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Be I “sr : " Pes wicnar ia) ni a es : i 4 aneteat tas ete COR CUCR ES On cn : hg, 4 ‘ phetp vig a sey vy Sao Suna OC ‘ 7 RAN RCA Creer erin Tey kite y a Roa Lee rl ¥ Shia, Bere 4 Mince chaps \ « ¥ Pie igen TO toes Sorerens (Ay sas 4a Weed c 4 Ot ¥ S Ps if hs Pastas! Lo 9 , hes rr} Ot ’ Seer t ” ; va ; fy i ¥ ‘ \. pty! thd ruts Sem pip aah ea esate eases % re vive Behe 1 Eis wan iSoearen ilies paayiatina (ont hel i ", din ea arcs i Ht me ns eae) ne pa Cie AAT Wer rie han ea ea Ul ad ssieh d bb 1; Ut med athe AO ett het & a Ry ae ieee eee Rtarreiat Pi NAP Capauita 6 EMS 9 ha at eet & vo at . x ee nr) ves nw eae doeate iter “ x “i poe gS ee ead Gene PLES tothe Re atic Cees 4 COU erate tee : . ‘ c a Deghcleponeourde 4 i cl Cone teins = sit ses aa pee NET} Ve hee oi wa ake TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1912 ; A wee . bh | sie Aro 2 10 “4 - =" LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau oF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., August 17, 1907. Str: I have the honor to submit herewith a report of the operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1907. Permit me to express my appreciation of your aid in the work under my charge. Very respectfully, yours, W. H. Homes, Chief. Dr. CHARLES D. Watcorrt, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. LV EINE A eee am — nn mprexnL “«.aiS . - - z bathird work Se osm ee), » wi ? Y uN Feation d A oeiisrring tl a a - , iy npet e eLereral rineteas Hwan mit pvad £ ee a = : ait HUE une wreatk, tor psrnith ale ae whiter aay : TOR OF sinrh baie ory te x ; f ie : YRICIE Vial CRIT rhe) ( cea h. : 7 endo po tela Seo A ‘ hee oti ee oh AT YS 2 . 4 , : deers pe STs = hers T7 UP emit, it ad i i . Wir, 3A) iw paw Ye re - CONTENTS REPORT OF THE CHIEF Page SHEAUTTNE RESETRO NT SEs Ar Soe OD Ae OOO UOC oe Eee TE ee RoR EE Onna eee 9 SS DeCiall ML EneAK Chen ems eps nee Son ae en oes cecia)- a seen se siecieneniceeuencie nase 15 ET OREDVHUlo Mucmemh Ul ef ULGL CAs fers eon aretbave mw aishasicicicntaw esis comes e416 ooeeis wesc 17 Catalorteioh lnpnishte mMaAnUscripis® 5 oc20c.--h~ ocho re ci cate eet eee eee en on 18 HEH Ayr Knee eae se eA ero Sig pS Nee oD Se ssa oewicdlse 19 ieee itn so Sera Oana Soe Se oats AOR CO ECE aa ee eae 19 IU Ieee Q fe are Sal SEG OSS SAREE ENE nes oe 20 ROG OTs esse anya reese ee Gass Se = ae oS aS a Soothe waa ialvore sie ae 20 MSEC Ee. dbea oe wees oncin SACU EE Ce Te Ra Tene ae a ee eee 21 Noteronrtherccompan ving papers; a. 2- \ a= cela cane oe ce cicac cies ewawin neeecee 21 ACCOMPANYING PAPERS Casa Grande, Arizona, by Jesse Walter Fewkes; plates 1-78; figures 1-54...... 25 Antiquities of the Upper Verde River and Walnut Creek Valleys, Arizona, by Jesse Walter Fewkes; plates 79-102; figures 55-68.................-.-.--.- 181 Preliminary report on the linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes, by rumsorMichelson: plate lOs) (map) se tas oc.cis. lei e- ne luni iz se lessees 221 HinglGves hak Sas Ap OER StaC Mes an OO ta ae COCO SGR CORIO Cae te ee ee ae 291 5 STAI, mn. aiee-gh eae ' - ics \ cape cheers is % - e daar, 7 ES vi inset Wyle = + _ ees pxuiags «Lo yi dipls Sanit —s * oe se ia Pry id 2 ¥ Pir aa) ifisties ty iwiareY : hail eek +2 cepa peietaeiep ‘wa ; a ee ee a -_ “O0-eTaplelg diet 4 inger? t) a (hph, pobre" i. rer C007! saiathy fant pled, phat | 4 . . | 2 Sie REPORT OF THH CHIE HFT r x 7 on ne TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY W. H. Hotmes, Curer SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology, con- ducted in accordance with the act of Congress making pro- vision for continuing researches relating to the American Indians, under direction of the Smithsonian Institution, have been carried forward in conformity with the plan of opera- tions approved by the Secretary July 19, 1906. Systematic ethnologic researches have been prosecuted by the scientific staff of the Bureau, assisted by a number of collaborators who have been invited to conduct investiga- tions for which they are especially qualified. The Bureau’s scientific staff is restricted to a small number of investigators whose field of labor is necessarily limited, and it has always been the policy of the Bureau to widen its scope by enlisting the aid of specialists in various important branches. While thus seeking to cover in the fullest possible manner the whole field of American ethnology, it has sought with particular care to pursue only such branches of research as are not adequately provided for by other agencies, public or private. The result sought by the Bureau is the completion of a sys- tematic and well-rounded record of the tribes before the ever-accelerating march of change shall have robbed them of their aboriginal characteristics and culture. During the year researches have been carried on in New Mexico, Arizona, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, 9 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY New York, and Ontario. The field work has not been so exten- sive, however, as during most previous years, for the reason that a number of the ethnologists had to be retained in the office to assist in the completion of the Handbook of American Indians and in the proof reading of reports passing through the press. The Chief of the Bureau remained on duty in the office during nearly the entire year. Administrative duties occu- pied much of his time, but during the winter and spring months he was called on to assist in the preparation of the exhibit of the Smithsonian Institution at the Jamestown Exposition, and in April in installing this exhibit. The com- pletion of numerous articles for the Handbook of American Indians, the revision of various manuscripts submitted for publication, and the proof reading of reports and bulletins claimed his attention. Aside from these occupations his duties as honorary curator of the department of prehistoric archeology in the National Museum and as curator of the National Gallery of Art absorbed a portion of his time. The © Chief was called on also to assist in formulating the uniform rules and regulations required by the Departments of the Interior, Agriculture, and War in carrying out the provisions of the law for the preservation of antiquities, to pass on various applications for permits to explore among the antiq- uities of the public domain, and to furnish data needful in the selection of the archeologic sites to be set aside as national monuments. In addition he was able to give some attention to carrying forward the systematic study of aboriginal technology and art, on which he has been engaged for several years, as occasion offered. At the beginning of the year Mrs. M. C. Stevenson, ethnolo- gist, was in the Indian village of Taos, New Mexico, continu- ing her studies of the arts, habits, customs, and language of this tribe begun during the previous year. Although the field was new and the traditional conservatism of the tribe made investigation in certain directions difficult or impossible much progress was made, and when the work is completed results of exceptional value will doubtless have been obtained. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 11 In November Mrs. Stevenson visited Santa Clara pueblo with the object of making studies of the people and their cul- ture for comparative purposes, and observations were made of the social customs and religious ceremonies of the people. Afterward several days were spent in Santa Fé, examining the old Spanish records preserved in the archives of the His- torical Society of New Mexico, with the view of learning something of the early relations of the local tribes with the Spanish invaders and with their Spanish-speaking neighbors of later times. Late in November Mrs. Stevenson visited the pueblo of Zuii, the site of her former extended researches, and spent some weeks in completing her studies of certain phases of the native ritual and worship, of religious sym- bolism as embodied in pictography and ceramic and textile decoration, and in the revision of her list of plants employed for food, medicine, and dyes. Numerous photographs and sketches of ceremonies and ceremonial objects were made. A number of changes were noted in the dramas and other ceremonies since her last visit, and Zuni, heretofore presenting at night the quiet somberness of an aboriginal village, has now, when dusk falls, the appearance of an eastern town with many lighted windows. Mrs. Stevenson notes that changes are creeping steadily into all the pueblos, Taos per- haps excepted, and is led to express the earnest hope that the work of investigating the town-building tribes of the Southwest be carried forward with all possible energy. On April 1 Mrs. Stevenson returned to the office, where during the remainder of the year she has been engaged in the preparation of reports on her field researches. Dr. Cyrus Thomas, ethnologist, has been employed the greater portion of the year in assisting Mr. Hodge on the Handbook of American Indians, not only in the preparation of separate articles, but also in assisting the editor on certain lines of proof reading relating to omissions, uniformity in names, etc. Such time as could be spared from these duties was devoted to the preparation of a Catalogue of Books and Papers relating to the Hawaiian Islands. For this purpose the Library of Congress and other libraries in Washington 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY were consulted, and a short trip to Worcester and Boston, Massachusetts, was made for the purpose of examining the libraries of those cities, which are the chief depositories in the United States of the early publications of the missionaries in ' Hawaii. The number of titles so far obtained is about 2,000. Doctor Thomas assisted also with the official correspondence on subjects with which he is particularly familiar, his attain- ments as a student of ancient Mexican writings having proved of special value in the examination of certain manuscripts in the Cakchikel language submitted by the Librarian of the American Philosophical Society, of Philadelphia. During the latter part of the previous fiscal year, in pur- suance of his linguistic studies, Dr. John R. Swanton, eth- nologist, was engaged in preparing an English-Natchez and Natchez-English analytical dictionary, embodying all the published and unpublished material available—that is, about two thousand words and phrases; he also copied on cards all the words and phrases collected by the late Doctor Gat- schet from the Attacapa, Chitimacha, and Tunica Indians. At the beginning of the fiscal year Doctor Swanton was engaged in compiling a dictionary of the Tunica language similar to that made for the Natchez. In the field of general ethnology he excerpted and, when necessary, translated, all the avail- able material bearing on the tribes of the lower Mississippi Valley, and arranged for publication that portion dealing with the Natchez. On April 3 he left Washington to make investigations among the tribal remnants of Louisiana and Oklahoma, and visited the members of the Houma, Chitimacha, Attacapa, Alibamu, Biloxi, Tunica, and Natchez tribes, and was able definitely to establish the relationship of the Houma to the Choctaw and to identify the Ouspie—a small people referred to by the early French writers—with the Ofogoula. From the Tunica and Chitimacha he collected several stories which will be of importance in the endeavor to restore the mythology of the tribes of this area, now almost a blank. In the Chero- kee Nation (Oklahoma), contrary to expectation, Doctor Swanton found several persons who still speak the Natchez ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13 language. This discovery will necessarily delay the publi- cation of the Natchez material already referred to, but if prompt measures are taken, will insure the preservation of that language in its completeness. At Eufaula (Creek Nation) he made a slight investigation into the social organization of the Creeks—enough to determine that much work still remains to be done in that tribe entirely apart from language. Doctor Swanton returned to the office June 7, and during the remainder of the year was engaged in arranging and collating the material collected by him. Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, ethnologist, was employed in the office during the first month of the year reading proofs of his articles on the Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighboring Islands and on Antiquities of Eastern Mexico, for the Twenty- fifth Annual Report of the Bureau. Part of August and all of September were devoted to the preparation of a bulletin on the Antiquities of the Little Colorado. He spent seven months in Arizona, leaving Washington on October 15 and returning the middle of May. During four months he super- intended the work of excavation, repair, and preservation of the Casa Grande Ruin, in Pinal County, Arizona, and in March and April visited a number of little-known and unde- scribed ruins along Canyon Diablo and Grapevine Canyon, gathering material for his bulletin on The Antiquities of the Little Colorado Valley. During May and June he was em- ployed in the office, devoting his time to the preparation of an account of the excavations at Casa Grande. The explo- rations at Casa Grande were conducted under a special appropriation disbursed directly by the Smithsonian Insti- tution, and Doctor Fewkes's preliminary report has been submitted to the Secretary. It is anticipated that a final report on the work when completed will be published by the Bureau of American Ethnology. Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the earlier months of the year in preparing and correcting matter for the Hand- book of American Indians, devoting special attention to the articles on the Iroquoian family, Iroquois, Mohawk, Montour, Mythology, Nanabozho, Neutrals, Oneida, Onondaga, and 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ottawa, and to the lists of towns formerly belonging to the Iroquois tribes. From the 20th of January to the 23d of March, 1907, he was engaged in field work among the Iroquois tribes in New York and in Ontario, Canada. The entire period was devoted to collecting texts in the Onondaga and Mohawk dialects, embodying the basic principles and the civil and political structure and organization of the League of the Iroquois and data relating thereto. The Onondaga texts aggregate about 27,000 words and the Mohawk texts about 1,500 words, making a total of 28,500 words. The following captions will indicate sufficiently the subject-matter of these texts: The Constitution of the League, the Powers of the T‘hadoda‘ho’, Amendments, Powers and Rights of the Chiefs, Powers and Rights of the Women, Powers of the Women Chiefs, Procedure on Failure in Succession, Powers and Restrictions of “Pine Tree” Chiefs, Procedure in Case of Murder, Address of Condolence for Death in a Chief’s Family, Forest-edge Chanted Address of Welcome, The Chant for the Dead, Interpretation of the Fundamental Terms, Peace, Power, and Justice. Mr. Hewitt also continued his duties as custodian of the collection of linguistic manuscripts of the Bureau, the com- pletion of the catalogue of which was entrusted to Mr. J. B. Clayton, head clerk. He has also been called on to furnish data for the correspondence of the office, more particularly that portion relating to the Iroquoian tribes. Mr. F. W. Hodge, ethnologist, has been engaged during the entire year on the Handbook of American Indians, the edi- torial work of which has proved extremely arduous and difficult. This work is in two parts: Part I, A—M, was issued from the press in March last, and the main body of Part II was in type at the close of the fiscal year, though progress in proof reading was exceedingly slow on account of the great diversity of the topics treated and the difficulty of bringing up to date numbers of articles, many of them relating to obscure tribes and subjects. During the entire fiscal year Mr. James Mooney, eth- nologist, remained in the office, occupied chiefly on the ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 15 Handbook of American Indians and in the classification of the large body of material previously obtained relating to the tribes of the Great Plains. His extended article on Indian Missions, written for the Handbook, has been made the subject of a special reprint, a small edition of which was issued by the Bureau. Mr. Mooney has also given valuable assistance in connection with the corre- spondence of the Bureau, more especially that portion relating to the languages of the Algonquian stock. SPECIAL RESEARCHES For a number of years Dr. Franz Boas, assisted by a corps of philologists, has been engaged in the preparation of a work on the American languages, to be published as a bulletin of the Bureau, entitled “Handbook of American Indian Languages,” and it is expected that the manuscript of the first part will be submitted for publication