 19. Mug from Cheyvlon (number 157294).

FEWKES] BIRD SHAPES IN LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 67

arranged at equal intervals about the equator, is a highly conven-
tionalized bird vase in which the head, wings, and tail are represented
by knobs or rounded elevations. Figure 20 has on one of the knobsa
head with goggle eyes and teeth, recalling a bird figure which is not

Fic. 20. Duck-shaped vessel from Chevlon (number 157018).

an anomalous form in southwestern pictography. In view of the
identification of the terraced figures with wings, the decoration on
the equator of this bird-effigy vase are highly suggestive.

A second bird-form vase is shown in figure 22, in which the vessel

Fig. 21. Jar with four knobs, from Homolobi (number 156354).

is elongated and has a round head projecting at one end, with a beak
like that of a parrot. The eyes project from the head, and there is an
opening for a mouth. On the side of the body there are parallel lines
representing feathers painted in red and black. The tail is broken.

68 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

A third kind of bird-form vase is more globular in shape, with head
appended to the rim. The wings and tail are represented by figures
drawn on each side of this vase, and eyes are painted on the sides of
the head. The strange raised S-shaped bodies on the sides of this
vase are of unknown meaning, but they suggest legs. A view of

Fig. 22. Bird-shaped vessel from Chevlon (number 157909).

this vase from one side is shown in figure 23. The length of the
appendages represented in relief on this vessel suggests some long-
legged wading bird, possibly a crane.

Plate XXXVI @ shows a conventional effigy bowl in which the rim is
modified to represent the head, tail, and wings of a bird.

Fig. 23. Bird-snake vase from Chevlon (number 157311).

The preceding forms, representing all effigy objects which were
found in the excavations, naturally lead to a consideration of the great
difference in the ceramie technic of northern and southern Arizona
and New Mexico. As we go south there is an ever-increasing tond-
ency to combine relief with pictorial decoration; effigy vases, includ-
ing those in the form of men and animals, increase in number, until

FEWKES] SYMBOLIC DECORATION OF LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 69

in Mexico relief decoration becomes the essential feature. In its
earliest development the head is raised in relief, while arms and legs
are indicated by ridges, as in a figure from the Nantacks, considered
later in this article. In the Gila valley, clay reliefs of the human
figure on a jar or vase were attempted—a thing unknown in ancient
Tusayan.

SLIPPER-SHAPED VESSELS

Several rough-ware jars in the form of slippers were found in the
ruins excavated in 1896. From the fact that many of these were
blackened with soot, it is conjectured that they were formerly
used for cooking vessels, and it is probable that they were made in
that peculiar form in order that they might be used like Dutch ovens
and coals of fire might more readily be heaped over them. Many of
these slipper-shaped jars had one or more handles placed on the necks
or prolongations of the rims.

These jars were always made of rougn ware, and were never
painted, as is the case with similarly formed vessels from the Gila
river and its northern tributaries. They vary in length from a few
inches to a foot or a foot and a half.

DECORATIVE DESIGNS

GENERAL CHARACTER

The great value of collections of pottery from the Southwest, espe-
cially from the ruins in Arizona, is to be found in the symbolic deco-
ration and its interpretation. The collections in 1596 were especially
instructive on account of the new localities from which they were
made and of the new symbols depicted. As is universally the case,
avian figures are the most common and the most elaborately con-
ventionalized. -There are one or two instructive reptilian designs.

A study of the decoration on the pottery of the Homolobi, Chevlon,
and Chaves pass ruins shows that the proportion of geometrical to
animal designs is much larger than at the Sikyatki or Shumopovi.
In the few instances where animals and human beings are depicted
the execution of the designs is ruder. This preponderance of geomet-
rical over animal figures recalls conditions characteristic of white and
black ware ornamentation. The predominance of animal pictographs
on pueblo pottery in ancient times appears especially characteristic
of Tusayan.

The most novel results obtained from a study of the collections of
pottery were contributions to a knowledge of ancient pictography.”

Even a superficial comparison of the pictography of the Little Colo-
rado pottery with that of the Sikyatki ware shows how inferior the

aThe majority of forms of ancient Tusayan ware are well known to archeologists through
the Keam collection, some of the more striking specimens of which have been figured by Mr
Holmes in previous reports of the Bureau of Ethnology.

FiG

TWO SUMMERS WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22

24. Footprints on inside of a vase
from Homolobi (number 15669).

former is to the latter. A deeper
study confirms this conelusion. No-
where in the pueblo region has the
ceramic art reached the high position
it attained in Tusayan in prehistoric
times. ‘This development may be due
in part to the character of the material
used, but it is mainly owing to the
artistic instinet of the ancient Hopis.

In both the character of the paleog-
raphy and the texture the ware of the
Little Colorado ruins is more like Zuni
than Hopi work. The ancient pueblos
on the Zuni river, a tributary of the
Little Colorado, closely resemble those
about Winslow and at the mouth of
Chevlon fork, but their pottery is as
a rule inferior.

HuMAN FIGURES

Pictures of human beings were very
rarely found in the exeavations at
the Little Colorado ruins. This rarity
conforms with results from other ruins,
described by other archeologists, so
that the author suspects that delinea-
tions of the human figure, of which
several were found at Sikyatki, indi-
cate a late stage in the evolution of
pottery decoration in ancient pueblos.
The drawings of human beings which
have been found are for the most part
of the rudest possible character, show-
ing no elaboration such as would be
expected if they had been used many
generations for decoration.

But a single complete figure of a
human being on pottery was ex-
humed in 1896, and that was on the
handle of a ladle from Chevlon. The
specimen (figure 15) represents a
woman with left arm lifted high above
the head. It has been identified as
the figure of a woman from the pres-
ence of the characteristic coiffure of

FEWKES] HUMAN FIGURES ON LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 71

maidens, to which the author has called attention in his account of
designs from Sikyatki. The end of the handle of this ladle turns at
right angles, and suggests an explanation for numerous clay objects
of like shape which have been found elsewhere.

Among human figures, however, may be mentioned the unique
ornamentation on the inside of the vase from Homolobi (see figure 24),
where we have on one edge the representation of the head, neck, and
extended arms, one of which carries a rattle, the other a spear. <A
line of footprints extends across the inner surface of this vase, and
the body and legs are represented on the opposite side. It will be
noticed that the portions of the human figure represented at the two
ends of the line of footprints are complemental; the head and arms
appear at the bottom, the body and legs at the top. It would seem that

Fic. 25. Quadruped figure on food bowl from Chaves pass (number 157570).

the artist intended to represent the tracks of a seated figure at the
bottom of the line of footprints, the marks being paired at that point.

The inside of the food bowl shown in plate xxvitb is decorated
with a human face, in which eyes and mouth are represented. Above
the head is a crescentie figure in white, resembling the moon, into the
concave side of which project four pairs of tubercles from the top of
the head. This is one of the few specimens from Homolobi in which
a human face is depicted.

QUADRUPED FIGURES

There were a few pictographs of four-legged animals, two of which
are identified as mammalian forms. Mythical lizards and batrachians
are represented, but no complete picture of any reptile was found
which could be identified.

2, TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22

One of the most interesting pictures of mammalian animals occurs
on a broken food basin from Chaves pass. This specimen (figure
25) represents an animal with long claws, a tail reaching above the
body to the head, two triangular ears, and an arrow-shaped tongue.
It is one of the few figures in which the intestinal tract is represented,
and it has two eyes on one side of the head.

The design on the food bowl shown in figure 26 represents a four-
footed animal which was identified by one of the Hopis as a bison,
and the hump on the back certainly suggests this animal. This
figure, like the preceding, has two eyes on one side of the head, but,
unlike it, has the four legs all depicted in the same plane. The

Fic. 26, Quadruped figure on food bowl from Cheylon (number 157102).

geometrical figures below this quadruped are of unknown meaning.
The bowl is of red ware, with black and white decoration, and is one
of the finest of this kind from the Chevlon ruin.

As a rule, vases are ornamented on the equator, and it rarely
happens that any design is found on the bottom. The specimen
shown in figure 27, however, has a design in that region resembling
a paw of some animal, possibly a bear or badger. The form and char-
acter of ware which distinguish this specimen are likewise highly
instructive.

FEWKES] FEATHER SYMBOLISM ON LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 73
Birp FIGURES

The majority of the animal figures on specimens from the three
southern ruins represented birds, many of which were highly con-
ventionalized. While there were many objects of pottery adorned
with feathers, this style of decoration was not aS common or as
varied as at Shumopovi, Sikyatki, Awatobi, or other ruins on the
Hopi reservation. The conventional forms of feathers so common
on the decorated pottery of Sikyatki are not found in the designs
ornamenting the pottery of the Little Colorado ruins, but seem to be
confined to the pueblos in the present Hopi reservation. Thus, not
a single specimen of the conventional feather figured on the ‘‘ butter-
fly vase” shown in plate CXxv of the Seventeenth Annual Report of
the Bureau of American Ethnology, part 2 (and also plate XL, Smith-
sonian Report, 1895), was found on any vessel from Homolobi, Chevlon,
or Chaves pass.?

Fic. 27. Vase with bear’s paw design (number 157187).

The peculiar symbol of the breath feather (Seventeenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, plates Cxxxvut ) and
CXLI c, d) also appears to be limited to objects from ruins near the
inhabited Hopi pueblos. On none of the many figures of birds shown
in the Little Colorado pottery have we any such complicated symbols
appended to wing or tail. The figures of birds from Shumopovi
resemble those from Sikyatki, but no pottery from a Little Colorado
ruin is found decorated with the conventional figure of the feather so
constant in the ancient ruins above mentioned.

It will be noticed in the figures of birds from Homolobi and Chey-
lon that the posterior end of the body has a triangular form which
apparently represents the tail. At one side of this triangular figure
are many short parallel lines, evidently intended to represent the
tips of the tail feathers, well brought out in the bird figures.

The design shown in figure 28 represents two birds, above which
are emblematic rain-cloud symbols with parallel lines representing

aConsult The Feather Symbol in Ancient Hopi Designs, American Anthropologist, v. 11, n. 1,
January, 1898.

74 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

falling rain. The figures of these two birds are decidedly Egyptian
in form. Their beaks are turned in the same direction, and both
have two eyes on one side of the head. The wings are of special
interest to students of Hopi symbolism, for they are represented by
triangles—which is often the case in ancient Tusayan pictures
of mythic birds. This bowl, found at Chevlon, is of the red
ware characteristic of the Little Colorado ruins. The triangles at
the lower ends of the bird figures are tails, and the short parallel
knobs represent the tips of the tail feathers. This is important to

Fig. 28. Mythic bird figures and rain-cloud symbols on food bowl from Chevlon

(number 157221)

remember in the study of symbolism, for we sometimes find the same
symbols depicted alone on a vase (see figure 56).

No specimen from the Little Colorado ruins has a diametrical line
representing a ‘‘sky band” to which hangs the conventional figure of
a bird—a design socommon in the best Sikyatki ware. A good exam-
ple of this ornamentation is shown in a food bowl from Shumopovi
(see figure 75, page 117). We miss also the star design and the
trifid cross so commonly associated in Tusayan ware with the bird

symbols.

=

FEWKES) BIRD FIGURES ON LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 75

Attention is called to the form of the tail of the two birds in figure
28 and to the triangular de-
signs called feathers seen
in the same figure. It
seems not improbable that
in the conventionalization
of bird figures the design
representing a bird may
be reduced to two trian-
gles, making an hourglass-
shaped figure. Suppose, for
instance, wings and head
be omitted in figure 28, the
tail and body would then be
two triangles joined at the

Fia. 29. Vase with four bird figures, from Homo-

apices. .
af lobi (number 156676).

The design on a vase from
Homolobi shown in figure 29 represents four birds, each one of which

Fic. 30. Mythic bird figure on food bowl from Chaves pass (number 157563)

has a crested head of feathers and widespread wings of triangular
form. The body is continued into two triangular extensions, as is

76 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

the case in so many bird figures, and the tail feathers are indicated
by short, stumpy, parallel lines attached to one side of a triangle.
The middle of the body is represented by a lozenge-shaped figure, in
the center of which is a dot. Trifid triangular designs alternate
with the bird figures, and the bird figures are arranged as though
moving in a sinistral circuit.

The figure of a bird on a food bowl from Chaves pass (figure 30) is
characteristic. This represents a toothed bird, a conception often
repeated in the ancient pueblo pictography. Both eyes are on one side
of the head, which is rounded posteriorily and prolonged into an upper
and lower dentate beak. The triangular wings are terraced or

Fig. 31. Bird design on food bow] from Homolobi (number 156603).

notched on one edge, and the tail is triangular, with short, white
appendages representing feathers. Although a simple figure, this is
one of the most instructive bird designs in the collection. The eon-
ception of a toothed bird is certainly remarkable, but we find it still
current in the Walpi ritual, where it is personated, as in the so-called
Natackas which appear in the Powamu, or Bean-planting, a ceremony
when the fields are prepared for planting.

The figure of a bird represented on a food bowl from Homolobi
shown in figure 31 is different from any elsewhere collected. Par-

FEWKES] BIRD FIGURES ON LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY Oe
ticularly interesting is the drawing of the wing and the shape of the
body, which is bordered by small triangles. Both eyes are repre-
sented on one side of the head, and the tail feathers, four in number,
are represented in a vertical plane.

The food bowl shown in figure 32, from Homolobi, is decorated on
the interior with a design representing the head, neck, and legs of a
mythic bird. There are two eyes on one side of the head, and the
tongue has a tip like an arrowhead. The wings bear triangular
appendages representing feathers. The talons recall those of the

Fig. 32. Bird figure on food bowl from Homolobi (number 15687()).

“unknown reptile” from Sikyatki, figured in plate LXII of a pre-
liminary report on that ruin.? We have in this figure a representation
of both wings in the same plane, a constant feature in Pueblo draw-
ing. There is also a view of a body cavity, which is not rare in
modern Pueblo figures of animals.

One of the most striking pictures of birds is that depicted on the
interior of the food bowl from Chevlon, shown in figure 33. The

a Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1895.

78 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22
most remarkable of all the appendages are those on the tail, the mean-
ing of which the author can not interpret. It was sometimes cus-
tomary to equip a bird figure with a long snout in which were teeth,
and this conception persists among the Hopis, as has been noted above.
It is interesting to note that in this figure, as in the majority of bird
figures from the Little Colorado ruins, the tail is represented by a
triangle, and the tail feathers or their tips by three parallel lines.
The interior of the food bowl shown in figure 34 is decorated with
a bird design which exhibits some of the notable violations of per-
spective common in ancient Tusayan art. We here find wings, legs,

F1G. 33. Mythic bird figure on food bow] from Chevlon (number 157264)

and tail feathers shown on the same plane, notwithstanding that a
side view was intended.

The indication of the claws by crescents in this figure is interesting.
The same method is adopted in another bird figure, in which there
are in each foot two short parallel lines. This method is likewise
used in one of the designs from Sikyatki which was identified as rep-
resenting an unknown reptile. There is some doubt whether this
figure represents a lizard or a bird, for a considerable part of the
body is posterior to the appendages. If we consider the posterior

a Seventeenth Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 2, 1898, figure 269.

FEWKES] BIRD FIGURES ON LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 79

appendages as a pair of legs, they bend the wrong way, unless the
whole portion from the angle to the claws is regarded as foot. This is
not an avian feature, but the presence of semicircles and triangles on
the body is characteristic of bird symbolism.

In studying the different figures of reptiles from ancient pottery the
author finds no other in which the feet have this form—which occurs
in undoubted bird figures from Homolobi and Cheylon. It might
therefore be coneluded that the Sikyatki figure was wrongly identi-
fied and should be called a bird. There are, however, almost fatal
objections to this identification. The most striking of these is the

Fic. 34. Bird figure on food bowl from Chevlon (number 157084)

elongated form of the body. ‘The anterior appendage, which is
identified as a leg, can hardly be homologized with a wing, although
it must be confessed that the parallel lines may be feathers.

The reexamination of the figure in the light shed on the subject
by the bird figures from Homolobi reveals that it has both bird and
reptilian features, and that the former predominate.

Two raptorial birds are painted on the food bowl] shown in figure 35,
on opposite sides of terraced figures which recall cloud symbols. The
birds are shown in profile, with both eyes on one side of the head

80 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH, ANN, 22

and tail feathers thrown out of perspective. Wings are not repre-
sented, and the body is covered with cross-hatched lines. In a bowl
from Shumopovi we likewise find two birds represented from a differ-
ent point of view, and also terraced figures which have been inter-
preted as rain-cloud symbols.

The triangular designs on the vase shown in figure 36 are inter-
preted as feathers, or rather as the tails of birds with appended
feathers. The reason for the interpretation is to be found in the
study of the bodies of birds as represented in the Little Colorado pot-
tery. The author has elsewhere shown several instances in Sikyatki

Fig. 35. Food bow] with bird designs.

pottery where symbolic feathers are represented as tied about the
neck of small vases, and even at the present day certain gourds in
which sacred water is brought from springs in kiva ceremonials have
feathers tied in this position. The triangle, as a feather symbol, is
still found in certain altar pictures—as the snake-lightning designs in
sand of the Antelope altars. It is interesting to notice that these
feather symbols have parallel white lines on one side.

The only other symbol with which these triangular figures on the
Ifomolobi vase could be identified are triangular rain clouds, the
short parallel lines representing falling rain. These symbols would

FEWKES] ORNAMENTATION OF LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY S81

also be appropriate on this small vase, but there is more likelihood
that the triangles in this instance are feather symbols.

INSECT FIGURES

In an account of the insects used in pottery decoration at Sikyatki
attention was called to the use of the moth or butterfly and the
dragon fly. Both of these forms occur on pottery from the ruins
along the Little Colorado, and their symbolism appears to be the
same in all the ruins in Arizona thus far studied. The butterfly is
commonly indicated by a triangular figure, which often becomes
highly conventionalized, as in plate xxv b.

Fic. 36. Vase with bird symbols, from Homolobi (number 155880).

ARACHNID FIGURES

The spider plays an important part in Pueblo mythology, and the
so-called Spider woman is often mentioned in connection with the Sun
and the war god:

The design on the food bowl from Homolobi shown in figure 37
represents a spider, and a figure of the sun on the outside of this
bowl recalls the legend of the Spider woman who married the Sun.
The association of these two symbols on an ancient vessel shows
the antiquity of this well-known legend.

22 ETH—O04 6

82 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

There are appended to the cephalothorax of this animal four pairs of
legs, which number distinguishes arachnids from insects; there are
two jaws at the anterior and a feather at the posterior extremity.

The figure of the sun on the exterior of this food bowl is a simple
ring surrounding a white zone, in the interior of which is a black
spot. The four peripherally placed sets of three parallel lines are
supposed to represent eagle feathers, a constant feature in sun
emblems, or red horsehair, symbolizing the rays of the sun. The
sand picture of the sun in the Powalawu, a ceremony preceding the

Fic. 37. Spider and sun emblem on food bowl from Homolobi (number 156888)

Powamut in February, as made in Oraibi, is identical with the design
on this food basin.

Kokyan wiiqti, or as she is generally called, Kokyan mana, the
Spider maid, was the parthenogenetic mother or grandmother of the
twin war gods, Piiiikon hoya and Paliina hoya. As she was supposed
to have been impregnated by a sun’s ray or a drop of water falling
upon her, the sun is therefore called the father of the twins.

In various current legends the Spider woman is represented as one
who can change her form at will, acting as mentor to the hero Piikon,

FEWKES] ORNAMENTATION OF LITTLE COLORADO POTTERY 83

generally perching on his ear, and whispering her promptings from
that position. She assumes several roles and is designated by many
attributal names. She is sometimes called ‘‘ereator,” but is an
earth goddess or mother rather than an artificer of nature.

GEOMETRICAL DESIGNS

The wealth of geometrical ornamentation (plates XXVIII, XXTX) in
Pueblo pottery decoration has attracted the attention of many stu-

o>

wy

. 38. Three lines of life. Design on food bow] from Chevlon (number 156138)

dents, and a large literature has accumulated on that subject. This
form of decoration is the simplest in motive, the most widely spread over
the pueblo area, and also probably the most ancient. Its relations to
decoration of textile art products are pointed out by several writers,
and there are many evidences of the evolution of complicated geo-
metrical figures from simple forms. There are also evidences of their
origin by conventionalization of more elaborate patterns through
symbolism.

The design on the food basin shown in figure 38 is unique and highly
instructive in one important feature. Encireling bands or lines on
specimens of ancient pottery are ordinarily broken at one point, as

84 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [BTH. ANN, 22

can readily be seen by an examination of figures in the report on
Sikyatki pottery, as well asin the present memoir. The design before
us has three breaks in these eneirecling bands. The break in the
interior band is complicated by the addition of well-known terraced
figures. By modification in form and by the interlocking of these
appendages we pass easily to some of the most complicated geomet-
rical patterns of Pueblo pottery. .

A modification of the broken line about a vase appears in the
specimen shown in plate XxxXvic. In this instance we find the band
continued into two narrow extensions, which interlock but do not

F1G. 39. Geometrical designs on a food bow] from Chaves pass (number 157539).

join. The figure which is thus formed is a common one in geomet-
rical ornamentation, as may be seen by an examination of the many
beautiful pieces of pottery obtained from the ruins in all parts of
Arizona.

Not less instructive than the last-mentioned in a study of geomet-
rical ornamentation is the design in figure 59. The spiral figures on
two of the bands show a modification of the broken lines which are
characteristic, and the S-shaped ornaments on one of the other bands

are COmmon On ancient pueblo ware.

FEWKES] MOSAICS FROM THE LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 85

A combination of oblique lines and fret, shown in figure 40, is the
most unusual design in the collections which it has been the author’s
fortune thus far to examine. The same design is worked ina basket
from the same ruin (figure 63).

The design figured on the interior of the food bowl shown in fig-
ure 41is unique,
reminding one
of a swastika

with arms split
into two parts.
We recognize in
it the familiar

Fic. 41. Food bowl with geometrical patterns (number 156427).

triangle and crook, but the long scythe-like projec-
tions on the periphery of the design are rarely found
in ancient pottery decoration.

The decoration of another food bowl from Homo-
lobi is likewise unique, but it is formed of familiar
decorative designs arranged in an irregular manner,

ORNAMENTS

Fie. 40. Broken
fret on food bowl
from Cheylon
(number 157895).

MOSAICS

The ancient pueblo peoples of Arizona were adepts
in making mosaic, some examples of which rival in
excellence the work of a similar kind in old Mexico. The author’s
explorations in 1896 revealed different kinds of this craft, several of
which are unique. The southernmost ruin, that in Chaves pass,
yielded the most beautiful specimen, but those found at Chevlon
were almost as fine, and the variety was greater.

TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [PrH. ANN. 22

(0 2)
~
or)

In the course of excavation there were found in the soil, near a
buried body, a large number of accurately squared turquoises which
were so small that they could hardly have served for ornament alone,
and with them were found worked shells covered with a tenacious
pitch. In one of these collections there are several larger fragments,
evidently turquoise ear pendants. Later excavations explained the
character of these turquoises, for they were
found to be duplicated in specimens of fine
mosaic ware.

It is well known that Ilopi women at the

Fic. 42. Mosaic gorget from
Chaves pass (number 157850). present day wear ear pendants made of

Length about 2 inches. square wooden plates, upon which are ce-
mented rude mosaics of turquoise. The modern work of this kind is
comparatively coarse, and evidently is made of old turquoises, some
of which are perforated and were formerly used as beads. The tur-
quoise stones employed are not accurately fitted, and the black gum
in which they are embedded shows between the stones. The ancient
work (plate XLIV) is much finer and more beautiful than the modern.

Specimen 159850 is a turquoise mosaic set on wood, but it was so
broken that it was impossible to tell what its form was.

The specimen shown in figure 42 is an elongated gorget of wood
with shell and turquoise incrustation; it was
found at the Chevlon ruin, and is one of the
most beautiful of prehistoric mosaics. Figure
43 shows a pear-shaped pendant made of bone
with turquoise mosaic on one side and incised
chevrons on the opposite. It is perforated at
the blunter end as though for suspension.
The specimen was taken from the Chevlon
ruin, and is unique. The collection contains

also a number of fragments.of turquoise and ¥

7 51A6 = Fig. 43. Bone ear pendants
other stone mosaies, and of catlinite and tur- Rey (GREE eee
quoise embedded in gum on wood. These were 157852). Length about 2
from the Chevlon ruin. Many other square ieee
turquoises, evidently formerly parts of a mosaic,were collected at the
same ruin.

The specimen shown in figure 45 was found near the mastoid process
of the skull of a woman. It was evidently an ear pendant, one
attached to the ear by a string. Two other specimens of bone inerusted
with stone mosaic were found at Chevlon.

One of the most beautiful examples of mosaic was a worked shell of
Pectunculus giganteus covered with turquoise stones embedded in
pitch. It was found on the sternum of a skeleton from Chaves
pass, and was buried several feet below the surface of the ground.
Plate XLIV shows two views of this unique and precious specimen,
one from above and one from the umbo of the shell. In the former

=

FEWKES] ORNAMENTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS roll

aimedian rectangular fragment of red jasper is shown, and in the
latter appears the hole by which the ornament was formerly sus-
pended. The latter likewise shows legs, suggesting a frog, turtle,
or toad. The arrangement of the lines of turquoise on the opposite
rim, obscurely seen in the upper view, has been regarded as represent-
ing the hind legs of the same animal. The technic of this mosaic
recalls work of the same general character on dirk handles and masks
from Mexico.

Several additional specimens of similar stone mosaic on shells were
found, but these were much broken and impossible of restoration.
The mosaic frog was broken when found, but the anterior end was
entire and still clinging to the shell when dug from the ground.

A summary of the specimens of mosaic collected is given with their
catalogue numbers in the following list:

Number Article

(1740) Squared fragments of turquoise formerly incrusted on shell

157849 Square lignite pendant for ear, with turquoise in each corner
and middle

159850 Pendant of wood incrusted with stones

157852 Pyriform ear pendant of bone, with turquoise incrustation

158068 Fragments of a mosaic of turquoise and other stones

157848 Fragments of stone mosaic on wood

157932 Fragments of stone mosaic on wood

157851 Mosaic frog, toad. or turtle

LIGNITE ORNAMENTS

One of the common uses of lignite was that of ornament. The
specimen represented in figure 44 is a square
ear pendant, taken from near the mastoid
process of a human skull in the Cheylon
cemetery. It is made of lignite, nicely pol
ished and accurately squared. In each cor-
ner and in the middle on one face irregular
turquoises are set in depressions, while on
the obverse, near the middle, there is an
eyelet in the substance of the pendant.
The button-shaped gorget shown in figure
45, unfortunately broken, was flat on one
side, and convex on the opposite, which was

smoothly polished. The striz across the Pig. 44. Lignite ear pendant
from Cheylon (number 157849)

flat side suggest the polishing stone, and
Natural size.

the perforations point to suspension by a
string orthong. This is one of the best formed lignite buttons in the
eolleetion, but ruder forms have been taken from other ruins.

88 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

Unworked fragments of lignite are rare, and the material appears
to have been brought to Chevlon from some distance, although it is
common in the rocks near the modern Hopi villages.

Fig. 45. Lignite gorget. Slightly reduced.

SHELL ORNAMENTS

The collections made in the summer of 1896 were particularly rich
in ornaments made from marine shells. The largest number of these
were found in the ruins at Chevlon and Chaves pass, although a con-
siderable number of specimens were collected from the ruins of the
Homolobi group.

The shells used in making these ornaments belong to the Pacifie
coast fauna, and no doubt came through barter to the people
who once inhabited the towns of the Little Colorado, for it is well
known that there was a considerable trade in early times in these
shells, and long trips were taken by the Pueblo Indians for trade
purposes.

The intercourse of northern and southern peoples of Arizona
through trading expeditions continued to quite recent times, but
judging from the number of specimens which were found in
the ruins it must have been considerably greater in prehistorie
times than it is at present. In fact, much of the decline in this
traffic is probably to be traced to the modification of the southern
Arizonian aborigines and the introduction of new ornaments by the
whites.

One of the most highly prized of these ‘marine shells was a species

EE

FEWKES] SHELL ORNAMENTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 89

of Pectunculus,” which was worked in many shapes, or preserved in
practically the same form as when taken from the sea. A number
of these were very fresh looking; others were more or less decayed.

Some of the most characteristic specimens are shells with round
holes in the middle. It would appear that these are ornaments; and
as one of these objects was found near the wrist bone of a man it was
judged to be a wristlet. It is suggestive that these perforated shells
were generally found in pairs, as though belonging to some dual
organ.

Five specimens of perforated Pectunculus shells were found at

.Chayes pass (one of them a
fragment smeared with gum),
and the same number at Homo-
lobi.

Pectunculus shells were
worked into armlets, or large
rings,’ by cutting out the whole
middle of the shell, leaving the
rim, which was ground to a Fic. 46. Incised armlet from Cheylon (number
smooth surface. The umbo 157843). Diameter about 3! inches.
was carved into a shell-shaped
elevation, and the surface was often incised with characteristic designs.
The following specimens were found:

Number Locality and description

157824 Chaves pass: 3 specimens

157659 Chaves pass; 2 specimens

157704 Chaves pass: found on a humerus
157295 Chevlon; with inserted turquoise
157843 Chevlon; with incised design
156760 Homolobi; 2 specimens

157902 Homolobi; fragments

There are also several fragments from an unknown locality.

As a rule, the surface of these armlets is smooth and without
ornament, but one specimen (figure 46) was beautifully decorated with
a characteristic incised fret covering the whole outer surface. ‘The
design consisted of a series of lines interlocking at extremities, though
not joining. This figure is one of the simple forms of a characteristic
decorative motive widespread over the whole pueblo area. In its
simplest expression it appears as two crescents turned in opposite
directions, with the two horns adjacent. It is thus painted on the
breasts of certain katcinas (personations of supernatural beings), and

«The following specimens were taken from Homolobi, Chevlon, and Chaves pass: Number of
specimens, 114; incrusted with stone mosaic, 1; incrusted with pitch, 1; armlet. incised, 1; arm-
let, inlaid with turquoise. 1; armlets, not ornamented, 10 (many additional fragments); wristlets,
44 (many additional fragments): finger rings, 30 (many additional fragments); fragments
incrusted on wood, 2; carved in imitation of frog, 1; shells not worked, 3; shells with medial
perforation, 20.

> Popularly but erroneously called * earrings.”

90 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS {ETH. ANN, 22

on shields, or is cut in pictographs. But it is in decoration of pottery
that this simple form reaches its highest modification and complica-
tion, and it is remarkable how many complex figures can be reduced
to this simple type. The horns of the two crescents may elongate and
develop into square frets or spiral extensions, and these in turn may
be continued into triangular appendages with dentate or serrate mar-
gins. They may become terraced figures, their edges so closely approxi-
mated as to be separated by zigzag intervals, which in all cases are
but the space left by the break. With all these modifications, no
matter how complicated, the motive can be reduced to the two horns
of adjacent crescents opening toward each other, but not joining.
The break is comparable to that in encircling bands drawn on pueblo
pottery, called the broken lines or “‘lines of life.” Consider such a
line about a vase, bowl, or jar to be broken at several points, or, as
the author found in several instances, to have three breaks, and the
ends so extended as to overlap the intervals either above or below;
modify the extremities thus extended into terraced figures, spirals, or
frets, and we have some of the
developments of this most char-
acteristic of all motives in the
geometrical designs of decorated
Pueblo pottery. This broken
line, with its modifications, is
used almost universally as a
decorative motive by Pueblo
Fig. 47. Armlet with inlaid turquoise, from potters, ancient and modern,

Cheylon (number 157295). Diameter about 3} nie 2 Dera
Lente Ge ea whether living in pueblos, cliffs,

or caves. The design on the
armlet shown in the figure is a modification of the same motive.

A single specimen of armlet, shown in figure 47, has a turquoise set
in the outer surface near the edge. The stone was probably fastened
there with pitch, the armlet being the only specimen of shell inlaid
with turquoise in the collection.

The wristlets were made of the same genus as were the armlets,
but from smaller specimens. A number of these ornaments were
found in some instances encircling the radius and ulna. The major-
ity were from Chaves pass. Twenty-nine complete specimens were
secured here, together with many fragments, and one specimen was
found at Homolobi.

Bracelets made of this shell are smaller, slighter, as a rule less care-
fully worked, but more abundant than the armlets. The majority
are perforated at the umbo, but the valves are so ground down that
there remains no space for the heart-shaped elevation; indeed, the
thickness of the shell would not admit of it. Like the armlets, they
are sometimes found free in a grave, as though east there as a votive
offering, but there can be no doubt that they were bracelets, for in

FEWKES] SHELL OBJECTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 91

more than one instance the author has taken them from the bones of
the arm. Similar specimens often have been described as ear pend-
ants, and they may in some instances have served for this purpose,
but all of these objects found in the Little Colorado river graves were
bracelets.

A number of, finger rings made from small specimens of Pectun-
culus were found at Chaves pass.

Two fragments of Pectunculus were fashioned in the shape of gor-
gets. One of these, from Chevlon, was perforated with two holes;
the other was crescentic, with a single perforation. The latter was
found in a grave at Cheyvlon.

Unworked specimens of Peetunculus were not numerous, but three
were found at the Chaves pass ruins, and one at Chevlon. In this
connection may likewise be mentioned a clay
imitation of a Pectuneulus shell from Kisakobi,
the site of old Walpi.

Two specimens from Chaves pass were
smeared with a tenacious pitch and probably
formerly incrusted with turquoise, squared frag-
ments of which were found near by.

Three species of Conus (C. fergusoni, C.
princeps, and C. regularis) were found in pre-
historic graves. These were favorite shells for
the manufacture of rattles, and they are still
used for that purpose by the Hopis. The spire
was ground away on a plane at right angles to 4,, 43 ghell used for
the lip, making a conical object perforated at rattle, from Chevlon
the apex. The larger specimens (see figure 48) 9 (™™™mPer DISH).
were probably tied to a short crook, and were used as rattles with
which to beat time to the sacred songs. Smaller specimens, found in
great numbers on some of the skeletons, served as tinklers, and were
apparently tied to garments of the deceased in much the same fashion
that the tin cones are appended to the kilts of Snake priests in the
Snake dance.

The number of specimens of Conus, especially of Conus princeps,
was large, and the majority were found at the ruin in Chaves pass.
One of the best preserved of the specimens is shown in figure 48.
This was probably a part of an ancient rattle, and the cut shows the
hole which formerly served as the place of suspension. Several of
the smaller specimens were found near the pelvis of a skeleton, as
though they were formerly tied to kilts, as is suggested above.

A single specimen of the Turritella shell was found at the Cheylon
ruin, but with the exception of a perforation near the lip it was not
worked. At the present day Turritella is so highly esteemed that
specimens of it are attached by a string to several of the tiponis, or
palladia, of religious societies.

92 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

Haliotis shells were prized by the ancient Hopi pueblos, and are
still highly regarded and used for decoration among the modern

Tusayan Indians. Three specimens were found at Chaves pass.

These were entire, though very much eroded, when they were
dug out of the earth. They were the larg-
est and most beautiful specimens of Hali-
otis which the author has seen from ancient
Arizona ruins. Several fragments of this
shell were found, all apparently worked,
two being perforated for suspension.

A Strombus shell from the Chevlon ruin
has a ring of pigment about the umbo, but
one from Chaves pass is undecorated.

i One of the most highly prized for orna-
Fic. 49. Shell ornament from ental purposes of all Pacific coast shells
Homolobi (number 156391). = : 5 =
was Cardium, which made its way by bar-
ter in prehistoric times throughout all the New Mexican and Arizonan
pueblos.

Figure 50, from Chaves pass, was a nicely carved
imitation of a toad or frog. A somewhat smaller
shell carving in the form of a frog is figured by
Holmes in a former report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology.

The fragment of a shell which the author is
unable to identify was found at the Chevlon ruin
(figure 51). The figure was elongated, with two "0. >? Shell frog
lateral extensions arranged in pairs on each side, — ber 157833). Length
and suggested a highly conventionalized animal, — *P0vt 1! mehes.
The author has no suggestion to make in regard to its former use,
and only two specimens of shell carved in this
shape were found by him.

Besides these more common shells, many speci-
mens of Melongena patula, Oliva angulata, and
Fic. 51. Shell object QOliva biplicata or hiatula were obtained.

from Cheylon (num- E 5
ber 157251). The crescentic shell ornament shown in figure 52,
which was evidently hung to some part of the
body by the hole midway in its length, may have been a_ gorget,
or possibly a pendant for a
necklace. Its form is unique.

In addition to the specimens,
of sea shells which preserved
enough of their natural form

to render identification possi- Fie. 52. Shell gorget from Chevlon (number
Cog 157850.)

ble, the author collected many

fragments of unknown relationship. It is probable that the major-
ity of these belong to some one of the species already mentioned.
Of unidentified fragments perhaps the most numerous were shell

—

FEWKES] TRADE IN PACIFIC COAST SHELLS 938

beads, of which there were many hundreds. Some of these were
large and of coarse make, but others were so minute that it remains
a marvel how they could have been manufactured with the rude
implements a stone-age people had at its control. In some instances
the perforations were but a trifle larger than the diameter of a fine
needle, with rim not over a sixteenth of an inch wide. The thickness
of these beads was not greater than that of paper.

All the species of shells which were found in ruins belong to the
molluscan fauna of the Pacific, and are still used for ceremonial or
ornamental purposes in modern Hopi pueblos. A majority of these
have been collected in cliff houses and cavate dwellings, and likewise
occur in even greater numbers in the ruins along the Gila and Salado
rivers in southern Arizona. Not a single specimen was found which
could be traced to the Atlantic watershed, but the source of all was
the Pacific ocean, or, what is practically for our purposes the same, the
gulf of California. Still more significant is the fact that the art upon
them—the symbolism with which they are decorated—is identical
with that on the pottery of the ancient sedentary people of southern
Arizona.

It may be said that the simple existence of these shells in the ruins
from the Gila valley to modern Tusayan can be explained on the the-
ory of barter, and that their distribution does not prove racial kinship
of former owners is self-evident. The theory thatthe same symbolism
and treatment of the material originated independently can not be
seriously urged in this case. While there is no proof one way or the
other that these shells were worked by the people who lived in the
ancient ruins, if is probable that the ancestors of the Hopis may have
brought them in their migrations from the south. That the cul-
ture came to Tusayan from the south appears probable, and Hopi
traditionists claim that not only their culture, but also the ancestors
of certain component clans of their people came from that direction
into Tusayan. So far as archeological researches bearing on this
problem are concerned, they verify the claim that the remote ancestors
of the Patki people of Tusayan formerly inhabited the Gila-Salado
drainage area, and were closely allied to the Pimas, or some other
tribe of that slope.

BONE IMPLEMENTS

The collection of bone implements was large and varied in character,
In the specimens from Chaves pass, where, from the nature of the
country, antelope were abundant, we find a large number of bone
implements made of the leg bones of the Cervidee (see figure 53),
but in the ruins of the Little Colorado, that is, Homolobi and
Cheylon, bird bones commonly formed the material from which they
were made, and few large bone awls were found.

CES TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

The only specimen of a carved-bone implement is shown in figure 54.
It was made from the bone of a deer or antelope, and has a quadruped
carved on one end, the head and legs being well represented. The
specimen is one of the few found at the small ruin of the Homolobi
group near the bank of the Little Colorado, about four miles from
Winslow.

The general form of one of the small bone awls is shown in the

Fic. 53. Bone awl from Chaves pass (number 158097).

accompanying cut, figure 55. As a rule, the bone of which they
are made is so worked that the rounded end fits the palm of the
hand and the sharpened extremity is continued to a needle-like point.
These awls are made of the bones of different animals, of which the
turkey is the most popular. They were probably used in ancient
times in sewing or darning fabrics, possibly in weaving. The modern

Fie. 54. Carved bone awl from Homolobi (number 157866)

Hopis used a few years ago in weaving a bone awl not very unlike that
figured above, but of late they have adopted an iron implement.

At Chaves pass seven small bone awls were found, at Homolobi
five, and at Chevlon four.

Sixteen needle-like bone implements with eyes were found at
Homolobi; fifteen were obtained at Chaves pass, and three at Chevlon.

Fic. 55. Bone implement from Chaves pass (number 157867).

Another bone implement that was common at the Chaves pass ruins
was shaped like a bodkin. Thirteen specimens were found.

A number of bone tubes, some of which were perforated and others
not, were found in the excavations. Some of these tubes had holes in
the sides, diametrically opposite, and were identified as bird whistles.
One of these resembles the whistle still used in ceremonials con-
nected with making medicine in the modern Tusayan rites.

owe eee

FEWKES] BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 95

Five specimens of small half-tubes showed evidence of having
been attached in pairs, as the marking of the binding string on the
bone is still visible. These were probably whistles, the noise being
made by a thin edge.

There are several bone tubes which resemble ‘*‘ bone implements’
found by Nordenskiéld in the cliff houses of the Mesa Verde, where
they are considered ‘* beads made of the humerus of a large bird, prob-
ably the turkey.”@ Possibly
the tubes from Chaves pass may
likewise be beads, which, how-
ever, is not the case wih the
Mesa Verde specimens. Inthe FiG.53. Bone tube from Homolobi (number
account of the excavations at Die
Sikyatki similar bone beads, found about the neck of one of the
skeletons, are mentioned.

>

Sixteen of these bone tube-like objects were secured at Homolobi,
three at Chaves pass, and one at Cheylon.

In addition to the common forms of implements already described,
many other specimens were obtained. Some of these were too frag-
mentary to make possible
an identification of their
former uses. Of these mis-
cellaneous bone imple-
ments, eighteen complete
Fic. 57. Stick used by stick swallower, from Cheylon Se ae and Beveral

(number 158076). fragments were secured
from the ruins at Homo-
lobi. A very few objects were found at Chaves pass and Chevlon.

The specimen shown in figure 57 is one of the most interesting
bone objects in the collection. It is made from a deer or antelope
leg bone, is flat on one side and rounded on the opposite, and tapers
toa sharp edge at one extremity. It was affirmed by one of the work-
men employed by the author that this is the shaft of one of the sticks
used by the stick swallowers in their ceremonies.

TURTLE CARAPACES

Near one of the skeletons in the cemetery at Chevlon were found
two circular objects made of the carapace of a turtle belonging to the
genus Chrysemeis, but not the indigenous species. One of these was
perforated (see figure 58) and the other was not, but when found both
were in four fragments—not broken, but haying fallen apart at the
sutures. The faces were ground smooth and the whole form had
been considerably changed. These disks may have been spindle
whorls.

a The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, Stockholm, 1893, pl. XL, fig. 22.

96 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22
HORN OBJECTS

Two fragments of bone or horn for which the author is unable to
assign any use were dug up at Chaves pass. One of these was per-
forated, and had a number of indentations on the edge imparting to
it the appearance of a fire board. It may have been used in kindling
fires. ;

Two fragments of deer horn were found in one grave. These were
more or less worn, and one of the Hopis is responsible for the infor-
mation that chips of similar horns are at the present day drunk with
water as a medicine. ‘‘The deer,” he says, ‘“‘has a good heart.”

PIGMENTS

The custom of placing a small earthern vessel with different col-
ored pigments with the dead was practiced by the people of Chaves
pass, Chevlon ruin, Homolobi, and
Old Shumopovi. The pigments used
were the same as those now employed,
and had apparently the same cere-
monial significance. As these sub-
stances are now highly prized, and as
there is every reason to suppose that
they were regarded in the same way
in ancient times, the burial of pig-
ments with the dead may have been
of the nature of a sacrifice.

Some of the modern Shumopovi
Indians begged for fragments of
Fig. 58. Disk of turtleshell,from Chevlon green carbonate of copper whieh

(number 157841). Diameter nearly 3 . % eS °

aia were found in the graves of their
ancestors, for use in painting their
ceremonial objects and for other purposes.

Specimens of red paint (sesquioxide of iron), blue paint (azurite),
green paint (carbonate of copper), and ;
white paint (kaolin) were found at the
various ruins visited. Some were ground,
while others were in lumps occasionally in
the form of a cylinder or disk.

In his account of the ruins of Sikyatki
the author called attention to objeets in
the forms of disks, cylinders, and the like,
which were found in cemeteries of that
ancient pueblo. Their uses were said to
be problematic and he now has to record the finding of other objects
of the same nature and form which are equally enigmatic (figure 59).
One of these from Homolohi is a hemispherical fragment of kaolin,

Fic. 59. Kaolin cup from Chaves
pass (number 157928).

Se ee Le ee

FEWKES] OBJECTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 97
recalling those exhumed from Sikyatki; there was also a cylindrical
object of the same material from the Cheylon ruin, but the most
exceptional specimen was a disk-formed object of kaolin with a
depression in one side, resembling a small mortar. These various
forms into which the easily cut kaolin is worked would seem to have
served some important office, the nature of which is unknown to the
author. Kaolin at the present day is used for whitening cotton
blankets, sashes, and kilts, and for painting the bodies and limbs of
those who participate in sacred festivals. Possibly some of these
fragments are simply pigments.

CLOTH

Considering the number of graves opened in the course of the exca-
vations, it is remarkable that so few specimens of cloth were found.
This may be ascribed, not to the poverty of the inhabitants of the
ancient villages in woven fabrics, but to the rapidity with which cloth
decays in the moist soil. One or two of the specimens which were
found were preserved by the copper carbonate with which they were

Vr V7
2~V\GW\“ 4 \ IN

Fic. 60. Matting from Cheylon (number 157912). About 5 by 2} inches.

in contact, but the fragments were small and the manner of weaving
difficult to discover. From one of the specimens it appears that the
hair of some animal was used, and there is no doubt from others that
yucea fiber was extensively employed. The impression of string was
observed on several sticks, but the string itself was too much decayed
for identification.

Two fragments were discovered at Homolobi and ene at Chaves
pass.

MATTING

It appears that the bodies of the dead, especially at the Chevlon
ruin, were wrapped in matting, fragments of which were in many
instances well preserved. This matting was a loosely woven fabric,
made of vegetable fiber which the author is unable to identify, and

22 ETH—04——7

98 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

was most abundant in the Chevlon ruin. It does not appear to be
common in the interments at Chaves pass, and was only sparingly
found at Homolobi.

In the accompanying cut (figure 60) a portion of one of the best
specimens of this matting is shown as a type. The specimen from
which this fragment was taken is large, ample enough to cover the
head and parts of the shoulders.

BASKETRY

The specimens of basketry found in the ancient burial places were
of two kinds, one corresponding with that now made at Oraibi and |

—S

— a
—SSS=S

Sap
WW

Fiq. 61. Basketry of Oraibi type, from Chevlon (number 157918). Length about 5 inches.

another similar to the basketry of the Middle mesa. It was the cus-
tom to bury these objects with the dead, as is still a common usage
in Tusayan, as receptacles for food and as other mortuary offerings.
These baskets were ornamented with woven patterns, and in some
instances were covered with a thick layer of green, blue, or red paint.
In form they were generally plaque-like, but one of the specimens

FEWKES] BASKETS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS S))

which was almost entire was deeper and basket-like. All were
browned with age, and the majority of specimens were fragmentary.

One of the best specimens of the Oraibi style of basketry is shown
in figure 61, which represents a sector of a plaque in ;
which the colors are still preserved. The manner of
plaiting this basket is the same as that practiced at
the Hopi pueblo, as is shown by the accompanying
cut, figure 62.

The inhabitants of ancient Chevlon were familiar
with the method of making basketry by coiling, as
at the Middle mesa of the Hopis to-day. There are
many specimens of this ancient coiled basketry in =. eee
the collection, but the specimen shown in figure 63 — Oraibi type, show-
is one of the most perfect found. The design is the ™g™mannerofplait-
same as that shown on some of the ceramic objects. ox

One specimen of coiled ware and two fragments were found at
Chaves pass, and twelve specimens of coiled ware and two of the
Oraibi pattern at Chevlon.

Yj,

hyp
Y)
wii)
i" i i) ny f
May
Mad
Uy

Z Ger

Wy
A)

Fig. 63. Basketry of coiled type, from Chevlon (number 157915), Diameter about 5 inches.
PRAYER-STICKS

Several forms of prayer-sticks, or pahos, were collected from the dif-
ferent ruins in 1896, but the majority were so decayed that their orig-
inal forms were unrecognizable.

Small prayer-sticks painted green were found at Shumopovi, and
these were apparently not unlike those now used in the neighboring

pueblo.

LOO TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

The pahos from Chayes pass were painted bright blue, the pigment
used being azurite. These had a single stick as long as the arm,
between a half inch and an inch in diameter, and were apparently
laid by the side of the body when buried, in some instances resting
on the left arm. So thoroughly decayed, however, was the wood of
which they were made that it was difficult to take an unbroken speci-
men from the earth.

An unusual form of paho was found in a grave at Chaves pass.
It consisted of a wooden disk with a short handle, and was not unlike
a hand mirror. The whole object was painted green, with an obscure
figure in red on one face. The disk was perforated in the middle,
and there were markings or impressions of feathers on the green pig-
ment with whieh it was painted. In one of the graves a spheroidal
wooden object was found, with daubs of pigment upon it, which
recalls the squash pahos found in the Awatobi shrine, and has like-
nesses to the modern prayer eagle eggs made of wood, such as can be
found in a shrine at Tirkinobi, near Walpi.

The pahos from Homolobi and Cheylon are small, and as a rule
are painted green with copper carbonate. They were neither as finely
made nor as complicated as those of Sikyatki, where the best ancient
prayer-sticks yet found have been obtained. In the Chaves pass
graves the prayer-stick was very long and painted blue with azurite
or green with carbonate of copper.

The most interesting and exceptional form of prayer-stick collected
in 1896 was that obtained at Chevlon. It was disk-like in form, had
an attachment at one end or on the rim, and was painted green and
decorated with red designs. The author has found no similar prayer-
stick in use in any Hopi ceremonial which he has witnessed.

Bow AND ARROWS

Almost a complete bow and several fragments of arrows or reeds
were dug out of a grave at the Chevlon ruin. These were taken from
the same place as the gaming reeds about to be mentioned. The
association of gaming implementsand the weapons of a warrior in the
same grave is highly suggestive.

GAMING CANES

One of the mortuary bowls excavated from the Chevlon cemetery
contained five half canes (figure 64) which recall those used in the
Zuni game known as sholiwe.” These reeds are not, however, marked
as are those now used at Zuni, and differ from those found on a
bowl from Shumopovi (figure 74). The author believes, however, that
the game in which they were employed was practically the same.

aSee Owens’s figure of sholiwe reeds in Popular Science Monthly, May, 1891. According to
Owens, four pieces of reed are employed in this game by the Zunis. The manner of throwing
the reeds is clearly indicated by this author

FEWKES] OBJECTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 101

One or two food bowls were found in which figures of these gaming
reeds are painted on the inside of the bowl, as is mentioned later in
this report.

SEEDS

Many of the food basins contained seeds of maize or squash, and
ears of maize from which the kernels had decayed were found in
several bowls.

The ears or cobs show
that the maize was a
small variety, like that
found in cliff houses
and still cultivated by
the modern Hopi farm-
ers. The occurrence of
squash seeds in some of
the mortuary bowls is
important, indicating
the ancient use of this
vegetable for food. It
may, in this connec-
tion, be borne in mind
that one of the southern
clans of the Hopi In-
dians was called the
Patun or Squash fam-
ily, which is still repre-
sented at Oraibiand the
Middle mesa, although
it is extinct at Walpi.
Numerous other small
seeds too shriveled for
identification were
found in the mortuary
offerings in the ceme-
teries of Homolobi and
Chevlon. It would seem from the nature of a matrix in which they
were inclosed that they had been boiled or cooked in some way.

Fic. 64. Gaming canes from Chevlon (number 158030). Length
about 3} inches.

Foop

Almost every bowl found in the cemeteries contained fragments of
what appeared to have been food, but in most instances this was too
much destroyed to be identified. It was ordinarily in the form of a
thin film coating the interior of the bowl, and was penetrated by
roots which had found their way from the surface of the ground.
There is little doubt that in some instances this food was one of the
many kinds of corn bread so common among the modern Hopis.

102 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22
STONE IMPLEMENTS

In the type ‘‘ pounding stones” are included stone implements, ordi-
narily of small and medium sizes, showing marks of battering at one
or both ends. Apparently they were not attached to a handle, and
the indication is that they were simply held in the hand when in use.
With these pounders various substances were bruised, pigments
were ground, hide was made more pliable, and similar processes
were effected. Any
rounded stone conven-
ient to handle appears
to have been taken for
this purpose. At Homo-
lobi thirteen stone ob-
jeets were found which
were doubtless used as
pounding implements,
at Chaves pass four, and
Fic. 65, Stone implement from Homolobi (number 157895). zu Chevion Le:

Length about 6} inches. ; Stone axes were even
more common. At Ho-
molobi twenty-four specimens were found, at Chevlon two.

Several weapons made of a black stone, one of which is shown in
figure 65, were collected at Homolobi. These were evidently either
celts or spearheads, for there was no sign of hafting or of polishing,
and marks of fracture were apparent.

The specimen represented in figure 66 is of white stone, possibly
aragonite; it was the only weapon of this material which was found.
The shape is regular and the surface smooth, and there is a groove for
ahandle. It has four grooves cut on one edge and incised crosses,

FiaG. 66, Stone ax from Homolobi (number 157024). Length about 7 inches.

two in number, one of which is shown in the cut. No indication of a
handle accompanied this implement, which leads the author to sup-
pose that that part was of wood, which had long ago decayed.

There were several stone implements with a cutting edge on one
side which were probably used as knives. These are sometimes
curved, but generally straight. The best stone knives are two from
the Chevlon ruin.

ee

FEWKES] STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS. 103

Several of these knife-like objects had dentate edges, as though
used for saws.

The author has elsewhere noted the frequency with which fragments
of obsidian, and chips from the same, occur in ancient Pueblo graves,
or on the surface of mounds, indicating ruins. The three sites
of explorations in 1896 were not exceptional in this particular, and a

somewhat limited amount of material of this nature was collected at

Homolobi, Chevlon, and Chaves pass. This material was prized in
ancient times for arrow points, spearheads, and knives, and the sharp
edges of many of the chips were probably used for cutting.

Arrow points were found in large numbers at the various ruins
visited on the Little Colorado.

The present Hopi Indians use a grooved stone for polishing arrows.
These stones are ordinarily of a coarse sandstone, which acts as a file
on the wooden object rubbed back and forth in the groove. Similar
polishing stones are very common in ruins, assuming a number of
shapes, and made of several different kinds of roeck—as sandstone,
lava, slate, and even clay. It is probable that these stones were used
for the same purpose as those employed in the modern kivas, as their
form has not changed from ancient times.

The differences in the polishing stones from the ruins at Homolobi,
Cheylon, and Chaves pass were not very great, as the simplicity of
the implement admits of but few varieties. Those from Chaves pass
were made of lava, which occurs only rarely in the other two ruins.
There were double- as well as single-grooved polishing stones, and
shallow- and deep-grooved ones. It is possible that some of the per-
forated stones may have been used as polishers for arrows in much
the same way as the modern grooved stones are employed. One of
these arrow polishers had the shape of an animal, and was narrowed
to a head at one end. On this end was cut a mouth and two depres-
sions in the proper positions for eyes. The surface of the stone on
the side opposite that occupied by the groove was flat and smooth, so
that the object could be firmly placed when in use.

It appears to have been a mortuary custom among the people who
lived in the ancient pueblos along the Little Colorado to deposit with
women and girls at death a metate and its grinder. These were ordi-
narily reversed when buried, as though symbolic of the death of the
one who formerly used them. In one of the Homolobi graves three of
these metates with their corresponding hand stones were found, and
these were added to the collection. They were made of rocks of dif-
ferent degrees of smoothness, and were evidently formerly used in
grinding corn in the same way as in modern Hopi pueblos. The maize
was bruised and roughly ground on one of these stones, then it was
passed to a finer-grained one, and ultimately to the finest of all. These
metates were much worn, showing long and constant us

104 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

Many large and very heavy metates made of lava rock were found
at Chaves pass, but these were not brought to the railroad. Several
of these were worn so deep in one face as to form troughs. If there
were no other evidence of long occupation of this ruin the deeply
worn metates would furnish it. These metates were bulky, and were
quarried in the bad lands of the vicinity of the old pueblo. It is
instructive to note that metates, rather than smaller and more port-
able stone objects, show the influence of geological environment, for
as arule their size requires that they be made of the rock contiguous
to the ruin. Sandstone metates are commonest in the valley ruins,
lava in those built of lava rocks. The same is true of the stones of
which the walls of the ancient habitations were constructed.

The material of the grinding stones is the same as that of the
metates. They are for the most part simple elongated slabs, some-
times with depressions along the sides to enable the manipulator to
obtain a stronger hold. Like metates they show the effect of wear on
one face, being generally rounded on the upper surface. Several of
these stones are double faced, or when seen in profile they are trian-
gular. These specimens, which are of softer and finer rock than the
others, were undoubtedly used in the last stage of grinding the
kernels of corn into fine meal. Ten of these meal grinders were found
at Homolobi and Chevlon.

Stone implements of mushroom form are among the interesting
objects obtained in our excavations. These are well adapted for
paint or pigment grinders.

The mortars in which paint is ground are ordinarily small stone
slabs with a depression in one face. These are sometimes rectan-
gular in form, often circular, and the depth of the depression varies,
being frequently very slight. The same variety of paint mortars is in
use to-day, and many of these stone objects now used in the kivas are
no doubt very ancient. The small stones with one flattened face
were doubtless used as grinders; in some instances they are much
worn. The list of paint mortars includes two from Homolobi and
three from Cheylon.

STONE SLABS

The use of slats or slabs of stone decorated with figures painted in
various pigments has been described in accounts of several Hopi
altars. One of the most remarkable of these is probably the stone
called the Hokona mana, or Butterfly virgin, which is used in the
construction of the Antelope altar at Walpi. Two flat rectangular
stones stand back of the sand picture of the Antelope priesthood in
the Snake rites at Shumopovi, while the use of similar stones in the
various Flute altars may be seen by consulting articles on these rites.

Of a similar nature, no doubt, is the painted stone slab shown in
plate XLVI, found in a grave at the Chevlon ruin. This objeet, which
ismuch larger than any of those which have been mentioned, is painted

FEWKES] STONE SLABS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 105

on both sides with highly suggestive designs of a symbolic nature.
The decoration on one side is almost wholly obliterated, but on one
corner we detect clearly the modern symbols of the dragon fly. The
pigments with which this stone is painted were easily washed off,
and this accounts for the loss of the decoration on the surface
which was uppermost as it lay in the grave over the body. The
design on the other face, however, is more distinet. It consists
of three triangular figures inclosed in a border, recalling a sand
mosaic such as is used in modern presentations of the Hopi ritual.
Two colors, black and white, are readily detected in the border—
the black outside the white. The field inclosed by this border is yel-
low, and the three triangular figures are black, with inclosed ree-
tangles, which are white. At the apex of each triangle there is a rude
figure of a bird painted red, in which the head, body, and two tail
feathers are well differentiated.

The whole character of the design on this stone calls to mind the
decorations on the walls of a kiva of a cliff dwelling of the Mesa
Verde, described by Nordenskiéld, and figured in his beautiful
memoir. In the designs on the kiva wall of ‘‘ruin 9” we find groups
of three triangles arranged around the whole estufa at intervals
on the upper margin of a dado, and each of these triangles is sur-
rounded by a row of dots. The field on which they are painted is
yellow, and the triangles and dots are red or reddish brown. Onawall
of Spruce Tree house Nordenskiéld found a similar dado with tri-
angular designs, and it is interesting to note that in the figure of this
ornamentation which he gives rude drawings of birds appear in
close proximity to the triangles.

The interpretation of these figures must be more or less hypothet-
ical. The custom of ornamenting house walls with a series of trian-
gles on the upper margin of a dado is still observed in the modern
Hopi villages, where, however, the position of the triangular designs
is reversed as compared with that of those on this stone slab.

The triangle is a symbol of the moth or butterfly, which, while
appropriate on women’s blankets or house walls, would hardly appear
to have special significance on the slab in question. Still, as has been
pointed out, one of the most venerated objects on the Antelope altar
has the figure of a butterfly upon it.

Much more likely is it that these three triangular figures sur-
mounted by birds are rain-cloud symbols, and that this slab of
stone was formerly used in a ceremonial which had for its object
rain making, and to this conclusion the dragon-fly symbols on the
reverse side also point. This stone is an altar slab with rain-cloud
symbols.

In the Cheylon ruin the author found several flat stones, one of
considerable size, which were marked with blackened cireles. The
largest of these, fully 3 feet square, was not brought to Wash-
ington, and the photograph which was made of it soon after it was

106 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

removed from the grave was a failure. These circles, apparently
made by smoke, are of unknown origin and use. On the largest stone
they are arranged in two rows, four in each row, the peripheries touch-
ing. The stones were inverted when found, and occurred in the cem-
etery at Chevlon only.

Many graves at Cheylon and Homolobi were, as has been stated,
indicated by upright stones or flat slabs of rock. As the digging went
below the surface if was sometimes found that the skeleton was covered
by a similar flat rock, and in a limited number of cases these rocks
were perforated. The holes were sometimes not larger than a broom
handle, often capacious enough to permit the insertion of the arm, and
in one instance a foot or more across. Oval, round, and rectangular
orifices were found, and in several cases a considerable amount of
labor must have been expended in making them.

Slabs with the smaller circular holes were also found in the floor of
a room where there was an intermural burial. Explanations more or
less fanciful have been suggested for these perforated stones, one of
which was that the rock had been placed above the body and the hole
in it was for the escape of the soul or breath-body. The slabs were
found above the bodies of several deceased Homolobeans, and the
modern Hopi interpretation of the perforation is offered for what it is
worth.

DIsks

Small disks were found in all the ruins which were studied, and
while these had like forms they were made of various substances, as
of stone, pottery, and shell. They are generally circular in form, rarely
perforated, and often ground on their edges. The unperforated speci-
mens are supposed to have been formerly used to cover a hole in a jar
in much the same way as similar fragments are now used in flower-pots.
The perforated specimens were probably used in much the same way
as wooden disks are employed in modern pueblos, as parts of drills for
perforating stones, shells, or other hard substances. The specimens
of this problematic group of objects, and the localities from which
they were gathered, are mentioned in the appended list.

Number Locality and material
158056 Chaves pass; stone
157706 Chaves pass; red pottery
158079 Chaves pass; red pottery
158078 Cheyvlon; red pottery
158080 Cheylon; red pottery
157963 Cheylon; stone
156480 Homolobi; pottery
157965 Kisakobi; pottery
158093 Little Colorado ruins
158164 Jeditoh; shell
158165 Jeditoh; shell
158060 Chaves pass; galena
158095 Chevlon; wood

ye ee

FEWKES] OBJECTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 10
FETISHES

The number of graves in which smooth, waterworn stones, quartz
crystals, and fossil cephalopods occur in other ruins has been noted
in the account of Awatobi and Sikyatki. A considerable number of
these objects were found in the Little Colorado ruins; the fossils
included a tooth and remains of several crinoids and of an ammonite.

Similar objects are still used in Hopi ceremonies, and it is well to
call attention to the fact that some of the priests begged the author
to give them these ancient objects that they might use them in the
preparation of medicine and in other sacred or ceremonial ways.

Some of the smooth stones may have been used in polishing
pottery, but this can hardly be said of the quartz erystals and the
botryoidal specimens.

Fossil cephalopods, called koaitcoko, although very common in the
rock strata underlying the modern pueblos, are sometimes looked
upon by the Hopis with great reverence, and are used in several mod-
ern ceremonies. One of the best-known instances is in the tiponi of
the Lalakonti, described in an account of the unwrapping of that
palladium, as follows:@

The chief priestesses and Kwatcakwa then untied the bundles upon the altar.
They first unwrapped the buckskin thong which bound one of them and took from
the top a large number of sticks of different lengths, to each of which numerous
feathers were tied. In the midst of these sticks there was an ear of popcorn sur-
rounded by a mat made of eight black feather-sticks tied together. This mat,
surrounding the corn, rested upon a cloth. Removing this cloth from the cradle,
there appeared below it a nicely folded piece of buckskin painted on the border,
with the rain-cloud ornaments painted black, the falling rain being represented
by fringes. Within this skin there were many breath-feathers anda single reed,?
to which feathers were tied. Below the buckskin there were many bean and
melon seeds. Within the bundle of breath-feathers there was a fossil shell, frag-
ments of another, and the pinon branch. The basket itself, which forms the
cradle, was made of a continuous coil of wickerwork, rectangular in shape.

When the priestess had undone this bundle, the contents of which were consid-
ered so sacred that we were not allowed to touch them, she carefully repacked it.
She first put in the seeds of beans, corn, and melons, and then a number of breath-
feathers. She sprinkled these with metallic iron dust [micaceous hematite] and
added a pinon branch (pine needle). On these she placed the cloth in which the
fossil shell was tied and the reed with its feathers. Above this she tied around
the ear of corn the old prayer-sticks, to which she added a new one which she
had prepared. The black sticks were said to be old men and the seeds to be food.
The fossils, which are called koaitcoko,¢ were found later to be one of the numer-
ous cephalopod fossils abundant in certain places. It was said that these sacred
specimens came up from the under world. The contents of each bundle were sub-
stantially the same.

Tt will be seen from this quotation from a description written in 1892
that one of the most sacred objects in the bundles before the reredos

a The Lalakonti; A Tusayan Ceremony, in the American Anthropologist, v. 5, p. 121, April, 1892.
> This resembled the so-called reed cigarettes used in other ceremonies.
e The same name was given for the whole bundle.

108 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [BTH. ANN. 22

of the Lalakonti altar was a fossil cephalopod, which, so far as could
be judged, was of the same species as some of those taken from the
Little Colorado ruins in 1896 and from Sikyatki in 1895.

The ceremonial use of fetish stones in modern Hopi rites has been
described by the author in several publications, from which the fol-
lowing quotation” is taken as one of the most complete:

Saliko brought from her house six ears of corn, a crenellate vessel [medicine
bowl], and another bag of fetishes. * * * Saliko took a handful of meal from
a tray at the ponya [altar], prayed upon it, and then, kneeling about 4 feet in
front of the altar, sprinkled intersecting lines. She placed the crenellate vessel
in the center, and then arranged ears of corn upon the lines, beginning at the
northwest, where she placed a yellow ear, followed by a blue, red, white, black,
and an ear of sweet corn, as shown in the diagram. From her bag she took out
six smooth waterworn pebbles, the largest of which was 14 inches by three-
fourths of an inch in size, and placed them close beside the ears of corn. Begin-
ning at the yellow ear, she laid down by it a piece of opaque quartz with a
smoky iron streak; at the blue, a piece of the same with a faint bluish tinge; at
the red, a piece with a reddish tinge; at the white, a piece of translucent quartz;
at the black, a piece of shining black iron ore, and at the last, a crystal of bluish
quartz.

Less detailed is the author’s description of the use of these rock
erystals in another Hopi ceremony:?

The priest, Ametola, first made a bed of fine field sand on the floor, and
then rapidly traced on the sand three cross-lines of meal, corresponding to the
six primary directions. Over their junction he placed a medicine bowl, but not
that before the altar. Around the bowl he laid, at the ends of the lines of meal, six
ears of corn, with points directed toward the bowl. Beside each ear of corn he
placed an aspergill and a rock crystal. Within the bowl he dropped several rock
crystals and a little honey.

In the Naacnaiya, or New-fire ceremony, smooth pebbles and
quartz crystals likewise play important parts in making medicine:

He placed the first group of six skins upon the meal lines, as indicated in the
diagram. He then arranged the ears of corn upon the skins, and close beside
them he placed the six pebbles (each haying some requisite peculiarity, but no
opportunity offered to examine them closely), and finally another set of six skins
was deposited upon the right of those first laid down.

Eight songs were sung while he was placing these objects, and during the sing-
ing of another group of eight songs the asperser laid the pebbles in the nakwipi
[medicine bowl], and then rested the ears on end within it. He then slightly
dipped the tail or the distinctively colored end of each bird skin and each feather tip
into the water, afterward laying it down in the place from which he had taken it.
He also sprinkled pollen in the bowl, and aspersed to the six directions with each
ear of corn as he took it out and laid it in its former place. The song was an hour
and a half long, and just as it closed the asperser took from one of the chief’s bags
a quartz crystal. Sucking it, he passed it to a young man sitting near, stitching
a kilt, who went up the ladder and_ reflected a ray of sunlight into the nakwipi,
and afterward the crystal was put into the liquid. ¢

In the Niman Katcina (festival celebrating the departure of the
katcinas) we find these crystals and medicine stones likewise used

a American Anthropologist, v. 5, p. 221, July, 1892.
> American Anthropologist, v. 5, p. 117, April, 1892.
e Journal of American Folklore e, V. 5, p. 192-193.

FEWKES] FETISHES FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS 109

in mixing the charm liquid, as the author has elsewhere described as
follows: ¢

Upon the ears of corn were then laid the nakwiowa, small quartz crystals,
elongated, black, pipestem bodies and shell beads. One or two of these were
placed on the end of each ear of corn at a point nearest the nakwipi, one behind
the other. Two similar quartz crystals were placed in the nakwipi. These
sacred stones were laid on the corn in the same order as above mentioned for the
ears of corn and aspergills. Intiwa’s assistant then took a quartz crystal, one of
the nakwiowa, and, standing on the lower round of the ladder leading out of the
kiya, held it in the direct rays of the sun and threw the reflection into the water
contained in the nakwipi. This ceremony, by which a ray of light from the sun
(Dawa) is introduced, was observed in silence. . . . After several strains of
this and other similar songs had been sung, Intiwa’s associate took up the ear of
corn on the north side of the bowl, held its end over the nakwipi, and, pouring
water (liquid) from a small spherical gourd upon it, washed off the medicine
stones into the nakwipi with great solemnity. . . . After the washing of
these stones into the liquid, a song with quicker time and more rapid motion of
the rattles was taken up and continued for some minutes.

The above quotations from descriptions of ceremonies, and others
which might be mentioned, show how often small waterworn pebbles,
or quartz erystals, are used in making charm liquid or ‘‘ medicine”
by the modern Hopi Indians, and the same kind of stones discovered
in ancient graves probably had a similar use among the ancients.
Indeed, one of the quartz crystals from a grave was appropriated for
his altar by a Shumopovi priest.

The use of two small stone cylinders, one of lava (number 157984)
and the other of a light gray stone (number 157983) each having a pit
or depression in the end, is problematic. Similar shaped stones are
sometimes used in modern Hopi ceremonies to indicate the zenith.

Among the fetishes found in Homolobi graves may be mentioned
a rude bird made of unburnt clay,’ the only specimen of animal effigy
which was found in all the excavations in 1896. On the surface of
one of the mounds of the smaller ruin at Chaves pass, however, the
author picked up a small imitation of some unknown animal, which
was rudely carved, and reminded him of the so-called ‘hunting
stones,” or fetishes, of the Zunis.

The occurrence of rude effigies of animals in prehistoric Arizonian
graves may possibly be interpreted as substitutional sacrifices, and if
this interpretation is correct, it would seem that in ancient times
birds, which are now represented by effigies, were sacrificed. It is
much more likely, however, that these images represent animals which
the ancient worshipers desired, and that they were forms of prayer
by signatures. Small figurines of domestic animals are made for this
purpose at the present day by the Hopi priests.

aJournal of American Ethnology and Archeology, v. 2, 1892, p. 75, 76, 77.

bThis effigy is very unlike the burnt clay imitations of birds which have been described in the
author’s account of the ruin Awatobi. It is very rudely made, simply pressed into shaped by the
fingers, and is without decoration. The Awatobi clay birds are probably used as pendants,
while that found at Homolobi appears to be simply a mortuary offering.

110 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22
TIUMAN CRANTA

A particularly fine collection of crania was obtained in 1896 from
Chevilon and Chaves pass. One specimen from the latter place had
the facial and frontal bones stained green.

ANIMAL REMAINS

Although the prehistoric Pueblos of Arizona and New Mexico appar-
ently had no sheep, horses, or cattle, they domesticated several ani-
mals, and used many more for food. The bones of these animals
occur both in houses and graves—more abundantly in the former,
especially in the Homolobi ruins, where the author made a consider-
able collection of them. They have been identified by Mr F. A.
Lucas, of the National Museum, and are as follows:

Canis familiaris, domesticated dog; a cranium of the broad-skulled
Eskimo type.

Canis frustror, coyote; probably jaw and leg bones.

Felis concolor, puma; jaw of young.

Lynx rufus, wild cat; jaw.

Taxidea berlandieri, badger; two claws.

Cariacus macrotis, mule deer; leg bones, antlers, and part of jaw.

Antilocapra americanus, antelope; leg bones, part of jaw, and horns.

Castor canadensis, beaver; collar bone.

Lepus texianus griseus, jack rabbit (many specimens).

Lepus arizonae minor, small rabbit (many specimens).

Cynomys, prairie dog; skull and odd bones.

Ovis canadensis, mountain sheep.

Spermophilus, ground squirrel; tooth.

Thomomys, gopher; skull. ©

Corvus corax sinuatus, raven; wing bone.

Bubo virginianus, great horned owl; tarsus.

Aquila chrysaetos, golden eagle; claw.

Buteo borealis, red-tailed hawk; wing bones.

Cathartes aura, turkey buzzard; wing bones.

Meleagris gallopavo mexicana, turkey (many specimens—some of young).

Grus mexicanus, sandhill crane; wing bones.

Anas sp., duck; part of sternum.

Phalacrocorax sp., cormorant; 1 bone.

MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS

The manner of building the roofs and floors in the Homolobi ruins
was practically the same as in the modern Tusayan pueblos. <A large
number of rafters were taken out of the walls, many of which were in
place, while some had fallen in, broken by superimposed weight. In
several instances these beams were well preserved; in others they
were much decayed. Several fragments of the clay with which the
roofs were covered were collected, and in one impressions of reeds
were evident.

Asbestos appears to have been considerably prized by the inhabi-

——

FEWKES] OBJECTS FROM LITTLE COLORADO RUINS Talal

tants of the Chaves pass ruins, and a single specimen was added to the
author’s collection from these ancient towns.

A few fragments of a bird’s egg, too broken to be accurately iden-
tified, were collected in a grave at Homolobi. This was possibly an
eagle’s egg, and it may be mentioned that in certain Hopi ceremonials
at the present. day imitations of eagles’ eggs made of wood are at
times placed in modern shrines. The author has no knowledge, how-
ever, of a modern mortuary use of birds’ eggs, but suspects that the
egg of the turkey, which we know was domesticated by the ancient
pueblo people, may have been eaten by them. If this supposition be
well founded, the fragment of birds’ eggs in a grave at Homolobi may
be a remnant of food offerings.

Asingle specimen of galena was taken from a,grave at Chaves pass.
This mineral was probably used as a pigment, but it is not common,
and is not used by the modern Hopis in painting the body or any of

their ceremonial paraphernalia.

A small copper bell was found in a grave at Chaves pass. This
object is shown in figure 67, from two faces. It was apparently
formed of beaten native copper, but the eyelet would seem to indicate
a knowledge of soldering. One side was so broken that a small spher-
ieal body which served as a clapper could be
easily seen. The metal was much corroded,
but not so much as to prevent the bell emit-
ting a sound when shaken.

Among other miscellaneous objects taken
by the author were a fragment of potter’s clay Fie. 67. Copper bell from
from Homolobi, a sulphur nodule and several 92°" aanek yer eaaeg
dried lizard tails from Chaves pass, a frag-
ment of asphalt and some perforated cedar berries from Chevlon.

Several rectangular fragments of red pipe clay, one of which was
perforated as though for suspension, were found at Homolobi.

The object of the large and small rectangular or trapezoidal plates
of mica and selenite found at Homolobi and at Chevlon, in graves and
elsewhere, was not wholly clear. No specimen, however, was brought
back from Chaves pass, and no natural deposits of selenite were
noticed in the latter locality.

RUINS OF OLD SHUMOPOVI

GENERAL FEATURES

Although in the report of the author’s excavations at Awatobi and
Sikyatki, in 1895, an extended account has been given of the arche-
ology of pueblos near the East mesa, no work was done on the numer-
ous ruins at Oraibi and the Middle mesa. The author was particu-
larly anxious to compare pottery from some of these ruins with the
beautiful series which had been collected in 1895 at Sikyatki, espe-

112 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

cially as numerous specimens had been sold to traders from Old
Shumopovi, and almost all of these were identical with those from
the East mesa.

There is evidence that Shumopovi was one of the oldest settlements
on the Middle mesa, but the legends of this pueblo have never been
earefully studied, and the component clans are practically unknown.
The pueblo stood in the foothills near a spring when the Spaniards
first came into the country, and its name can easily be recognized in
Espejo’s list of Hopi towns at the end of the sixteenth century.

There is a uniformity in statements that the founder of Oraibi,
Matcito, lived in Shumopovi before he sought the cave where he lived
when Oraibi was built, and probably Shipaulovi was founded by
clans from it in the eighteenth century. The size of the old ruin
shows that in ancient times it had a large population.

The record of work at Old Shumopovi can be given in a few
lines. For several years it has been known that a wealth of beautiful
pottery lies buried in the cemeteries of that ruin (plate Li). That
the number of objects destined to be removed from this place is large
is probable from the great size of the cemeteries and the small portion
of them which has yet been dug over. The author therefore began
work with high hopes of a great harvest. About twenty Indian
workmen from the East mesa and a few from Shumopovi were
employed as excavators, and in the first two days of work they took
out of the burial places over one hundred specimens.

On the evening of the second day the chief of Shumopovi, Nacihip-
tewa, went to the camp of the workmen and forbade them to continue
the work. It seems that the chiefs of the three villages, Mishongnovi,
Shipaulovi, and Shumopovi, had assembled in council on the night of
the author’s arrival and decided that his work should not go on.
For some reason they had not communicated their wishes to the
author, but went directly to the Indians, working on their feelings
and threatening them with trouble if they continued excavating. As
soon as the author learned of the objection he immediately called a
council of the chiefs at his camp, and learned from Nacihiptiwa that
he did not wish the work to go on, fearing that it would cause greati
winds which would drive away the rain clouds. The author respected
his wishes and ceased work at Shumopovi, discharging his workmen.
Had he been able to complete the work at this ruin there is little
doubt that over a thousand bowls could have been taken from the
burial places of that ancient pueblo.

It would appear from the examination of the Shumopovi cemeteries
that they were distributed among the foothills east of the main spring
of the present town. From the quantities of broken pottery in this
region, it is evident that their extent was very considerable. In some
instances burial places were separated a considerable distance from
the ruins of the pueblo, in others they were quite near the founda-
tion of the walls.

REWKES) RUINS OF OLD SHUMOPOVI eS

A small cemetery was discovered about a quarter of a mile east of
the ruins, where there is a patch of sand in which grow a few dwarf
peach trees. The author camped at this point, which was as near as
he could approach the ruin with his wagon, and immediately after his
arrival a family of Shumopovi people came down from the mesa and
began to hoe the squash plants which grew there—an act which was
interpreted to mean possession. The Snake chief of Shumopovi had
a brush house, called a kisi, overlooking his farm, on a small hillock
near this burial place.

The ancient pueblo can be traced for several hundred feet, but its
old walls have been buried or leveled, and very few evidences of its
architectural plan can be made out by superficial studies. The
mounds of the old site are covered with fragments of pottery of the
finest character, beautifully ornamented,” with the characteristic
Sikyatki symbol

POTTERY FROM THE RUINS

GENERAL FEATURES AND FORM

A superficial examination of the pottery of this old pueblo shows
what a more intimate study demonstrates —that it is very similar to
that from ruins near the East mesa, and that it differs from that of
the Little Colorado pueblos. The majority of the pieces belong to the
fine yellow ware (plates XLVII, L), smoothly polished and elaborately
decorated. There are a few examples of red and black ware and
one or two specimens of black and white ware (plate XLIx), but the
yellow ware predominates, as if does at Sikyatki. This is undoubt-
edly due to the chemical constituents of the clay used in its manufac-
ture. There are no specimens of red, black, and white ware, and no
black and no glazed varieties.

The resemblance, which amounts almost to an identity, in the char-
acter of the pottery of Sikyatki and Old Shumopovi, as well as
the similarity in the symbolism, adds weight to the belief that these
pueblos were inhabited sy iene

There is no essential difference in the shapes of the ee from
this ruin and of that from the pueblos on the Little Colorado, where
food bowls, vases, jars, ladles, and dippers are represented. In plate
LI two of the best specimens are figured, but there are many others
in the collection of equal beauty which have not been reproduced.

There were two specimens of food bowls from Shumopovi with
snouts, one of which is shown in the accompanying cut (figure 68).
This form appears to be rare, and has not yet been found in the
ruins along the Little Colorado river.

aA very fine collection of mortuary pottery was made at Shumopovi by Mr T. VY. Keam, after
the author was obliged to abandon work there. Many of these pieces are now in the Field
Columbian Museum at Chicago, which purchased the collection.

22 ETH—O4

114 “TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

DECORATION

The picture writing on Shumopovi ware closely resembles that on
the ware of the ruins near the East mesa, and though from the limited
examination which was possible on account of the size of the collection

Fic. 68. Bowl with snout, from Shumopoyvi (number 157817).

few new forms were found, the author is able to add some instructive
pictures to those already known from this region. On the whole, Old
Shumopovi pictography is like that of Sikyatki and Awatobi, and
differs from that of Homolobi. The geometrical figures do not widely

Fig. 69. Plumed Snake. Design on food bowl from Shumopoyi (number 157769).

differ from those of other pueblo regions in Arizona north of the
Mogollones, and are of the same type as those of Chaves pass, Cheylon,
and Homolobi.

FEWKES] POTTERY FROM OLD SHUMOPOVI 115

Plate LI shows the face of a masked dancer, the treatment of the
left eye of which resembles that of this organ in certain Zuni masks.

The only figure of a reptile which was found at Shumopoyi was
drawn on the inside of a food bowl (see figure 69). This figure is so
different from any representation of the Plumed Snake that the author
has hesitated to refer it to this mythic being. The feathers on the
head, if such they be, are two semicircular bodies, and the tongue is
represented by a line with arrowpoint termination. The eyes are both
on one side of the head, and the lines on the head and body are incised,
making designs which are highly successful from a decorative point
of view. The bowl isa small one, and is made of the fine yellow ware
characteristic of ancient Tusayan ruins.

An examination of bird figures from Shumopovi shows a marked

Fig. 70. Mythic bird and game of chance. Design on food bow] from Shumopoyi (nnmber 157714).

difference from those of the ruins on the Little Colorado and a close
likeness to those of Sikyatki and other ruins near the East mesa.
Specimens were found with the peculiar conventionalized form of the
“breath feather” so constant in the collections made in 1895, and there
were fine specimens of the sky band and the dependent bird. The
design represented on the food bowl shown in figure 70 is very instrue-
tive. From a comparison with other figures of Kwataka the author
is led to refer this figure to the mythic bird-man god. The head rep-
resented in profile has two triangular feathers, and on the throat and
breast appear the terraced designs so often found in bird symbols.
The feathers of the wing are triangular. There are reasons of a com-
parative nature which lead the author to believe that the band on
which the bird rests represents the sky band, and the ring represents

116 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

either the earth or the sun. .The position of the three tail feathers
in this drawing is thoroughly characteristic of ancient pueblo art.
Instead of being drawn in a horizontal plane, as they naturally would
be in a side view of the bird, they appear in a vertical plane, as often
occurs in these figures. This characteristic arrangement of the tail
feathers is common in the decoration of modern vases from Acoma,
where the bird is a constant ornament. It may also be seen in the
avian figures which decorate many of the ancient bowls, vases, and
jars from Sikyatki and Awatobi. The terraced figures on the under
side of the head are of frequent occurrence in bird designs. The three
cross lines occur on several Sikyatki bowls and represent stars.

The design on the food bowl from the ruin of old Shumopovi, shown
in figure 71, represents a bird god, as is shown by the three tail feathers
and the triangular wings. The head
takes the form and bears the symbol-
ism of that of a masked katcina still
personated in Tusayan. The horn on
the left side of the head terminates
in a conventional figure of a feather,
and the design on the right-hand side
is a symbol of the squash flower. On
the face is the terraced symbol of a
rain cloud, still used in modern Hopi
symbolism and very common in an-
cient bird figures. Within this ter-
raced figure are represented the dragon
fly, rainbow, and falling rain. It will
be noticed that each of the two exte-
rior tail feathers bears two smaller
white lines. Similar symbols charac-
terize the figures of the war god, and
are said to indicate the hawk. There
are legends extant that these are

Fic. 71. Bird design on food bowl from J, arkings made by the claws of some

Shumopovi (number 157795). i : é a
animal in its struggles. They are

found on the cheeks of idols of the war god in several pueblos, as Sia,
Zuni, and those of Tusayan.

The avian figure on the food bowl shown in figure 72 represents
a vaptorial bird with extended wing. The homology of the two long
bodies dependent from the breast is apparent when we compare them
with the symbolie feather on Sikyatki pottery. They represent the
breast feathers of the eagle; the symbol is still preserved in modern
Hopi ceramics, but, so far as is known, has not yet been found on
pottery from the Little Colorado ruins.

Both eyes are represented on one side of the head, and the beak is

FEWKES] DESIGNS ON OLD SHUMOPOVI POTTERY Wiles

curved like that of raptorial birds, which are so common in the deco-
ration of Homolobi ware. This figure also shows a very common vio-

Fic. 72. Mythic bird design on food bowl from Shumopovi (number 157134).

lation of perspective among ancient and modern Hopi artists, for the
tail feathers are turned from the natural horizontal to a vertical plane.
The design shown in figure 73 represents a bird in which the curved

Fic. 73. Symbolic bird design on food bowl from Shumopovi (number 157771).

body above is the head, the two lateral triangles the wings, and the
three pointed bodies the three tail feathers. The two curved bodies,

118 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

one on each side of the tail, are backward extensions of the bodies
which assume different forms in as many different representations.

This is a form of bird symbolism unknown in pictography from the
Little Colorado ruins, buf very common, in many variations, at Sik-
yatki. Its reduction to bird symbolism may be readily followed by a
comparison with the series given in the report on the field work of
1895.4

os

Fic. 74. Gambling canes and bird. Design on food bowl from Shumopoyi (number 157735).

The food bowl shown in figure 74 is a beautiful specimen of yellow
ware, decorated on the interior with two figures, one representing a
bird and the other four canes used in a game still played in modern
pueblos. The bird figure evidently represents the Heart-of-the-sky
god, whose symbol is a star, which is represented on the head of this
divinity in designs from Sikyatki figured in the account of the expe-
dition of 1895. The wings and tail feathers, three in number, are
sasily recognized.

The four gaming canes are marked in different ways, and corre-
spond with the four cardinal points. Their markings are, however,

aSeventeenth A

nnual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 2, 1898.

FEWKES] DESIGNS ON OLD SHUMOPOVI POTTERY 119

different from those on a set of these canes taken from the ruin at
the mouth of the Chevlon fork, to which reference has already been
made.

These canes, corresponding in a general way with those used in
Zuni in the game toshalewa, are rarely employed at the East mesa,
but the occurrence of figures of them in old Tusayan ruins indicates
the age of this game in the pueblo area. While the markings on these
objects are not the same as those on the Zuni, the variations are no
greater than would be expected, considering the ruin in which they
were found. The general character of the game was evidently very
similar.

SUMMER OF 1897
INTRODUCTION

In continuation of the field work in Arizona in 1896, the results of
which have been given in the preceding pages, the author again vis-
ited this Territory in 1897, remaining about three months, from June
25 to September 30.

He was accompanied, as in 1896, by Dr Walter Hough, of the
National Museum, who rendered most valuable aid, and also by Mr
F. W. Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, who joined the
party at the close of July, remaining with it during the visit to the
Hopi Snake dances in the following month.

He was aided also by Mr Frank Zuck, of Holbrook, Arizona, and
a number of young men from Taylor and Snowflake who were
employed at Four-mile ruin as laborers. In the Pueblo Viejo Mexi-
can workmen were relied on, all of whom performed their duties very
satisfactorily.

The collection obtained in 1897 was smaller than that made in pre-
vious years, but it was more varied and more instructive in its bear-
ings on questions of the migrations of the prehistoric people of Arizona
than any other thus farmade. The ethnological side of the work was
not neglected. Dr Hough continued his studies of ethnology inaugu-
rated in the previous years, and has already published the new mate-
rial obtained by him in the American Anthropologist. @

As the author visited Tusayan at the time of the Snake dances, he
made new observations of the Mishongnovi variant of this ceremony.
A record of his studies of this subject is found in the Nineteenth
Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, with accounts
of the Flute dance at the same pueblo, compiled from notes made in
1896.

On his return from the Southwest the author prepared a prelim-
inary account of the archeological work, and it was published with
illustrations in the Smithsonian Report for 1897. This account was
limited, and contains only the more salient results of the work. The
present report is intended to be more complete, but is by no means
exhaustive.

The primary aim of the expedition was the collecting of specimens.
To accomplish this the author was obliged, because of limited forces,

120

FEWKES] EXPEDITION OF 1897 121

gation. The collections of 1897 number a few short of 1,000 entries
in the catalog of the National Museum. In gathering this material
the greatest care was taken to label if properly. Neglect of this
obvious duty has destroyed much of the intrinsic value of many col-
lections, and has led to errors in conclusions which might readily have
been avoided.

The present report completes the record of notes and other data
bearing on the collections made in the three years during which the
author has had the honor to direct field work in the Southwest for the
Smithsonian Institution. There are many obscure points touched
upon which would be greatly illuminated were it possible to continue
this line of investigation. So closely connected, however, are the
archeological and ethnological problems of the Southwest that the
former can not be exhaustively treated while the latter are so imper-
fectly solved.

PLAN OF THE EXPEDITION

The summer’s field work of 1896 verified by archeological evi-
dences the truth of the statements of the Hopis that some of their clans
once lived at Homolobi on the banks of the Little Colorado, not far
from Winslow, Arizona. It was desirable to study several other
ruins on this river or its tributaries, and to compare objects indicative
of the culture of their ancient people with those of this undoubted
home of early Hopi clans. The author therefore examined ruins
near Pinedale, on a small southern tributary of this stream near its
source in the foothills of the White mountains. While employed at
this ruin he heard of an extensive, undescribed ruin near the Mormon
town Snowflake, situated on the same stream as Pinedale, but farther
north. These ruins at Pinedale and Snowflake are almost on the
meridian of modern Walpi and the mouth of the San Pedro river in
the Gila valley.

There is historical evidence that at one time the Hopis used a
southern trail from their pueblo to the Gila, penetrating to the ranch-
erias of the San Pedro, and that this trail was rendered impassable
by the incursions of hostile Apaches in comparatively late historical
times. An examination of old pueblos situated on or near this
trail was believed to have considerable importance in connection
with legends and with historical evidences that if was used by pueblo
peoples.

Having studied the archeology of the ruins on southern tribu-
taries of the Little Colorado, the author made his way south of
the White mountains to that part of the Gila valley which is locally
known as Pueblo Viejo, an archeologically uninvestigated region
which was formerly densely populated and extensively farmed. He
desired to discover the relationship of the former people of this valley
with those of the Little Colorado, as well as with those of the Gila
and Salado rivers, near Tempe and Phoenix. He likewise wished to

122 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

trace fhe similarities, if any, of the art remains of these ancient
farmers with those of peoples who once lived on the Little Colorado
and its southern tributaries—what resemblances there were in
implements, pottery, and other art products, and what likeness in
manners and customs, as indicated by archeological data.

One of the most important objects of the expedition was to add to
the sum of available paleographical material from different sections
of the valley drained by the Little Colorado river. Although the
amount of this material now in museums is large, an increase of it
was considered desirable. It has been pointed out elsewhere that
pictures on old pottery are objective expressions of religious sym-
bolism, and that they should be treated as such. Each ruin has
its characteristic designs, and there are features peculiar to certain
localities. An interpretation of this highly interesting pictography
‘an be facilitated by the discovery of new pictures, and the more
numerous the localities from which it is obtained the more important
will be its teaching. A discovery of the geographical limits of the
same symbolism is important, and its connection with the migration
of certain clans is significant.

The influence of environment on ancient pottery is a subject of no
less interest than that of its symbolism. As we pass, in the South-
west, from one locality to another, the ingredients of the clay from
which pottery is made change, and the action of fire upon these com-
ponents leads to modifications in their colors when they are used in
decoration. It would be instructive to follow these changes in their
many modifications and determine what relations exist between the
distribution of various clays and different colored pottery. This
would require a collection of ceramic wares from many localities. We
can rely only in part on classifications of pottery based on colors as
indicative of kinship. People of different stocks make pottery of the
same colors when they use the same or similar clays. Decorations of
the same kind, or an identical symbolism, are a much more trustworthy
basis of classification, although not always reliable.

The ruins studied in 1897 were chosen with a view of obtaining
comparative data concerning pottery and its decoration from localities
in different latitudes of Arizona as nearly as possible on the same
meridian as those studied in previous years.

The investigations at Kintiel were especially directed toward the
future plotting of an archeological meridian through Zuni as a basis
of comparison with the Tusayan zone, in which Walpi is situated.

It is possible for the expert student of modern pueblo pottery to
determine at a glance the pueblo in which any piece was made.
Thus, no specialist would mistake a Zuni vase for one from Acoma
or confound a Tusayan food bowl with one from Laguna or Santa
Clara. ‘This exact knowledge has become possible from the fact that
our museums are rich in modern ware and familiarity with its char-

FEWKES] PLAN OF 1897 EXPEDITION 123

acteristics is possible; but an ability to identify modern pueblo pot-
tery by its symbolism is of little help in the determination of ancient
ware from the several localities. To determine whether an ancient
vessel came from near Zuni or from the neighborhood of Walpi we
must study typical collections of ancient ware. From investigations
thus far conducted the author is able to distinguish ancient Hopi
from ancient Zuni pottery, but the geographical limits of each are
unknown to him and he is wholly unable to distinguish ancient Jemez
ware from that of Acoma, Sia, or Cochiti. For a provisional classifi-
sation the author has divided the pueblo area into a number of par-
allel zones extending north and south. Tusayan lies in one of these
zones, Kintiel and Zuni in another. Whatever zones it may be neec-
essary to make to facilitate the study of ancient pottery of the eastern
pueblos does not concern the present report, but it is worthy of note
that thus far ancient material from them is so limited that even a
provisional determination of these areas is premature.

The author has collected no legends of the Hopi Indians which
refer in any way to the ruins excavated in 1897, and he believes it is to
the Zunis rather than to the Hopis that we should look for traditional
accounts of them which may still survive. Nor has he found any his-
torical reference to old houses on the Little Colorado river, although
Four-mile ruin is situated west of Zuni, and may have been one of
the pueblos of the Cipias, a sedentary tribe mentioned by Spanish
writers in the seventeenth century. Though this name is said still
to survive in Zuni legends, the author has thus far failed to elicit
any information in Hopi stories regarding the ancient Cipias” (see
page 23).

The pueblos in the region south of Holbrook are too far east to be
referred to the Patki and other clans which claim Homolobi as their
former home; and their surroundings do not in any way agree with
the current Hopi account of Palatkwabi, the ‘‘ Old Red land,” or the
“Giant Cactus country.” It is always to the mountains south of
Winslow that the old men of the Patki clan point when they tell of
the place of origin of their forefathers. It is instructive to remember
that the invasion of the Apaches, directed against the modern Hopi
pueblos, was always from the south, while that of the Utes was from
the north. The earliest historical account of the contact of the Apa-
ches with the Hopis indicates that these Athapascan nomads shut
the latter off from their southern kindred by occupying the trails
to the Gila and causing Homolobi to be abandoned, and then pressed
north against the modern towns.

«The Hopi name of the modern pueblo Isleta is Tcipiya.

124 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

KINTIEL
THE RUIN AND ITS CEMETERIES

Up to within a few years, especially since the American occupation,
a ruin called Pueblo Grande has been designated on most maps of
Arizona and New Mexico. This pueblo les about 25 miles north of
the railroad station of Navajo, and ten years ago it was one of the
best ruins of the Southwest, approaching in the perfection of preser-
vation the famous ruins of the Chaco canyon. To the Navahos who
range that region the ruin is known as Kintiel, or Broad house. On
the author’s first visit to it, ten years ago, the walls stood higher than
a man’s head, and the rooms were probably in about the condition in
which they were shortly after its abandonment. At present very little
of the ancient walls remains, for they have been torn down by a
trader, who has used the stones of which they were made in building
a house and store in about the center of the ruin. In fact, where the
foundations of the walls of this fine ruin once stood, nothing now
remains but a trench, for the lower courses of stones, being the largest,
were sought out for building material in preference to the smaller
stones which were placed upon them.

The documentary history of Kintiel is a short chapter. Early
Spanish accounts do not mention the place, and the Spanish name
Pueblo Grande appears only on later maps of the country. There is
said, however, to be a legend concerning it among the present Zunis,
which is mentioned in the Fourth Annual Report of the director of
the Bureau of American Ethnology (1883):

Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, he [Mr Cushing] returned across the
country to Zuni, a measure . . . enabling him to observe more minutely than on
former occasions the annual sun ceremonial. En route he discovered two ruins,
apparently before unvisited, both, according to Zuii tradition, belonging to the
Hlé-etakwe. or the northwestern migration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer,
Yellow-wood, and other gentes of the ancestral pueblo. One of these was the
outlying structure of K*in‘ik’el, called by the Navajo Zinnijinné and by the Zuii
Héshotapathltaie.

It is interesting to note that all the above-mentioned Zufi clans
have or had representatives in the Hopi pueblos, and that at least
three of them, viz, Bear, Deer, and Yellow-wood, which is probably
the Hopi Kokop clan, are reputed by the Walpi traditionalists to
have come into Tusayan from the East. Whether or not these fam-
ilies of eastern origin are descendants from Kintiel people is impossible
to say,on account of the author’s unfamiliarity with the migration
legends of these particular clans. It is instructive to learn that with
the exception possibly of the Frog clan no Patki or Rain-cloud people
have yet been mentioned from Kintiel, nor do any of the traditions of
the Patki people mention Kintiel as their former home.

FEWKES] KINTIEL RUIN 125

No further mention of these ruins is known to the author until the
description by Victor Mindeleff, in his very important account of
Tusayan and Cibolan architecture, published in the Eighth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

Fortunately for science, Mr Cosmos Mindeleff camped at Kintiel
ruin before its destruction and made excellent photographs and plans
of the ruin. He likewise conducted limited excavations, which were
later recorded in a report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

Recognizing, on his arrival at Kintiel, thatit would be impossible to
add much to what had been recorded in regard to a ruin so mutilated
as Kintiel now is, the author naturally sought to learn what he could
from excavations. The results were somewhat disappointing, and,
as compared with the collections made at other ruins, only a few
specimens were obtained from this large pueblo.

There is one feature in the architecture of the walls of Kintiel which
seems worthy of special notice, a feature which Nordenskidld recog-
nized in Mesa Verde ruins, and which the author has described in
the round house near Montzeimer’s ranch,” viz, the difference in size
of the building stones inthe wallsand foundations. The largest stones
occur at the base, or in the lower courses, the smaller in the more
elevated portions of the walls. This arrangement has a wide distri-
bution in other parts of the Southwest.

The nearest point on the railroad to Kintiel is the station Navajo,
from which there is a good road tothe ruin. This road passes in sight
of several small mounds with indications of former houses, and not
far from Navajo station there are several ruins, some of considerable
size, but all in a poor stateof preservation. All of these are here
referred to Zuni rather than Hopi clans, for the fragments of pottery
which were collected on them resemble the pottery of ancient Zuni
ruins.

The exact lines of demarcation between ancient Zuniand Hopiruined
pueblos will probably be impossible to find, mainly because there is
little doubt that the distinctive features between Zuni and Walpi, so
marked in modern times, did not exist in ancient times. Clans from
certain pueblos now in ruins in this region sought union with the
population of Zuni; others went to modern Tusayan and were incorpo-
rated into the population of the villages there. Other families drifted
outof Zuni and founded pueblos of their own or halted in their migra-
tion from Cibola to Tusayan and erected pueblos which were aban-
doned after a few years or generations.

Kintiel may be classified as a circular ruin (see plate Lm). This
form is unlike that of any Tusayan ruin, with possibly the exception
of the two mounds called Kiikiitecomo, above Sikyatki. Round ruins
are foreign to the Hopi country and are absent from all the portion
of Arizona south of the present inhabited pueblos of the Hopi reser-

a Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vy. 1, 1891, p. 127.

126 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

vation. The same may be said of round rooms or kivas. When, how-
ever, we enter the Zuni belt, which extends from the San Juan and
Manecos canyon cliff houses south through Zuni, we find both cireular
and rectanguiar ruins, with circular rooms especially noticeable in
the cliff houses. Kintiel is one of these, and architecturally, there-
fore, belongs to the Zuni series, as its geographical position and pottery
clearly indicate.

Kintiel is not, however, perfectly round, but is broader than long,
assuming a shape comparable with that of a moth with extended
wings. The two sides were built on sloping land, and between them
there runs a depression corresponding to the body of the insect of our
comparison. This median depression is at right angles to the broad-
est part of the ruin, and in it is the spring which furnished the water
supply. The present occupant of the ruin, an Indian trader, has
erected his buildings within the inclosure of the ruin near this depres-
sion, and has dug out the ancient spring, which furnishes abundant
water for his purposes. In excavating this spring he found the
inclosing walls still intact, with a flight of stone steps by which the
ancients once descended to the water. Notwithstanding sanitary
objections to such a position for the spring, especially when the
population of the surrounding houses was large, from a defensive
point of view it was perfect. The violation of sanitary laws among
the modern pueblo peoples implies that among the ancients there was
little regard paid to health in the choice of a water supply, and little
care in keeping the water pure.

Extensive excavations at Kintiel revealed a cemetery on the eastern
side of the northern section. The burials were made close up to the
outer walls of the buildings, as at Homolobi, but no uniformity in the
orientation of the bodies was noted. No undoubted evidences of cre-
mation were detected, and all skeletons exhumed were from subur-
ban cemeteries. A limited number of specimens of mortuary pottery
was obtained in the neighborhood of these skeletons. Many of these
specimens were broken, but others were whole and in good condition.

The author is inclined to regard Kintiel as a comparatively modern
pueblo, one of many which were founded later than the earliest Spanish
invasions. One reason which led to this conclusion is the fine pres-
ervation of the buildings. Up to within a decade they had not the
appearance of antiquity which old ruins always show, nor are there
now any large refuse heaps or pottery burning places, which so often
indicate great age, about it. The few graves in the cemeteries and
the distance apart of those which do exist may be regarded as negative
evidence of limited value, for it may be said that we may not have
happened upon the populous graveyards. Yet much more earth was
moved in the excavations than at Homolobi, and only a tenth as many
interments were brought to light, and the natural inference is that
the pueblo was not old. Nothing, however, indicative of white men’s

FEWKES] KINTIEL RUIN 127

influence was found in the ruin. Although it may have been inhab-
ited since the discovery of Arizona, there is no evidence that Spaniard
or American ever visited it while inhabited.

There is a close resemblance between Kintiel, as it was ten years ago,
and the Pueblo Bonito and other great houses of the Chaco canyon,
and from its general appearance as compared with these the author
believes that it is of about the same age.

There is a Navaho tradition that at least one of the Chaco ruins was
built by Zuni clans, which would indicate a reason for the similarity in
the construction of Kintiel or Pueblo Grande and its namesake in
the above canyon.” Kintiel also resembles architecturally the well-
preserved Zuni ruins at Archeotekopa, which is deseribed elsewhere,’
but we need much more information about these interesting ruins,
especially about their pottery and the Zuni legends concerning them,
before it is possible to form any trustworthy conclusions.

Kintiel is situated on the Leroux wash,° which flows north of
Holbrook, and turning south empties into the Little Colorado west
of the town. The wagon road goes from Holbrook past the X ranch
up the wash to the ruin of Kintiel. There is a ruin of some size at
Tannev’s spring, from which place the author has seen several fine
specimens of pottery. As these fragments closely resemble the Kin-
tiel pottery, it is probable that the ruins belonged to the same or
to closely related people.

There is also a ruin of some size near Hubbell’s store, at the Pueblo
Granado, about the same distance north of Kintiel that Navajo sta-
tion is south of it. Pottery from this ruin is ancient, much older
than that from Kintiel. West of this ruin, at Eighteen-mile spring,
there is a circular ruin which must also be referred to the Zuni belt.
The author has been told that there is a Spanish inscription of the
seventeenth century not far from this spring, but he has never seen it.

The number of rooms at Kintiel would lead to the belief that the
population was large, certainly reaching into the hundreds. There
were evidently several clans living there, and at the lowest estimate
we are justified in believing that 300 people found shelter within its
walls. Probably the population was nearer 500 souls, or about the
same number that formerly lived at Sikyatki.

A small stone inclosure, apparently a shrine, was found a few feet
from the outer wall of Kintiel, on the south side. Its contents were
earefully gathered together and added to the collection. The objects
found in this inclosure consisted of a number of curiously formed
stones and concretions, any one of which might, from its odd shape, be
regarded as a fetish. Several of these stones were rudely worked into

aThe name Kintiel, or Broad House, is applied by the Navahos to at least two circular pueblo
ruins in the Southwest. One of these is in the Chaco canyon, and is said also to have been con-
structed by the Zunis.

6 Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, v. 1, 1891, p. 122.

eNamed from the famous guide and trapper Leroux, whose knowledge of the Southwest was
of such great value to early explorations in this region.

128 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

animal shapes, with head, eyes, and mouth represented. Similar col-
lections of stones are common near the approaches to the modern
Hopi towns and are ordinarily called shrines of the god of death,
Masauu. It is customary for a Hopi Indian, on approaching the
pueblo, to throw on these piles any small stone he may have found, and
in much the same way, no doubt, the pile of stones found at Kintiel was
formed, for this same custom of casting stones in a pile exists at
Zuni, the pueblo to whose people those of Kintiel were allied.

Just south of the two standing sections of wall there was a cluster
of stone eysts, probably ancient ovens. They varied in size from 1
foot or 2 feet square to larger dimensions—6 by 3 feet. Charred
wood and ashes were found in some of these, and the bounding stones
showed the action of fire. These structures reminded one of the
suburban, communal ovens, which have been described @ in the Zuni
ruin, Heshotauthla. The communal ovens at the latter ruin, like
those af Kintiel, are situated just outside the walls of the pueblo,
but unlike them they are, as a rule, round, and of equal size. It
would appear that cooking was done in these ovens rather than in
the dwelling houses. The Hopi food called pikame, made for cere-
monial feasts, is still cooked outside the dwellings, and the Zuiiis
likewise have ovens separated from their houses, as is common in
Mexican towns in the Southwest.

The cemeteries east of Kintiel revealed many skeletons in fair
preservation, and it was noticed that those near the surface were
mostly of infants, the adults, as a rule, being found deeper. The
first skeleton excavated was that of an infant buried under a flat
stone 2 feet below the surface. The grave had mortuary objects
in the form of a few miniature rough bowls and a small jar of coiled

yvare. As the excavations penetrated deeper, there were found many
fragments of pottery, broken ladle handles, ashes, and other indica-
tions that this was the dump place of the neighboring pueblo, the
outer wall of which was 50 feet away.

One of the most instructive burials at Kintiel was found in the east
cemetery. This was interpreted as a secondary interment. It con-
sisted of human bones stripped of flesh and deposited in the earth
with customary mortuary vessels. The reason for the belief that
these bones were not covered with flesh when the bowls were placed
upon them is that their position was not that which they would have
had if articulated. The femurs were placed in the reverse of the
natural position, and a humerus was found crossing the femur. No
skull or pelvis was found in the grave. <A flat earthen disk was luted
to the neck of a vase placed on the bones, and there was a food bowl
near by.

«Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology, vol. 1, 1891, p. 133.

FEWKES} KINTIEL RUIN 129
POTTERY FROM THE RUIN
GENERAL FEATURES AND FORM

The pottery from this ruin belongs essentially to the Zuni type,
and is very different from that of the Tusayan series. It is, as a rule,
of coarse texture, and decorated with rude symbols. We miss in it
the fine yellow ware for which Tusayan is famous, and find in its
place abundant red pottery, with a comparatively large proportion of
black and white. The decorative designs are mainly geometrical,
and picture writing is very limited in quantity. The decoration is
essentially different from that of Sikyatki, and resembles closely that
of Heshotauthla and Halona, two ruins near Zuni pueblo.

The greater the number of ancient Zuni pottery objects which
were examined, the stronger became the belief that the ancient potters
of this region were inferior to the ancient Hopis in their ceramic
productions. Modern Zuni ware is certainly as fine as modern Hopi,
and, a priori, the author sees no reason why the older pottery of one
region should be inferior to that of the other. He formerly supposed
that this inferiority was due mainly to imperfect collections and that
the best examples of ancient Zuni ware were still under ground, so
that the known specimens gave an imperfect idea of what other and
larger collections might reveal.

While these earlier conclusions may be verified by later studies,
the author now inclines to the belief that the Zunis never advanced to
the same perfection in the ceramic art as did the Hopis. It must be
confessed, however, that pottery has been taken from the cliff houses
north of Zuni which is as fine as the Tusayan ware, and if this excel-
lent pottery is classified as Zuni ware, an unfavorable criticism is
not just. Sofaras texture is concerned, the Tusayan ware is superior
to all others in the Southwest, with the exception of the black and
white ware of cliff dwellers. In the character of designs the superi-
ority is even greater. In the evolution of Pueblo decoration the
development of ornamentation advances from geometrical patterns to
rude picture writing, and, as a rule, the pottery on which the former
predominate is inferior to that on which the latter is most prominent.
Not that we should regard this a hard and fast law without exception;
the cleverest potters often adorn their wares with simplest patterns;
but in a ruin where most of the pottery is decorated with geometrical
figures, and the few existing pictures of animals—as birds, reptiles, or
human beings—are rudely made, the artistic development is inferior
to that where the conditions are reversed.

Judged by the eriterion of designs, Tusayan decoration of ceramic
ware shows a superiority over all others in the pueblo area, as any-
one will confess who impartially examines large collections from differ-
ent areas of the Southwest.

It would appear, too, that this high development was autochthonous,

22 ETH—04——9

130 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

and originated within the limited area in the midst of which the
present Hopi villages are situated, where not only the decoration,
but also the ware itself is superior. Strangely enough, the more
ancient the ruin is, the better is the pottery. This may have a bear-
ing on certain theories regarding the ancestors of the Hopis, for we
have been accustomed to hear them spoken of as rude Shoshoneans
akin to some of the lowest tribes of
the Rocky mountains, who have
adopted a pueblo life after they came
into the pueblo area. The author’s
researches show that only a small
part of them claim to have sprung
from the north, but from whatever
source they came, and whether they
adopted the pueblo life after their
arrival or not, they reached a higher
culture, judged by artistic excellence
= of pottery, than any other pueblo

Fic. 75. Dipper with decorated handle,

from Kintiel. people.

Some of the specimens of coiled
ware from Kintiel are remarkably fine. One of the best is almost
black, as though discolored by constant use in the fire, and was

evidently a cooking pot.

The accompanying figure (75) of a dipper from Kintiel might readily
be mistaken for alike object from the cliff houses of the Mancos
‘anyon. It is a common form of
black and white ware almost uni-
versal throughout the Southwest.

The forms of pottery from Kintiel
are not exceptional, forall the types
which were found there occur else-
where. The rough ware, universal
in the pueblo area, is abundant in
the Kintiel graves,and leads all oth-
ersin number of specimens (see fig-
ure76). This is in marked contrast
to collections from Sikyatki and the
Little Colorado ruins, where smooth

decorated ware predominated.
There were comparatively few Fie. 76. Coiled vase from Kintiel (number
food vessels, and no large vases Ursol).
were obtained. Cups, ladles, vases, and slipper jars were the most
common pottery forms. <A three-lobed cup of red ware was dug out
of the eastern cemetery. This form is exceptional in the pueblo
ruins which the author had previously examined, but beautiful spec-
imens have been found at Homolobi and Cheylon.

FEWKES] POTTERY FROM KINTIEL ILszib

The amphora form of globular vessel is rare in Southwestern ruins,
but is represented by a single specimen (figure 77) from Kintiel. This
vessel is of black and white
ware, and the design on the
equatorial region is charac-
teristic.

A very good specimen of
globular form (figure 78)
was found at Kintiel. This
was made of black and white
ware, and is one of the finest
specimens in the collection.

All these examples are
white ware decorated with

figures in black, and the Fia. 77. pies i ta Kintiel (number
Odd).

white is a slip rubbed over
coarser Clay. In firing, since the contraction and expansion of this
slip is not the same as that of the base on
which it is laid, we find a crackled surtace
unknown in true ancient Hopi pottery.
Many of the ladle handles were perfo-
rated with rows of holes; several were dec-
orated with alternate parallel and longi-
tudinal bands, a type of ornamentation
which is found as far south as the northern
Fic. 78. Globular bowl from border of Old Mexico and has been re-
Eeunel corded from Mexican ruins in Chihuahua.
Several fragments of the necks of vases with pits or depressions were
found. Some of these pits resembled small cups,
but the author believes the depressions are finger
holds, by which the vessel was carried. Fragments
with similar depressions are found elsewhere in the
Southwestern ruins, and there are one or two com-
plete vases with the same finger holds, in which
there can be no doubt of their use.

DECORATION

The limited number of specimens of pottery from
the ruin makes it necessary to speak of this aspect
of the subject in a very general way.

There is little similarity of picture design between
these specimens and those of modern Zuni which
have been examined, save in geometrical patterns;
so that the author is led to suggest a theory to
account for this fact, similar to that which he has elsewhere advanced
to explain the change in symbolism in Hopi pottery. The differences

Fic. 79. Handle of
dipper from Kintiel.

132 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

between modern and ancient IHlopi ceramic designs are due to the
advent of new clans as colonists, for these new arrivals introduced
their ‘strange cultus, of which, up to that time, the Hopis were igno-
rant. Possibly a similar explanation
may account for some of the designs on
modern Zuni pottery. Modern vessels
from these two regions bear, however,
widely different decorations. The many
likenesses between ancient Zuni ware
and that of Kintiel are the main reasons
for his association of the two, but these
similarities are mainly in geometrical
patterns.

One or two specimens of pottery from
Kintiel had handles decorated with the

Fig. 80. Frog design on bowl from . ares 4 - .
sted tal forms of animals, and one of these, of

black and white ware, was particularly
well made (see figure 79). The intention was evidently to represent
some many-legged animal, combining painting with sculpture.
A knob on one vase has been ident-

ified as arepresentation of the head of
an antelope. This is an unusual form
of decoration.

The modification of the handle of a
dipper into an animal form is not rare
in ancient pueblo pottery, and the
author has seen specimens in which a

Fig. 81. Food bowl from Kintiel.

mammal, possibly a bear, was represented in that way. In modern
pueblo pottery, animal forms are very common, and they are espe-
cially abundant in modern Zuni ware,
as an examination of the rich collection
in the National Museum will demon-
strate. This method of ornamentation
is not very common in pottery from
ancient or modern Hopi towns, though
the Hopi priests called ‘‘mudheads” or
“clowns” are often represented on the
handles of ladles, and in the large col-
lections from Sikyatki not a single speci-
men adorned in this manner can be

Fic. 82. Bird design on food bowl i
from Kintiel. found.

One of the vessels from Kintiel was
decorated on the interior with what seems to bea figure of a lizard or
tailed batrachian (see figure 80). The design is simple, and is not
unlike figures which are found as pictographs in the Canyon de
Chelly and elsewhere in the Southwest.

FEWKES] DECORATION OF KINTIEL POTTERY 133

The decoration on the exterior of the food basin shown in figure
81 is highly characteristic and markedly different from that on
Sikyatki pottery. In this specimen the design on the exterior con-
sists of a number of interlocked S-shaped figures, which are like-
wise found on the pottery of the Little Colorado ruins. The external

decorations on the food basins from Sikyatki are, as a rule, rectilin-
ear, and curved figures are rare or unknown. A very much mutilated
figure of a bird which decorates a bowl is shown in figure 82.

The accompanying illustration (figure
83) gives a good idea of a Kintiel mug of
black and white ware and the caleareous
inerustation with which the majority of
these ancient vessels was covered. This
mug is decorated with geometrical pat-
terns, the nature of which may be seen in
the illustration. Like many others from
Kintiel, it was covered with a calcareous
deposit, which can readily be removed by
washing.

One of the best specimens of white ware
from Kintiel is shown in figure 84. The
striking feature of this dipper is the form
of the handle, which is made in imitation of the head of some animal.
There were several specimens of bowls and other vessels with heads
of animals, a feature also common in Tusayan ceramics.

Fig. 83. Cup from Kintiel (num-
ber 176811).

MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS FROM THE RUIN

Tke stone objects from Kintiel are in no respect peculiar, and con-
sist of mauls, hammers, axes, spearheads, and arrow points.

A small slab of stone had three
cavities, arranged in a triangular
form, in one surface. There were
several clay disks, some with a cen-
tral hole, others imperforate. Rect-
angular gorgets of red stone were
perforated at one side as if for sus-

Fig. 84. Dipper from Kintiel. pension. There is also a tubular

pipe of red stone in the collection.

Symmetrical spherical stone balls, ranging in size from a marble to a
baseball, were picked up on the surface.

No prayer sticks were found in the graves, but in one of the food
basins there was a collection of several hundred short sections of wood
about the size of asmall lead pencil, and beveled at both ends. These
were about an inch long, reminding one of sticks called the “frog
spawn,” wooden symbolic objects made in the Walpi Flute and Snake
ceremonials.

134 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

Bone objects—awls, needles, bodkins, and the like—were numerous.
Bone tubes of different sizes were likewise found, and a smail bone
gouge accompanied one of the skeletons.

Fifteen well-preserved human skulls, excavated from the Kintiel
cemetery, were brought to Washington.

KINNA ZINDE

If we compare the Zunian and Tusayan meridian zones of ruins
architecturally, we find that they closely resemble each other, or, if
there is any one feature which distinguishes them as groups, it is the
predominance in the former of circular ruins. Circular ruins are
absent in the Tusayan series, while more than a third of the Zuni
series of ruins are round, oval, circular, or semicircular—rectangular
and round combined. The cause of this predominance is unknown,
for the explanations which have been advanced to account for round
ruins in the Zuni belt would seem to be equally applicable to the
Tusayan belt, where round ruins are absent.

Not far from Kintiel there is a small, well-preserved ancient house
called by the Navahos Kinna Zinde. This ruin is in a good state of
preservation, the stone walls rising high above the foundations.

As seen from one side Kinna Zinde looks like a round tower, such
as are found elsewhere in the Zuni belt of ruins. A closer examina-
tion, however, reveals the fact that only one end of this ruin is round,
the remainder being rectangular.

The ruin is situated on a slight elevation overlooking a fertile plain.
Flooring indicative of two stories is visible, and the poles of an old
ladder by which there was formerly communication from one story
to another are still in place. These poles were notched for the inser-
tion of rungs.

The author was struck with the scarcity of pottery fragments and
other refuse in the neighborhood, and it was econeluded that this
building had not been inhabited for any considerable time. It showed
no signs of age, and probably was contemporary with Kintiel, which
is afew miles away. Kinna Zinde was possibly only a summer farm
home, peopled by farmers from Kintiel, comparable with Pescado or
Ojo Caliente on the Zuni reservation. In winter the inhabitants
retired to Kintiel, and in summer they used Kinna Zinde as a pro-
tected outlook over their farms. Its position was well chosen for this
purpose, and it was abandoned at about the same time as Kintiel.

RUINS NEAR HOLBROOK

There are few remains of ancient pueblos near Holbrook, Arizona,
and the Hopi trail from that town to Jeditoh valley is not known to
pass any considerable ruin. The author has always been astonished
that the fine spring at Bitarhtitce, the Red cliffs, about 40 miles
from Holbrook, on the road to the Hopi towns, appears never to have

FEWKES] RUINS VISITED IN 1897 185

furnished water to a neighboring pueblo.¢ When the Hopis went
back and forth to the Little Colorado, in ancient times, before Hol-
brook was built, they took the shorter route to Homolobi. That in
their communication with Zuni they did not use this trail to the river
is evident, for the Zuni trail strikes the railroad far to the east.

Both Hopis and Zunis in their intercommunication used the trail
through Kintiel, because there was nothing to invite them any other
way. The gateway of modern Tusayan to the southern settlements
was past Big and Little Burro springs, from Homolobi, and if we
follow that trail we pass many ruins, for the simple reason that it
is the ancient route of migration. Pueblo Indians, in their journeys,
go from pueblo to pueblo, stopping for entertainment, so wherever
we find an ancient trail, there we may expect to find at intervals the
ruins of old villages.

OBJECTS FROM WOODRUFF BUTTE

One of the most conspicuous mountains south of Holbrook, visible
for some distance along the railroad, is a conical butte called the Pieta
mountain or Woodruff butte.
It was not the author’s good
fortune to visit its summit, but
he obtained by purchase a few
specimens from that place.

The most interesting of these FiG.8. Stone birds from Woodruff butte (number
amie i 177898).

were two small stone fetishes or

bird effigies (see figure 85); there were also some pendants, a few
beads, and other ornaments. The bird effigies were very skillfully
carved of stone, and were perforated, evidently for suspension. They
may have served as fetishes, for they closely resemble similar carved
objects which are commonly sold at Zuni.

ANCIENT HABITATIONS IN THE PETRIFIED FOREST

Learning that there were evidences of ruins in the famous petrified
forest of Arizona, near Holbrook, the author made two visits to it and
examined a number of ancient mounds within its area. None of the
ruins which were seen gave evidence of large size or of a considerable
population. Many fragments of pottery resembling ancient Zuni ware
were found, and a few stone implements and metates were picked up
on the surface of the ground, but the number was too small to
encourage extended excavations in any of the small ruined house
clusters which exist in this locality.

An Indian burial was found on the highest point of one of those
strange hillocks of the ‘‘bad lands” in which the forest is situated,

aThe reader is reminded that this report was written in 1898. Dr Hough’s important dis-
eoveries in this region were made in 1901 (see Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1901,
p. 279-385).

136 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [BTH. ANN, 22

but the skeleton was too poorly preserved to add to the collections.
There is a large ruin near Adamana station, and others in the Petrified
Forest reservation.

FOUR-MILE RUIN
GENERAL PLAN

This ruin is situated 4 miles from Snowflake, and about 2 miles
from Taylor, Arizona, and is one of the largest in the vicinity. It
had never been visited prior to the author’s work there in 1897, and
no specimens from this locality are known besides those which he
collected.

The ruin is situated on a bluff overlooking a tributary of the Little

Fic. 86. View of Four-mile ruin from river bed.

Colorado called Pinedale creek. One end of the ancient pueblo over-
looks the stream; the other extends along a low crest at right angles
to its banks. On the northern and southern sides there are narrow
plains, that on the south being apparently composed of alluvium
brought down and deposited by the stream, or washed from higher
neighboring hills by torrents of rain, which are often very violent
in this region. The general form of the ruin is irregularly reetan-
gular, with no well-defined evidences of a central plaza in the western
part. The eastern region, however, has a flat top with seattered
rooms, and was evidently well situated for ceremonial dances or other
gatherings.

The larger population lived in the western part of Four-mile ruin,
and probably the eastern region was not permanently inhabited.

FEWKES] FOUR-MILE RUIN Bi

In this part of the ancient village there were remnants of circular
rows of stones, which suggested shrines, and certain piles of refuse
composed in part of ashes, as though remains of fuel used in firing
pottery. The eastern quarter of the town does not appear to have
had an inclosing wall, and no signs of kivas or ceremonial chambers
were detected. It was the only flat place near the pueblo at all suited
for sacred dances, and it probably was used for that purpose.

The accompanying cut, figure 86, shows the appearance of Four-
mile ruin from the bed of the stream, and gives a fair idea of the
bluff upon which the mounds are situated. The north cemetery is
situated at the left of the highest point, and the camp of our party
is seen at the extreme right.

A ROOM IN THE RUIN

In order to study the architecture of the rooms of Four-mile ruin,
earth was removed from one of the best preserved and its dimensions
were carefully ascertained. This room had in the past been washed
out by torrents of water, and was on that account easy to clear. It
was situated on the north side of the highest mound, near the line of
separation between east and west portions of the ruin.

The floor was found about 7 feet below the surface. It was paved
with large flat stones, nicely fitted to each other, and apparently set
in adobe. On the east side there was a raised banquette extending
across, and corresponding in a general way with the spectator’s see-
tion of a Tusayan kiva. It resembled even more closely the raised
floor which the author has elsewhere described in the cavate rooms
of Verde valley and the cliff-house rooms of the Red Rock country in
the same valley.

About midway in the length of the raised portion, near the remain-
ing floor of the room, there was a small crypt or inclosure formed of
flat stones set on edge, and similar in form and position to those
found in the kivas of the cliff palace of the Mesa Verde. The author
has seen a like structure in San Juan pueblo on the upper Rio Grande.
In the floor itself there was a depression lined with stone slabs, which
may have been a fireplace. The top of the banquette was made of
smoothly worn flat stones, and its side was plastered. Several very
finely drilled holes penetrated the flags covering the floor and ban-
quette, the arrangement of which is shown in plate Lyi. These
were about the same size (that of a broom handle) as the symbolie
opening called the sipapu in the floor of a Hopi kiva,”“ and when the
first one was found the author was inclined to interpret it in the same
way. The subsequent discovery of many others left him in doubt as
to their proper interpretation.

a The sipapti of a kiva is symbolic of the opening in the earth through which races, in earliest
times, are said tu have emerged from the under world.

138 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

The structure of the walls was interesting. They were made of
adobe, but at regular intervals the much decayed remnants of upright
posts were found embedded in them. These posts (figure 87) are
thought to be comparable with similar logs used in the construetion
of the adobe walls of houses in the Gila valley, as described in a sub-
sequent account of the architecture of the buildings of the Pueblo
Viejo (page 177). There were no lateral windows in this room, and
the entrance was probably from the roof, no remains of which were,
however, discovered.

In order to determine the number of superimposed rooms in the
highest part of Four-mile ruin, the author followed the walls down

Fig. 87. Upright posts in wall at Four-mile ruin.

from the surface of the main mound, penetrating through two floors
before he came to the lowest, which rested on the undisturbed soil.
It may, therefore, be concluded that the pueblo in this part had an
altitude of three stories, and it is probable that there was still a
fourth above, the remains of the walls of which the author was unable
to trace. There were no walls standing above the ground at any
point on the mounds, and the general appearance of the ruin is that
of great age.

As arule, the oldest ruined pueblos in the open plain are destitute
of walls standing above ground: those with high walls are more mod-

FEWK ES] FOUR-MILE RUIN 139

ern. This is not a universal law, but it can be relied on with fair cer-
tainty. Ruins on hilltops have, as a rule, higher walls above ground
than those in the plains, even when they are of equal age. Cliff houses,
on account of their sheltered position, preserve their standing walls
longer than any other type. No doubt one reason why pueblos of
the plain, especially such as those in the valley of the Little Colorado,
so seldom have free walls above ground, is their burial by the dense
sand storms which sweep over them, especially in the spring months.
The destructive rains in time wash through their roofs, and water,
making its way into the joints of the upper layers of the walls, causes
them to topple over, forming débris at their base. These forces take
time, but, except in those ruins which have walls wholly of stone, the
most ancient are reduced to simple mounds penetrated by house walls
which never rise above the surface of the ground.

SUBURBAN OVENS

In searching for the north cemetery the author began a trench
just outside of the bounding wall, and on excavating a few feet
below the surface found several cysts like those at Kintiel, which
were filled with ashes and charred wood. These are interpreted as
suburban ovens. Similar structures were found at Chevlon in 1896,
and it is not improbable that they will later be found in many other
ruins of the Little Colorado river.

Many authors have referred to the absence of fireplaces in ancient
pueblo rooms, and the existence of chimneys in prehistoric times has
not yet been proved. The discovery of suburban ovens indicates
that cooking was done in the open, just as is the case with certain
kinds of food in modern pueblos.

CEMETERIES

It was with considerable difficulty that the author was able to find
the burial places of this pueblo, and some time was consumed in the
search. In the ruin at Homolobi and on Chevlon creek the inter-
ments were discovered just outside the outer walls of the pueblo, and
it was natural to look in these places for burials at Four-mile ruin,
Extensive trenches failed, however, to reveal any indication of the
dead in this part of the mounds. No burials were found close under
the walls.

In the course of an examination of the level region some distance
north of the mounds, near the river bank, the author unexpectedly
discovered a human bone projecting from the soil. This indication
was sufficient, and systematic work in the vicinity brought to light
many skeletons and mortuary objects.

There can not be a doubt that in the time which has elapsed since
the burials were made the stream has encroached upon this ceme-

140 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

tery, washing away the superficial soil and leaving a great number of
small bowlders. Digging among these stones was very difficult, and
many of the burial objects of pottery were broken in extracting them
from the earth. This part of the stream bed is not flooded except at
times of freshets, and it is covered with a scanty vegetation, composed
mainly of small clumps of sage brushes. This vegetation gave indi-
cation of the existence of graves, for a skeleton was found under
almost every bush, often buried less than a foot below the surface.

A seeond larger cemetery was found on the opposite side of the
ruin at about the same distance from the houses as was the first. The
burials at this place were very deep, but the soil was a sandy allu-
vium in which the pottery was better preserved. As far down as the
soil was penetrated skeletons and pottery were found. The greatest
difficulty in getting them was due to the caving in of the embank-
ments. Most of the finest specimens were obtained at this point, but
the supply was by no means exhausted.

The bodies were buried extended at full length, and with no effort
at a common orientation. Most of the skeletons were poorly pre-
served, even the larger bones crumbling as they were removed from
the graves. A number of perfect skulls, including those of adults
and children, male and female, were, however, obtained from both cem-
eteries. No evidence was noticed of an attempt to cover the bodies
with logs, as was done at the Chaves pass ruins, or with flat stones,
as was so common at Homolobi. No fragment of a wrapping of mats
or basketry was found.

A cooking pot found in this cemetery contained a lump of clay,
rib bones of some mammal, a stone polisher, and many cedar twigs.
Within this bowl were two smaller vessels turned upside down.

Most of the pottery found in the cemeteries of Four-mile rain was
covered with a tenacious, white, caleareous deposit, which was easily
removed by washing.

COLLECTIONS

-

POTTERY
PRINCIPAL TYPES

The pottery of Four-mile ruin is essentially the same as that found
at Homolobi and Chevlon in 1896, and consists of about the same
proportion of decorated and of rough, coiled ware, the former
predominating.

The rough ware differs but little from that of the pueblos already
mentioned, but there is a great increase in the number of specimens
of this ware with a smooth blackened interior. The percentage of
this kind of pottery increases as we go south from the ruins about
the inhabited villages of the Hopis, and is greatest in the ruins on the
Gila-Salado watershed. The blackened interior resembles the black

FEWKES] POTTERY FROM FOUR-MILE RUIN 141

ware of Santa Clara pueblo, but no vessel was found at Four-mile
ruin whose exterior was of this color.

One of the kinds of rough ware which is well represented at Four-
mile ruin is that decorated on the exterior with geometrical patterns
(see figure 88). The pigment was applied to the rough outer surface
of the coils. Commonly, however, the interior was smooth and black-
ened, as with certain other rough-ware vessels. The predominating
color of pottery from this ruin was red, and almost all forms were
made in this color. It is the characteristic color of pottery in the
Little Colorado ruins, and is found as far south as Pinedale, reap-
pearing again in the Gila basin.

Bowls of red ware with black decorations having a margin of
white occur in many of the Little
Colorado ruins. Fine vases of these
colors, in which white predominates,
especially around the neck, are char-
acteristic of ruins in this valley; the
author has found no record of them in
the neighborhood of the Hopi towns,
or south of the Mogollones. A repre-
sentative specimen of this type is
figured in the author’s preliminary
report for 1896. This ware is not as
fine as the characteristic cream and
yellow ware of Sikyatki, but is often made of a finely ground clay
sufficiently well burned in firing to give fine specimens.

pes SME Br

Fig. 88. Ornamented rough bowl from
Four-mile ruin (number 177148).

Gita TYPE

The characteristic pottery of the Gila valley is a brownish ware,
ornamented with red, and is very easy to identify. A specimen of
this ware has been figured in color in a preliminary report for 1897.
As farasis known, this kind of ware is generally confined to the Gila-
Salt river basin. In the excavations of the cemeteries at Four-mile
ruin two specimens of this peculiar ware were discovered, but the
author does not regard the adventitious occurrence of these speci-
mens, so different from the others in the same ruin, as anything more
than examples of intrusion, and believes that they were brough there
from a distance. As a rule, there is considerable similarity in the
coarse types of pottery from Four-mile ruin and from Pueblo Viejo,
the upper part of the Gila valley, which the author has not regarded as
illustrating a theory of transportation of specimens; but the sporadic
appearance of a prominent type of Gila pottery so different from the
others appears to him to demand such anexplanation. We may sup-
pose that these specimens went over the watershed of the Gila and
Little Colorado in the packs of traders, or possibly were carried by
migratory clans. They were not manufactured by the people in
whose cemeteries they were found.

149 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22
ForMS

There is nothing peculiar in the forms which the pottery from this
ruin assumes, though there were a few specimens different from any
yet obtained from the Southwest. One of the most beautiful of these
was a globular vessel of red ware, with a graceful neck and symmet-
rical handle. The ornamentation on this vessel was black and glazed,
the design representing a highly conventionalized bird. This speci-
men was perfect, with the exception of a small chip in the lip of the
orifice. Although a long search for the missing fragment was made
it could not be found.

An oval vessel with a hollow handle with external opening recalls
similar objects called canteens in other reports. They were doubtless
used for transportation of water, and may be classified as a ceremo-
nial type of pottery.

An unusual form, seen in figure 89, is shaped like a saueer, and is

aa a ———

Fic. 89. Small saucer from Four-mile ruin (number 177131).

decorated exteriorly with an artistic arrangement of triangles in
black, bordered with white lines.
Food bowls predominated in the collection, and the majority of the

vases were small.

DECORATION

The contribution of the picture writing on pottery from this ruin is
highly instructive, and connects the people of Four-mile ruin with
those of Homolobi and Cheylon. As on the pottery from the latter
ruins, bird figures are particularly abundant, but there are represen-
tations of human beings, mammals, reptiles, and insects.

While, however, there is a general similarity between the ceramic
pictures of this ruin and those of the pueblos mentioned above, this
resemblance does not extend into details, and the same may be said
with regard to other pueblo paleography. The picture writing of
each pueblo has an individuality which seems to indicate that it was

FEWKES] DECORATION OF FOUR-MILE POTTERY 1438

independently developed, adapting certain general forms or patterns
to special ideals. The causes of this divergence in the designs on
ancient pottery are no more comprehensible than the differences in
the decoration of modern pottery in two different pueblos. Why, for
instance, should the symbolism of Walpi differ so markedly from
that of Zuni, when there are so many points in common between
the rituals of the two pueblos? ‘The differences in the pueblos are
mainly due to their clan composition, to the relative prominence of
different families in them.

HUMAN FIGURES

The student of the modern Hopi ritual is familiar with the use of
helmets in ceremonial dances, and the author has pointed out the
limitation of those helmets to the rites from the advent of the kat-
cinas at the winter solstice to the Niman, their departure in July.
Kateina dancers among the Hopis are masked, and they are the only
masked dancers in the calendar. Studies of the ancient pictography
from Sikyatki have not revealed a single figure wearing a mask; but
the majority of the human figures on modern pottery wear masks or
ceremonial helmets. The interpretation which is advdnced for this
fact is that the ancients in Tusayan were not familiar with masked
figures, not having them in their rites, but that in the growth of the
ritual new clans, in modern times, introduced masked katcinas, and
consequently modern potters now make figures of them on their pot-
tery. The logical conelusion would be that, if we find in any ruin a
picture of a masked personage, the inhabitants of that pueblo must
have seen a katecina. One of the pictures found on a bowl from
Four-mile ruin leads to the belief that katcinas were known in that
pueblo, for it represents a masked dancer (see figure 90).

The design may be interpreted as follows: The figure is evidently
intended to be a drawing of a human being. The head has the form
of a mask, in which are slits for eyes; the knobs represent feathers.
The three semicircular figures on the lower end of the body resem-
ble rain-cloud symbols, and the double row of rectangles with inclosed
dots recall the symbol at present used by the Hopis to represent an
ear of maize.

There is little doubt that the figure shown in plate XXIV represents
ahuman being. All parts except the head are recognizable, and as we
know from another specimen that ancient Pueblo artists could repre-
sent a human head very cleverly, we are called upon to explain why
they substituted for a head the strange device which is found here.
The possible explanation is that if represents a mask. The designer
intended to figure a masked human being or katcina. Now, different
kateinas are distinguished by symbols drawn on their masks or hel-
mets, consequently the next step is to compare the helmet of the
masked figure from the Four-mile ruin with those known in the Hopi
system.

144 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

The author finds one highly suggestive appendage to the head—
the radiating crest resembles the feathers in figures of a mythical
conception called Shalako. We have here a picture with a helmet
adorned with a crest of feathers, recalling a Shalako, which is a Zuni
as well as a Hopi conception, derived in Tusayan and Zuni from the
same source, or from some of the ruins along the tributaries of the
Little Colorado. The logical conclusion would be that the people of
Four-mile ruin likewise recognized this being.

Apropos of the possibility, revealed by this picture of a masked

Fic. 90. Human figure on food bowl from Four-mile ruin (number 177061).

dancer, that masked or katcina dances were once celebrated at
Four-mile ruin, attention is called to the short distance of this ruin
from a legendary home of the katcinas near St John, New Mexico.“
Both Hopi and Zuni legends regarding the ancient home of these
beings cluster so definitely about a ruin near this town that we may
suppose that the former inhabitants of that mythical place possessed
a knowledge of the cult. To the lake near by both Zunis and Hopis

aKothualewt of the Zuni legends; Winema of the Hopi. It would be a most instructive work
from a mytho-archeological point of view to investigate the antiquities in the neighborhood of
St John, especially near the lake so often mentioned in legends.

a i

FEWKES] DECORATION OF FOUR-MILE POTTERY 145

make pilgrimages for sacred water; here, likewise, they carry prayer
plumes. The locality is sacred to the priests of the katcina cult in
both pueblos. The logical implication is that some of their ancestors
once lived there.

The distance of the Four-mile ruin from this place so closely con-
nected with the katcina cult is not as great by many miles as between
it and Walpi, not much greater than between it and Zui; so that it
is certainly not improbable that the cult which has made its influence
felt on these modern pueblos should have been practiced in the pueblo
now called Four-mile ruin.

Another picture of a human face, body, and arms is also instructive.
The head of this figure (see plate Xxv a) is unlike any other, but the
appendages are closely paralleled in figures on certain ancient vessels
from Oraibi. The mouth is represented by a triangle, as is also the
case in modern Hopi pictures of the sun god. The arms to the elbows
are raised to a level with the head, which is circular, with two large
eyes. The two appendages shaped like quadrants are supposed to
represent feathers. The bowl on which this picture occurs is broken,
but it is one of the most beautiful specimens of red ware in the
collection.

A rude figure of a quadruped decorated one of the largest food
bowls found at Four-mile ruin. Designs of this kind are common in
pictographs, but are rarely present in pottery decoration. It has been
suggested that this figure was intended to represent a dance figure,
and that the caudal appendage shows the fox skin which is at present
almost universally worn by participants in the sacred dances. Itisa
widespread belief among the pueblo people that in early times, more
especially when the human race inhabited the under worlds, human
beings had tails.“ Perhaps the ancient potter had this myth im mind
when some of the human figures represented on old pottery were
painted.

QUADRUPED FIGURES

One of the best examples of picture writing from Four-mile ruin
occurs on a vessel of fine chestnut ware not unlike that of Sikyatki.
The author formerly regarded this as a picture of a reptile, or possi-
bly of a horned toad, but there are reasons for identifying it as a
quadruped, possibly the raccoon.

The general form of this figure is shown in plate Lx b. The head
has a triangular appendage, the throat is spotted, and the jaws are
armed with teeth. Two eyes are placed on one side of the head, as is
often the case in Pueblo drawings of animals. The body is crossed
by parallel and zigzag lines, and in places is decorated with crosses
and dots.