at an early date. Of Part 1, sections relating to the languages of the Eskimo and the Iroquois alone remain incomplete. During the summer of 1906 Mr. Edward Sapir was engaged in col- lecting data for the handbook, on the language of the Takelma, residing at the Siletz Agency, Oregon, and toward the close of the year Mr. Leo J. Frachtenberg began similar studies among the Tutelo remnant on the Tuscarora Reservation in Ontario, Canada. Reports of the discovery of fossil remains of men of ex- tremely primitive type in the vicinity of Omaha, Nebraska, led to the assignment of Dr. Ale’ Hrdliéka, curator of physical anthropology in the National Museum, to the duty of visiting the University of Nebraska, at Lincoln, where the remains are preserved, and also the site of their exhumation. The examinations were made with the greatest care, and the results are embodied in Bulletin 33 of the Bureau, which was in press at the close of the fiscal year. The conclusion reached by Doctor Hrdliéka with respect to the age and character of these remains is that they are not geologically ancient, belonging rather to the mound-building period in the Mississippi Valley, and that, although a number of the 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY crania are of low type, this was a characteristic appearing among many comparatively recent mound-building tribes. At the beginning of the fiscal year the Bureau was fortu- nate enough to enter into arrangements with Prof. Herbert E. Bolton, of the University of Texas, for recording the history of the Texan tribes. During the early historical period the French controlled and came into intimate relations with the northern Caddo, hence the early history of this group is to be found chiefly in French records; but with this excep- tion it is mainly in Spanish documents, scattered and almost wholly unprinted. These facts make the task in every sense a pioneer one. The Spanish manuscript sources available to Professor Bolton, and upon which, aside from the printed French sources, he has thus far mainly drawn, consist of (1) the Béxar archives, a rich collection of perhaps 300,000 pages of original manuscripts that accumulated at San Antonio during the Spanish occupancy, now in the University of Texas; (2) the Nacogdoches archives, a similar but much smaller collection that accumulated at Nacogdoches and that is now in the State Historical Library; (3) the Lamar papers, a small collection of Spanish manuscripts, now in private hands; (4) mission records preserved at the residence of the Bishop of San Antonio; (5) copies of documents from the Archivo General of Mexico, belonging to the University of Texas and to Professor Bolton; and (6) the various Mexican archives. From these have been extracted a great many notes, but much material yet remains to be examined. During the year Professor Bolton’s efforts have taken three principal directions: (1) He has systematically and fully indexed, on about 10,000 cards, a large amount of the early material, including tribal, institutional, linguistic, historical, and other data on the whole Texas field. (2) From this material as a basis he has written for the Handbook of American Indians many brief articles on tribes and missions, ageregating about 20,000 words. (8) While in the analysis of the materials and the making of the index cards he has covered the whole field, in the final work of construction he ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 17 has begun the Caddoan tribes of eastern Texas, with the design of treating them separately. In this work Professor Bolton has made commendable progress. He has already - written a detailed description, consisting of about 40,000 words, of the location, social and political organization, economic life, religion, and ceremonial of the Hasinai, com- monly designated “Texas,”’ as known and described by the earliest European chronicles, accompanied with a map. The task of writing a history of the Texas tribes is a great one, and can be performed only by long and painstaking effort, but its successful accomplishment promises an impor- tant addition to our knowledge of the native Americans. PRESERVATION OF ANTIQUITIES With the object of assisting the departments of the Govern- ment having custody of the public domain in the initiation of measures for the preservation of the antiquities of the country, the compilation of a descriptive catalogue of anti- quities has been continued, and the preparation of bulletins having the same end in view has also received every possible attention. Bulletin 32, Antiquities of the Jemez Plateau, by Edgar L. Hewett, was published and distributed during the year, and Bulletin 35, Antiquities of the Upper Gila and Salt River Valleys in Arizona and New Mexico, by Dr. Waiter Hough, was in page form at the close of the year, while bul- letins by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, on the Antiquities of the Little Colorado Valley, and Edgar L. Hewett, on the Anti- quities of the Mesa Verde, Colorado, were in course of prep- aration. The sum of $3,000, appropriated by Congress for the excavation, repair, and preservation of Casa Grande Ruin, in Arizona, was disbursed by the Smithsonian Institution, Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, having charge of the work. A brief preliminary report on the first year’s operations will appear in the Quarterly Issue of the Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections. A second. appropriation of $3,000 is provided for continuing the work during the coming year. 20903°—28 erH—12 2 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY During the year uniform rules and regulations intended to serve in carrying out the recently enacted law for the preser- vation of national antiquities were formulated and adopted by the three departments having control of the public domain. Under these, on recommendation of the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, permits were issued for con- ducting explorations on Indian reservations and in national forests in Idaho and Wyoming, by the American Museum of Natural History, New York, and among the ancient ruins on the public lands in Navajo and Apache Counties, Arizona, by the University of California. Arrangements were also made with the Interior Department for carrying on explorations at Casa Grande Ruin, Arizona, by the Smithsonian Institu- tion. Under the same law during the year three important archeologic sites were declared national monuments by the President of the United States. They are as follows: Chaco Canyon, in New Mexico, including several important ruined pueblos; El Morro, New Mexico, commonly known as Inscription Rock; and Montezuma Castle, in Arizona, an important cliff-ruin. CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS The archives of the Bureau contain 1,626 manuscripts, mainly linguistic, of which only a partial catalogue had previously been made. In January Mr. J. B. Clayton, head clerk, began the preparation of a card catalogue, which was completed at the close of the year. The manuscripts were jacketed in manila envelopes of uniform size, except where bulk prevented, and were numbered from 1 to 1,626. The catalogue comprises about 14,000 cards which give, as completely as available data permit, the names of stock, language, dialect, collector, and locality, as well as the date of the manuscript. It was not possible in every instance to supply all the information called for under these heads, but the. card has been made as complete in each case as the ‘information permitted. The cards have been arranged in one alphabetical series, the names of the languages not only under these languages in their proper alphabetic place, but ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 19 also alphabetically under their stocks. Under the name of each collector his manuscripts are indexed under stocks, languages, and dialects. The data in regard to “place” are defective, and a number of the manuscripts are from unknown sources. EDITORIAL WORK Mr. Joseph G. Gurley, who was appointed to the position of editor for a probationary period during the previous year, was permanently appointed on August 16, 1906. The editorial work of the year may be summarized briefly as follows: The proof reading of the Twenty-fourth Annual Report was completed and the work advanced to publication. At the close of the year the Twenty-fifth Annual was prac- tically finished, with the exception of the presswork, while the Twenty-sixth Report was in page form, so that the work was practically ready for printing. Bulletin 32 was com- pleted and published early in the year, and Bulletin 36 also has been issued. Bulletins 33, 34, and 35 are in type, and the proof reading on Bulletins 33 and 35 has progressed so far that they can be put on the press at an early day. For about three months the Bureau has had the efficient services of Mr. Stanley Searles, who was courteously detailed for the purpose from the proof-reading force of the Govern- ment Printing Office. The editor has assisted to some extent in the proof reading of the Handbook of American Indians, Bulletin 30, which is in charge of Mr. F. W. Hodge. PUBLICATIONS During the year the Twenty-sixth Annual Report and Bulletins 33, 34, 35, and 36 were forwarded to the Public Printer. Bulletins 31 and 32 were published in July. Part I of the Handbook of American Indians (Bulletin 30) appeared in March and the Twenty-fourth Annual Report in May. One thousand copies of the List of Publications of the Bureau (Bulletin 36) and 500 copies of a special article on Indian missions were issued in June. Fifteen hundred copies of the Twenty-fourth Annual Report and the same number of Bulletin 30, Part I, and Bulletin 32 were sent to 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY regular recipients. About 1,500 copies of Bulletin 30, Part I, and 200 copies of the Twenty-fourth Annual, as well as numerous bulletins and separates, were distributed in response to special requests, presented for the most part by Members of Congress. The distribution of publications was continued as in former years. The great increase in the number of libraries in the country and the multiplication of demands from the public generally have resulted in the almost immediate exhaustion of the quota of volumes (3,500) allotted to the Bureau. Few copies of any of the reports remain six months after the date of issue. LIBRARY The library remains in charge of Miss Ella Leary, who was able to bring the accessioning and cataloguing of books, pamphlets, and periodicals up to date. In all, there have been received and recorded during the year 760 volumes, 1,200 pamphlets, and the current issues of upward of 500 periodicals, while about 500 volumes have been bound at the Government Printing Office. The library now contains 13,657 volumes, 9,800 pamphlets, and several thousand copies of periodicals which relate to anthropology. The purchase of books and periodicals has been restricted to such as relate to anthropology and, more especially, to such as have a direct bearing on the American aborigines. COLLECTIONS The collections of the year comprise large series of objects obtained by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, in his excavations at Casa Grande Ruins, Arizona, conducted under the imme- diate auspices of the Smithsonian Institution, and by Mrs. M. C. Stevenson in Zufi and Taos pueblos, New Mexico. Some of the minor collections are a cache of stone knife blades from the vicinity of Tenleytown, District of Columbia, obtained through the kindness of Mr. C. C. Glover; a series of relics (fragments of pottery) from the temple of Diana at Caldecote, presented by Mr. Robert C. Nightingale; relics ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT Phil from the shell heaps of Popes Creek, Maryland, presented by Mr. 8. H. Morris, of Faulkner, Maryland; and a number of stone implements and unfinished soapstone utensils from the ancient quarries on Connecticut Avenue extended, Wash- ington, District of Columbia, collected by Mr. W. H. Gill. ILLUSTRATIONS The division of illustrations was, as heretofore, in charge of Mr. De Lancey Gill, who was assisted by Mr. Henry Walther. One hundred and fifty-nine illustrations were prepared for Bulletins 30, 33, 34, and 35, and a large number of proofs of illustrations for the various volumes were revised. The photographic work included the making of 277 negatives required in the illustration work and 160 portraits of Indians of visiting delegations. Negatives developed for ethnologists returning from the field numbered 96. During the year a total of 11,078 photographic prints was made. Albert Samuel Gatschet, a distinguished philologist and ethnologist, for many years connected with the Bureau, died at his: home in Washington, District of Columbia, March 16, 1907. W, H. Hotmss, Chief. NOTE ON THE ACCOMPANYING PAPERS The papers included in this volume are not necessarily to be re- garded as a part of the scientific results of the Bureau’s researches during the period covered by the administrative report, but are incor- porated herein for the sake of convenience. The report by Doctor Fewkes on the celebrated Casa Grande and surrounding ruins in southern Arizona embodies the results of his observations during excavations conducted therein throughout two winter seasons, by means of special appropriations by Congress for that purpose, together with a review of the general knowledge of these ruins from the time they became known to the Spaniards in the seventeenth century. Two papers on the subject of Casa Grande were previously published under the auspices of the Bureau, one, by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, in the Thirteenth Annual Report, the other, by the same author, presenting an account of the repair of the main 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ruin, in the Fifteenth Annual Report. It was not until the excava- tions conducted by Doctor Fewkes, however, that an adequate knowledge of the character and importance of the great house clus- ters was obtamed, and this knowledge, together with such historical data as are available, is now embodied in the present volume as a per- manent and final record. A preliminary report of Doctor Fewkes’ work at Casa Grande during the first season has been published in the Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections. A second paper by Doctor Fewkes sammarizes the results of his investigations of the Antiquities of the Upper Verde River and Wal- nut Creek Valleys, Arizona. This report is preliminary in character and is supplementary to the memoir by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff pub- lished in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau on the arche- ology of the lower valley of the Verde. No excavations have yet been conducted in the region of which Doctor Fewkes treats, yet suf- ficient evidence has been gathered from a study of the architectural features of the ruims now visible to enable a determination of the western limits of Pueblo culture in central Arizona and to define the area in which a distinct culture has its beginning. The memoir by Dr. Truman Michelson, being a Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes, with a map, is based on the author’s studies for the Bureau during the years 1910- 1912. The Algonquian tribes are now found to be divided linguist- - ically into four major groups, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern-Central. The results of Doctor Michelson’s observations elucidate many questions formerly existing with respect to the inter- relations of the various Algonquian languages and dialects. The map illustrating the memoir was prepared with the cooperation of Dr. John R. Swanton. F. W. Hover, Ethnologist-in-charge. ApriL, 1912. ACoCOMEANYENG PAPERS 23 , ‘ ry mt Late a ids & Te Ps eee Cur Have va ‘ge hee ae ‘ oH Hs nan Padang 7 . le Si Oia ona cab ta ONE ee ele 7 Pay Pig Pay Aw of ; & Susy ‘- ee ee aes eB ee re rue e) em n bite ws tod te Aa Zz ' sar eve = morney eer a7 ted: TOE ~ = CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA BY JESSE WALTER FEWKES 25 ALA t COSTA, . La i ( 4 ’ . es | AW ¥ i Maw Gees. * CONTENTS Introd Uchonesa-4 sSa5i0 ctw tits secs Sei st as tose est. ee Le) Workot excavation and repairs... 9-saceoso boae nese ce sco rs nk be nes MERITS ae ee RUE I 8 Guishinets researched sec. tee meee see ens Sat ee eves s ceed PRRRIONS = 2 Hewes s|Geschipulonnns: semen shes ess vom s COMMnT US AIEEE ee Conmostvindelet ard eseripuoms om. seater eee cement ke PECSCTIMCONCIIONS Seta eee aac See eae te oe eed te eS eee eel TUR ek ee Mamipunldinios ones acne eis tack fe tk eae Constritetiones = sss cee as scot s see Tee Se Ske Sekt oS ee Oe OS © Doorways'and windows. -:: > 53.222 -sasseess stot oneness chee eee. « ; Casa Grande mounds sss s-ce ess haces cane eae = 2 te oe PS es TO ee Generiidescription® 2222222. Ssoss ea eek ee ce ee ee eee (Compound As ee i ociscee = nes on Se ee oe NS hE SS Southwest buildings... 