The quadruped figures on the exterior of bowls are mentioned later.

a Many ancient legends refer to the caudal appendages of men in very ancient times, and itis
sometimes stated that their tails were cut off byacultus hero. These traditions are not confined
to the Hopis, but are reported from other pueblos.

22, ETH—04——10

146 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22
BIRD FIGURES

Figures of birds predominate in the pictography of all the ancient
pueblo ruins which have been studied. This is true no less of Four-
mile ruin than of those lower down on the Little Colorado river. In
their delineations of bird figures, however, the artists took strange
liberties with nature, representing birds unknown to students of
ornithology. One of the most interesting of these from Four-mile
ruin was a toothed bird drawn on the interior of a food basin. That

Fig. 91. Bird design on food bow] from Four-mile ruin (number 177203).

this picture was intended to represent a bird would seem to be shown
by the representation of wings and tail, though but for the latter
organ if might be suggested with some justice that a bat was intended.

In all these representations of mythical animals the imagination had
full sway. It was not the bird with which the artist was familiar
through observation, but a monstrous creation of fancy, distorted
by imaginations—real only in legends—that the potter painted on her
vessels. Hence, we can not hope to identify them, unless we are
familiar with the mythology of the painters, much of which has

FEWKES| DECORATION OF FOUR-MILE POTTERY 147

perished. The comparatively large number of bird figures on the
ancient pottery indicates a rich pantheon of bird gods, and it is
instructive to note, in passing, that perscnations of birds play impor-
tant parts in the modern ceremonies which have
been introduced into Tusayan from the south.

One of the best figures of a bird found at Four-
mile ruin is shown in figure 91. The various
organs can be recognized without a detailed
description, but the form of the wings is some-
what different from that thus far shown in picto-

graphs.
Fig. 92. Bird design on

f ‘ § food bowl from Four-
site angles of a rectangular figure representa- snila ruin.

In the next design (figure 92) we have at oppo-

tions of birds, alternating with triangles drawn

on the remaining angles in a characteristic Zuni and Hopi manner.
This is one of the few figures in which birds are represented by
triangles.

Fic. 93. Bird designs on food bow] from Four-mile ruin (number 177170).

The bird design reproduced in figure 95 shows a long curved snout,
and parallel lines representing feathers on tail and wings. The two
legs are thrown out of perspective, but so closely do they resemble

148 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

those of some other bird figures that there can be little doubt of their
homology. In the same inelosure in which the bird is depicted there
is also a figure of a dragon fly, and outside the inclosure is a picture
of another bird. This is one of the most interesting avian pictures
from Four-mile ruin. The representation of tail feathers by parallel
lines in this figure is corroborative of the same interpretation of
parallel lines elsewhere shown on ancient Pueblo pottery. The
form of the head and the long curved beak is common in several
other pictures of birds, and an effigy vase with beak of a like
structure is deseribed from Chevlon ruin in the report of the
expedition of 1896.

Fig. 94. Bird design on food bowl from Four-mile ruin (number 177173)

A very highly conventionalized bird figure is shown in figure 94,
where the different parts are represented by geometrical lines.

BUTTERFLY FIGURES

A large and beautiful food bowl of red ware (plate xxv b) found
at Four-mile ruin, had an unusual design representing a moth or but-
terfly, probably the latter, depicted on one segment of the interior.
In this design (figure 95) two eyes are represented on one side of the
head, there is a coiled antenna, and the body and the border of the
wines are marked with rows of dots. These dots are common fea-
tures in butterfly figures, as may be seen in modern drawings of this
insect among the Hopis.

FEWKES] DECORATION OF FOUR-MILE POTTERY 149
FEATHER DECORATION

Representations of the feather, often highly conventionalized, are
very common in the designs on ancient Hopi pottery, and, as the
author has shown in a previous article, different kinds of feathers
have characteristic forms. These designs have been detected thus
far in the ruins about the inhabited Hopi villages, at Sikyatki, Shu-
mopovi, and Kisakobi or old Walpi. They have not been found, with
one exception, in the ruins along the Little Colorado river, though

Peas ug aemlanatanaey ee y)

4
]
|
| |
|
| |
| |
|

Fic. 9%. Butterfly design on food bowl] from Four-mile ruin (number 177110).

the author has been able to examine much larger collections from this
region than from either Shumopovyi or Kisakobi.

One of the feather symbols was shown to be the triangle, a form of
which is still preserved in the decoration of modern ceremonial para-
phernalia. This type of feather design seems to be common in the
Little Colorado pottery, but is more difficult to recognize and is also
less common here than it is in the highly instructive symbolism of
Tusayan.

150 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22
GEOMETRICAL FIGURES

There were many specimens of pottery from Four-mile ruin deco-
rated with the various geometrical figures so common on all ancient
Pueblo ware of northern and central Arizona. The types were
terrace figures, spirals, frets, bands, dots, bars, and zigzags. The
proportion of geometrical figures, as compared with representations
of animals, was large. As we investigate ruins more and more dis-
tant from those about the Hopi villages, this proportion increases;
and if we considered geometrical motives as older and simpler than

FG. 96. Sun emblem on food bow] from Four-mile ruin (number 177058).

figures of animals, it would seem that pottery ornamentation reached
a higher development in Tusayan, where drawings of animals and
human forms predominate.

The geometrical figures on the outside of food bowls from the ruins
on the southern affluents of the Little Colorado are more elaborate
than those on the northern (see plate Lx). Modifications of the
broken line, either in spirals, frets, or bands, are common features of
the ruins in both regions.

An instructive piece of pottery from Four-mile ruin was a small
food bowl ornamented on the interior with a ring (see figure 96), from
which radiated serrated bars, the significance of which is unknown.

FEWKES] DECORATION OF FOUR-MILE POTTERY 151

In the rich collection of Sikyatki pottery the author found a larger
food bowl, the interior of which was also decorated with a ring, and
to this ring undoubted feather symbols were added. It may be sug-

Fic. 97. Bowl with double spiral design, from Four-mile ruin (number 177102).

gested, therefore, that the serrated appendages to the ring in the
above-mentioned specimen may likewise be conventionalized feathers,
and there are other grounds for in-
terpreting them in this way.

The small food bowl shown in
figure 97 is ornamented with an
exceptional design, a spiral enlarg-
ing from the center to the rim of
the bowl. This bow] is interesting
as the only one of a pronounced
heart shape. This form of spiral
is instructive, showing the break in
the line so characteristic of ancient
Pueblo designs.

Fic. 98. Decorated vase from Four-mile The decoration shown in the aec-
ce a a companying cut (figure 98) is peeul-
iar, but effective. The two vertical lines on the neck are repeated on
the opposite side. Similar markings are found on vases, food bowls,
dippers, and ladles in all Tusayan ruins, and represent feathers.

152 rWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (STH, ANN, 22

The design shown in the next cut, figure 99, is unique among all
forms of ornamentation known, and its meaning is incomprehensible
to the author.

One of the most characteristic designs, with a spiral motive, is
shown in plate LXTV, which is typical of many figures on Four-mile
ruin pottery. This design is characteristic of the Little Colorado
river ruins, especially on the red ware so common in them.

Che general character of the geometrical ornamentation of food
bowls may be seen in plates XL-XLU, LNII.

v ST EN W x
Xx NA NAMENTA N N WLS

I is account « ceramic objects found at Sikyatki the author
has figured some o more prominent designs from the exterior of
Wis ant s ‘ discussion of their ificance. In
nadant material collected Trom that rum no specimen Was Tound
wit gures of al of a y conventional-
me) the main forms being ree-
‘ é In two instances

FEWKES] DECORATION OF FOUR-MILE POTTERY 1b

there were human hands or animal paws. <A dot with parallel or
slightly radiating lines was a common feature, and the ornamentation
was, as a rule, confined to zones or limited to one point on the rim.

The external decoration on food bowls from the Four-mile ruin
differs greatly from that of the Sikyatki collection. Both rectangular
and spiral designs occur, and several specimens have figures of mam-
mals and birds.

As a rule, the external decoration is continuous on the outside of
the food bowl, and is not, as is generally the case at Sikyatki, con-
fined to one portion. Some of the typical forms of external decora-
tion are shown in plate LXII.

In the account of the pottery from Sikyatki attention is called to
the predominance of straight lines and rectangular figures on the

—

|
Ss

Fic. 100. Bear design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile ruin (number 176999).

exteriors of the food bowls. Curved lines, and especially spirals,
were practically absent in this decoration. This is also true of the
collection of food vessels from Shumopovi, where a considerable
number were obtained in 1896. Another peculiarity of the external
ornamentation of Sikyatki pottery is a design in which we have a dot
from which extend short parallel or slightly divergent lines; these
have been interpreted as repesenting a nakwakwoci or feathered
prayer string.

The external designs on food bowls from the Little Colorado ruins
have a large proportion of spirals, and thus far there have not been
found the dot and appended parallel lines mentioned above. It
seems, therefore, not improbable that this particular form of the
feather is peculiar to ruins in the immediate vicinity of the present
Hopi pueblos.

154 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

On one of the food bowls from Four-mile ruin there was a represen-
tation of a large mammal which calls to mind a bear (see figure 100).
This is the only instance known to the author of a representation of
this animal on the outside of food vessels.

Pictures of birds are found on the outside of several bowls. One
of the most exceptional of these is the ‘‘ twin-bird” design (figure 101),

Fic. 101. Twin bird design on exterior of food bowl from Pinedale (number 176888).

which represents two birds attached by their tails. These peculiar
forms are likewise found at Pinedale and other ruins high up in the
White Mountain reservation.

The figure of the bird shown in figure 102 is found on the exterior
of a food bowl from Four-mile ruin, and is one of the few bird draw-

Fic. 102. Bird design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile ruin (number 177378).
ings from the outside of a bowl. The manner of representing the
claws is one often adopted in avian figures. Parallel lines, for tail
feathers, are repeatedly found in Southwestern pictography.

On one of the food bowls we find the accompanying symbol
(figure 103), which reminds one of the modern rain cloud, so promi-
nent in Hopi symbolism. It has, however, resemblances to the paw

EEE

FEWKES] DECORATION OF FOUR-MILE POTTERY 155

of the bear or badger, and from the fact that a mammal identified
as a bear is found on the exterior of the bowl illustrated above
(figure 100), it is probable that this symbol likewise should be referred
to that animal.

The very chaste form of geometrical decoration shown in figure 104

«+

Fic. 103. Bear’s paw design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile ruin (number 177277).
was found on the outside of a food bowl from Four-mile ruin. It is
a composition of triangles, T-shaped figures, and terraced designs,
arranged on a shaded rectangle.

RAIN-CLOUD DESIGNS

Three types of rain-cloud symbols are used in the modern Hopi
ritual. These are the rectangle, the semicircle, and the triangle.
The two former are ordinarily triune. We have either three semicir-

hte oo Sy
a

Fic. 104. Geometrical design on exterior of food bowl from Four-mile ruin (number 177000),

cles or, three rectangles combined, the latter appearing as a stepped
figure, The’number of components may be multiplied, in which case
we find many semicircles approximated, their shapes somewhat modi-
fied by the juxtaposition, or many rectangles combined, forming
terraces.

156 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22

It is easy to mention imstances of rectangular rain-cloud symbols
represented in the modern ceremonial paraphernalia. We find them
carved into tablets on the heads of many dolls and idols. The Humis
kateina dancers wear them on their helmets. They are painted on
the uprights of altars, woven into baskets, and embroidered on sacred
dance kilts.

This terrace form occurs as a rain-cloud symbol on several bowls
from the ancient ruin of Sikyatki. It is also found on mortuary stone
slabs at the same ruin. The four sides of the ancient shrine in the
Awatobi kiva had rectangular rain-cloud symbols of different color,
showing that this form was recognized in this pueblo. The author
has elsewhere pointed out its existence in the Homolobi ruin, and now
the same type is reported from Four-mile ruin. While, as a general
thing, this form is the predominating type of rain-cloud symbol used
in the katcina celebrations, it is not confined to them, but is also found
in the Flute ceremonies and elsewhere.

The semicircular type of rain-cloud symbol is no less common than
the rectangular in the modern decorations, and, while most abundant
in ceremonials which occur between the departure of the katcinas and
their advent, it is not wholly absent in the masked dances. This
form has not yet been found on ancient Hopi pottery—which fact
leads to a belief that it is of late introduction. It is, however, very
conspicuous in the ceremonials introduced into Tusayan by the Patki
or Rain-cloud people, and it is a significant fact that the totemic sig-
natures of members of this family have the same form. <A ready
explanation of the existence of this motive in Walpi would be that
the southern clans introduced it, and its occurrence in the Snake
ceremony would be interpreted as an example of intrusion.

The semicircular type of rain-cloud symbols is not considered a
development of the rectangular, or vice versa; but it is thought to be
a new symbol of foreign origin, the rectangular being the older in
this particular locality.

The triangular rain-cloud symbol is less common in modern designs,
and is rare or unknown in ruins near the modern towns. The majority
of examples of it come from the Little Colorado ruins, but it occurs
on some of the idols used in Walpi at the present day.

A food bowl decorated with triangles arranged in such way and with
such an association that they may be interpreted as rain-cloud sym-
bols was found at Sikyatki, but this interpretation is doubtful.
Another bowl from Shumopovi admits of the same interpretation.

A symbol of the rain cloud among the people of the pueblo—now
a ruin—at the mouth of Chevlon fork, was a triangle inclosing a ree-
tangle. These symbols were found on a stone slab excavated from
that ruin in 1896, and were figured in reports of the work accom-
plished in that year (see plate XLVI). A beautiful large food vessel

FEWKES] RAIN-CLOUD SYMBOLS ON POTTERY 157

dug out of the north cemetery at Four-mile ruin, shown in figure 105,
is decorated with triangles which are also supposed to be rain-cloud
symbols. Above them is a semicircular band which is identified as a
representation of the rainbow.

An example of the triangular form of symbol representing the rain
cloud is found on one of the effigies of the Flute altar, and is figured
in an account of the Walpi Flute observance.“ Many of the rattles
used in katcina dances have on each of their flattened sides four tri-

Fria. 105. Cloud emblem on food bowl from Four-mile ruin (number 157352)

angles united at one angle, and with parallel lines representing fall-
ing rain on the sides opposite their union. These figures have a
distant resemblance to feather symbols, as may be seen by comparison
with some of the bird designs from Cheylon ruin.

It will be seen from the foregoing account that there are three types
of rain-cloud symbols in use in the modern Hopi ritual, the semicircle,
rectangle, and triangle.

In the same way it can be shown that there are at least two types

aJournal of American Folk-Lore, y. 8, n. 27, pl. 11, fig. 1

158 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

of sun symbols, and there are other instances which might be men-
tioned of two or more symbols representing the same thing. This
duplication is explained by the composite nature of the tribe, one
family adding one type, another a second, and so on. In the amalga-
mation of the clans each of these symbols becomes no longer limited
to the family which brought it to the pueblo. While the semicircular
rain-cloud symbol predominates, the survivals of the triangular and
rectangular are numerous and suggestive.

The oldest form in Tusayan, so far as archeology teaches, is the
rectangular, but the triangular is possibly equally ancient in the
ruins along the Little Colorado.

CHARACTER AND TREATMENT OF MORTUARY POTTERY

It must be confessed that the pottery now placed over the dead is
of poor quality and scanty in quantity, as compared with that used
by the ancients for that purpose. The fine ware rarely serves this
purpose, but is retained in the household. It may be interesting to
note that among the modern Hopis special pottery objects are not
manufactured for mortuary purposes, and the same is true of ancient
burials. In the latter many of these objects show manifest signs of
former use in the household.

To what extent the survivors of the deceased purposely broke
mortuary vessels, nicked fragments from them when they were depos-
ited in the graves, or in other ways symbolically ‘‘ killed” them, it is
very difficult to say. Many mortuary vessels have been found which
were as perfect as when made; others were undoubtedly purposely
broken before they were deposited with the dead. The great pres-
sure of the earth above them doubtless fractured the largest number,
and many were broken while being extracted from the soil. There is
no direct evidence that mortuary pottery was ever to any great extent
purposely broken before it was deposited in the cemeteries of Four-
mile ruin.

POTTER’S OUTFIT

One of the bodies exhumed from the northern cemetery was accom-
panied by a potter’s ‘‘outfit,” consisting of the different ingredients
used in making pottery and of smooth stones and other implements
with which it was made. In other ruins the author has found masses
of potter’s clay such as are used by the potter, but nowhere as complete
a collection of clays, pigments, and the like as in this grave.

The objects were:

1. Knife made of a rib, for cutting clay
2. Knife made of a rib, for cutting clay
3. Stone for rubbing, stained green
4. White clay
5. Yellow clay
6. Greenish clay

7. Micaceous hematite

———ooreeeereer

FEWKES] IMPLEMENTS FROM FOUR-MILE RUIN 159

STONE IMPLEMENTS

Comparatively few stone implements were collected at Four-mile
ruin, and they were, for the most part, so similar to those from other
Little Colorado ruins that much space need not be here devoted to
them.

There were found several serrated stone implements which seem
worthy of special mention. They are made of hard stone, chipped to a
sharp, toothededge. The use of an implement of this kind is obvious;
‘for with it, as with a file, a number of mechanical operations, such as
sawing, filing, and scraping, are possible. Specimens of this form
occur at almost every large ruin at which the author has worked in
the last two years, and many of them were picked up from the surface
of the ground.

The number of small stones showing pecking or artificial working
which can be found at a Southwestern ruin is much larger than the
proportion in collections would seem to indicate. From their great
weight, as well as their numbers, the majority have to be left behind,
and as a rule those which are destitute of a special form are rejected.

It was apparently the Indian custom to pick up any stone near at
hand, to use it for pounding or other purposes as long as needed, and
then to cast it away. It thus happens that innumerable stones
slightly pecked on one or all sides, but without the form of any imple-
ment, are very numerous upon the mounds of almost every ruin.

The burials in the north cemetery were deep, and there was evi-
dence that a considerable quantity of soil had been deposited over
them, having been washed down from neighboring mounds. <A few
feet below the present surface of the ground in this superimposed
soil the stone object shown in figure 106 was found, the probable use
of which was a subject of some speculation. Having occasion later to
open a room in the mounds above the point where this stone was
discovered, the author found on the floor, several feet below the
surface of the soil which filled the room, other specimens having the
same general shape and character. In a gully between the room and
the cemetery there was still another of these objects—making in all
seven specimens.

The localities in which these stones were found indicated that they
all belonged together, and that the two found outside the room had
been separated from the others and had been rolled down the sides of
the mounds, perhaps by the water, the course of which is marked by
deep gullies in their sides. The forms of all these stones are much the
same, irregular, ovate, with one flat side,and truncated at one pole.
They were evidently fashioned with care, and, as the rock is hard, they
must have been made with considerable difficulty. All had a small pit
or depression on the flat side near the rounded pole.

Several suggestions were made by members of the party regarding
the possible use of these stones, of which the following seemed to be

160 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

the best: That these stones are simply supports for rods used in
weaving girdles, especially the great white sashes worn by katcinas.
Identical supports for rods of this kind are used at the present day
for the same purpose.

The frequency with which stones used for grinding corn are found
in graves may be explained by their prominence in the life of the
women, in whose graves they generally oceur. These utensils are
ordinarily found in a reversed position near the middle of the body.
The custom of burying metates in graves is known from the ceme-

Fra. 106. Stone used in belt frame, from Four-mile ruin.

teries at Sikyatki, Homolobi, Chevlon, Chaves pass, and Four-mile.
A doubtful instance occurred in the Kintiel burial ground, where a
metate was found in the graveyard, but not near any skeleton.

STONE SLABS

The presence of stone slabs, some of which are of considerable size,
has been recorded in several ruins of New Mexico and Arizona, and
these objects were also found at Sikyatki, Homolobi, and Kintiel.
Several of these specimens were collected at Four-mile ruin. Many
of the perforated stones were extracted from the floors of the kivas,

;

—s

FEWKES] STONE SLABS FROM FOUR-MILE RUIN 161

others, generally with an orifice of larger size, from the soil covering
the rooms.

It has been suggested that some of these perforated stones were
formerly built into walls of rooms to partially close the passageway,

Fic. 107. Stone slab from Four-mile ruin.

but their presence in graves is not readily explained by this theory.
Their fashioning demanded considerable labor, and the author recalls
one of these perforated stones where the edge had been worked smooth
with great care.

22 eTH—04——11

162 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

In his report on the operations in 1896 at Homolobi and the Chev-
lon ruin, the author called attention to the presence in graves of
stone slabs on which figures of rain clouds were depicted, and in the
excavations at Sikyatki he found similarly decorated stone objects.
The practice of burying stone slabs ornamented with rain-cloud sym-
bols was not unknown at Four-mile ruin, as one of the objects from
graves at that place attests. This specimen has a rectangular form
and is decorated with a terraced rain cloud painted in black out-
line on one side. It is possible that the grave from which this slab
was taken was that of a priest, and that this object was formerly used
in ceremonies, as is the case with certain altar paraphernalia of the
same character in the modern ritual of the Hopi Indians. The repre-
sentation of the rain cloud on a mortuary stone slab is the expression
of the idea that the dead become rain makers or rain gods. This form
of ancestor worship is a highly modified one, which can be directly
traced to the arid environment in which the
ancient people lived, and their status as agricul-
turists, which made rain a prime necessity to
them.

This slab was likewise decorated with a row of
triangular markings, and had perforations at the
corners. A second slab, of less regular form,
was likewise found at Four-mile ruin, but upon
it the terraced rain-cloud figures were not as
Fig.108. Copperbellfrom distinctly drawn as on the preceding. There

Four-nile ruin (number ; : 5
177804), was also found a stone slab with rectangular
figure of unknown meaning drawn upon it with
black pigment. A stone slab somewhat like this was found at Sikyatki
in 1895.

While stroiting over the mounds the author found a slab of stone of
unknown use (figure 107). It was set upright and photographed.
The object was about 4+ feet long and about 8 inches wide, tapering
slightly, and smooth on all sides. This slab had without doubt
been worked into a regular form, and was a lintel of a doorway or
some other part of a house.

COPPER BELL

The occurrence of bells made of copper has been recorded from
several ruins in Arizona. The specimen obtained at Four-mile ruin
(figure 108) is in no respect different from those previously mentioned,
and belongs to the type constantly found in the Gila valley and in old
Mexico. From the limited number of these bells in Arizonian ruins
very meager conclusions can be drawn, but the author supposes that
they were introduced from the south, rather than that they were manu-
factured by the former inhabitants of the ruined pueblo. There are
indications of great antiquity in some ruins where they have been
found.

FEWKES] OBJECTS FROM FOUR-MILE RUIN 168

The bell was taken from the hand of a skeleton exhumed from the
cemetery north of the pueblo. It was much corroded, and broken on
one side, and the small stone which served as a clapper had become
firmly fixed to the inner wall by the corrosion of the copper.

PRAYER-STICKS

No fragments of mortuary prayer sticks were found in the cemeteries
at Four-mile ruin, but this negative evidence does not prove that they
were not in use among the inhabitants. The soil is so moist that there
is doubt if these wooden objects would last long in it, though their
preservation in the Chevlon ruin, where somewhat similar conditions
prevail, shows that their absence at Four-mile ruin may furnish posi-
tive proof that they were not used in burial.

GOURD RATTLES

One of the instructive objects taken from the north cemetery at
Four-mile ruin was a rattle made of a small gourd. This rattle had
an oval shape, and was decorated with red and green paint, on
which was the impression of feathers. The handle, which was broken
from the rattle, was not found. The occurrence of this gourd rattle,
identical with those still used in Pueblo ceremonials, gives archeo-
logical evidence of its use in ancient times, probably as an accom-
paniment to songs in religious rites.

ORNAMENTS

Although fully as many skeletons were exhumed from Four-mile
ruin as from some others, the small number of marine shells, as
compared with those found at Homolobi and Chaves pass, was notice-
able. Though the ruin is situated in a latitude south of Chaves,
only a few fragments of shell were found there, while there were
several hundred specimens from the latter ruin. This can be explained
only by the theory that the Chaves pass and Homolobi people had
more marine shells than those of Four-mile ruin, that they were in
more direct contact with the ocean, or with people who obtained them
from the sea by barter or otherwise, thus indicating a direct relation-
ship between them and peoples of the south. The ancient trade in sea
shells was along the Gila river, up its northern tributaries, and across
the Mogollones to the Little Colorado river. Chaves pass was in
the direct line of this trade; Four-mile ruin was not, and the scarcity
of sea shells in the latter locality is explained by its distance from the
sea and the difficulty in reaching tribes nearer the Gulf of California.

The scarcity of beads and turquoise ornaments in the collections of
1897 was in marked contrast with the wealth of these objects at
Homolobi and Cheylon. While this rarity may be in part due to the
limited amount of soil removed in the work, it must also be remem-
bered that the pueblos which were excavated in 1897 were smaller.

164 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22
BONE IMPLEMENTS

The bone implements found at Four-mile ruin were similar to those
collected in 1896 at Chaves pass. They consisted of awls, needles,
and bodkins, many of which were made from the wing and leg bones
of the wild turkey or the tibize of antelopes. There were also larger
implements made of the bones of antelope and deer.

ANIMAL REMAINS

A large collection of animal bones was obtained from the rooms at
Four-mile ruin, but they have not yet been identified.

RUINS NEAR FOUR-MILE RUIN

Within a radius of a few miles of Snowflake there are several
ruins, some of which are of considerable size. The ruin near Shum-
way is one of the largest of these, and would well repay extensive
excavations. There are ruins on the opposite side of the creek from
Four-mile ruin, but these are smaller, and the elevations on which
they stand have been diminished by deposition of the soil by the
stream about their bases. The cemeteries have been so deeply buried
under the accumulated earth that extensive excavation would be
necessary to lay bare the objects which they contain, and, as the
mounds themselves are small, the author did not attempt this work.
The collections made at Four-mile ruin will undoubtedly serve as
typical of those which could be taken from adjacent mounds, as the
people of this whole neighborhood were probably in about the same
stage of culture.

RUINS AT PINEDALE

THE BUILDINGS

The road leading south from Holbrook to Fort Apache, in the
White mountains, divides just beyond Taylor, and one division con-
tinues to a small settlement among the pines, which is called Pine-
dale. This is a beautiful place to camp, surrounded by high trees,
is well watered, and in places has fertile stretches of land suitable
for farms. Two extensive ruins reported to me from that locality by
Mr Frank Zuck, of Holbrook, promised interesting results if proper
excavations were made in or near them.

Accordingly, work was begun, with 5 Mexican laborers, near the
middle of July, and extensive excavations were made in the larger
ruin, The results were not as satisfactory as had been hoped, but
several important facts were brought out by the attempt. A small
collection rewarded the work at this place.

The two Pinedale ruins lie on either side of the road just beyond
the chureh of the town, and a few hundred feet from the new stone
schoolhouse, one of the best in this part of Arizona.

FEWKES] PINEDALE RUINS 165

Of these two ruins, that on the left of the road is the remains of a
pueblo of compact form, with a central plaza obscurely indicated.
From the general appearance of the ruins itis judged that the pueblo
was at least several stories high, but no sign of wall was seen above
ground.

The ruin to the right of the road covered more ground than the
other. It was of rectangular form and apparently single storied.
This ruin was evidently an ancient one, and many tall, fine trees were
found growing from the soil in the rooms. The walls, however, had
so fallen in that there were not more than traces of houses to be seen
marking the former extent of the ruin. There was no evidence at
any point that the rooms ever had more than a single story; and
evidences of the gateways entering the ancient plaza were sought in
vain.

The relationship of these two Pinedale ruins to each other appears
to be as follows: The compact ruin on the left side of the road appar-
ently contained the greater part of the population, while the rectan-
gular building served as a place of refuge, for which its mode of
construction made it admirably suited. If the theory is a correct
one, it is probable that the rectangular portion was of later date than
the compact one, and this is also indicated by its general appearance.

At various localities in the Southwest are found in close proximity
ruins of buildings which apparently have a somewhat similar rela-
tionship. Thus in the Tsegi canyon one sometimes finds extensive
ruins at the base of a cliff, and in the caverns above inaccessible cliff
houses. Another very good illustration can be seen near Ramah, not
far from Zuni, where there is a fine rectangular ruin on the hilltop
and the remains of an extensive pueblo at the base of the same eleva-
tion. The more inaccessible of these buildings was probably a place
of refuge for the inhabitants of the more exposed pueblos in the plain
and their contiguity made access from one to another easy. The same
explanation may also be suggested for fortified hilltops near ruins,
so well illustrated in so-called trincheras of the Verde valley.

In localities like that of Pinedale, where there were no adjacent
caverns or hilltops convenient for fortification, a special building
was erected for defense and refuge. This method was adopted in the
Buena Vista ruin, situated in the Pueblo Viejo, to which reference
will be made later.

It would appear that a specially erected building for refuge and
another for habitation is a far less practical arrangement for defense
than a combination of both in one. This has led to the building of
habitations on inaccessible heights, in caves, or on mesa tops, or to
the construction of the pueblo in such a form as to make it easy of
defense. Thus, the houses are so placed that the highest wall is on
the outside, where it sometimes rises to the altitude of several stories,
sloping toward the middle of the town. Entrance into such a walled

166

TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

town might be either by ladders, which could be drawn on
the roofs, or through breaks in the walls or gateways.
The circular form of building would be a natural evolu-
tion of this form of a fortified pueblo, a survival of a plan
of encampment adopted by nomadic Indians, as others
have pointed out. No doubt sociological and other rea-
sons also played a part in the circular arrangement of

houses inhabited by different clans, but the princi-
pal cause was the need of defense.

COLLECTIONS

From one of the cemeteries of the larger Pine-
dale ruin several skeletons were exhumed. It was
situated close to the outer wall, as at Homolobi
and Chevlon, and the skeletons were accompanied
with mortuary pottery. There was no good evi-
dence that the ancients in this pueblo burned their
dead, and logs or stones were not found over them
as at Chaves pass. This was surprising in so well
wooded aregion. The bodies were not, apparently,
wrapped in matting.

The pottery is essentially the same as that taken
from ruins farther down on the Little Colorado,
and the decorative symbols are much the same
as at Four-mile ruin. With the exception of a pic-
ture of a bird on the interior of a food bowl, and
several more conventionalized bird designs on the
exterior of another, no animal pictures were found.
The majority of the decorations were of the geo-
metrical type. Rough ware and decorated pottery
occurred in about equal proportions. One of the
most beautiful specimens of red ware obtained
in 1897 was exhumed at Pinedale. The
decorations, both interior and exterior, were
well made and the ware itself was of the
finest type. Mr Zuck discovered this ceme-
tery of the ancient Pinedale ruin in the year
1896, and removed from it several vessels
which will compare well with any yet found
in the Little Colorado basin. There is evi-
dence, therefore, that as we leave the river
the pottery does not deteriorate.

Several forms of bone implements were
obtained from the excavations at Pinedale
ruin. These came chiefly from the former
dwelling rooms, and were rarely found in the

Fig. 109. Bone implement from a : ae iejo en
Pinedale ruin (number 176964). cemeteries. They consist of awls, bodkins,

FEWKES] COLLECTIONS FROM PINEDALE 167

pins, needles, and pointed implements used in weaving and sewing.
The largest specimens were made from the bones of deer and ante-
lope“; the smaller, for the most part, from bones of rabbits and birds.

A bone implement was found in Pinedale ruin cemetery for the
use of which there is no satisfactory explanation. It is made froma
human arm bone, cut off a short distance from the trochanter. There
can be no doubt that the cut is artificial, as the marks of a primitive
instrument are visible, while there was evidently an effort to polish or
otherwise work the surface of a similar specimen. The majority of
these bone objects were made of the hnmerus of the wild turkey, one
only being made of a human bone.

One of the most exceptional bone objects found at Pinedale was an
implement with two long prongs, unfortunately broken at the end
(see figure 109).

A shallow house-burial in one of the rooms of the ruin to the right
of the Pinedale road contained calcined bones, evidently human, a
copper buckle, and afew army buttons showing the action of fire. This
was evidently an intrusive burial, much later than the others, and
there is reason to believe that it was made long after the room in
which it was found had been deserted, though there was no way of
telling whether the fragments of the skeleton were those of an Indian
or white man.

The tall trees growing from the débris filling the rooms of the ree-
tangular ruin at Pinedale show that the pueblo was of great age.
Fortunately, one of these had been sawn down, revealing the number
cf rings indicative of its age. Though it was not possible to count
these with certainty, over 100 concentric layers could be made out
without difficulty. In the room where these metallic objects were
found grew one of the largest of the trees.

A considerable collection of crania was made at Pinedale, as at Kin-
tiel and Four-mile ruins.

STOTT RANCH RUIN

During the troubles in the Tonto basin a few years ago, a party from
the basin visited a ranch owned by a man named Stott, a few miles
west of Pinedale, and hanged him for alleged horse stealing. The
ruin Galled by his name is a few rods from his cabin, now deserted.
It is a fine ruin situated in a beautiful park of lofty pine trees, and
offers opportunities for archeological study, but is inconvenient for
extensive work on account of its distance from a base of supplies, the
nearest place, Pinedale, affording only a limited supply of provisions.
In general character this ruin resembles those near Pinedale, and the
few fragments of pottery which were picked up on the surface are
identical with those from Four-mile ruin, near Snowflake. A mile or

aThe pueblos near haunts of deer and antelope have a larger proportion of bones of these
animals: those in the plain have more bones of rabbits and birds. The fauna of the region is
accurately reflected in the bones found in its ruins.

168 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

more southwest of this ruin there is still another, much smaller,
crowning a hill top, with evidences of a considerable former popula-
tion. Many fragments of pottery were strewn over the surface of the
ground, and a few foundation walls were traced, especially on the
highest point of the hill, but none of these rose above the surface of
the mounds., The general character of all these ruins is the same as
that of the Little Colorado series.

RUINS IN PUEBLO VIEJO
THE VALLEY AND ITS HISTORY—GENERAL FEATURES OF THE RUINS

It will be seen by an examination of a map of Arizona that the
ruins at Pinedale and Stott’s ranch are very near the sources of some
of the southern tributaries of the Little Colorado. They are situated
high up on the northern foothills of the mountain area, the White
mountains, which high lands constitute the watershed between the
Gila and Little Colorado drainage areas. Although the distance is,
comparatively speaking, short in a direct line from the sources of the
tributaries of these two rivers, the intervening country is very broken
and in places is impassable. It is especially desirable from an ethno-
logical point of view to examine whatever ruins may exist in that
region, since they may be regarded as frontier settlements of ancient
peoples which, with many points in common, have many differences;
but the author did not find it possible to do this.

It was, however, possible to take up the problem whether there is
a close likeness between the ancient culture of the Upper Gila and
that of the people who lived near Phoenix and Tempe. The author
went around the White mountains, via the Southern Pacific railroad,
and approached the Gila from the south. The section of this valley
chosen for archeological study is almost directly south of Pinedale,
and is locally known as Pueblo Viejo.

The name Pueblo Viejo is given to a portion of the valley of the
Gila from Pima to San José, between Mount Graham and the Bonita
mountains, forming the greater part of Graham county, Arizona.

This valley was traversed by the ‘‘Army of the West” in 1847, and
the attention of Americans was first called to it by the reports of
Emory and Johnston, in their ‘‘ Notes on a Military Reconnoissance,”
published by Congress shortly afterward. These reports mention the
antiquities of the valley, and have remained for fifty years the only
available accounts of them. These authors refer to and figure some of
the characteristic fragments of pottery, and speak of circular ruins.
No remains of circular buildings can now be detected, and the author
has grave doubts that the circular form of buildings ever existed in
this region. The circular structures were more likely reservoirs.

This valley was probably known to Spanish explorers as far back
as the seventeenth, and possibly the sixteenth, century. The com-

FEWK ES] PUEBLO VIEJO RUINS 169

monly accepted route of Coronado would have led him to cross the
Gila not far from the mouth of its tributary, the San Pedro, where
there was a trail to Moqui, and probably also to Zuni. If, however,
as is urged by Dellenbaugh, he took a still more easterly route, and
Cibola was situated near the Florida mountains and not at Zuni,
Pueblo Viejo and the Gila river are far to the west of his route.

Documentary history of the Pueblo Viejo in the seventeenth cen-
tury is practically wanting. None of the great Spanish explorers
passed through the valley in this epoch, when the region was entered
along the Rio Grande by way of El Paso del Norte.

In the first decade of the eighteenth century there were apparently
no rancherias in the Pueblo Viejo valley. The accounts of the several
expeditions of Garcés, and contemporary maps, give no indication of
inhabited rancherias east of the mouth of the San Pedro, and no
mention is made in the diary of this devoted priest of people other
than Apaches living on the upper Gila. But the existence of ruins
near the mouth of the San Pedro is noted, though it is highly probable
that they became such long before that time.

With the adyent of Apaches the population of Pueblo Viejo
retreated to the west, abandoning their farms one after another,
until they came to the Aravapa canyon. Here they may have inter-
married with other stocks, and the Sobaipuris of the early years of the
eighteenth century probably contained some of their descendants.
They or other survivors never returned to their old homes in the rich
plains they had abandoned.

Pueblo Viejo was apparently uninhabited by Mexicans or sedentary
Indians at the time of the passage of the Army of the West, and
the mounds indicating former houses were frequently noticed at that
time. Their age was even then a subject of comment.

The appearance of Pueblo Viejo at this time was probably not unlike
that of those sections which are not now farmed. A dense growth of
mesquite and cactus covered a sandy soil, which in the dry season
turned to dust, covering the traveler or hovering in clouds behind
him. Most of the larger specimens of mesquite and other trees
have long ago been cut down, but the great growth which this tree
may have reached can be judged from a few survivors. In places
along the bank of the Gila there were clumps of cottonwood trees,
some of which even now present. a delightful sight to the weary
traveler. In the rainy season the river overflowed its banks, flood-
ing the neighboring valley for miles. The river, although fordable in
the dry season, was so swollen after rains in the mountains as to be
impassable.

The scenic beauties of the valley have not changed since the
Indians lived on the Gila banks. The lofty Graham mountain, the
black sides of which glisten with streams of water, is a beautiful
sight from almost any part of the middle region of the valley. It

170 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

is covered in places with tall pines and other trees, and is a grateful
place of resort in the hot summer days. The still more picturesque
Bonita mountains, with their serrated summits, hem the valley on
the opposite side, and north of these is a broken country, almost
impassable, yet with ruined cliff houses and other evidences of a
former occupation.

The many ruins in the Pueblo Viejo are all of the same type, viz,
clusters of rancherias with a central building which may have served
as a citadel for defense. Whether any special building was set aside
for a ceremonial room or temple is an unanswered question, but
there is some evidence that the central building may have sometimes
served for that purpose.

Although a number of clusters of mounds were found in Pueblo
Viejo, there were two which were specially examined—that at Solo-
monyille, called Epley’s ruin, and that at Buena Vista, a short dis-
tance higher up the river than San Jose. The limited time which
could be spent in this region made the trip scarcely more than a
reconnoissance, which it is hoped at some later day to follow up
with systematic exploration.

DISTRIBUTION OF RUINS IN PUEBLO VIEJO

In ancient times, when the valley was populated by a sedentary,
agricultural race, aboriginal dwellings were thickly scattered over
the plain between the left bank of the Gila and the Graham or Pina-
leno mountains. These dwellings were high up on the neighboring
foothills as well as in the level plain, adjoining the river. In
places houses were clustered together, forming a village, but the
majority were isolated, dotting the whole valley. A compact,
communal town of the pueblo type, such as is met north of the
Apache reservation, was not found, and even when the population
was concentrated the villages were composed of many clusters of
small houses, separated from each other. As a rule, however, in
such a cluster one central structure was much larger than the
remainder. This centrally placed building, which is shown in the
plan of the Buena Vista ruin (plate LXVI), resembles a type common
in the Gila, Salado, and Verde valleys, where we find a central house
surrounded by many mounds, indicating that a suburban population
was settled about it.

The majority of the clusters of mounds which were examined were
situated in the plain not far from the river. This choice was evi-
dently advantageous for an agricultural life, and the want of com-
pactness in the houses would seem to indicate that the farmers had
not yet been harried and driven to seek shelter from marauding nomad
tribes in walled pueblos.

—_—

FEWKES] PUEBLO VIEJO RUINS ila
EPLEY’sS RUIN

This is the largest ruin in the vicinity of Solomonville, and lies on
the outskirts of the town, on the road to San José. From its position
it was the most convenient to study, and considerable work was done
in the mounds which compose it. The majority of the mounds had,
however, been leveled to the surface of the plain by Mr Epley, and
as the place is a favorite quarry for adobe makers, their excavations
have destroyed most of the ancient walls.

Just back of the Epley farmhouse there still existed (1897) one
of the tallest mounds, which had been partially excavated by Mr
Adams. The author’s party continued his work, but discovered
nothing of interest save the walls of rooms, all of which were of
great thickness. From the size and position of the cluster the author
concluded that it was the remains of the central building or citadel
of the group.

The smaller mounds which dotted the farm around it were traced
almost to the river bank. The remains of house walls could be dis-
covered in most of these, but excavations in the majority of the rooms
developed very little of archeological worth. A few large ollas made
of rough ware were taken from the mounds at the eastern end of
the farm, but they were all broken. One or two slipper-shaped jars
and food bowls of decorated ware were dug from the same rooms.
Perhaps the most important objects from Epley’s ruin were the
skeletons of two infants, buried in the floor, accompanied by mortuary
bowls and small vases. ‘

A considerable number of whole bowls and vases were offered for
sale by persons, mainly Mexicans, living in the neighborhood. It
was reported that these had been taken from Epley’s ruin by the
adobe makers, and there is no doubt that such was the case.

While the author was at the ruin a party of these laborers unearthed
from the level land, a hundred yards east of Epley’s house, a deco-
rated vase (plate LXvIIr) filled with burnt human bones, which were
secured and added to the collections.

It was customary, before the burial of these cinerary urns, to cover
the orifice with a circular burnt-clay disk, which was carefully luted
in place with adobe. These urns were deposited not far from the
pyral mounds, on which the cremation occurred, and were buried only
a few feet below the surface of the ground. The adobe diggers
reported that they always found-a number of these ollas in close
approximation, and that burnt bones were generally found within
them.

BUENA VISTA

The best preserved of all the mounds in the Pueblo Viejo which
were visited is situated at Buena Vista, a few miles east and north of
San José, and is probably the ruin which gave the name to the

172 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22

whole valley; San José being sometimes called San José de Pueblo
Viejo. The ruin of Buena Vista is typical of those lower down the
river—of the mounds less disturbed by the farmer. Indeed, it is
probably in about the condition in which all the ruins were when
Emory passed through the valley.

The site of the cluster of mounds of Buena Vista is a high bluff, at
the base of which, on one side, flows the Gila river. A few modern
adobe houses, inhabited by Mexicans, have been built on the bluff,
and some of the ancient walls have apparently been utilized in these
modern structures. The largest and most conspicuous ancient build-
ing is an irregular stone structure which is situated somewhat back
from the edge of the bluff, and is now used fora corral. The walls
which composed it have tumbled down, but enough remains to indi-
cate its ancient form. Apparently it was formed of many rooms
which were built about a central plaza; stones were extensively used
in its construction.

Surrounding this larger stone inclosure there lie at intervals low
mounds, some of which betray evidences of rooms, while others are
simply ash heaps. Two large circular depressions, a few hundred
feet from the central building, are conspicuous. The limits of the
cluster of mounds which compose Buena Vista could not easily be
determined, and probably no two persons would agree upon their
extent. The more prominent, however, are sketched in the accom-
panying plan (plate LXvV1). j

It would hardly be consistent to call this cluster of mounds the
ruins of a pueblo, as we ordinarily understand the word. They lack
compactness and mutual dependence. The houses, save the large
central building, are more like farm houses, or isolated buildings, of
one story, with a few rooms, inhabited by a single family. They may
better be known as rancherias, which have been arranged in a cluster
for certain mutual advantages. Among these was probably nearness
to a central house which might serve as a place of refuge, or, pos-
sibly, for ceremony. The vicinity to the large circular depressions
in the ground, which may be interpreted as reservoirs, was also a
decided advantage. The presence of small mounds of ashes near the
larger mounds containing remains of house walls would seem to indi-
cate that each family had an individual burning place for its pottery.
Possibly the dead were cremated on these mounds, which accounts
for the absence of cemeteries, and for the ollas with ealeined human
bones sometimes found buried in them.

Architecturally there is very little likeness between this central
large stone inclosure or house with many rooms and Casa Grande, the
best-known building of the Casa Grande group. This difference is
in part due to the character of the building material, but more to the
plan of the building itself.¢ The large central stone structure of

«From Mindeleff’s valuable description of the Casa Grande group of ruins it appears that Casa
Grande was neither central nor the largest structure in the cluster of buildings.

————eeee

FEWKES] PUEBLO VIEJO RUINS 173

Buena Vista is more like those north of the White mountains and
resembles closely the rectangular ruin at Pinedale. We have in the
Buena Vista ruin resemblances to both the lower Gila ruins and
those of the southern tributaries of the upper Little Colorado.

Thus far in his archeological studies the author has failed to find
in the belt of Arizona ruins from Sikyatki south to the Gila any
rooms which he ean positively identify as kivas or ceremonial cham-
bers. As is well known, however, each of the modern Hopi pueblos
has one or more of these rooms, though some of the important secret
ceremonies in the modern Hopi pueblos are performed not in special
kivas, but in the oldest homes of the clans.

There was no room found in the Pueblo Viejo ruins which could be
ealled a special ceremonial room, and in the large ruins at Chevlon,
Homolobi, and Chaves pass no undoubted kivas were found. The
room described in the preceding account of Four-mile ruin may, how-
ever, be regarded as a ceremonial chamber. The kiva, as we now
find it in Tusayan, is a late innovation, and was probably introduced
from the eastern pueblos. Its existence in Four-mile ruin may be
accounted for by the position of this ruin.

OTHER RUINS

Many objects of pottery have been dug up near the San José
settlement, and there are one or two mounds near by indicative of
ancient dwellings. If there ever was a large cluster of mounds on the
present site of the town, they have been wholly obliterated by its
inhabitants.

There is a mound of some size on the right bank of the irrigating
ditch, just as one enters the town from Solomonyille, but one side of
it has been worn away by freshets from the San Simon. It serves as
a protection for the neighboring farm, which lies between it and the
river, and on that account the owner refused to allow it to be dug
away. A few days’ labor at this ruin would bring to light objects of
archeological value, for a beautiful vase rewarded an hour’s superfi-
cial scratching of the exposed bank. One of the finest ollas obtained
from the Pueblo Viejo was purchased from a San José man, who dug it
out of this mound while working at Buena Vista. As charred human
bones were found in it, this vase, figured in plate LXIX c, is regarded
as a cinerary urn.

There were formerly several mounds indicating ruins near Thacher,
but these have been mostly leveled and can not now be traced. A
number of mounds are still visible at Mr D. Olney’s ranch, and lines
of stones, the foundations of ancient walls, can still be traced in the
road in front of Mr Lem Place’s house. The large mounds on Mr
Peter Anderson’s farm have been destroyed, and there are many
others near it which have met the same fate. It may be said that in
ancient times the houses of the aborigines dotted the valley through-

174 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

out its entire length, from Buena Vista to Pima, and the indications
are that the population was larger and had a greater number of acres
of land under cultivation than at the present time.

In a valley which was so densely populated we should expect to
find a large number of antiquities, stone implements, ollas, and other
forms of pottery. From all that can be learned comparatively few
specimens have been dug out of the ground, although there are sey-
eral private collections of some size. Different farmers have told the
author of plowing off the necks of rows of buried vessels, and work-
men on the irrigating ditches report finding pottery in abundance in
several places far from mounds; but the large majority of relics are
still under ground, and probably will remain there for years to come,
now that the fields above them are cultivated. The only collections
of any size which have found their way to public institutions, and
are therefore available for study, are one of a few specimens in Tucson
and that which was brought back to the National Museum.

CHANGES IN THE VALLEY SINCE 1847

Great changes have been wrought in the appearance of Pueblo Viejo
since Emory passed through it in 1846, for if any white man lived
there at that time he says nothing about him. There were evidently
no settlements, for he wrote:

Everywhere there were marks of flowing water. yet vegetation was so scarce
and crisp that it would be difficult to imagine a drop of water had fallen since last
winter. . . . The dust was knee-deep in the rear of our trail; the soil appeared
good, but for whole acres not a sign of vegetation was to be seen. Grass was at
long intervals, and, when found, burnt to a cinder.

In a prophetic way he added:

The whole plain, from 3 to 6 miles wide, is within the level of the Gila, and
might easily be irrigated, as it no doubt was by the tenants of these ruined
houses. “

Ancient mounds, in much the same condition as those in Pueblo
Viejo formerly were in, still remain in the long stretch of country
between Geronimo and Dudleyville, across the southwestern corner
of the Apache reservation, wherever there are plains along the Gila,
but white settlers have worked marvels in other parts of the valley,
which may now be said, using a familiar simile, to ‘blossom as the
rose.” At present Pueblo Viejo, from Buena Vista to Pima, which
towns mark the limits of the author’s acquaintance with it, is one
succession of cultivated farms of corn, alfalfa, and melons, a garden
of Arizona in which any crop can be raised.

It seems incredible that in fifty years such great changes should
have taken place, yet it was to be expected, for in prehistoric times

aNotes of a Military Reconnoissance, Washington, 1848, p. 68.

NN eeEeEeEeEeeEeEEEE——yEE

-

FEWKES] PUEBLO VIEJO RUINS a Urs)

Pueblo Viejo was a garden spot, and there is every reason to believe
that when it was inhabited by aboriginal farmers more acres of its
land were under cultivation than at present.

FORMER POPULATION OF THE VALLEY

If we judge from the number of ruins, the capacity of ancient reser-
voirs, and the size of irrigating ditches, the extent of the terraced
gardens, and other evidences of aboriginal agriculture, Pueblo Viejo
was formerly densely populated. To be sure, there is no proof that
all the ancient buildings were simultaneously inhabited, and, on the
other hand, there is no reason to suppose that they were not.

The aboriginal population was not huddled into a few beehive
pueblos for protection, but was spread over the plains in small
rancherias, or farming hamlets, dotting the valley from one end to
the other. The evidences of the large ancient population are, how-
ever, rapidly disappearing, and in a few years will have completely
vanished.

CREMATION OF THE DEAD

There were apparently two methods of disposing of the dead prac-
ticed by the ancient people of the Pueblo Viejo ruins, viz, house-
burial and cremation.

Evidences of the former method were found at Epley’s ruin and at
Buena Vista, and the same are reported from the ruins near Thacher
and elsewhere. The skeletons found in house-burials at Epley’s ruin
were mostly those of infants, and were accompanied with mortuary
food vessels and bowls, generally rude ware. It was also common to
find metates in the neighborhood of such interments in such positions
as to indicate that they were placed there by design.

Evidences of cremation were common, consisting of caleined human
bones in mortuary ollas, with ashes, evidently of bones, buried on
certain low mounds adjoining the houses. It was apparently the
ancient custom to burn the dead on certain pyral mounds and then
to gather up the remains of the burnt bones and deposit them in small
rudely decorated vases. <A circular disk made of pottery was luted
to the orifice of these vases and the whole was buried in an upright
position near the edge of the mound upon which the burning took
place. In its neighborhood there were also placed jars or other
mortuary objects, as in the case of intramural interments.

This method of disposing of the dead is similar to that adopted by
the ancient people of the great ruins of the Gila-Salado region, add-
ing one more indication of a close resemblance between the ancient
inhabitants of the Pueblo Viejo and those lower down the Gila river.

There survive among aboriginal people of the Gila-Salt valley two
distinct forms of disposal of the dead, burial and cremation. The

176 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

fact that some of the tribes in this region burned their dead and that
others did not was mentioned by historians in the middle of the fif-
teenth century, and it would seem possible that here we have evi-
dences of two distinct stocks in the valley. These two stocks had
partially consolidated, forming a people which built the great houses.
Certain clans of the compound stock, like their ancestors, cremated
the dead; others interred their deceased. The custom of burning the
dead does not appear to have been carried into the Little Colorado
valley.

In this connection, statements of Castaneda that the Cibolans
burned their dead is instructive. The author has not, however, dis-
covered north of the Mogollones any archeological evidences of
cremation, and is unaware of any well-authenticated statement that
they have been found in any Zuni ruin. The suggestion that the
present Zunians in mortuary customs perform certain ceremonials
which symbolize burning the dead has been given some weight, but
this might be interpreted as a survival transmitted to modern times
by elans who came from the south. Our knowledge of the nature of
this reported Zuni survival is very vague.

ARCHITECTURE

The houses of Pueblo Viejo are arranged somewhat differently
from those of the Little Colorado and its tributaries. The tendency
in the latter regions is toward consolidation, toward a close approx-
imation into a communal pueblo, while the buildings in the Pueblo
Viejo are more like rancherias or farm dwellings. Each of the
houses was small, apparently inhabited by a single clan, and they
were generally grouped in clusters, which may for convenience be
styled villages.

There is generally found in the midst of, or near, such a cluster of
small houses, a larger building which occupied the relation of a
citadel, or, possibly, a ceremonial room; it may be single or composed
of several chambers. This feature can be well seen in the accompa-
nying plan (plate LXxv1) of the Buena Vista ruin, one of the least
changed of those in the Pueblo Viejo. The existence of a central
room with clusters of small houses near or about it reminds one of the
Casa Grande group near Florence, Arizona.

There is no region of the Southwest from which better examples of
the influence of environment on architecture can be cited than in the
Gila valley. The majority of houses in portions of the valley where
stones are absent were built of adobe, while in the upper part of the
river valley, where rock is more abundant, we find that the inhabi-
tants utilized it as a building material. Thus, while adobe forms the
greater part of the walls of Casa Grande, the great central room of
Buena Vista was constructed of rock.

—

FEWKES} ARCHITECTURE OF PUEBLO VIEJO RUINS IU

In the majority of houses in Pueblo Viejo there were three build-
ing materials employed in the walls, namely, stones, adobe, and logs.

River-worn stones arranged in rows are in many places all that
remain of the ancient walls of rooms. It would seem that they for-
merly served as foundations, and were sometimes inserted in the
sides of the house, but in neither case were they closely fitted
together. They imparted a certain solidity to the walls, and, when
used in foundations, prevented erosion at a weak point in its struc-
ture. No attempt to dress these stones, or, indeed, to break them,
was noticed, but they were laid together with clay—the main building
material employed.

There were many and conclusive evidences that logs were employed
in the construction of the house walls. These logs were driven
upright along the lines of the foundations at short intervals, and
gave strength to the walls and support to a roof which covered
the chamber. The spaces between them were filled in with stone
and adobe.

In the early accounts of the ancient habitations of Pueblo Viejo
by Emory and Johnston mention is made of these logs, and many of
them were still standing in place when the Army of the West
passed through the valley in 1847. Old residents of San José say
that when they first took up their abode in the place the upright
logs in some of the Buena Vista house-clusters were still visible.
Only a few now remain above ground, yet the bases of several were
discovered by the author’s excavations.

The rapid disappearance of these logs can doubtless be partly
explained by their use as fuel. For years the mines in the neighbor-
hood employed laborers cutting firewood, and the large mesquite
bushes were used for that purpose. No doubt the logs of the early
buildings were among the first gathered by them.

TERRACED GARDENS

Students of Southwestern archeology are familiar with rows of
stones marking off the surface of the land in rectangles of great reg-
ularity. Some of these lines of stones extend for several hundred
feet. They occur on level mesa tops or on side hills, but there is
rarely any broken pottery or other evidences of human habitation
about them. Various interpretations have been advanced to account
for these regular rows of stones. By some authorities they are sup-
posed to be the remains of house walls, or foundations of the same,
and as such they are commonly pointed out to the visitor. Minde-
leff speaks of them as ‘‘bowlder sites,” and describes many from the
Verde valley. Similar bowlder sites are very abundant, especially
on the sides of the mesa bounding Pueblo Viejo, in the San Simon
valley; probably a correct interpretation of them in these localities

22 ETH—O4 12

178 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

would equally well apply to other bowlder sites, as, for instance, those
of the Verde valley.

The arrangement and size, and absence of remains of human life near
these lines of bowlders have led the author to abandon the commonly
aecepted theory that they have relationship to house walls, or, indeed,
to habitations of any kind. The small size of the bowlders employed
shows that they are not fortifications, and they should not be con-
founded with trincheras or fortified hilltops so common in southern
Arizona and northern Mexico. They may be regarded rather as the
walls of terraced gardens, so placed as to divide different patches of
cultivated soil, or to prevent this soil from being washed down to the
plain below.

Very extensive terraced gardens may be seen not far from San José,
and all along the mesa near the Solomonyille slaughterhouse. It
would seem from their distribution that not only irrigation ditches
watered the valley of Pueblo Viejo, but also that water was in some
way carried up the hillsides, so that land now barren was in ancient
times cultivated by the people of this region.

As no remains of rancherias were found near some of these ter-
raced gardens, it is evident that the farmers who tilled them had to go
a considerable distance from their homes to plant and harvest their
crops.

The use of terraced gardens still survives among the modern Hopi
Indians, and these structures may still be seen on their reservation,
at Wipo and Kanelba on the East mesa, as well as on the Middle mesz
and at Oraibi. The size of the gardens on the East mesa is much
less at the present day than in former times; those which have been
abandoned closely resemble the rectangles inclosed by lines of stones
in the Verde and Gila valleys.

PREHISTORIC IRRIGATION IN PUEBLO VIEJO

There are evidences that the ancient farmers of the Pueblo Viejo
irrigated their farms, for remains of extensive aboriginal ditches can
be seen at several points. These old canals are clearly visible in
that part of the valley which is not at present cultivated, but traces
of them have naturally disappeared before the plow of the white
settler. The remains of large circular reservoirs can be readily traced
near some of the house clusters of Buena Vista, and not far from
Epley’s ruin, where there is a reservoir from which was undoubtedly
drawn the water supply of that neighborhood. At the time of the
author’s visit this reservoir was full of water, which was used on the
farm.

The modern acequias, the San José and Montezuma ditches, follow
in part of their courses the ancient canals, as the author has been
informed by an old settler in Solomonville; and a section of a side
eanal at right angles to the Gila may still (1897) be traced near San
Jose.

FEWKES] POTTERY FROM PUEBLO VIEJO 1609

There can hardly be a doubt that water was carried in large earthen
vessels to some of the terraced gardens, the altitude of which above
the water in the river would make irrigation otherwise impossible. The
surface of the land near the banks of the stream is continually shift-
ing, on account of erosion due to heavy freshets and overflow of the
river banks. On this account many of the ancient canals have been
filled with soil, or their banks washed down to the level of the sur-
rounding plain.

POTTERY FROM PUEBLO VIEJO

The pottery from the Pueblo Viejo ruins is identical with that from
lower down the Gila river, at Phoenix and Tempe. It differs very
markedly from that of the White mountains.

COLOR AND SURFACE FINISH

As a rule the Gila pottery is coarse, and the decoration is simple,
consisting mostly of rectangular geometrical designs. It may be con-
sidered under the following types: 1, undecorated rough ware; 2, deco-
rated rough ware; 3, undecorated red ware; 4, decorated black and
white ware; 5, decorated gray ware.

UNDECORATED RoUGH WARE

The larger ollas found in excavated rooms are almost always made
of a rough coiled or indented ware of ccarsest manufacture. These
were capacious enough to contain several gallons of water, and were
apparently used for that purpose. The exteriors of many were black-
ened with soot, as though they had been used for cooking, as is at
present the custom among the Pueblo Indians.

Most of the large specimens of this rough ware were broken, appar-
ently by the falling of walls or other débris upon them. It may also
be mentioned that they were almost universally found in houses,
and that one contained the skeleton of an infant.

Small rough-ware vessels also occur, broken or entire (see plate
LXvu). The author has limited this group to those specimens of
pottery of rough ware in which there is no shining black slip on the
inner surface. No food vessels of rough ware were found, but all
specimens of this form, of which there were many, had a polished
black interior, and belong to the second group.

DECORATED ROUGH WARE

In this group are placed those food vessels in which the interior is
covered with a black slip, which reminds one of the modern ware of
Santa Clara pueblo. As will be seen by consulting a plate showing
this type (plate LXVIr), there is some variation in the arrangement of
the indentations and coiling in this ware, but no color decoration
was attempted. Bowls of this kind are often rubbed smooth on the
outer surface, but decoration by indentation or coiling is common.

180 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN. 22
UNDECORATED RED WARE

A number of pieces of pottery of bright red color, made of coarse
paste, were found in the Pueblo Viejo ruins. These were smoothly
polished on the exterior, but as a rule were not decorated. In gen-
eral appearance they resemble the ware still made by the Papago
Indians, and they were commonly large, narrow-mouthed vases. This
kind of ware was found to be abundant in eaves where sacrificial
vessels were found. Disks made of it often cover cinerary vases.

DECORATED BLACK AND WHITE WARE

The white ware with black decorations, generally in geometrical
designs, was sparingly represented in the Pueblo Viejo ruins, which
is in marked contrast to its prominence in cliff houses near the sources
of the Gila in New Mexico. This ware is so rare in the vicinity of San
José that the author is inclined to regard it as intrusive in that region.

None of the specimens found are at all comparable in the wealth
of their ornamental designs with similar ware from ruins in the
western part of Socorro county, New Mexico,” or in the cliff houses
near the sources of the Gila and Salado rivers.

DECORATED GRAY WARE

The characteristic decorated ware of the Gila valley and its tribu-
taries is grayish and is decorated with red; a specimen is shown in
plate Lxvint. With the exception of a few sporadic specimens which
have been transported to pueblos, now ruins, north of the White
mountains, this ware has not been found in any valley except those
of the Gila and its tributaries.

This pottery bears a smooth polish, is never glazed, and is generally
decorated with geometrical figures: scrolls, terraces, stars, and key
patterns. If assumes a great variety of shapes, and was apparently
used in much the same way as is the yellow or red ware of northern
Arizona.

DECORATION

The decoration of the pottery from this region is mainly in geometri-
eal patterns, resembling that of the pottery from the Little Colorado
basin. No specimen with picture writing was found, so that this source
of information regarding the mythology of the owners is practically
wanting. Even pictures of birds, so common north of the Mogol-
lones, are absent. The ancient people of the Pueblo Viejo had not
carried pottery decoration beyond the geometrical stage, as far as can
be judged from the specimens examined. Food bowls, almost identical

aThe beautiful collections made in this region by Mr H. Hales are now preserved in the
National Museum, and are well worth study and description. For an account of the ruins
near Tulerosa see N. Francis Duff, The Prehistoric Ruins of the Rio Tulerosa, in Bulletin of the
American Geographical Society, v. 29, n. 3, 1897.

Ee

FEWKES] DECORATION OF PUEBLO VIEJO POTTERY 181

in form with those of Tusayan, have their interiors decorated with
rectangular patterns, sometimes with terrace figures, but rarely with
spirals. Encircling bands are often broken at one point, forming
“life lines,” and zigzag linesare not uncommon. Few specimens with
external decorations were found. Vases were generally decorated with
the same simple geometrical patterns as were the food bowls, with no
attempt to depict human or animal forms. It is unfortunate for
the student of Gila valley
ceramies that pictographic
material is so scanty, as it
shuts him out from most
instructive data regarding
ancient life in this part of
Arizona.

A finely made human head,
forming the handle of a
ladle, was dug out of an :
EshiheapimduesBuciawistars te at ane re nemo Visio
ruin. This was the only
handle modeled in human form which was found, though objects of
of this kind are said to be common lower down the Gila river. A
like ornamentation is not arare feature of ladle handles from the Little
Colorado ruins.

The broken encircling band, called the ‘‘line of life,” oceurs on
many of the decorated pieces of pottery, and the H figure, so com-
mon on the exterior of bowls north
of the mountains, was found on a
single fragment of pottery from
Pueblo Viejo.

There were a few specimens of
clay slippers which were orna-
mented on their upper side. One
of these is shown in the accom-
panying eut (figure 110), in which
the design of the decoration can
be partially seen. It is not im-
probable that the ‘*‘ foot of an idol,”
Se a ee jar from Pueblo mentioned by Emory and his offi-

i cers, was one of these slipper jars.
Another specimen from the Pueblo Viejo, in which the likeness to an
Indian moccasin is close, is shown in figure 111. The specimen is,
however, much smaller than a human foot.

The accompanying illustration, plate LxvuI, shows two views of
one of the most richly decorated vases from the Pueblo Viejo, and
exhibits several of the commoner geometrical designs from the Gila
ruins. This vase was dug up near San José, and was probably a cin-

182 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN. 22

erary olla, as it contained, when found, cinerated human bones. The
ware is characteristic of the Gila, though a few straggling specimens
of similar pottery have been found at Four-mile ruin near Snow-
flake. It will be observed that the decoration of this vase is wholly in
geometrical patterns, a common feature of all ornamented ware from
the Pueblo Viejo. Almost all geometrical forms are represented—
spirals, bars, terraces, stars, and squares with dots.

In plate Lx1x other forms of decorated ware from Pueblo Viejo
are represented. Figure a shows a small saucer, with exterior and

Fig. 112. Arrow polisher from Pueblo Viejo (number 177569).

interior decoration of rectangular bands of black; the margin is white.
Figure ) shows a small vase of typical Gila pottery, ornamented with
zigzag red bands, which was excavated from the Buena Vista ruin.
The vase c was dug out of the flat near the western mounds of Epley’s
ruin. It was found by Mexican laborers making adobes, and con-
tained a calcined human skeleton. The external surface of this vase
was smooth, and the decoration consisted of series of terraced figures,
recalling those geometrical designs so prominent in all ancient pottery
from Arizona.

FEWKES] COLLECTIONS MADE IN 1897 1838
STONE OBJECTS FROM PUEBLO VIEJO
IMPLEMENTS

The ancient people of Pueblo Viejo were still in the stone age, and
their implements were similar to those found elsewhere in the South-
west. The stone hatchets are, as a rule, finely made, as is generally
the case in the Gila and Salt river ruins. A considerable number
were collected, some of which were among the finest known to the
author. They were, however, identical with stone implements that
have already been collected in other parts of Arizona. There was
nothing strikingly peculiar in the arrow and spear points collected in
this region. The stone axes were finely polished and very numer-
ous. There were many hammer stones,
pounders, rubbing stones, stone knives,
and drills.

Although nothing distinctive was noticed
in the arrowheads, a fine collection of these
implements made of volcanic glass, from
the cave in the Nantacks hereafter dis-
eussed, should be mentioned. A number
of spherical stones, varying from the size
of the fist to that of a large marble, were
picked up on the surface of the mounds.
Some of these may belong to a type of stone
objects referred to in early accounts as
being used by the people in warfare.
They are thus mentioned by Castafeda:
“Farther off was another large village,
where we found in the court-yards a great Fie. 113. Arrow polisher from
number of stone balls of the size of a Pueblo: Viejo.
leather bag containing one arroba. They seem to have been east
with the aid of machines, and to have been employed in the destrue-
tion of the village.” What the nature of this machine was we are not
told, but it was possibly a kind of sling. Problematic stone disks
with depressed faces and cireular forms are not rare. Simple stone
disks of the same shape, but perforated, may once have been attached
to drills. There were pottery disks which were supposed to have
had a like use.

Arrow polishers (figures 112, 113) or grooved stones for rubbing
down wooden sticks occur in numbers. The depressions in some of
these were so smooth that their efficiency in grinding must have been
small, while in general shape and size they correspond so closely with
those stones which are still used for that purpose that there can be
little question as to their use.

A large number of metates, or stones for grinding corn, were col-
lected in the excavations at Epley’s ruin. These were made of several
kinds of rock, the favorite being lava or malpais. Evidences of long

184 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

use Gan be seen in the deep depression which has been ground into
them, even when the rock was very hard.

The form of metate with three legs (figure 114) is more Mexican than
any which was found north of the White mountains or in the Little
Colorado yalley, and is not unlike rude specimens from Central
America.

Small stones with a regular depression in one face were used for

Fig. 114. Metate from Pueblo Viejo (number 177471).

grinding pigments, and the remnants of color were still found on
them. Green, red, yellow, and white pigments such as are still used
by the Pueblo Indians were found in many of the rooms. Oblong
or oval stones, with a flat face, worn on one pole, served as rubbing
stones by which these
substances were ground
to powder. There was
sometimes considerable
skill shown in the way
these stones were fash-
ioned. They were some-
times mushroom-shaped,
with a circular disk and
a slim handle.

One of the finest
wrought of all the mor-
tars was purchased from
a Mexican in Solomon-

ville. It was elongated,

Fig. 115, Unknown stone obj act from Pueblo Viejo trencher-shaped, with

; knobs at the extremities.
The roek of which it was made, though very hard, was worked with
considerable skill. The Mexican who sold it had used it for bruising
vegetable substances. No doubt this is but a continuation of its use
in prehistoric time, long before white men came into the country.

The author saw a beautiful mortar@ made of a green stone, which

a Attempts to purchase this fine specimen failed.

Eee eEeE—eE—EeEeE——EEEEE

FEWKES] COLLECTIONS MADE IN 1897 185

was said to have been taken out of the ruins near Solomonyille. This
was one of the finest paint mortars which he ever saw from the
Southwest.

One of the most exceptional of stone objects from the Pueblo Viejo
ruins is shown in the annexed cut (figure 115). It has a regular
disk form, and is carefully worked from a lava stone. The form
is that of a paint mortar.

STONE SLABS

Early in the author’s studies in the Pueblo Viejo, his attention was
ealled to a stone slab shaped like the sole of a shoe (figure 116), to
which it was compared by the Mexican who owned it. This object

Fic. 116, Ceremonial stone slab from Pueblo Viejo (number 177575).

was flat or slightly convex on one face, flat on the opposite, and had a
shallow groove on the margin. The border on the flat side was orna-
mented with a number of parallel scratches arranged in clusters.

Later the author obtained other stones of the same shape and of
about the same size; one of the most instructive was a specimen of
irregularly rectangular form, with a bird’s head carved on one edge,
and the tail on the other (figure 117).

There is an interesting modification of the same class of objects
in the collections of the National Museum—a circular stone slab of
which the body of a snake, with head and tail skillfully carved, forms
the margin. These objects, which are not rare in the ruins of the
Gila and Salt river valleys, are called ceremonial slabs, and were
probably used in much the same way as are the stone slabs orna-

186 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS LETH. ANN. 22

mented with designs which have been repeatedly deseribed. from
Hopi altars. In fact, some of those now in use distinctly resemble
those from the Pueblo Viejo.

OTHER STONE OBJECTS

It was interesting to find in the ruins of the Pueblo Viejo a number
of obsidian nodules, and flakes of the same material. Fragments of

Fic. 117. Ceremonial stone slab from Pueblo Viejo (number 177578).

voleanic glass constantly occur in ruins north of the mountains, along
the Little Colorado, and at Sikyatki.

The fact that over a dozen specimens of quartz erystals were found
shows that these objects were prized, and were probably used in cere-
monials, as is the custom
in modern pueblos.

Perforated circular
stones, varying in size
from that of a silver dol-
lar to several inches in
diameter, were found,
while similar disks made
of pottery were common.
Many of the latter were
not perforated. Their
form suggested that they
were used in gaming.
These disks occur along the whole length of the Gila river, and are
also found more sparingly in ruins north of the Mogollon mountains.

The ancient inhabitants of the Pueblo Viejo villages prized for
ceremonial purposes stones of curious or strange shape, especially
those which were botryoidal. One of the most striking of these is
shown in the accompanying cut (figure 118). It is typical of several
which were found in the San José ruin, at Buena Vista, and near
Solomonville.

Fic. 118 Stone fetish from Pueblo Viejo.

— 4

FEWKES] RUINS VISITED IN 1897 187
SHELL ORNAMENTS FROM PUEBLO VIEJO

Several specimens, generally ornaments, carved out of Haliotis,
Conus, or Pectunculus shells, were collected in the Pueblo Viejo
ruins. The largest of these were armlets and wristlets. Shells cut in
the form of animals are among the characteristic objects of the Gila-
Salado ruins, and occur in all great collections from this region. We
find various animals represented, as lizards, birds, rabbits, and
snakes, as well as circles, crosses, rectangles, and the like. They are
ordinarily perforated—generally at the eye, sometimes at the heart,
of the animal represented. The universality of this perforation
implies suspension, and the author believes that it will later be found
that they were worn on the neck or body. It is not improbable that
they were personal fetishes, possibly representing totems.

CLIFF HOUSES ON BONITA CREEK

There are many cliff houses and other ruins of aboriginal dwell-
ings in a fair state of preservation along Bonita creek, 18 miles north
of Solomonville. A very good account of these, written by Professor
William Stone Devol, of Tucson, has been published, with a half-tone
illustration, in the Graham County Bulletin. These remains would
repay more extensive study and no doubt yield collections of consid-
erable archeological value. These cliff houses resemble in general
character those near Silver City, New Mexico.

RUINS IN THE FOOT HILLS OF MOUNT GRAHAM

There are many ruins, mostly small, on the mesas and foot hills
of Mount Graham, having the same general character as those
lower down the valley, near the river. The fragments of pottery
strewn about upon them are identical with those from the mounds
of the plain, and there is reason to believe they were made by the
same people. While these ruins occur at several places on the mesa
and hills at the base of Mount Graham, that at the place called Cie-
nega is one of the largest, but it does not differ radically from those
of the banks of the Gila.

SACRIFICIAL CAVES

The use of caves for ceremonial purposes was a feature in the life
of the ancient people of Pueblo Viejo. The mountains near the
Pueblo Viejo have many caves suitable for this purpose. They occur
in limited number near the modern Hopi pueblos and elsewhere north
of the Mogollones.

The author visited one of these sacrificial caves in the Graham
mountains, and found many evidences of its former ceremonial use.
There were bushels of prayer sticks on the floor, and a few fragments
of basketry, but no pottery or earthenware rewarded the search.

188 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH. ANN, 22

The fragments of basketry were made with a technique similar to
that of the basket plaques of the Middle mesa. The prayer sticks
were painted red at their extremities, and were, as a rule, about the
size of a penholder. This cave, called Adams’ cave, has been rarely
visited since its discovery by Mr B. B. Adams, of Solomonville, but
will well repay a visit by an archeologist. There is little doubt that
there are other similar caves on the northern side of the Graham
mountains which have not been entered by white men.

COLLECTIONS FROM A CAVE IN THE NANTACKS

In the broken, almost inaccessible, country north of Pueblo Viejo,
there are many caves, some of which are quite extensive. Thelarger
and more open were utilized by ancient builders in the construction
of cliff houses. Many caves in this region have narrow entrances into
passages which extend with many ramifications far into the bowels of
the earth. The nature of the objects found in most of them shows
that the caves were not inhabited, but were resorted to for purposes
of prayer and sacrifice by a sedentary people
akin to that which has left so many ruined
houses in the Southwest.

A few years ago some young men from
Pima, a settlement in the Pueblo Viejo, ex-
plored one of the caves in this region, and
: obtained from it a collection of some size and
Fig. 119. Indentedbowlfrom considerable archeological interest.

6 seave) in’ the Nantecks The attenticn of the author was ealled to

(number 177458).

this collection early in the summer of 1897,
and in September he visited Pima, and secured many of the objects
for the National Museum.

The collection has been divided by those who obtained it into four
parts, one of which had been sent to Utah: another was owned by a
man who did not care to sell. The other two parts, numbering almost
100 specimens, were purchased. They contain all the typical forms
of the other two, and a few specimens which were unique.

All the specimens were small votive offerings, but those who had
entered the cave declared that they left behind all fragments, of which
there were many, so that we may suppose that there were larger
vessels thus abandoned. The specimens were, as a rule, rough ware
pottery (see figure 119), smooth, undecorated red ware, turquoises,
arrowheads, fragments of marine shells, and white pigments.

A large number of clay disks occur in the collections. These were
not unlike similar formed objects which were found at Epley’s ruin,
and probably were originally luted to the orifice of the small vases
in much the same way.

There were globular vases (see figure 120), one of which had two
perforated tubercles, one on each side of a small orifice. These

2 Te es ale 6 ee Gg ME Gi

FEWKES] COLLECTIONS MADE IN 1897 189

remind one of those vessels in which sacred water is carried in cere-
monies among the Pueblos.

Another small globular vase had the whole exterior covered with
indented tubercles, not perforated but evidently ornamental. This
type has been found in some of the Little
Colorado ruins. A long tube with similar
tubercles over its surface, made of rough pot-
tery, may have been an ancient pipe or cloud-
blower. Neither of these objects had designs
painted upon them.

From the great quantity of turquoise beads

and obsidian arrow-points it would appear Fi¢.120. Smallamphorafrom
that large numbers of these objects were seat- Ee rina aa
tered over the floor of the cave. As the col-

lectors exercised no special care to gather everything which they saw,
no doubt the quantity of these objects could be much increased by
a reexamination of the cave.

EFFIGY VA

ES FROM SOUTHERN ARIZONA

Pottery objects in the form of human beings are manufactured in
some of the modern pueblos, and
these grotesque figures may be pur-
chased in traders’ shops where mod-
ern Pueblo pottery is sold. An ex-
amination of large collections of an-
cient pueblo pottery from northern
and central Arizona has failed to re-
veal a single specimen of a vase made
in the human form. This, however,
is not true of pottery from all parts
of the pueblo area. The ancient peo-
ple of southern Arizona manufac-
tured human effigies in clay, the
typical forms of which have not, so
far as is known, been described. The
particular interest attached to the
vases here described, which justifies calling them into prominence by
special mention, is due to the rarity of this type in ancient pueblo
collections, its reappearance in certain vases from Arkansas, and its
common occurrence in the northern States of old Mexico.

The accompanying illustration (figure 121) shows one of these vases
from the cave in the Nantacks mentioned above. It is made of
coarse material and has a rough exterior, with patches of a calcareous
deposit on the surface. This deposit of lime is found in greater or
less amount on most of the specimens from this cave, and was depos-
ited on them by water charged with lime percolating from the rocks

Fic. 121. Human effigy vase from a cave
in the Nantacks (number 177519).

190 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS (ETH, ANN, 22

jn which the cave was formed. Attempts to rub off this film are evi-
dent in some places; but elsewhere, as under the right eye, consider-
able patches remain, probably concealing symbols on the right cheek.

The head is marked off by a constriction representing the neck,
and the eyes, nose, mouth, chin, and ears are well represented. Asis
generally the case with idols of stone, wood, or clay from the pueblo
region, the details of the head are better represented than those of
the body or limbs.

No attempt was made in this vase to represent the legs, and the
arms are simply irregular ridges, one on each side of the body. The
shape of the body is irregularly globular; the base is flat. The vase
is of about uniform thickness, the outlines of its cavity conforming
in a very general way with the elevations and depressions of the
outer surface.

The author supposes that this vase was filled with votive offerings
when it was placed in the cave, and that in course of time its contents
were washed out. The nature of the offerings may be conjectured
from the fragments of shells, turquoises, and other objects reported
as strewn about the floor of the cavern.

The short parallel lines painted with white pigment under the eyes
are worthy of a passing notice. These are the only symbols on the
face, and consist of a few short lines extending downward from the
lower eyelids. If the reader will examine the collection of Zuni dolls
which are exhibited in the ‘‘ Pottery Court” of the National Museum,
now installed, he will find one labeled Zuni Hehea kateina,” which
has the same markings on the cheeks as has the effigy vase from
the Nantacks.

It is instructive to note the similarities of this effigy vase with those
from Casas Grandes, Mexico, and from Central America, which are so
close that the vase might readily be mistaken for an illustration of a
type from northern Mexico or even Central America.

It appears that while this vase has a form unknown in collections
of ancient pottery from ruins along the Little Colorado and its tribu-
taries, it is not unique in those from the Gila-Salado watershed.

The lesson taught by the presence of this effigy vase in the Nantacks
and the Gila-Salado basin and the absence of similar forms north of
the Mogollones may be summed up in two words, ‘‘ Mexican influence.”
The distribution of this form of Mexican ceramics did not cease at
what is now the southern frontier of Arizona, but extended to ruins
along the Gila valley and its tributaries high up into the highlands
to the north, where these streams rise. As far as is known, this was
the most northern extension of this particular form of ceramic tech-
nic in Arizona. Southward from this locality the relative number of

aHehea katcina is a Hopi name, and the doll representing this person at Walpi has not the
same markings on the face as the above. The Hopi variant has parallel zigzag lines above both
eyes and on the cheeks. The name given above is that by which the Zuni doll is known to the
Hopis.

FEWKES] EFFIGY VASES FROM SOUTHERN ARIZONA 191

human effigy vases increases, unil they become very common in Chiapas
and Oaxaca. But, it may be urged, why is it necessary to interpret
this form as due to Mexican influence? The advocate of the inde-
pendent evolution of technology will doubtless say that the manufac-
ture of a human effigy vase is no great trick and had been evolved
independently again and again in different regions of aboriginal
United States. Some clever potter of the Nantacks, it may be said,
invented this form. Why, it might be asked in reply, did not the
potters north of the Mogollones also invent the same form? for they
were equally skilled, and their ceramic ware was more variegated
and elaborate. What explanation is offered on the theory of inde-
pendent invention of the increase in the relative number of effigy
vases as we go south?

It seems probable that the presence of human effigy vases in south-
ern Arizona and their absence in
the northern part of the Territory
is in harmony with a theory of
the influence of Mexican art in
the former region. While rec-
ognizing the potency of this in-
fluence in southern Arizona, we
are not necessarily called upon
to accept a connection among all
potters who have made human
effigy vases, or even between
those of ancient Arkansas and
Chihuahua, whose effigy prod-
ucts have some similarity.

There are many like ceramic
forms and decorations among
different people, invented inde-
pendently, and there is no reason
to doubt that human effigies in

rf P Fig. 122. Effigy vase from Pueblo Viejo
the form of vases were so in- (number 177332).

vented in several well-known

instances. There are also cases where identity in form and symbol
“an better be explained by barter. Possibly the effigy vase described
above belongs to the latter category. It would be premature to
build conclusions on a single specimen, and more information regard-
ing the distribution of ancient human effigy vases in the Southwest is
desired. These vases have not yet been found in Arizona north of
the White mountains, but they are represented from several local-
ities in the south. The question awaiting answer is, What is their
northernmost extension?

An effigy vase found near San José (figure 122) is instructive as
recalling a kind of pottery common in the northern Mexican states.

192 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

This piece was brought for sale by a workman, who declared that he
had dug it upat San José. The author was at first inclined to believe
that it was not found in Pueblo Viejo valley, but critical examination
of the ware convinced him that the testimony of the man who brought
it could be trusted. It is made of coarse red ware, like other vessels
from this locality, and is undecorated. It is shaped like a dumbbell,
and the two parts are of unequal diameter. The remarkable thing
about this vase is the human nose and ears, in relief, reproduced sey-
eral times on its sides. This would hardly be worthy of special men-
tion were we considering the pottery of old Mexico or of some other
parts of the United States, but like the effigy vase above mentioned,
from the caves of the Nantacks, it is exceptional in the pueblo region.

One of the best specimens of clay effigies was found in an ash heap
at the Buena Vista ruin. It was evidently a handle of a dipper or
saucer, and was well made and well proportioned.

The frequency with which these effigy ceramic objects occur as we
go south is, as has been stated, highly suggestive. Unknown in the
ancient ruins of northern Arizona, they are not rare in the Gila valley
and its tributaries, and their number greatly increases when we pass
the boundary line into the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua.
This is undoubtedly an advance in pottery manufacture, and, with
this advance a corresponding decline in the decoration of vases with
paintings is to be expected.

DISTRIBUTION OF DECORATED POTTERY IN ARIZONA

In plate LXx the author has tried to plot the distribution and rela-
tive abundance of different colored pottery in the ruins studied by
him in the years 1895, 1896, and 1897. A normal line is represented
on one side and the relative amount of each kind of colored pottery is
indicated by abscissas from that norm, arising from a point repre-
senting the latitude of each ruin. In order to determine the proper
percent of the kind of pottery in each ruin, the number of pieces
obtained was counted, and the proportions of those referred to
different colors were reduced to decimal fractions. In the case of red
ware this was only an approximation, for the limit of this type was
hard to determine. Y

Certain general laws may be deduced from a study of this map.
Black and white ware, which is so prominent a feature of cliff-house
pottery, has a limited distribution in all the ancient pueblos south
of Tusayan proper. Its proportion increases in the Kintiel zone.

Yellow ware is the characteristic pottery of Tusayan and is limited
to the ruins near the inhabited Hopi villages. It is not represented
at Kintiel.

Red ware is characteristic of the Little Colorado. Red, white, and
black ware is not found in the north or south, but only near the
Little Colorado and its tributaries.

ES eel err

FEWKES] DISTRIBUTION OF POTTERY IN ARIZONA 193

A brown pottery, with black decoration and red bands, is charac-
teristic of the Gila valley ruins.

Study of the material collected in 1897 suggests the conclusion that
the higher we ascend the Little Colorado river the greater are the
differences between the archeological objects found on its banks and
those of the ancient Hopis who lived at Homolobi. ‘These differences
seem not to diminish as we ascend the Zuni river and other tributaries
of the Little Colorado in the Zuni reservation. At Four-mile ruin we
find both Zuni and Hopi characteristics in ancient pottery, and no
doubt some of the people of this pueblo were akin to the ancient Zuni
stock.

There was probably not so close a likeness between the ancient
people of Pueblo Viejo and those of modern Tusayan as between those
of the Verde and Tonto villages and the Hopis, although there is a
resemblance among all the ruins of the Gila valley and its tributaries.
As a general rule, the culture of prehistoric peoples dwelling along
the banks of a river has a marked uniformity, while that of those
separated by mountain ranges is more varied. There is therefore a
general likeness between the art products of the Gila valley and all
its tributaries, and those of the Little Colorado are similar, but the
archeology of the two drainage areas differs considerably.

EVOLUTION OF THE PUEBLO TYPE OF ARCHITECTURE

.

The Spanish word ‘‘pueblo” has come to be used in ethnology
with a special meaning, and is now applied to a certain kind of
Indian dwelling. While the Spanish explorers applied the term to any
large cluster of houses it is well to limit it, as is now generally cus-
tomary, to a communal village in compact form, with the different
rooms adjoining. In this restricted meaning the clusters of houses
in the Pueblo Viejo are not pueblos, but are better called composite
rancherias.

A pueblo, then, may be regarded as a collection of rancherias the
component houses of which have become so approximated that they
adjoin, forming a compact village. Each clan has its own rooms and
has no rights in others, though the walls may adjoin.

We have a very good illustration of a communal form of arehi-
tecture in early Mormon settlements, as Brigham and Sunset, now
in ruins near Homolobi. When these towns were built they were
palisaded, and all the different families were protected by an inclosing
wall. The houses joined, inclosing a central open space, much as ina
small pueblo. Had there been no danger from Apaches or other
predatory Indians, these Mormon families would probably have set-
tled on separate farms, but it must also be borne in mind that there
was community of life among the inhabitants which does not exist in
Pueblo settlements. Each clan in the latter is independent; all fam-
ilies in the Mormon towns mentioned had common property. This

22 BETH—(4 13

194 TWO SUMMERS’ WORK IN PUEBLO RUINS [ETH. ANN, 22

community of life no doubt explains in part the pueblo-like character
of the Mormon settlements, but mutual defense was an important
factor in the determination of the form of their villages.

The pueblo, therefore, as we find it today, is a survival of con-
solidated cliff houses, cavate villages, or rectangular and circular
towns of the plain, which have assumed their form for the sake of
defense. But these forms are secondary; in localities and at times
when defense was not necessary the aboriginal farmers erected more
or less isolated dwellings or ranches, each with few rooms and with
accommodations for one clan.

In very ancient times the inhabitants of the Gila were scattered
over the land, or their homes were clustered together, but were not
united in a compact form with adjoining walls. Even then, however,
they had certain common houses for defense or religious purposes, of
which Casa Grande is a good example.

As the clans moved into exposed regions in which they were raided
by hostiles they naturally built their houses in pueblos or forms best
calculated for defense.

It is interesting to note that when this pressure of necessity for
defense was removed the former distribution of small farmhouses
over the land returned. When the clan was no longer forced to
huddle under the same roof with its neighbor, it returned to the
isolated rancheria. In this way large pueblos have disintegrated,
first into summer farming villages, later into individual farmhouses.
Thus, a law of the struggle for existence and survival of the fittest
can be educed to account for pueblo architecture in the Southwest.
There is nothing in an arid environment to lead agriculturists to hud-
dle into pueblos, and it was not until nomadic robbers forced them to
do so that they adopted this form of life.

The semi-deserts of the Southwest are not valuable lands for agri-
culture, and yet the aboriginal people of this region were preemi-
nently farmers. This is explained by the fact that it was impossible
for hunters to remain in that culture stage, for there was no game;
it was alike impossible to be fishermen, because there were no fishes.
The people were forced by pressure of climatic conditions either to
become farmers or to perish. In more fertile lands, where game was
abundant, there roamed nomadic hunters with whom they were unable
to successfully contend. Thus in an arid desert land the individual
farmer became secure in his poverty from his warlike fellow-man.
When, by his industry, he gathered property beyond his immediate
needs, the nomads sought him out to despoil him of his possessions.
To meet these attacks he joined his neighbors, building his houses in
clusters, which, for additional protection, were finally consolidated
into a pueblo form. As the enemies grew stronger the size of pueblos
increased by consolidation. The form which the builders adopted
was that best fitted for mutual protection. It has always been so

FEWKES] PUEBLO TYPE OF ARCHITECTURE 195

with agricultural man when pressed by his foes, and on this account
a cliff-building stage of culture is limited to no race or country. Its
existence is purely a geological question.

The Southwest is thus full of ruins of former abodes of farmers,
some of which were inhabited by a single clan, others by several
clans. Each has had its own history or its own episode in the
general history of the struggle of nomadic robber and sedentary agri-
eulturist. Aimlessly to himself, perhaps, but in obedience to a law
of development, man has drifted from place to place to escape his
enemies, until he has been molded into the peculiar culture which we
call Pueblo. This culture is a highly specialized form, and is the
direct outgrowth of the peculiar climatic conditions of the Southwest.

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MAP SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF ANCIENT

POTTERY IN ARIZONA

MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS.

BY

CYRUS THOMAS

=a

197

CONTENTS

Page
IPretatonynote mess: = =e ae eins nae eae See Se ee ee ee Sek 203
initialisenesiot Mayanamscriptions= —-— see aa. = ee ee eee 203
Secondary numeral series of the Quirigua inscriptions ____________________ 226
Marya chronolomiGalisyStemee ae eee ee eee oe ee ee ee eee 234
her Calkehiqnelicalend anme=sc: same a eee le ee ee Se ene 275
Mavannethodiotcalculationer= see ee= eee yea ee se ee eee ee 282
Signification of the numeral series ______ RES As ede ee A 290
IMSGripiionkaceNcalurn kane ys Calan eee ee ee ee ee 299
INSCHIptlOnrOniSLelal Ga ©O pales ee ee ee ee ee See ee 301
The nephrite stone of the Leyden Museum_-_-_-_-_---__---------------------- 302
Galendarandimnumiber, tables gess sn sane eee a eee ee ee eee cee ee 303

- 199

PuaTE LXXI.

LXXIl.

LXXITl.

LXXIV.

LXXYV.

LXXVI.

LXXVII.

LXXVIII.

LXXIX.
LXxXxX.
LXXXI.
LXXXiII.
FIGURE 123.

124,
125.
126.
p HaAceMmumMera ssiOn4 ee we eee 8 a 2 eer eee
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
148.

127

ILLUSTRATIONS

Inscription on the west side of Stela F, Quirigua. Mandslay,
TOY hg naa 0) EN sp .6) Ue eee eR a ester ce Seem eae eo ne
Inscription on the west side of Stela E, Quirigua. Maudslay,
aT Gel DLA LO pxekcR eee Seer ee = ee eee
Inscription on the east side of Stela F, Quirigua. Maudslay,
parte 2 plate sky. en ee eek eet Ree ee Un ee ok me
Inscription on the back of Stela J, Quirigua. Manudslay,
Darth pla teexli vile c= = eee eee ee See ee Be
Inscription on the east side of Stela A, Quirigua. Manudslay,
pactelllplatonvln sep sock ene ns ee ee ee ie
Part of inscription on Stela D, Copan. Manudslay, part 2

Datel Xia VA eee Skee, Sees eee ee eek ie SERA RST
Part of inscription on Stela D, Copan. Metadstay, part 2,
OED OER gM lm Si ere kf eee ae ee ae ee gee
Inscription on the east side of Stela E, Quirigua. Maudslay,
Pam tple sep lace exXskex Nese Se ee aa ep eat ees eee

Plate Lx11 of the Dresden codex ______- Se ee eee meyer

Part of inscription on ‘‘ Monolithic Animal G’’, Quirigua.
Maudslay,, part ii2, plate xiv ----2=5---5==2--------- 5 -
Face mumeralstorinss se a 4. ee = a Pe ee
Hace mumeralM ore imeeto. oat anne ee eee eae eee
Mace mumMeralstoriose sen a ss oe sec = oe ee eee a

Hace numMeralsOn oe see eck eee Seen Sn oe ee eee
Hacemumeralsion G28 == eos, Se eee ee 2
INACONIEMCLAlS LOT pte ta eee a eee Se oe ee ee
MACE NU IMEEAlS EEO TS oe ea ee ee ee ee
Hacemumerals}oriQ es. ose. totes on gee oe een Se
Mace NUMeralssLOre Oise s as eee kaye ee ee ee

Macemumieralitor 4 oe} eee ee eee et eae

Haccmumeralss lO Gl omen ee eee oe 2 ae
Ia ceimum eral Satori Osteen ee a ee See
(Ob ve siaayeheaves gle adoyouly Pewee. ees Se ee ee ee
Racemumerals; ODA Gate eee oa ee eee
Macemumeralsi One Olson esas on etee se eee eee es ee om
HACOMUMETSAIS LOL 20 ae 8 sae re ee ee = eee Seer

Page

204

208

210

202

FIGURE 144.
145.
146.

147.
148.
149.

150.
151.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Symbolsiforl OS or:fll\comm tas ee ee ee
Symbols fordull county O37 20 ee eee el ee
Part of inscription on the east side of Stela C, Quirigua.
Maid slaryay pan telills) pllsihejxcter, =e ieee ae ese eee
Part of inscription on the west side of Stela C, Quirigua.
Mad slay ena l6ll ol arte) cxiiexe ee ate en pen
Symbol for 13 cycles. Maudslay, part 10, plate Lxxvy, glyph
G5 ie ate Ee oo meter ee ee ee VaR ee Fg Se
FLY DELO AGG UI eral a ae ee ee
Part of inscription on the east side of Stela P, Copan _____-
Part of inscription on the east side of Stela P, Copan.
Maudslay, partr4s plate uxexcxix ee oe ee eee

. Glyph 33, west side of Stela F, Quirigua. Mandslay, part 12,

Platewb == = soi ee ee ao

. Part of inscription on the east side of Stela F, Quirigua.

Mand slave) pattilte sp) ete: xsl eee en

. Part of inscription on the west side of Stela E, Quirigua.

Maudslay, part 12, plate xxx1_____- RR fos tee ya Se

. Part of inscription on the west side of Stela E, Quirigua.

Maudslay,: pan til\2 sp) ate sXexcxl ee eee

6. Part of inscription on the west side of Stela E, Quirigua.

Maudslay,sparbal2. plate sexs = 5) se eee

. Inscription at Xcalumkin, Yucatan. From a photograph by

Maniler 25%. 2-2 2 oo eee ee Je en

8. Part of inscription on the west side of Stela N, Copan.

Manudslay. parti. plateptxexcxes = es = eae eee

. Lower division of plate L1x, Dresden codex _______________-
. Great cycle symbols. Goodman, page 83____..___________-
. Comb-like symbols for 20. Goodman, page 83________.___-

by pesioL heey Glels yam DO lees ee eee
3. Column from plate xii, Dresden codex_____._______.____.
. Centerpieces of great cycle symbols__........_-_________--
3. Two symbols from a Chichen-Itza inscription_____________-
. Inscription on Stela 6, Copan. From photograph by Saville_
. Inscription on the nephrite stone in the Leyden Museum__--

—_——

eee eeEE————E——EeEEE

MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS. I

By Cyrus THOMAS

PREFATORY NOTE

When the paper entitled Mayan Calendar Systems, published in
the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy, was written, the parts of Maudslay’s work”? relating to the ruins
at Quirigua had not been received, and hence these important ruins
could not then be considered, except so far as they were referred to
by Goodman.’ As these parts of Maudslay’s work are now at hand,
it is my purpose to supplement my previous paper by some notes on
the inscriptions at Quirigua, and to discuss points omitted or but
lightly touched in it. One of the points but briefly noticed is the
value of the different face numerals. As was stated, the determina-
tion of the value of these symbols necessitated a careful comparison
of the series of the various inscriptions in which they are used,
especially the initial series. This examination has been made, and
the results are now given.

INITIAL SERIES OF MAYAN INSCRIPTIONS

The first inscription to which attention is called is that on the west
side of Stela F. This is shown in the photograph (plate XxXxtTx) and
the drawing (plate XL) in part 12 of Maudslay’s Archaeology, volume
2, and in our plate LXxI. In regard to it Mr Goodman remarks as
follows:

Initial date: 54-9-14-13-4«17—12 Caban-5 Kayab. The period numbers here
are expressed by face numerals. Following this date are fifteen indeterminable
glyphs. They do not include the usual initial directive series, but they probably
serve the same or a similar purpose, for we can distinguish a number of period
symbols with accompanying numerals, though unable to determine their meaning
here. Then comes a reckoning which reads, reversing the order of periods for
convenience, as I shall do in all cases when necessary: 13-99, from 12 Caban-5
Kayab, the initial date, to 6 Cimi-4 Tzec.

The first, or initial, time series, 54-9-14-13-4-17, 12 Caban 5 Kayab,
is, as has been explained in my preceding paper, to be interpreted as

«Maudslay, A. P. Biologia Centrali-Americana: Archeology. London, 1889-1902.
bGoodman, J.T. Archaic Maya inscriptions (appendix to the preceding). London, 1897.

5 203

204 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

follows: Fifty-fourth great cycle, 9 cycles, 14 katuns, 13 ahaus, 4
chuens, and 17 days, to 12 Caban 5 Kayab, counting forward from 4
Ahau 8 Cumhu, the first day of the fifty-fourth great cycle, as Good-
man has numbered these supposed time periods.

It is proper, however, to mention at the outset that the terms ‘‘ great
eycle,” ‘‘eyele,” ‘“‘katun,” ‘‘ahau,” and ‘‘chuen” are used merely for
convenience in comparisons with Goodman’s renderings, and that I do
not accept them as appropriate, or in any way adopt his theory that
they denote real time periods, because I believe them to be nothing
more than the orders of units in Mayan numeration; nor must it be
understood that I accept his theory of a separate Mayan chronologic
system. As the application of these terms has been fully explained
in my previous paper, it is only necessary to restate here their numer-
ical value:

IV GHIOTIG So. seek oe eee ee 20 days (120)

Ay eu ee Se Sse ye ee ee 360 days (1820)

i katonl= 2228 5 US a eee 7,200 days (182020)

li CY ClON as =- 2 Ee SO eee 144, 000 days (182020 20)

The great cycle as given by Goodman equals 1,872,000 days or 18x
20 20 2013, but should, as I shall endeavor to show, be counted
as equal to 2,888,000 days, or 18x 20x 20x20x20. The number 54
standing in the great-cycle place in the above series (54—-9-14-13-4-17)
is to be considered as having no numerical value; it is not to be read
“54 great eyeles,” but ‘the fifty-fourth great cycle” (according
to Goodman’s method of numbering these supposed time periods),
while the other numerals, 9, 14, ete., are to be used as true numbers—
that is, 9 eyeles, 14 katuns, 13 ahaus, 4 chuens, 17 days—the 54 being
entirely omitted from the calculation. The sum of the series will
therefore be as follows, the day being the unit:

9 cycles (each 144,000) _____- 1, 296, 000 days (920202018)
14 katuns (each 7,200) -__._- 100, 800 days (14202018)
13 ahaus (each 360) -...---.- 4,680 days (132018)
4 chuens (each 20) ___.-__--- 80 days (420)
Wi. GayS\> tees ee Soe ee 17 days
Sum of the series _____- 1,401,577 days

After the initial series the next number-series (reversed), 13-99, or
15 ahaus, 9 chuens, and 9 days, is found in the compound glyph num-
bered 16 in Maudslay’s drawing, the numbering of which has been
retained in our plate LXxt. The date which follows—6 Cimi 4 Tzee—
is found in the right-hand portion of glyph 18 and the left-hand
portion of glyph 19.

As all the numbers of the initial series, including that attached to
the month and day forming the terminal date, are face characters,
and are considerably worn and dim, the question arises, How did
Goodman ascertain their number value?

Although some of these characters are so dim and imperfect that

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL, LXXI

nig to me sea)

wi

\ ; —— Uer 2)

INSCRIPTION ON THE WEST SIDE OF STELA F, QUIRIGUA

MAUDSLAY, PART 12, PLATE XL

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 205

their details can not be traced with certainty, I-will overlook this for
the present and will try to get the data necessary to determine their
value.

Let us suppose at first that the number value of no one of them has
been ascertained. The first step will be to count back from the date
following the next numeral series, in which the numbers are of the
ordinary type. Although the symbol interpreted Tzee is too much
worn to be determined from the photograph, I accept the drawing,
which seems to indicate this month, as the artist had an opportunity
of inspecting the cast. The date will therefore be 6 Cimi+ Tzec. The
preceding number series is 15-9-9, or 15 ahaus, 9 chuens, 9 days, and
equals 4,869 days. By counting back from 6 Cimi 4 Tzee (year 1
Akbal) we reach 12 Caban 5 Kayab (year 15 Ben), the concluding
date of the initial series as given by Goodman. This, if the month
symbol of the second date has been correctly interpreted Tzec, gives us
the value of the number symbols attached to the first date, 12 Caban
5 Kayab (glyphs 6 and 7, plate Lxxt). Although these glyphs, as
seen inthe photograph, are scarcely distinct enough to be used in
comparison, they are more clearly shown in the drawing, and present
some characteristics which will assist us, especially that one (glyph
7) denoting 5, attached to the month symbol, where the superfix is a
form of the ordinary ahau symbol. As neither of these is repeated
in the initial series, they afford us no aid in determining other face
numerals of the series.

It may be well, before proceeding farther with our examination of
the series, to ascertain what data are necessary to determine the num-
bers of the time periods in an initial series, and this can best be done
by examples. Here we have, supposedly, as the initial date, 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu (year 8 Ben), the first day of Goodman’s fifty-fourth great
eycle; and 12 Caban 5 Kayab is the coneluding date of the series.
That these two items are not sufficient to determine the intermediate
time periods will be admitted without question.

Let us suppose, as a means of further test, that the numbers of
chuens and days, ‘‘4 chuens 17 days,” given by Goodman, are correct.
That 9 cycles, 14 katuns, 13 ahaus, 4 chuens, and 17 days, when counted
forward from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, will bring us to 12 Caban 5 Kayab,
as is maintained by Goodman, is true, as may easily be seen by mak-
ing the ecaleulation.

Days
9 cycles 2 pt a he. OF De ao ee 1, 296, 000
14 katuns 1 are bat eee a ene : 100, 800
LS lan ais yx ee eg es Oe ce ee 4, 680

Ax CATIONS tee nee en EL: Oy re yet gt = eae P SH 80
17 days - = ine aS efeie ee ae Az 17
Total tee eee eae ae. fae eee Bea 8 Sea Se tAOIS ot
Subtract 73 calendar rounds ____________________- _.. 1,885,540

Remainder seen a tee A wet 16, 037

206 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

Subtracting from this remainder the 17 days which remain in the
year 8 Ben, after 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and dividing the remainder by
365, we obtain 43 years 16 months and 5 days. Counting forward
this length of time aye the manner explained in my previous paper)
from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, year 8 Ben, brings us to 12 Caban 5 Kayab,
year 13 Ben.¢

The ‘‘calendar round” is, as has been explained in my previous
paper, the term Goodman applies to the 52-year cycle, at the end of
which period, counting from any point, the same date as that from
which we count returns. The casting out of these calendar rounds,
each of which amounts to 18,980 days, does not affect the result, as
counting the remainder from the initial to the terminal date will give
precisely the same result as counting the entire sum of the series—
except that to determine the lapse of time, the number of years
covered by the calendar rounds cast out must be added. For example,
in ease of the above-mentioned series, as 73 calendar rounds were cast
out, 73x52 years must be added to the result obtained by dividing
the remainder by 365, in order to ascertain the real lapse of time from
the initial to the terminal date.

Having the date 12 Caban 5 Kayab and (supposed) the 4 chuens
(or months) and 17 days, we turn to my condensed calendar or to
Goodman’s ‘‘ Archaic Annual Calendar,” and search through the
tables of years until we find the year in which 12 Caban is the 5th
day of the month Kayab. This in Goodman’s tables is found to be
the 51st year, or, in my table, the year 13 Ben. Counting back on
the table of this year 4 months and 17 days, we reach 6 Ahau, the 8th
day of the month Ceh, which, according to Goodman’s scheme, will be
the first day of an ahau. Turning now to Goodman’s ‘Archaic
Chronological Calendar” and to his 54th great cycle, we hunt for the
place where 6 Ahau is the 8th day of the month Ceh. We find this
in the 9th cyele, 14th katun, and looking at the column at the left
margin we ascertain that it is the 13th ahau, which agrees exactly
with the initial series as given above (54-9-14-15-4-17).

This seems to be confirmatory; however, before accepting it as con-
elusive let us examine a little further. Without any change, or sup-
posed change, from the date and numbers of chuens and days used
in the preceding calculation, we look farther in Goodman’s ‘** Archaic
Chronological Calendar” to see if 6 Ahau 8 Ceh can be found else-
where, confining our examination to his 54th great cycle. We do find
it in the 13th ecyele, 4th katun, 17th ahau, which gives the series
54-13-4-17-4-17..

Remembering that the 13th eyele, according to his scheme, is the
first cycle of his great cycle, and must, therefore, be omitted from the

caleulation, and counting forward 4 katuns, 17 ahaus, 4 chuens, and
17 days from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the first day of the great cycle, we

a For condensed feoen ane fanle of years see the end of this paper.

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 207

reach 12 Caban 5 Kayab, the required date, as with the preceding
series. Looking farther we find 6 Ahau 8 Ceh in the 2d cycle, 12th
katun, 6th ahau, giving the series 54-2-12-6-4-17, which also carries
us to the proper date (12 Caban 5 Kayab). The date 6 Ahau 8 Ceh
is also found in the 4th cyele, 19th katun, 15th ahau, and other places
in the 54th great cycle, each of which gives the proper result. But
this is not all, as we also find 6 Ahau 8 Ceh in the 53d great cycle in
the Ist eyele, 7th katun, and 12th ahau, giving the series 53-1—7-12-
+17, which, counted from 4 Ahau 8 Zotz, the first day of the 53d
great cycle, brings us to 12 Caban 5 Kayab, the required date. Other
series which will give the proper result might be noted, but these will
suffice to show that the initial and terminal dates and the chuens and
days do not afford sufficient data by which to determine the series.
It is necessary, therefore, to know the numbers attached to one or
more of the other time periods of the series, and these must be ascer-
tained in every instance by inspection and by a previously obtained
knowledge of the value of one or more of the face numerals.

Referring again to the initial series under consideration—54-9-14—
15-4-17, 12 Caban 5 Kayab—and holding to our assumption that the
number of the chuens and days is correct, the date being satisfac-
torily determined, we proceed to learn what additional data are neces-
sary to determine the series.

If inspection and a knowledge of the face numbers prove the one
attached to the cycle in this instance to be 9, then the series as given
above is the only one that will agree with the data, and we are thus
enabled to determine the value of the face numerals attached to the
katun and ahau symbols; and should that giving the number of days
be imperfect or obliterated, it would still be possible to determine the
series, as the date with the other items mentioned (number of chuens
and cycles) is always sufficient to fix the other numbers in the series.
If the number attached to the chuens be unknown, then the series
could not be determined with the other data mentioned.

Suppose the number (9 in this case) attached to the cycle symbol
to be imperfect or unknown, but that attached to the katun (14 in
this instance) to be known, the series given above is the only one that
will agree with the data. If the numbers attached to the cycle and
katun be indeterminable, but that attached to the ahau symbol (13 in
this instance) be known, the series can still be determined, and will
be as given. It is apparent, therefore, that, with the initial and ter-
minal dates and chuens and days known, the number attached to one
of the other elements in the series is necessary in order to determine
the series. It is also demonstrable that with these data the series
can be at once determined by Goodman’s tables, though this, as I
shall show, does not prove that his theory of the Mayan time system
or his method of numbering the cycles or great cycles is correct.

208 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS (ETH. ANN, 22

Continuing our investigation of the data necessary to determine the
series, still referring to the one under consideration, we will next sup-
pose that the number of chuens can not be determined by inspection.

The terminal date being given—l2 Caban 5 Kayab (which falls in
a Ben year)—it is readily seen, by reference to Goodman’s ‘‘Archaie
Annual Calendar,” 51st year, or to my condensed calendar, that it
requires 17 days, counting back, to reach an Ahau which falls on the
Sth day of the month (Goodman begins the count with 20 Eb, but this
gives Ben as the Ist day of the month, and the result is the same),
hence the Ahau to be used depends on the number of chuens—if 0
chuens 17 days, it will be—as seen by the table referred to—s Ahau
S Pax; if 1 chuen 17 days, then 1 Ahau 8 Muan; if 2-17, then7 Ahau
8 Kankin; if 3-17, then 13 Ahau 8 Mae; if 4-17, then 6 Ahau 8 Ceh;
if 5-17, then 12 Ahau 8 Zae; if 6-17, then 5 Ahau 8 Yax; if 7-17, then
11 Ahau 8 Chen; if 8-17, then 4 Ahau 8 Mol; if 9-17, then10 Ahau 8
Yaxkin; if 10-17, then 3 Ahau 8 Xul; if 11-17, then 9 Ahau 8 Tzec;
if 12-17, then 2 Ahau 8 Zotz; if 13-17, then 8 Ahau 8 Zip; if 14-17,
then 1 Ahau 8 Uo; if 15-17, then 7 Ahau 8 Pop; if 16-17, then 9 Ahau
§ Cumhu; if 17-17, then 2 Ahau 8 Kayab. The fact that Ahau is
the 8th day of the month in each case greatly limits the range of
possibilities.

Suppose that, in addition to the terminal date, the numbers of
cycles and katuns are also known (!) and 14 in this instance); the series
can be definitely determined, and will be as given above. If the
numbers of eyeles (9) and ahaus (13) are known and the number of
katuns is unknown, the series ‘‘54—9-14-13-4-17” will give the correct
date, but there is one other—53—)-13-13-15-17—which will also give
the correct date, 12 Caban 5 Kayab. In this case the correct deter-
mination of the series depends on the initial day of the great cycle, to
which attention will be called farther on.

We next take the case where, in addition to the dates and the
number of days, the numbers of katuns and ahaus are known, and
the number of cyeles is unknown. In the series under consideration
the number of katuns is 14, of ahaus 13. These data are sufficient to

determine the series, and in this instance the result is as given above.

The next inquiry relates to the data necessary to determine the ter-
minal date where this can not be recognized by inspection, or where
that given is erroneous. Where neither the day nor the day of the
month is known, it is necessary to have the entire numeral series—
that is, 54-9-14-13-4-17, in the example we have been using—in order
to determine the date. If the day of the terminal date of the series
can be ascertained by inspection, then the date can be determined
without knowing the number of days; thus 54-9-14-13-4—?, ? Caban
? (month) will be sufficient to ascertain that this terminal date is 12
Caban 5 Kayab. Turning to Goodman’s ‘ Archaic Chronological
Calendar,” 54th great eycle, 9th eyele, 14th katun, 13th ahau, we find

NUAL REPORT PL. LXxXil

Y-SECOND AN

TWENT

OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

REAU

BU

INSCRIPTION ON THE WEST SIDE OF STELA E, QUIRIGUA

—————— a

i

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 209

6 Ahau 8 Ceh. Searching through his ‘‘ Archaic Annual Calendar”
we find that 6 Ahau8 Ceh occurs only in the 51st year, and that Caban
is the 5th day of the month in this year. Counting forward 4 months
from Ceh brings us to Kayab, where 12 Caban is the 5th day. We
thus ascertain that 12 Caban 5 Kayab is the date sought.

If the number of days, the name of the day of the terminal date,
the month, and day of the month be unknown—thus in our example
d4—-9-14-15-4-?, 12 (day) ? (month)—it is possible to limit the result to
one of two days, in this case to 12 Kan 12 Pax, or 12 Caban 5 Kayab.
In the first case, the number of days will be 4, and in the second
17. If the number of chuens and the day and month of the date
be unknown, but the number of the day and the day of the month
known, the date can be determined.

There are occasional side aids which may be taken advantage of in
the investigation of the face numerals. One example which we will
notice, bearing on the series which has been under consideration
(initial series 54-9-14-13-4-17, west side Stela F, Quirigua), is as
follows: The initial series on the west side of Stela E, Quirigua (plate
LXXII), is, ordinary numerals being used throughout, and all distinet,
54-9-14-12-4-17, 12 Caban 5 Cayab. This is identical with the other
series, except that there are only 12 ahaus, while in the other there
are 13.

Although all that is positively known in regard to the first series
(so far as our present investigation has extended) is the initial and
terminal dates, the number of the days, and the day of the month on
which the Ahau falls, we also know that the series as given above
will agree with these items. If the 12 ahaus in the second series
given above should, in fact, be 13, there will be perfect agreement
with that on the west side of Stela F. It is evident from what has
been shown above that, with all the items of the series save one being
known, that item can be determined although wholly obliterated or
incorrect. Enough is given to show that, counting back 4 months
and 17 days from 12 Caban 5 Kayab, we reach 6 Ahau 8 Ceh. By
calculation, or by referring to Goodman’s ‘*‘Archaic Chronological
Calendar,” 54th great cycle, 9th cycle, and 14th katun, it is seen that
6 Ahau 8 Ceh can only be in the 15th ahau, and is not found in the
same cycle and katun in either the 55rd or 55th great cycle. The
question as to whether Goodman’s tables cover the range of the initial
series will be considered farther on, when we have investigated more
series. However, the fact that the series on the west side of Stela E,
when the number of ahaus has thus been corrected (as calculation
also shows 12 to be wrong), agrees p: ecisely with the rendering given
of that on the west side of Stela F is not proof that this rendering is
correct, it only adds a degree of probability, supposing that Goodman
has based his determination on an examination of the face characters.
The fact may be noted, also, that some two or three other inscriptions

22, era—04——14

210 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

at this place, where the numerals are of the ordinary form, commence
with 9 eycles.

As the numbers in the inscription on the east side of Stela E are
all of the ordinary form, nothing in regard to the face numerals can
be learned from it.

The numbers in the initial series on the east side of Stela F (plate
LXXII1) are all face characters, including those attached to the termi-
nal date. Goodman interprets them as follows: ‘‘54—-9-16-10-18-20,
1 Ahau 5 Zip.” As will be seen by reference to my former paper, the
18 chuens 20 days are to be understood and counted as 0 chuens 0
days, and we shall hereafter write them so. Goodman omits, prob-
ably by printer’s mistake, the 9 cycles, but the other numbers which
he gives make them necessary.

As none of the numbers in this case correspond with any on the
west side of the same Stela, excepting the 9 cycles, the glyph for
which is too nearly obliterated for determination, we gain nothing by
comparison; and nothing can be learned from other inscriptions of
this locality which present no face numerals; these are passed over
without notice.

Turning to plate XLIV in part 12 of Maudslay’s work we find draw-
ings of the inscriptions on the ‘‘ Monolithic Animal G.” As the
numerals in the initial series are face characters, with the exception
of that attached to the month of the terminal date, and have not
been noticed by Goodman in his work, I call attention to them
(figure 123). As the cycle in most of the initial series at Quirigua
appears to be numbered 9, we will assume that to be the number in
this case. But this is not a mere assumption without any other basis,
as the glyph is not inconsistent with that on the west side of Stela F
and agrees with the type given (see figure 132) in having the circle of
dots on the cheek. Although this does not amount to demonstration,
it renders the interpretation highly probable. Having determined
the cyele our examination is very much restricted. However, as we
know as yet no way of determining the great cycle by an inspection
of the symbol, our examination must extend to the three given by
Goodman. But without other data the examination on this line is
vain. Examining the series, we notice that the face glyph attached to
the katun symbol immediately under the eyele is partially obliterated
and as yet is unknown. Passing to the upper pair in the next group
to the right hand, we notice that the numeral resembles somewhat
closely that attached to the month (glyph 7) of the terminal date in
the inscription on the west side of Stela F (plate LXx1), which was
found to denote 5. The symbol on the monolith differs in having the
skeleton jaw, which Goodman says denotes 10, though we have not as
yet found the proof of this, and we therefore assume that it denotes
15 (10+-5) (see figure 1380). The hand on the face immediately
below, which is attached to the chuen glyph, as also on the glyph

INSCRIPTION ON THE EAST SIDE OF STELA F, QUIRIGUA
aN z

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS al

attached to the symbol for days in the upper pair of the group to the
right, denotes, according to Goodman, full count or 20 when days and
18 when chuens (see figure 143). However,
I consider it, as heretofore stated, a symbol
for naught. Immediately below the latter
is the day (probably Ahau) of the terminal
date, with the face symbol for 5, already
determined, prefixed (figure 128a). The
first glyph of the lower pair of the group to
the right has the ordinary character for 3
prefixed. This we take to be the month
symbol, though it is unusual and indeter-
minable by inspection. The series, there-
fore, so far as made out, is as follows:
54?-9-?-15-0-0, 5 Ahau 3 (month).

It is evident that the 5 Ahau of this series
must be the beginning day of an ahau, as
there are neither chuens or days, and hence
it should be found in Goodman’s ‘‘Archaie
Chronological Calendar.” Turning to this
publication, we find that 5 Ahau 3 (month)
can occur as the beginning of the 15th ahau
in the 9th cyele in the following places only—
53d great cycle, Ith eyele, 17th katun; 54th
great cycle, Yth eyele, 4th and 17th katuns.
In the first it falls in the month Pop, in the
second in Yaxkin, and in the third in Muan.
As the month symbol, so far as if remains,
does not admit of interpretation as the first
or second of these, we conclude that it must
stand for the third if the date is within the
range of Goodman’s calendar. This gives as
the series 54—-9-17-15-0-0, 5 Ahau 3 Muan,
which works out correctly by calculation.

The ‘“‘full count” or ‘‘naught” symbols
require some discrimination in our attempts
to interpret them. In a series given by
Goodman, as 54-9-17-15-18-20, or 54-13-
20-20-18-20, 18 and 20, being so-called ‘‘full
counts,” should in every instance be counted
as naught, and the cipher (0) should be in-
troduced in their place; and this is true in
every case where the symbols are used to
represent prefixed numbers, except in one
place. Where they are used to denote the day of the month, as 5 Eb
20 Zotz, they denote 20, but there are special characters used for this

C2T DILL

“MNSLUNE) 4) [BULIUY OMAILOUOPL ,, WO WOTYMLAIOSUT Jo Juv

“AITX 07K ‘BT Qaud ‘Av[spneyy

212 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

purpose, as is shown in figure 145. It appears probable also that the
hand across the jaw in the face-forms of the cycle and great cycle is
to be interpreted as indicating the use of 20 as a multiple, though in
face-forms of prefixed numbers it undoubtedly signifies naught.
Goodman is possibly right in insisting that these are not absolutely
naught symbols, as is our 0, but are used to indicate that the count in
the given denomination is complete and has been carried into the next
higher denomination. Nevertheless they are—with the exceptions
mentioned—equivalent to naught and must be so considered and used
in calculating time and numeral series.

Fic. 125. Face nu-
Fig. 124. Face numerals for 1. meral for 2.

Fic. 126. Face numerals for 3.

a
oO
<“s/
s(
d 7 a
Fic. 128. Face numerals for 5. Fig. 129. Face numerals

for 6.

Fig. 130. Face numerals for 7 Fic. 131. Face numerals for 8.

I insert here, in figures 124 to 145 inclusive, the types of face
numerals selected by Goodman from the inscriptions. I have found
them to be correct, with some two or three exceptions in regard to
which there is considerable doubt; these will be noticed in the proper
connection. Some additional examples will appear as we proceed.

The next inscription of this locality to which attention is called is
that on Stela J (see Maudslay’s drawing, part 12, plate XLVI, our plate
LXXIv). All the numbers of the initial series except that of the day
of the month in the terminal date are face characters. The series

-

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 213

as given by Goodman is as follows: ?-9-16-5-0-0, 8 Ahau 8 Zotz.
The number of the great cycle is omitted, though it is necessarily 54
according to his system. He says there are no other reckonings in
the inseription, but this is a mistake, as there are two more numeral
series, each followed by a distinct date. These, however, afford no
assistance in determining the initial day, as they do not connect with
it; moreover, a large number of glyphs intervene.

All the evidence bearing on the value of the face numerals in this
instance may be stated as follows: the symbol connected with the
eyele, interpreted 9, shows the distinguishing features of the others

Fic. 132. Face numerals for 9.

Fig. 134. Face nu- a dD c d e
meral for 11. Fic. 135. Face numerals for 12

Fig. 136. Face numerals for 13.

noticed which are interpreted 9. This, taken in connection with the
fact that most of the inscriptions of this locality begin the initial
series with 9, renders the interpretation probable. We have as yet
no evidence that 16 is the correct rendering of the character attached
to the katun glyph, Goodman’s example (figure 159b) being the very
symbol found here; but the 5 attached to the ahau glyph agrees with
that determined from the inscription on the west side of Stela F, and
therefore may be accepted as correct. The face number attached
to the day (Ahau) of the terminal date, which is interpreted 8, is as

214 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

yet undetermined in our investigation; it is ¢ of our figure 131. The
day of the month and the month (8 Zotz) are distinet and easily recog-
nized, the number being of the usual form. In regard to the chuen
and day symbols, all we can say is that the hand across
the face which appears to indieate full count (18 and

ZJ 20) or naught (0) is seen in each of the attached
2 ( glyphs. Assuming this to be correct, it follows that
I Sot

the date 8 Ahau 8 Zotz must be the first day of a 5th
seer a ete ras avhau.
meral for 14. a 5 ~ A . ™
Turning in Goodman’s Archaic Chronological Cal-

endar to the 9th cyele of the 53d great cycle, we find that 8 Ahau 8
Zotz is not the beginning of any 45th Ahau in this cyele nor in the 9th
eyele of the 55th great cycle, but is the begin-
ning of the 5th ahau of the 16th katun in the
9th cyele of the 54th great cycle. Even omit-
ting the number of the day Ahau we can reach
the same result from the data given, and that
result only. The evidence therefore appears
to be sufficient. This gives one example of the
face character for 16 (see figure 139 Db). As to F1G. 138. Face numerals
the value and reliability of Goodman’s tables pes

in the respect noticed I will speak hereafter; at present I as-
sume them to be reliable, and I may state here that they may be

accepted, so far as our present
tests are coneerned, as correct
in regard to the relation of
the several time periods up
to and including the ecyele
without, however, accepting
his theory in regard to the
great eyele or the number of
eyeles forming one of these great periods.

Fic. 139. Face numerals for 16

We must therefore accept as determined with reasonable certainty
the value of the following face
numerals: that on Stela J
(glyph 1, Maudslay’s plate
XLVI, our plate LXXIV) pre-
fixed to the eyele glyph, in-
terpreted 9; that (glyph 5)
affixed to the katun glyph,
interpreted 16; that (glyph 5) Fic. 140,
prefixed to the ahau glyph,
interpreted 5; those (glyphs 7 and 9) prefixed to the chuen and day
elyphs, interpreted full count or naught; and that (glyph 11) prefixed
to the day of the terminal date (Ahau, in this instance), interpreted 8.
One distinguishing characteristic of the symbol for 9 is the circle of

Face numerals for 17.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV

INSCRIPTION ON THE BACK OF STELA J, QUIRIGUA

MAUDSLAY. PART 12, PLATE XLVI

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 21K)

dots on the cheek (figure 132); two characteristics of the symbol for
16 are the skeleton jaw and the hatchet in the eye (figure 139); those
of the symbol for 5 are the ahau symbol on the head and the absence
of the skeleton jaw (figure 128); that of the symbol for full count or
naught is the hand across the face or lower jaw (figure 143); those of

Fic. 141. Face numerals for 18.

the symbol for 8 do not appear to be well defined—Goodman says they
are the lobed ear ornament projecting on the cheek and the foim of
the forehead ornament, but neither of these appears to be exceptional.

It should be stated that by counting forward in each of the given
examples from the initial date (4 Ahau 8 Cumhu) the number of days
indicated by the numeral series we will
reach the terminal date.

Our next reference is to the inscription on
Stela A, Quirigua, the drawing of which is
given in plate vu, part 11 of volume H,
Maudslay’s Archaeology (our plate LXXxv).

In this instance the numerals attached to
the cycle, katun, and ahau, and the month Fie. 142. Face numerals for 19.
of the terminal date of the initial series are
of the ordinary form, and those attached to the chuen, day and the
day of the terminal date are either face forms or unusual forms. The
series as given by Goodman is 54-9-17-5-0-0, 6 Ahau 13 Kayab,
which is certainly correct, as the data given are sufficient, as has
been shown, to determine the series. It agrees with Goodman’s tables
and also with calculation.

Giza
4 jn,
=

—

@) 7

Fig. 143. Face numerals for 20.

By this we ascertain that the unusual numerals (glyphs 4 and 5)
prefixed to the chuen and day symbols, each of which consists of a
scroll above, a hand in the middle, and a bean-shaped character below,
denote naught (figure 144, number 7). The face numeral prefixed to
the day Ahau (figure 129) resembles that denoting 16 (see figure

216 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS (ETH. ANN. 22

139 b, c), excepting that it is without the skeleton jaw, thus appar-
ently confirming Goodman’s statement that this characteristic has
the value of 10. In figure 144 are shown some forms of the symbols
for naught (0). Numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6 in some of the types are of
frequent occurrence in the inscriptions, as are also numbers 7 and 8.

Fia. 144. Symbols for 0, or full count.

Numbers 9 and 10, which show the hand across the lower jaw, also
represent a common type. Number 12 has been found only in the
inscription on the Palace steps, Palenque. Number 11 is from Mono-
lithic Animal B, Quirigua, and numbers 13 and 14 are from Stela D,

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXV

ES
G
(
(

9

INSCRIPTION ON THE EAST SIDE OF STELA A, QUIRIGUA
MAUDSLAY, PART 11, PLATE VII

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS oa

Copan. The small figures of number 15 are from the Dresden codex,
and represent a common type; the slight variations in detail are

numerous and appear to
have no significance.

In figure 145 are shown
thesymbols forfull count,
or 20, not shown in figures
143 or 144. A,b,c,andd
are more or less common
in all the codices; e is
from the Dresden codex;
tig, h, and 7 are from the
left slab, Tablet of the
Cross, Palenque.

c d e

The inscription on the east side of Stela C presents some particu-

lars worthy of notice (see figure 146).

Fic. 146. Part of inscription on the east
side of Stela C, Quirigua. Maudslay,

part 11, plate x1x.

The prefix to the cyele sym-
bol is 15 in the ordinary form; those to
the katun, ahau, and day are of the
coil and hand form, above described as
indicating full count, or, in other words,
naught; that tothe chuen is of the usual
form for full count in the inscriptions
(see number 3, figure 144). The date is
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu with ordinary numer-
als. Therefore the series, according
to Goodman’s method of writing, will
be ?-13-20-20-18-20, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,
which is as he gives it, excepting that
he places it in his fifty-fourth great
eycle. Our method of writing if would
be 55-13-0-0-0-0, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu.
I give 53 as the great cycle, accord-
ing to Goodman’s method of number-
ing these periods, as by counting back
13 eyeles, or 1,872,000 days, from 4
Ahau 8 Cumhu we reach 4 Ahau 8 Zotz,
the first day of his fifty-third great
eyele. His remark in regard to it is:
““This date is the beginning of the fifty-
fourth great cyele.” As he interprets
the great cycle 54, he virtually makes
the series 54-0-0-0-0-0. It must be
borne in mind, as will be seen by ref-
erence to my former paper, that instead

of counting 20 cycles to the great cycle, following the vigesimal
system, which I believe to be correct, he counts 13. However, this

218 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

subject will again be referred to. At any rate, we find further con-
firmation of the signification of the number symbol—the combined
coil, hand, and bean shaped character—in this inscription.

The inseription on the west side of Stela C (figure 147 «) is inter-
preted by Goodman as follows: 9-1-0-0-0, 6 Ahau 13 Yaxkin, the
number of the great cycle being omitted. As the numerals attached
to the cyele, katun,and day and month of the terminal date are of
the usual form, and the symbols for
full count, or naught, attached to the
ahau and month glyphs are of the
usual type, we have sufficient data to
determine the face character attached
to the day glyph. Omitting from
consideration the number attached
to the day symbol and counting back
from 6 Ahau 15 Yaxkin, year 4 Lamat,

(TERT TERT

Marans
OES
(Se:

Fig. 147. Part of inscription on the west side of Stela C, Quirigua. Maudslay, part 11, plate x1x.

9 eyeles and 1 katun, or 1,503,200 days, according to the method given
in my former paper, we reach + Ahau 8 Cumhu, the first day of the
fifty-fourth great eyele. Turning to Goodman’s Archaic Chronological
Calendar, to the ninth cyele of the fifty-fourth great cycle, we find
that 6 Ahau 13 Yaxkin is the first day of the first katun. Thus it is
seen that both the tables and calculation agree with the interpreta-
tion of the series. By this we have a further confirmation of the

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF PALENQUE INSCRIPTIONS 219
£

interpretation full count (or properly 0) of the face numeral with the
hand over the lower jaw. It may be mentioned here that Maudslay
agrees with me in designating these so-called ‘‘full counts” as given
by Goodman as ‘‘ no count,” or, in other words, naught (see his text,
part 11, page 9).

Referring to inscriptions in other localities, the following facts are
noted in reference to the value of the different face numerals: the initial
series of the Foliated Cross at Palenque (see figure 2, previous paper)
appears to be as follows: 54-1-18-5-4+-0 to 1 Ahau 13 Mae. Follow-
ing this date, after some intervening glyphs, is the brief numeral
series 14 chuens 19 days, immediately after which comes the date
1 Cauac 7 Yax.

Counting back 14 chuens 19 days from the latter date, we reach 1
Ahau 13 Mae, the terminal date of the initial series. This gives the
value 1 to the face glyph attached to the Ahau symbol. This face
glyph (figure 1246) agrees in its features, excepting the ear pendant,
with the face glyph attached to the eycle symbol (figure 124 a), show-
ing it to be 1, which agrees with the above interpretation. As the
face glyph attached to the ahau period symbol agrees with the symbol
we have heretofore interpreted 5 (see figure 128a@); and the number
attached to the month symbol is of the ordinary form; and that
attached to the day glyph has the hand across the lower jaw, we have
the following numbers of the series: ?—1—?-5-?-0, 1 Ahau 13 Mae.

These items are not sufficient to give the remaining numbers of the
series; but assuming that it falls in the 54th great cycle, as is most
probable, the other numbers will be as given above. As the face
character attached to the chuen symbol, interpreted 4 (figure 127 b),
presents some features of the one interpreted 4 on the west side of
Stela F at Quirigua (left part of glyph 4, plate LXxT), and this will
suffice to determine the other numbers, we are perhaps justified in
concluding that the series is given correctly. That the face character
attached to the katun symbol (figure 155), which is interpreted 18, is
some number greater than 10 is shown by the skeleton jaw.

Turning to the inscription of the Temple of the Sun, as shown in
Maudslay’s plate LXXxIx, part 10 (see plate xi, Nineteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1900), where the num-
bers of the initial series are all face characters except those designat-
ing the day of the month in the terminal date, we will try to determine
them from the data so far obtained. As those attached to the cycle
(figure 124c¢), katun (figure 141¢c), and ahau (figure 1286) symbols
are evidently the same as those in the inscription of the Foliated
Cross, and the day of the terminal date is ? Cimi 19 Ceh, we have the
following items of the series: ?—-1—-18—5—?—?, ? Cimi 19 Ceh.

These data are not sufficient to determine the remaining numbers.
One other item is necessary for this purpose. Assuming the great
eycle to be that commencing with the day 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the

220 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

so-called 54th, the remaining numbers may be determined thus: Cimi
may be the 19th day of the month only in the years in which Ahau
is the 15th day of the month. By turning to Goodman’s ‘‘Archaie
Chronological Calendar,” 54th great cyele, eyele 1 and katun 18, we
see that the 5th ahau begins with the day 12 Ahau 13 Chen. Turning
to his ‘‘Archaie Annual Calendar,” we find that 12 Ahau 13 Chen
falls in the year he numbers 34 (equivalent to the year 9 Lamat in
my condensed calendar). Cimi is the 19th day of the month in this
year, but the month can not be determined until the day number
attached to Cimi is ascertained. As the face numeral attached to
the chuen symbol in the inscription is without the skeleton jaw we
infer that it does not exceed 9, and as it has none of the signs of full
count or naught it can not be 0. As Cimi comes 6 days after Ahau,
then we must count forward in the table of the year 34 until we
reach the 19th day of the month Ceh. This count we find to be 3
months and 6 days, and the number attached to Cimi is 13. There-
fore the entire series is 54-1—-18—5-3-6, to 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, which is as
it is given by Goodman. The weak point in this solution is the
assumption of the 54th great eyele. Even without this, we can, by
a range of nine trials, determine that no other numbers than those
given can be found within the scope of Goodman’s three great cycles
(53d, 54th, and 55th), but this, though strengthening the conclusion,
is not absolute demonstration, as the objection to his method of
counting the cycles, hereafter noticed, and the uncertainty as to the
scope of his tables, come into the problem. As will be seen later, the
only certainty in regard to the tables of his ‘‘Archaie Chronological
Calendar” is the order.y and correct succession of dates and periods
and the fact that 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is the first day of a great cycle.
Assuming for the present that the series has been correctly deter-
mined, we gain evidence as to the value of two additional face numer-
als, 3 (figure 126a) and 6 (figure 129).

Goodman’s interpretation of the initial inscription of the Tablet of
the Cross, which is 53-12-19-15-4-0, 8 Ahau 18 Tzee, is not satisfaec-
tory. The face numeral attached to the cycle symbol, which he
interprets 12 (figure 135 a) has, as a superfix, a figure very much like
the superfix to the face character which he has correctly interpreted
5 (as is shown by the evidence I have presented) (figure 128q@). In
his representation of face numerals no one save those denoting 5 or
15 have a superfix of this kind, excepting one for 12, and that one
is the character of this inscription (figure 135a). Moreover, it lacks
the skeleton jaw, which is true of some others above 10 as given by
him. As has been shown in my previous paper, where this inscrip-
tion is discussed at length, and as is admitted by Goodman, there is
no connection between the terminal date of the initial series and any
of the dates which follow, if the numeral series which intervene be
taken as given in the inscription.

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF PALENQUE INSCRIPTIONS 221

In addition to the suggestions offered by Goodman and those pre-
sented in my previous paper in regard to correcting the manifest
error somewhere in these series, the following is added as a possible
solution: Change the terminal date of the initial series from 8 Ahau
18 Tzec to 1 Ahau 8 Muan, and the following numeral series will then
connect the succeeding dates with it, and the 1 Ahau 18 Zotz will come
1-8-0 (1 ahau 8 chuens) or 520 days after the terminal date of the
initial series, instead of being placed back of it as
Goodman’s correction requires. This, however, will
slightly change the initial series from the numbers
given by Goodman. By referring to the inscription
as given in Maudslay’s drawing, we notice at Cd the
symbol for 13 eyeles (figure 148). As this is not
connected with a series, and follows immediately py¢ 14s, symbol for
after the date 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, we are justified in 15 cycles. Mauds-
interpreting it as an indication that up to this point pean
13 eyeles have been passed over from the initial date
of the inscription, which must be 4 Ahau 8 Zotz. The calculation
is correct. Subtracting the series 8-5-0 (1D 2C) from 13 cycles the
remainder is 12—19-11-13-0.

13-0-0-0-0
8-5-0

12-19-11-13-0

If this correction be justified the initial series will be 55-12-19-11-
13-0, 1 Ahau 8 Muan, which will fit into Goodman’s tables. The chief
objection to this is that it compels us to assume that the aboriginal
artist made a mistake in his caleulation, as the month symbol is
clearly Tzee and the face numeral shows the skeleton jaw, indicating
that the number as given is above 10. However, we must admit that
the error has not, as yet, been satisfactorily explained, and conse-
quently the value of but two of the face numerals—those attached to
the eyele and katun glyphs—can be determined by the inscription.
Twelve (see figure 135a) for the cycle and 19 (figure 142a) for the
katun, as given by Goodman, must apparently be accepted on any
theory as to the correction. It will be observed tht the symbol
attached to the ahau glyph, which Goodman interprets 15 (figure 136 d),
is widely different from any of the other symbols for 13 given by
him, as is seen by reference to our figure 136, which is a copy of the
examples given by him on page 49 of his work. So far, therefore,
as comparison shows, it may as well be interpreted 11 as 15; but, in
fact, is more like 19 (see figure 142) than either. Nor can his inter-
pretation (4) of the character attached to the chuen symbol be clearly
sustained by comparison, though it must be conceded that it does not
resemble the determined types of 13.

The initial series on Stela D of the Copan inseriptions-(Maudslay,
plate XLVI, part 2, our plates LXXvI and LXXvir) is peculiar in

222 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

having the usual face characters replaced by full forms. The cycle
symbol (glyph 1) is composed of a human figure (the numeral)
and a bird apparently of the parrot species (the cycle); the katun
(glyph 2) of the human form (the numeral) and a bird of a rapacious
species (the katun); the ahau (glyph 3) of the human form (the
numeral) and a nondescript animal (the ahau); the chuen (glyph 4) of a
human form (the numeral) and a frog-like animal (the chuen); the
day (glyph 5) of two human forms, that to the right with the monkey-
like face turned backward (the day); the day of the date (glyph 6)
(presumably Ahau) of a human form (the numeral) with a cartouch
inclosing another form (the Ahau); the month of the date (glyph 13,
plate LXXvi1) of a human form (the numeral) and a full-formed leaf-
nosed bat (the month).

Goodman’s interpretation of the series is as follows: 54—-9-5—5-0-0,
4 Ahau 13 Zotz. The dots on the chin of the human face of the
eyele symbol (plate LXXvI, glyph 1) and other characteristics prob-
ably justify us in interpreting it as 9. The hand across the lower
jaw in the chuen symbol (plate LXXvI, glyph +) and
day symbol (plate LXxv1, glyph 5) indicate full count
or naught (0). But Goodman’s rendering 5 and 5 of the
number characters of the katun (plate LXXvVI, glyph 2
and ahau (plate LXXvI, glyph 3) symbols is question-
able, as the skeleton jaw denoting 10 is quite distinet
in the former and is not present in the latter. The
rendering is therefore inconsistent with Goodman’s own
statements in regard to the characteristics of the face
numerals, and must have been reached in some other
way than by inspection of the glyphs. If the figures
with ahau symbols on the head are face numerals, and this must be
admitted, then that of the katun (glyph 2) should be 15, and that of
the ahau (glyph 3) should be 5, if Maudslay’s colored drawing is cor-
rect. However, it must be admitted that the drawing of the face
numeral prefixed to the katun symbol is very doubtful. In figure
149 is given a drawing of the head alone, made from Maudslay’s plate
XLIV, which is the autotype of the same inscription.