5552 25k aes ee ts cd Northeast building: -: 2... 2222220225324 50ct eee ee = Gc 0 © Dow Ww Ob ioe) bo 28 CONTENTS Casa Grande mounds—Continued. Compound A—Continued. Page Rooms) on’ the: west hall’. rc peceee ea. ce ele eee eee 90 Six/ceremoniall'roOmMs: -.-.-,J- 2 eee n-ne = es 3. = seer gee eee eee 90 Gerttrall building 23s io..-pene seer eetG seh aaa ee ee eee 91 Hont’s TOON. «sss 52+ ensodes ec saetie sews = ALEGRE Sen eae eeeeeoe 91 Rooms between Casa Grande and Font’s room............-..--------- 92 Rooms adjoining the most northerly of the six ceremonial rooms..... - 92 Northwest Poom: 2.35225 sss: 2s oes eee eee ek Soe Eee 92 Rooms near east wall. 25.2: sosc2 dec eee cee eae = cose. at eee = 92 Northéast: plaga..2.: 25520 ss42e2c Seca eeee se ae oe - beep 93 Central plaza. s2-- cece sotesseess sds e- se: Se BS eee eee 93 Mast plazas. 225.25. 8a sys anes cams ee nee tee eee Eee 93 Southwest (plaza:s.-2:52. S650 3.4 29s eee ce acetone A hoe 93 South court... 22 2oe 2 de5 Se ceo eee Ss ee ee ae ae ee 93 Compound) |Biscceeae 2 43> Soret: Soaps eee? oot eel) an deer 95 Pyramidtay so... Ge Ae eee ee ee ee LE es eee 97 Pyramid: Bicesd-sssayntd 4aad®} shack tea edelee se ase oa 98 Roome east of Pyramid, By scces eeeg at yon aes eee eee eee 99 Southeast plazaz.- co ss<2<- oe Jeee ieee eee Tee SOD ING NEVA eee spesacesoe sae asee sce socsninncsse ssa ce fbn coe 100 Wiest iared scjac ste eecacocics aa Sail sere ee ata ae ee a 100 Subterranean) rooms... << =.) so 2202. - 5-5 = ese See eee eee 102 Wompoundi@ =. ee cnc seen cnet eee ee nee ae aCe eee 102 Compound De.) 52 ...22550 50s ten Sos siees Spee peaaec heee eee sae 104 Compounds Hand cl ae << cm boc tee cele ee See eee eee ee 106 G@lan-house nl: .3) 2 cen fe coon eee eee Se ae eres 106 Refuse-heaps'..'. 2c 03-20 wd Seale toc Se Sige Se ele cic ee ee ete 111 Reservoirss.cct are sccictemeueakas eee eotas ee ones «he eee eee 111 Irrigation Gitchess 02 seks «7 seen 2s.2< oe aero ea eee eee Lie ells Mescall pits... .f..c2es scum tceeee shee See Mane ee rays ae eee 116 Methods of disposalliofithe'deades 8 sare cee ee a ae ee veete. HY, Minor antiquities: = 2-22.22 sce oot eee ee tes eee pi 118 Mindeleff collection !:.2-2.-.2:¢=te=s8 sce 52s =0 ee ER Ce eee 119 Pinckley collection..<32. 2). o2c.we Seiwa e ce ee = see ee eee 120 Fewkes‘collection. ¢.) 22. .dce +2 decease onsets soos: see eee eee 120 Stone Adolss..-Casa Grande; «irom! thesouthwest= 9220. c5-c2 se. se tees ee ose ee 43 SS Nontheast comer of CasatGrande = 2: 222 << = 1522 ST 43 10. West wall of Casa Grande, showing component blocks........-...-. 79 11. Bird’s-eye view of north half of Compound A..... Sie TM ot 80 12. Bird’s-eye view of Compound A, from the south..........-.-----..- 80 13s Southwest buildine of Compound A- <-2..2:,22 228. SYA IMSL 2 See 88 14. Southwest building of Compound A, from the north..............-... 88 Tee Noribeastroomss Compound :Anso5.5 aoe e eee See 89 16. Northeast rooms, Compound A........-. ate SES PS. 2 3 89 17.: Area adjoining Casa Grande on the east............-----2-+--+------ 89 18. Six ceremonial rooms, Compound A :.......-2-2-222-222.-222-2---- 90 19. Ceremonial rooms and plaza, Compound A.........-.--.-.--+------ 90 20. West wall of Font’s room, from the southeast......-----.---------- 91 Zieh astiroome™ Compounds sc ewse is eee assecas Sse Ree ood oe 91 222 Roomsiand! corner, Compound Al. 222... -2-2seseeeee st lessees oee 92 23: Northwest ‘comer; Compound A...--.--- 2.222220) 225i. See. 92 24s yNortheast:comer,Compound) As. == <5. 5253 eee ee 93 25tsCompoundsby beforerexcavatlonis.-52 eee ee eee eee ee 95 26NGround plantof CompoundtBie..- 222.2 ssccecnses te ee sae 2 95 27. Bird’s-eye view of Compound B, from the south...........-.-..-.-- 95 28. Bird’s-eye view of Compound B, from the east .............--.---.. 96 290s Norbbeashiconmen of Compound Be ee eae ate cee aie nian 97 a05.Comeriand-rooms) Compounds Brest 2cjsce Scie ccc Fees eee 402 ~- 97 oileublazalandi rooms. Compound) Bi. 2 siete ee asjerels 2 asain eet ate ei slains ae 97 Sema Vietl seu) MOOT C OMMPOUNG nid etoee lee eee eee ace aa a rei lam al 97 33. Plaza and walls, Compound B.........-..---. Jace ese eesegeesde sae 97 34. Views of Pyramids A and B, Compound B..............---.------- 98 Sho Olney Hayrajovey ih h18)) eee SS Cape ae See eSbeoe Saacr anne econ. 98 SGeeblaZARTanG TOONS. WOLMPOUNG = cassie ele oa ata epee cf a aeons 99 37. Plaza and rooms, Compound B ...... pe SaaS a eS aaah eh eae 99 38. Typical ancient reservoir, and rooms of Compound B............-.- 100 SouaWallsof Compound By) Subterrapes nu roomerand Clay puts. cacao ace sae 2 enn oe 102 42. Appearance of compound-walls before excavation ..........---...- 106 43. Bird’s-eye view of Clan-house 1, from the northeast ..-.......-...-.- 106 44, Bird’s-eye view of Clan-house 1, from the southwest..-........-.-.--. 106 Mow lean DOURO Masco sessing waecmce nas sayiaasseniee ec cre teins» LOG 29 30 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Prame 46. Annex to. lan-houne dls s= secrete oo. c--1 eae eee Ree eae ae eee 108 ATE StODG ICONS 5. reeee oe eos Pe AS = os cs ee Oe ee 121 AB Stone ddols: 2 maniac sect Saise sae a esre chaet SNe eee en Se 121 49., Grooved (stone axes 5--<-eeeeper ae mai. 2s ook eh eee ee 123 50) ‘Grooved:stone'axes-te ees fe a ee geet 2 PPE We. ot ee eee wee 123 51 Grooved\ stone axes Ser = ee ye ny ee 123 52:5, Grooved stone axes ie 6 sos sscse ele See Ree erase 124 53. Grooved. stone axes). 4-cca7 chet ee oe kc = see eee 124 54.. Groovedistone:axes: Grinding-stones). .:23- assesses 44-te ot eet eee ee eee 126 63. Manos: <... ..ccee zs sttopecters dite = 3 Bey Gc hee are eee ee ee 126 64:, Mortars:andpestle: =... 5. 2 325 tos oe eee es rae eee 127 65. ‘Mortars... ....2tiesjacc eis yssen2 Je Socpshieaee sees oy sees eee eee 128 66. -Proplematicalstonesobjects' 22-- 4-4 sees-e ae eee eee eee eee 129 672. Miscellaneous objects..-.........-/.=. 3 hncqceee eee EER ee 130 68. -Stone:diske. . 23 ..250.- Sree ae ee eee aoe ee ee eee eh UG 69) Stone'ballsand disk. ..-.. = 3 foeesoctee- soeee Se eeee ee igi 131 70. Stone shovels: .. .2=.:--A-G2esneeed d= c3.55s-eos- be ee eee oe 131 71.y. Stone shovels... «. s2s.9-tahe as-is reie- Soe Cb Sabet tie Ae 131 We SPOUCTY. . ances cc ese tre Op eae oe eee ae 5 eee eee 133 78, Potteryicz Sees o=cecanes oe gages = ks DoE Sete Ss ao Eee 133 74, Clay: ObjeCtse sa2)3 apes 2% eae o nin ie eee ees SE Ee 137 75eihell, Carvangss<. 2n.< 5 a922 - =e Reed eee eee ee a py As 76. Wooden shovels or: spades--:- <= a02e2=-cho-ce-ne oe Sereeeeee te oe 146 77. Wooden: paddles. ....225 05> 2005 “a8 -baseetees = Spach aeeeette ae 146 78. Modern objects found onisurface)< .< 2.2556 a. sees seeeee meee 2 147 Figure 1. Sketch of Casa Grande ruin (Mange)......--..-..-....-..---.---- 55 2. Ground plan of Casa Grande ruin (Mange)...-......------...---.- 55 3. Ground plan’of,Compound Ai(Hont)) eons se sen epeee a eeeenre 59 4. Casa Grande in 1846 (after a drawing by Stanley)......-.......-. 64 5. Casa Grande sms! 8467(OnDston) eae secs = epee oe annie 65 6: (CasaGrande in 852) (Bartleth) reese neem ae se tee oie 66 7. Casa (Grande ruin, arom! themoubh= see. o esse seo ee er eee eeeon 73 8. Interior of room, showing doorway and lines of floor.....-..----.-- 75 "Interior ot northiroon, lookimewestq.-s-s sess ose eeee sae see 76 10. Casa Grande ruin, looking northwest..........-.-...-..----------- 78 11. Southeast corner of ruin, showing part of east wall........--..-.-- 83 12> West. walliof Pont? s oom (aDOuUt SOO) eee eas ee eee eva 87 13. Ground plan of Compound B (made before completion of excava- tions), showing height of walls in feet ............=-------- bee 96 14 Ground plantol Compound! Osc. enn a. oe ee eee 103 15. (Ground! plan of Compound sD) ese e sis ian ee eee 104 16. Hand-prints and eroded base of wall of house in Compound D.... 105 Fieure 17. 18. 19. 20. mills 22. 23. 24. La 26. Pike 28. 29. 30. ale 32: aan 34. 35. 36. Ole 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. ILLUSTRATIONS 31 Page Gxound planvaliClan=housemlemesea tec ce sp eecieceser sss se ececsa ce 107 Sarcophagus in room K of annex to Clan-house 1...-.........--. 108 Seat in room M, Clan-house 1, looking northeast. ..............- 109 Seat in room M, Clan-house 1, looking southwest............--.-- 110 Stohewmape osmountaimsheepes...--- 5-0-6 -cceecensem soc nncs 122 LONG suxee seeterertar clare oes oes re ce clevern same meee Sek eee teisis = 123 DIN Cpe Bae tetera aper tare 8 che ce ope eet sere esis oe serie nis CAA Sere miele, Pach cce Bie 123 LONGI see ee bitte ne Me BS ee a eas Rees oem edaeacane = 124 Groovedsdouole-edpelanmere tins oe ces 2n.¢ See vecece sasomstaeaes 125 LONG Dann Oy are aoe a emai es Sey a ae es aes ies cei oe 126 Mumib=belllishaped stone mal. = 22. s.nece 2-2 ee eae eee eee 127 Rlummet-ikero bj chine cee a Se ae Ae aa onesies «2S 127 Tooltorrubbineorprinding: pipment.-=--..-----a--.2-3--s252~ 128 Paint pestle from burial in annex room M, Clan-house 1.....-....- 129 Perforated stone slab of unknown use....---.....--.--.---------- 129 Perforated stone disk ised in) game = =)')o-—.. -22see ss ece eases ans 130 iKniferorsprojeculle poUnte ee, -2 5 SA ee see ode cece ees: 13 Stoneiballs. . 2252.2. Side oe SRNR ee iain fan Cotes wie eles OS 132 SLAVS [eXeGl Goh kA ee COs eee os a Oe oe eee 133 Sioneormamente mane a0 27 ese ka. ec Le pee axe 133 Onnamentiolyjaspenyas secs yo eee eS sees ese iene 133 Mooth-shaped pendant of stone: — == .5-< 5-25-22 ess se ees cece 133 Shave lawathehan Glee cette eisai ee elses alc west ceee eee 134 Three-legged earthenware dish...........--.-..---------------- 135 Pottery iracment bearing bird?s‘head=:-.222:222...22----22+-2--- 135 Bow] bearing bird’s head decoration (restored)-............------ 136 Spmalemuborlseneas-epeern jose aoe k cs oserleeesed osece Sate oes LB Y/ Fragment of burnt clay having lines incised in surface ........... 138 Earthenware bow! decorated with triangle pattern..............- 139 Triangle:design decorating "bow! -.-.----2-.+---22s.s22+---2=-~- 140 Desionidecoratinpeyaserase pce os Seneca ese Ate eee 141 ipracelewotrecrumenls Shellie sce. see es seodee oa fate een aee ae 144 Shell (Conus) finger ring decorated with incised design.-.......-- 144 SING Uae Rome EA ane OOO eae Ae = ae Tee ee ae ee 144 Gopperninella ses tema esr te etter aces pa eset gee: eA 148 Incised pictograph of ‘‘the House of Tcuhu”.............------- 149 Model of Pima circular house constructed south of Compound A.. 153 Typical modern Pima rectangular dwelling......-...--..-.------ 154 wal et ftseg betta st j > i 2 cu) ge Saovtnicipaad sere, . oa ~ ees enahtinlaas ecite: henge Mond o> 3 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA By JEssE Wiatia FEWKES INTRODUCTION The ruin known by the Spanish name Casa Grande, ‘‘Great House,” is situated near the left bank of the Gila River about 12 miles from the site of the present town of Florence, Ariz. Immediately after the discovery of Casa Grande by Father Kino, in 1694, there arose a legend, which became persistent, that it was one of the halting places of the Aztec on their way south, or that it was connected in some way with the southern migrations of Mexican tribes. We find it desig- nated also, in early, and even in later writings, Casa Montezuma, or the House of Montezuma, a name that in late years has passed prac- tically out of use, the ruin being now universally known, among both Americans and Mexicans, as Casa Grande, the name given it by Father Kino. The Pima Indians, who dwell in the neighborhood, claim Casa Grande as the habitation of one of their ancient chiefs, and designate it by several names, among which are Vaaki, Old . House; Civanavaaki, Old House of the Chief; and Sialim Civanavaaki, Old House of Chief Morning Green. Casa Grande was a ruin when discovered and has not been perma- nently inhabited since it was first seen by a white man. The identity of its builders has furnished a constant theme for speculation from the discovery of the ruin to the present time. Although it has been ascribed to the Aztec, there is no evidence that the ancient people who inhabited this building were closely related to any tribes of the Mexican plateau, whose culture, as indicated by archeologic remains, was different from that of the Pueblos, or sedentary tribes of New Mexico and Arizona. The age of Casa Grande and contiguous remains is unknown, but there is good reason to believe that settle- ments on their site were older than most of the present pueblos or cliff-dwellings. The Pima claim, however, that it is not so old as ruins of the same general character situated near Phoenix, on Salt River, a slfort distance from its junction with the Gila. 20903°—28 ETH—12——3 33 34 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [writ. ANN, 28 Some of the Pima formerly had a superstitious fear of Casa Grande which at times led them to avoid it,’ especially at night, and many do not now willingly sleep or camp near this remarkable monument of antiquity—a feeling that has given rise to stories that Casa Grande is haunted. It is believed by some Indians that at times flames issue from the ruin; several Pima women were seen to cross themselves when passing near it. Although Casa Grande is situated a considerable distance from the nearest railroad station, it can be conveniently reached by carriage either from the town of Florence, or from Casa Grande station on the Southern Pacific Railroad. The route to the ruin via Florence is slightly shorter than that from Casa Grande station, enabling one to make the visit and return in a single day. There are a hotel and livery stables in both towns, but the visitor should provide for his own refreshment at the ruin, where there is a good well with abundant water.” After leaving Florence the road to Casa Grande follows the left bank of the Gila westward, crossing a level stretch and skirting for a few miles the base of a low gravelly mesa. The first aboriginal object of interest met with is a group of Indian huts situated on the left of this road. This settlement is of recent origin; the rectangular houses composing it are built in the old style and inhabited by Pa- pago. Near it looms a low white mound indicating an ancient ruin, which will well repay a brief visit. Following the road farther west- ward, the traveler passes through a cluster of houses known as Adams- ville (pl. 1), formerly called Sanford’s Mill, an old Mexican settlement; this consists of a double row of rambling roofless houses built of adobe: Although Adamsville is one of the ‘‘dead”’ towns of Arizona and for the most part is deserted, a Mexican family still lives in a fairly well preserved room at the west end of the village. The walls of an old gristmill are still pointed out and those of the former hotel can still be traced. This settlement was once an important station * on the stage-coach route between Tucson and Phoenix, and many stories are current regarding the stirring events which took place in these now tenantless rooms when Apache roamed unrestricted the plains of Arizona. The foundations of the adobe walls have been much 1 This is not true of most of the Pima. While engaged in relating to the writer the accompanying legends of Casa Grande, Thin Leather slept for several weeks in the west room of the ruin. The hooting of the owls which nest in the upper walls may add tothe Pimas’ dread of it, but did not seem todisturb him. Several rattlesnakes have been killed in this room, the record of the area covered by the mounds being 20 for the year the writer was engaged in work on Compound A. 2 The resident custodian, Mr. Frank Pinckley, has built his house in Compound A, and has likewise dug a well, no water having been available when he took up his residence at the ruin. On account of the extreme heat in midsummer, the autumn, winter, or spring months are the best seasons of the year in which to visit the ruins at Casa Grande. 