This inscription is the most interesting one in some respects that
has been found in Mayan ruins. Entire bodies, instead of conven-
tional heads, are given, and though they are to some extent gro-
tesque, yet they seem to indicate the aboriginal idea of the origin of
these symbols. Maudslay’s happy idea of distinguishing the prefixed
numerals from the period symbols (eyele, katun, ete.) by difference
in color brings out very clearly the forms and characteristics of the
latter symbols. The eyele and katun symbols are both rapacious
birds; the former owl-shaped, with a crest; the latter eagle-shaped,
with feathers hanging over the front of the head. The ahau symbol
is the skeleton form of a nondescript bird-like animal with a large

Fie. 149. Type
of face numeral.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI

PART OF INSCRIPTION ON STELA D, COPAN
MAUDSLAY, PART 2, PLATE XLVIII

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVII

a

ae 4c Bee ne Z : 2
Weta ; © / ss
se : Chen aN Kis n :

ye

VY

S

PART OF INSCRIPTION ON STELA D, COPAN
MAUDSLAY, PART 2, PLATE XLVIII

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF COPAN INSCRIPTIONS 2293

fang; the chuen glyph is a frog-like animal. The month symbol of
the date (glyph 13, plate LXXviI1) is, as stated above, a leaf-nosed bat
with a human face. As the name of the latter, Zotz, or ‘‘ Bat,” cor-
responds with the form, it is possible that the forms of the other sym-
bols have some reference to the names. However, I am unable to
point out this reference; though possibly as ‘‘uinal” in Maya sig-
nifies ‘‘month” or ‘‘ period of 20 days,” and ‘‘uo” ‘‘ frog,” the sym-
bol may have some reference to the name. Be this as it may, it will
be seen by reference to figures 165 and 164, showing the types of the
ahau and katun symbols, that the face forms retain to a large extent
the bird-like features, one of the katun symbols, figure 1640, having
the feather fringe over the forehead. We notice also in some of the
symbols of both the ahau and katun little patches of cross-hatching,
which are feather marks in the full forms of Stela D.

These facts are noticed in passing merely to call the attention of
students to them as possibly forming some clew to the relation between
these symbols and what is represented by them.

Attention is called next to the inscription on Stela I, Copan. The
numerals attached to the cycle, katun, ahau, and chuen symbols are
of the ordinary form; that to the day glyph is of the disk and hand type
(figure 144) denoting naught (0); and that to the day (Ahau) of the
terminal date, the face charact r with the ahau headpiece denoting
5. Whether the month symbol is distinguishable, or is one of the
obliterated glyphs which follow, as Goodman asserts, is doubtful. The
series is therefore ?-9-12-3-14-0, 5 Ahau ? (month). Goodman says
54-9-12-3-14-20, 5 Ahau ? (month), leaving the month blank, but
adds that we know it must be 8 Uo.

The correctness of the last statement may be questioned on the fol-
lowing grounds: Taking, in Goodman’s own tables, the 55th great cycle,
9th eyele, 12th katun, and 3d ahau, we find that the first day of this
ahau is 11 Ahau 8 Uo; by counting forward 14 months from this date
we reach 5 Ahau 8 Pax, a result which calculation shows to be cor-
rect, the initial date of this great cycle being 4 Ahau 3 Kankin. The
positive determination depends therefore on the proper determination
of the great cycle, or of its initial day, for his numbering of these
supposed periods, ‘as we shall soon see, is without proper grounds.

The initial series of the inscription on the east side of Stela P (figure
150), same locality as the preceding, is given as follows: 54-9—9-10-0-0,
2 Ahau 13 Pop. The numbers attached to the cycle, katun, and ahau
are face characters, those attached to the chuen and day symbols are
of the type shown in numbers 4, 5, and 6, figure 144, but much abbre-
viated, and those of the terminal date are of the ordinary form. The
month symbol, which Goodman interprets Pop, is apparently a
variation of the usual type. As enough of the prefix to the chuen
symbol remains to indicate full count or naught (0), if may be
assumed that the prefix to the day symbol, of which there seems to

224 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22
be a slight remnant, is the same; therefore the terminal date will be

the first day of an ahau. The skeleton jaw in the prefix to the ahau
symbol, not well shown in Maudslay’s drawing (plate LXXXIX of his

ee

Fig. 150. Part of inscription on the east side of Stela P, Copan.
work, part 4), but distinet in his photograph, would indicate 10 or some

number above 10 (see figure 150). The face numerals of the cycle and
katun are evidently the same, and one of them shows quite distinetly

THOMAS] INITIAL SERIES OF COPAN INSCRIPTIONS 225

the circle of dots on the cheek, indicating 9 (see figure 132). “There-
fore the series so far as satisfactorily made out—assuming the number
attached to the day Ahau to be 2—is as follows: ?-9-9-?-0-0, 2 Ahau
13 Pop. This is sufficient to determine the series, and shows the
above rendering to be correct.

Fic. 151. Part of inscription on the east side of Stela P, Copan. Maudslay, part 4, plate LXXXIXx.

Although the drawings in Maudslay’s work are in most cases of
unusual excellence, giving details with wonderful accuracy, that of
this inscription and the one on altar Q (part 4, plate xXct1) are not up
to the usual standard, failing in some instances to bring out as
clearly as might be done some of the minor details. There is some

22 ETA—04——18

226 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

doubt as to the value of the face numeral prefixed to the ahau symbol
(AQ, figures 150 and 151), as it is unusual, being in some respects
unlike any other face numeral that I have observed in the inscrip-
tions. Seler (Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Heft 6, 1899, page 722)
interprets it 13, and gives as the terminal date 3 Ahau 3 Uayeb. This
would make the series, omitting the great cycle, 9-9-13-0-0, 3 Ahau 3
Uayeb; however, the number attached to the month symbol is cer-
tainly 13. If this series is counted from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, it will
reach 3 Ahau 3 Uayeb in the year 5 Ezanab. The number attached
to the day Ahau is very uncertain, seeming more like 1 or 3 than 2;
apparently 1. I have therefore given an exact copy of Maudslay’s
photograph (figure 151), and a carefully made drawing (figure 150),
using Maudslay’s and Seler’s drawings and the photograph (autotype)
for this purpose. I am rather inclined to the opinion that Good-
man’s rendering is correct. It seems that Seler has been influenced
in his determination of the number placed over the Ahau symbol by
Maudslay’s drawing. His interpretation is not justified by the
photograph, which indicates ‘1 Ahau” instead of ‘*3 Ahau,” making
the date 1 Ahau 13 Uo, or 1 Ahau 13 Pop.

The whole inscription, as well as the inscription on the front and
back of the same monument, is strange, and, as will be noticed far-
ther on, shows some of the features of the Chichen Itza inscriptions.

It is perhaps unnecessary to follow this subject further, as it is
apparent that the value of the face symbol and other numeral sym-
bols ean be satisfactorily obtained. It appears that Goodman’s deter-
minations, where the data are sufficient, are as a rule correct; though
there are a few cases, as has been shown, where his rendering is
doubtful, and some where the series given are largely guess work,
the data being insufficient. When the number of the great cycle is a
necessary factor, another question arises, which will be discussed
farther on.

Before discussing the numbers of the eyeles and great cycles, which
subject was referred to in my previous paper, I will notice some of
the secondary numeral series of the Quirigua inscriptions not at
hand when my previous paper was written.

SECONDARY NUMERAL SERIES OF THE QUIRIGUA
INSCRIPTIONS

Returning to the inscription on the west side of Stela F (plate LX x1),
we pass over the first subordinate series (glyph 16), leading on to 6
Cimi 4 Tzee (glyphs 18 and 19), as this has already been noticed. At
glyph 25 follows a date, 3 Ahau 3 Mol, but without any recogniz-
able intermediate numeral series, though there are some numbered
glyphs. Passing on we find at glyph 29 the date 4 Ahau 13 Yax,
and immediately following (glyph 30 and first half of 31) the numeral
series 3 days, 13 chuens, 16 ahaus, 1 katun, and following this two

a

€

bo

THOMAS] SECONDARY SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS DOK
dates, 12 Caban 5 Kayab (the same as the terminal date of the initial
series) and 1 Ahau 5 Zip, though the number attached to the day in
the latter is not the ordinary symbol if intended for 1 (figure 152).
Counting the series given forward from 3 Ahau 3 Mol and 4 Ahau
15 Yax brings us to no given date; nor will
counting back from 12 Caban 5 Kayab reach
any previous given date. If, however, we
count back from 1 Ahau 3 Zip, we reach 12
Caban 5 Kayab, showing that the connection
is made with the terminal date of the initial
series, as given by Goodman. It would seem
from this that the insertion of this date, after
this second numeral series, is for the purpose
of showing that the count is to be made from F'6. 152. Glyph 33, west side

" : “ of Stela F, Quirigua. Mauds-
this date, as we found in our preceding paper Jay, part 12, plate xt.
to be true in some instances.

Our next reference is to the inscription on the east side of Stela F
(Maudslay’s plate XL, part 12). Here the initial series (plate LXx1m),
as heretofore stated, is 54-9-16-10-0-0, 1 Ahau 3 Zip. Goodman, in
his comment (page 125), says:

The glyphs that immediately follow are so fantastic and unfamiliar that I can
make nothing of them until the sign indicating a date to be some score days in
the 19th katun is reached. The date is 5 Ahau 13 Mol [glyph 24]. As that
begins the Ist ahan, the number of score days indicated must be 18. Two unin-
telligible glyphs follow, succeeded by what I believe to be this reading: 3 cycles,
8 katuns, and 19 ahaus, a reckoning embracing 26 calendar rounds and extending
360 8-score days into the 13th cycle, to 1 Ahau 13 Yax, the beginning of a 360-
bissextile count and of a katun also.

It is somewhat difficult to understand these statements, but I will
try to explain them, as I desire to offer one or two eriticisms. The
actual interval between 1 Ahau 3

2a) Zip, the terminal date of the initial

,, series, and 5 Ahau 13 Mol (if the

3 first following occurrence of this
date be assumed as the one in-
tended) will be 18,360 days, or 2
katuns, 11 ahaus. This will bring
us to 5 Ahau 13 Mol, the first day
of ahau number 1 in the 19th katun
of cycle 9 (as numbered by Good-
Fic. 153. Part of inscription on the east side Ian)—the one now under consider-

of Stela F, Quirigua. Maudslay, part 12, ation. What he means by 18-score
plate XL.

days is that the count extends 360
days into the 19th katun, bringing us to the commencement of the
second ahau, which, according to his method of numbering, is 1.

For some unexplained reason, Goodman makes no mention of the
numeral series between the terminal date of the initial series 1 Ahau

228 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS (ETH. ANN, 22

3 Zipand 5 Ahau 13 Mol. This, unless I am wrong in my interpreta-
tion, is found in glyphs 21, 22, and 23 (figure 153), as numbered by
Maudslay. The prefixed numerals with one exception (that prefixed
to the ahau) are of the ordinary type. However, as the exception,
which isa face numeral, shows the hand across the lower jaw we must
assume, according to what has been shown, that it denotes full count
or naught (0). With this assumption, the series appear to be 3 days,
11 chuens, 0 ahaus, and 19 katuns, or —19-O0-11-3, the number of
chuens being uncertain; but this series will not connect any pre-
ceding with any following date. Could this have been Goodman’s
reason for omitting notice of the series?

It is noticeable also that the symbol he interprets 45 in the date
5 Ahau 13 Mol (glyph 24, figure 153) is precisely the same as the one
he interprets 1 in the date 1 Ahau 5 Zip in the inscription on the
west side of this stela (glyph 33). In the next place it is exceedingly
doubtful, judging from an inspection of the characters, whether his
supposed series “*3 cycles, 8 katuns, and 19 ahaus” can be found in
the space indicated—that is between glyphs 24 and 29. There is not
in it, with one exception, a single glyph that in any way resembles
any of the forms of time periods he has noticed. The exception is
the first part of glyph 26, which is like the ordinary form of the chuen
symbol; but the character over it is like that over Ahau in the date
he gives as 5 Ahau 13 Mol, elsewhere interpreted as 1. There is a
numeral, 13, of the ordinary form over the first part of glyph 28, but
there is no 15 in the series he gives. We take this series, there-
fore, to be purely imaginary, made up from his tables. According to
Maudslay’s drawing, the month symbol in the following date—1 Ahau
15 Yax—is really the symbol for Yaxkin. But an examination of the
photograph does not bear out the drawing, the glyph being as much
like the Yax as the Yaxkin symbol.

According to his statement, thisimagined series extends ‘‘ 360 8-score
days into the 15th eyele to 1 Ahau 13 Yax.” He must, of course,
allude to the 13th eyele of his 55th great cycle; with this understand-
ing his count is correct, if he had anything to base it on.

We turn next to the inscription on the west side of Stela E, the
drawing of which is shown in Maudslay’s plate XXXII, part 12. The
terminal date of this initial series (see plate LXXI1), the number of
ahaus being corrected from 12 to 13, as already noticed, is 12 Caban 5
Kayab. The first numeral series which follows is in glyphs 14 and 15
(figure 154), and is 6-13-3 (reversed), equal to 2,423 days. The date
which follows (glyph 16) is 4 Ahau 13 Yax. The count is correct, as
2,423 days from 12 Caband Kayab, year 13 Ben, bring us to 4 Ahau 13
Yax, year 7 Lamat. The next series is found in glyph 18 and, accord-
ing to the method of reading the chuens and days so far followed—
that is, counting the number at the left side of the chuen symbol as
days and that above it as chuens—is, in reverse order, 1-6-14, but

THOMAS] SECONDARY SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 229

Goodman, without any explanation, changes it here to 1-14-6. The
date following (glyphs 19 and 20), is 6 Cimi4 Tzec. The time given in
this instance will not reach from one of these dates to the other. As
Goodman is certainly right in his correction in this instance, if the
date 4 Ahau 13 Yax be correct, we will examine it. The initial
series of this inscription, including the terminal date, is, when the
correction noted has been made, precisely the same as that of the
inscription on the west side of Stela F, and the first following date
there is the same as the
second here, 6 Cimi 4 Tzec.
As the intervening series
is too short to allow for ¢
second return of the latter
date, it is evident that the
numeral series must be the
same. <As that of Stela F
is 13-9-9, then by subtract-
ing, in the inscription on
Stela E, the 6-13-53 extend-
ing from 12 Caban 5 Kayab
to 4 Ahau 13 Yax, from this
series (15-9-) the remain-
der, 6-146, must give the
lapse of time from 4 Ahau
13 Yax to 6 Cimi 4 Tzee, the
third date, and caleulation
shows that it does. There-
fore the correction from
1-6-14 to 1-146, and the
1 to 6, giving 6-146, may
be accepted as justifiable
if the date 4 Ahau 13 Yax
be correct. At any rate, it
is certain that this change
is correct or that an equiv-

alent change in the preced- Fic. 154. Partof inscription on the west side of Stela E,
r 2. ees Quirigua. Maudslay, part 12, plate xxxt.

ing series 6-15-53, must be
made and the date altered to suit. I am therefore inclined to accept
the correction made by Goodman.

Following the last date at glyphs 21 and 22 (figure 155) is the series
15 days 18 chuens 1 ahau 1 katun, or in reverse order 1—1—-15-15.
The numbers are distinct and of the ordinary type, and are given
correctly, as is shown by inspection both of the photograph and draw-
ing. That there is an error here (18 chuens being full count) seems
apparent, unless the number at the left side of the chuen symbol
refers to chuens and that above to days, which can not be accepted

230 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

~ 99

without proof. Goodman reads ‘* 1—-1—-16-15,” but the number over the
symbol is 18 and not 16. The two outer of the three units are cer-
tainly balls, and not rings or semicircles. This series is followed at
glyphs 23 and 24 (figure 155) by the date 11 Imix 19 Muan, and whether
we count 18 or 16 chuens or consider the 15 as chuens and the 18 as
days, it fails to connect the preceding with the following date. Before
attempting to find the solution of the difficulty we will pass on to the
next series and date and count back.

Passing on to glyphs 27 and 28 (figure 156) we find the series 8-19-4,
followed (glyph 29) by the date 15 Ahau 18 Cumhu, and this is fol-
lowed immediately (glyph 30) by the symbol for 17 katuns, apparently
inserted, as it is followed by no date, to show that the date just
preceding it is in the 17th katun, or that 17 katuns have been passed
over from the commencement of the cyele, most likely the latter.
As Goodman does not
discuss this series,
although he mentions it,
I give my own explana-
tion. That there is an
error here, if the number
over the chuen symbol is
intended to indicate chu-
ens, as there are but 18
chuens in an ahau, is
apparent. Let us try
the count with the day
and chuen numbers re-
versed—that is, on the
supposition that the se-
ries should read 84-19.
This equals 2,979 days,
which number counted
backward from 15 Ahau 18 Cumhu brings us to 11 Imix 19 Muan,
which apparently justifies the change and proves the date ‘*11 Imix
19 Muan” to be correct.

Turning to Goodman’s ‘‘Archaic Chronological Calendar,” to the 9th
cycle of his 54th great cyele, in which the series of this inseription
are located, we find that 13 Ahau 18 Cumhu is the first day of the 17th
katun according to his method of numbering. However, it must be
remembered that he begins the count of katuns with 20, following
with 1, 2, ete., up to 19; therefore 13 Ahau 18 Cumhu is really the
first day of the 15th katun, 17 entire katuns having been passed over
from the initial date of the inscription (8 Ahau 13 Ceh, the first day of
the 9th eyele). This verifies our conelusion as to the signification of
the symbol for 17 katuns in glyph 30.

Fig. 155. Part of inscription on the west side of Stela E,
Quirigua. Maudslay, part 12, plate xxx1.

THOMAS] SECONDARY SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 231

For the purpose of determining the third minor series given in the
inscription as 1—1—18-15, followed by 11 Imix 19 Muan, we will count
from the initial date of the inscription, placing side by side the series
as given in the inscription and as corrected.

As given As corrected
Initiale ==. 2 = ae a 9-14-12-4-17 9-14-13-4-17
Seconds =ee—= deta to eee ss 6-13-3 6-13-38
ir dee - oe eee ees 1-6-14 6-14-6
ROU eee ee ene 1-1-18-15
WT Une ee me eee Oo See See < 8-194 84-19
9-16-11-6-13 9-15-15-1-5

If we subtract 9-15-15-1-4, the sum of the right column (omitting
the 4th series), from 9-17-0-0-0, or, omitting the cycles, 15-15-1-5
from 17-0-0-0 (17 katuns), the remainder is 14-16-15, or 1 katun 4

Fic. 156. Part of inscription on the west side of Stela E, Quirigua. Maudslay, part 12,
plate XXXI.

ahaus 16 chuens and 15 days. This, if the preceding corrections are
justified, should be the 4th series, and should connect (counting for-
ward) the dates 6 Cimi 4 Tzec and 11 Imix 19 Muan, and calculation
shows that it does. The 4th series should therefore be 14-16-15, or
8,975 days.

Tt will be seen from our examination of this inscription that some
correction has been made in the Ist, 5rd, and 4th series, and that the
day and chuen numbers have been reversed in the 5th. It must be
admitted that this does not present a very favorable showing for the
theory, yet I am convinced that the corrections in this instance are

232 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [BTH. ANN. 22

justified; but a single variation is possible (that of the 3rd date)
which would involve greater changes than those which have been
made. That the number at the left of the chuen symbol sometimes
denotes chuens and the one over the top sometimes denotes days is
mentioned by Maudslay, yet it is very unusual and is probably due to
carelessness. There is evidence of carelessness in this inscription in
the writing of 18 and 19 chuens, and in giving 12 ahaus in the initial
series instead of 15, as it evidently should be.

The next inscription referred to is that on the east side of Stela E, the
drawing of which is shown in Maudslay’s plate XXXII, part 12 (our plate
LXXvil). The initial series is 54-9-17-0-0-0, 13 Ahau 18 Cumhu.
Goodman does not mention this inscription. It ends precisely where
the preceding inscription ended. Although there are distinet dates
scattered through it, and what appear to be partial series, I am unable
to determine the latter from the unusual symbols of which they are
formed, if they are present. The inscription appears to end, so far
as dates are concerned, with 13 Ahau 18 Cumhu, the same as the
terminal date of the initial series, which does not oceur again in
Goodman’s tables until the beginning of the 9th ahau 4th katun 12th
cyele is reached. This gives a lapse of 2-7-9-0-0 from the terminal
date of the initial series. As nothing further in regard to the series
san be learned from this inscription, we turn to that on Stela A,
Maudslay’s plate vil, part 11.

The initial series on Stela A is, as has been shown, 54-9-17-5-0-0,
6 Ahau 15 Kayab. Immediately following the mnronth symbol of the
date (glyph 16) is the symbol for 6 Ahau. This, I believe, is to show
that the preceding date is the beginning of the 6th ahau, and so it is
if we count the ahaus 1, 2, 3, ete., from the commencement of the
katun, instead of 20, 1, 2, 3, ete., as Goodman counts them. It is my
belief that the numbers expressed in the series denote, at least as a
general rule, completed periods and not incomplete ones. Take, for
example, the numbers in the initial series in this inscription, omitting
the great eycle—9-17-5-0-0, that is, 9 cycles, 17 katuns, 5 ahaus,
0 chuens, 0 days. This may be read just as I have given it here, or
as follows: The 5th ahau of the 17th katun of the 9th eyele. If it
should be read as I have given it, it shows that Goodman’s method of
counting—beginning that of the cycles with 13 following with 1, 2, 3,
ete., that of the katuns and ahaus with 20, and following with 1, 2,
3, ete.—is erroneous. If we read 9 cycles, 17 katuns, and 5 ahaus,
the meaning is that 9 full cyeles, plus 17 katuns, plus 5 ahaus must
be counted to make the sum of the days between the preceding and
following date, and this is in fact the method Goodman uses, and
which must be used in making the calculation. On the other hand,
according to his system, the series 9—-17-5—0-0 would indicate that the
date sought is the 1st day of the 5th ahau of the 17th katun of the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIII

( TESST TESST \

a

A
alleges

INSCRIPTION ON THE EAST SIDE OF STELA E, QUIRIGUA

MAUDSLAY, PART 12, PLATE XXXII

an 4

THOMAS] SECONDARY SERIES OF QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS 233

9th eyele, but the symbol 6 Ahau (glyph 16) denotes, if we have cor-
rectly interpreted it, that 6 Ahau 13 Kayab is the first day of the 6th
ahau; nevertheless, Goodman’s method of counting gives the correct
result. Attention will again be called to the subject further on.

Returning to our inscription, we find in the 20th glyph the brief
series 19 ahaus followed by the date 6 Ahau 13 Chen or 13 Zac, but
the series does not connect the dates. There are no other recogniza-
ble series in the inseription.

The inscription on the west side of Stela C—the drawing of which
is shown in Maudslay’s plate 19, part 11 (our figure 147)—has, as
heretofore stated, the initial series 54-9-1-0-0-0, 6 Ahau 13 Yaxkin.
Following this date, at glyphs 16 and 17, isthe numeral series 17—5-0-0,
that is, 17 katuns, 5 ahaus, 0 chuens, 0 days, though in the usual
reyerse order of days, chuens, ahaus, katuns. This is in turn fol-
lowed by the date 6 Ahau 13 Kayab. If we count this series as 16
katuns and 5 ahaus, it will exactly express the lapse of time from 6
Ahau 135 Yaxkin, the preceding date, to 6 Ahau 13 Kayab, the date
which follows. But turning to Goodman’s ‘‘ Archaic Chronological
Calendar,” 54th great cycle, we find that the latter date, according to
his numbering, is the 5th ahau of the 17th katun of the 9th eyele.
Shall we accept this as the proper reading, or shall we conclude that
there is an error in the number of katuns? 6 Ahau 13 Yaxkin is
the first day of the 1st katun of the 9th cycle, according to Goodman’s
method of counting (though the 2nd, in fact, if the count began with
1), and 6 Ahau 15 Kayab is the first day of the 5th ahau, as Goodman
counts (6th in fact), of the 17th (18th) katun. Counting from one
date to the other gives just 16 katuns 5 ahaus, as the following sub-
traction shows:

9-17-5-0-0
9- 1-0-0-0

16-5-0-0

It is proper to bear in mind that by Goodman’s method of number-
ing, the number given always expresses the number completed; thus,
as he begins with 15 in numbering the cycles, his Ist cycle is in reality
the second, one cycle having been completed and the 2nd entered
upon. Iam therefore disposed to correct 17 katuns in the series just
examined to 16. i

As these are the only series of the Quirigua inscriptions to which it
is desirable to call attention at present, the next subject of examina-
tion is the great-cycle symbols, but in order to enter upon this intelli-
gently it is necessary to discuss some points of Goodman’s system not
fully examined in my previous paper. In doing this it will be neces-
sary to go to the very base of his system.

234 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

MAYA CHRONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

The theory that Goodman has adopted, so far as it relates to the
scale of units or time periods, as he terms them, may be expressed in
the following series, the day being the primary unit:

Day oo See she Sat aoe ae nee ae ee ee ee 1 day
20idaysmmnake wich enl === == meme eee ee eee eee 20 days

1'8ichutens)myalke rll aha ples eee ae eee ees ee 360 days
20jahans malkeulycaion= sae ee 7,200 days
20ikatunsimakedicy Clete ss == nt ae eee -. 144,000 days
idicyclesimake lereab cyclesse= sees e eee ae ee 1,872,000 days
73 great cycles make 1 grand era-_-__--_-_-------- 136,656,000 days

This scheme is, as was explained in my previous paper, precisely the
same as that generally accepted, so far as the numbers are concerned,
until, in ascending the scale, the number of cycles, or units of the 5th
order, forming a great cycle, or unit of the next higher order, is reached.
At this point Goodman abandons the vigesimal system and introduces
in one step 13 and in the other 73 as multipliers—numbers which are
absolutely necessary to his theory; for if either be dropped, his theory
falls with it. If these supposed time periods are, as I contend, noth-
ing more than orders of units in the system of numeration, then we
must assume that the vigesimal system was followed. To this point
attention is directed, and although it is discussed somewhat at length
in my previous paper, there is other evidence bearing on the question,
which will be introduced here. It was shown there that one series
in the Dresden codex recognizes 20 cycles to the great cycle (I shall
continue to use these terms merely for convenience, to indicate the
orders of units). A more careful study of that codex shows that there
are other series which also furnish conclusive evidence on this point.

The theory, therefore, which I shall attempt to show is the correet
one is that in both the Dresden codex and the inscriptions the viges-
imal system was maintained throughout, except only in the second
step; not only that 20 ahaus make | katun and 20 katuns make 1
cycle, but also that 20 cycles make 1 great cycle and 20 great cycles
1 next higher step, should the count extend so far.

Before we consider the examples which are to be introduced as evi-
dence in support of this theory, it will be best, in order to see more
clearly the bearing and the force of this evidence on the question, to
present an explanation of the order of succession of the great cycles
when the vigesimal system is followed, that is, when 20 cycles are
counted to the great cycle.

As the day Ahau is found to be the first day of several, in fact most,
of the initial series of the inscriptions, and is that adopted by Good-
man as the beginning of his grand era, as also of his great cycles, I,
for the present, assume it as the initial day of the latter periods.

According to his scheme of counting 13 cycles to each of these

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 235

periods, they all begin with the day 4 Ahau. If the first day of the
ahaus is Ahau, then if is certain that the first day of each of the
higher periods will be Ahau, though we count 15 or 20 cycles to the
great cycle. As the days of the calendar are numbered 1, 2, 3, ete.,
up to 13, the count then beginning again with 1, and this numbering
is continued in regular order, and as Ahau will return only every 20th
day it is apparent that it will receive different numbers. If the days
are written out in regular succession and the series is made of suffi-
cient length, it will be found, if we select a 13 Ahau and begin our
count with it and count 360 days (1 ahau) to each step, that the num-
bers attached to the days (which will of course be Ahaus) will come (the
count being forward) in the following order: 15, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7,
3, 12, 8, 4, 13, 9, 5, ete., this order being maintained wherever in the
series we may begin. .

As it takes 20 ahaus or units of the 5rd order to make one of the
4th, it follows that if the day numbers are written out in succession
in the order above stated, the first days of the katuns will be those of
the 20th ahaus, their numbers will therefore come in the following
orders We 957 ood ele On OO, 4.02) 15. lg. fete, bhe order
remaining the same regardless of the point at which the count begins.
As 20 katuns make 1 cycle, the numbers of the first days of the
cycles will be the same as those of the 20th katuns, and will be as fol-
lows: 13, 12, 11, 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1, 13, 12, ete. The beginning
point in these series is arbitrary.

It may also be shown by simple calculation that the order of the
day numbers of the first days of the higher periods or orders of units
will be as given above. As the numbers of the first days of the ahaus
vary successively by 4, if we multiply + by 20 (20 ahaus being required
to make a katun) and divide by 13, the remainder is 2; hence, if the
first day of a given katun is 9, the first day of the one which follows
will be 7 Ahau, the difference being subtracted if counting forward,
and added if counting backward. When the number of the day is
less than 3 we add 13, and then subtract in counting forward, and in
counting backward subtract 15 when the sum is greater than this
number. As it takes 400 ahaus to make 1 cycle, we multiply the
difference, 4, by this number, and divide the product by 13. This
leaves a remainder of 1, hence we subtract 1 from the number of the
first day of a given cycle to find the first of that which follows, or
add 1 to find the first of that which precedes.

As, according to Goodman’s theory, 15 cycles make a great cycle,
then it requires 20x 20x13 ahaus to make 1 great cycle. We mul-
tiply 4 by 20x20x13 (or 5,200) and divide by 13. This leaves no
remainder, and hence, according to this scheme, the day numbers of
the first day of all the great cycles will be the same, and so Goodman
gives them in his ‘‘ Perpetual Chronological Calendar.” Here the
question of number arises. Is it 1 Ahau, 2 Ahau, or 3 Ahau, ete., to

236 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

13 Ahau? Goodman says + Ahau. He bases this, doubtless, on the
fact that many of the initial series of the inscriptions have as their
first day 4 Ahau 5 Cumhu, which he assumes, apparently correctly, is
the first day of a great cycle. It is apparent, following his method of
numbering, that if one great eyele begins with 4 Ahau, all the rest do.
As yet we have not introduced the year as a factor, but before this
is done attention is called to the result of following the vigesimal sys-
tem in counting the higher orders of units, or time periods, as Good-
man considers them. According to this system, which, as I have
stated, prevails in the Dresden codex, not only does it take 20 ahaus
to make 1 katun and 20 katuns to make 1 cycle, but also 20 eyeles
to make 1 great eyele. The order in which the numbers of the initial
days of the ahaus, katuns, and cycles follow one another will be the
same in the one scheme as in the other and as already given. The
difference between the two theories appears in the numbers of the
initial days of the great cycles. Following the method of calculation
indicated, we multiply 4 by 20x 20x20 (or 8,000) and divide by 13.
This gives a remainder of 7. The order of the numbers is therefore
135165 W255; 1-4) Ol 3) 9) 2.8, 17, ies 6h ll ete. and® this) 1s) tound
to be correct by the absolute test of writing out the numbers of the
first days of the cycles in proper order and taking every 20th one.
The initial dates of a sufficient number to cover all probable require-
ments are given here, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu being adopted as the basis or
check point from which to count forward and backward. In this
calculation we must bring into the problem the year factor.

Initial days of the great cycles, following the vigesimal system

eet oe 5 Ahau 8 Muan, year 4 Ben
2_..__.11 Ahau 13 Zotz, year 4 Lamat
Sater 4 Ahau 3 Ceh, year 3 Ezanab
4_____10 Ahau 8 Pop, year 3 Ben
§...__. 8 Ahau 18 Mol; year 2 Akbal
(feces 9 Ahau 8 Pax, year 1 Ben
7_...-- 2 Ahau 13. Dzec, year 1 Lamat
Sesturs 8 Ahau 3 Mac, year 13 Ezanab
Oben te 1 Ahau 8 Uo, year 13 Ben
10 _ 7 Ahau18 Chen, year 12 Akbal
11_____.18 Ahau 8 Kayab, year 11 Ben
1 ee ee 6 Ahan 13 Xul, year 11 Lamat
Deere 12 Ahau 38 Kankin, year 10 Ezanab
14______ § Ahau 8 Zip, year 10 Ben
(be sees Athan lSeviax: year 9 Akbal
Ges ooe 4 Ahaw &§ Cumhu, year 8 Ben
17__----10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin, year 8 Lamat
18__._... 3 Ahau 3 Muan, year 7 Ezanab
19___.___9 Ahau 8 Zotz, year 7 Ben
20_....- 2 Ahau 18 Zac, year 6 Akbal

As no larger number of great cycles has been recorded than 14, in
one of the Copan inscriptions, 6 being the highest given in the Dres-

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 237

den codex, the initial dates given will probably suffice for all require-
ments. But this supposition rests on the theory that the range
counting by great cycles, is not more than 14 from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu.
Our numbering (left column) is, of course, purely arbitrary, given
merely for convenience of reference, the great cycles being, on the
theory I have presented, in precisely the same relation to the next
higher order of units—provided the Mayan count extended so far—as
the cycles to the great cycles, the katuns to the cycles, ete. In other
words, when, in counting, 20 cycles are completed, one great cycle is
completed and the count passes into the 2nd; and when this is com-
pleted we pass into the 3rd, etc., in precisely the same manner that
we pass in our decimal system from one decimal to the next higher.

Our next step is to test the theory advanced by appeal to the high
series which reach to the great cycles, beginning with those of the
Dresden codex. These are found on plates LXI, LXTI, and LXIxX. As
the determination of the point in question is of vital importance, the
details of the demonstration will be given somewhat fully.

Taking first plate Lxt of the codex (our plate LXXIX), we observe
four numeral series running upward in the folds of two serpent
figures, two of these series being in black numerals of the ordinary
form, and two in red, also of the ordinary form. The two series in
the leff serpent (one black and the other red) are as follows reading
from the top down:

1ena i Meee Fy eat Oe Se aS 4-6-11-10-7— 2, 38 Cimi 14 Kayab
Black* 22. ah eee es _. 4-6- 7-12-4-10. 3 Ix 7 Pax (?)

That is to say, the red series is 4 great cycles, 6 cycles, 11 katuns,
10 ahaus, 7 chuens, 2 days, to 3 Cimi 14 Kayab. The symbols of the
dates as we give them are seemingly reversed as compared with their
positions on the plate, but the zigzag order of the series must be borne
inmind. The symbol of the month Pax is somewhat unusual.

The red series changed into days is as follows:

Days

4 great cycles (of 20 cycles each) -._.___.._-_-.._---- 11, 520, 000
GiCY.ClESh Se 5S ee ee eet oe as cp 864, 000
dikatans= --2—=.—= ae Sapna eee Wee eis eeeeeeaaees 79, 200
NO FeV ats oe es = te eee ei a ene To ict ee 3, 600
TECHILENS tet 8 St OEE eee eh ar ee eee er 140
Pidays=.. See 22 Mea ee ee oe en ee edo eee 2

Dotalianiounts pees sence = gee ee eee eee ese 12, 466, 942
Subtractiopo calendarimounds=2-— seo 5 28 eee ae 12, 450, 880

FRM BIN d eres east ot eae Se Cle ahaa 16, 062

Tsing this remainder and counting forward from 9 Kan 12 Kayab
(year 3 Ben)—the date standing over the head of the figure seated on
the serpent—we reach 5 Cimi 14 Kayab, year § Ben, the date standing
below.

We have positive evidence, therefore, that in this instance 9 Kan

238 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

12 Kayab is the initial day of a great cycle and that 20 cycles are
counted to the great cyele, since the number 11,520,000 is obtained
as follows:

1 CYCle cen aac eed se eo ne 144, 000 days
Multiplied" bys2= 2:2 s= sae ae 20

1 great cycle. _--_-- Meiee Age 2 ee ee ee eae 2,880, 000 days
Multipliediiby 222 55 = a aaa eae 4

4 -preaticycles:.0. S225 224. cease eee eee 11,520,000 days

If we follow Goodman’s method and count only 13 eyeles to each
great cycle, 4 of the latter, together with the minor periods of the
series as given above, will amount to 8,432,942 days. Subtract 444
calendar rounds, and there remain 5,822 days, which, counted from 9
Kan 12 Kayab, bring us to 7 Cimi 14 Pax. This is not correct as to
the number of the day or as to the month. The same day should
be reached, for the number of cycles is the only thing in the series
changed.

We take next the black series of the same pair, to wit, 4-6-7-12-4—
10, 3 Ix 7 Pax. This changed into d»ys is as follows:

Days

4 great cycles (of 20 cycles each) ___-__..-_---_.-__-- 11,520, 000
Gicycles; Se oes 5 ee ee ee ee eee 864, 000
TR AULUDS soe ee ee ee a pe ee ee 50, 400
AD AGUS see eee ee ee ee eee ree es 4, 320
A CHUENS eae 325 2 Se Oe a Cae ee ee eee ae 80
110) GEN Ae oe oeteesee Dafoe eee See ee — 10

Motall. Get eae See oe eee ete eee 12, 438, 810
Subtract 6porcalendar round Se. = ss see eee 12, 431, 900

Remainders: sae ee ee oe 6,910

Using this remainder and counting forward from 9 Kan 12 Kayab,
year 3 Ben, the same initial date as before used, we reach 3 Ix 7 Pax,
year 9 Lamat. This is correct.

The series in the folds of the right serpent (same plate as the pre-
ceding) are as follows:

Blacks se See ee 4-6-9-15-12-19, 13 Akbal 1 Kankin
Red eetee 2a eee nee 4-6-1- 9-15- 0, 3 Kan 16 (?) Uo

Changing the red series into days, we have the following result:

Days
4 great cycles (of 20 cycles each) ______--____-_------ 11,520, 000
(HAE 2-2 Gas. onse Ns as De DY, me rae Se tee : 864, 000
tka tone as 5 er eee 2s ee ee ee 7,200
9 ahanis s.- e S lee Se eae sae a teee 3, 240
15 chuens__- : : ee Seat a 300
Dotale aA sees ee seen. 12538941740

Subtract 653 calendar rounds__ ESSE ee ace 12, 393, 940

Remainder - a = See eee 800

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXxIx

PLATE LXI!l OF THE DRESDEN CODEX

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 239

Using this remainder and counting forward from 9 Kan 12 Kayab
(same initial date as before), we reach 3 Kan 17 Uo, year 6 Lamat.
This is correct, as it gives the date below, except as to the day of the
month—which is given as 16 Uo in the original, but should be 17 Uo,
as Kan is never the 16th day of the month. What is meant by the
calendar rounds and the reason for subtracting them was fully
explained above and in my previous paper.

The black series of the same pair changed into days gives the fol-
lowing numbers:

Days

4 creat cycles (of 20 cycles each) --_-- --__----==---=!- 11, 520, 000
BiG y.ClOS Heres ae aes eee ee ee ee ee eee 864, 000
OURS ae eee ees re pe re neg et 64, 800
WRayiCe a2 0 Foe Rye ge Oe ee a ee a ae ae cer eer 5, 400
A DYN a eh eee IRE ON Oe aoe eRe eme SE eee 240
OT air Sree Meee ope Se eee ee ee eee eee re 19

bi ifs) (ee ee ee Os, yey et ee ee ee 12, 454, 459
Subtract bo6icalendas roundsaes==—. = =e ae == 12, 450, 880

IRGHIALNIC 6 Dre ete ete eee ee etoe | aa 3,579

Counting forward this number of days from 9 Kan 12 Kayab, year
3 Ben, we reach 13 Akbal | Kankin, year 15 Akbal. This also is
correct.

The next series noticed is the one consisting of black numerals in
the folds of the serpent on plate LXIx of the Dresden codex (our
plate LXxx). Thisisas follows: 4-5-19-13-12-8, 4 Eb ? (month); the
month symbol is obliterated. As the black and red are not zigzagged
in this instance, the date belonging to the black series stands imme-
diately under it. Changed into days, the series gives the following
result:

Days

4 great cycles (of 20 cycles each) --.-1..---.=--.--=-- 11,520, 000
Pieyeles( =). fe" oesce see ae ee ee ee eee ee 720, 000
jOkatens. «205. one ee Ja. 365-85 pest Gees 136, 800
Stan AUS! Se kee oe ee ee ee eo 4, 680
TOTGHUCHS oS hs ee eee mae ee ester e oe 240
Sidayst 22 5. 2 ie Se eee ee as Dn ee eee 8

ANG) 2 ig eS 2 Is See ye I SS pe cede es ee 12, 381, 728
Subtract 652 calendar rounds___-_-__-_- Be, a! oS te 12, 374, 960

Remainderrs= =. ease sa a ee ee ee 6, 768

In this instance, as on plate Lx of the codex, the date 9 Kan 12
Kayab stands above the serpent. Counting forward 6,768 days from
this date, we are brought to 4 Eb 5 Chen, year 9 Lamat, which agrees
with the unobliterated part of the date given below.

We have,’ therefore, in the data presented positive proof that in
five instances in the Dresden codex the day 9 Kan 12 Kayab is the
first day of a great cycle, and that twenty cycles are counted to one

240 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

great cycle. In these instances 9 Kan 12 Kayab is the initial day of
the first or more remote of the four great cycles counted in the series
which have been noticed. The four here, however, has no reference
to the numbers applied to the high periods, if, in fact, any were
applied, but is merely the number of one of the orders of units used
in counting, just as we say ‘*4 thousands, 5 millions,” ete. However,
the idea intended to be set forth here will be more fully explained
farther on.

In order to show that 9 Kan, as used in the series examined, is the
initial day of the most remote of the four great cycles of these series,
the following proof is presented.

If we arrange the last-mentioned series perpendicularly in ascend-
ing order, as in the original, except that we separate the great cycles,
it will stand as follows:

4th great cycle (completed)
3rd great cycle (completed)
2nd great cycle (completed)
1st great cycle (completed)
5 cycles

19 katuns

13 ahaus

12 chuens

8 days

The reader must keep in mind all the way through that, although
Goodman’s terms are used, they are to be understood as representing
merely orders of units. Hence, 4th great cycle, 3rd great cyele, ete.,
are intended to convey the same idea that is conveyed by ‘‘4th mil-
lion, 3rd million,” ete. These terms are used merely as convenient
designations in numeration. Each and every series in the inserip-
tions and codices signifies nothing more nor less than so many days,
the day being the unit.

Our separation of the great cycles is therefore nothing more than
separating the millions and lower denominations in the expression
*°4.254,600,” just as has been done above. The object of this separa-
tion is to ascertain the beginning day of each of these numbers which
Goodman calls time periods, as this forms a check on our calculations.
For example, if I assert that 4,000 days from Thursday, January 1,
1889, will reach Saturday, December 15, 1899, by counting 1,000 days
we reach a certain date, and 1,000 more a certain other date, ete.
If the fourth 1,000 brings us to the same date as counting at once
4,000, we thereby check the one calculation by the other. The sepa-
ration is to be understood as signifying nothing more than this, and
not as implying real time periods of a chronological system.

If we can ascertain the first day of the first of these great cycles,
and count forward from the date so obtained, one by one, 4 great

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. |

PLATE LXIX OF THE DRESDEN CODEX

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 241

eycles, 5 cycles, 19 katuns, 13 ahaus, 12 chuens, and 8 days, we should,
if my theory be true, reach the same date (4 Eb 5 Chen, year 9 Lamat)
as by counting the whole series, thus obtaining a check on our
calculation.

Days
Multiply 1 cycle ____-_- ph GAS NO Bakes oe ID ee EH 144, 000
Dye Sees ee oe es eS ee ee ee 20
deoreaineyeleor 20\CyGlESe = 22a k= 2 eee ete OSU O00
pubtract)wol/calendar'rounds=— ==25-=---—- = =F = 2,865, 980
REMAIN Ceres ae oe et er ee ae tay eee BS 14, 020

Counting forward this number of days from 9 Kan 12 Kayab, year
3 Ben, we reach 2 Kan 17 Xul, year 3 Lamat. This should be the
initial day of the 3rd great cycle, as numbered above. Counting
forward 14,020 days from 2 Kan 17 Xul, year 3 Lamat, brings us to
8 Kan 7 Kankin, year 2 Ezanab. This should be the first day of the
2nd great cycle, as numbered above. Counting forward 14,020 days
from the latter date (8 Kan 7 Kankin, year 2 Ezanab), we reach 1 Kan
2 Zip, year 2 Ben. This should be the first day of the Ist great
cycle, as numbered above, and with the subordinate periods gives the
series 1-5-19-13-12-8, or 1 great cycle, 5 cycles, 19 katuns, 13 ahaus,
12 chuens, 8 days. Counting forward from 1 Kan 12 Zip, year 2 Ben,
should bring us to 4 Eb 5 Chen, year 9 Lamat, the date obtained by
counting the entire series from 9 Kan 12 Kayab, year 3 Ben.

In order to test it we make the calculation; reduced to days, the
result is as follows:

Days

itereab cycle) (of 20icycles) qo. ea a= #2 Be See 2,880, 000
Dn (Coe ee) ae eee a Se ee ee ee eee 720, 000
dO nlca Re, ee oe eS nd a Oe 26 Fae ee See eee 136, 800
TTA TIS ee Sa Meese eed ee Seek Se Phe ee oer: Bie an Pon he oe 4,680
TRC HMONS HS. 57a a ea ee ny ae BEERS ee Ne et 240
Sidays\ = -- =o pees: eee on eee eee foun ane 8
Ota Si. Se ee ee ey Bey Na 3, 741, 728
pubtrach 197: calendar rounds sss ee ee eee 3, 739, 060
1g verb Whats (inet Se SS ee te ae me ee ee ee 2,668

Counting forward this number of days from 1 Kan 12 Zip, year 2
Ben, we reach 4 Eb 5 Chen, year 9 Lamat, the date at the bottom of
the series, and the same as that obtained by using the entire series
and counting from 9 Kan 12 Kayab.

As a further test, we count forward 14,020 days from 1 Kan 12 Zip,
year 2 Ben, and reach 7 Kan 2 Zac, year 1 Akbal. This should be the
first day of the incomplete great cycle in which the minor periods
fall. Therefore, by taking the sum of these periods and counting
forward from this date, we should reach 4 Eb 5 Chen, year 9 Lamat.

22 ETH—04——16

249 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

Reducing these periods (5 cycles, 19 katuns, 13 ahaus, 12 chuens, 8
days) to days, we get the following result:

Days

DiCyClOS 25 5== a. ae ae ee ee 720, 000
(9 ikahunsS< . bs a, EES ee ae ae ree 136, 800
1S aM aU Se ei Saco ee Se e e ee e eENEEe e 4, 680
12 chuens___ Eee eee 2 ene ee me ers ~ ened YS Se 240
Brdayis® 22 Se = he gas oes ee See ae ere ee re 8
Total. [224s 52 Cr hae Fe eee ees Se os =e Solei28
Subtracting 45 calendar rounds_______________- Se eee. (60421100
Remainder soc set ea ae oe ee eee 7, 628

Counting forward 7,625 days from 7 Kan 2 Zac, year 1 Akbal, we
reach 4 Eb 5 Chen, year 9 Lamat, which is the proper date.

The demonstration therefore seems to be complete that Kan, in
the cases referred to, is the first day of each of the great cyeles. It
is also important to notice that the numbers of these Kans follow one
another in precisely the same order as do those of the Ahaus when
20 eyeles are counted to the great cycle (see page 236) to wit: 9, 2, 8,
1, 7, and, if the series is continued by calculation, 13, 6, 12, 5, 11, 4,
10, 3, 9, 2, ete.

If we arrange these first days of the great cycles in the order in
which they come, adding the days of the month on which they fall,
they will be as follows—the numbering (column at the left) being, of
course, purely arbitrary:

Lee 2 Kan 17 Cumhu, year 10 Lamat
athens 8 Kan 2 Mol, year 10 Akbal
3_..-.. 1 Kani2Muan, year 9 Ben
ee 7 Kan 17 Zotz year 9 Lamat
DEeee ale Kanwe@ebe, year 8 Ezanab
6 Or kan 127P op: year 8 Ben
(ese 12 Kan 2Chen, year 7 Akbal
8___.__ 5 Kan 12 Pax, year 6 Ben
9___..11 Kani17Tzec, year 6.Lamat
10_2---_ 4 Kan’ 7 Mac; year 5 Ezanab
it ieee 2 10 Kan 12 Uo, year 5 Ben
Beem keahlena RINE, year 4 Akbal
13_..._. 9 Kan 12 Kayab, year 3 Ben
(452 22] Pikan texas year 3 Lamat
15__.... 8 Kan 7 Kankin, year 2 Ezanab
162---_- LP Kania Zip; year 2 Ben
Lees 7 Kan 2 Zac, year 1 Akbal
18_____.13 Kan 12 Cumhnu, year 13 Ben
19______ 6 Kan 17 Yaxkin, year 13 Lamat
20__.._.12 Kan 7 Muan, year 12 Ezanab

This is caleulated from 9 Kan 12 Kayab as a basis, because we have
found it to be such for some of the series of the Dresden codex.

In order to add -proof to our explanation and calculation of the
series in the serpent figures of plate LX1i of the codex, I show the result

.
‘

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 243

of calculating the differences between the series and passing from
one of the final dates to the other. I had tried this before, but, not
allowing for the zigzag course of the series, I failed to get the dates at
the bottom in right relation to the series.

Take first the series in the right-hand serpent, as follows:

IBIRG hae ree Mean eee 4-6-9-15-12-19, 18 Akbal 1 Kankin
eC mest eae = ence ae 4-6-1— 9-15- 0, 3 Kan 16 (17) Uo
WMifference: 22-22 == -==- 8-5-15-19

This difference, counted forward from 3 Kan 17 Uo (the 16 being an
error), should reach 13 Akbal 1 Kankin.
Reducing to days, we have the following result:

Days

Sikatins = = sete tee ce a es be ee rs ace eee 57, 600
DIAN AUS S oom, gs ree See Ee i Sea RS eee sr oe 1, 800
lieiehueng= ee -= = Ay. CERES, © rs nS aoe aE Pe Ae ee 300
LOdayS ees a, Peas: sip aes eee eae sa eet eees 19
ALCO) 221] es ey cy RE SOR ye eR ee ODL cle |e eR pop a 59, 719
Subtract calendar round see ae ee ee ee eee 56, 940
FREI aN d Grteweer cthster Seek Sip nie ald e lela yl aes Aas Boe: 2,779

Using this remainder and counting forward from 3 Kan 17 Uo, year
6 Lamat, we reach 13 Akbal 1 Kankin, year 13 Akbal. This is cor-
rect, and proves that we should read 17 Uo instead of 16.

The two series in the other (left-hand) serpent are as follows:

Reds 55 © a eee eee 2 eS 4-6-11-10-7— 2, 3 Cimi 14 Kayab
Blackie ae eee eee 4-6- 7-12-4-10, 3 Ix 7 Pax
Remaindersae ses see eas 3-18-2-12

This remainder, counted forward from 3 Ix 7 Pax, which is the date
belonging to the black series, will bring us to 3 Cimi 14 Kayab, which
is the date belonging to the red series.

The relation between the pairs of the two serpents is between the
like colors. For example, by using the difference between the red
series of the right serpent and that of the left, and counting forward
from 3 Kan 17 Uo, we reach 3 Cimi 14 Kayab. By using the differ-
ence between the black series, and counting forward from 3 Ix 7 Pax,
we reach 15 Akbal 1 Kankin. These results serve to confirm the
results of the caleulations when the entire series is taken into the
count.

There are five other high series in the Dresden codex, to which I
have not as yet alluded—four in the serpent figures on plate LXI, and
the red series in the serpent on plate LXIX. The reason for passing
over them temporarily is that some of them require correction, and
others present difficulties to successful calculation and satisfactory
interpretation which I have not as yet been able to overcome. As the
object in view is to discover the truth and not merely to support a

244 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

theory, it is proper that these difficulties should be explained to the
reader that he may judge whether they have any bearing on the ques-
tion under discussion.

The first of these series to which reference will be made are the
black and red in the left serpent on plate Lx1 of the codex (our plate
LXXXI). These, as they stand on the plate, are as follows:

Blackt2 +. 32 229eSPe Ss eee 4-6-14-13-15-1, 3 Chiechan 13 Pax
Redisrss t-te pe eee See 4-6- 0-11- 3-?, 3 Chicchan 18 Xul

In this instance, as on plate LXII, the dates under the series are
here seemingly reversed by the zigzag arrangement of the series—a
fact which is to be borne in mind; therefore, that which is apparently
under the black belongs to the red. The last (lowest) number of the
red series denoting days is obliterated, but calculation soon makes it
apparent that it was 1. The initial date here is the same as that of
the other series of this codex heretofore referred to, to wit, 9 Kan
12 Kayab, which stands in the text above the serpent.

Caleulating the series as they stand in the original, counting from
the initial date (9 Kan 12 Kayab), we find, whether we assume 20 or
15 cycles to the great cycle, that neither of the'dates standing below
will bereached. The proper day, and even the day of the month, may
be reached, but not the full date as given. Counting 20 cycles to the
great eyele, we are brought by the black series to 1 Chiechan 18 Chen,
year 6 Lamat; the red series (adding one day) brings us to 5 Chic-
chan 13 Mac, year 15 Ben. The result in both cases is wrong. Count-
ing 15 eyeles to the great cycle in the black, we reach 3 Chicchan 13
Kayab, year 9 Ben; and the red series brings us to 7 Chicchan 3 Zip,
year 4 Akbal. Both results are wrong, though the first is apparently
within one month of being correct—the day, day number, and day of
the month being right. However, the two dates are in reality 52 years
apart. We might assume the number of months (chuens) to be 14,
instead of 15 as given in the original, if this would bring both series
in harmony; or we might change the month from Pax to Kayab, if this
would meet the difficulty throughout. The two series, black and red,
are evidently related, and the difference between them must connect
the dates reached by counting each series from the initial date ( Kan
12 Kayab). The difference in this case, 15 eyeles being counted to
the great cycle, brings the red series to 7 Chicchan 3 Zip, year 4
Akbal, which is wrong.

With seeming inconsistency, I propose a correction more radical
than either of those suggested above. I believe the aboriginal artist
by inadyertency made an exchange between the black and red series
in the ahaus and chuens, and that, instead of being as given above,
they should be as follows:

Black =< 22 ate eee __ 4-6-14-11- 3-1, 3 Chicchan 13 Pax
Red =-- ee ___.... 4-6- 0-13-15-1, 3 Chicchan 18 Xul

TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXxxt

ODEX

(e!

PLATE LX! OF THE DRESDEN

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 245

The series evidently requires that the days of the terminal dates
shall each be 3 Chicchan.

Counting forward from 9 Kan 12 Kayab, year 3 Ben, the amount of
the black series (equaling 12,488,821 days), we reach 3 Chiechan 13
Pax, year 5 Ben; and counting from the same initial date the red
series (equaling 12,388,981 days), we reach 3 Chiechan 18 Xul, year
3 Lamat. Both results are correct, and counting from 3 Chicchan 18
Xul, year 5 Lamat, the difference between the two series as thus cor-
rected (equaling 99,840 days), we reach 3 Chiecchan 13 Pax, year 3
Ben, the terminal date of the black series.

Neither of the series in the right-hand serpent of this plate brings
the count to either of the dates which stand below them. As yet I
am unable to find in what the error consists. As the text above this
right-hand serpent has been obliterated, it is possible, though I do not
think probable, that a different initial date is given. As both series
counted backward reach a 9 Kan, but of different months, I am
inclined to believe that the error consists in one or both month sym-
bols of the terminal dates.

The other series which has not been considered is the red one in the
serpent on plate LXIx, Dresden codex. The difficulty in this case
arises from the insufficient data, the number in the katun place
haying been omitted or obliterated, and the month symbol of the
terminal date being too nearly obliterated for anything positive in
regard to it to be determined. If the month symbol could be deter-
mined by inspection, the data would be sufficient to give the num-
ber of katuns correctly; but with the series in its imperfect con-
dition, we can only state that, by a trial substitution of the numbers
from 1 to 19 in the katun place, we find that this number must be
either 1 or 14. If it be 1, the terminal date is 9 Ix 12 Zip; if it be 14,
the terminal date is 9 Ix 12 Zae. As the fragment of the month
symbol, small as if is, apparently forbids the supposition that it is

. Zae, it is probably Zip.

Taking the difference between the red series, as thus corrected, and
the black series, and counting back from 9 Ix 12 Zip, we reach 4+ Eb
5 Chen, year 9 Lamat, which agrees with the result of counting the
black series from the initial date. The solution, therefore, appears to
be satisfactory.

As Dr Seler raises another question in regard to these high series
of the Dresden codex, we will consider it before passing on. It will
be noticed that in the text (double column) at the left of the ser-
pents on plates LXI and LXTX, there is, in each case, a numeral series
given in symbols in the same form as those in the inscriptions: The
one on plate LXI is 15—--1-3, or 15 katuns, 9 ahaus, 1 chuen, 3 days;
that on plate LXIx is 15-9-444, or 15 katuns, 9 ahaus, 4 chuens, 4 days.
The date following in each case is 9 Kan 12 Kayab, and the date
preceding is in each ease is 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. Now, Dr Seler, if I

246 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

rightly understand him, contends that this series belongs to, or is con-
nected with, the series in the serpent figures, and is to show that the
count is carried back to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu as the initial date, though
he has failed to make connection between the dates by the series in
the text.

As the initial and terminal dates (4 Ahau 5 Cumhu and 9 Kan 12
Kayab) are the same on both plates, and the number of the katuns
and ahaus the same in both, it is certain there is a mistake in one or
the other in regard to the number of chuens and days—one being +
chuens, + days, and the other 1 chuen, 3 days—as the terminal date
can not occur twice in the lapse of time between one and the other,
that is, in 61 days. However, neither series will connect the two dates.
The series on plate LXTX when reduced to days is as follows:

Days

lbikatums2= 2 = : Is. SE ee ee ee epee Se OS MOUO)
9 ahaus_- BPs ea ay Syn hs Oe hele el OA)
4 chuens_ h s. OS Ae een ee 80
4 days _- : aes ee é ee ee 4
otal Cees ere ths em Lo oe ee Le ee
Subtract 5 calendar rounds-_- z See eae BOLR900
Remainder __- i= : é _... 16,424

Counting this number of days forward from + Ahau 8 Cumhu, year
8 Ben, we reach 9 Kan 7 Cumhu, year 1 Ezanab—a date 37 years
later than the proper one; nor will counting backward give the
proper result. It is apparent from the problem itself that the
numeral series must be materially changed in order to connect these
dates, if this was the object of the aboriginal artist. That the two
dates are too prominent for either to be changed will be admitted.
As 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu falls in the year 8 Ben, and 9 Kan 12 Kayab in
the year 3 Ben, the lapse of time from the former to the latter, count-
ing forward (the necessary direction on Seler’s assumption) is 2,904
days (plus any number of calendar rounds); while the number of
days over and above the calendar rounds in one of the series (plate
LXIX) is 16,424 days, and in the other (plate LXT) is 16,263 days. The
difference between 16,263 and 2,904 is 13,459. Therefore, correcting
the series, as the dates can not be changed, involves dropping out
15,459 days, or nearly 37 years. It is impossible to make this cor-
rection by any change in the number of chuens and days, and as
the katuns and ahaus are the same on both plates, it is presum-
able that they are as they were intended to be. Therefore, while the
positions of the dates in the text in relation to the numeral series
would seem to indicate that they were intended to be connected by
it, no justifiable correction or reasonable manipulation of the series
appears to bear out this theory. It would seem from these facts that
the data do not sustain Seler’s assumption.

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 947

Suppose, however, that it was the intention of the aboriginal artist
to connect the dates by these short series, and that each of them con-
tains some error, and when corrected would make the connection, let
us see what the result would be. The entire series on plate LXIX—
taking that in the text as it stands, and the black one in the serpent
figure, making 15-9-4-4 plus 4-5-19-13-12-8, 4 Eb ?(month)—would
throw back the initial date 12,493,052 days, or a little over 34,226
years, previous to the terminal date 4 Eb of the series. This is
wholly inconsistent with the idea expressed by Seler (quoted farther
on) that the terminal dates of the inscriptions indicate, respectively,
the time of the erection of the monument, and that these dates fall
within or after the 10th eyele (Goodman’s 9th of the 54th great cycle).
If the 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu of this series is the same +4 Ahau 8 Cumhu in
actual time as the first of Goodman’s 54th great cycle—or, as Seler
calls it, the ‘‘normal date”—then the series must run far into the
actual future, or all the dates of the inscriptions must be far back in
the past, and are merely theoretical. The only other supposition is
that the 9 Kan 12 Kayab in the columns at the left is not identical
with the 9 Kan 12 Kayab that stands above the serpent, and with
which the series in the folds are undoubtedly connected.

As the final date in the series referred to in the preceding para-
graph is incomplete, in lacking the day of the month, we will try the
one on plate LXI. Using the black series in the folds of the left ser-
pent, as this is the largest of the four great series on this plate and
hence presumably the last (though the rule, if correct, should hold
good with any of the series), we have 15-91-53 plus 4-6-14-13-15-1 (as
they stand on the plate). Counting 20 cycles to the great cycle and
changing to days, we arrive at the following result:

Days
4 great cycles __- ee = Se Ee 11, 520, 000
Gscy cles terns een See ieee ee ete 864, 000
14katuns 22 !_2-- ES Ah ed ete Sed eh Ser es 100, 800
iBrahase- = - a See Bt eee ee ee 4, 680
ills iol mots) alee TM liye es ees age See beet eS 300
1 day -- ae Pi A Le Soe eee ae eines See ery 1

12, 489, 781

Add amount of short series __- Ae ot. seen Soest 111, 263
otales ay ole eave ees : : atts Se 12, 601, 044
Subtract 663 calendar rounds_- Late Bee 12, 583, 740
Remainder ___.___ » s Bes 2 ee 1p 17, 304

Using this remainder and counting forward from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,
D> 5

year 8 Ben, we reach 9 Imix 9 Mol, year+ Ben. Thisis wrong. Let us

use the series as corrected on a previous page, to wit: 4-6-I4-11-3-1,

248 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

or 12,488,821 days. Adding the shorter series and counting forward
from + Ahau 8 Cumhu, we reach the date 4 Kan 2 Yaxkin. This
again is wrong. Using the larger series as corrected and counting
from 9 Kan 12 Kayab we reach, as has already been shown, the cor-
rect date, 5 Chicchan 15 Pax. It is therefore fair to conclude that
there are no sufficient grounds for Seler’s supposition.

These erroneous conclusions arise chiefly from the mistaken idea
that these numbers, ahaus, katuns, ete., are real time periods. More-
over, it does not necessarily follow, where such high numbers are
used, that 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is what Seler calls the ‘‘normal date”;
that is to say, the initial day of Goodman’s 54th great cycle. But this
does not matter in the present case, as the date can not be connected
with any of the others given in the series.

Even could the series be reasonably changed so as to make the con-
nection between the given dates, we still have staring us in the face the
fact that 9 Kan 12 Kayab is actually and beyond question used in the
codex as the initial day of the so-called great cycle in six instances,
and that a Kan is the initial date in 3 times 6 other instances. It is
true that these so-called great cycles are but orders of units, steps in
numeration, and not real time periods; nevertheless, they are just as
real when counting from a Kan as from an Ahau.

In order that the reader may clearly understand the object in view
in introducing these calculations, and see the bearing they have on
the question, it is necessary again to refer to the basis of Goodman’s

theory of the Mayan time system, and especially of his supposed:

separate ‘‘ chronological calendar.”

Goodman maintains that in addition to their regular annual eal-
endar in which time was counted by years, months, days, ete., the
Mayas made use of another time system which he terms the ‘‘chrono-
logical calendar.” In this system, according to his theory, they
counted time by certain determinate periods, which, according to the
nomenclature arbitrarily adopted by him, are termed chuens (each of
20 days); ahaus (each of 18 chuens or 360 days); katuns (each of 20
ahaus or 7,200 days); cycles (each of 20 katuns or 144,000 days);
great cycles (each of 13 cycles or 1,872,000 days), and a grand erg
equal to 75 great cycles. These he believes to be real time periods,
as truly so as the years, etc., of the annual calendar, systematically
arranged and all above the chuens always (so far as time count in
the inscriptions is concerned) beginning with a day Ahau, the great
eycles always with the day 4 Ahau. It is in this supposition that
Goodinan’s great error lies, and, in order to support his premise, he
changes two of the steps of the Mayan numerai system without the
slightest evidence on which to base the change, and he also introduces
factors into the numeral system which are wholly unknown to it. If
these statements which I make can be maintained by satisfactory
evidence, then his theoretic ‘‘Archaic Chronological System” falls to

THOMAS] GOODMAN’S ‘‘ARCHAIC CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR” 249

the ground, though his discoveries as to the signification of certain
glyphs and the manner in which they were used be genuine, and his
calculations of series be correct, and though his tables be also correct
in the main.

The annual calendar system, which is that one long ago explained
and accepted (that of months, years, ete.), is not in dispute. It is
his theory of another time system, his so-called ‘‘ Chronological Cal-
endar,” which I assert is without basis of fact. This calendar, which
he says he ‘‘ finally deduced,” he expects will be challenged, but he
“leaves it to defend itself, conscious that it is as infallible as the
multiplication table.”

Before referring to the proof bearing on this subject already pre-
sented, we shall call attention again to Goodman’s method of num-
bering these periods. The chuens he says were numbered 18, 1, 2, 3,
etc., up to 17; the ahaus and katuns were numbered 20, 1, 2, 3, ete.,
up to 19; the eycles, 13, 1, 2, 3, ete., up to 12; and the great cycles,
73, 1, 2, 3, ete., up to 72. On this subject he remarks as follows:

Another consideration which must be constantly borne in mind is that all Maya
dates relate to elapsed time. When a date is givenit must be remembered that
it is not the beginning of a period yet to run its course, but the beginning of one
denoting a period already concluded. The ingenious numeration of their periods
was designed to prevent confusion in this regard. The first day, chuen, ahan,
katun, cycle, and great cycle is not numerated 1, but 20, 18, 20, 20, 13, 73, as the
case may be, denoting that the full round of-the period has run and that this is
the commencement of a new count. In other words, these beginning numerals
are equivalent to naught or no count, the periods being designated only until after
they had fully passed. It is very difficult to keep track of this style of numera-
tion—so difficult, in fact, that familiar as I am with it I am distrustful of having
made some lapses in these pages.

That he has made a mistake in this statement, in order to fit the
facts with his theory, and that he carries this mistake throughout his
entire work, is easily shown, and will appear from what follows.

That the count is forward to some date in the future, as compared
with the initial date, in most of the series of the inscriptions, is appar-
ent from the examples given by Mr Goodman in his work; and that
it is forward to some future date, as compared with the initial day, in
every initial series, must be admitted. Therefore, his assertion can
not be intended to contradict this fact. What he intends to declare
is this, that when a date is given, as the first day of the 2nd katun or
ahau, we must understand that it is really the first day of the 3rd
katun or ahau, the 2nd being completed; or when 2 ahaus and 3
chuens are mentioned, we are to understand 2 completed ahaus and
3 completed chuens.

Let us see if we can ascertain how this strange method of number-
ing these so-called periods originated. It must be remembered that
this numbering is the consecutive numbering, as that of the days of

250 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

the month, and not the numbering (in the 15 series) of the day Ahau
as mentioned above. I quote again from his work (pages 12 and 13):

Poor Don Pio! To have the pearl in his grasp and be unaware of its priceless-
ness—like so many others! But I must not exult too much yet. The succession
of the katuns, reckoned according to this principle, is yet to be ascertained before
my fancied discovery can be established by a crucial test. I score the ahaus off
in the foregoing order, and, sure enough, the twentieths give the desired result:
11.9, 7,5, 8.1, 12, 10,8, 6,4, 2,13. Eureka! The perturbed spirit of the Maya
calendar, which has endeavoured so long to impar¢ its message to the world, may
rest at last.

But, though confident I had discovered the secret of the ahau and katun count,
when I tried the plan on the dates and reckonings of the inscriptions it proved
totally inapplicable. There were periods into whose nature I had no insight, and
if those I surmised to be ahaus and katuns were really so the former would not
come in the right order, while the latter were excessive and numerated in a way
quite unintelligible. It was discouraging, but I did not lose faith in my discoy-
ery. The inapplicability of the Yucatec scheme to the reckonings of the inscrip-
tions, probably, was simply owing to different methods of computing the ahaus
and katuns. There was no alternative but a patient and exhaustive analysis of
the Archaic dates and time reckonings.

It would be tedious as useless to recount trials—failure outranking success a
thousand fold—the results of which constitute the bulk of this book. I will only
state, in brief, that I determined the character of the chuen and great cycle
periods; that I discovered the first chuen was numerated 18, the first ahau, katun,
day and day of the month, 20, and that the first cycle of the great cycle was num-
bered 13—the unit attaching to the second period in all instances; that I ascer-
tained the cycle was composed of twenty katuns, numerated 20, 1, 2,3, etc., up to
19, instead of according to the Yucatec order; that I finally deduced a chronolog-
ical calendar whose perfect accord with the principal dates and reckonings
throughout the inscriptions is proof of its correctness, and by reversing the process
succeeded in reconstructing the outlines of the entire Archaic chronological
scheme. I expect my calendar to be challenged. It would be without precedent
in the history of discovery if it were not. But I leave it to defend itself, con-
scious that it is as infallible as the multiplication table, and knowing that all
antagonists must finally go down before it.

By reading between the lines of this quotation, and noting the dif-
ficulties he encountered, we readily see that his theory was outlined
before the difficulties presented themselves. Why should he find it
necessary to number the first chuen 18, the first ahau 20, and the first
eycle 15 were this not so? Take the short series 13-9-9 from 12
Caban 5 Kayab to 6 Cimi 4 Tzee, which he mentions, and says works
out all right. There is no difficulty if we count it 13 ahaus plus 9
chuens plus 9 days, just as we might say 13 hundreds 9 tens and 9.
If we read it as it really is, 15 units of the 5rd order (360 each) plus
9 units of the 2nd order (20 each) and 9 units of the 1st order (1 each),
there is no difficulty in showing that it is an exact measure of the
lapse of time between the given dates.