3 Several persons in Florence, known to the writer, who were born in Adamsville, remember when it was a flourishing town. , 4If the walls of this place could speak they could recount many bloodcurdling tales of early Arizona history. The son of the Pima chief, Antonio Azul, is said to have been killed in this village. (THAW S:;GYOANVS) ATIIASNVGV We | | 3LW1d LYOdSY IWANNY HLH9SIS-ALNSML ADOIONHLA NVOINSWY 4O NVaHyHnd BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2 FROM THE SOUTHWEST FROM THE SOUTHEAST TCURIKVAAKI IAVVAMIYNOL GNVY SGNVYS VSVO N3SML3aq NINY 4O T1VM 4O NOILOSS € 3LV1d 1LYOd3Y TIWANNV HLHDIS-ALNSML ADSOTONHL]A NVOINSWY 4O NvaH"NA FEWKES] INTRODUCTION 85 weakened by rains and in a few years the buildings now standing will fall to the ground: Somewhat off the main road to Casa Grande, about half a mile south of Adamsville, on a plateau or mesa, rises a cluster of mounds! indicat- ing the site of a settlement called by the Pima Tcurikvaaki (tewrik, “bisnaga cactus’’; vdaki, “old house’’), which is well worth visiting. This ruin (pl. 2) is approached from the Casa Grande highway by a rarely traveled road, not much more than a wagon track, branching from the main thoroughfare a short distance west of the town. The standing walls of a house? that rise considerably above the surface of one of the mounds resemble in structure and general appearance those of Casa Grande. Among the mounds in this cluster is one oval in shape with a central depression indicating a former tank or reservoir. Near by, the surrounding wall of a large compound, including a high mound, suggests that Tcurikviaki was formerly a place of consid- erable importance. From this ruin there is a road to Casa Grande which passes a large, conspicuous mound, the site of another ancient Indian settlement. This mound (pl. 3) is instructive because it shows sections of a wall formerly inclosing a rectangular area, suggesting the surrounding wall at Casa Grande. If the visitor follows the direct route from Adamsville to Casa Grande without making a detour to the Indian mounds above men- tioned, he can discern the roof, of corrugated iron, painted red, for some distance before he arrives at his destination. On each side of the road the traveler passes several small mounds belonging to the Casa Grande Group, which are situated not far from the large pyram- idal elevations marking Compound B. The high range on the north side of the Gila in full sight of the traveler the whole way from Florence to Casa Grande is called Super- stition Mountains. This range separates part of the Gila Valley from the valley of the Salt River; it is a very wild and broken area, ending precipitously on the south and the west. Concerning this region many Pima legends are extant, the best known of which recounts how a flood once covered the whole earth.’ To this place an antediluvian chief, named White Feather, followed by his band, once retreated, climbing to the top of these mountains for safety. The water is said to have risen in the valley to a level half-way up the mountain side, 1 The ruins in the Gila-Salt Valley resembling Casa Grande are considered in another report, Prehistoric Ruins of the Gila Valley (in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, No. 1873). 2 The writer has been informed that Dr. Carlos Montezuma was sold in this house by a Pima Indian. 3 This is supposed to be the flood the legend of which is still related by old men of the Patki clans of Walpi, who say it was the cause of their ieaving Palatkwabi, the mythic southern home of this people. The Pima have a legend of a place in southern Arizona out of which at one time water gushed and cov- ered the whole earth. Here they made offerings, which are continued even to the present day. They call the place by. a name meaning ‘‘where women cry,” for a child was once sacrificed there to cause the waters to subside. 36 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [erH. ANN. 28 where there is now a stratum of white rock! which is clearly visible from Casa Grande. White Feather is said to have taken his stand on top of one of the pinnacles, whence he addressed his followers, re- minding them that he had exhausted his magic power in vain efforts to stay the flood. But one supreme resource to control the rising water still remained. As he spoke, he held aloft in the palm of one hand a medicine-stone, invoking the aid of the Sky god, who in reply sent a bolt of lightning that shattered the stone. But as the chief turned to his followers they were found to be petrified where they stood, and there they still stand as rocky pinnacles.” There are many Indian shrines in Superstition Mountains, and as the wind whistles through the deep recesses the Indian fancies he can hear the moans of the shades of the dead who inhabit those dreary canyons. Another less conspicuous hill, called Walker’s Butte, on the north side of the Gila not far from the river bank, is constantly in sight for a long distance from the road from Florence to Casa Grande. Near its base ruined housewalls were discovered, and other remains of aboriginal life, as pictographs, can be found on lava rocks in the neighborhood. The traveler along this road catches glimpses also of the lofty Santa Catalina Mountains far to the southeast, while to the south rises the distant Casa Grande Range. A solitary peak called Pichacho Moun- tain is aspurof a range of the same name that lies to the southeast, marking the position of a pass through which the early travelers entered this region from Mexico. Near this peak was situated in old times a Pima settlement called Akutchin, (‘mouth of the creek’’), inhabited from early Spanish times down to a comparatively late date. The mountain itself, known as Tceacca by the Pima, is also associated with Pima legends of the country.*?- The area about the ruin of Casa Grande is broken by but few elevations. The vegetation in the vicinity of Casa Grande consists mainly of desert growth—mesquite trees, sagebrush, and giant cacti. After the spring rains begin many herbs appear, some ,bearing small flowers which carpet the earth with variegated colors. Long before one comes to the largest mounds (pl. 4) at Casa Grande, fragments of pottery and other indisputable evidences of former human occupancy may be detected on the surface of the ground. At a Mexican adobe house a few miles from the ruins, near the Gila River, can be traced a long ditch, filled in here and there, marking the site of the prehistoric 1 A feature of the huge butte here rising to the right of the road to Roosevelt Dam, resembling in form an eagle, by which name it is known to the Pima. 2 These pinnacles are in plain sight from the road from Mesa to Roosevelt Dam. They are results of ero- sion, the work of which ona vast scale is visible in many places on the slopes of the Superstition Mountains. 8 There are still a few Pima and Papago huts in the neighborhood. ISSMHLYON DNIMOOT ‘SNINY 4O dNOYD SGNVYD vVSVO 4O M&IA SAS-S.Guld nn On ne SLV1d LYOdSY IVANNVY HLHDIS-ALNAML ADOTONHL]A NVOINSWY JO NVAYNd ae “ ’ ' i) ‘ i ‘ ty fae CLAN HOUSE “i ue CLAN HOUSE 2 CLAN HOUSE + & 1 PRIN Bn 3 GENERAL VIEW OF CASA GRANDE GROUP OF RUINS TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE §& COMPOUND D RES S4ONW MAES ay Ps. Is my CLAN HOUSE 1 OF RUINS FEWKES] WORK OF EXCAVATION AND REPAIR 37 irrigation canal, resembling a modern ditch in approximately the same place. There is no considerable outcrop of rock in the immediate vicin- ity of Casa Grande and the neighboring plain is almost wholly devoid * of stones large enough to use in the construction of walls; neverthe- less, several rooms have stones of considerable size built into the foundations of their walls. WORK OF EXCAVATION AND REPAIR The excavation of the mounds of Casa Grande was conducted by the Smithsonian Institution by means of appropriations made by Congress for the purpose, the work extending through two winters (1906-07 and 1907-08). The first season’s field work was limited to what is here designated Compound A; the second to Compound B and Clan-house 1, together with considerable work on Compounds Cand D2 (PI. 5.) First SEASON COMPOUND A In the first season the excavations were begun at the base of the two fragments of walls rising from the ground at the southwest angle of Compound A. At the beginning of the work the writer was wholly ignorant of the existence of a wall surrounding the area now called Compound A, the object of opening the mound at the base of the outside fragment being to repair the base with cement to prevent its fallmg. With the exception of several low mounds, more or less scattered, the area about the historic building, Casa Grande, was 1 Certain implements from Casa Grande, as hatchets and axes, were apparently made from stones col- lected in the river bed or washed into view along the arroyos. 2 The manual work of excavation and repair was performed by Pima Indians together with several white men who voluntarily assisted, among whom should be mentioned the custodian, Mr, Frank Pinckley, and Messrs. Hugh Hartshorne, Thomas Ackerman, the late Thomas Ray, and others. Road building, cutting away underbrush, grading, and incidental work, necessary to open the ruin to visitors, consumed some time during both seasons. In order to aid those who wish to know when early discoverers visited Casa Grande, and to enable them to follow descriptions where the designations Compounds A, B, C, etc., are used in this report, signboards bearing that information were erected at convenient places. Wooden steps were also placed wherever they could facilitate mounting to the tops of the pyramids. The Pima workmen above mentioned were natives of the neighboring town of Blackwater, a collection of modern houses, settled by colonists from Casa Blanca. At the time of the discovery of Casa Grande and for several years thereafter, there was a Pima settlement called Uturitue (‘the corner’’), a few miles from Casa Grande, near the Gila. The natives were driven out of this settlement, the site of which is said to have been washed away as the result of a change in the course of the river. The writer has heard an old Pima call Casa Grande Uturituc, owing to a confusion of localities. San Juan Capistrano de Uturituc is thusreferred to by Father Pedro Font (1775): ‘This town consists of smalllodges of the kind that the Gilefos use . . . They lodged meina large hut [possibly like the ‘‘Cap- illa’’ on the San Pedro] which they constructed to that end and in front of it they placed a large cross, pagans though they were . . . In the afternoon I went to the town with Father Garces and the governor, Papago de Cojet, to see the fields. Their milpas are inclosed by stakes, cultivated in sections with fine canals or draws, and are excessively clean. They are close by the town on the banks of the river, which is large in the season of the freshets.”’ 38 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 level, no sign of the boundary wall of the compound projecting above the surrounding plain. On excavating to the base of the western, or outermost, of the two fragments it was discovered that the true foundations are deep below the eroded part and that a thick wall extends north and south from that point. This wall was found to continue to a point 420 feet to the north, where it turns at right angles, forming the northwest corner of the compound, thence running 230 feet in an easterly direction. Thus was brought to ight the west wall, the longest wall of any compound in the Casa Grande Group of ruins. It was then a simple task to trace the three remaining walls, those forming the north, south, and east sides of the compound. \ (PI. 6.) After the surrounding walls of Compound A had been traced throughout their whole length by excavation, a trench being dug along the outside of each to its foundations, it was necessary to remove the earth that had accumulated without and within the inclosure through the years that had passed since Compound A had been abandoned. This was an undertaking of magnitude. When Casa Grande was inhabited the wall of the compound was probably 7 feet high. The upper part (about 3 feet) had fallen level with the ground, about 4 feet above the base, and the débris had filled in along the base throughout the whole length and breadth of the compound.' This great accumulation of clayey soil was removed by means of scrapers and transported to the distance of about 50 feet from the compound. In addition to the removal of the earth that had fallen outside the compound,’ on the four sides, a drain was dug from the base of each wall along its entire length. This was constructed with sufficient incline to convey water from the wall into a larger ditch extending from the northeast corner to a depression 200 feet away. Similar removals of earth were made and similar ditches constructed on all sides of Compound A; the aggregate length of the drains thus made about this compound is not far from 1,500 feet. The construction of the main drainage ditch just mentioned was a work of considerable magnitude, as it was necessary, in order to insure the requisite fall, to cut through several elevations or refuse- heaps, that obstructed the course. In addition to the draining ditches above described, a layer of clay coated with a thin layer of cement was placed along the bases of the walls of Compound A to prevent undermining and rapid destruction of their foundations; in some places Mexican adobes were laid on top of the wall to shed water and preserve it from erosion. The foundations of the walls 1A preliminary report on the excavations made in 1906-7 was published in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, L (No. 1772), 1907. E 2 The accumulation of earth on the east side near the southeast angle was not removed. It is conjectured that this part of the compound was once occupied by small huts, the habitations of the people. NORTH VY GNNOdWOO 3O NV1d GNNOYSD Fem seated D. aes \ ae H ———S-=- oy, Buipjing 3sey YON WSIS SSS Upposed Wall i! Wesson ade ie SU x voqaiay4s vfopy 7v412Ua9 Burpy Ing 3seq YYy, OX YY g Yl d Y / A g Y | GEE Mi nA ea Ce pS a aly 7G j Ss UIPjing 4a}Ua> Ue Z JU SASIMOXA/LOM Buipjing 3SaM Y3NOS © —_ee——-- i] VTL ESS fg , i Suipling 359M 4340N 9 3LV1d LYOd3Y IVNNNV HLHSIS-ALNAML ADOTONHL]A NVOINSWY JO Nv3aHyNa 1isva AHL WOus ‘Vv GNNOdWOO 4O M3IA 3A3-S.aula eee Z£31v1d 1LYOd3Y IWANNY HLHDIS-ALNSML ASOTONHL]A NVOIYSWY JO Nv3aHNG FEWKES ] WORK OF EXCAVATION AND REPAIR 39 were pierced at intervals to prevent water from accumulating in the compound. The excavations within the compound were even more extensive than those outside; from this inclosure a larger amount of débris had to be removed to a greater distance than from the area outside the walls. A block of rooms was excavated in the southwest mound from which rise the two fragments of walls above mentioned. It is instructive to note that the east walls of these rooms are worn down more than the west walls, which are still several feet high, and that the effects of erosion are also more marked on the east side of the historic structure of Casa Grande. The condition may be explained in this way: Originally the east walls were probably not so high as the west walls, a terrace, or platform, being situated on the former side, but the prevailing storms, which come from the east, beating with greater force against the eastern walls, caused them to disin- tegrate more rapidly. The now conspicuous row of six ceremonial rooms extending from the northeast corner of the historic building to the north wall of the compound presented the appearance before excavation merely of a low ridge. This ridge, or mound, was a favorite camping place for visitors, especially when the sun was high, the walls of the building making here a pleasant shade. The excavation and removal of the earth from these six rooms and the clearing away of the fallen material from the foundations of the outer walls proved to be a work of considerable magnitude.? The removal of the earth from the plaza in the northwest part of Compound A to the former level of its floor, the excavation of the room in the northwest angle, and the transportation of the accumu- lations of earth alone necessitated the employment of many workmen for a considerable period. Much time was consumed in clearing out the large, cluster of rooms on the northeast side of the compound. When excavation began at this point nothing was visible but a large mound. The massive-walled building ‘east of Casa Grande, the west wall of which rose several feet above the surface of the mound, was not difficult to excavate, as the earth could be readily removed and the distance to the dump was not great. The southeast section of the compound, which presents no conspicuous elevation, still awaits excavation. (Pl. 7.) To show the supposed character of the habitations of the ancient people of Compound A, a Pima circular hut (fig. 53) was built near the southwest angle, outside the inclosure. 1 Some walls which especially needed protection against the elements were capped with adobe bricks to prevent erosion. » 2The number of cubic yards of earth removed from this vicinity was not accurately determined, but some idea of the aggregate may be given by the statement that 10 scrapers were employed for almost a month in accomplishing this result. 