The difficulty, as we may safely assume, arose from the fact that
the count would not fit in with the theory he had formulated but had

THOMAS] GOODMAN’S ARCHAIC CALENDARS 251

not perfected. He had probably outlined the tables of his ‘‘Archaic
Chronological Calendar,” but instead of numbering them as we find
them now given in his work, the cycles were numbered 1, 2, 3, ete., up
to 15; the katuns, 1, 2, 3, ete., to 20, ete. Conceiving the idea that
the numbers in the series (as the 13-9—)) should express the numbers
in his scheme—that is to say, should be read the 15th ahau, the 9th
chuen, and 9th day—he found that it would not give the correct result.
Here indeed was a difficulty, a difficulty of fitting facts to a theory, but
not one in reality, for the series taken as it stands works out correctly.
In order to overcome this difficulty and at the same time save his
theory he seemingly hit upon the ingenious device of a supposed
Mayan method of numbering periods somewhat as the surveyor num-
bers his stations, beginning with 0 (naught), or what gives the same
result and avoids the use of the cypher, which he contends was not
used by the Mayas, of bringing forward the last number of the
preceding period to be the first of the one following. Thus in his
“Archaic Annual Calendar” he has pushed down one step the true
dominical days, Akbal, Lamat, Ben, Ezanab, although retaining
their proper numbers, and has brought forward, with the number 20
attached, the preceding days, Ik, Manik, Eb, Caban, and begins the
numbering of the chuens with 18, of the ahaus and katuns with 20,
ete. This, of course, overcomes the difficulty, as what is numbered
the first ahau, ete., is, in fact, the second, and in the example given
the 13th ahau is, in faet, the 14th, and the 9th chuen the 10th, and
hence, by his method of numbering, the 15th ahau, 9th chuen, 9th
day is equivalent to 13 complete ahaus, plus 9 complete chuens, plus
9 days. This plan will undoubtedly preserve the proper order of
succession. The only real errors it introduces, if considered merely a
method of numbering, is in making the wrong days dominicals and
in earrying the last day of one month forward to become the first
day of the next, one or two examples of which are pointed out in my
previous paper. These examples have since been more fully dis-
cussed by Mr. Bowditch, with the result of strongly inclining him to
accept Goodman’s theory in this respect. They are noted in my
Maya Year (figure 20), though not discussed there as to the point
here raised.

As further evidence bearing on this question, I add the following:
There is no such method of numbering found in the inscriptions, or
in the codices. Mayan or Mexican, unless in the examples above
referred to, and there is no such method mentioned by any of the
early writers. Perhaps, however, the most important point to be
decided in this connection is the query, Did the Mayas in fact
number these so-called periods? How many were to be taken was
indicated by symbols, but there is no evidence, so far as I am
aware, that they were numbered, except in a single instance found

252 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

on the north and south faces of Stela J at Copan. Here, it is true,
we find a succession of ahau symbols of the usual type, placed in
somewhat regular order and numbered in regular succession from 1
to 16, beyond which the remaining glyphs (only two, however) are
obliterated. Whether these numerals are intended as a successive
numbering or intended merely to indicate so many ahaus, is not
known; however, it looks like regular numbering, and is so accepted.
sut, unfortunately for Goodman’s theory, the series clearly begins
with number 1. To get around this difficulty he assumes that it is
to be understood that 1 ahau has passed, yet he admits that the
symbol on that numbered 1 signifies ‘‘ beginning.” Thus the only
example of numbering these so-called periods found in all the records
is emphatically against his theory, in order to sustain which he
literally begs the question by saying it must be assumed as under-
stood that 1 ahau has passed. We are justified, therefore, in regard-
ing his scheme of numbering as wholly unnecessary to explain the
numeral and time series of the inscriptions, for considering his
so-called time periods merely orders of units will give a full explana-
tion, so far as the counting is concerned, in every case.

But these items do not show all the errors in the above-quoted
statement from Goodman’s work. That but 13 cycles were counted
to the great cycle, I have shown by mathematical demonstration is
untrue, so far, at least, as the Dresden codex is concerned. I have
shown that this codex, instead of counting 13 cycles to the great cycle,
counts 20, thus following regularly, as would naturally be supposed,
the vigesimal system. It is true that Goodman admits that the codices
belonging to what he calls the Yueatee group not only count 20 eyeles
to the great cycle, but count from some three or four different initial
days. This admission, however, does not avail him anything in the
way of clearing his theory of the difficulty presented. In the first
place, the Dresden codex can not be classed with the so-called Yucatee
group. This group, which includes the Troano and Cortesian codices,
and the codex used by Landa, makes Kan, Mulue, Ix, and Cauac the
dominical days; while the Dresden codex, from which the examples
given above showing the use of 20 cycles to the great cycle were
taken, follows the system of the inscriptions in using throughout
Akbal, Lamat, Ben, and Ezanab as dominical days. Moreover, it
gives high series wholly unknown to the Troano and Cortesian codices;
and it introduces in some three or four places, as numerical charac-
ters, precisely the same symbols as those of the inscriptions named by
Goodman katun, ahau, and chuen, and in one or two places uses a
face character to represent the ahau.

What grounds, therefore, can Goodman have for asserting that the
system used in the inseriptions is different from that used in the Dres-
den codex, which he evidently includes under the term ‘* Yucatee

THOMAS] CALENDAR SYSTEM OF YUCATEC INSCRIPTIONS 253

system”? There is nothing in either the Troano or Cortesian codex
by which to determine the number of cycles they count to the great
eyele. What system was used in the Yucatan inscriptions is not posi-
tively known, but, as is shown below, they probably agreed with the
Troano and Cortesian codices. Goodman says he has been unable to
find a single Yueatee inscribed date. After careful inquiry and
examination of the casts of inscrip-
tions in the chief eastern museums
and all the photographs, drawings,
and figures in reach, without finding
one, I have had my attention called
by Mr Saville, of the New York
Museum of Natural History, to a
photograph by Mahler, taken at Xea-
lumkin, in Yueatan, which is repro-
duced in Le Plongeon’s ‘‘Queen
Moo,” which, if I correctly interpret
it, may be an indication of the sys-
tem used in the Yuecatee inscrip-
tions. This is shown in figure 157
from a copy of the photograph kindly
furnished by Mr. Saville.

The day (A11) is evidently 5 Caban,
the 4th day, apparently, of the month
Zotz, though the month symbol is
somewhat unusual in form. If the
day symbol is properly interpreted
Caban, of which there can scarcely
be a doubt, then, as the 4 dots over
the month symbol are very distinct,
it is certain (whether we can deter-
mine the month symbol or not) that
the year must begin with the day
Ix, hence the dominical days must
be Kan, Mulue, Ix, and Cauae.
This is the calendar system of the
Troano and Cortesian codices and
also of the codex followed by Landa.
This result I must confess is con-
trary to my expectation and carries
back the Yueatee calendar system to the days of the inseriptions. It
is true that a single inscribed date is a slender basis on which to
reach a decision, but we must accept it until other evidence on the
point is forthcoming. Goodman suggests that the Cocomes, Xius,
Chels, and Itzas had each their own ‘‘ chronological system, using a

Fig. 157. Inscription at Xcalumkin, Yu-
catan. From a photograph by Mahler.

254

common calendar.’

MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

’

On what he bases this opinion, which is equiva-

lent to saying they had different numeral systems, Iam not aware.
That the system in vogue at Tikal (in the Itza region of the Peten
district) was the same as that of the inscriptions at Palenque, Copan,
and Quirigua is well known.

Let us return to the exceptional series of the Copan inscriptions

Fig. 158. Part of in-
scription on the west
side of Stela N, Co-
pan. Maudslay, part
4, plate LXXIX.

mentioned above (west side of Stela N). Although
it was discussed at some length in my previous
paper, a reexamination has brought to light some
facts overlooked in the first examination, which
have an important bearing on the question in-
volved; and they will be noticed here. This series
reversed is as follows: 14-17-19-10-0-0 to 1 Ahau 8
Chen (figure 158). Written out if is 14 great
eyeles, 17 cycles, 19 katuns, 10 ahaus, 0 chuens,
O days, to 1 Ahau 8 Chen. Changed into days it
gives the following result, counting 20 cyeles to
the great cycle:

Days
[loreaticycles: 955 ssa enes --2< 40::8205000
ey cles = Seon = esas pee ee -. 2,448, 000
19ikatuns= 95203" asele es ee se Bees 136, 800
iQ) Alogyree a bee eR MISS 3, 600
MEO Geshe eos ot er ee ne Fe 42,908, 400
Subtract 2,260 calendar rounds_—__- 42,894, 800
Remainder ___._-.- nie th tn Bees 18, 600

If we count back this number of days from 1
Ahau 8 Chen, year 3 Ben, it brings us to 12 Ahau
13 Zotz, year 5 Lamat, which will be the first day
of the first, or most remote, of the 14 great cycles,
counting the series in this manner upward from
the 15th:

1st great cycle

2nd great cycle, etc., to
14th great cycle

(15th great cycle)

17 cycles

19 katuns

10 ahaus

0 chuens

0 days

If we count back from the same date (1 Ahau 8 Chen) the 17 cycles,
19 katuns, and 10 ahaus, we reach the first day of the (incomplete)
15th great eyele as we have numbered them above. This day is 6

THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE ay)

Ahau 8 Cumhu, year 9 Ben. If we count back the great cycles one
by one (counting 20 cycles to a great eyele), we shall find the initial
dates to be as follows—the numbers given the great cycles being, of
course, arbitrary:

Ist great cycle____- 12 Ahau 13 Zotz, year 5 Lamat

2nd great cycle _---_- 5 Ahau 3 Ceh, year + Ezanab
3rd great cycle__.__-_ 11 Ahau 8 Pop, year 4 Ben

4th great cycle_____- 4 Ahau 18 Mol, year 3 Akbal
dth great cycle. ___-- 10 Ahau 8 Pax, year 2 Ben

6th great cycle .____- 3 Ahau 13 Tzec, year 2 Lamat

7th great cycle___... 9 Ahau 3 Mac, year 1 Ezanab
8th great cycle______ 2 Ahau 8 Uo, year 1 Ben

9th great cycle______ 8 Ahan 18 Chen, year 13 Akbal
10th great cycle_____- 1 Ahau 8 Kayab, year 12 Ben
11th great cycle__.__- 7 Ahau 13 Xul, year 12 Lamat
12th great cycle______ 13 Ahau 38 Kankin, year 11 Ezanab
13th great cycle_____- 6 Ahau 8 Zip, year 11 Ben
14th great cycle____..12 Ahau 18 Yax, year 10 Akbal
15th great cycle_____- 5 Ahau 8 Cumhu, year 9 Ben

This result shows our calculation to be correct, taking the day of
the inscription (1 Ahau 8 Chen) as that from which to count back.
As there are 14 complete great cycles, which we estimate at 20 eycles
each, and the minor periods (17 eycles, 19 katuns, and 10 ahaus), the
latter must fall in the 15th great cyele, which is incomplete. Count-
ing back these minor. periods, we reach, as has been stated, 5 Ahau 8
Cumhu, year 9 Ben, as the first day of this 15th great cycle. Counting
back from this latter date 20 cycles (or 1 great cycle) we reach 12
Ahau 18 Yax, year 10 Akbal, the first day of the 14th great cycle,
and so on to the initial day of the first, which we find to be 12 Ahau
15 Zotz, year 5 Lamat, giving exactly the same result as our ealeula-
tion of the whole as one single series. By both methods the first day
of the entire series, and hence the first great cycle as numbered
above, is found to be 12 Ahau 13 Zotz. But this, though correct so
far as calculation is concerned, is not proof, as the results given must
necessarily follow if the date counted from is 1 Ahau 8 Chen, and 20
cycles are counted to a great cycle. This is unsatisfactory, as it fails
to bring in as the first day of a great cycle 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, which
was a normal date at Copan.

I am strongly inclined to believe that the terminal date of the series
instead of 1 Ahau 8 Chen, as given in the inscription, should be 13
Ahau 8 Chen, which falls in the year 2 Ben. If we count back from
this date 17 cycles, 19 katuns, 10 ahaus, 0 chuens, 0 days, it will bring
us to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, year 8 Ben, as the first day of the 15th great
cycle, as we havearbitrarily numbered them above. If we count back
the entire series, 14-17-19-10-0_0, from 13 Ahau 8 Chen, year 2 Ben, it
brings us to 11 Ahau 13 Zotz, year + Lamat, as the first day of the Ist

256 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

great eycle as numbered above. The first days of the great cycles
would then be as follows:

Ist great cycle_____- 11 Ahau 13 Zotz, year 4 Lamat

2nd great cycle--_-_-_-- 4 Ahau 38 Ceh, year 3 Ezanab

8rd great cycle ------ 10 Ahau 8 Pop, year 3 Ben

4th great cycle ------ 3 Ahau 18 Mol, year 2 Akbal

5th great cycle -__---- 9 Ahau 8 Pax, year 1 Ben

6th great cycle _----- 2 Ahau 13 Tzec, year 1 Lamat

7th great cycle------ 8 Ahau 38 Mac, year 13 Ezanab

8th great cycle -_----- 1 Ahau 8 Uo, year 13 Ben

9th great cycle_-_-__-- 7 Ahau 18 Chen, year 12 Akbal
10th great cycle __.--- 13 Ahau 8 Kayab, year 11 Ben
11th great cycle_-_---- 6 Ahau 13 Xul, year 11 Lamat
12th great cycle___-_-- 12 Ahau 3 Kankin, year 10 Ezanab
13th great cycle__-_-__- 5 Ahau 8 Zip, year 10 Ben
14th great cycle------ 11 Ahau 18 Yax, year 9 Akbal
15th great cycle_-.--- 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, year 8 Ben

The method of numbering the great cycles must be understood as
wholly arbitrary, given merely for convenience, and to include the 15
that are referred to in the count. Ido not believe that there was any
consecutive numbering of these supposed time periods in the sense
indicated by Goodman; in fact, as I expect to show, they were not
time periods in any true sense of the term.

The reason for believing that the date following the inscription
should be 13 Ahau 8 Chen instead of 1 Ahau 8 Chen is that 4 Ahau 8
Cumhu, as appears from the inscriptions at Copan and Quirigua,
was the favorite initial date, most of the initial series going back
to it, and that counting back the minor periods of the series from
138 Ahau 8 Chen brings us to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. If we turn to
Goodman’s ‘‘Archaic Chronological Calendar” and count forward,
from the beginning of his 54th great cycle, 17 cycles, it will bring us
to the 4th eyele of his 55th great cycle, and to the 19th katun of this
cycle and the 10th ahau of this katun, where we find the day to be
13 Ahau 8 Chen. Weare therefore of the opinion that the terminal
day of the long series should be 13 Ahau 8 Chen, and that Goodman
is wrong in rejecting it. As there are 17 cycles, it proves, as it stands,
that the authors of the inscriptions counted 20 cycles to the great
cyele, which is consistent with their system of numeration. I have
shown in my previous paper why 1 Ahau 8 Zip can not be the initial
date of this series.

As bearing on the explanation of this series, the following facts in
regard to the symbols are worthy of special notice. It will be seen
by an inspection of the series shown in figure 158 that the great cycle
symbol (glyph 5) is a face character very much like that of the cycle,
except that it has a superfix, which unfortunately is too nearly oblit-
erated to be traced. However, it is noticeable that in both it and the
cycle symbol the hand figure is across the lower jaw. According to
Goodman, ‘‘the hand on the cheek, the thumb or wrist forming the

. THOMAS] NUMBER OF CYCLES IN GREAT CYCLE 257

lower jaw, usually characterizes the face sign for 20” (page 52), and
this conclusion is sustained by the evidence we have given above.
Goodman’s perverseness in contradicting his own evidence in order to
maintain his theory is shown in reference to this sign. It is found
almost universally on the cycle face characters, as may be seen in his
examples on page 25 of his work. It is true that it may be contended,
as Goodman in fact does contend, that it signifies that 20 of the next
lower order make one of thisorder. Admit this; it follows that when
the same sign is found on the great eyele symbol, it signifies that 20
of the next lower order (or cycle) make one great cycle. Although
but one example of the great cycle face symbol has been found, it
bears clearly and unmistakably this hand sign, and not only is this
not denied by Goodman, but is accepted by him and copied as an
example of the symbol of this period on page 25 of his work.

Thus it will be seen that from whatever side we view the evidence
bearing on this question, it is against Goodman’s theory of only 13
eycles to the great cycle. However, before closing the discussion of
this point I desire to call attention to one other series, found on Stela
C of Quirigua, which seems to have a bearing on the question. This
is as follows: 54-13-0-0-0-0, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu—in other words, 54th
great cycle, 13 cycles, 0 katuns, 0 ahaus, 0 chuens, 0 days, to 4 Ahau
*8 Cumhu, the 13 being the ordinary numeral symbols, dots and short
lines, and very distinct. Goodman’s only comment (page 127) is,
“This date is the beginning of the 54th great cycle.” As 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu, is, according to his reckoning, the initial day of the 54th
great cycle, the series, according to this explanation, covers no lapse
of time whatever. Yet, according to his theory, the numbers in these
series always relate to time which has elapsed. Hence the 13 cycles
relate to 13 of these so-calle@ periods which have passed and still
signify no time whatever. This is a palpable contradiction into
which he has been led in his effort to maintain an erroneous theory.
If he had written the series ‘‘53-13-0-0-0-0 to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,” it
would have been correct so far as the count is concerned.

Dr Seler in his able article, ‘‘ Die Monumente von Copan und Qui-
rigua und die Alter-Platten yon Palenque” (Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie,
Heft 6, 1899, pages 670-758), makes some remarks in regard to the
series above noticed to which it is desirable to call attention.@

It appears from this article that he follows Goodman in counting
13 cycles to the great cycle, or 13 units of the 5th order to make one
of the sixth (I repeat again that Goodman’s terms are used merely
for convenience). Moreover, he seems to look upon these as real
time periods. That he, who is so familiar with the subject, has not

«This article was not received by me until all this paper, except the last few pages and the
notices of it which have been inserted, had been written. As I have seen no reason, because of
Seler’s article, to change anything previously written, I make this statement as due to myself.

22 ETH+-04—17

258 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

entered into a careful examination of the basis on which Goodman’s
theoretical ‘‘ Chronological System” rests, and that he has accepted
Goodman’s theory of 15 eycles to the next higher period, without
thoroughly testing it, and noting the 20 cycles of the Dresden codex,
is somewhat surprising to me. However, he may have reserved the
discussion of these points for a future article.

In speaking of the series last referred to, 54-13-0-0-0-0, 4 Ahau 8
Cumhu, he says:

Here one sees that the final date is the normal date itself. Its distance from
the normal date can be placed only at 0 or the above-named immense period of
18,720 years. The builders of the monuments have done neither. They have
provided all the lower multiplicands, or smaller periods, with the index 0, but to
the highest and greatest they have placed the multiplier 13. Thirteen is the
number of the index figures which are possible with the tun, the katun, and the
cycle names. If, consequently, here at the beginning of the initial series the
thirteen cycles are named, nothing else is meant than ‘‘the periods or epochs
generally.’’ And the whole initial series would consequently give about the fol-
lowing idea: ‘‘ This is a chronological monument. The beginning of the number-
ing is the day 4 Ahau 8 Cumku.’’ And the fact that on the west side of the
same stela another definite date and its distance from the normal date is named
agrees very well with this.

Similarly, in my opinion, are to be understood the thirteen cycles which are
chiseled on the two sides of Stela C of Copan, immediately under the katun signs,
the initial and chief hieroglyphs.

It seems clear from this that he has adopted Goodman’s interpreta-
tion of the series, unaware of its incongruity with the interpretation
of all the other initial series, and the fact that it stands in opposition
to his own conelusion stated a little farther on in the same article.
As proof of the latter statement, I refer to the quotation from his
article given hereafter (page 292).

Now, it is apparent that, if the series be interpreted as signifying
no lapse of time, but as a mere assertion that the date of the event
commemorated was 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu the first day of the 54th great
eyele, which interpretation Seler adopts, then the monument must
have been erected 3,550 years before the beginning of the cycle
which he numbers the tenth (Goodman’s ninth). It isapparent, there-
fore, that he has failed to see the contradiction between this state-
ment and that which places the erection of the monuments of Copan
and Quirigua in the tenth cycle. He objects to the lapse of 3,160
years between the erection of the monuments of Palenque and those
at Copan and Quirigua, as improbable, but here admits, by his inter-
pretation, a lapse of 3,550 years between monuments at Quirigua.

I have stated above that Goodman’s so-called time periods, chuens,
ahaus, katuns, ete., are in reality nothing more than orders of units,
or steps in numeration. Although this point has been discussed to
some extent in my previous paper, I will add here some further
evidence bearing on it.

bo
cco

THOMAS) REAL NATURE OF SO-CALLED TIME PERIODS

As a means of illustrating the use of numbers by the Mayas, in
relation to time, the following exampie—which is part of a series on
plate LIx of the Dresden codex (figure 159)—is presented:

a) Ae Le: sees ape ce

13 Caban 13 Cauac 13 Imix 13 Akbal 13 Chicchan 13 Manik

As this series ascends toward the left hand the forward count will
be in that direction. Starting with the column at the right hand, we
subtract it (3-18) from the next one to the left, and this one from that
immediately to the left of it, and so on to the last.

The difference in each ease is found to be 3-18; that is, 3 twenties
(8x20) plus 18 equal 78 days, the day being the unit. Counting for-

e o a= 2.2 © 008
@ @ @ ae oo So
@ ©, see
a? cp © 2° oma @
— @ 6e0e

cae
ae @ooO @oe® 22o L222, ooo pee 228

TD
aD, & Ss Soon TTI
ey Z oz

OGBGOO0GOO

Fic. 159. Lower division of plate L1x, Dresden codex

ward 75 days from 13 Manik of any year (say 13 Manik 20 Zotz, year
12 Lamat) we reach 13 Chiechan (in this case 18 Mol, same year).
Counting forward 78 days from the last date we reach 13 Akbal 16
Ceh, same year; 78 more (always counting from the last date), 13
Imix 14 Pax, same year; 78 more, 13 Cauac 7 Uo, year 13 Ben. If we
count back 78 days from 13 Manik 20 Zotz (first column at the right
hand), we reach 13 Mulue 2 Pop, year 12 Akbal, which is the initial
day of the whole series, the month and year of the first given day
being as assumed above.

Attention is called to this series not because it presents any peculiar
feature, but to show that considering the numerals merely as num-
bers in respective orders of units will furnish a full and satisfactory
explanation of their object and use. I take for granted that the
simplest explanation, if if meets every requirement and presents
nothing inconsistent with the known facts regarding the Maya time

260 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [BTH. ANN, 22

and numeral systems, should be accepted rather than a theory which
introduces new and hitherto unknown features.

If we use ordinary numbers in place of the numeral symbols, and
keep them in the relative positions given above, the result will be as
follows:

3rd order of units______ 1
2nd order of units______ 1 15 11 i 3
1st order of units _____- 10 12 14 16 18

18 Cauac 13 Imix 13 Akbal 13 Chicchan 13 Manik

If we assume these to be successive orders of units indicated by
relative position, increasing upward, the day being counted as the
primary unit and the vigesimal system being used, except in passing
from the second to the third order, where the multiple is 18, all the
requirements of the series will be met. Thus, in the first, or right-
hand, column, we have 18 units of the 1st order and 3 of the second,
or 3X 20=60, making together 60+18=78; and in the second column
16 of the 1st order and 7 of the 2nd order, or 7x 20=140, making
together 140+16=156, and so on to the fifth column, where we find
10 of the 1st order, 1 of the second, or 1x 20=20, and 1 of the 3rd
order, or 15 x 20=360, making together 3604 204+ 10=390. These num-
bers give correct results, as, counting 78 days from 13 Mulue, we reach
15 Manik; counting 156 from the same initial date, we reach 13 Chie-
chan, or counting 390 days, wereach 13 Cauae. It is clear, therefore,
that if we take these numerals to indicate the number of different
orders of units, the orders being indieated by relative position, all
requirements of the series are satisfied and the proper results are
obtained.

If we take one of the high series we find that precisely the same rule
obtains, as, for example, one of those on plate LxiI, Dresden codex
(see plate LXXTX):

A\OfsthelGthyorder Of mini te a= ee eee
6 of the 5th order of units____-
Sof the 4thiorderofsunits= ssn eee nee U5 9 8

15 :of theisrdvorder of units ss. 5ee. eens.) sae ee eee =——__ 15
12 of the 2nd order of units - eae ee eae oe =

This is upon precisely the same principle as our method of expressing
numbers, except that it is according to the vigesimal system, while
we use the decimal. Take the number 643,527, where the relative
positions express the relative values, it becomes possible to represent
the number thus:

6 hundred thousands
4 ten thousands

3 thousands

5 hundreds

2 tens

7 units

THOMAS] REAL NATURE OF SO-CALLED TIME PERIODS 261

If, instead of adding the written names, simply the figure should
be given, the relative positions being maintained and understood, we
would have the Maya method, and the value would be known as well
as by our ordinary method of writing numbers horizontally.

I have given these details of elementary rules and principles in
order to lead up to this point, viz, that symbols may be used to indi-
eate orders of units instead of position. In the last example given
above, a symbol may be adopted for the ‘‘hundred thousands,”
another for ‘‘ten thousands,” another for ‘‘thousands,” ete. They
may then be grouped in any regular order most convenient, and yet
be as correctly read as by position. This is precisely what has been
done in the inscriptions. Symbols have been adopted to indicate the
orders of units, as if was inconvenient to do this by means of relative
position alone with the dots and short lines—at any rate it is apparent
that the latter method is not so well adapted to the glyph form in the
inscriptions; but even here we see a strong tendency to maintain the
relative position which almost universally obtains and is often the
only means of determination. If we take Goodman’s work and go
through it from beginning to end and substitute in every series where
they oceur ‘‘units of the 2nd order” for his chuens, ‘‘ units of the 3rd
order” for his ahaus, ‘‘units of the 4th order” for his katuns, ‘‘ units
of the 5th order” for his eyeles, and ‘‘units of the 6th order” for
his great cycles, the result will be correct in every instance. I am
fully aware that this will be true whether we call them real time peri-
ods or orders of units. The point, however, for which Iam contending
is, that as the Mayas had a system of numeration and must have used
it in expressing numbers in the codices and inscriptions, and this
numeral system corresponds exactly with Goodman’s supposed time
periods so far as these are given numerically correct by him, there
is no necessity or reason for the theory of a separate Maya chrono-
logical system (identical so far as correctly given with the Maya num-
eral system as used in counting time), differing from their calendar
system.

From the evidence given in the earlier part of this paper and what
has been presented in my preceding paper, the following conclusions
appear to be clearly justified:

That Mr Goodman has discovered independently the signification
and numeral yalues of the symbols found in the inseriptions which he
designates by the names eyele, katun, ahau, chuen, and calendar
round, though this had been already done in part by others.

That he has discovered that certain face and other characters are
number symbols, and has ascertained their values.

That he has determined the object and use of the numeral series,
and the method of counting by the same series from the preceding
and following dates, as well as to them.

962 MAYAN CALENDAR S

STEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

It is also equally apparent that his theory of a Maya chronological
system, distinct from the Maya calendar system—the Mayan method
of numeration in counting time—and his method of counting 13
so-called cycles only to the so-called great cycle and 73 great eycles
to his so-called grand era are not justified by the facts, nor is his
method of numbering the cyeles, katuns, etce., beginning with 73, 13,
and 20, satisfactorily proved; and also that his selection of Ik, Manik,
Eb, and Caban as the dominical days is erroneous, the true dominieal
days being Akbal, Lamat, Ben, and Ezanab, both in the inscriptions
and Dresden codex.

Let us turn next to his method of numbering the so-called great
eycles. According to his theory, as we have seen, 73 great cycles are
counted to what he calls the grand era, the common multiple of all
the factors of the calendar system and supposed ‘chronological
system.” The reason why he adopted this theory is explained in my
previous paper, and the explanation need not be repeated here, except
so far as merely to state that in order to find a common multiple of
the yarious time periods, one must include the number 365, which
contains the prime number 73.

That there was in the Maya system a number or order of units
corresponding with Goodman’s great cycle is certainly true, but this
pertained to their numeral, and not their time, system. It is also
admitted that the large quadruple glyph that usually heads the initial
series is the symbol used to represent this number or order of units.
But, as has been shown, there is no reason whatever for believing that
they were numbered otherwise than in accordance with the vigesimal
system; that is to say, 20 cycles to the great cycle, and 20 great cycles
to the next higher unit. It is necessary, therefore, for Goodman, before
his theory can be accepted, to show by satisfactory evidence that, on
reaching the cycles and great cycles, the ordinary method of proceed-
ing by the vigesimal system was abandoned and other multiples were
introduced. That there was a change from this rule in passing from
the 2nd order of units, or chuens, to the 3rd order, or ahaus, where 18
was made the multiple, is proved by incontrovertible evidence and
hence must be admitted, even though we may not be able to show by
absolute demonstration why the change was made. Nevertheless, we
are justified in believing that, in this instance, the method of numera-
tion was made to correspond with the number of months in the year.
But no such reason appears for Goodman’s proposed change in the
higher orders of units; we are, therefore, justified in rejecting the
idea until other proof, besides its necessity to support a theory, is
shown. It must be made evident by proof that the series can not be
otherwise explained, which we have shown is not the case, or it must
be shown that the great eycle symbols present, by their forms, the
numbers assigned them.

THOMAS] NUMBERING OF SO-CALLED GREAT CYCLES 2638

Before referring to the numbers of the great cycles as obtained by a
study of the forms of the symbols, I introduce the following quotation
from Goodman’s work (page 38):

The number and diversity of these signs and the fantastic character of some of
them—notably the face series—suggest a hieratic design to conceal the purport
of the inscriptions from the uninitiated; but I think the determinative feature of
their numeration, the desire to give symmetry and grace to their glyphs, and the
possible purpose to avoid sameness and repetition, sufficiently account for the
variety without ascribing it to a cryptogramic intention. It is probable, there-
fore, that all the other series of numerals were as intelligible to the populace as
the simple one of dots and bars—being, as it were, a mere difference in the style
of characters, such as is to be seen in fancy printing or ornamental sign-writing.

While it is likely that in most instances there is a full series of similar signs,
just enough modified to distinguish them from each other, running from 1 to 20,
I do not think this to be the case throughout. It will be found, I believe, that
there are many sporadic signs, or signs without any serial connection. The fre-
quent use of certain numbers accounts for this, and it is to designate these that
solitary symbols are oftenest employed. There will probably be more signs dis-
covered for 13, 18, and 20, than for any other number.

I do not claim that the value of any sign about to be given is correct beyond
question. On the contrary, I think it very likely that in some instances I shall
myself find reason for achange. But, as in most cases I shall explain why I have
attached the value given to particular signs, the reader will not be misled, but
can accept, reject, or modify my estimate, according to his own judgment. It
will be only by persistent trial, assumption, alteration, and readjustment, until a
figure that fulfils the requirement of every condition under which a character
appears is hit upon, that we shall be able to fix the values of all the numeral
signs.

That the great cycle symbol can be determined by position in a
series, even though imperfect in form, is evident from what has been
shown, but the number must be determined otherwise. In order to
show on what Goodman bases his conclusion as to the numbers of the
great cycles so far as determined by the form, I quote the following
from his work (page 83):

ELEMENTS OF THE GREAT CYCLE SIGN

Here the reckoning reverts to the 5-day period. It is multiplied by 72, making
an ahau; that by 20, making a katun; that by 20 again, making a cycle; and that
by 13, making a greatcycle. The last multiplier is the outflaring trinal character
at the top [figure 160]. It is a 13 sign, duplicated to balance the glyph. The two
20 multipliers appear only in the first of the symbols given above—or, rather,
only in that does the single one extend all the way to the bottom, as is commonly
the case. There should be two separate signs, however, as shown in some of the
glyphs; but I have selected these particular specimens for another purpose,
which I shall presently state. The 20 sign in the first glyph looks like anything
but the same sign in the other two, and resembles a fish more than anything else.
Yet they are identical in character. both representing the feathered dragon, the
fringed jaw alone of which, reduced to the cursive comb-like character, is
the commonest sign for 20. The evolution of this character is so curious and

264 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [PTH. ANN. 22

interesting that I herewith give a series of glyphs, all taken from great-cycle
symbols, showing the gradations [figure 161].

The reason why I selected the particular symbols given above, is that I think the
number of the great cycle is specifically stated in them. Close observers will
have noticed several peculiar things about the great-cycle character. The most
peculiar of these is that, while the form of the katun symbol is preserved in it
fully in every other respect, the cawac sign disappears from the superfix and is
replaced by some other character. In more than three-fourths of the dates in the
54th great cycle a dragon’s head occupies its place; a tiger’s head predominates
in the 55th, while the remainder is made up of faces and signs that may represent
a day, a cycle, or some other period. Whatever their character. they have no

Frag. 160. Great cycle symbols. Goodman, page 83,

peculiarities that can at present be construed into numerals, except in case of the
three glyphs here reproduced; so, if the others have any numeric value, it must
be arbitrarily expressed. The three in question indicate the 54th great cycle, and
I think that all of them announce that fact, but each in a different way. The
center of the katun superfix in the first is composed of a sign for 18 and a face.
If it were plainly the face for 3 we should be left in no doubt; but, in consequence
of the defacement of the stone, it is impossible to determine if a band—the char-
acteristic of the 3 head—extends across the forehead or not. In the second glyph
the ik symbol—a sign for 6—appears in an inclosuré that probably represents 9,
but as the coil is not clearly discernible we are again left in uncertainty. The
third glyph has the meaningless face, which elsewhere serves as a mere vehicle

Bey
° x
~~
AN 2) )
F

for numerals, bearing a sign for 9, surmounted by three objects evidently intended
for spheres, whose value is doubled by the dotted lines in them, rendering it prob-
able that the combination was designed to express 9 6=54. Imake no claim
to absolute certainty in any of these cases; but, however uncertain the renderings
may be separately, they collectively derive a high degree of probability from a
single significant fact. The unmistakable numeral sign in each glyph is a divisor
of 54. That these glyphs—the only ones with recognizable numerals—should
contain signs for three out of the six numbers by which 54 is divisible, is a circum-
stance too singular to be attributed to accident when a more reasonable explana-
tion is to be found in the theory that these three particular figures were chosen
with the definite purpose of arriving at that number.

ienancnana

1G. 161. Comb-like symbols for 20. Goodman, page §3.

THOMAS] THE GREAT CYCLE SYMBOL 265

As Goodman admits in the passage quoted, it is only in the three
great cycle signs presented (see figure 160) that the evidence of num-
bering is found; let us examine this evidence. ‘‘ Here,” he says, “‘the
reckoning returns to the 5-day period. It is multiplied by 72, making
an ahau,” yet he fails to allude to anything in the figure to justify the
statement. That the comb-like characters and their substitutes have
the value of 20 is probably correct, the sign being duplicated, as
Goodman suggests, for the sake of symmetry. The fair inference is
that in the katun symbol they indicate that this time period or order
of units is equal to 20 ahaus (20 360=7,200). This admission, how-
ever, as will be seen, is fatal to Goodman’s theory.

The three figures given represent, according to this author, the
54th great eyele, and indicate by the details, but each in a different
way, the number 54. This, he says, is shown in the first (a) in the
center of the superfix, where he finds a sign of 18 and a face denoting
3—though he admits that the latter is too imperfect for positive deter-
mination. The fact is that he has presented no proof that the dotted
coil denotes 18. He asserts in his explanation of the ahau series on
Stela J, Copan, copied in full in my previous paper, that the double coil
denotes 18, but gives no proof to sustain the statement. His symbol
for 18 in the ear ornament (page 87) is wholly different. Moreover,
the face in the superfix, so far as the details remain, corresponds in
no respect with the face numerals for 3 given on page 43 of his work,
but on the contrary bears a strong resemblance to at least two of the
face characters for 1 (page 42). It is unnecessary to follow him in
order to find the desired number in the other two figures (b, c), as not
a particle of proof is offered to sustain his assertions. It is apparent
from his language that he felt his attempt here was a failure, but it
was necessary to offer something on the point in behalf of his theory.
Why 54 was given as the number of this great cycle, which begins
with the day 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, is apparent from the great-cycle
column of his ‘‘ Perpetual Chronological Calendar”; but his reason for
beginning the series with 4 Ahau 15 Yax will be referred to farther on.

In order to make clear what is stated below in regard to the forms
and details of the symbols of the great cycle, katun, ete., a number of
the types of the great-cycle symbol are shown in figure 162; of the ahau
in figure 165; of the katun in figure 164; and of the cycle in figure 165.

That this symbol—several varieties of which are shown in figure
162 (also seen in figure 160, and as initials in plates LXXI-LXXIII,
LXXV, LXXVI, and LXXvItI, and figures 146, 147, 151, and 158)—is
built up from, or base on, the 360-day or ahau symbol of the ordi-
nary form, as shown in number 9, figure 163, is evident. The katun
symbol of the ordinary type (/, figure 164), has the same body form
as the ahau symbol, but there is added a superfix consisting of a
comb-like figure on each side, with a middle character usually resem-
bling a Cauae symbol.

266 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS (ETH. ANN. 22

ELE)
easy cs
ees

?

(SVD)

Fic. 162, Types of great cycle symbols from the inscriptions. 1, Stela E, Copan, Mandslay, part
3, plate XLIX; 2, Stela I, Copan, Maudslay, part 3, plate Lxv; 3, Stela D, Quirigua, west side,
Maudslay, part 12, plate xxv1; 4, Stela D, Quirigua, east side, Maudslay, part 12, plate xxv;

uirigua, Maudslay, part 12, plate

5, Stela J, Quirigua, Mandalay, part 12, plate xLVv1; 6, Stela K,
XLIX; 7, Monolithic Animal B, Quirigua, Maudslay, part 11, plate x1v; 8 and 9, Stela C, Copan,

Maudslay, part 2, plate x1 (both specimens on this plate); 10, Stela A, Copan, Maudslay, part 2,
late XXX; 11, Altar S, Copan, Maudslay, part 4, plate xcrv; 12,Stela N, Copan, east side, Mauds-
ay, part 4, plate LXXIXx; 13,Stela N,Copan, west side, Maudslay, part 4, piste LXXIX, glyph 14,

counting from the top; 14, supposed great-cycle symbol 1rom the Dresden codex, plate XLII.

THOMAS] GREAT CYCLE AND CYCLE SYMBOLS 267

This is an evident approach to the great-cycle symbol, as may be seen
by comparing number 9, figure 163, with the types of the usual form
shown in numbers 1 and 2, figure 162. The usual cycle symbol or
symbol of the 5th order of units (figure 165 and figure 148) does not
follow the ahau type, being wholly different in form. But an exam-
ination of the great-cycle symbols given in numbers 1 and 2, figure 162,
and in the other figures referred to above shows clearly that they are
based on the ahau symbol. If the additions to the ahau symbol in
order to form this symbol have any number signification—and it is
reasonable to suppose that they do, as the symbols are numeral
characters—then Goodman is probably right in assuming that the
comb-like figures (the center character being variable) denote 20 asa
multiple. The ordinary cycle symbol varies from the ahau type,
being made up of two Cauac characters; but these have the same sig-

Fic. 163. Types of the ahau (360) symbol.

nification, if Goodman be right, as the comb-like figures in the katun
and great-eycle symbols—that is, 20. Of this, however, we have no
positive proof, except it be found in the symbol itself, where the char-
acter is, or the two combined are, beyond question, used to represent
a number. An examination of the face characters for this period or
order of units shows that, as a general rule, the symbol of 20 or full
count (equals 0) (see figure 144) is present in the form of a hand
across the lower jaw. We have also called attention to the fact that
the only face character of the great cycle found in the inscriptions
(see glyph 5, figure 158) has the hand across the lower jaw, indicating
that it is equivalent to 20 of the next lower order, that is, 20 cycles.
There is, in fact, seemingly positive evidence that the superfix of
the great-cyele characters does not and can not give the number 54, as
those which represent this great cycle, be its number what it may,
differ from one another, as will be seen by reference to figure 162,

268 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

numbers 2 to 12. Having worked out his system in tabular form,
Goodman finds that 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is the first day of his 54th great

1a)
(CLOT)

y

Fic. 164. Types of the katun symbol.

eyele, assuming, as he does, that 4 Ahau 13 Yax was the first day of
his grand era. The particular process by which he reached the con

t g
Fig. 165. Types of the cycle symbol.

clusion that 4 Ahau 13 Yax was the initial day of his first great cycle,
and hence of his grand era, is not clear. The choice was apparently

THOMAS] BEGINNING OF GOODMAN’S ‘‘GRAND ERA” 269

arbitrary, though it was necessary that the date chosen should make
connection with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu as the first day of a great cycle.
His explanation of the grand era, on pages 26 and 27 of his work,
shows the relation of the minor periods to it according to his theory,
but does not give the reason for selecting 4 Ahau 15 Yax as the initial
date. On page 34 he speaks of the date as an important one in the
inscriptions, but still does not give the reason for making it the
beginning of the grand era.

That any other 4 Ahau, which would bring 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu as the
first day of a great cycle, would answer as well as 4 Ahau 13 Yax,
even on his theory, is easily shown. As the Mayan time count is an
orderly round, a given day recurring at the end of a certain period, it
is evident, as everyone acquainted with the system knows, that the
count of periods may begin at any point, unless some fixed point in
the series is found with its proper number. One check in this respect
found in the inscriptions is the fact just mentioned that, according
to Goodman’s system, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu appears to be the initial day
of a great cycle, and the initial dates of the other great cycles must
fit correctly with this determined initial date—that is to say, following
his theory and counting 13 cycles to the great cycle, these initial dates
must all be a day 4 Ahau. Another possible check is the long series
in the Copan inseription, which goes back 14 great cycles preceding
that beginning with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu.

Let us turn to Goodman’s ‘‘ Perpetual Chronological Calendar,” to
the great-eyele column. Suppose that instead of commencing with
the date 4 Ahau 13 Yax, with which he begins the grand era, we begin
with 4 Ahau 18 Zotz, the initial day of his 40th great cycle. The series
will then be as follows, if we adopt his method of numbering:

73. 4 Ahau 18 Zotz 18. 4 Ahau 8 Pop
1. 4 Ahau 18 Cumhu 19. 4 Ahau 8 Muan
2. 4 Ahau 13 Kankin 20. 4 Ahau 3 Zac
3. 4 Ahau 8 Yax 21. 4 Ahau 18 Xul
4.4 Ahau 3 Xul 22. 4 Ahau 13 Uo
5. 4 Ahau 18 Pop 23. 4 Ahau 13 Pax
6. 4 Ahau 18 Muan 24. 4 Ahau 8 Ceh
7. 4 Ahau 13 Zac 25. 4 Ahau 3 Mol
8. 4 Ahau 8 Yaxkin 26. 4 Ahan 18 Zip
9. 4 Ahau 3 Zip 27. 4 Ahau 18 Kayab

10. 4 Ahau 3 Kayab 28. 4 Ahau 13 Mac

11. 4 Ahau 18 Ceh

.)
We)

29. 4 Ahau 8 Chen

12. 4 Ahau 13 Mol 30. 4 Ahau 3 Tzec
13. 4 Ahau 8 Zotz 31. 4 Ahau 3 Uayeb
14. 4 Ahau &§ Cumhu 32. 4 Ahau 18 Kankin
15. 4 Ahau 3 Kankin 33. 4 Ahau 13 Yax
16. 4 Ahau 18 Chen 34. 4 Ahau 8 Xul

17. 4 Ahau 13 Tzec

And so on to the 72d, the next being 4 Ahau 18 Zotz, with which
the numbering began.

270 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

This will meet every requirement, including the limitations above
mentioned, as fully and as completely as the series given by Goodman,
even if we hold to his theory of 15 cycles to the great cycle and
73 great cycles to his grand era, and follow his own method of
counting. The same thing is true if we select, as the first great cycle,
any other of the 40 which precede that with which we began the count.

There is another fact which appears to conflict with Goodman’s
theory and, indeed, to be irreconcilable with it. According to this
theory, the grand era, consisting of 136,656,000 days, is the least
common multiple of all the different factors of the regular calendar
as well as of his chronological calendar, at the beginning of which
all the periods start anew on their grand round. That this number
is the common multiple of all these periods or factors is true. But
how are we to reconcile the theory with the fact that he begins this
great era with the day 4 Ahau 13 Yax, which is certainly not the
beginning day of a year or of a month? It is true the 136,656,000
days is an exact multiple of 365, but, starting the count of 565 with
the day 4 Ahau 15 Yax makes the latter number a mere numeral
factor; no regular Mayan year could begin with the day 4 Ahau or
with the 13th day of the month Yax. From February 1, 1899, to the
following January 31, in our time system, is a year’s time, but the
period is composed of parts of two calendar years. ;

Goodman’s theory, in order to be correct and keep the time periods
in proper order, if his grand era is a true and absolute rounding-out
period of all the minor periods, absolutely requires that this great
period shall begin with the Ist day (or 20th if he prefers this number-
ing) of the month Pop, and the first year of the 52-year cycle or calen-
dar round. Otherwise, when the era ends, it will be in the middle
of a year, as it will if it begins on 4 Ahau 13 Yax, and closes with
3 Cauaec 12 Yax.

The question next in importance is, are his tables correct, though
based on an erroneous theory? Those of the first series, termed the
“Archaie Annual Calendar,” are nothing more than the ordinary eal-
endars of the 52 years of what has heretofore been termed a ‘‘cyele,”
but to which he applies the name ‘‘ calendar round,” each year being
given separately. They are all contained in my condensed calendar.
This is nothing new, as the method had been in use for a number of
years before Goodman commenced his investigations. As his ‘‘Arehaie
Chronological Calendar” is nothing more than a continuous series of
ahaus, or 360-day periods, using Ahau as the ‘‘initialday” through 39
of the 5th order of units, following one another in regular succession,
it is correet—with certain exceptions to be noted—where Ahau is used
as the initial day in the count, but will not apply when any other day
is selected as the initial date. It is erroneous in counting 13 of the
eycles or the 5th order of units to the next higher order, and in begin-
ning the numbering of the so-called periods with 73, 15, aud 20. His
tables of years are also erroneous in the latter respect.

«es ergs

THOMAS] GOODMAN'S TABLES—SUCCESSION OF THE AHAUS 271

It is apparent to anyone at all acquainted with the Mayan time and
numeral systems that, having a continuous series of days written out
in regular order and of sufficient length, with the day numbers and
month numbers attached, we may start at any point and count off the
numbers given in the ahau, katun, and cycle periods, and we will
have precisely what is given in Goodman’s “ Archaic Chronological
Calendar,” except that we may have some other initial day than
Ahau. If it should be Kan it would at some point correspond exactly
with the series of the Dresden codex which have been referred to; if
Ahau, then the periods would agree with those of the inscriptions and
some of those in the Dresden codex. Now, it is evident that in count-
ing off a number in the next higher group above the so-called cycle,
if we count off the latter periods by 20, instead of 13, the succession
would be as regular as in the other case, there being nothing whatever
in the system requiring or even suggesting 15. Hence we might take
Goodman’s tables, if more extended, and making 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu
our starting point, count forward or backward by steps of 20 cycles
each, and thus find the correct initial days of the great cycles as we
have shown above. With the tables given in his work we can only
count forward from the beginning of his 54th great cycle to the 7th
cycle of the 455th great cycle as he has numbered them, showing that
10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin is the beginning day of the next great cycle,
counting 20 cycles to the great cycle, which I have shown to be the
correct method.

I shall not discuss Goodman’s theory of the number values of the
day and month symbols, as there does not appear to have been any
use made of them as numerals.

Let us turn again to the order in which the numbers of the ahaus
follow one another, to wit: 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, 13,
ete. This has been fully discussed in one light in this paper, but the
object at present is to view it in another light and with special refer-
ence to Goodman’s theory in regard to it. That has also been
noticed to some extent in my previous paper, but there are some
points omitted in that discussion to which it is desirable to call atten-
tion. I quote in full Goodman’s statement of his discovery of the
order of succession :

Yumix is the day following Ahau; hence, I reasoned to myself, if a period begin
with the former it mist terminate with the latter; moreover, 1 succeeding 13 in
the day count, if 1 Ymix begin a period 13 Ahau must end it; and, further, this
period being composed of 13 lesser ones of 20 years each, it is at a distance of 260
years apart in the annual calendar that I must look for a corresponding 1 Ymix
and 13 Ahau, recollecting that I need not expect to find them falling on any fixed
date. But,as the order of the 13 subdivisions is given, with the terminal Ahau
numbers, it is not necessary to attempt so extended a research, and prudence dic-
tates that I keep my experiments within the narrowest possible limits to guard
against mistake. I will, therefore, at the start proceed only to the end of the first
20-year period, or katun, and look for 11 Ahau. The trial is made. It proves
abortive, as I anticipated. The Ahau number at the end of 20 years is 7 instead
of 11. The desired 11 Ahau is 5 months away to the left. It is the same old

272 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

story of failure over again. But wait a minute! Five months are equivalent to
100 days. To divide by 20 would take just 5 days from each of the 20 years of
the katun. Years? Whatif they were not years at all that Landa was talking
about, but only periods of 360 days? They may be the ahaus. Let me hasten to
find out how the numbers will run in a division of this possible Katun into 20
such periods. Here it is: 9, 5;1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, 18, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11.
Ah, this is significant! That paragraph of Perez, what are its exact words?
“The Indians of Yucatan had yet another species of cycle, but as the method
followed by them in using it can not be found, nor any example by which an
idea of its nature might be imagined, I shall only copy what is literally said of it
in a manuscript, viz: ‘There was another number which they called wa katun,
and which served them asa key to find the katuns. According to the order of
its march it falls on the days of the wayeb yaab and revolves to the end of cer-
tain years: katunes 13, 9, 5,1, 10,6, 2,11, 7, 3,12, 8,4.°*’ Poor Don Pio! To have
the pearl in his grasp and be unaware of its pricelessness, like so many others.
But I must not exult too much yet. The succession of the katuns, reckoned
according to this principle, is yet to be ascertained before my fancied discovery
can be established by a crucial test. I score the ahaus off in the foregoing order,
and, sure enough, the 20ths give the desired result, 11, 9, 7,5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4,
2,13. Eureka! The perturbed spirit of the Maya calendar. which has endeay-
ored so long to impart its message to the world, may rest at last.

That taking the day numbers of the first days of the ahaus in a
katun will give the order of succession mentioned is certainly true, as
we have shown, but the question to be discussed here relates to the
statement of the authority quoted by Perez. According to this state-
ment as given by Goodman, ‘‘ There was another number which they
called ua katun, and which served them as a key to find the katuns.
According to the order of its march it falls on the days of the uayeb
yaab, and revolves to the end of certain years; katunes 13, 9, 5, 1, 10,
GO Ike, Wi, Bh ales fh, GY

It will be best, however, to give Perez’s exact words as found in the
appendix to Brasseur’s edition of Landa’s ‘‘ De las Cosas,” page 418:

“* Habia otro numero que Hamaban Ua Katun el que les servia como Maya para
acertar y hallar los katunes, y segun el orden de sus movimientos cae 4 los dos
dias del Uayeb haab y da su vuelta al cabo de algunos afios: Katunes 13, 9,5, 1, 10,
(yey ale Tig eh dees elas

Brasseur’s translation is as follows:

*Tls avaient un autre chiffre qu’ils appelaient Ua Katun, qui leur servait comme
de clef, pour ajuster et trouver les katun et suivant l’ordre de ses mouvements, il
tombe aux deux jours du Uayab haab et retourne a la fin de quelquesannees: Katun
135955, LONG 2 Le 733 Leases 4.2.

A closer translation than that by Goodman, which omits one impor-
tant word, may be given as follows:

They have another number which they called ua katun, which served them
as a key to regulate and find the katuns, and according to the order of its move-
ments falls on the two days of the uayeb haab and returns at the end of certain
years; katuns 13, etc.

The important word omitted by Goodman and which is usually
omitted in English translations is the ‘“‘two.” Brasseur’s translation

THOMAS] THE SUCCESSION 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, ETC. 03

contains it, and Perez recognizes it by his (erroneous) reference on
the same page as the passage quoted, the ‘‘second” intercalary day.
I called special attention to this important word in my ‘‘Study of the
Manuscript Troano,” page 55.

Now, it is certain that the unknown author of this passage was
somewhat familiar with the Maya time system, otherwise he could
not have hit upon this order of numbers which is found in at least
three different relations in the system; and it is also certain that his
reference is to true Mayan years (as is shown by the reference to the
uayeb haab, or five intercalated days), and can not be made to apply
to Goodman’s ahaus.

As the term ‘‘ years” in the passage quoted can have no other pos-
sible meaning than that of 565 days, the question arises, what is
meant by the term ‘‘katun” as therein used? That it could not be
Goodman’s katun of 7,200 days, or 20 ahaus of 360 days each (which
Seler also claims to have discovered), is evident. Although we may not
be able to demonstrate what is meant by the term in this connection,
we can show where and how this order of succession occurs, using the
last of the intercalated days. As the number of the day with which
the year ends is the same as that with which it begins, the order will
be precisely the same as that in which the years are numbered. If
the calendar of the inscriptions and the Dresden codex is used, whose
dominical days are Akbal, Lamat, Ben, and Ezanab, the terminal days
will be Manik, Eb, Caban, and Ik, and their numbers in the successive
years will be as shown in the following table, which extends through
the cycle of 52 years, after and before which the same series will be
repeated:

Manik Eb Caban Ik
1 2 3 4
a) 6 it $
9 10 11 12
3 1 2 3
4 5 6 7
8 9 10 11

12 13 1 2
3 4 5 6
7 8 9 10

11 12 13 1
2 3 4 5)
6 7 8 9

10 11 12 13

Beginning at the bottom and running up the right-hand column, we
find precisely the order of succession given in the quotation, to wit,
13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, etc. Precisely the same order will be found by run-
ning up either of the other columns. Each step, it is true, covers four
years, but it forms a basis for easy and ready counting; moreover,
the quotation says, ‘‘returns at the end of certain years.” It does

22, ETH—O+4 15

974 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

5)

not say the ‘‘numbers” which so return are katuns, but that they
“served as a key to find the katuns,” clearly distinguishing between
the ‘‘katuns” and ‘‘eertain years.” There is nothing, therefore, in
the quotation which implies that the numbers in the series 13, 9, 5, ete.,
were the numbers of the katuns, nor is there any mention therein of
the numbers of the katuns or of the number of years constituting a
katun. It is to Landa that we must go for information on the latter
point. According to his statement, which has been oft repeated, the
Mayas counted their ages by 20 years,“but he says nothing in reference
to the order of numbering.?

As the periods referred to are unquestionably years, the katuns
must be periods of years; and writers who have so contended are cor-
rect in this respect, and 20 years is the number assigned to a katun by
all the early authorities, whether right or wrong.

The direction of counting, it is true, is backward, but, as Good-
man states, the reference among the Mayas is generally to past time,
and the example Landa gives of counting time, in connection with
the passage referred to, relates to what had passed. He says an
elderly man of whom he had spoken could easily count back 300 years
by means of the katuns or ages. Thisauthor, if I rightly understand
his language, indicates that they had a still higher count of 13 x 20
years. His language is as follows:

No solo tenian los indios cuenta en el atio y meses, como queda dicho, y sena-
lado atras pero tenian cierto modo de contar los tiempos y sus cosas por edades,
las quales hazian de veynte en veynte atios, contando XI veyntes con una de las
xx letras de los meses que Haman Ahaw, sin orden sino retruecanados como
pareceran en la siguiente raya redonda; Ilaman les a estos en su lengua Katunes.@

Thirteen times 20 is 260, or five cycles of 52 years each, the same num-
ber of years that there are days in their so-called sacred year. Possi-
bly, however, he may refer here to the 260-day period.

When we free our minds entirely from any thought that ahaus,
katuns, ete., represent or have any relation to time periods, and look
upon them merely as numbers, just as we think of tens, hundreds, ete.,
the difficulties raised by Goodman’s theory of a Maya ‘‘ chronological
calendar” vanish. The Mayas of one section, for some historical, tradi-
tional, or mythological reason, selected a particular initial date for
their era, and, as a usual thing, counted long periods from it, and in
doing so used numbers in accordance with their numeral system, and
represented these in their inscriptions by certain symbols. This is
all of Goodman’s supposed wonderful chronological system—this and
nothing more.

It would have been much better if he had used the real Mayan
numeral terms as they stand (as Dr Brinton has suggested), or in a

aLanda, De Las Cosas, p. 312.

b It will doubtless be recalled that in the “Study of the Manuscript Troano” I contended that
theahaus or katuns consisted of 24 years, basing my conclusion on the order given above; but
a more careful study of the passage quoted above from Perez does not necessarily indicate that
these periods were numbered according to the order given.

THOMAS] THE CAKCHIQUEL CALENDAR 275

modified form, to indicate the variation of time numeration from the
regular vigesimal system, thus:

20 units = 1 kal in place of chuen.

18 kal = 1 bak in place of ahau.

20 bak = 1 pic in place of katun.

20 pic = 1 calab in place of cycle.

20 calab = 1 kinchil in place of great cycle.

20 kinchil = 1 ahau in place of grand era.

It is true that above the kal the numbers would vary from the
true vigesimal count in consequence of counting but 18 instead of 20
kal to the next higher order. This, however, might have been shown
by prefixing ‘‘ minor,” thus, ‘‘minor bak,” ‘‘minor pie,” ete., but no
real confusion would have resulted from using the simple names as
Brinton has suggested. Seler suggests ‘‘uinal” in place of chuen;
“tun ” in place of ahau, but retains ‘‘katun” as applied by Goodman.

THE CAKCHIQUEL CALENDAR

’

If the ‘“‘Annals of the Cakchiquels,” written or supposed to have
been written soon after the Spanish conquest by a member of the
Xahila family, are to be trusted in regard to the Cakchiquel calendar
system, this system was peculiar, differing in some important respects
from that of the Mayas, which has been described in the preceding
part of this paper. All that is known in regard to its peculiar features
is found in these Annals, and must be gathered from incidental men-
tion of dates. In order to place the data before the reader, I quote the
more important of these mentions from the translation by Dr Brinton
in the Library of Aboriginal American Literature, v1, ‘‘The Annals
of the Cakchiquels,” 1885.

As a noted revolt, described as the ‘‘revolt at Iximche,” is selected
by the author of the Annals as the era from which to reckon all sub-
sequent events, we begin the quotations with the passages referring
to and fixing the date of this event.

‘

(1) The day of the revolt was appointed by this chief, Cay Hunahpu, and on
this day, 11th Ah, the revolt broke out [page 157].

(2) Thirty-one days after the revolt, as the Quiches desired to destroy those
of Tibaqoy, these Tukuches removed to Chiavar and put to death the Quiches,
who yielded in a battle at a place named Yaxontzui, on the day 9th Caok [page
1591.

(3) On the 36th day after the revolt Cinahitoh perished . . . on the day 11th
Can [ibid.].

(4) One year less ten days after the revolt was hanged the chief orator Ahmox-
nay on the day 11th Akbal [ibid.].

(5) The day 8 Ah was one year after the Revolt [page 161].

(6) The day 5 Ah was two years after the Revolt [ibid.].

(7) The day 2 Ah was three years after the Revolt [ibid.].

(8) The day 12 Ah completed the fourth year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(9) The 9 Ah completed the fifth year after the Revolt [page 163].

(10) The 6 Ah completed the sixth year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(11) On the 3 Ah there were seven years from the Revolt [ibid. ].

276 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

(12) In the eighth year after the revolt, the Tzutuhils were defeated by those
of Xeynup and Xepalica; they were slaughtered, Zakbin and Ahmak having
perished in the action on the day 13 Ahmak [ibid.].

(13) On the day 13 Ah there were eight years from the revolt [ibid.].

(14) On 10 Ah there were nine years from the revolt [ibid.].

(15) Twelve days were lacking to complete the tenth year after the revolt

. the day 8 Imox [ibid.].

(16) The day 7 Ah completed the tenth year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(17) On 4 Ah there were eleven years after the Revolt [ibid.].

(18) On 1 Ah there were twelve years [ibid.].

(19) On 11 Ah there were thirteen years after the Revolt [ibid.].

(20) The day 8 Ah completed the 14th year after the Revolt [page 165].

(21) The day 5 Ah completed the 15th year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(22) The day 2 Ah completed the 16th year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(23) The day 12 Ah completed the 17th year after the Revolt [page 167].

(24) The day 9 Ah completed the 18th year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(25) On the day 3 Caok the doves passed over the city of Iximche. .. . One
hundred days after the doves had been seen the locusts came . . . on the day 2
Ye [ibid.]. "

(26) The day 8 [67] Ah completed the 19th year after the Revolt [ibid. ]

(27) The day 3 Ah completed one cycle [page 169].

(28) With the day 13 Ah another year was completed [ibid. ].

(29) A second year was completed on the day 10 Ah, after the Revolt [ibid.].

(30) On the day 7 Ah was completed the third year of the second cycle after
the Revolt [ibid.].

So far the dates given are in regular succession as found in the
Annals; the others given are only those which are considered impor-
tant.

(81) On the day 14 [12?] Camey died the King Hunyg [page 171]....A
hundred days after the death of the kings Hunyg and Lahuh Noh, there were
elected as kings Cahi Imox and Belehe Qat, on the day 1 Can [page 173].

(32) Twenty days after the chiefs began to rule there was an insurrection

. on the day 10 Queh [page 175].

(33) We married your mother, O my children, one year after the death of
your grandfather [Hunyg]. We took her to wife on the day 12 Toh [pages
175-177].

(34) On the day 5 Ah was the eighth year of the first [second] cycle. It was
during this year [meaning the year following?] that the Castilians arrived. .. .
On the day 1 Ganal the Quiches were destroyed by the Castilians. . . . On the
day 4 Qat three chiefs, the king and the next in rank, were burned alive by
Tunatiuh [page 177].

(35) It was on the day 1 Hunahpu when the Castilians arrived at Iximche
with their chief, Tunatiuh. . . . Only five days after, Tunatinuh went forth from
the capital. Then the Tzutuhils were conquered by the Castilians. It was the
day 7 Camey [page 179].

(36) Twenty-five days afterwards Tunatiuh went forth from the capital to
Cuzeatan . . . On the day 2 Queh Atacat was slain... On the day 10
Hunahpu he [Tunatiuh] returned from Cuzcatan. He had been absent only 40
days [page 181].

(37) Our city [Iximche] was abandoned on the day 7 Amak . . . Ten days after
we had left the city, war was begun by Tunatiuh . . . on the day 4 Camey .. .
One hundred and eighty days after the desertion of the city was completed the
ninth year (of the second cycle). On the day 2 Ah was completed the 29th year
after the Revolt [page 183].

THOMAS] THE CAKCHIQUEL CALENDAR 277

(38) There were lacking 120 days to complete two years since we had abandoned
the capital when Tunatiuh came there in order to set fire to the city. On the day
4 Camey, two years less six months after the beginning of the war, he set fire to
the capital and returned [page 185].

(39) On the day 12 Ah was completed the 30th year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(40) On the day 9 Ah was completed the 31st year after the Revolt [ibid.].

(41) In the course of the following year . . . Chiixot was abandoned... .
Three hundred days after Chiixot was taken began the payment of tribute

. on the day 6 Tzi [pages 185-187].
(42) It was two years less 120 days after the beginning of the tribute when

died the chief Ahtun cuc Tihax . . . on the day 6 Akbal. . . . On the day 3 Ah
was completed the 33d year [page 187].

(45) For 86 days these chiefs had hid in the woods. . . . On the day 7 Ahmak
the chiefs decided to come forth. . . . On the day 13 Ah was completed the 36th

[84th] year after the Revolt [page 187].

(44) On the 10th Ah was completed the 35th year after the Revolt. Forty days
were lacking to complete three years from the date of the submission of the kings
when Belehe Qat died . . . on the 7th Queh [page 188].

(45) On the 8th Ah was completed the 40th year after the revolt. On the 5th
Ah was completed the first year of the third cycle [page 189].

(46) It was on the day 11 Ahmak that he [Tunatiuh] killed the Ah-tzib. On the
day 2 Ah was completed the second year of the third cycle. One hundred and
twenty days after the death of Ahtzib and of the return of Tunatiuh, the prince
Mantunalo departed . . . Two hundred and sixty days after his return Tunatinh
hanged the king Ahpozotzil Cahi Imox, on the day 13 Ganel [pages 189-190].

(47) The day 12 Ah completed the third year of the third cycle. Two hun-
dred and eighty days after the execution of the king Ahpozotzil he hanged Chuvy

Tziquinu .. . on the day 4 Can [page 190].
(48) On the day 9 Ah was completed the fourth year of the third cycle after the
revolt. .. . On the day 2 Tihax . . . the wife of Tunatiuh was drowned. One

hundred and sixty days after this disaster there arrived our fathers of St. Dominic
. . on the day 12 Batz [page 190].
(49) On the day 8 Ah was completed the 13th year of the third cycle. ...

Ahtzil Juan Perez . . . died on the day 12 Tihax. Eighty days after ... there
was an eruption of the mountain Chigag . . . on the day 9 Ah . . . On the day
12 Ah was completed the 16th year of the third cycle [page 192].

(50) Died the chief Don Francisco Ahpozotzil . . . on the day 1 Can,a Monday,
the 14th day of the month October [page 193].

(51) On the day 6 Ah was completed the 18th year of the third cycle. ... In
the 13th month the day of Sanctiago occurred on the day 1 Tziquin. . . . On that
day was inaugurated . . . the Emperor Don Peliphe. . . . The day St. Francis

[was] the day 7 Camey [pages 193-194].
(52) On the day 3 Ah was completed the 19th year of the third cycle after the

revolt. The Alcaldes in the year 1557 were ... The day 5 Ey [was] 20 days
before the close of the third cycle. . . . On the day 13 Ah was completed the
third cycle . . . in the year 1558 [page 194].

The foregoing notes and quotations contain, it is believed, all the
data found in the ‘‘ Annals” throwing any light on the Cakchiquel
calendar. but in order that the reader, who may not have the works
relating to this calendar at hand, may be furnished with the data
necessary to follow me in my discussion, I introduce here a list of
the days of this calendar in the order usually given, with those of the
Maya calendar placed beside them in corresponding order.

bo
=I

MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [BYH. ANN. 22

(

Days of the Cakchiquel and Maya Calendars

Cakchiquel Maya Cakchiquel Maya
days days days days
1 Tmox Imix 11 Batz Chuen
2 Ig or Yg Ik 12 Ee Eb
3 Akbal Akbal 13 Ah Ben
4 Kat Kan 14 Yiz Ix
5) Can Chicchan 15 Tziquin Men
6 Camey Cimi 16 Ahmak Cib
7 Queh Manik 17 Noh Caban
8 Kanel Lamat 18 Tihax Ezanab
9 Toh Mulue 19 Caok Cauac
10 Tzii Oc 20 Hunahpu Ahau

As the author of the Annals ends the year with the day Ah, it
must have begun with Yiz, if there was no arbitrary change in the
succession of days. The following condensed calendar is therefore
constructed on this basis as a means of counting time:

Cakchiquel Calendar

NS 1 Araya ager a Sera ITS ee BO Siecle rhe rey tle aoe eS
Pa bvalofebhale 22k See Sette acs sO) ay Semen ES oy tell en(ae alse Oe ciljes “f3)
SLAIN ake = ne eee oe 8. 0), 245 rit one l2s Ow Lek pole iene
4S NOb PE ee eee a ee CEE May Sa aay Ey ab sh Be Oy BP al@)
Op Hb axee ee 2 ee eee sae ay Naty asp a se) Beal ee aT
6: Caokee=- 22. eo (Ibe Ye al Se = eR ARO) ob ati ya)
GP lahoharNaylemcesae see eee ih Le tol 0 ee ae ef atl Gy 1 3 il8}
SULMOX! See oes see ee. ote BE eB} aie ee all By Wh IB Fh al
OMe ee eras eee ashe KO estore tay wale Gy IB} 5 al ake} 2)
1OvANsbal’. S22 2 el222 ees 10) 84 Si 5) SIR G3) ar Seto OMe
TRA Gz) rete Speee eS Se Keenan oe 11 Olea Ge WSS ie ee Shes2) Oe cee Ole
i @amiee eee oe cee mee ae UPA (IBF if ele ee SY Bye aK 2 ah es
13 Camey ------- Len ens pw ye a ey ee a I ab ahh Aye IB
14 Quehie se feat eet oe Ne te ei a eh alas cy aI IBS Hy
[jj Kanel eel see See ee 2 Oe VS lO AS elily SOmedie ee Gals neeiae clans
IA No) nie eh es, a acyl oe 3.10 4 Iii a UIP i) al} 7 1 8 et)
IGM Wabhy oe Se ene A, bh 12" 36) SIS ie eal Sie Stool)
1B atZearhes a aoe eres ay a eae ye al te 8) a} al), zB all
19 He-_- er ay EE ps a 6 i387 7 cee ee aly Zh lil Gy ak)
Ss Ae RT pe A er ae 7 1 SH et ye By eaWie ee alk | tay ales, (a

In using this to count forward, we count on to the end of the right-
hand column and then go back to the left-hand column. To count
backward, the direction is reversed.

It will be observed from the quotations given that the years all end
with the day Ah, that the numbering of the days is by 1 to 15 as usual,
and that the terminal Ahs of the years succeed one another in the
following order: 11 Ah, 8 Ah, 5 Ah, ete., giving the descending series
11, 8; 5, 2,12) 95 6513; 135 10s 7.4, 1) Tes tete., the nium ber on ani;
given year being 3 less than that of the one which preceded.

It is apparent, therefore, that the vear could not have consisted of

THOMAS] THE CAKCHIQUEL CALENDAR 279

365 days, that is, of 18 months of 20 days each and 5 added days, for
even the supposition that these added days were neither numbered
nor counted does not give the order found in the Annals. Nor will
Goodman’s supposition that they counted 366 days to the year give
this succession, though he counts the system alluded to in the
Annals as distinct from the Cakchiquel Annual Calendar. Brinton
says:

The calendars in use were of two different kinds, the one called qhol kih, lit-
erally *‘the valuer or appraiser of days,’’ which was employed exclusively for
astrological and divining purposes, to decide on which were lucky and unlucky
days, and may kih, *‘ the revolution or recurrence of days,”’ which was for chrono-
logical purposes. @

I find no other explanation of a calendar which would end in the
manner mentioned in the Annals, than a year of 20 months of 20 days
each, or 400 days, the days being numbered in the usual: Mayan
method of 1 to 13. Seler? gives this explanation and Goodman also
adopts it for their chronological year. That if we count this num-
ber of months to the year the different years will end on the same
day is evident, and that the day numbers will follow one another in
the order mentioned above can be seen by reference to the above
condensed calendar. If we count 20 months, the year beginning with
1 Yiz will end with 10 Ah, and the next year will begin with 11 Yiz;
or if we commence with the column headed 11, and count 20 months,
the year will end with 7 Ah, and the next year will begin with 8 Yiz;
if we commence with the column headed 8, and count 20 months, the
year will end with 4 Ah, ete. This appears to be the only explanation
of this singular calendar, if we suppose the annalist to be correct in
his statements as to the dates on which the years ended.