40 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 SECOND SEASON The field work carried on in 1907-8 was devoted to Clan-house 1 and to Compounds B, C, and D, beginning with an attempt to deter- mine the position of the surrounding wall of Compound B. The only indication of the existence of this wall was a low “platform,’’ or elevation, mentioned by several authors, rising a few feet above the surface of the plain. COMPOUND B The boundary wall of this compound was first encountered at its southeast angle and the first section to be laid bare was the~south wall. Having determined the course and length of this wall, the débris was removed from its foundation so that the wall stood clear for an average height of 3 feet. A drain was dug about 5 feet from the base to carry the surplus water into a depression a few hundred feet northwest of the compound. The determination of the east wall of Compound B was somewhat more difficult than that of the north and west walls because of a reconstruction, or change in direction, possibly by way of repair by the builders, at the southeast corner. The east wall was found to be for the greater part more massive than the south wall and more dilapidated on top than the other walls. The excavation of the north wall followed the completion of the work on the east, the débris about it being removed by means of scrapers. Provision was made for turning all drainage to the northwest corner where the level was somewhat lower than elsewhere; thence the water was conducted into a depression a hundred feet away. The subterranean. room under the northeast wall of Compound B was roofed over to prevent it being filled with water, which in course of time would have destroyed the floor and other evidences of its existence. The wall of the compound, which passes over’ this sub- terranean room, was in danger of falling. In order to prevent this a support made of masonry was placed under it, resting on the floor of the underground room. More earth had to be removed from the base of the west wall of Compound B than from all the others combined, a fact which suggests that formerly this wall was higher than the others but that a con- siderable portion had fallen or been worn down, burying the founda- tions. The task of carrying away earth that had fallen from the walls on the outer side and the removal of débris that had washed over it from a neighboring refuse-heap was a considerable one. When this work was finished the wall stood, in the middle, about 10 feet in height. The excavation of the plazas and rooms adjoining the two great pyramids, or inclosed mounds, of Compound B was not so difficult FEWKES] WORK OF EXCAVATION AND REPAIR 41 as in the case of Compound A, but the removal of the earth was more tedious, it being necessary to carry the material a greater distance. The difficulties of work in Compound B were somewhat increased by the presence of successive floors, one below another. This condition was found on the tops of the mounds and in the plazas, necessitating careful excavation by hand. The outlines of the many fragile-walled houses supported by rows of posts could readily be followed, but as the supports were much decayed, provision for the preservation of evidence of the existence of these rooms, which otherwise under the torrential summer rains would soon be destroyed, had to be made. ‘To indicate the positions of the upright supports of these walls, new posts of cottonwood were inserted in the old holes, most of which were found to be filled with fine yellow sand and the decayed remains of the former supports. The fireplaces in the middle of the floors of these fragile-walled rooms, opposite the entrances, were protected with wooden covers. The floors were smoothly made and evidently had been tramped down. The bases of all the walls exposed by the excavation work were strengthened with cement, so that they might resist longer the action of the water. CLAN-HOUSE 1 The excavation and repair of Clan-house 1 were satisfactorily completed. No walls were visible when work began, but two low ash-colored mounds were traceable among the mesquite trees, indicat- ing the site of a large building; there was no means of knowing, how- ever, the shape or size of the rooms later brought to light. As work progressed on the larger, or more westerly, of these mounds, the west wail of a large building was the first to be traced. Having determined the position of the southwest corner, the removal of earth from the south and west walls was easily accomplished. The earth was hauled some distance from the walls by means of scrapers and later provi- sion was made for diverting the surface drainage on these two sides. The outside of the east and north walls was similarly treated. Tem- porary roadways left about midway in the west wall were utilized for hauling the material removed from the central room. The plaza east of this room was filled originally with earth to the level of the top of the compound walls; the removal of this to the level of the floors of the central room and plaza required about a month. The bases of the walls were treated with cement and shallow drains parallel with them were dug to carry away the surplus water. The presence of unusually large accumulations of earth in the rooms of Clan-house 1 can not be accounted for wholly by the falling 42 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 of the material eroded from the top of the walls, but was due in part to drifted sand, which for the greater part filled the rooms of the compounds. The sandstorms left deposits at the bases of the walls, both within and without, the sand often drifting like snow; but when the drift was once arrested by the walls and by roots of mes- quite trees, and weighted down by the adobe that fell from the walls, the'rooms and walls were eventually covered. COMPOUNDS C AND D The amount of excavation and repair work on Compounds C and D was not so extensive as on Compounds A and B. Neither of the former contained high mounds, and apparently neither ever had included extensive buildings with thick high walls. The walls of the central building of Compound C were low and few in number. The corners and surrounding walls in Compounds C and D having been determined, part of the accumulated earth was removed, provision being made for protection of the wall where necessary. In both these compounds the surrounding wall had been worn down almost to the level of the plain, a low platform being the only visible evidence of its former existence. TRADITIONS The question, Who built Casa Grande? has been repeatedly asked the Pima Indians dwelling in the neighborhood from the time of its discovery in 1694 and their answer has generally come to be, the “Hohokam,’’ or Ancients. But if their old men are interrogated more closely they frequently mention the name of a chief (civan) called Morning Green, who, they affirm, constructed the buildings and ruled over the inhabitants. There is internal evidence that the legends they relate of this chief are not inventions of the modern Pima; at all events incidental references to him as master of the Wind gods and the Rain gods date back to Father Font’s narrative in 1775. Modern variants of the legends are probably somewhat embellished, however, by repetition from one generation to another.! The Pima conception of this chief is best indicated by quoting a few folk-tales, some of which have not been published while others have been known for many years. 1Dr. Frank Russell’s excellent monograph on The Pima Indians (26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.) shows the wealth of Pima (or Maricopa?) material still available. This material, like all legends, can be treated in a scientific way in the interpretation of culture and should not be rejected by archeologists. Ethnology is simply culture-history, of which archeology is one chapter. Neglect of ethnology in the study of the archeology of the American Indians is unfortunate. Some of the Pima told the writer that his interpreter had made mistakes in interpretations, so that what is given here can be regarded only as approximations to truth. As will appear in many of these legends, the chief of Casa Grande is exalted into a cultus-hero, who had extraordinary magic powers; in some stories he is represented as the supernatural offspring of the sun and a maid. ISSMHLNOS 3HL WOYS “SGNVYD vsvO 8 ALV1d tLHOd3SY IWANNVY HLHDIS-ALNAML ADSOIONHL]A NVOINSWY JO Nv3aHnd ~ ao. aie rN = SJQONVYS vSVO 3O YANYOO ILSVASHLYON (galepuryy mor ) 6 3LV1id 1LYOdSY IVNNNVY HLHDIS-ALNAML ADSOTONHL] NVOIYSWY 40 NV3HNa FEWKES] TRADITIONS 43 There still survive among the Mexicans living in the neighborhood of Casa Grande (pls. 8, 9) a few stories connecting Montezuma with this ruin. One day while the writer was at work on Compound B, an old Mexican who visited the place said that several years ago as he was driving past the ruin from Florence to his farm, which is south of the main building, a man with a long white beard, clad only in a single short garment, stopped him and without a word took his seat on the wagon. When they arrived at Casa Grande the mysterious personage alighted and without speaking entered the ruin; he was never seen again. The Mexican asked whether the writer thought this strange person was Montezuma the old chief. Font’s LEGEND This legend (1775) contains the following story (related to Father Font by the governor of Uturituc), which is the oldest legendary account of Casa Grande, or Civanavaaki,! extant, from Pima sources: He [the governor] said— That in a very distant time there came to that land a man who, because of his evil disposition and harsh sway, was called The Bitter Man; that this man was old and had a young daughter; that in his company there came another man who was young, who was not his relative nor anything, and that he gave him in marriage his daughter, who was very pretty, the young man being handsome also, and that the said old man had with him as servants the Wind and the Storm-cloud. That the old man began to build that Casa Grande and ordered his son-in-law to fetch beams for the roof of the house. That the young man went far off, and as he had no ax nor anything else with which to cut the trees, he tarried many days, and at the end he came back without bringing any beams. That the old man was very angry and told him he was good for nothing; that he should see how he himself would bring beams. That the old man went very far off to a mountain range where there are many pines and, calling on God to help him, he cut many pines and brought many beams for the roof of the house. That when this Bitter Man came, there were in that land neither trees nor plants, and he brought seeds of all and he reaped very large harvests with his two servants, the Wind and the Storm-cloud, who served him. That by reason of his evil disposition he grew angry with the two servants and turned them away and they went very far off; and as he could no longer harvest any crops through lack of the servants, he ate what he had gathered and came near dying of hunger. That he sent his son-in-law to call the two servants and bring them back and he could not find them, seek as he might. That thereupon the old man went to seek them and, having found them, he brought them once more into his service, and with their aid he had once more large crops, and thus he continued for many years in that land; and after a long time they went away and nothing more was heard of them. He [the governor] said also, that after the old man there came to that land a man called The Drinker, and he grew angry with the people of that place and he sent much water so that the whole country was covered with water, and he went toa very high mountain range which is seen from there, and which is called The Mountain of the Foam (Sierra de la Espuma), and he took with him a little dog and a coyote. (This mountain range [Superstition Mountains] is called “of the foam” because at the end of it, which is cut off and steep like the corner of a bastion, there is seen high 1 The term Civanavéaki, which has been translated “chief of the ancient house,”’ is a general term applied also to other casas grandes in the Gila-Salt Valley. 44 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ern. ann. 28 up near the top a white brow as of rock, which also continues along the range for a good distance, and the Indians say that this is the mark of the foam of the water which rose to that height.) That The Drinker went up, and left the dog below that he might notify him when the water came too far, and when the water reached the brow of the foam the dog notified The Drinker, because at that time the animals talked, and the latter carried him up. That after some days The Drinker Man sent the Rose-sucker (Chuparosas) to Coyote to bring him mud; they brought some to him and of the mud he made men of different kinds, and some turned out good and others bad. That these men scattered over the land, upstream and downstream; after some time he sent some men of his to see if the other men upstream talked; these went, and returned saying that although they talked, they had not understood what they said, and that The Drinker Man was very angry because these men talked without his having given them leave. That next he sent other men downstream to see those who had gone that way and they returned saying that they had received them well, that they spoke another tongue but that they had understood them. Then The Drinker Man told them that those men downstream were the good men and there were such as far as the Opa, with whom they are friendly, and there were the Apache, who are their enemies. He [the governor] said also that at one time The Drinker Man was angry with the people and killed many and transformed them into saguaros (giant cacti), and on this account there are so many saguaros in that country . . . Furthermore, he said that at another time The Drinker Man was very angry with the men and caused the sun to come down to burn them, and was making an end of them; that he now begged him much not to burn them, and therefore The Drinker Man said that he would no longer burn them and then he told the sun to go up, but not as much as before, and he told them that he left it lower in order to burn them by means of it, if ever they made him angry again, and for this reason it is so hot in that country in summer. j He [the governor] added that he knew other stories; that he could not tell them because the time was up, and he agreed to tell them to us another day; but as we had laughed a little at his tales, which he related with a good deal of seriousness, we could not get him afterward to tell us anything more, saying that he did not know any more.! LEGENDS FROM OTHER SOURCES In the account of Casa Grande given by Johnston? he wrote (1847) as follows: The general asked a Pimo who made the house [Casa Grande] I had seen. “‘It is the ‘Cara [sic] de Montezuma,’” said he; ‘‘it was built by the son of the most beautiful woman who once dwelt in yon mountain; she was fair, and all the handsome men came to court her, but in vain; when they came, they paid tribute, and out of this small store, she fed all people in times of famine, and it did not diminish; at last, as she lay asleep, a drop of rain fell upon her navel, and she became pregnant, and brought forth a boy, who was the builder of all these houses.”’ Capt. F. E. Grossman * in 1871 made the following allusions to the Pima legends regarding Casa Grande: The Pimas claim to be the direct descendants of the chief S6’-h6. The children of S6/-h6 reinhabited the Gila River Valley, and soon the people became numerous. 1 It will be seen that there are some parts of this story almost identical with a story that follows, told the writer by Thin Leather in 1907-8. 2 Johnston, Journal, in Emory, Notes ofa Military Reconnoissance, Washington, 1848 (Ex. Doe. 41, 30tn Cong., Ist sess., 1848). 3 Smithsonian Report for 1871, p. 408. FEWKES] TRADITIONS © 45 One of the direct descendants of S6’-hé, King Si/-va-no, erected the Casas Grandes on the Gila River. Here he governed a large empire, before—long before—the Spaniards were known. The following quotation is taken from Bandelier’s report :* Mr. J. D. Walker, an old resident in the vicinity of Casa Grande, who has been to “me personally an excellent friend and valuable informant, told me this tale. The Gila Pimas claim to have been created on the banks of the river. After residing there for some time a great flood came that destroyed the tribe, with the exception of one man, called Ci-ho. He was of small stature, and became the ancestor of the present Pimas. The tribe, beginning to grow in numbers, built the villages now in ruins and also spread to the north bank of the river. But there appeared a monstrous eagle, which, occasionally assuming the shape of an old woman, visited the pueblos and stole women and children, carrying them to his abode in an inaccessible cliff. On one occasion the eagle seized a girl with the intention of making of her his wife. Ci-ho thereupon went to the cliff, but found it impossible to climb. The girl, who was still alive, shouted down to him the way of making the ascent. When the eagle came back, Ci-ho slew him with a sword, and thus liberated his people from the scourge.” The following existing Pima legends relating to Morning Green, chief of Casa Grande, were collected from Thin Leather (Kamaltkak), an old Pima regarded as one of the best informed story-tellers of the tribe? Some of his legends repeat statements identical with those told to Father Font, 137 years ago, a fact which proves ap- parently that they have been but little changed by intervening generations. The statement which recounts how Morning Green was miraculously conceived by a Hohokam maiden has been verified by several legendists. The following stories supplement published legends of this chief and other ancients and shed light on the condition of early society in the settlement over which Morning Green is said to have ruled. HOW A CHIEF OF ANOTHER ‘‘ GREAT HOUSE’’ ENTICED THE WOMEN FROM CASA GRANDE Morning Green, chief of Casa Grande, invited Chief Tcernatsing and his women to visit him. Tcernatsing lived in a great house situated near Gila Crossing, which is so far away from Casa Grande that he found it necessary to camp one night en route at the settlement on the Gila River opposite Sacaton. When the visitors arrived at Casa Grande a dance was celebrated in the open space north of Compound A, some- where between it and the circular wall inclosing a reservoir or “‘well.’’ Here the women who accompanied Tcernatsing danced with those of Casa Grande, singing the song: Ta sai na wi wh Sun shade sing with me My body will become a humming-bird When Tcernatsing came and witnessed the women dancing he shook his rattle and sang a magic song, which enticed all the women of Casa Grande to follow him to 1 Bandelier, Final Rep., pt. u, in Papers Arch. Inst. Amer., IV, p. 463, 1892. 2 For another version of this tale, see Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iii, p. 79. 3 Many other legends were collected, but these have no bearing on Casa Grande, and some of them have been published by previous observers, especially Doctor Russell, who obtained many of his stories from the same authority. It is said that most of these legends are from the Maricopa; several show missionary influence. 46 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 another dance place, nearer the Gila. Morning Green, who also sang a magic song, found it powerless ! to prevent the departure of the women, and he went back tohis house for a more powerful ‘‘medicine,’’ after which he returned to the dance and ordered his women back to their dwellings; but they were so much bewitched by the songs of Tcernatsing that they could not, or would not, obey him. Farther and farther from their homes Tcernatsing enticed the women, dancing first in one place and then in another until they came to his compound. Among the women who abandoned their home was the wife of Morning Green, who refused to return even after he sent a special messenger to her. The sequel of the legend is that Tcernatsing married Nactci, a daughter of Morning Green, making her father so angry that he sent a spider to bite his own grandson, off- spring of the union. When the boy was sick unto death Tcernatsing invited Morning Green to visit his grandson before the boy died. Morning Green relented and sent his daughter an herb (the name of which is lost) powerful enough to cure the spider’s bite, and thus the child’s life was spared.? Another legend of Chief Morning Green, also obtained from Thin Leather, affords an instructive glimpse of prehistoric thought. HOW TURQUOISES WERE OBTAINED FROM CHIEF MORNING GREEN One day, long ago, the women and girls of Casa Grande were playing an ancient game called toka,? formerly much in vogue at Casa Grande, but now no longer played by Pima. During the progress of the game a blue-tailed lizard was noticed descending into the earth at a spot where the stones were green.* The fact was so strange that it was reported to Morning Green, who immediately ordered excavation to be made. Here they eventually discovered many turquoises, with which they made, among other things, a mosaic covering for a chair that used to stand in one of the rooms of Casa Grande. This chair was carried away many years ago and buried, no one knows where. Morning Green also distributed so many turquoises among his people that the fame of these precious stones reached the ears of the Sun, in the East, who sent the bird with bright plumage (parrot?) to obtain them. When Parrot approached within a short distance of Casa Grande he was met by one of the daughters of the chief, who returned to the town and announced to her father the arrival of a visitor from the Sun, The father said, ‘‘Take this small stick, which is charmed, and when Parrot puts the stick into his mouth, you lead him to me.’’ But Parrot was not charmed by the stick and refused to take it into his mouth and the girl reported her failure. The chief answered, ‘‘Perhaps the strange bird would eat pumpkin seed,’’ and told his daughter to offer these tohim. She made the attempt without result and, returning, 1 Evidently Morning Green had met his equalin Tcernatsing, whose ‘‘ medicine ’’ was superior to that he employed on the first trial of magi¢ power. ’ 2Morning Green (Sialim Tcutuk) is regarded by the Pima as an historic personage. Civan is here inter- preted as a generic name for ‘‘chief,” not limited to Morning Green alone; all chiefs of the ancients are called civani. In commenting on the word Siba of Kino and Mange, and on Cibola, Doctor Russell puts this query: Is the similarity of this term (siba) to Shi’wona or Shi’wina, given by Mr. F. H. Cushing as the native name of the Zufi country, a mere coincidence? This question assumes a new significance if we remember that some of the Zufi clans originally came from villages ruled over by the Civani. 3 The players in this game were generally 10 in number, facing each other about 100 yards apart. Each participant had a pointed stick with which she caught a rope having a knot at each end. 4In a legend of the Hopi, turquoises are said to be the excrement of a reptile. The legend of the “throne” of Montezuma covered with turquoises may be of late introduction, but how the resemblance to the Mexican account is to be accounted for among the Pima does not appear; possibly by the same means as in the case of the name Montezuma. In this connection attention is directed to the “seat”? excavated in Clan-house 1 (fig. 19). FEWKES | TRADITIONS 47 reported that the bird refused pumpkin seed. The father then said, “Put the seed into a blanket and spread it before the bird; then perhaps you may capture him.”’ Still Parrot would not eat, and the father thereupon suggested watermelon seeds. But Parrot was not tempted by these nor by seeds of cat’s claw, nor was he charmed by charcoal.1 The chief of Casa Grande then told his daughter to tempt Parrot with corn well cooked and soaked in water, in a new food-bowl. Parrot was obdurate and would not taste it, but, noticing a turquoise bead of blue-green color, he swallowed it; when the two daughters of the chief saw this they brought to him a number of blue stones, which the bird greedily devoured. Then the girls brought valuable turquoise beads, which Parrot ate; then he flew away. The girls tried to capture him, but without success. He made his way through the air to the home of the Sun in the East, where he drank an emetic and vomited the turquoises, which the Sun god distributed among that people which reside near his house of rising, beyond the eastern moun- tains. This is the reason, it is said, why these people have many stone ornaments made of this material. But when the chief of Casa Grande heard that Parrot had been sent to steal his tur- quoises, he was greatly vexed and caused a violent rain to fall that extinguished all fires in the East. His magic power over the Rain god was so great that he was able even to extinguish the light of the Sun, making it very cold. Then the old priests gathered in council and debated what they should do. Man-Fox was first sent by them into the East to get fire, but he failed to obtain it, and then Road-runner was commissioned to visit Thunder, the only one that possessed fire, and steal his lighted torch. But when Thunder saw him running off with the torch he shot an arrow at the thief and sparks of fire were scattered around, setting afire every tree, bush, and other inflammable object, from which it happens that there is fire in every- thing. HOW MORNING GREEN LOST HIS POWER OVER THE WIND GODS AND THE RAIN GODS Morning Green is reputed to have had special magic power over two supernatural beings, known as Wind-manand Rain-man. Ithappened atone time that many people were playing a game with canes in the main plaza of Morning Green’s settlement [Casa Grande], on the south side of the compound; among these were Rain-man and Wind- man. The latter laid a wager that if he lost, his opponent should look on the charms of a certain maid. When Wind-man lost, in revenge he sent a great wind that blew aside her blanket, at which indignity she cried and complained of Wind-man to Morning Green, who was so angry that he made Rain-man blind, obliging him to be led about by his servant, the wind; he also banished both from Casa Grande. They went to the San Bernardino Mountains in what is now California and lived at Eagle Mountain, near the present town of Wadsworth, where as a consequence it rains continually. After the banishment of these two the rain ceased at Casa Grande for four years, and Morning Green sent Humming-bird to the mountains where Wind-man and Rain-man resided. Humming-bird carried with him a white feather, which he held aloft to detect thepresence ofthe wind. Three times he thus tried to discover Wind-man by the move- ment of this feather, but was not successful. When at last Humming-bird came to a place where there was much green grass he again held up the feather to see whether it showed any movement of the air. It responded by indicating a slight wind, and later he came to the spot where Wind-man and Rain-man were, but found them asleep. 1 Charcoal, the product of fire, is regarded by the Hopi Yaya, or fire priests, as possessing most powerful magic in healing diseases, especially those of the skin in which there is a burning sensation. 48 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ETH. ANN. 28 Humming-bird dropped a little medicine on the breasts of Wind-man and Rain- man, which caused them after a time to move and later to awake. When they had risen from their sleep Humming-bird informed them that Morning Green had sent him to ask them to return and again take up their abode with him at Casa Grande. Rain- man, who had no desire to return, answered, ‘‘ Why did Morning Green send us away?”’ and Wind-man said, ‘‘ Return to Morning Green and tell him to cut off his daughter’s hair and make from it a rope.! Bring this rope to me and I will tie it about my loins that Rain-man, who is blind, may catch hold of it while Iam leading him. But advise all in Casa Grande to take the precaution to repair the roofs of their houses so they will not leak, for when we arrive it will rain violently.” Humming-bird delivered the message to the chief of Casa Grande and later brought back the twisted rope of human hair. Wind-man and Rain-man had barely started for Casa Grande when it began to rain, and for four days the downpour was so great that every roof leaked. Morning Green vainly used all his power to stop the rain, but the magic availed but little. THE BIRTH OF HOK Long ago the Sun god sent a messenger on an errand to the settlement now called Casa Grande. As this messenger proceeded on his way he occupied himself in kicking a stone ball, and on approaching Casa Grande he gave the ball so violent a kick that it landed near a maiden who sat on the housetop making pottery. Seeing the object, the girl picked it up and hid it under her belt. When the man sought the stone it was nowhere to be found; he asked the girl if she knew where it fell, but she would not divulge what had become of it. Discouraged in his quest, the man was about to return to the Sun god, but the girl urged him not to depart but to search more dili- gently for the ball. She also sought forit, but it was no longer under her belt; it had disappeared. Later she was with child and in due time gave birth to a girl baby, which, instead of feet and hands, had claws like a bear or a mountain lion. As this gtrange child grew older and played with other boys and girls she scratched them so often with her claws that they were afraid of her, and ran away whenever she appeared. The brothers of the girl were hunters of rabbits, but were unsuccessful. When their sister grew older she followed them to the hunt and their luck changed, so that thence- forth they killed plenty of game. As she matured, however, she outgrew all restraint and became a wild woman. She was then called Hok, and developed into a cannibal monster, who captured her victims wherever she went and carried them in a basket on her back until she wished to devour them.? Hok once met two youths, whom she tried to capture, but they ran swiftly away and when she made another attempt they blinded her by throwing sand in her eyes. This monster terrorized the whole country to such an extent that the ancients sought her life, but in vain. The culture-hero, Tcuhu, endeavored to kill Hok. He turned himself into a snake and furnished the children with rattles; when Hok approached them they shook these rattles and frightened her. Hok first retired to a distant cave in the Santa Catalina Mountains, but later went south to Poso Verde. The people living there were also oppressed by Hok and desired to kill her. Tcuhu® sent word to his uncle that there was to be a dance at Casa Grande and asked him to invite Hok to attend. This was a kind of ceremonial dance in which men and women participate, forming a circle and alternating with each other. Several invitations were sent to Hok, but she did not accept; at last she promised to attend the dance and to be there at sunset. Tcuhu danced and smoked with Hok, and the festivities lasted four days and nights. While she was absent the 1 Ropes were made of human hair up to within a few years by the Pima, who used them on burden- baskets (kihus) and for other purposes. 2The Hopi have a similar bogy, who is personated annually at Walpi in February, at which time she threatens to kill all children. She carries a knife in her hands, and has a basket on her back for the heads of the victims she declares she will decapitate. 3 The name Tcuhu is sometimes interchanged with Montezuma as if the two personages were identical. . rewxKes] TRADITIONS 49 women gathered wood and made a fire in the cave where Hok lived. When she dis- covered what had taken place she flew to the top of her cave and entered it through a crack open to the sky, At the opening Tcuhu stood so as to prevent Hok’s escape and slew her as she emerged. A CREATION LEGEND In the beginning all was dark and there was neither earth nor sky. Earth Doctor (Tcuwut Marka) was the only being then living.! Earth Doctor took a particle of sweat from his body and made from it a small disk, which he held in his hand and started to go to the west. When he stopped, the sweat showed signs of life, for it trembled; he proceeded and still the material moved. He halted four times in his course and as he stopped the fourth time the disk, which was the nucleus of the earth, became stable, and neither trembled nor wavered.? He then knew he wasat the middle point of the universe. Earth Doctor then made a bush and created small ants to feed on it. He took a louse from his breast and put it at the root of the bush. This insect found a ring of soil that kept growing larger and larger as Earth Doctor danced near it, until it became the earth. In the same way the solid sky wasformed. Earth Doctor pounded ‘‘ medicine’’ in a bowl and shortly afterward there appeared over the surface a transparent substance resembling ice. Earth Doc- tor threw this substance toward the north, where it fell but shortly afterward rose again and then sank below the horizon. He then cast another fragment to the west and it fell below the horizon, never to rise again. He threw another fragment into the south; this struck the earth or sky and bounded back, whereupon he picked it up and again threw it to the south. This time it rose and passed over the sky. These fragments became the sun and the moon, both formed in the same way. Earth Doctor spurted a mouthful of medicine-water into the sky and created the stars, first the larger and then the smaller, the last of all being nebulz like the Milky Way. Having formed the celestial bodies, he made seeds of all food used by man, after which he created men and women from a particle of sweat or grease from his body. Buzzard Doctor lives in the Underworld, where there are many people similar to those who inhabit the earth. The entrance [sipapu] to this underworld is in the east. As soon as men and women had been created they began to quarrel; this an- gered Earth Doctor and he put them to death. Afterhe had killed all human beings, Earth Doctor and Buzzard emerged together from the Underworld and the former begged the latter to help him re-create men and women. The result was men who were gray-haired at birth. Earth Doctor again destroyed man because he smoked too much, but on the fourth trial there emerged from the earth four men who later became great medicine-men—Land, Buzzard, Tcuhu, and Tohouse.