As proof that the annalist counted 400 days to the year we have
the following evidence from the above quotations: By number 1, we
learn that the Revolt, which he takes as the beginning of his era, took
place on 11 Ah; by number 5 we see that the first year of the Revolt
ended on 8 Ah; in number 4 it is stated that ‘‘One year less ten days
after the reyolt was hanged the chief orator Ahmoxnoy, on the day 11
Akbal.” The day 11 Akbal will occur twice only in the ordinary year
of 565 days, and twice only in the year of 400 days. As the Revolt
occurred on 11 Ah, the first year thereafter must have begun with
the day 12 Yiz. The day 11 Akbal would occur first at the end of 6
months and 10 days—or 130 day That 10 days added to this could
not have completed the year will be conceded. The next occurrence
of 11 Akbal would be at the end of 19 months and 10 days, or 390
days, 10 days more reaching the day 8 Ah, the end of the first year.
Although neither 140 nor 400 days correspond with any natural
phenomena it is safe to assume that 400 days was the period the
annalist referred to and not 140 days.

a Annals of the Cakchiquels, Philadelphia, 1885, p. 31.
> Transactions Berlin Anthropological Soctety, June, 1889.

s.

280 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

In number 15 it is stated that 12 days were lacking to complete the
tenth year after the Revolt, ete., on the day 8 Imox; and in number
16 that the day 7 Ah completed the 10th year. As it is stated in
number 14+ that 10 Ah was the end of the 9th year after the Revolt, 8
Imox would occur 128 and 388 days thereafter. Counting 12 days
from the latter brings us to 7 Ah and gives 400 as the number of days
in the year. This result must be accepted, or we must decide that
the year consisted of only 140 days, which is unreasonable. In num-
ber 24 it is stated that 9 Ah completed the 18th year after the Revolt,
and in number 26 that 8(?) Ah completed the 19th year (that this
should be 6 Ah is evident, as 9 Ah precedes and 3 Ah (number 27)
follows it). In number 25, which relates to the 19th year, it is stated
that on the day 3 Caok the doves passed over the city of Iximche;
and that 100 days after the doves had been seen the locusts came, on
the day 2 Yg (or Ik). Now, the first occurrence of 3 Caok in the 19th
year after the Revolt, that is, the year following 9 Ah (the year begin-
ning with 10 Yiz), is 2 months and 6 days after the commencement
of the year. One hundred days more bring us to 12 Caok, the 6th
day of the 8th month, or 7 months and 6 days from the commence-
ment of the year. This is not the day given, but counting 4 days
more we reach 2 Yg or Ik, the day named. As 100 is a round num-
ber, the 104 may be assumed as correct. As this, even if the number
be limited to 100, gives more than 140 days in this year we have evi-
dence that a year of 400 days was counted by the annalist.

In numbers 31 and 32, and two or three items not given in the
quotations, we have conclusive evidence that 400 days were counted
to the year by the Annals. They are as follows:

1 Ah completed the 5th year of the second cycle (25th year) after the
revolt (page 171).

In the following year, ending on 11 Ah, Hunyg died on 12 Camey.
(ibid. Brinton’s translation gives 14 Camey, butthis is wrong, as there
could be no 14 Camey; the original says 12).

100 days after was the day 1 Can (page 173).

20 days later was 10 Queh (page 175).

The day 11 Imox follows in this year (ibid.).

The day 9 Batz occurs after this same year (ibid.).

The year ends on 11 Ah (ibid.).

As the preceding year ended on 1 Ah, this year began with 2 Yiz,
and 12 Camey would be the 13th day of the 12th month. One hun-
dred and twenty days more (or exactly 119) and not 100, as the
annalist says, would reach 1 Can, the 12th day of the 16th month;
22 days more would reach 10 Queh, the 14th day of the 17th month.
The day 11 Imox would be the 8th day of the 18th month, and 9 Batz
the 18th day of the 20th month, just two days before 11 Ah, the close
of the year.

THOMAS] THE CAKCHIQUEL CALENDAR 281

In the year following 5 Ah (number 34), that is to say, the year
beginning with 6 Yiz, the following events, with dates, are mentioned
(numbers 35, 36, and 37):

On 1 Ganel the Quiches were destroyed.

On 4 Quat the chiefs were burned by Tunatiuh (Alvarado).

On 1 Hunahpu the Spaniards reached Iximche.

Five days after, Tunatiuh left the capital; then the Tzutuhils were con-
quered on 7 Camey.

Twenty-five days afterward Tunatiuh went forth to Cuzcatan and
slew Atacat on the day 2 Queh. On 10 Hunahpu he returned, having
been absent 40 days.

Iximche was abandoned on 7 Amak.

Ten days after, on 4 Camey, Tunatiuh began war.

One hundred and eighty days after the city was abandoned the 29th year
after the revolt was completed on 2 Ah. fi

The day 1 Ganel (or Kanel) was the 15th day of the 2d month; 4
Quat (or Kat) was the 11th day of the 3d month; 1 Hunahpu the 7th
day of the 5th month. ‘‘Five days after” should be 6 to reach 7
Camey, the 13th day of the 5th month. ‘‘ Twenty-five days after-
wards” (after 7 Camey) should be 21 to reach 2 Queh, 14th day of the
6th month, and 10 Hunahpu is the 7th day of the 10th month, hence
he 40 days, if counted from 2 Queh, would be wrong. The 7 Amak
would be the 3d day of the 12th month, and 4 Camey the 15th day
‘of the 12th month. From 7 Amak, the day Iximche was abandoned,
to 2 Ah, the end of the year (still counting 400 days), was only 177,
the round number given by the annalist being 180.

These items of evidence are sufficient to prove, beyond any reason-
able doubt, that the annalist counted 400 days to the year, and that
the years of the calendar which he used always began with the day
Yiz. The beginning and ending days of the years would therefore
be as follows if we start with 12 Yiz, the first year after the Revolt:

Beginning day Ending day Beginning day Ending day
Yiz Ah Yiz Ah
12 8 1 10
9 5 1 7
6 2 8 4
3 12 5 1
13 9 2 alk!
10 6 12 8
it 3 and so on.
4 13

The next question that arises, and the one of most importance in
the discussion, is this: Was the writer justified in indicating that such
a calendar as this was in use among the Cakchiquels at the coming
of the Spaniards? On this point we must judge chiefly by internal
evidence. As what is known in regard to the history of the manu-
seript is given by Brinton in his introduction, it is unnecessary to

282 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

repeat it here. The writer claims to have been a descendant (grand-
son) of the ruling chief of the Cakchiquels at the time of the arrival
of the Spaniards, and was then a youth of probably some 16 or 18
years. Judging by his method of giving dates, he seems to have been
familiar with a calendar then in use. Moreover his station would
indicate that he had been trained in the study of the chronology of
his tribe. I am, therefore, inclined to accept as substantially cor-
rect his statements so far as they bear on the calendar system, though
the traditional portion may be of very little or no historical value. If
this view be accepted, it may throw some light on one troublesome
feature of the Maya calendar—the introduction of the multiple 18 in
counting the months. Why the change from the lunar period toa
period of twenty days to the month was made, is not easily accounted
for, except on the supposition that, having decided for ceremonial or
other reason to abandon the lunar count, it was natural to follow the
vigesimal system, hence the 20 days to the month, 20 months to the
year, and 20 years to the cycle or ahau. The necessity, however, for
some adjustment between the ceremonial and true year brought about
at length the adoption of 18 months and 5 added days, and the sub-
stitution of 18 in place of 20 in time numeration. It seems possible,
if the annalist be correct in his time count, that the peculiar native
calendar may have come into use somewhat in this way.

I can find no grounds whatever for Goodman’s assertion that the
calendar year of the Cakchiquels consisted of 366 days. They may be
in a historical mention which I have failed to find, but by no possible
means can this year be made to agree with the calendar of the Annals
without assuming an arbitrary break in the succession of the days at
the end of each year.

MAYA METHOD OF CALCULATION

As I have, in my paper on the ‘‘ Mexican and Central American
Numeral Systems,” brought up the question, How did the Maye
priests actually perform their calculations relating to time series, some
of them reaching into millions? I propose to discuss the subject
somewhat more at length here. As was stated in that paper, these
calculations sometimes required changing series of days, chuens,
ahaus, katuns, cycles, and even great cycles (or more correctly units of
the Ist, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, and even the 6th order in the vigesimal sys-
tem), to years, months, and days, reaching from one given date to
another. As such ealeulations could not possibly have been made
mentally, the authors of the inscriptions and codices must have had
some method of ‘‘ ciphering,” to use a school-boy term, or of making
the calculation by marking on some object. As was stated in the
paper referred to, the only allusion to the subject by an early author-
ity, so far as is known, is the statement by Landa that they performed
them ‘on the ground or some flat thing.”

«Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

a

THOMAS] MAYA METHOD OF CALCULATION 283

As the different kinds of symbols used by the Mayas to express
numbers have been referred to, I assume that the reader is familiar
withthem. That direct multiplication and division would seem to be
impossible with their characters where both numbers included units
above the first order, or, at most, first and second orders, will be
admitted. The suggestion by Professor McGee (referred to in the
paper on numeral systems) that these operations might have been
performed by addition and subtraction seems to be the key to the prob-
lem, as I shall attempt to show.

That the Mayas could add and subtract numbers expressed in the
ordinary numeral symbols (dots and short lines) is known from hun-
dreds of examples in the Dresden codex; and that for these characters
they could readily substitute equivalent symbols of other forms in
use is evident. Take, for illustration, part of a series from plate
XXIV, Dresden codex (see plate LXXXII), which has been reversed, so
that it isto be taken from left to right instead of from right to left, as
in the original. The date below each column is written out, and
instead of the naught symbol a cipher (0) is inserted:

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

0 0 0 0 0 0
9Ahau 4 Ahau 12 Ahau 7 Ahau 2 Ahau 10 Ahau

lf we write these in Arabic figures, preserving the relative positions
and omitting the dates, as those given can be referred to, the series
will be as follows:

1 1 2 2
8 16 4 12 0 8
2 4 6 5 (8) 10 12
0 0 0 0 0 0

Doubling the first column (8-2-0) we get 16-4-0; adding again
8-2-0, we get 1-4-6-0; adding again 8-2-0, we get 1-12-8-0 (the 5 in
this column should be 8, as by adding 8-2-0 to it as thus corrected
we get 2-0-10-0, the 5th column, ete.).

If we write the equivalent of each number in days, maintaining the
same relative positions, and give the sum of each column below (nak-
ing the correction noted), the result will be as follows:

7,200 7, 200 14, 400 14, 400

2,880 5, 760 1, 440 4, 320 0 2, 880
40 80 120 160 200 240
0 0 0 0 0 0

2, 920 5, 840 8, 760 11, 680 14, 600 17,520

284 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS _ [ETH ANN. 22

By adding 2,920 to the first, we obtain the sum of the second column;
and adding the same number to the sum of the second, we obtain the
sum of the third, and so on. By counting forward 2,920 days from
9 Ahau, the date under the first column, we reach 4 Ahau, the date
under the 2nd column, ete.

These primary steps are, of course, well understood by readers who
have given any attention to the subject, but it is necessary to present
them as leading up to the object in view in the discussion.

It is evident that * + , or 2,920, is the factor or added number used
0)

in this series, but the process is carried on by addition. Towever,
before we proceed, it is necessary to call to mind certain facts in rela-
tion to the calendar. The first is that a day of any given name
returns at every 20th day, whether we count backward or forward,
but not with the same number; the second, that any given day returns
with the same day number at every 260th day, whichever way we
count, but not in the same month nor on the same day of the month
beyond the first year. As each count reaches Ahau in this instance,
and 260 is not an even divisor of 2,920, the basal factor must be 20,
and the day numbers will be different, as we find them to be. Although
we may not be able always to state why particular factors or counters
are selected, yet in this case it would seem that 2,920 was chosen
because this is exactly the number of days in eight years. As the
dates are therefore just eight years apart, they necessarily fall in years
having the same dominical day, and, consequently, on the same day of
the month. However, these specific features must be understood as
applicable to this particular series, and not as of general application,
for we shall find series in which there is no reference to the year; but
these time periods have a bearing on the practical method used in
Maya calculations.

Now, let us see theoretically how, starting with a given date, the
initial date of a high series may be reached. Nine cycles and the
lower fractional numbers, counting from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu as the
initial date, form the most frequent series of the Copan and Quirigua
inscriptions. We willtry to form such a series, selecting at random 3
Chicchan 18 Yax, year 1 Lamat, as the terminal date, and 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu as the initial date. As the former date must be the more
recent on this supposition, it follows that the count was backward
(though this is by no means necessary, as it could be forward as well);
so our count in this case will be backward. In order not to make the
series too long and tedious, we will select as our factor or sum to be
added—

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXxxil

PLATE XXIV OF THE DRESDEN CODEX

THOMAS] MAYA METHOD OF CALCULATION 285

This represents a calendar round or cycle of 52 years (18,980 days),
the given date (3 Chicchan 18 Yax) returning at the end of this
period. For convenience we make the series ascending toward the
right, and after a few additions double the columns to make progress
more rapid. The usual rule is followed; the counter is given as the
first column; the columns are numbered as a means of reference.

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)

see 40 eee 0

The counter or first column is added to itself, or doubled, to form
the second; the first is added to the second to form the 3rd; the first
to the 5rd to form the 4th; but. to hasten the process they are
doubled successively from this point to the 8th. As doubling the 8th
would raise the number above that contemplated, only the number
necessary to give the 9 cycles is added, but this must be the counter
(first column) or a multiple of it. The required number is found in
the 45th column; this added to the 8th gives the 9th. The sum of
the 9th column, if no mistake has been made, should, counting back
from 3 Chiechan 18 Yax, bring us again to the same date.

As acount of a cycle of 52 years (our first column) includes the
entire series of days and day numbers known to the system, 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu must be contained therein, and the count to it from the
date reached must be less than the amount represented by our first
column. Our next step, therefore, is to ascertain the lapse of time
from our last date (8 Chiechan 18 Yax) to the next preceding occur-
rence (as we are counting backward) of 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. Just what
method the authors of the inscriptions and codices employed for this
purpose, as there are more than one, I can not state positively, but
give one which I am satisfied they could follow.

They could readily ascertain, as is shown by almost every numeral
series with a date, that the day 3 Chiechan 18 Yax fell in the year
1 Lamat, and 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu in the year 8 Ben; hence they could
easily tell, by counting on their fingers or making marks, that from
the latter to the former is 18 years and the fractions of the two years—

the fraction in the former being 198 days or, , , and in the latter

17 or=

As the year is represented by ( the 18 years would be

286 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

By adding to this the , , , and +—, or together ____, we obtain the
sum represented by —_. Add this to the 9th column, the

result is the following number, to wit: **** or 9 eyeles, 10 katuns,

14 ahaus, 15 chuens, 5 days.

If no mistake has been made, this number, if we count back from 3
Chicchan 18 Yax, year 1 Lamat, should bring us to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,
the first day of Goodman’s so-called 54th great cycle. Trial proves
it to be correet, thus:

Days
OVNGY CLES ioe = mn ee ee ae © ee, SC re ee 1, 296, 000
Oey GUTS ae ee re ene See a ae ee 72,000

ddvahianus* a 2 ae 2 =e ots Ce ON Fee ie ere oer 5, 040

dSACHUCNS. seca 5S Hae ee a Oe eee eee nae 300
Os ay See cp 2 ot Tas Shape eee ee Ln ee 5
AN c\it2) Us aeectarn teen eae Sk Perna Sy a See 8 BB YoRDY oa
Subtract 72 calendar rounds_ ~ Aut 5s Se ee a 1, 366, 560

Remainder - we bos eee 542) 0D 6, 785

Counting back this number of days from 3 Chiechan 18 Yax
brings us to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. Turning to Goodman’s ‘* Chronolog-
ical Calendar,” 54th great cycle, 9th cycle, 10th katun, and 14th
ahau, we find the date is 10 Ahau 18 Mae. Fifteen months and 5
days from this just reaches 5 Chicchan 18 Yax. The series is there-
fore a correct one, formed upon the same plan as those of the Dresden
codex, and without using anything not in the reach and comprehen-
sion of the aboriginal artist.

The series on plate XXIV of the Dresden codex (our plate LXXxXTT)
appears to close with a minor addition (in the lower left-hand corner)
to reach the desired date, just as the theoretic one given above, ex-
cept that in this case the count is forward. The series includes the
right half of the plate, and reads from right to left and by lines from
the bottom upward, closing with the lines in the lower left-hand
corner. Ilere the steps have been in part from 1 Ahau to 1 Ahau,
hence with 260 as the primal factor. The last column is 9—9-16-0-0,
then follows the number 6-2-0, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. The latter number
changed into days is the lapse of time from 1 Ahau 18 Kayab, the
last preceding date, to+ Ahau8 Cumhu. However, as there are some
unusual features in regard to the additions in a part of this series, at-
tention will again be called to it a little farther on.

THOMAS] MAYA METHOD OF CALCULATION 287

In order to show that resort was had to increasing the added num-
ber to shorten the process, as was done in the theoretic example, the
following example is given from plates LXX and LXxI of the Dresden
codex. Ordinary numerals are used in place of the symbols, and the
series, which in the codex ascends from right to left, is reversed; the
days below the columns are also given:

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)

3 5) 7 9
15 17 19 18 17 16 15
10 9 9 0 0 0 0
16 18 0 0 0 0 0

9 Oc 9 Eb 9 Ix 9 Ix OW Ex: 9 Ix 9 Ix

It will be seen by subtracting that the difference between the first
and second columns and between the second and third is 1-17-2, or
1 ahau, 17 chuens, 2 days, equal to 702 days, while the difference
between the 3d and 4th columns is 2—18—9—-0, or 2 katuns, 18 ahaus,
9 chuens, 0 days—equal to 21,060 days; and that the difference
between the 4th and 5th, the 5th and 6th, and the 6th and 7th is, in
each case, 1-19-0-0, or 14,040 days. There is therefore an increase
of the added number or factor in passing from the 3d to the 4th
column.

It will be noticed that the days below the Ist, 2d, and 3d columns
differ, while from this point onward they are all 9 Ix. The change in
this respect requires a change in the counter. Why the counter was
made larger in passing from the 3d to the 4th column than between
the remaining columns is not clear, as the difference between the
3d and 4th columns would have reached the desired day, 9 Ix. It is
possible that the month date, though it does not appear, was here
taken into consideration. . Assuming that the first 9 Ix (under the
3d column) was 9 Ix 2 Pop, year 8 Ben, the count forward of 1-19-0-0
would reach 9 Ix 12 Chen in the year 7 Akbal, while the count for-
ward of 2-18-9-0 would reach 9 Ix 17 Mac, year 13 Ezanab. As the
first counter (702) is not a multiple of 260 or of 20, it must have been
based on 13, one of the factors of 260. The counters 14040 and
21060 are multiples of 260; and there is possibly something in the
fact that the former (14040) is 54 times 260 and that the first counter
(702) is 54 times 13. Although we are not able at present to solve all
these problems, it is evident that the author of the codex increased
the counter as he proceeded, presumably to shorten the process.

The series appears to close with two columns in the upper middle
portion of plate LXx, the dates here having the month given. With
these (notwithstanding the obliterated portion of the series) we might
determine the true dates of the portion given above, and thus possibly
solye, to some extent, the problems mentioned; but unfortunately
there are so many errors in these two columns that it seems impossi-
ble to determine the true numbers and dates. The chuen number, or

288 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

number in the place of the second order of units, is 18 or 19 (there
being a space where one dot may have been obliterated), either of
which is wrong. The date below one is 9 Ix 20 Pop, the other is 9 Ix
15 Pax or Tzee, both of which are wrong, as Ix is never the 13th or
20th of the month.

A good example of this method of increasing the counter as the
series proceeds is found on plates LXX-LXxuI of the same codex.
Although this runs from right to,left, we give it here in reverse order

and in ordinary figures as follows:

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
[17]
3 6 9 B} 16 19[1?]
ia) 10 15 0 5 10
4 Caban 41k 4 Manik 4 Eb 4 Caban 4 Ik
(7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12)
1 1 1 1 1 2
4 8 val 14 17 3
15 0 5 10 15 0
4 Manik 4 Eb 4 Caban 4 Ik 4 Manik 4 Eb
(13) (14) (15) (16) (17)
2 2 2 2 3
6 9 11 [122] 16 1
5 10 15 0 5
4 Caban 41k 4 Manik 4 Eb 4 Caban
(18) (19) (20) (21) (22)
3 3 3 3 33
4 it 11 14 17
10 15 0 5 10
41k 4 Manik 4 Eb 4 Caban 4 Ik
(23) (24) (25) (26) (27)
4 4 4 4 4
2 6 9 12 15
15 0 5 10 15
4 Manik 4 Eb 4 Caban 41k 4 Manik
(28) (29) (30) (31) (32)
) 3
5 10 15 0 0
1 2 3 8 12
0 0 0) 0 0
4 Eb 4 Eb 4 Eb 4 Eb 4 Eb
(33) (34) (35) (36) (37)
1
4 5 6 8 0
0 1 i 1 12
16 2 6 10 é
0 0 0 0 0
4 Eb 4 Eb 4 Eb 4 Eb 4 Eb

The figures in parenthesis are merely arbitrary numbers given to

the columns as a means of reference.

The counter is 3-5, or 65 days,

THOMAS] MAYA METHOD OF CALCULATION 289

from the first to the 28th column; but here a change takes place; the
amount at this point, being 5-1-0, or 1,820 days, is doubled to form the
29th column, and is again added to form the 30th. Here again occurs
an increase in the counter, in this case a large one, viz, to 1-5-5-0, or
9,100 days; but at the next step the added number to form the 52nd
column is only 1-0-0, or 7,280 days, just one-half of the 31st col-
umn. This counter is used to the end of the series; however, the 8 in
the 36th column is an evident mistake; it should be 7.

The number 65 is a very common counter in this and other codices;
in this case 13 is the basal factor. In the other counters 260 is the
permanent factor. The first counter, which is just one-fourth of the
second, always reaches a day with the same number, though not the
same day—but repeating by series of four. However, aside from these
questions, we have the fact of the increase of the counter in the proc-
ess, to show which was the object of calling attention to the series.

Returning now to the series on plate XXIV (our piate LXXII), to
which reference has been made, I call attention to the unusual changes
in the counter or added number. The series in the fourth tier from
the bottem, given in the way adopted above, is as follows:

(1) (2) (3) (4)
1
1 4 9 5
5 12 11 14
5 8 7 4
0 0 0 0
1 Ahau 1 Ahau 1 Ahau 1 Ahau

The values of the different units and sums of the columns are as
follows:

144, 000

7.200 28, 800 64, 800 36, 000
1,800 4,320 3,960 5, 040
100 160 140 80

0 0 0 0
9,100 33, 280 68, 900 185, 120

It will be found by trial that the greatest common divisor of these
totals is 260, and that it is contained in the first total 35 times; in the
second, 126; in the third, 265, and the fourth, 712 times. Although
each step must have required long and tedious additions—no two
having a common added number or multiple thereof—and the reason
for thus varying the added number is not apparent, yet it is evident
that the aboriginal scribe chose 260 as the factor to be used, and also
that the desired result could be reached by successive additions. In
fact, the series and the others we have noticed seem to be mere records
of the steps in the process of determining the lapse of time between
two widely separated dates.

These examples are sufficient to show that all the series in the
codices and inscriptions could have been formed by the aboriginal

292 prH—04——19

290 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

authors with their numeral symbols by addition and subtraction. It
may also be added that the evidence presented to show this is fitted
to impress us with the belief that some, if not all, of the series of the
Dresden codex are but records of the process of calculation.

There arises in connection with this examination a question, the
proper answer to which may, if determined in accordance with a view
that has been expressed, have an important bearing on the history of
the Mayan tribes.

On several of the plates of the Dresden codex there are what appear
to be supplemental series connecting with the so-called ‘‘ normal date,”
4 Ahau8Cumhu. However, the discussion of this question will come
more appropriately under the next section, which relates to the signifi-
cation of the series of the inscriptions.

SIGNIFICATION OF THE NUMERAL SERIES

Why were these series formed? What is their signification? These
are questions impossible for us to answer satisfactorily with our pres-
ent knowledge of the subject. It may be possible, however, to limit
the inquiry by certain considerations.

Our first question is, Were they intended, by the initial or terminal
days, to refer to actual dates bearing some relation to events in the
history of the respective tribes to which they pertain? By the term
“initial dates” I allude to the dates from which the series (whether
initial or minor) were counted, and by ‘‘terminal dates” to those
which follow the series in counting forward. The latter are assumed
to be later in actual time than the former.

That the initial date may be thrown back any desired distance in
time is admitted, as for example, we may take as our initial date the
beginning of the Christian era (A. D.), or the supposed initial date of
the world era (A. M.), or any other beginning date which, through
fancy, tradition, or mythology, has been adopted or arbitrarily chosen
by different peoples. It is not necessary, therefore, that we should
assume that the initial dates of the Mayan codices and inscriptions
have any reference to historical or even supposed historical events.
That such an assumption would be preposterous is shown by the fact
that several of these dates reach back in time 33,000 years, and a
large proportion of those of the inscriptions nearly 4,000 years, and
others to a still more distant time. The initial dates must therefore
relate, as will be conceded, to some assumed date, traditional or myth-
ological, or arbitrarily chosen, according to the fancy of the caleu-
lator.

Do the terminal dates refer to events or incidents in the history of
the tribes—events which were noted down by the seribes sufficiently
near the time of occurrence to give the proper or probable dates
thereof?

THOMAS) SIGNIFICATION OF THE NUMERAL SERIES Oil

If we take the terminal dates of the initial series at Quirigua (omit-
ting from consideration those of the minor series) we find the differ-
ence between the earliest and latest, with two exceptions to be
noticed, is only some 83 or 84 years. This difference is so moderate
as to be entirely consistent with the idea that the dates were engraved
near the time of the events or incidents to which they refer, if, in fact,
this was the object in giving them. The two excepted are numbers 6
and 16 of the list given below. The calculation I give is based on
what seem to be the reliable series and dates, leaving out of consid-
eration the exceptional and doubtful series. Comparing the earliest
and latest of those at Copan, we find the difference to be about
222 years. ‘This is by no means extravagant, hence the dates may
refer to historical events. When we come to those at Palenque, we
find the difference—even excluding the most recent date, which Good-
man admits is doubtful—to be over 3,800 years. Although a differ-
ence in dates as great or greater than this has been found in the
inscriptions of the ruins of Egypt and Assyria and accepted as reason-
ably correct, no archeologist of the present day not carried away by
some extravagant theory will believe that inscriptions were chiseled
at Palenque at dates 5,500 years apart in actual time, the earliest
(counting from the coming of the Spaniards) going back more than
2,200 years before the Christian era.

Now, it is the opinion of Goodman and Seler that the terminal dates
of the inseriptions (the latter excepts those at Palenque, as explained
below) refer to the times when the monuments were erected or the
inscriptions chiseled. The assertion of the former on this point (pages
147-8) is as follows:

~ Particular emphasis is intended to be laid upon “‘ initial *’ dates in the foregoing
estimate. There are two kinds of dates in the Archaic inscriptions. The dates
of one character, and those of most frequent occurrence, appear in the body of the
texts, and designate the points from or to which the reckonings extend. Some-
times they are but a day apart; at others, they are a few months or years, while
occasionally a flight is made over thousands of years and back again, with the
ease and swiftness with which in Eastern story the couch of the prince is trans-
ported by genii. These dates have no significance beyond their relation to other
dates and the corresponding reckonings.

But with the other class, the initial dates, as Maudslay has very appropriately
named them, it is quite different. The inscription on nearly every temple, stela,
and altar begins with one of them, reciting the great cycle, cycle, katun, ahau,
chuen, month, and day. Such conspicuousness and circumstantiality, inmy esti-
mation, could have but a single purpose—that of recording the date at which the
monument was erected. Some of the stele have different initial dates on oppo-
site sides, but in these instances one date is reckoned from the other, the later one
undoubtedly designating the time of dedication. I think there is nothing we can
assume with more assurance of certainty than that these initial series mark the
date of erection of the respective monuments.

Taking this for granted, also, we will turn to the inscriptions and see to what
these conclusions lead. The latest initial date is found on a stela at Quirigua.
It is 55-3-19-2-1820—7 Ahau-18 Pop. That is 2,840 years subsequent to the

292 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [BTH. ANN. 22

average of initial dates in the other Quirigua inscriptions. The next latest
initial date is on a restored stairway in one of the temples of Palenque. It is
55-3-18-12-15 x 12—8 Eb-15 Pop. That is 7,082 years later than the earliest initial
dates at Palenque. These are long periods, but the limit is not yet reached. In
the museum at Leyden is the misnamed *‘ Yucatec”’ stone, exhumed in digging a
cut on the line between British Honduras and Guatemala, about a hundred miles
from Copan. Itisaslim slab of jadite, about a foot long and four inches wide,
if my recollection of it is correct. Both sides are inscribed in rather a rude man-
ner, the rudeness apparently being more attributable to the hardness of the stone
than to a lack of skillin the artist. The carving on the front represents a warrior
trampling an enemy under his feet. The stone, therefore, is evidently a memo-
rial of some victory or conquest. The inscription on the back consists of an ini-
tial date in the Archaic form and characters. It is 53-8-14-3-1«12—1 Eb-5 Zac.
That is 8,383 years anterior to the latest initial date in Quirigua. Now, if in
accordance with my theory respecting the era of the Archaic cities the 2.848 years
that have elapsed since that Quirigua date was made be added to the above period,
we shall arrive at the time when that ancient Maya conqueror trod his enemies
under foot—10,731 years ago—the oldest historical date in the world.

Dr Seler’s opinion on this point is expressed in the following quo-
tation from his paper in the Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Heft 6, 1899:

Thave, in conclusion, now to speak of the relation in which the various monuments
which we have become acquainted with stand to each other. Here at the outset is
to be kept in mind the noteworthy difference which exists between the altar plates of
Palenque and the remaining monuments. I have already mentioned that the initial
series of all monuments which we are able to read contain in the first member
the multiplier nine; and I can add that the same holds also for the stele of
Quirigua (which I have not yet been able to treat of, as they have not yet been pub-
lished in Maudslay’s work) and for stela 6 of Copan, excavated by the engi-
neers of the Peabody Museum. On the altar plates of Palenque, on the contrary,
so far as we have been able to decipher them, there stands in the first member
the multiplier one. If, as indeed is a priori most probable, the date designated
at the end of the first series gives the time of erection of the monument in ques-
tion, then we must conclude that all other monuments within the tenth cycle
after the beginning and normal date 4 Ahau 8 Cumku—the Temple of the Cross
Il of Palenque, the Temple of the Sun, and perhaps also the Temple of the Cross
I—were constructed within the second cycle after the beginning and normal date.
In other words, we must conclude that between the time of the erection of the
temples of Palenque and of all the other monuments there lies a period of
about 3,160 years; that the temples of Palenque are about 3,160 years older
than the monuments of Copan and Quirigua, and than the steps of the tow-
ering palace of Palenque not far from the temple. This is, in itself, not probable,
and all the less so as one would, from the style of the hieroglyphs and figures, be
rather inclined to explain the temples of Palenque as younger than the stele of
Copan. The solution of the riddle may be a different one. It may be that, in the
initial series of the temples of Palenque, the end date does not represent the date
of erection of the temple, but an earlier sacred date which it had been determined
to bring into view. It may, however, also be that the time of the erection of the
monument was brought into view, not through notation of the actual traditionally
accepted distance from the normal date, but as it were in arithmetical fashion
through notation of one difference which led from the normal date toa day of
this name. :

The end dates of all the remaining monuments which we are able to read fall,
as said, within the tenth cycle after the beginning and normal date 4 Ahan, 8
Cumku.

ee eee

THOMAS] SIGNIFICATION OF THE NUMERAL SERIES 293

It is apparent from these quotations that both Goodman and Seler
hold the opinion that the terminal date in an initial series is intended
to indicate the time when the monument was erected, though the
lapse of time given by Goodman (who does not seem to object to long
periods) to the dates of erection of the various monuments differs
very widely from that allowed by Seler. The differences I have
indicated are, as was stated above, limited to those which remain
after rejecting those which seem doubtful.

Let us discuss this question on the data furnished by the inscrip-
tions and Dresden codex, taking, where there are not good grounds
for objecting to them, the interpretations of the initial series by Good-
man and Seler. Differences in the numbers of the periods or orders
of units below that which Goodman terms ‘‘ katun” have no bearing
in this discussion. In order that the reader may have the data before
his eye, I give below a list of the initial series, retaining, for con-
venience, Goodman’s great cycle numbers. The numbers at the left
are merely for reference.

Palenque
(1) 53-12-19-13- 4 0, S8Ahau 18 Tzec. Temple of the Cross.
(2) 54 1-18— 5—- 3-6, 138 Cimi 19 Ceh. Temple of the Sun.
(8) b4= T18— 5— 4— 0;) 1 Ahan 13’ Mac: Temple of the Foliated Cross.
(4) 54 9- 4 0- 0O- 0, 13 Ahau 18 Yax. Temple of Inscriptions.
(5) 55- 3-18-12-15-12, 8 Eb 15 Pop. Inscribed steps of palace.
Quirigua
(6) 54 9- 1- 0-0-0, 6Ahau 13 Yaxkin. Stela C, west side.
(7) 54 9-14-13- 4-17, 12 Caban 5 Kayab. Stela F, west side.
(8) 54 9-14-13- 4-17, 12 Caban 5 Kayab. Stela E, west side.
(9) 54- 9-16- 5- 0-0, 8 Ahau 8 Zotz. Stela J, back.
(10) 54- 9-16-10- 0- 0, 1 Ahau 3 Zip. Stela F, east side.
(11) 54 9-16-13- 417, 8Caban 5 Yaxkin. Stela D, west side.
(12) 54 9-17-10- 0- 0, 12 Ahau 8 Pax. Animal B.
(13) 54- 9-17- 5- 0-0, 6 Ahau 13Kayab. Stela A, east side.
(14) 54- 9-17-15- 0-0, 5 Ahau 3 Muan. Animal G.
(15) 54 9-18-15- 0-0, 3 Ahau ax Stela K.
(16) 54-13- 0- 0-0-0, 4Ahau 8 Cumhu. Stela C.
(17) 54 9-16-15- 0- 0. 7 Ahau 18 Pop. Stela D, east side.
Copan
(18) 54- 9- 5-5- 0-0, 4Ahau = 13 Zotz. Stela D.
(19) 54 9- 9-10- 0-0, 2Ahau 13 Pop. Stela P.
(20) 54— 9-12- 3-14- 0, 5 Ahau 8 Uo. Stela I.
(21) 54 9-12-12- 0- 0, 1 Ahau 8 Zotz. Stela J, west side.
(22) 54- 9-12-16—- 7- 8, 3Lamat 16 Yax. Altar K.
23) 54- 9-13-10- 0- 0, (7 Ahau 13 Cumbhu.) Stela J, east side.
(24) 54—- 9-14-10- 0-0, 5 Ahau 3 Mac. Stela F.
(25) 54- 9-14-19- 8-0, 12 Ahau 18 Cumhu. Stela A.
(26) 54- 9-15- 0- 0-0, 4Ahau 15 Yax. Stela B.
(27) 54- 9-15- 0- 0-0, 4Ahau 13 Yax. Altar 8.
(28) 54- 9-16-10- 0-0, 1 Ahau 8 Zip. Stela N.
(29) 54 9-16- 5- 0-0, 8 Ahau 8 Zotz. Stela M.
(30) 55- 2- 6— 0- 0- 0, ? ? Altar L.
(31) 55-13- 2-18- 0-0, 6Ahau 18 Kayab. StelaC.

294 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN. 22

The Leyden Stone
(82) 7538=18—14 23 = 119 abr 5 2?(Yaxkin?).
Goodman also mentions (p. 148) the following as at Quirigua:
(33) 55- 3-19- 2- 0-0, 7Ahau 18 Pop. Stela ?

Examining this list, we see that the terminat dates of 24 out of the
33 series fall in the 10th (Goodman’s 9th) eyele from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu,
the initial day of Goodman’s 54th great eyele. It can not be doubted,
therefore, as we also find the same initial date the most prominent
one in the Dresden codex, that, for some reason unknown to us, it
was selected by the people who made the inscriptions and codex as
their principal era date. As the 24 series ending in the 10th cycle run
back from the earliest terminal date (number 6) 9-1-0-0-0, or 3,570
years, and from the latest terminal date (number 15) 9-18-15—0-0, or
3,920 years, it is evident, as has been stated above, that the normal
date (4 Ahau 8 Cumhu) selected as the commencement of this era could
have no reference to an historical event remembered by the Mayan
people. Even if we suppose that the last of these inscriptions was not
chiseled until the close of the fifteenth century, this would carry back
the era date 2,400 years before the Christian era. The only safe and
reasonable conclusion, therefore, is that the initial date was arbitrarily
selected for some mythological, mystical, or arithmetical reason. It
is especially worthy of notice, however, that the lapse of time between
the terminal dates of the earliest and latest of these series is only
about 350 years, and, if number 6 be omitted, less than 90 years. This
fact would seem to give color to the suggestion of Goodman and Seler
that the terminal dates of the initial series refer to the time the monu-
ments were erected. Nevertheless, there are some serious difficulties
to be overcome before this theory can be considered as satisfactorily
established, some of which it will be my object now to point out.

So far as the foregoing list is concerned, all the series which begin
with 9 eyeles (the 54 indicating the so-called great cycle is omitted
from consideration) have, beyond question, the initial date 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu. It must be remembered, however, that this date returns
at the end of every count of 18,980 days, or 52 years. Now, the ques-
tion arises (and it is a crucial one in this discussion), Does the count
in each one of these series go back to identically the same 4 Ahau 8
Cumnhu, or merely to any 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu? If, as I think I have sue-
cessfully shown, the so-called ahaus, katuns, cycles, and great cycles
are not absolute time periods, recognized as such in any Mayan time
system, but are mere orders of units in the Mayan method of numera-
tion, these counts would be precisely like the following in our ordinary
time system: Thursday the 15th day of the 7th month of the 48th year
of the century. Whatcentury? Or 1,025 years, 7 months and 15 days
from December 25th to Thursday the 9th day of the 8th month. It
is evident that without the first or last date being fixed in some recog-

THOMAS] SIGNIFICATION OF THE NUMERAL SERIES 295

nized calendar the 1,025 years, etce., may be pushed backward or for-
ward at will. Hence a Mayan scribe may write 9-15-0-0-0 from 4
Ahau 8 Cumhu to 4 Ahau 13 Yax (asin number 26); and 52 years later
another may write the same series, as in number 27, and both will
be strictly correct, but the 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu of the first will be 52
years earlier than that of the second. The mere fact, therefore, that
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is reached by counting back the different numeral
series is not evidence that in each case identically the same 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu is reached. Other evidence having some bearing on the
question must be introduced to establish this identity. The only faet
apparent in the series themselves which seems to favor the theory of
identity is that each runs back 9 eycles plus the minor numbers.
This undoubtedly favors the theory of identical date.

Let us turn now to the Dresden codex, and give attention to what
I have termed subsidiary series; that is to say, short series ap-
parently, as was suggested in the theoretical series given above,
intended to connect with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. As I have expressed
doubts as to the correctness of Seler’s suggestion about that on plate
LXIX, attention is called to the long compound series on plate XXIV
(see our plate LXXx). This series begins at the right-hand edge of
the bottom section and runs leftward to the middle; it then passes to
the next section above, and so on to the top of the page, the conclud-
ing column being that in the lower division of the left-hand portion.
No months are given except at the bottom of the long number col-
umns and the one short column in the lower left-hand portion of the
plate. The last date standing in the lower left-hand corner is 4 Ahau
8 Cumhu, and over it is the number series 6-2-0 (the 0 symbol in a
red loop). The next date to the right is 1 Ahau 18 Kayab; this
stands under the numeral series 9—9-16-0-0. Counting back from
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the short series, 6 ahaus, 2 chuens, 0 days, or 2,200
days, we are brought to 1 Ahau 18 Kayab, while if we count forward
from the same date it brings us to 7 Ahau 18 Cumhu, which shows
the backward count to be the correct one, if the design of the artist
was to connect the two series; moreover, the count of the long series,
if made toward the right, is backward.

We know that in all the series given in the above list, where 4
Ahau 8 Cumbhu is the principal date, it is the initial day and the
numeral series follows it; in other words, the count must be backward
to reach it. Taking number 15 of the list—Stela K of Quirigua—
54-9-18-15-0-O—we find that the terminal date lies 5,920 years subse-
quent to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. Turning to the last column of the series
on plate xxtv of the Dresden codex, which is 9-9-16—-0-0, we find that
the count, when the short series of 2,200 days is added, reaches back-
ward from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu 3,750 years. In other words, we count
forward in the codex 3,750 years to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and in the
inscription series forward from this date 5,920 years, making the total

296 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS (ETH. ANN, 22

lapse of time from the beginning date of one and the ending date of
the other 7,670 years. Is it at all probable that the one 4 Ahau 8
Cumbhu is the same in actual time as the other? That the count is
necessarily forward in the codex series may be proved thus: The
last column (that in the lower left-hand portion) reaches back to the
initial date, which is found to be 1 Ahau 18 Kayab, the same as the
terminal date which stands below the column. Now if the supposi-
tion be correct that, as is usual in this codex, this column is the sum
of the series, and there is no mistake on the part of the aboriginal
artist, the first number column, that in the extreme lower right-hand
corner of the plate, 8-2-0, 9 Ahau (the symbol appears to be 8, but
the fourth dot is hid by the red border line, as can easily be shown by
the steps from date to date toward the left) should give the exact lapse
of time from 1 Ahau 18 Kayab. Counting forward 8-2-0, or 2,920
days, from 1 Ahau 18 Kayab, year 2 Akbal, we reach 9 Ahau 18 Kayab,
year 10 Akbal, the date under this first column. Counting forward
2,920 days (the difference between the first column and the next one
to the left) from the last date (9 Ahau 18 Kayab), we reach 4 Ahau 18
Kayab, year 5 Akbal, the date under the second column. Counting
back the sum of this second column—5,540 days—we reach, as we
should, 1 Ahau 18 Kayab, the initial date.

As further proof that the series is continuous and the count for-
ward, let us select at random the third column, counting from the
right, of the third section from the bottom, to wit, 4-8-0, 11 Ahau.
Counting forward 52,120 days, the sum of this column, from 1 Ahau
18 Kayab, we reach 11 Ahau 15 Kayab, year 12 Akbal—the day under
this column. If we take the column immediately above (third from
the right in the fourth division from the bottom of the page) which
reads 9-11-7-0, 1 Ahau, equal to 68,900 days, and count forward from
the initial date 1 Ahau 18 Kayab, we reach 1 Ahau 13 Mae, year 9
Lamat. Subtracting this column from that to the left of it—

1-5-14- £0
9-11- 7-0
16— 2-15-0

we find the remainder to be 16—2-15-0, or 116,220 days. Counting for-
ward this number of days from 1 Ahau 15 Mac, the date under the
third column from the right, we reach 1 Ahau 18 Uo, year 3 Akbal,
the date under the last or fourth column from the right, which proves
the steps thus far taken to be correct.

Although the upper division is too nearly obliterated for any of its
columns to be:used to caleulate forward to the final column, we can
do this as correctly by subtracting the last column of the fourth
division from the terminal column of the entire series, thus—

9-9-16— 0-0
1-5-14— 4-0

8-4 1-140

ae ee

THOMAS] SIGNIFICATION OF THE NUMERAL SERIES 297

Using this remainder, which amounts to 1,151,440 days, subtracting
from it 62 calendar rounds or 1,176,760 days, which leaves a balance
of 4,680 days, and counting forward from 1 Ahau 18 Uo (the date
under the left column of the fourth division), we reach 1 Ahau 18
Kayab, the date under the final column in the lower left portion of
the plate. No doubt, therefore, is left that the count in this long
series is toward the left and forward in time, and that the 1 Ahau 18
Kayab under the final column is 3,744 years later in time than the
initial date, which is also 1 Ahau 18 Kayab.

Counting forward from this terminal date the short series in the
extreme lower left-hand column (2,200 days), we reach 4 Ahau 8
Cumhu, the date in the corner below this short column. It is certain,
therefore, that 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is the terminal date of the long
series on this plate. Is it the ‘‘normal date,” the same

initial 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu from which the series of in- 8
oh @

scriptions are counted? To show that Goodman’s cal-
culations agree exactly with this result, we have only
to count back on his chronological tables from 4 Ahau

&

8 Cumhu, the first day of his 54th great cycle, the 9 ed
eyeles, 9 katuns and 16 ahaus of the final large col- ==
umn and the 6 ahaus of the short column. This will ae
reach 2 Ahau 13 Pop, the first day of the 18th ahau ==
of the 9th katun of the 3rd cycle of his 53rd great .<a0)

eyele. Counting back from this the two months of

foYo}
(<)
©

the short column we reach 1 Ahau 18 Kayab, the @ 2
initial day of the long series of the codex plate. as

This fact will tend to throw a strong doubt on the
theory of Goodman and Seler in regard to the signifi-
eation of the series. Moreover, if we turn to plate
Lxx of the codex we see high numbers, some reach-
ing to 8 and others to 9 cycles, one being as high as De ees
9-19-11-13-0. These are followed by a short sub- Dresden codex.
sidiary series ending with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. Here,
then, this ‘‘normal date” comes after the long series of 3,937 years,
and if Seler’s idea that the 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu in the texts of plates LXI
and LXIx is to be connected with the high series in the serpent
figure be correct, then it must stand at the commencement of a period
extending back from the terminal date some 33,900 years.

As an example clearly illustrating the statements in the preceding
paragraph occurs on plate xLimt of the Dresden codex, I shall notice
it here before passing from the point under discussion. This consists
of a single column shown in figure 166. At the head of the column is
the day 3 Lamat; immediately below is a figure with a turned-up
nose, probably a conventionalized tapir head, which, as it occupies
the same relative position as the great cycle symbol in the inscrip-

(i)

0000

298 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22

tion, may, and in fact probably does, stand for the same purpose here.
Following the latter, reading downward, is the series 9—-19-8—15-0
(9 eyeles, 19 katuns, 8 ahaus, 15 chuens, 0 days); next comes the day
3 Lamat, which is followed by the short series 17-12 (17 echuens, 12
days), the ecclumn ending with the day 4 Ahau, though no month
symbol is given.

Assuming the date at the bottom to be 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, we count
back 17 months and 12 days(=352 days) from this date. This brings
us to 3 Lamat 1 Uayeb in the year 7 Lamat. Counting back from
the latter date 9-19-8-15-0, or 1,435,980 days, we reach 3 Lamat
11 Muan, year 12 Ezanab, the day standing at the head of the column.
It is true that we have no absolute proof that the terminal date (4

_ Ahau) is intended for 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, as the count will give the
same result from any other 4 Ahau. The column given is the sum of—
that is to say, includes—the long series which occupies the right por-
tion of the middle section of plate xLim and the left portion of the
middle section of plate XLIV, and seems to be here precisely what an
initial series is in the inscriptions. This supposition, which seems to
be confirmed by the tapir-head symbol, which apparently stands for
the great cycle, is in direct opposition to the assumption that

b ‘

Fia. 167. Centerpieces of great cycle symbols.

the terminal 4 Ahau is the initial day of a great cycle. On the other
hand, the assumption that it is the initial day of a great cycle, as
Seler seems to think, necessitates the conclusion that the date 3
Lamat 11 Muan, from which the count of the series starts, is not the
beginning of a great cycle, or that great cycles may overlap one
another. The latter conclusion would indicate that the starting point
is arbitrary, and that the supposed time-periods are simply orders of
units in expressing numbers.

At any rate, if the 4 Ahau is assumed to be 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the
whole of the series lies back of, or anterior to, the commencement of
Goodman’s 54th great cycle.

As an indieation that the conventional tapir head on plate XLII of
the Dresden codex is used as a great cycle symbol, attention is called
to the centerpieces of the three great cycle symbols shown in figure
167, the one marked a being from the east side of Stela F, Quirigua;
b from Stela N, Copan, and ¢ from Stela 6, Copan. The resemblance
to the codex symbol is too strong to be overlooked.

In addition to these facts which seem to stand against, or at least to
render doubtful, the supposition that 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, when stand-

THOMAS] SIGNIFICATION OF THE NUMERAL SERIES 299

ing as the initial or ferminal day of a series, is to be taken as the
date of the chosen era, there is the additional fact that in quite a
number of the inscriptions there are series connected with, but sub-
sequent to, the initial series, sometimes running into the hundreds of
years. If the terminal date of the initial series designates the date of
erection, then the other subsequent dates must have been chiseled
after the monument was erected. This would require the supposition
that the tablets at Palenque were quarried and dressed to a particu-
lar size with a profound knowledge of or keen foresight as to the
additional space that would be needed in the coming years.

Such are some of the difficulties that stand in the way of the theory
advanced by Goodman and Seler as to the signification of the inserip-
tions. Norare these allthe difficulties; others appear when we discard
Goodman's theory of a great chronological system and look upon his
so-called time-periods as but orders of units, and count, as should be
done, 20 of the 5th order of units (cycles) to one of the 6th order (great
eycle). However, notwithstanding these serious difficulties, the
theory, if a little more generalized, so as to apply to the latest date
in the inscription as that denoting the time of erection or event com-
memorated, is perhaps the most acceptable which has been pre-
sented, though it be very doubtful. Many of the long series in the
Dresden codex appear, in fact, to be records of the steps of caleula-
tion in_ finding the lapse of time between widely separated dates,
seemingly for amusement or mystical purposes. The author of the
Dresden codex seems to have been of a mathematical turn—far more
so than the authors of the Troano and Cortesian codices, which fact
probably accounts for the long series in the former; and it may be
added that a strong mathematical turn of mind has probably led Mr.
Goodman to form his grand but, unfortunately, imaginary Mayan
chronological system.

INSCRIPTION AT XCALUMKIN, YUCATAN

Attention is called again to figure 157 (page 253), showing an
inscription found at Xealumkin, Yueatan, by Mahler and photo-
graphed by him. A copy was obtained by Dr Le Plongeon and pub-
lished in his ‘‘Queen Moo” (page 80, plate xxv), but without any
particulars or attempt at explanation. As Mahler has not, so far
as I am aware, published any account of this discovery, and I am
indebted to Dr Saville for the copy used, I can only refer to the
inscription, which is certainly interesting in several respects.

It is apparent at a glance that the majority of the symbols differ
very considerably from those at Palenque, Tikal, Copan, and Quirigua
to which reference has been made in my previous paper and the first
part of this paper. So great is the difference that we are unable to
say whether the first symbols, Al to B2, are numeral characters repre-
senting an initial series. That the part of A3 which is a cartouch
inclosing a serpent is to be taken as a day symbol may be safely

300 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS (ETH. ANN, 22

assumed. If this surmise be correct, it is a type different from any
hitherto found in a Mayan inscription. If a Mayan day symbol, it
must, beyond any reasonable doubt, represent Chiechan, which is the
only day in the calendar that has received the interpretation ‘‘ Serpent,”
and is that which corresponds in position with Cohuatl in the Mexican
ealendar. If this conclusion be correct, it confirms Brinton’s inter-
pretation of the name ‘‘ Chicchan” (Native Calendar, page 25).

The important glyphs of this inscription are the two at the bottom,
A6 and B6. These I think may safely be read ‘‘8 Caban 4 Zotz,”
and in this Iam glad to say that Saville agrees with me. Whether
the determination of the month symbol be correet or not, the four
dots over it are clear and distinct, showing the day to be the 4th of
the month. There can scarcely be any doubt that the day symbol is
that of Caban, which ean only be the 4th day of the month in years
beginning with Ix. This conforms to the
calendar of the Troano and Cortesian codices
and that used by Landa, in which the domin-
ical days are Kan, Mulue, Ix, Cauae.

This is a very important faet, which, if
corroborated by other discoveries, will carry
back the use of the Yucatee calendar to an
early date. I was inclined to the opinion
that this calendar was of comparatively
recent date, but this evidence, if accepted,
must carry it back to the era of the inserip-
tions, and place it, in time, parallel with that
of the other sections.

A single date, it is true, is slender evi-
dence on which to base a conclusion of so
much importance as this. However, as
it is the only evidence as yet obtained bearing on the question, it
must be accepted until other data are obtained. It is possible that
one other date is given by Maudslay in plate XIx, part 5, in an
inseription found at Chichen-Itza and shown in our figure 168. Pos-
sibly this may be intended for ? Ahau 2 Cumhu, and if so would be
the second day of the month in Cauae years, and in accordance with
the Yueatee calendar. It must be admitted, however, that this is
very doubtful. It will be noticed that in the inscription from Xea-
lumkin the glyph b3, to the right of the supposed Chiechan sym-
bol, consists of two faces, hence is presumably double, and over each
are two large dots. If the first or left one be intended for a month
symbol, there is still correspondence with the Yucatee calendar, as
Chicchan is the second day of the month in Kan years. However, it
must be admitted that as yet we are unable to solve the problem.

In regard to the types of the glyphs their nearest approach is to
those on Stela P, Copan (see Maudslay, plate LXXXVIII, part 4).

Fig. 168. Two symbols from a
Chichen-Itza inscription.

ees eel eee eee

THOMAS) INSCRIPTION ON STELA 6, COPAN

INSCRIPTION ON STELA 6, COPAN

In figure 169 is given a copy of an in-
seription on Stela 6 at Copan. As the
photograph of this inseription has been
kindly furnished by Dr Saville, who may
intend to publish further notice of it, I
shall notice only the initial series.

This series is as follows (the great cycle
being neglected): 9-12-10-0-0, 9 Ahau 18
Zotz. The chuen and day symbols are too
indistinct to be determined by inspection.
The symbol of the day 9 Ahau is the right-
hand portion of glyph B2; and that of 18
Zotz is the right-hand portion of glyph B4.
Changing the 9 cycles, 12 katuns, and 10
ahaus to days gives the following result:

Days
OkCy Closes ae = enna ee 1, 296, 000
{Den Sy eee ant SA ase See 86, 400
Oasis =k fey. os a= PE 3, 600
ERO Lalla sea eens Bee 1,386, 000

Subtract 73 calendar rounds__ 1,385,540
Remainder) —--=-3-=- = 460

Counting back 460 days from 9 Ahau
18 Zotz, year 10 Akbal, we are brought
to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, year 8 Ben, the in-
itial day of Goodman’s 54th great cycle.
The series, as given above, may therefore
be accepted as correct, and the lower part
of glyph A2 as denoting 0 chuens, 0 days,
or at least O chuens. Enough of the left
half of the lower portion of this glyph re-
mains to show beyond question the sym-
bol of full count or naught.

Dr Saville has also presented me with
photographs of inscriptions discovered at
Seibal, Guatemala, but these are short
and contain no initial series. The only
peculiarity noticeable is the prominence
at this place of the date 5 Ahau 3 Kayab,
which stands at the head of some of the
inscriptions. This shows that the calen-
dar used here was the same as that in use
at the other points not in Yucatan, to wit,
that having Akbal, Lamat, Ben, and
Ezanab as the dominical days.

301

Fic. 169. Inscription on Stela 6,

Copan.
Saville

From photograph by

3802 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [ETH. ANN, 22
THE NEPHRITE STONE OF THE LEYDEN MUSEUM

Reference is made to the inscription on this stone (figure 170),
which has been frequently noticed heretofore, merely to show the date
from which the initial series is counted. The series is as follows,
omitting the great cycle: 8-14—-3-1-12, 1 Eb 5
(month). The month symbol, though distinct,
is unusual, in fact unique, unless it includes
the “‘kin” glyph immediately below, which is
very probable; in this case it is most like the
Yaxkin symbol. Reducing the series to days
and subtracting 66 calendar rounds, we have
the following result:

Days
Sicycles's- 22-2 2-— =e a eee 1, 152, 000
{kathuins = es 9 2s eee 100, 800
8 ghalis: S2-8 ese See eee ee 1,080
lichen see ees, cee a eee 20
id aySve a ssee oe oe ee en 12
Total s8 4s see ee ~ 15253):912
Subtract 66 calendar rounds___ 1, 252, 680
Remainder _______- ar 1, 232

Counting forward 1,232 days from 4 Ahau 8
Cumhu, the first day of Goodman’s 54th great
eyele, Seler’s ‘‘normal date,” we reach 4 Ix 10
Xul. Thisis wrong; but by counting forward
from 4 Ahau 8 Zotz, the first day of Goodman’s
dord great cycle, we reach 1 Eb 5 Zac, which
agrees with the inscription so far as the day
and day number and the day of the month
are concerned, but still leaves the doubt as to
the month. This result also agrees with Good-
man’s tables and his interpretation of this
series (page 145). Assuming it to be correct,
we find the terminal date to be 618,088 days
back of or anterior to the ‘‘normal date,” 4
Ahau 8 Cumhu; and the commencement of the
10th (Goodman’s %th) eyele of the 54th great
eyele stands 1,296,000 days after this normal
date; hence the time of insecribing the series
on the nephrite stone (assuming the terminal
Fig. 170. Inscription on the (ate to indicate this time) was 5,244 years an-

mae inthe Ley” terior to the beginning of the 10th eycle, the
anterior limit fixed by Seler for the date of

the inscriptions. However, it must be remembered that this calcula-
tion is based on the theory that the series on this stone falls in one of
the three great cyeles tabulated by Goodman. This theory, as is

THOMAS] CALENDAR AND NUMBER TABLES 808

apparent from what has been shown in this paper, is not entirely sat-
isfactory. If the count be backward from 1 Eb 5 Yaxkin, the appar-
ent date of the inscription, we reach, as the beginning day of the
series, 4 Ahau 13 Cumhu, which is the initial day of Goodman’s 11th
great cycle; but it must be remembered that 4 Ahau 15 Cumhu will
appear again and again, in fact hundreds of times, and at much more
recent dates than this immense stretch of more than 224,500 years.
Moreover, it is proper to bear in mind the fact that Goodman’s list
of 75 great cycles covers the list of ahaus or 360-day periods com-
mencing with + Ahau; hence any date having 4 Ahau will be found
somewhere in it.

CALENDAR AND NUMBER TABLES

Although the following tables are given in my previous paper, it is
thought best to reinsert them on the following pages (303, 304) for
the convenience of readers disposed to test the calculations made in
this paper.

a
%
%
a
ne
6
eh

MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS

304

eye

&1

G

IE
qjuour
jo sAuq

wm OQ wo HH

I

6
8

ix

OO oH

Geen B ie ene mueqeg
ch IE Hy tS 0) qo
Lie PraiO) ab Gs so ud
CS) ee ALL aa OU a
hI 2 NE 8 weg
yo OF S&S 6 ¢ QoL
i Or 5, EE monty)
eh JE ae SIE Bye)
I eh” tS Gy) eit oUTLUAL
es) eG eee ey: qeurery
or & TT a Fr «OF ; pr aecen NG
IE Pr OF & 6 TULL)
(ME th he WeIPO,)
(} a ue yy
ioe ket 8) eqaryv
SF 9 ‘oP 8 XI
GB) eal SPINE G2 XTUT
eS ie OE Ss ney
i WE f8 (Hh Raney
Si OC Sian): Qvurezgy

Bod GRUuEZot

ice
uenyD
20
OULU,
qeurery
Lar yl
TOLD)
ueyoorgy)
uvy
TeV
AL

XU]
neyy
oRnUy
(RURZ5T
ueqey
qt)
uel

x]

weg

Bod Tog

SLB AL
LUT)
WeTPOLY YA)
uey
PeQatv

+L

XIUIT
ney
OBLLBY)
(euezgy
ueqeg
qt

oy

x]

tog,

ant
wenyy
20
onTUyT
qeuery

avod YeuLery

AL
XIU
neqy
oener
qeuezgy
uRqea
oh @)
ueyT

Ti

uog

ice
want)
20
OnLy]
yeUuLery
YLUL
Tun)
uRqooryy)
ue yy
TeV

weod [RQ

supali fo sarios anof ay), fo syzuou pun slog

THOMAS] NUMBER TABLES 305

Working tables

Calendar rounds | . Calendar rounds
| i 18, 980 21 398, 580 | 41 778, 180 | 61 1,157,780 |
2 37, 960 22 417, 560 42 797, 160 | 62 1,176, 760
3 56, 940 23 436, 540 | 43 816, 140 | 63 1,195, 740
4 75. 920 24 455,520 | 44 835,120 | 64 1,214,720
5 94, 900 25 474, 500 45 854, 100 | 65 1,283, 700
6 113, 880 26 493,480 | 46 873, 080 | 66 1,252, 680
7 152, 860 27 512, 460 47 892, 060 | 67 1,271,660
8 151, 840 28 531,440 | 48 911, 040 68 1, 290, 640
9 170, 820 29 550, 420 | 49 930,020 | 69 1,309,620
10 189, 800 30 569, 400 50 949, 000 70 1,328,600
11 208, 780 31 588,380 | 51 967, 980 71 1,847,580
12 227, 760 32 607, 860 52 986, 960 72 1,366,560 |
18 246, 740 33 626, 540 53 1,005, 940 73 1,385,540
14 265, 720 34 645, 320 54 1,024, 920 74 1,404,520
15 284, 700 35 664, 300 55 1,043, 900 75 1,428,500
16 303, 680 36 683, 280 56 1,062,880 76 1,442,480 |
sve 322, 660 37 702, 260 57 1,081, 860 77 1,461, 460 |
18 341, 640 38 *721,240 58 1,100,840 78 1,480, 440 |
19 360, 620 39 TA0, 220° 59 1,119,820 79 1,499, 420
20 379, 600 40 759, 200 60 1,188, 800 80 1,518, 400
|
Ahaus Katuns Cycles |
1 360 1 7, 200 1 144, 000
2 720 2 14, 400 2 288, 000
3 1,080 3 21,600 | 3 432,000
4 1, 440 4 28,800 | 4 576, 000
5 1, 800 D 36, 000 5 720, 000
6 2,160 6 43, 200 6 864, 000
ri 2,520 if 50, 400 7 1,008, 000
8 2,880 8 57, 600 8 1,152,000
9 3, 240 9 64, 800 9 1,296,000
10 3,600 | 10 72,000 10 1,440, 000
11 3, 960 11 79, 200 11 1,584, 000
12 4,320 12 86, 400 12 1,728,000
13 4, 680 13 93,600 | 13 1,872,000
14 5, 040 14 100,800 | 14 2, 016, 000
15 5, 400 15 108, 000 15 2,160, 000
| 16 5, 760 16 115, 200 16 2,304, 000
| 17 6,120 17 122, 400 7 2,448, 000
18 6, 480 18 129, 600 18 2,592, 000
19 6, 840 19 136, 800 19 2,736,000
20 7,200 20 144, 000 20 2,880, 000

22 ETH—O04 20)

INDEX

[Roman numerals in SMALL CAPITALS are numbers of plates.]

Page
Abnaki Indians, observations on........--- x
Activities, tribal, definition of-............. x
Adamana, Ariz., ruined pueb!o near....-- 19, 136

Adams, Mr, excavations at Epley’sruinby. 171
Adams's cave, Graham mountains, visit to. 188
Adobe, use of, in pueblo buildings . -- 29,176
Age, importance of, among savages... XXV-Xxvi
Ahau, in Mayan chronology, value of.

symbols for, discussion of 223, 268
figures showing...-................. 267
‘Alaska: field: workeilt -2-2-2-~ <n cece a----- xiy
Algonquian Indians, field work among .... xii
Algonquian vocabulary, work on ......... XxXxii
Amphora from cave in the Nantacks .-.---. 189
Anderson, Peter, pueblo ruins on farm of.. 178

Andre, Eduardo J., acknowledgment to. = xii
Animal effigies, finding of,in pueblo ruins. 109
Animal figures on Pueblo pottery -....----- 71, 72,

145, 153, 154, Lxb

Animal forms of pottery from pueblo ruins,
fTeaturesiohs: <.22_=-2---- 6. 66-69, 133
PIPRTGHSDOWIO Sea oso c cee cae ae 67, 68, 133

Animal remains from pueblo ruins, collec-
HOM(OR eee ase e acne sone ssecn= 26, 164
ISOUSHECION Ol soma cce anna anne 110

Antelope, pueblo implements made from
bones of, descriptions of-....... 94,95

Apache basketry, collection of. .
Apaches, attacks by, a probable cause of

abandonment of pueblos ...-.-- 20
Arachnid figures on Pueblo pottery .......- $1-83
Aravaipa valley, field work in ........-...- xiii
Archeological explorations in Arizona..... 1-195

Architecture, Pueblo type of, evolution of. 193-195
Arenefios, field study of iG xi
Arizona, archeological explorations in, ac-

count of
archeological explorations in, plan
OF MOPISST ooo os cer ceccet cw cone 121-123
collections made in, by Dr Russell..... XXX
distribution of ancient pottery in, map
showing
fleldi works sesh ae tose ose = s,s i 2
office work on collections from.... xvii, xxiii
petrified forest in, habitations in..... 135-136
pottery in, distribution of....-.- 192-193, LX x
effigy vases from, description of.....- 189-192
Two summers’ work in Pueblo ruins in,
paper by J. Walter Fewkes...-.. 1-195
characterization of paper on ....... xiii

204, 234 |

Page
Armlets from Cheylon, figures showing.... 89,90
Arrow heads of volcanic glass. .....-..-.--- 183
Arrow points of stone from pueblo ruins... 103

Arrow polishers from Pueblo Viejo ruins,
description and figures of .... 152,183
Arrows and bow, finding of, at Chevlon.... 100
Art, primitive, symbolic types of, among
peoples of Walpi, study of. xvii-xvili
Asbestos, use of, at Chaves pass pueblos.. 110-111
Asphalt found at Chevlon ruin.........---- 111
Aspiroz, Manuel de, acknowledgment to... xi
Avian figures. See Bird designs.
Awls, bone, from pueblo ruins, description
ANG Tip Wres | Olssaeee sen nea 94
Ax, stone, from Homolobi, figure showing. 102

Babacomori valley, field work in.........-. xiii
Balls, stone, from Pueblo Viejo ruins ....--. 183
Bark, birch, study of Indian use of.....-..- xxii
Basketry, Apache, collection of.........-- Xxxix

Pueblo, types of -- 98-99

Beads, bone, finding of, at Chaves pass ruins. 95
Beads, shell, from ruined pueblos on Little

Colorado river, description of.. 92-93
Bear design on food bowl from Four-mile

ruin, description and figure of. 153, 154
Bear’s paw designs on pottery from pueblo

ruins, figures showing..--...-.- 73,155
Bells, copper, from pueblo ruins... 50,111, 162-163
Belt frame, stone used in, from puebloruin,

GescriptionOf:-s-=-se--.2- << 159-160
figure shOwiI0E .-....----<---<- 160
Birch bark, study of Indian use of.-.....-.-- xxii

Bird designs on pottery from pueblo ruins,
descriptions of . 73-81, 115-118, 146-148
figures SHOWIN Sees eee etal sacio s 7A,
76, 77, 78,79, 80, 81, 115, 116,
117, 118, 182, 146, 147, 148, 154

Bird effigy, clay, from pueblo ruins ......-. 109
Bird eggs, finding of, in graye in pueblo
ruins in Arizona.........------- 11

Bird-form vases and vessels from ruined
pueblos of Arizona, features of. 66-69
figures showing ..-- 67,68
Bird-snake vase from Chevlon, cut show-

Ty ateceme pee * Beer a ane aoaS 68
Birds, stone, from Woodruff butte, descrip-

tion and figures of.....--....--- 135
Bison-like figure on food bowl from Chey-

lon, description and figure of... 72

307

808 INDEX (ETH. ANN. 22
Page Page
Black falls of Little Colorado river. See Brown and red ware from pueblo ruins ... 58-59,

Little Colorado river.
Black ware from pueblo ruins, reference
[Wert encosseaeencacreubpacudtase 59,179
Black and red ware from pueblo ruir 60,
XXXIV, XXXVI, XXXIX
Black and white ware from pueblo ruins,
reference to - 59-60, 180
plates showing ........... x XU, XXXIV,
é xo XXXVI, XLI
Black, red, and tyhite ware from pueblo
DULL Se ieeetat nian testa 60-61, XX

X XXIMI-XXXVI, XXXVII

Boas, Franz, office work by.......-..------ XXXxii
Bodkins from pueblo ruins on Little Colo-

rado river, finding of........... 94

Bone implements from pueblo ruins, de-
scriptions of .... 93-95, 134, 164, 166-167
figures showin P= en sees ote eens 94, 95, 166
Bonita creek, Arizona, cliff houses on. ...-. 187
Bow and arrows, finding of, at Chevlon.... 100
Bowls from pueblo ruins in Arizona, bear

design on, cut showing........-. 153

bear's paw design on, cut showing.... 155
bird designs on...-.. 76-78, 115-118, 146, 147, 148
cutsishowing -25.22--=---. 74, 76, 77, 78, 79,

80, 115, 116, 117, 118, 182, 146, 147, 148, 154
butterfly design on, description of ..... 148
CUL SHOWIN). 22 sess osc been oe cet 149
dragon-fly design on. ------ 52. <<. 2.00. 147
exterior decoration of.........-...... 152-155
cuts showing. .....-.....-- 132, 153, 154, 155
feather design on, cut showing ........ 151
PEMMINCH | Olea meresn tlle ete aa ae 61, 1138, 133
figures and plates showing ............- 114,

131; 182; 1415 151, Xxmy Sxxry;
XXV, XXVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX,
JOOIVH POOH) OO QMIH 29.0.dd.¢,
XLI, XLII, XLII, XLVII, LI, LV, LVI,
DX; Lk, DX, UXIV, ESVIt IL

Visi]

frog or lizard design on ...-...........- 132
gaming-cane design on, cutshowing... 118
geometrical designs on.....- 83-84, 85, 152, 155,
XXVIII, XXIX, LXIII, LXIV
humarrtaee Oller cases m eee - 71, XXVII
human figures on ... 143,144,145, xxrv,xxva |
quadruped designs on........ 72,145,153, LXxb
rain-cloud designs on, character of. 73-74, 156
Gutsishowing.= 2 3-2 es sn ces cece 74,157
reptilian design on, description of ..... 115 |
CUtiSNOWING ss-se cee eee aeciene = 14
spider and sun emblem on, description
anGsipureton ssosssse: eee =e 81-82
spiral design on, views showing ... 151, LXIv
sun emblem on, cut showing..........- 150
Bowlder sites of Pueblo Indians, uses of.... 177
Bracelets of shell from pueblo ruins, discoy-
Gin Ol Gems. sco es Escoc eae eee 90-91

Breath-feather designs, occurrence of, on
pottery from Old Shumopovi. 115-116
Brinton, D. G., on Cakehiquel cal-
5000: ) nee ae 275-277, 279
British Columbia, field work in.
linguistic materials collected in, work
Olen ceca se sacoosers XXXii-Xxxili
Broad house. Kintiel.

ix, xii

XXVI-XXIX
Brown, red, and yellow ware from pueblo

ruins, plate showing ............ XXV
Buena Vista ruin, description of. . -- 171-173
plan of, plate showing.............-.-.. LXVI

Buffalo. See Bison.
Building materials used by Pueblo

Indians se esse ence aaeee 176,177

Burro spring, ruins near, reference to...... 55
Butterfly design on pueblo pottery, descrip-

HONSIOR eee set ee eee ee 81,148

figure SHOWING) se-s 5-222 sseses ose cee ee 149

Butterfly or moth, Pueblo symbol for ...... 105

Caborca, Tepoka Indian habitations near,

braces Ofseeses sss eeees a eee xi
Cakchiquel calendar, discussion of....... 275-282
names of days of, table showing ....... 278
year of, number of days in ........... 279-282

Cakwabaiyaki ruin. See Cheylon.
Calendar round in Mayan chronology, defi-

MiflONjOf2 5. nose eee 206

Calendar systems of Mayan Indians, paper
by Cyrus Thomas on ......... 197-305
characterization of -..:............. xiii

Calendar tables of Mayan chronological
SYSUEM 2 ayo fqo- aeons 304-305

Calendric terms in Mayan chronology, defi-
Mition. Of 35>. 2255 seen ese eee 204, 234
Califomia, field) workin 2 222.5. -2-----26 ix
stone objects from, purchase of --. XXXix

Cahada, field workin) ss. 222-2. seese-se ix, xiii
See also British Columbia.
Canals for irrigation, used by Pueblo
Indians, remains of oe 178
Canes, gaming, from Cheylon, cutsshowing 101
Canoes, birch-bark, Indian use of, study

io aasnonce Sane on Aseee cite xXi-XXiii
Canteens from pueblo ruins, forms of ...__. 64
Carapaces of turtles from pueblo ruins,
escriptiomote sass sseee nee eee 95
-Carrizo, Ariz., ruins near, mention of ...... 19
(Carroll) JohuiJ:, workiOfe=-.--seoen- sees xii
| Casa Grande, people of, relations of, to
people of Verde yalley......... 34
Castantieda (de Nagera), P. de, on cremation
among Pueblo Indians ......... 176
on stone balls found in pueblo ruins... 183
Cavate ruins near Flagstaff, classes of... --- 35
descriptions of, published .............. 35
NewiCaves!O£ 2272s: so. se- sence 37-38
Old:cavesiofs.- 2-2 s<ssesee cece neeeee --- 36-37
plantote. assests se oe eee 37
Turkey Tanks caves of -....-..-.:.-.... 38-39
Views Ofx ta con ace cep ecee ee nes eeee I-VI
Cave, sacrificial, in the Nantacks, collection
ofiobjects from -2---2_-------- 188-189

Graham mountains, description of 187-188
Cemetery at ruin A, Black falls of Little

Colorado river, description of .. 53-54

objects obtained from, description of... 54
Cemetery, modern,at Hopi pueblos, Arizona,

VAG Wi OL eee see 2 eee ee LIL
Cemeteries, pueblo, objects found in. See

the various ruins.