* The youth Tcuhu became a great warrior and married many women, whom he deserted before children were born.* A FLOOD LEGEND The Pima believed that the flood was caused by Earth Doctor, who stuck his staff > into the ground, making a hole out of which water issued, covering the earth. Tcuwut, Tcuhu, and Tohouse crawled into ollas and floated away. When the earth was 1 This legend differs from other purely aboriginal creation legends with which the author is acquainted, in accounting for the origin of earth and sky. 2 See Zuni legend of the search for the “middle,” or stable, point on the earth (in 13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., p. 373). 4 3 Because the men were thus destroyed four times some people think there are four worlds. 4 The son of Tcuwut went to get his child, but when he took it in his arms he became a snipeand the baby became what-the Pima call a water baby. 5 Several Hopi and Hano legends recount that when the tiponi, or emblematic palladium, was placed on the earth a spring was developed. 20903°—28 eETH—12—-4 4 50 , CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN, 28 covered with water, Humming-bird, led by Buzzard, flew into the sky, crying out that they would return after the water should have subsided. Buzzard soared aloft to an opening in the sky, through which he passed, but his companion could not follow him. Both were caught in the passage and there they hung. Humming-bird cried because it was cold in the sky region, but Woodpecker made a nest of feathers to keep them warm. The flood rose until the water reached them and there may still be seen on the feathers of the woodpecker marks where the water touched him. The olla in which Tcuhu was concealed floated far away into the southwest, but that containing Earth Doctor went northwest. The third, in which was Tohouse, went east. The tracks of the ollas of Earth Doctor and Tohouse Doctor crossed sev- eral times and as they did so Earth Doctor addressed the other as Elder Brother. There were seven persons saved from the flood, and these were called brothers. Their names are Tcuwut, Teuhu, Tohouse, Buzzard, Woodpecker, Humming-bird, and an unknown. When the water had subsided these seven brothers held a council to deter- mine the position of the middle of the earth. Woodpecker was sent to the east and Humming-bird to the west, to find it. Three times they returned without success, but on their fourth meeting they reported that they had found the middle of the earth. Tcuhu plucked a hair from the right side of his head and, putting it in his mouth, drew it back and forth, stretching it and miraculously forming a snake, which he laid on the earth at his north side. He took a hair from the left side of his head and, stretch- ing it out as before, created a second snake, which he laid at the west side. He then laid one at the south and another at the east.1 These snakes prevent the water from flooding the land and cause it to flow in channels or rivers. Tcuhu created ants, which he put on the wet ground; these threw up hills that became dryland. After the water had subsided Earth Doctor, Teuhu, and Tohouse set themselves to re-create men, having agreed not to inform one another what kind of beings each would make. To prevent one another from seeing their work they faced in different directions—Earth Doctor to the east, Tohouse to the south, and Teuhu to the west. When their crea- tions were finished it was found that Tcuhu had made men similar in form to those now living, but that Tohouse’s men had webbed fingers like ducks, while those cre- ated by Earth Doctor had but one leg each and subsisted not on food, but on smells, which they inhaled. Tcuhu asked Tohouse why he made his men with webbed fingers. ‘‘That they may live in water,’’ responded Tohouse. Tcuhu was dissat- isfied with the beings made by Tohouse, and he threw them into the water, where they became ducks. The creations of Earth Doctor became fishes and snakes; he was much pleased with his children, which descended into the Underworld where he daily visits them. When Earth Doctor stuck his staff into the ground to cause the flood and water cov- ered the earth, most of the people perished, but some escaped and followed White Feather, who fled to the top of Superstition Mountains. The water rose, covering all the valley until it was as high as the line of white sandstone which is a conspicuous landmark. White Feather, surrounded by his followers, tried all his magic in vain to prevent the further rise of the flood. When he saw he was powerless to prevent this, he gathered all his people and consulted them, saying, ‘‘I have exhausted all magic powers but one, which I will now try.’’ Taking in his left hand a medicine- stone from his pouch, he held it at arm’s length, at the same time extending his right hand toward the sky. After he had sung four songs he raised his hand and seized the lightning and with it struck the stone which he held. This broke into splinters with a peal of thunder and all his people were transformed into the pinna- cles of stone which can now be seen ‘projecting from the summit of one of the peaks of the Superstition Mountains. 1 It is thought that dreams come from the east and that the west sends cold. FEWKES ] TRADITIONS 51 The followers of Tcuhu and Tohouse united and built a house. Four days after this house was begun Tcuhu sent Tohouse to visit a people he had created, in order to learn what language they spoke. When Tohouse found that they spoke Apache and so reported, Tcuhu assigned them to the land of cold wind and rain. Tcuhu again sent Tohouse to discover whether there were other people on the earth; return- ing after a time the latter reported to Tcuhu that he had heard of men speaking Mohave, Yuma, and Maricopa, but not Pima. After four days Tcuhu again sent Tohouse to search for any men allied to his people, and he reported finding those who continually said, Ston, ston, ‘‘it is hot.’’ He returned and told Teuhu he had found lost brothers, because he had detected in their speech a Pima word. Tecubu said they must be his people; he said also, ‘‘I will give them dark cool nights in which they can sleep, and I will send them dreams and they shall be able to interpret these dreams.’’ All these peoples were gathered into the house Tcuhu had built [Casa Grande?]. But after a while there were bickerings and quarrels among men. The Apache left for the mountains where they said they also would have dreams and thus they became hereditary enemies of the Pima. At this time all the Pima inhab- ited the Salt River Valley, not far from the site of the present Phoenix. White Feather and his people lived in a settlement called Sturavrik Civanavdaki, near Tempe, the site of which is now a large mound. According to some legends, this chief was the first man who taught the Pima irrigation and he showed them also how to plant corn. Through his guidance his people became prosperous and all the Pima congregated at his settlement to trade. The people of a settlement near Mesa could not build a canal because the ground in the vicinity was so hard, so they asked Tcuhu to aid them. He sang magic songs for four days, and at the fourth song the ground softened and the people easily exca- vated the ditch, but the water would not run in it. Tcuhu found he was powerless to make it do so and advised them to invite Towa Quaatam Ochse,! an old woman who lived in the west by the great water, to aid them. She was summoned and sent word to the Mesa people to assemble in their council-house and await her com- ing. They gathered and awaited her coming but she did not appear. At night a man passing that way saw her standing at the highest point of the canal blowing “‘medicine’’ along the ditch. Later there came a great wind that dug out a wide channel and water ran in the canal. The Casa Grande people, it is said, learned the art of irrigating from those living on the site of Tempe, who were taught by Tcuhu. Feather-plaited Doctor was an evil-minded youth who lived at Wukkakotk, north of Casa Grande. Tonto” visited Feather-plaited Doctor, but the latter would not notice him, although he made the customary offering of four cigarettes. Three times Tonto repeated his visit to Feather-plaited Doctor, and on the third visit the latter accused him of being a gossip and on that account refused to have anything to do with him. On the last visit he told Tonto that although he did not like him he did not object to his visits, but he warned him, if he wished to see him, not to gamble at, night and not to have anything to do with women without his permission. At that time there was a man who wished to gamble with Tonto but, forewarned, the latter refused. When Tonto was asked the reason, he revealed his promise to Feather- 1 This personage corresponds to Hazrinwuqti, or Woman of Hard Substance (shell, stone, and turquoise) of the Hopi. 2 The writer’s interpreter claimed that tonto is a pure Pima word, hence the fact that in Spanish it signifies ‘‘ foolish’ would seem to be fortuitous. It appears in the term Totonteac, used by early Span- iards to designate a ‘‘kingdom,’’ sometimes regarded as synonymous with Moki, alsoa Pima word. On the theory that totonteac is pure Pima, the writer derivesit from to-ton, and toac orteac, a termination which occurs in the name of a mountain (Kihutoac, ‘‘mountain of the kihu, or carrying basket’’). The term Totonteac would mean ‘mountains of the Tontos.’’ When first mentioned Totonteac was reputed tobe a kingdom of great power; later it was found to be a hot spring surrounded by a few mud houses. In the opinion of the writer, the hotspringsin the lower part of the Tonto Basin, near the Roosevelt Dam, may represent the locality of the so-called fabulous Totonteac. 52 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ETH. ANN. 28 plaited Doctor and said he must get permission. Tonto was allowed by Feather- plaited Doctor to gamble with this man, but was warned not to play again if he were beaten; but should he win twice he must desist by all means from further playing. The game at which Tonto gambled was that known as the ‘‘cane game,” and on this occasion Feather-plaited Civan marked the canes. Tonto played and won twice from his opponent; he would not play a third time, but carried all he had won to the house of Feather-plaited Civan. Whenever he played with the marked canes, he won, so that one of his opponents consulted Tecuhu to learn the reason. Tcuhw informed him that the sticks were endowed with magic derived from the sun, whick’ gave them supernatural power over all others. ut Tcuhu then told a maid to search under trees and gather in the early morning the’ feathers of eagles, crows, buzzards, and hawks, bind them together, and bring them to him. After these feathers had been brought Tcuhu instructed her to strip every feather to its midrib and cut each into short sections. Having roasted the feathers with meal of popcorn, the girl placed them on a basket tray. She was then instructed to fill two small bowls with ‘‘medicine” and to carry them to a spring near the place where Tonto was going to play the next game. Before Tonto began this game he declared he was thirsty and started for the spring, kicking before him the stone ball. When he reached the spring he perceived the girl and fell in love with her. She prom- ised to marry him if her parents were willing. The maid handed Tonto a drink of the “medicine ” instead of water; at the first draught he began to tremble; a second caused him to shake violently, and at the thirc feathers began to form all over his body, and shortly afterward he took the form of a bird resembling the eagle. When the maid had witnessed this metamorphosis, she sought the man with whom Tonto had agreed to gamble and told him Tonto had become a bird, at the same time pointing to an eagle perched on a rock near the spring. The man tried to shoot Eagle, but he flew away and alighted on the top of a peak of the Superstition Mountains, which shook violently as Eagle landed thereon.! In his flight Eagle carried off the maid, now called Baat, with whom he lived. He killed many people dwelling near his home and heaped their bodies in a great pile near the cave in which he made his home. He became so dan- gerous, in fact, that the survivors asked Tcuhu’s aid; he promised to come in four days but did not do so. A new messenger was sent with the same request and he again promised to come in four days but again failed to fulfill his promise. Tcuhu told the messenger to bring him ashes, and the man brought mesquite charcoal, which he did not wish. Tcuhu procured charcoal from cactus fruit and, having ground the seeds into fine meal, he fashioned it into the form of a big knife. He then procured a flexible stick, such as grows in the White Mountains, and other pointed sticks resem- bling bone awls. Having made four of these sticks, he sharpened them and started forth to overcome Eagle, leaving word that if he were killed a smoke would be seen for four days, but that if he killed Eagle, a cloud would hang over the place of the combat. Tcuhu traveled eastward a long distance and came to the mountain where Eagle lived, in between perpendicular precipices, surrounded by deep fissures. Tcuhu metamorphosed himself into a fly and hid himself in this fissure, where he slept that night. On the following day he changed himself back into a man, stuck the sticks into the crevice of the cliff, and by their help climbed up to the crag in which Eagle had his home.* 1A mountain in the Superstition Range, resembling a monster bird (eagle), is now pointed out from the Roosevelt Dam road. 2 This story of Eagle seems to be a variant of that previously recorded in which the avian being killed was the monster Hok. Here Teuhu found only a captive woman, who said the monster had gone to procure victims. Tcuhu having revealed his mission, they agreed on a signal, and he changed intoa fly. When Eagle returned, although suspicious, he went to sleep and the woman whistled three times. At the last whistle Teuhu returned to human form and decapitated Eagle, throwing his head, limbs, and body to the four world quarters. Then the woman sprinkled ‘‘medicine” on a pile of bones, the remains of former vic- tims, and brought them to life. Thereupon all descended from the mountain over which hovered dense clouds, the signal that the monster was dead. FEWKES] HISTORY 53 HISTORY No prehistoric structure in the Southwest has been more ire- quently described and figured than Casa Grande. This venerable ruin is one of the few in what is now the United States that bears a Spanish name reaching back to the close of the seventeenth cen- tury. Some of the more important contributors to its history are mentioned in the following pages.! It was once believed that this celebrated rum was one of the so- journing places of the Aztec on their southerly migration in ancient times, and was generally supposed to be identical with the Chichil- ticalli (Aztec, ““Red House’’) mentioned by Fray Marcos de Niza ‘in 1539 and by Pedro de Castaneda and other chroniclers of the expe- dition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado in 1540-1542. There seems no foundation for the association of the people of Casa Grande with the Aztec and considerable doubt exists whether the ruin was ever visited by Coronado or any of his companions. Almost every writer on the Southwest who has dealt with the ruins of Arizona has introduced short references to Casa Grande, and many other writers have incidentally referred to it in discussing the antiqui- ties of Mexico and Central America. Among the former are Browne,? Ruxton,* and Hinton,‘ while among the latter may be mentioned Pres- cott,> Brantz Mayer,® Brasseur de Bourbourg,’? Humboldt,’ Mithlen- pfordt,® and Squier.’ As there are several very complete accounts of Casa Grande, and as these are more or less scattered through publications not accessible to all students, it is thought best to quote at least the earliest of these at considerable length. As will. be seen, most of these descrip- tions refer to the historic building, while only one or two shed light on the great compounds, which formerly made up this extensive settlement." 1 The writer is indebted to Mr. F. W. Hodge, ethnologist in charge of the Bureau of American Eth- nology, for some of the historical material used in this portion of the present work. 2 Browne (J. Ross), Adventures in the Apache Country, pp. 114-124, New York, 1869. 3 Ruxton (George Frederic), Sur la migration des Anciens Mexicains; in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, dme sér., t. XXMI, pp. 40, 46, 52, Paris, 1850. - 4 Hinton (Richard J.), The Great House of Montezuma; in Harper's Weekly, xxxtt, New York, May 18, 1889. 5 Prescott (Wm. H.), History of the Conquest of Mexico, m1, p. 383, Philadelphia [c. 1873]. 6 Mayer (Brantz), (1) Mexico, Aztec, Spanish, and Republican, n, p. 396, Hartford, 1853. (2) Observa- tions on Mexican History and Archeology; in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 1x, p. 15, Wash- ington, 1856. 