PART 1] INDEX 809
Page ; 2 r Page
Central American tribes, language of, study Cheylon ruins, bowls from, geometrical de-
Ofc sartoeeeawenosesenee XXXi-XXxii signs on, description and figure
Cephalopods, fossil, veneration for, among O Bactate FP saar sce soso“ ae 83-84, 85
Pueblos 107-108 rain-cloud symbols on, character
Ceramic ware. See Pottery. Of... pitteteee eee eee ee 73-74, 156
Ceremonial chamber at Four-mile ruin, figure showing Serh s ee7d

MOEN GON Glico sasem-t asso. en cSe 173
Ceremonial slabs, stone, from Pueblo Visio
ruins, cuts showing .......... 185, 186
Chaves pass ruins, asbestos found at...... 110-111
bone implements from, similarity of,
to those of Four-mile ruin...... 164
bone implements from, views of ..... 94, XLV
bowls from, bird designs on, description
and fieures OLS. -22- 02 s<tee oc 75, 76
geometrical designs on, description
BNO Pare Of. ..o- ce cccccenccses 84
quadruped design on, description
SG MPure Olsens ese toce= 71,72
NIEWS Of os. ene e- ce nooo n 3) RXV, MKT
building material used at.............. 33
LU OU CSB eres «eae e re ae ees 34
cloth fragments discovered at 5 97
collections at, study of......... xviii
copper bell from, cut showing - 5 hol
crania from, collection of ............. 34,110
ALeOlwwOrKOMi so -wesonecastoctescc sac 17
Geseription Of oe cc. < cwiececenecne 33
dog’s skull found at, features of........ 27
dippers from, plate showing.......... XXXIV
gorget from, cut showing...............

horn objects from, reference to ....
human crania from, collection of
kaolin cup from, cut showing......
locationiof: 2-2-2 5.525--.s0
matting from: .-..-2...<--.
metates found in graves at.............
mosaic frog from, view of

mosaic ornaments found in ......... 85, 86-87
pottery from, similarity of, to that
from Verde and Gila-Salado val-
leys... = 34
views of .... XXVIII, XXI XIV, XXXVI
prayer sticks from, description of...... 100
shell ornaments from.......... 88, 89, 90, 91, 92
skulls from, collection of.............. 34,110
specimens collected at, number of ..... 18
stone implements found at........... 102-103
Cherokee Indians, collections among..... xxxix
field work among Z xii
myths of, work on.............. XXxivV-xxxv

Chevlon ruins, armlets from, figures of
asphalt found at.-..
basketry from, coiled type, cut show-

IN Pos = josaesewssn cise te os sae ame 99
Oraibi type, cut showing.... 98
bird figures on pottery from 73
bird-shaped yessel from, figure show
ADE aes Sake eh tee ae eee 68
bird-snake vase from, figure showing -. 68
bone awls from, reference to. .......... 94
bow and arrows from, reference to..... 100
bow] from, bison design on, description
endfipnre Ole ssasec-cce se ccseee 72

bowls from, bird figures on, description
and figures of............. 74, 77-78, 79

1

views of .... XXVIII, XXIX XIV, XXXV,

XXXVII, XX XIX, XLII, XLVIL

cups from, figures showing
date of work on

duck-shaped vessel from, figure of
ear pendants from, cuts showing...
human crania from, collection of .
ladle from, figure showing
lignite ornament from
location of

mosaic ornaments from ................

mug from, figures showing ......._.....

objects obtained from, numper and
character of = 18;23

ornaments, mosaic, found at ........... 85, 86

ornaments, shell, from 88, 89, 90, 91, 92

prayer stick from, exceptional charac-

UD RSAC E RE as ee Seer ts 100
rattle from, made of Conus shell, cut

Showing oo. h ee 91
shell objects from, figures showing..... 92
skull eiromies.-< sees aoa ee eee ee 110
stone implements found at........... 102, 103
stone slab, with rain-cloud design,

SNOT eee. est cee 104-105, XLvI
turtle carapaces from..................- 95, 96

vases from, views of...... Xx, XXXVIII, XLVII
Chichen-Itza, inscription at, symbols from;

discussion and figures of ....._. 300
Chickahominy Indians, remnants of, dis-
COVENYIORS cs ec ee ten eae eee xii
Chimney-like structure at ruined pueblo
in Arizona, description of ...:_. 49
plate showing ............ XV
Chiricahua mountains, field work in....._- xiii
Chronological calendar of Mayan Indians.
See Mayan.
Chuen, in Mayan chronology, value of .... 204
Sym Dolitonss2 aa sek cere ee eee 223
Cienega, pueblo ruin near .. 187

Cinerary urns from Pueblo Viejo, deserip:

PLONSIOR. sa5-. tect eee 173, 181-182

plates showing ............2... LXVIII, LXIxe

Cipias pueblo, location of................... 23
Citadel (the) at Black falls of Little Colo-

rado river, building material of. 41

view from VII

WIG WO0 co emaseon ce areseaeee eee 43
Clear Creek canyon, cliff houses in, refer-

CNICEHOT enn =i eee ee 20

Cliff houses in Arizona, character of - 187

discovery of, by Dr Russell xiii
Cloth from pueblo ruins, fragmentary speci-

mens of, preservation of ....... 97

Cloud emblems. See Rain-cloud designs.

310 INDEX

Cloudipeopleclansiofa ss --oen--=reaseeee ene 24
Cocopa Indians, collections made among. xxxix
field study of . ¥ xi-xii

habitat of X, XXvii
girls’ puberty feast among...... xXxviii-xxix
marital customs among......-..-..--- Xxvili
mortuary observances among .... Xxi, xxviii
subsistence of, method of ...........- XX-Xxi
Coiled type of basketry from Cheylon, cut
SHOWan gaa ess soe 99
Coiled vase from Kintiel, cut showing -.-.- 130
Collections made during the year, detailed
account of----=--2-.-. XXXvVili-xxxix
Color, classification of ware from pueblo
MUNA) Dye eee nee = eee 58-61, 179-180
Consanguinity, importance of, among
SUVAL ES tn see ee ne toe te ete eee XXV
Conus shells, Pueblo articles made of ....-- 91

Copan, C. A., face numbers from Mayan
monuments at, discussion of . 221-225

face numbers from Mayan monuments
at, plates and figures showing.. 224,
225, LXXVI, LXXVII

great cycle symbols on inscription at,

figures showing..-..--.--------- 266
inscriptions on Mayan monuments at,
discussion of....-.-..- 221-225, 254, 301

plates and figure showing.... 224, 225, 301,
LXXVI, LXXVIL
terminal dates of, significance of... 290-299
Copper bells from pueblo ruins in Arizona,

descriptions of. - 50,111, 162-163

fpuTres sh OWI Lanes os cecmmeetae sear 111, 162

Cortesian codex, references to .......-.-- 252,253
Crania, human, from pueblo ruins, collec-

tiontofe nase ce cesses: 34, 110, 134
Cremation, practice of, by Pueblo Indians

of Pueblo Viejo. ---- ~~. ~~ -- 175-176

Crescent-shaped figures on articles from
ruined pueblos, forms and yari-

MUONS Obsce eee ae see eae 89-90
Cross, Foliated, at Palenque, Central Amer-
ica, face numerals on, value of.. 219

Cup from Kintiel, descriptionand figure of.. 133
Cup, kaolin, from Chaves pass ruin, cut
BDOWIDE yee seo eee eerie 96
Cups from ruined pueblos on Little Colo-
rado river, cuts showing... 64, 65, 66, 96

LOUIS fete ee et ater eter 65-66
See also Dippers; Mugs.
Cushing, F. P., Kintiel ruin discovered by.. 124
Cycle in Mayan chronology, numerical
Wale Ofanee nee teeta rc seeetense 204, 234
symbol for, character of....-....---..-- 222
figures showing. - 268
Cyele, great. See Great cycle.
Cyclopedia of Native Tribes, progress of
WODKS Olljcerte een sem eee ee sea) PROS VAL
Cylinders found in pueblo ruins; problem-
SEILG MIRC Ol eee ee ae eisai 96-97
Dancer (masked), face of, on pottery from |
Shumopovi LI, 115

figure of, on bowl] from Four-mile ruin,
cut showing ..---- AO
desceriptiom on =: 22-222 eases eels 143

[ETH. ANN, 22

Page

Deer, implements made from bones of, from
pueblo ruins, descriptions of... 94,95

Devol, W. S., account by, of cliff houses on

Bonita creek, reference to....-- 187
Diecionario de Motul, work on translation
OL Sone nese eee etre eee Xxxili
Dippers from pueblo ruins ............-.- 130,183.
handle of, cut showing................. 181
Views Of -..ccoerse osteeeene 65, 180, 133, XX XIV
See also Cups; Mugs.
Disk of turtle shell from Cheylon .......... 96
Disks of clay from Kintiel ................. 133
Disks of various materials from pueblo
ruins, list of specimens of ...-.. 106
problematic Use/Of <2. -ss-s=- soca ees 96-97
Dog, skull of, found at Chayes pass ruin,
featuresiof-..-.-22-hee pases 27
Doney, Benjamin, objects collected by,
from Arizona pueblos ....... 39, 49-50
Dorsey, G. A., pottery found at Homolobi
Bh incocy Soc aoeaaeEsenecscc od 28 (note)
Dragon-fly design on pueblo pottery, cut
SHOWING): <= <.-sn es cenecssnteeee 147

TeferenceitOle-n.c nee re ee co 81
Dresden codex, figures from, illustrating
Mayan chronologic system

259, 282, 297
plates from, copies of.... - LXXIX-LXXXII
discussion of......
vigesimal system used in.......-.......
Duck-shaped vessel from Cheylon,cut show-
ING ae yee ccen esse cceeseeueeeee ae 67
Duff, N. Francis, on prehistoric ruins of Rio

MWe SO Serge icrGSee Soaroeoone 180

a”

Eagle, use and ceremonial burial of.... 28 (note)
Ear pendants from pueblo ruins, cuts show-
DOS ee eee ae ee ee 86, 87
discovery of 8
Effigies, animal, finding of,in puebloruins. +109
Effigy vases from southern Arizona, descrip-
tion and figures of...........- 189-192
Eggs of birds, finding of, in gravein pueblo
ruins on Little Colorado river.. 111

Eighteen-mile spring, Arizona, ruin at..-.. 127
Elsmereland, visit of Robert Stein to....-. xiv
Emmons, G. T., collection of obsidian blades
obtained through ............. XXXiX
Emory, Lieut. W. H., on building materials
used at Pueblo Viejo.........-. 177
on Pueblo Viejo valley in 1846 ......... 174
Epley’s ruin, Pueblo Viejo valley, descrip-
HON (Of: so teeesi- tect see aeseeces 171
objects obtained from .-.....----/..-... 171
pottery from, views of ...........- LY, LXVIII
Esthetology, office work in...-...-..-..-. XY-xi
Ethnic system of Bureau, features of..-..-. ix-x
Ethnobotany ofthe Hopi Indians, studiesin. 17
Ethnology, descriptive, office work in .. xxxvii-
XxXvili
Everett, Willis E., field observations by, on
Alaskamtribes® ssseseers sae cece xiv

| Face numerals in Mayan calendar systems,

discussion of and figures show-
IDE auer see sao eee 204-226, 263-268

PART 1]

Page
Feather decoration on pottery from pueblo
ruins, description of.........--. 149
figure showing -.
See also Bird designs.
Feather symbolism on Pueblo pottery,
occurrence and character of. 73, 75-81
See also Breath feather.
Fetish, stone, from Pueblo Viejo ruins, cut

showing 186
Fetishes from pueblo ruins, character and
uses of-....-- : 107-109

Fewkes, Walter, office work by... xvi-xix, xxiii
Two summers’ work in pueblo ruins in
Arizona, reporton.........-----

characterization of report on ~

work of,on Pueblo mythology -.-...---

Field work, detailed account of-.......-.-.- x-xi
BCOPEIOL ee ee eee hier mace TES
Files or saws of stone from pueblo ruins,
description’ of 5-5 2-5 > -<-%a0-=> 159
Filfot, wide range of, among American
SDOPIPIMES! Woes cas- oc ee Xv-xvi
Financial statement..............-....- xlii-xliii
Finger rings, shell, from pueblo ruins in
Arizona, discovery of.-.-.-..--- 91
Flagstaff, Ariz., cavate ruins near.........- 35
cayate ruins near, descriptions pub-
NISHEdOfaes see ene sececeee-tne tee 35
INEWICHVERODimensocct cc atee ee at ta oct 37-38
Oldicaves Ofaseaa 2-2 esses cece == 36-37
Turkey Tank caves of.....-.-.-.--- 38-39
CWS! OD et anes sce I-VI
Fleas, sand, plague of, a possible cause of
abandonment of pueblos ....--. 22
Fletcher, Alice C., field work by, among
tHe PAWCCS aoe cena emcees ae xiv

office work by, on Pawnee ritual of the
PIQKOSecsece scams eas xXxxvii
record of Hako ceremony obtained by,

characterization of report on... xliv
Floods, a possible cause of abandonment of

pueblos on Little Coloradoriver 22
Floor and roof construction at Homolobi,

manner of 110
Flute ceremony of Pueblo Indians, refer-

SUCOLOMSses- eee eee 18
Foliated Cross at Palenque, face numerals

OUP ValuGIOf sosae sees see ee 219

Food, remnants of, in mortuary bowls at
ruined pueblos on Little Colo-
TAC OILY CL jane ne anes te coenee sce 101
Food bowls. See Bowls.
Footprints, human, representations of, on
: Pueblo pottenyeot =... -----+-<ce- 70, 71
Forbes, R. H., field work by...-...-.--.---- xii
Forest, petrified. See Petrified forest.
Form, classification of ware from pueblo
MNES sam ceo eine eae a tee seem 61-69
Four-mile ruin, Arizona, animal remains

from, collection of -............ 164 |

bell from, description und figure of.. 162-163
bone implements from, similarity of,
to those from Chaves pass...--- 164
bow] from, double spiral design on.... 151
See also Four-mile ruin, pottery from.

INDEX

dll

Page
ruin Arizona, cemeteries of,

skeletons and mortuary objects

5 ROM ane ae eee een ee sae 139-140
copper bell from... ae - 162-163
excavations at, view showing... ves VIL
food bowls from, decoration of....... 143-158
decoration on, figuresshowing 1 44-155, 157
views of XXIV, XXV,

L, XLI, XLII,
LXIII, LXIV

Four-mile

LVI,

GX, ex},

See also Four-mile ruin, pottery
from, below.

former inhabitants of, possible reference

to, by Spanish writers . . - 123

gourd rattle from, description of....... 163
Jivani men won Of. seme ecco anes 173
location and general plan of ........- 136-137
loom stones from, view of-...-.....-.--- LXV
mounds at, surface of, view showing... LIV
ornaments from, scarcity of............ 163
pitcher from, views of....-.......-.-.-- LIX
MObteris|OULAT trom ss. os — seen eel 158

- pottery from, bear design on.... 153

bear’s-paw design on, cut showing. 155

bindidesipns|Oue sasha een eee 146-148
cutsshowing.. 146, 147, 148, 149, 154, 155
butterfly designs on .---.-...----- 148, 149
cloud emblem on, figure showing.. 157
decoration of, character of ....... 142-143
dragon-fly designs on, cut show-

Tt a bogcnaechasocecons bene ermec 147
feather decorations on ........-.- 149, 151
POLIS (OR oe eee ai nee aoe eee eet 142
geometrical designs on, character

Ole see ae cece aoe oeee 150-152

figures and plates showing .. 151, 152,
155, XL-XLI, LXI1

human figures on ........--.--... 143-145
views of ... --- 144, XXIV, Xxva
mortuary, character of .....-.-.-.-- 158
quadruped figures on... 145
plate showing LXD

rain-cloud designs on, description
OD ee essee ee aerteeee seer 155-158
cuts showing 150, 157
similarity between that from Pue-

DlowWdej oad so ssoeeceee ee 141
spiral designs on... 151, LXIV
sun emblem on, cut showing..-...-. 150°
types of, description of ..........- 140-141
pottery of Gila type in, occurrence of... 141
pueblomuins mean 422 ae. emclen sae nes 164
room in, description of 137-139
Plano fies sac see oe eee LVIII
upright posts in, cut showing ...--- 138
saucer from, decoration on....-.-.----- 142
stone from, used in belt frame, descrip-
tion and figure of.-.....---..-. 159-160
stone implements from..........---.- 159-160
stone slabs from, character of ........ 160-162
WIE WS Okie ne cite m ne cisco 161, LXV
suburban ovens of....---- Be sateen 139
vases from, views of ............-.. TX, GRID
vessel from, figure of raccoon on, sug-
PESTIODL Ole ee pon eee wee 145, LXxb
WAG Wa Olt one ee ele ot eee tenets 136

312 INDEX [ETH. ANN. 22
Page Page
Fretwork designs, Pueblo articles bear- Great cycles of Mayan chronology, initial
ing ---- 85, 89-90 days of, discussion of......... 236-248
Frog design on bowl from Kintiel, de- initial days of, tables showing ... 236, 255, 256
scription and figure of.......... 132

Frog, figures of, from pueblo ruins, views

Ol coancc doar ocooemacecesGOrS 92, XLIV

Full count in Mayan face numerals, sym-
bols for, discussion of....-.-.-. 210-211,
211-212, 214, 215
symbols for, figures showing ......... 216,217
Galena, specimen of, from Chaves pass..... 111
Galiuro range, field work in -.............-- xiii

Gaming canes, design of, on food bowl from

Old Shumopovi, cut showing...

from Cheylon, cut showing
Gardens, terraced, of Pueblo Indians,

LOatUTes Olen eemaeeee eee aces 177-178

Gatschet, Albert, office work by ........... XXxil
Geometrical designs on pottery from pueblo

Tuins, character of 83-85, 150-152

figures showing 83, 84, 85, 155

preponderancelof-pace-- sees -eseek eo = s = 69
Georgia, stone implements from, Steiner

collection of, purchase of.....

Gesture language, reference to.....- XXX

Gila valley, field’ work:in: 2.<.--.-2:-2-.02--6 xiii
pottery from, characteristic color

Ofer at See So 193

characteristic type of 141
occurrence of, in Four-mile

TUL eterna te Ses ee ae eae aaa 141

VICWS Olean ce nee LXVII, LX VIII, LXIX

visit to 121

See also Pueblo Viejo.

Gila-Salado basin, pottery from, similarity
of, to that from Verde yalley’

and) Chaves \pAss-e---s------.-6 34

Gill, De Lancey, field work by.---.--....... xii

OMe RW OLEUDY ane emcee oe ee eee SRC VT

Glazed pottery, ruins furnishing...........- 57

Gnats, plague of, a possible cause of aban-
donment of pueblos ............ 22

Goodman, J. T., interpretations of Mayan
calendar by, reference to........ xliv

on Mayan inscriptions and chronol-

OB Vira tissemeeeee nee eeatys 203-805 (often)

summary of work of, on Mayan inscrip-
TODS eee sae eee eerie 261

Gorgets from pueblo ruins in Arizona, dis-
COVERY Of) eetse eoncan oe eee 86, 91
figures showing...-..--- =o. 156,92
Gourd rattle from pueblo ruins ...- =e 168
Graham, Mount, pueblo ruins near -. 187

mountains, sacrificial caves in,
VARGO RS teem sanec. 3605 187-188
Grand era, numerical value of, in Mayan

Graham

ChronOlog vies ee mere seas ees 234
Graye slabs at Chevlon and. Homolobi, per-
forationsmmerene--p- >= =.= 106

Great cycle in Mayan chronology, dis
sion of

numerical value of...
symbols for, figures showing ..... 264, 266, 298

Hako ritual of the Pawnees, work of Miss
Fletcher on......... xiv, XXxvii, xliv

Hales, H., pottery collected by ........... 180
Haliotus shells, Pueblo articles made of ... 92
Hardy, Ariz., ruin examined near ......... 23,31
Hatchets, stone, from Pueblo Viejo ruins,

collectioniof=-.-<-.sseaseeeseees 183
Havasupais, cavate dwellings of ancestors

OLD secoaeoc soe pia ene ee eaeeeeee 35-36
Helmets, use of, in ceremonial dances of the

Opisis sos doen se sceies aoee cee eee 143

Hewitt, J. N. B., collections made by,
among Iroquoian Indians .... xxxix

work of, on Iroquoian languages,
myths,/and'customs:..----...<.. xiii,
XXiX-XXX, XXxii, XXXV-XXXVi
H-figure on Pueblo pottery, reference to... 181

Hilder, Frank Frederick, biographic sketch
--- Xi-xlii
Xxxviii
- XXXvii-xxxviii
Hodge, F. W., aid given Dr Fewkes by .... 120
office work by .. XXXVii, xxxviii
Holbrook, Ariz., petrified forests near.. 19 (note)
pueblo ruins near, visit to......... 19, 134-136

Homolobi group of pueblo ruins, animal re-

Geath\one.mcssee=ees
work of...

mains found at, list of speciesof 110
boneimplement irom=s-----2---eseeee 94
cloth fragments discovered at.......... 97
collections from, study of............-- Xvili
Gate\of workiat-< << 22sscc-=nj--- seers eee 17
dippers from, figures of............ 65, XXXIV
excayations at, by Dr Fewkes ......... xviii
food bowls from, views of...........-- XXIII,

XXVII, XXIX, XXXV, XLIII
See also, Homolobi, ete., pottery from,

below.
former inhabitants of -.-----.-..---...- 24-25
jar from, figure showing -......-...-.--. 67
LOCALIONLOL Se see se mancierecieeceeesce sere 23-24
matting founGats seem cceeme ease ee 98
metates found in graves at..........- 108, 104
mug from, figure showing.............. 65
pipe clay, fragments of, found at. 111

pottery from, bird figures and symbols

Sniesicnoasosceaaonn5 73, 75, 76-77, 81
human face and figures on .........
spider and sun emblem on.

views of

,

x
XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI, XLIIT
prayer sticks from, form of.......-..... 100
roof and floor construction at ........-. 110
ruin 2, bones tound'at=-----sessee<ceeee 26
cemetery at, excavations in........ 28
FEatunresiOfes. a. sc estes eee 25, 26
location Oteeeses~ cere eee eee 25
plan'Of) ce. cc. see oo ok eee ees sea 26
TUL 2 Ex CAVaWOns Bhi e saeco eases 29
ruin 3, adobe blocks used at............ 29
bone implements found at ......... 30

parr 1) INDEX 813
Page Page
Homolobi group of pueblo ruins, ruin 4, Jars from pueblo ruins in Arizona, features
TCRPUTCS OL poe w tna a'nseeee ne — 30 () 1S eeoosescec Roe ons
PiChOsTADNS Btn ses cose ee = Sas 30 figures showing
shell ornaments from ...........---- 88, 89,92 | Jenks, Albert E., office work by ........ Xxi-xxii
specimens collected at, number of -...- 18 | Johnston, A. R., on building materials used
stone implements from, cuts Showing.. 102 in PueblowWiejOs-s.s--e4---e-20- 177
traditional location of..............--. 22 | Joseph, Nathan, collection of obsidian
vase from, bird figures on, character of. 75-76 blades obtained through Eerereica XXxX1xX
yases from, Views Of -.....-.....-------- XXI,
XXII, XXX, XXXI, XXXII, XXXII | Kaolin cup from Chaves pass, cut showing. 96
Honani, ruins near house of, reference to.. 55 | Kateinas of the Hopi Indians, legendary
Hopi Indians, abandonment of pueblos on Nomelofe eae assacoses sees 144
Little Colorado river by, causes symbols of, on masks.....:........-.=-< 143
Ofer arse ieee ane eine 22, SOP OD) oe sa dems H= Saneseesan eats xvi-xvii
esthetic standards among, permanence See also Masked dancer.

Ce ee co oceadsa nance Een SceeEeaa Xxili | Kathlamet texts, work on................. Xxxii
ethnobotany of, studies made in -...... 17 | Katun, a Mayan term, definition of...... 273-274
evidence from ritual of, as to former numerical value of --- 204, 234

inhabitants of Homolobi .-....-. 24-25 symbols for, features of = 222, 223, 265

helmets or masks used in ceremoniesof 143
legends of, concerning home of katci-

MES S365 seeacosdee, Angee ses 144-145
pantheon of, office work on xvi-xvil

pottery of, superiority of ........-.--... 129
Hopi pueblos, exploration of ruins at ...... xviii
modern cemetery at, view of........-.- LIL
ruins between Winslow and, descrip-
AOUIS|O bees ec ew a 34-56
Horn objects from Chayes pass ruins, refer-
ONC GILO ene no ans aa ae sao 96

Hough, Walter, aid given Dr Fewkes by.. 17,120

reference to explorations by, near Hol-
DIGOKAee aaa os as ae 5)

Huachuca mountains, field work in..-...... xiii
Hubbell’s store, Arizona, ruined pueblo
near, mention of = -.--...<.-+<-< 127
Human crania from puebloruinsin Arizona,
collectioniof_-<------.....- 34, 110, 134
Human effigy vases from southern Ari-
OTA eee eee ein a 189-192

Human figures on pottery from puebloruins
in Arizona, descriptions of .... 70-71,
143-145
cuts showing .. 63,70, 144, XXIV, Xxva, XXVIID
Human head on handle of ladle from Pue-
blo Viejo ruins, mention of.... 181

Implements, bone. See Bone implements.
Implements, stone. See Stone implements.
Incineration, practice of, by Pueblo Indians
Of Pneble Viej0 -..---------~- 175-176
Indian portraits by J. H. Sharp, purchase
(i ae eo Ce eRe eee Senna deeee XxXxix
Initial days of great cycles of Mayan chro-
nology, discussion of......... 236-248
tables showing .....-.-..--- : 236, 255, 256
Insect figures on Pueblo pottery.....-.--.-- 81-83
Iroquoian Indians, collections made by Mr

Hewittiamong J... ---.<----.-.. xxxix

MELO OUISHINOM Pas once e es eee ence xiii

languages of, work on......-..--..---- xxxii

myths of, work on.......-...... XXXYV-XXXVIi
Irrigation, prehistoric, in Pueblo Viejo

TIEN, Ss Aeecsesneprnacennne 178-179

Isleta, N. M., visit to ...

Jack, Mr, aid given Dr Fewkes by ....----- 39, 52

ApuresishOwig, ===. .ec<ces- 3-6 oe 268
Keam, T. V., mortuary pottery collected
atShumopovi by. 69 (note), 113 (note)

Kinna Zinde, ruin of, description of....... 134
Kintiel, age or date of occupation of..... 126, 127

inhabitants of, speculations concern-
ha fee --- 124,125
population of....... See) 2b7/
two pueblos so named... Sion soe Lai
Kintiel ruin, architectural features of.... 125-126
bone objects from, mention of ......... 134
bow] from, bird design on............ 132, 133
frop esign ON= 5c = sees ee lee 132
bowls from, cuts showing .............- 131
cemeteries at 126
cemeteries east of, skeletons in......... 128
clay disks from, mention of .. - 133
coiled vase from, cut showing. - =.=, 180
cup from, cut showing -........4....... 133

dipper from, description and figure
Ofsee nse eas - Sane sae nes 133

with decorated handle, cuts show-
hit? ee soe ee A aoe 130, 131
documentary history of ............-. 124-125
explorations at, purpose of -..........-- 122
form and general features of .... 124-128, LIT
human skulls from, mention of .....-..- 134
investigations at, object of .-..- = 122,
location of aa OT
miscellaneous objects from -.. 133-134
ovens at, description of ..............-- 128
DIG O Ry eose sete geeee a ana aerate LUI
pottery from, decoration of........... 131-133
general features and form of ..... 129-131
shrine near, objects collected from... 127-128
SkEletON ROM essere aesaee neces tee 128
stone objects from, mention of. Eec4 ) 133
stone objects from shrine near . - 127-128
wood objects from, mention of-......-- 133

Kisakobi, clay imitation of Pectunculus
Shel irom Secs ere sana 91
Kiva in Four-mile ruin, mention of......-- 173
Kivas in modern pueblos, mention of....-- 173

Knives, stone, from pueblo ruins on Little
Colorado river. ---.- -csoc<<. 102-103

Kokyan wiiqti, the Spider maid, legends
CONCELDINE ean ea esiiee <= <a> aes 81, 82

314 INDEX

Page
Ladles from pueblo ruins in Arizona, fea-
UTES Ole a= aan te aciom's pe loteeers 63-64 |
figures/showineis.osec- scene eee eee 62,63

Landa, Diego de, on Mayan chronology and
arithmetical methods. 252, 253, 274, 282
Langley, S. P., letter of transmittal to ..... iii
Language, development of ..........- XXX-XXxi
Leal, Fernando, acknowledgment UY oteoss xi
Le Plongeon, A., figure cited from ‘* Queen
Moo” of, reference to ........ 253, 299
Leyden stone. See Nephrite stone of Ley-
den museum.
Lignite ornaments from pueblo ruins, char-

SACLET) Ofoeertianse came eee 87-88

figures!ShOWANgys=seee— nice eae Selene 87, 88
“Lines of life’? on Pueblo pottery, eut

BHOWIDE eee ese eee aetna eee 83

reference to .....- 90, 181

Linguisties, office rant Deseret XXX-XXXIIT

Little Colorado river, Arizona, pueblos on,
causes of abandonment of... 20,21, 22
Little Colorado river ruins, animal re-

MAINS {TOM = lee = see
basketry from ........-..-- AS
Blaclkstallsi@mnins. see een eee sees eee

group A, description of.....-..--... 42-47

ruin A, description of..........- 43-44

ruins B, C, D, description of... .. 44

Tuins E, F, description of ....... 44

ruins G, H, I, J, description of .. 44-45

TUNG VAC W Qhaeaareae sais aoe Vili

ruins H and J, view of.........- Ix

TuUiny; PlaMiOf se sees eee seers 45

views of ....-- pec acese et eee ORE

ruin K, description of.......-..-- 45446

ruin L, description of.......-... 46

ruin M, description of ....-.-.... 46AT

the Citadel, description and fig-
RING Of ee tases essere cine
WiewsArom) 2-2. cecesesscee =e

group B, ruin A, description of.
Tuin A, plan of section a of.
section of section aof ..

WIG WSiOL-weeeeesceeen ee
ruin B, description of...

ruin ¢c, description of.......

group C, ruin A, description of .....

TUINSA, plan Ofe so 22. seen ce-= =e
WIEWS OL. cmeeeteee= Al, XVII-XIX
ruin B, description of ........... 54-55
location! Of-e=-a-eae a= -asee cee sas 39
previous exploration of............- 39
WA HONG eSoneaBshe onGoSaTaoskamaaS VII-XIX
bone implements from ..--.......---..- 93-95

bow anGdarrowsifroulers-.- sees seeee

buildingymatenialsofse.--peesmcmsane es
BUCO PMN Pee Soe ee ee ee =
Cayate ruins near Flagstaff

Chavesipassituins tre cesar teers 32-34
Chevlonriting -teee ects cect)-ma=seceetscice 30-32
Cloth) fromsasecee~ Jeeta evs eee 97
Craniaiirom eee ssc een ese see a aeaiste 110
Gisksifromieenqose seco eee eae eee ne 106
fetishesifrom ao esae os see eee oes 107-109
fOodeirOm cee cee ee teach eee ates 101
gaming canes from. 100-101
general features:Of co csccicncesceiccmcce 20-22
Homolobl PrOU pace see eee eee eee 23-30

(ETH. ANN, 22
Page
Little Colorado river ruins, horn objects
HOM ene css rises ese pees oe aes
human crania from
matting: from fs. os 2 stj-ce es soem sceece
objects fromm. jose sen se semesieee eases
ornaments from
pigments from...........-
pottery from, classification ae py color
and surface finish .............- 58-61
classification of, by form 61-69
eolor of 192
decorative designs on 69-85

general features of - s
Map SHOWING, 5.2 - os cede es teee ee eae
prayer sticks from
racial and clan kinship of inhabitants

Of-dies areceees se sceen- eee snees 56

Reeds} from aici ehe cise eee eee eee 101

stone implements from............--- 102-104

stone:slabs'fromya-. 3. .224-cs cass see sci 104-106

turtle carapacesifrom............-.-.--- 95
Lizard design on bow] from Kintiel, deserip-
tion and figure of...............

Logistic language, development of. .
Logs used in construction of moines at
Pueblo Viejo ruins, mention of. 177
Loom stones from Four-mile ruin view of.. Lxv
Lueas, F. A., animal remains from pueblo

ruins identified by ....-....... 26,110

on features of skull of dog found at ‘
Chaves pass, Arizona .....-..... 27

Tenn). desde, pMOLKTO Lee cei smear = xl

McGee, W J, administrative report by... ix-xliv
ceremonies among Yaki Indians wit-

messed! DY a. <0.2n5 she = 2 tani x2
ethnologie collection made by ...-.
field work by ---.-.....-. xi-xii, xxvii-xxvili
letter, of transmittal by.....-..:........ iii
OMCeWwOrkDys-soee coe eae XV-Xvi, XXiv
on Mayan arithmetical methods. -....-- 282
Mahler. , See Maler.
Maines fieldwork inter. geet esee sce seems ae ix,x
Maize found in pueblo ruins on Little Colo-
rado river, character of......... 101

Maler, Teobert, figure of inscription at Xca-
lumkin, Yucatan, reproduced
from photograph by...-........- 253

Mammalian figures on pottery from pueblo
ruins, description and figures,

OP cass eeercee 2s /seciceees 71-72, 153-154

Masked dancer, face of, on pottery from
SHUM POM esos a ene ee 115, LI

figure of, on bowl from Four-mile ruin,
cut showing 144
description of....... 143

Masks, use of, in ceremonies of Hopi In-
Gigs eee. some rece ete 143
Mata, Aurelio, aid given Mr McGeeby ...-. xii

Mattaponi Indians, discovery of remnants
oftribelolscese.se-teneeo sees xii

Matting from pueblo ruins, character and
WEEN Cr erenccmetcner sea caccos 97
figure showing type specimen of ....... 97

Maudslay, A. P., inscriptions from Mayan
monuments from works of

217, 218, 221, 22:

231, 254, 266, LXXI-LXXV,LXXVII

PART 1] INDEX yl)

Page
Maudslay, A. P., work of, in Central
American archeology, reference

V0) nie SR Re ae Mace eee xliv, 203

Maya dictionary, work in transcribing -.. xxxiii
Mayan calendar systems, paper on, by Cyrus

MhOMEs tee = ee eee ns nee 197-305 |

characterization of ..........-- xliii-xliv

names of days of, table showing....-...- 278
Mayan chronology, ahau symbols in, dis-

CUSSION Of eo aacpee econ == ta 265

Heures showinp: = 2) 5.--5--a202-=c-<- 267

calendar tables of ...-- descr asccotntss 304-305
eycle symbol in, discussion of and figures

BNG Wanless ase ee ee 5s 234-237, 268

full count in, symbols for.........-.--.- 264

great cycles in, discussion of
initial dates of, table showing..--

symbals fortes ete sa eee can
katonisympolsin’..-2-s.-22-h-sase2
number tablesiofi-...-.-s:222-02-025-- 304-305
symbols for numerals in, discussion and
fipmmes ofc. scasoscc8->---6 210-217, 264
time periods of, terms designating -----. 204
value of calendar terms in .......---- 204, 234
Mayan inscriptions, initial series of ....-.- 203-226
secondary series of ........-.--..----- 226-233
significance of terminal dates in..... 290-299
Mayan method of calculation, discussion |
Ofc. ---- 282-290
Mayan numeral system, figures from Dres-
den codex illustrating...... = 259
principles/of---.25-.2--2:--20¢ 259-261
SIPTINCANCEOLs =: o> masse 290-299
Menchero, map by, reference to...... : 19
Metate from pueblo ruin, cut showing ..... 184
Metates, burial of, with women and girls. 103-104
MMeNWOn Ob see eemanee sean sce 160
Mexican tribes, language of, study of..... xxxi-
z xxxii
Mexico, field work in --..--- 2.25.2... ix, xi-xii
hieroglyphic records of, work on...... Xxxvi
Mica plates, finding of, in puebloruins.... 111
Migrations of tribes, study of........-- Xvili-xix
Mindeleff, Cosmos, Homolobi group of pueb-
los identified by ...-.-..--:----- 22 |
Work OL ab Mintel: 22-2. ssccc oe =--<- 125
Mindeleff, Victor, Kintiel ruin described by 125
Mishongnovi, Flute ceremony at .........- 18
Moberly, Jim, work of..............-..----- xii

Moccasin-shaped jar from Pueblo Viejo.... 181
Mogollon mountains, cliff houses in, refer-

(Ve 00) ee ese acosoS 20 |

Molina, Audomaro, work of, on translation
of Diccionario de Motul ...... xxxiii
Monolithie animal at Quirigua, figure show-

ANS PAE OL ee sete erties aan 211

great cycle symbol from............-..-- 266
Mooney, James, collections made by, among

Cherokee Indians. .........--. xxxix

field work by .-.--
work of, on Cherokee myths -..
on Cyclopedia of Native Tribes... xx)

Morfi, Padre, manuscript history of Texas

by, work on translation of .. xxxviii |

Mortar from Pueblo Viejo ruins, description
And hpureiok =o nessa eee cece nn 184, 185

Page
Mortars for grinding paint, from pueblo
ruins on Little Colorado river,
Anding ofs-. <5. -.(ss2kc cast eeniae 104
Mortuary pottery. See Pottery.
Mosaic frog from Chaves pass ruin, view

Ofssssacinodogeseseaeecsone seeess XLIV
Mosaic ornaments from pueblo ruins, char-

CLOT. O lose pene eee eee eae eee $5-87
Moth designs, occurrence of, on Pueblo

PS es ce ae Ae ie ee 81
Moth or butterfly, Pueblo symbol for ....-. 105

Motion pictures of Pueblo industries,
ete., work of O. P. Phillips

OW ements tone eae ee eee xili-xiv
Motul, Diccionario de, work on translation
Offewecnins sen ssescencesecse teens xxxili

Mount Graham. See Graham, Mount.
Mug. SeeCup; Dipper.

| Mugs from pueblo ruins, features of........ 65-66

purest OTe cae soe sae eee 64, 65, 66
Mushroom-shaped implements of stone
found in pueblo ruins, use of... 104

Myths, Cherokee, work on’......... XXXiV-KXXV
comparative study of -...-..-...-- XXIX-XXX
Troquoian, work on .......----- XXXV-XXXVi
Puebloxworkomj--n2 222 ceo =ease sere XxXxvi

Zuni, work on ..

Nansemond Indians, remnants of tribe of,

discovery (of. .i2 isis she ieecss xii

Nantacks, arrowheads of voleanic glass
APOM A jae eee e eae esi see'- 183

sacrificial cave in, amphora from, cut
SHOWING esa Jascs te cose cece ese 189

bowl from, cut showing. =o 188)
cecllections from.......-- 188-189
human effigy vase from ......-. 189
Natick Dictionary, progress of work on... xxxii
Native Tribes, Cyclopedia of, progress of
WOK ON! Ss cce- saesee- see eee XXXVII
Necrology: Frank Frederick Hilder ..-... xI-xlii
Needle-like implements of bone from
pueblo ruins, finding of ......-. 94
Nephrite stone of Leyden museum, dis-
cussion and figure of .......-- 302-303,
significance of date on, discussion of... 294
New caves near Flagstaff, Ariz., description
Oltsce cach sae acer ees sees 37-38
entrance to, view of lr
WiewiOh 7. 2 ce—ns--5 II
| New-fire ceremony, use of fetishes in ....-- 108
New Mexico, field work in .-..-..-.-...-- ix, xiii
office work on collections from.......-- xvii
| New York, field work in.......-.---:----- ix, xiii
Nordenski6ld, G., bone implements found
by, in cliff houses at Mesa Verde,
reference:to }.2-c2c25-2 ese e 95
features of Mesa Verde ruins deseribed
and figured) by--.-----=.-2=--- 105, 124
Norris, Hugh, work of, as Papago inter-
DCtCl see os een ee ate ae eeee

North Carolina, field work in -..

| Nought, in Mayan face numerals, symbol

for, discussion of.. 210-211, 211-212, 214
Number tables of Mayan chronological sys-
{PO 355 oo Sac asSeads none 304-305

316 INDEX [ETH. ANN, 22

Page
Objects collected. See Specimens.
Obsidian blades, collection of, obtained
through Mr Nathan Joseph... xxxix
Office work, detailed report on ...... XY-Xxxviii
general scope of ......-..-- = ix
Oklahoma, field work in .-

view of ..-.. I
Old Shumopoyvi ruins, bowl with snout

from, (cut/showinge.. 7... a. cces se 114

excavations at, stoppage of .........--- 112

general features of ....-.-.---- 111-113

* pottery from, bird designs on ........ 115-118

decoration’ ofecsses.----—-- 114-119

gaming cane design on....-......-- 118

general features and form of ..-..-- 113
reptilian design on, description and

Ais ure Of sa =e sama. cece see ecias 114

specimens collected at, number of ..... 18

Wiews Obs cc cence XLVIII, XLIX, L, LI

Olney, D., pueblo ruins near ranch of.....- 178
Onondaga Indians, legends of, sociologic

VANE BR concer oanpsccoc XXIX-XXX

Ontario, field work in . ix
Oraibi type of basketry, rom Tronion, arn

SHOWAU Pt. eee eeeneeeemeesneea es 98, 99

Oral language, development of..........--- Xxxi
Ornaments from pueblo ruins in Arizona,

character of -...--...-.. 85-93, 163, 187

Ovens, Pueblo, description of ............ 128, 139

Paint mortars from pueblo ruins..... 104, 184, 185

Paints, specimens of, from pueblo ruins... 96,184
Pahos. See Prayer sticks.
Palenque, inscriptions at, significance of

terminal dates on ........-... 290-299
Palmer, Dr E., pottery collected by, refer-

GMS UOse he so btossocdeassocssoss: 34
Pamunkey Indians, field work among ..... xii
Papago Indians, field study of.............. xi

quatern symbols among..........------ XV

Patki clans, abandonment of pueblos on
Little Colorado river by, causes

OTe nae een eet ace tae 22}
ChiersiO fe seen nae semana 24
former habiteatiot cs. once sce acne sce ses 23, 24
Patun people, former inhabitants of Homo-
LG) Oe ek sep aritmieemse Oana SOscS 24
Pawnee Indians, field work among...... a esha
<Vli, xliv
Pectunculus shell, clay imitation of; from
Kisakobise ssemsssee teste eee a 91
mosaic work on, views of ...........--- XLIV
ornaments made of...............-.- 88-89, 91
Period symbols in Mayan chronology.... 222-223
Petrified forest near Holbrook, ancient
habitationsimess ec seece ene e 135-136
Petroglyphs at ruined pueblo at Black falls
of Little Colorado river......... 49
Phillips, 0. P., work by, on motion pictures
of Pueblo industries, ete .... xili-xiy
Philology, office work in - ii
Photo-portraits of Indians, work on..... Xxxviii
Piba people, former inhabitants of Homo-

lobi. 24
Pictography, contributions to, by manatee of

pottery from Arizona pueblos .. 69-70

Page

Pigments, burial of, by ancient Indians,
sacrificial nature of... .......... 96
pieces of, found in puebloruins....... 96, 184
Pima basketry, collection of .............- XXxix
Pinedalemuins jag eOtseessekn= seen ee eecoee, 167
bone implements from - 166-167
buildings of-.......... - 164-166
collections from ~ - 166-167
eXamingstion Of. =-4-csecree Seeen eee eres my ARAL
form of 2 165
Bem aktD

pottery from, character and decoration
Ofsennesneseet ath aa eeen cee 166
reference tO). i= 2.52620 aoe eee eee a 121
skeletons from .. - 166
WOU Abs see o a cee een Jo = Sane sae 164
Pipe clay, fragments of, found at Homolobi. 111
Pitcher from Four-mile ruin, views of ..... LIX
Place, Lem., pueblo ruins near house of... 173

Plumed Snake on pottery from Old Shumo-
povi, description and figure of. 114, 115
Polishing stones from ruined pueblos on

Little Colorado, varieties of.... 103
Potter’s outfit from Four-mile ruin, finding
Gps ce acespooare Saac-O9e Sass 158

Pottery, ancient, in Arizona, distribution

of, map showing. . 1p. .<
influence of environment on ee + 122
Pottery from pueblo ruins in Arizona, classi-
fieation of, by color and surface
ANISH) ee ees eeeeeee cess 58-61, 179-180
classification of, by form .............-- 61-69
coarse, decorated, figure showing. -..-.-. 65
mefeLenCeNtO:eeee nee eee peer 58
colors of, black, reference to ........--. 59
black and white, features of ... 59-60, 180
gray, features/ofs. --2- so-so eee eee 180
red, reference to............ Sea tte at,
red and black, reference to .. = 60
red and brown, reference to........ 58-59
red, black, and white, reference
COP ee ssi aera taterettarate oor ta 60-61
white and green, reference to...... 61
yellow, reference to ..-..----..---- 5

arachnid designs on...
animal figures on.. 71,72, 145, 153, 14, Lxb
bird designs on..... 73-81, 115-118, 146-148
figures showing...-..--....-.-- 74, 75,

76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81,115, 116

117, 118, 132, 146, 147, 148, 154

butterfly designs on.....-.-..---.- 81,148
figure:showines<-2-= sno ae 149
feather designs on .....-...--. 73, 75-81, 149
figures showing ...--<-.--<..-.- 151
geometrical designs on. 83-85, 150-152, 155
human figures on, character of.... 70-71,
148-145

cuts.showing 63,

70, XXIV, XXVa, XXVIID

insect figures on, features of........ 81-83

quadruped figures on, descriptions
and figures of.. 71, 72, 145, 153, 154, Lxb
form and general features of 56-58,
118, 129-131, 142, 179-180

PART 1] INDEX 317
Page Page
Pottery from pueblo ruins in Arizona, Gila Pueblo Viejo valley, pueblo ruins in, pot-
type of....-.-- SSecEEeoeseeeceon 141, 193 tery from, rough ware, undec-
glazed, ruins furnishing ............... 57 orated, character of .......... 179
mortuary types of, character and treat- similarity between that from
HONE Dice gam csiee nen Ee og ote Ece 158 Four-mile ruin and.......... 141
surface finish of, giazed ........-....--. 57 TELETeNCe tOV. of sacs oe Ss ae 173

polished, decorated, features of. 58-61, 180
polished, undecorated, features of. 58,180
rough, decorated, character of.... 58,179

figure showing ........--.------ 65
undecorated, rough .......---- 58, 140,179
Powell, J. W., field work by........-------. x
office work by ....--- Xxiy, XXX-XXXi, Xxxili
on inhabitants of cavate dwellings near
Waste iis ceae- eee eae = teas 35
Prayer sticks, absence of, from Four-mile
ELLs eee ae ean ae a 163
remnants of, from pueblo ruins in Ari-
zona, description of .........-.- 100
Prehistoric migrations of tribes, study
(i= SEs nee ses chao aac xvili-xix
Property, report on-_-.--.---=-.----.-..-... xl
Publications, work on ........----------- Xxxviii
Pueblo, definition of the term....-....--.-- 193
Pueblo architecture, types of, evolution
Once nec otecn cee ee onSesesss 193-195
Pueblo Grande. See Kintiel.
Pueblo Indians, building materials used
lM icsedet osc Baste 29,176,177
motion pictures of ceremonies of ....... xiv
myths of, work on - . XXXvi
OYIGiM Obs scene ec nee wei enone =~ -— == xix
Pueblo pottery, distinctive character of, in
different regions ..... 122-123, 142-143
See also Pottery.
Pueblo ruins in southern Arizona, explora-
tions in, paper by J. Walter
TREK GRIOM aetna melatonin, = 1-195
paper on, by Dr Fewkes, characteriza-
RI OUUO lee tee nee nia ai sacle a nine xiii
Pueblo Viejo valley, ancient people of, cre-
mation of dead by....--.-.---- 175-176
Buena Vista ruins in, description of.. 171-173
changes in, since 1847..........--..--. 174-175
Epley’s ruin in, description of.......... 171
former population of ....---..--.------- 175
PMBUON WO eae eae se nceeite = seein 168-169
irrigation (prehistoric) in, practice
Gin Bap hheecoccnebede snopes Oa 178-179
location of ......-- F z 168
pueblo ruins in, architecture of ...... 176-177
arrow polishers from -- -- 182,183

bowls from, views of... - LXVIT, LXIX
building materials of eee gine

distribution of......- = 170
effigy vase from .. - 191-192
general features of. --- 168-170
jars from, moceasin or slipper-

ADR PeC sec as-cast we ewes ate a 181
ladle from, human head on .-..-.... 181
metate from, cut showing .........- 184
mortars from, description of. ...-. 184-185
pigments from, finding of .-........ 184
pottery from, black and white ware,

decoration of ...........---- 180-182

form, color, and finish of..... 179-180

shell ornaments from, character of. 187
stone objects from, description of. 183-186
vases from, description of. 181-182, 191-192

views of...... 191, LXV, LX VIII, LXIxX
ISLE One = ne eee eee ee earns ee 121
terraced gardens (prehistoric) in .... 177-178
Pueblos of refuge, mention of ...--......... 165 ,
Pueblos of the Southwest, dual character
ofmanylofithe;<22.- = -:2--s2--6 165

Quadruped figures on pottery from pueblo

ruins, descriptions of ....-- 72, 145, 154
Cutsishowangy---- o---ss-5 5-2 -~ 71, 72, 153, Lxb

Quartz crystals, probable use of, by Pueblo
Undine’: 5-02. 22 cen cesecoce 186

Quatern symbols, range and diversity of. xv-xvi
Quirigua, face numerals of initia! series of

inscriptions “at-...-2-+-<-.-=<- 203-219
face numerals of inscriptions at, second-
ary senies Of 222-2. o.-22i..5 ss 226-233
Stela A, discussion of... .. 215-217, 232-233
Diate:showing= 2% ..-25-.-2-:-2 LXXV
Stela C, discussion of - 217-219, 233, 257
figure showing .. 217
Stela E, discussion of... -- 228-232
figures and plates showing.... 229,

230, 231, LXXII, LXXVIII

Stela F, discussion of..... 203-
figure and plates showing......
LXXI, LX
Stela J, discussion of -.........--- y
plate'showing 3 <==. -+i--s--e% LXXIV
inscriptions at, great cycle symbols on,
fipnresishowing <<. 2. tacccs eens 266

figures and plates showing -..
217, 218, 221, 224
230, 231, LXXI-LXXV, LXXVIII
terminal dates of, significance of .. 290-299

Rabbit people, former inhabitants of Homo-

he) Shee See Aen maaeee ane basaase 24
Raccoon, suggestion of figure of, on vessel

from Four-mile ruin -......-. 145, LXb
Rain-cloud people. See Patki.

Rain-cloud symbols on objects from pueblo

ruinsin Arizona, description of... 73-
74, 155-158
WHER aE oseec ooneoneeoss 74, 80, 81, 157, XLVI
Rattle, gourd, from pueblo ruins, deserip-
LOU) ae 8 Oe Se ee sre 163
shell, from pueblo ruins, figure show-
ing 91
Red ware from pueblo ruins, character of.. 180
Red and black ware from pueblo ruins .... 60,

XXXIV, XXXVI, XXXIX

Red and brown ware from pueblo ruins,

FeferenCe LOleenase ss ene eee =

views showing...-.----.-..---.-.. KXVI-XXIxX
Red and white ware from pueblo ruins,

Views SHOWING. -. 5. -.-.cce-.-2- XXKV

318 INDEX [ETH. ANN, 22
Page Page
Red, black, and white ware from pueblo Shumopovi (Old), excavations at, stoppage
ruins, reference to.......--.-... 60-61 Ofeseeaer AED soa, bb,
views showing..... XX Ill, XXXIV, general features of... .. - 111-113
V, XXXVI, XXXVIIT pottery from, bird designs on .. . 115-118
Red, brown, and yellow ware from pueblo Gecorationvof< 22. 2. s-cee sec seeee 114-119
ruins, views showing. Soe RV gaming-cane design on, cut show-
Reed, Mr, aid given Dr Fewkes by..-....-- 39 US ee oP eee tac e eee eees 118
Reptilian form on bow] from Shumopovyi, general featuresand form of-....--- 113
description and figure of ..... 114,115 rain-cloud design on, mention of... 156
Reservoir at ruined pueblo on Little Colo- reptilian design on, description of... 115
rado river, description of.....-. 49 figure showing===2...-22. ees 114
SVL GW OL 5 oe eee aia SoS ase a meena Seals XVI specimens collected at, number of ..... 18
Reservoirs for irrigation used by Pueblo WIGWSOf esc s2ss ego eee OL VINE RE CTL
Indians, remains of..........-.- 178 | Shumway, Ariz., pueblo ruin near......... 164
‘Rings, finger, of shell, from pueblo ruins in Sign language, reference to....--...---...-- XXX
Arizona, discovery of..-.-.-..-- 91 | Sikyatki, pottery from, decoration on, gen-
Rio Tularosa, ruined pueblos on .......-.-- 180 eral character of..-......-.... 133, 153
Robinson, Mr, aid given Dr Fewkes by-.-.- 39 pottery from, features of -............ 151, 153
Roof and floor construction at Homolobi, rain-cloud symbols on, mention of. 156
SANTOR Ob ae tee eee eee ec 110 | Sitgreave, L.,on features of Chevlon creek. 31
Rough ware from Four-mile ruin, deserip- | ruined pueblos in Arizona figured by -. 35
tion and figure of.............-. 141 | Sitting Bull belt, obtained for National Mu-
See also Pottery, surface finish of, rough. | seum. collection:-.-2-.2--2.-..- XXXix
Russell, Frank, collections made by, in Skeletons from pueblo ruins, mention of. 128, 166
ATAZONG cso case tee eerie xxxix | Skeletons and mortuary objects from Four-
ASIA WoOrkiof. ..22< ccs seeae eeepc cen sa xiii Mile TUM e see soe ce eee 139-140
office work by, on architectural types | Skulls, human, from pueblo ruins, collec-
of southern Arizona ........-..- xxiii | WOM Of ss sensor ane esee 34, 110, 134
Rust, H. N., collection of stone objects from Sky-band, absence of, from specimens from
California, purchase of ....... xxxix | Little Colorado ruins........... 74
| Slabs of stone. See Stone slabs.
Sacrificial caves. See Graham mountains; Slavery among primitive peoples, researches
Nantacks. -- XXiV-xxvii
Sand fleas, plague of, a possible cause of Slipper-shaped vessels from pueblo ruins,
abandonment of pueblos on descriptions and figures of.... 69,181
Little Colorado river ......-.... 22 | Snake (Plumed) on pottery from pueblo
Sandia, inhabitants of, descent of -. 4 19 | ruins, description of. . 115
BASRCU pee enim eee mien stereo cher ee 18,19 | fiz UTe SHOWS seme wen sae eee eee 114
San José, Ariz., cinerary urn found near.. 181-18 | Snake dance, reference to....-.....-.....-. 18
Pueblo pottery found near......-...... 173 | Mishongnovi variant of, observation
San Pedro river, field work along .........- xii | OS (OBESE RoseitaecrenSecmedeseses 120
San Rafael valley, field work in ........... xiii | Snowflake, Ariz., pueblo ruins near.....- 121, 164
Santa Catalina range, field work in........ xiii | Sociology, office work in.............. XxXiv-xxx
Saucer from Four-mile ruin, decorationon. 142 | Solomonyille, Ariz., pueblo ruins near-...- 171
Savagery, social organization in..... xxiy-xxvii | Sonora, Mexico, field work in.............. IX
Saville. M. H,, aid rendered by.-.-...-..... 258, 299 | Sonoyta valley, Mexico, field work in. xiii
photographs of inseriptions from Cen- Sophiology, office work in........ xxxiii-xxxvii
tral American monuments fur- | Specimens collected from Arizona pueblo
Mish edsbyese= oso-ee ee eee 253, 299, 301 Tuins, number and general
Saws or files of stone from pueblo ruins, characteriOieen- 2). asec ese 18
esCriplon.Olesee seas 1038, 159 | Spherical stones from Pueblo Viejo ruins,
Seeds, occurrence of, in mortuary bowls descriptions Of 2s see eee eae 183
at ruined pueblos in Arizona... 101 | Spider,importance of, in Pueblomythology. 81
Selenite plates, finding of, in puebloruins. 111 figure of, on bowl from Homolobi..-.-. 81, 82
Seler, Ednard, on Cakchiquel ealendar.... 279 | Spider woman, legends concerning ........ 81, 82
on Mayan chronologic tables. 245-246, 257-258 | Spiral design on pottery from pueblo ruins,
on significance of certain face numerals | Cuts ShOWing se aeeee cee = 151, LXIV

in Mayan inscriptions.........- 226

on significance of terminal dates of Ma-
yan inscriptions: .-..---...—.. 291-292

Sharp, J. H., Indian portraits by, pur-
CHASCLOL enc tata eter XXXiX

Shell ornaments from pueblo ruins, char-
acter of - 88-93, 187
Shumopovi (Old), ruins of, bow] witl
from) cut showing. ----2-.-.se6e

14

|

Springs, pueblosgenerally located near. 55 (note)
Squash people, formerinhabitants of Homo-

Steiner collection of stone implements, pur-
chase Ofteas.ceseec = ssase een XXXix

Stevenson, Mrs M. C., work of, on Zuni
myths and ceremonies ..-..... XXXvi

PART 1] INDEX 319
Page | Page
Stone from Four-mile ruin, used in belt {| Mesuicl, visit toss... <.08<. occu ons oee ooeeenee 18
frame, description of ......... 159-160 | Thatcher, pueblo ruins near, mention of... 173

AS UNO heme acess coronene ole ew aces 160 | Thomas, Cyrus, aid by, in linguistic classifi-
Stone ax from Homolobi, figure showing .. 102 | CANONS -~ Joe nese eases XXXi-xXxxii

Stone balls from Pueblo Viejo ruins, de-
BOM PMON Ol. eesacese oe cease 183
Stone birds from Woodruff butte, deserip-
tion and figures of ..........---- 135
Stone fetish from Pueblo Viejo ruins, cut |
SHOWADE ante on eee nea 186
Stone hatchets from Pueblo Viejo ruins,’
COUeCHOn Of -eeeseeeces =a e = 183
Stone implements from pueblo ruins, de-
Sevphoensiols...-- ee =e 102-104,

1338, 159-160, 183-185
figures showing....-....---..- 102, 182, 183, 184
Rust collection of, purchase of......-- XxXxix
Steiner collection of, purchase of ..... Xxxix
Stone objects from shrine at Kintiel, men-
LOT Off ee oes naive eminem asa 127-128
Stone slabs from pueblo ruins in Arizona,
descriptions of ..........---- 104-106,
160-162, 185-186
figures showing 161, 185, 186, XLVI, LXV
pertorationg ink oo. otee ese 106, 160-162
Stones, perforated, use of, by Pueblo In-

GUENS) ence oe nea sete acer acces 186

See also Stone slabs.
Stott ranch ruin, locationandcharacterof.. 168
pottery from, character of .... E 167
Sulphur, fragment of, found at Chevlon... 111

Sun, Temple of, at Palenque, face numerals
Bt VeINCOl a. seceencs see eS 219-220
Sun emblem on pottery from pueblo ruins,

Cutsho wine. 2-22--cecs--o25n02 150
MELELENCE 60 eae se ome ee cee ale ce 82
Sun people. See Tawa people.
Sunset, a Mormon town near site of Homo-
lobi, cause of abandonment of... 21
Surface finish, classification of ware from
pueblo ruins by......-.. 58-61, 179, 180

Swanton, John R., work by .... xii, xxxii-xxxiii
Swastika, wide range and diversity of,
among American aborigines... xv—xvi

Swisshelm mountains, field work in.... xili

Symbolic types of art, study of........ xvii-xviii

Symbolism of American aborigines, office
researches relating to -...---. xy-xvi

Symbols, numerical, of Mayan inscriptions.
See Mayan.
Symbois, quatern, wide range and diversity

Oita nee <t eeasseoseecsesas-os xy-xvi
Tanner's spring, Arizona, puebloruins near 127
Tawa people, former inhabitants of Homo-

IGD isc cces sce aR eco cs asoes 24
Tcipiya pueblo, location of. 23
Tclibk witcalobi, name of, origin of -....... 33

See also Chaves pass ruin.
Technology, office work in ......2..... Xix-xXxiii
Tempe, people of, relations of, to people of

Werde-valley 27.252 <-s25=552-5- 34

Temple of the Sun at Palenque, facé numer-
IBA MMBAUCH Ole a ctem see o ncen 219
Tepoka Indians, extinction of...-.......... xi
habitations of, discovery of traces of -.- xi

Mayan calendar systems, paper on ... 197-305
characterization of paper by...... xliii-xliv
work of, on hieroglyphic records Xxxvi
Thomas, Miss Jessie, work of, on translation
of Diccionario de Motul...-... xxxiii
Tiguas, Mesa de las, site of Payiipki so

called by Menchero ..........-- 19
Tikal, Central America, numeral system
WSCC Ato. jee sscs sarees wees ee ee 254
Time periods of Mayan chronology, terms
Gesiomating =: -2-.-5.c-..scesee ss 204
Tonto yalley, field work in . xiii
Tribal activities, definition of - x
Tribes, classification of...... a0 x
cyclopedia of native, work on .. - XXXVii
Pueblo, prehistoric migrations of, study
Ofte een sao Seaesscccusmese2s Xviii-xix
| Troano codex, references to....--........ 252, 253

Trumbull, J. H., Natick dictionary com-
ipletediby#-- ss--2esss2-- 2 -2o sees XXxi
Tubes made of bone, from pueblo ruins,

descriptioniof.: <225-... 2. -.5.-- 94-95
Here showings. see scese cess aes oc eee 95
Tularosa, Rio, ruined pueblos on........... 180
Turkey, use of, by Pueblo Indians ......... 27-28
Turkey Tank caves, Arizona, description of. 38-39
WCW Ol eae seco soci eeeeemoaet sa aeecns S on IV
Turquoise, Pueblo ornaments of, descrip-
HONS Off -oso-pececseescce scenes. 86
Pueblo armlet inlaid with, figure show-
TPs Soc ccist cies Saiciga bose sca dewne. 90
Turritella shells, Pueblo articles made of... 91

Turtle carapaces from pueblo ruins at

Cheylon, description of......... 95

disgkiof \cutishowinge- -s---2---2s-ss<cne 96
Musayvan swap Olen nacsss- asec 2 sees eee ee 21
MISLULO, reference tO... --= -. <2 -peoee 120
Tusayan pottery, characteristic colorof... 192
decorations on, superiority of ........-.- 129

Urns, cinerary, from Pueblo Viejo, descrip-
thonstotasce- sees 173, 181-182
plates showing ........-.-...... LXVII, LXIX¢e
Vase, coiled, from Kintiel ruin, description
andifigure of: =-22.--2 essence
Vases from pueblo ruins in Arizona, bird
GeSIENS/ON sees sae seee eee ee 75-76
description of 61, 181-182, 189
human figures on, description of 71
VIGWSIOL*2 << soo. nan ae aoe scene 68, 73, 75,
151, XX-XXII, XXX-XXXIII, XX XVIII,
XLVII-L, LIX, LXII, LXIV, LXVII-LXIX
See also Pottery.
Vases in human effigy from pueblo ruins
in Arizona, descriptions of... 189-192
figures showing 189, 191
Verde valley, people of; relations of, to peo-

ple of Casa Grande and Tempe. 34
pottery from, similarity of, to that from

Chaves pass and Gila-Salado

ASIN eee wen emer ae eee 34

820

Page
Viejo. See Pueblo Viejo.
Vigesimal system, use of, in Mayan chro-

MOOR Veen seeees = eaemen en 217, 234-236
Virginia, field work in ...........---..---- ix, xii
Voleanie glass, arrowheads of, from the

Nantackstess----aseseees==-ta = 183

Walpi, chiefs of, belonging to Patki clan... 24
symbolic types of art in, study of.. xvii-xviii

Flute ceremony at, reference to......-- 18
Water-house people, clans of........--.---- 24
traditional home of ancestors of......-- 22,24

White ware, from ruined pueblos on Little
Colorado river, reference to .... 61
White and black ware from pueblo ruins. 59-60,
180, XX, XXXII, XXXIV,

OOK 0.0.40) PIN
White and green ware from puebloruins... 61,
XLIUIb
White and red ware from pueblo ruins,
VIEW: SDOWME. smen csc cdeecmcce XXXV
White, black, and red ware from pueblo
UNS te ee teres tte 60-61, XXI-XXV,
XXXIII, XXXIV, XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVIIT
Winslow, Arizona, date of work near ....-- 17
ruins between Hopi pueblos and, de-
ACTIPUONS Olea s. nseen eee er 34-56
ruins near, description of ...-.....-.--- 25-34
former inhabitants of..........-.-.- 24-25
identification of, as Homolobi....-- 22
NOCRTIONIOL ase meem ie oes teeeseeee 23
Wisconsin, field work in.................--- ix
Wood, H. §., editorial work of.........-.- Xxxviii
Wood objects from Kintiel, mention of..... 133
Woodruff butte, stone birds from, descrip-
tion and figures of ........-..... 1385

INDEX

[ETH. ANN, 22]

Page

Wristlets of shell from pueblo ruins on Lit-
tle Colorado river, discovery of. 90
Written language, development of ......... Xxxi

Xealumkin, Yucatan, inscription at, discus-
Sloni Of 2. <2.2-ce- see See 299-300
inscription at, figure showing .-......... 253

Yaki Indians, ceremonies of, account of .. xxxiv
Yellow ware from pueblo ruins in Arizona,

reference tOl- es scseeaee sesame 59
views showing..........-...... XXVII-XXVIII
Yellow, red, and brown ware, from pueblo
ruins, plate showing.-.-......-- XXV
Yucatan, inseriptions and sculptures of,
WOPKON 22-2 sericernseeninn Sacece xxxvi
inscription on tablet from....-.-...-.--- 253
Yucatee group of Mayan codices ..._....... 252
Yucca fiber, use of, by ancient Pueblo Indi-
Get eased Soom ne asoconace nS 97

Zapeda, Sr Ramon, work of, as Mexican in-
terpreter:: oS cecticeet onic xii
Zuck, Frank, aid given Dr Fewkes by.... 120-164
cemetery of ancient Pinedale ruin dis-
CON CLOGUD Wa cere soments ae eels eee 166

Zuii, visit by Dr Fewkes to.... 18
Zuni Indians, intermingling of, with Hopi
Indians, in ancient times......- 125
legends of, concerning home of Katci-
DOSS eee ae aiaoe ieee 144-145
myths and ceremonies of, work on
MEM OL OLSe seeisee ae eee XXXvi
quatern symbols used by........--..-.- xvi
pottery of, inferiority of, as compared
to that of Hopi Indians......... 129

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