7 Brasseur de Bourbourg (M. l’Abbé), Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de 1’Amérique- Centrale, t. 2, p. 197, Paris, 1858. 8 Humboldt (Friedrich H. Alex. de), Essai politique sur le royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, t. 1, p. 297, Paris, 1811. *’ Mihlenpfordt (Eduard), Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik Mejico, Bd. 1, p. 435, Hannover, 1844. 10 Squier (E. G.), New Mexico and California; in American Review, Nov., 1848. ul See Winship, The Coronado Expedition, in 14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol. 54 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH, ANN. 28 Recent students of the route of the Coronado expedition have followed Bandelier, who has shown that the army may have traveled down the San Pedro River for part of its course, thus leaving Casa Grande several miles to the west. DISCOVERY AND EARLY ACCOUNTS The first known white man to visit Casa Grande was the intrepid Jesuit Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, or Kuehne, the pioneer mis- sionary among the Opata, Pima, Papago, and Sobaipuri Indians from 1687 until his death in 1711. In 1694 Lieut. Juan Mateo Mange, nephew of Don Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, the newly appointed governor of Sonora, was commissioned to escort the mis- sionaries on their perilous journeys among the strange and sometimes hostile tribes of the region. In June of that year, while making a reconnoissance toward the northeast from Kino’s mission of Dolores on the western branch of the Rio Sonora, Mange heard from the Indians of some casas grandes, massive and very high, on the margin of ariver which flowed toward the west. The news was communicated to Kino and shortly afterward was confirmed by some Indians who visited Dolores from San Xavier del Bac, on the Rio Santa Cruz below the Indian village of Tucson. In November (1694) Kino went from his mission on a tour of discovery, finding Casa Grande to be as reported, and saying mass within its walls.1_ The house was described as large and ancient and certainly four stories high. In the immediate vicinity were to be seen the ruins of other houses, and in the country toward the north, east, and west were ruins of similar structures. Kino believed that Casa Grande was the ruin (Chichilticalli) spoken of in 1539 by Fray Marcos de Niza,? whose journey was followed in the next year by Coronado’s famous expedition. Ortega, Kino’s biogra- pher, speaks of the ancient traditions of the Mexicans (Aztec), favor- ably received by all the historians of New Spain, that this Gila locality, as well as the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, was one of the stopping places on their migration southward to the Valley of Mexico. This belief was prevalent during the period, and Casa Grande on the Gila is frequently marked on early maps as an Aztec sojourning place. For this reason it was also commonly designated Casa de Montezuma. Three years later, in the autumn of 1697, Kino, accompanied by Mange, again started from his mission of Dolores and traveled across the country to the Rio San Pedro, on which stream, at a point west of the present Tombstone, the missionary was joined by Capt. Cristébal M. Bernal with 22 soldiers. Proceeding down the San Pedro, the party reached the Gila on November 16, and on the 18th arrived at Casa Grande. 1 Mange in Doc. His. Mer., 4th ser., 1, 250, 259, Mexico, 1856. 2 (Ortega,) Apostolicos afanes de la Compania de Jesus, escrito por un Padre de la misma sagrada religion de su Provincia de Mexico, p. 253, Barcelona, 1754. FOWKES ] HISTORY 55 MANGE’S NARRATIVE Mange’s account! of the famous ruin (pls. 8, 9) is so interesting and so important for comparison with the condition of Casa Grande as it exists to-day that it is here given in full: On the 18th we continued westward across an extensive plain, barren and without pasture, and at a distance of 5 leagues we discovered on the other side of the river other houses and buildings. Sergeant Juan Bautista de Escalante and two companions swam across to reconnoiter and reported that the walls were 2 yards thick, like a castle, and that there were other ruins in the vicinity, all of ancient workman- ship. We continued westward ‘and after making 4 more leagues we arrived at noon at the Casas Grandes, in which Father Kino said mass, having till then kept his fast. One of the houses is a great building, the main room in the middle being four stories high and the adjoining rooms on the four sides of it being three stories, with walls 2 yards thick, of strong mortar and clay, so smooth on the inside that they look like planed boards and so well burnished that they shine like Puebla earthenware; the corners of the windows, which are square, being very straight and without any hinges or crosspieces of wood, as if they had made !!6-1- Sketch of Casa Grande ruin 5 5 (Mange). them with a mold or frame: and the same is true of their doors, although these are narrow, whereby it might be known that this is the work of Indians. “The building is 36 paces long and 21 paces wide, of good architecture. A crossbow shot farther on 12 other houses are seen, half tumbled down, also with thick walls and all with roofs burnt, except one room beneath one house, with round beams, smooth and not thick, which appear to be of cedar or savin, and over them reeds very similar to them and a layer of mortar and hard clay, making a ceiling or story of very peculiar character. In the neighborhood many other ruins may be noted and (terremotos?) [heaps of earth], which inclose two leagues, with much broken pottery of vessels and pots of fine clay, painted in various colors, resembling the Guadalajara pots of this country of New Spain, whence it is inferred that the settlement or city was very large, inhabited by a civilized race, under a regular government. This is Fig. 2. Ground plano! evidenced by a main ditch which branches off from the Casa Grande ruin . t 5 A : A Saawes (Mange). river into the plain, surrounding the city which remains in the center of it, in a circumference of 3 leagues, being 10 yards wide and 4 feet deep, by which they diverted perhaps one-half of the river, that it might serve them for defense, as well as to provide water for their city subdivisions and to irrigate their crops in the vicinity. The guides said that at a distance of a day’s journey there are other edifices [*] of the same kind of work- manship, toward the north, on the other bank of the river in another ravine which joins the one they call Verde, and that they were built by people who came from the region of the north, their chief being called El Siba, which according to their defini- 1 Mange, op. cit., pp. 282-284. The original manuscript journal in the Archives of Mexico contains a sketch and a ground plan, which are introduced with some changes in an extract from Mange’s diary pub- lished in Schooleraft’s Indian Tribes (m1, 301-303, 1853), from a translation by Buckingham Smith, but these do not appear in the printed copy of Mange’s Diary in Doc. Hist. Mer. The sketch and plan (figs. 1, 2) reproduced in the present work are from photographs of the original manuscript, procured through the courtesy of Dr. Nicolas Leén of the City of Mexico. The accompanying translation is from the published Spanish account. 2 Evidently those now in ruins near Phoenix, Tempe, and Mesa, in the Salt River Valley.—J. W. F. 56 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BrH. ANN. 28 tion in their language means “‘the bitter or cruel man,’’ and that through the bloody wars which the Apache waged against them and the 20 tribes allied with them, killing many on both sides, they laid waste the settlements, and part of them, discouraged, went off and returned northward, whence they had started years before, and the majority toward the east and south; from which statements we inferred that it was very likely that these were the ancestors of the Mexican nation, judging by their structures and relics, such as those that are mentioned under the thirty-fourth degree [of latitude] and those in the vicinity of the Fort of Janos under the twenty- ninth degree, which are also called Casas Grandes, and many others which, we are told, are to be found as far as the thirty-seventh and fortieth degrees north. lati- tude. On the bank of the river, at a distance of 1 league from the Casas Grandes, we found a rancheria in which we counted 130 souls, and, preaching to them on their eternal salvation, the Father baptized 9 of their little ones, although at first they were frightened at the horses and soldiers, not having seen any till then. Early in March, 1699, during a seventh tour of Pimeria, as the Pima country was called, Father Kino made his final visit to Casa Grande,! and in 1701 he prepared a map of the country, remarkably accurate for its day, in which Casa Grande is charted for the first time. ; The next visits to the celebrated ruin of which there is record were made in 1736-37 by Father Ignacio Keller, of the mission of Suamea, not far from the present Nogales, reference to which is made in the Rudo Ensayo. Again, in 1744, the Jesuit father, Jacobo Sedelmair, of the mission of Tubutama, on the Rio Altar, went to the Gila near Casa Grande in an endeavor to cross the northern wilderness from this point to the Hopi (Moqui) country. He describes what was evidently the present main structure as a large edifice with the central part of four stories and the surrounding wings of three stories.” “RUDO ENSAYO”? NARRATIVE Twenty years later, that is, about 1762, another definite descrip- tion of the ruin is given by the author of the anonymous Rudo Ensayo,’ attributed to Father Juan Mentuig, or Nentoig, of the mission of Guazavas, on the Rio Bavispe, a branch of the Yaqui. The author seems not to have visited the ruins himself but to have gathered his information from other missionaries, notably Father 1 (Ortega,) Apostolicos Afanes, etc., op. cit., p. 276. 2 Documentos para la Historia de México, 3e série, tv, 847, 1853-57. Sedelmair’s account, as Bancroft (Native Races, IV, 623, 1882) has pointed out, is a literal copy of Mange’s Diary in the Archives of Mexico. See also Orozco y Berra, Geografia, p. 108, 1864. 3 Rudo Ensayo tentativa de una prevencional descripeion Geographica de la Provincia de Sonora, etc., por un Amigo del Bien Comun, San Augustin de la Florida, Afio de 1763. This work, the original of which is in the Department of State of Mexico and a duplicate copy in the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, was published by Buckingham Smith. Under the title Descripcion geografica natural y curiosa de la Provincia de Sonora (1764) this essay appears in the Documentos para la Historia de Mérzico, 3e série, Iv. 503, and from it the part pertaining to Casa Grande was translated by Buckingham Smith and pub- lished in Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, m, 304-306, 1853. An English translation of the Rudo Ensayo, by Eusebio Guitéras, appears in the Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, v, 110-264, Phila., 1894. FEWKES] HISTORY 57 Keller, to whom reference has been made. This interesting docu- ment says:* Pursuing the same course for about 20 leagues from the junction [of the San Pedro], the Gila leaves on its left, at the distance of 1 league, the Casa Grande, called the House of Moctezuma because of a tradition current among the Indians and Spaniards, of this place having been one of the abodes in which the Mexicans rested in their long transmigrations. This great house is four stories high, still standing, with a roof made of beams of cedar or tlascal and with most solid walls of a material that looks like the best cement. Itis divided into many halls and rooms and might well lodge a traveling court. Three leagues distant and on the right bank of the river there is another similar house but now much demolished, which from the ruins can be inferred to have been of vaster size than the former. For some leagues around, in the neighborhood of these houses, wherever the earth is dug up, broken pieces of very fine and variously colored earthenware are found. Judging from a reservoir of vast extent and still open, which is found 2 leagues up the river, holding sufficient water to supply a city and to irrigate for many leagues the fruitful land of that beautiful plain, the residence of the Mexicans there must not have been a brief one. About half a league west from this house a lagoon is seen that flows into the river, and although the surface is not very large it has been impossible to measure its depth by means of cords tied together, etc. The Pima tell of another house, more strangely planned and built, which is to be found much farther up the river. It is in the style of a labyrinth, the plan of which, as it is designed by the Indians on the sand, is something like the cut on the margin; but it is more probable that it served as a house of recreation than as a residence of a magnate > I have heard of other buildings, even more extensive and more correct in art and symmetry, through Father Ignatius Xavier Keller, although 1 can not recol- lect in what place of his apostolic visits. He spoke of one that measured in frontage, on a straight line, half a league in length and apparently nearly as much in depth, the whole divided into square blocks, each block three and four stories high, though greatly dilapidated in many parts; but in one of the angles there was still standing a massive structure of greater proportions, like a castle or palace, five or six stories high. Of the reservoir, asin the case of the one spoken of above, the reverend father said that it not only lay in front of the house but that, before its outlet reached there, it divided into many canals through which the water might enter all the streets, probably for cleansing purposes, when such was desired, as is done in Turin and other cities of Europe and was done even in Mexico in olden times. This last Casa Grande is perhaps the same as that of which we spoke before and which lies on the other side of the river, for those who have been there agree that there are ruins not merely of a single edifice but of a large town. GARCES’ NARRATIVE The next recorded visit to Casa Grande is that of Lieut. Col. Juan Bautista de Anza, accompanied by a force of 239 persons, including Fathers Francisco Garcés, Pedro Font, and Tomas EKixarch, who were among the first Franciscans to serve as missionaries in this region after the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767. During an excursion from Tubac, in October, 1775, the party approached the Gila on the 30th, and on the following day, Anza having decided to rest, an opportunity was given of ‘‘going to see the Casa Grande that they call [Casa] de Moctezuma.”’ Garcés continues: ® 1 Translation by Eusebio Guitéras, op. cit., pp. 127-128. 2It is shown elsewhere (in Amer. Anthr., N. S., IX, pp. 510-512, 1907) that this is a misconception. The Indians did not intend to suggest a dwelling but the ground plan of a game.—J. W. F. 3In Coues, On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer; The Diary and Itinerary of Francisvo Garcés. . . in 1775-76, 1, 66, 1900. 58 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ETH. ANN, 28 We [Garcés and Font] traveled about 3 leagues southeast and arrived at the casa, whose position is found in latitude 33° 03’ 30’. For the present condition of this casa I refer to the description thereof that Padre Font has given; and in the end will speak of that which I have been enabled to conjecture from what I saw and learned at Moqui. Later, on July 4, 1776, while at the Hopi (Moqui) village of Oraibi, in northeastern Arizona, Garcés, who had been inhospitably received by the natives, learned of the hostility that existed between the Hopi and the Pima. -This hostility had been told me by the old Indians of my mission, by the Gilefios, and Cocomaricopas; from which information I have imagined (he discurrido) that the Moqui nation anciently extended to the Rio Gilaitself. I take my stand (fun- dome, ground myself) in this matter on the ruins that are found from this river as far as the land of the Apaches; and that I have seen between the Sierras de la Florida and San Juan Nepomuzeno. Asking a few years ago some Subaipuris Indians who were living in my mission of San Xavier, if they knew who had built those houses whose ruins and fragments of pottery (Josa, for loza) are still visible—as, on the sup- position that neither Pimas nor Apaches knew how to make (such) houses or pottery, no doubt it was done by some other nation—they replied to me that the Moquis had built them, for they alone knew how to do such things; and added that the Apaches who are about the missions are neither numerous nor valiant; that toward the north was where there were many powerful people; ‘‘there went we,’’ they said, ‘‘to fight in former times (antiguamente); and even though we attained unto their lands we did not surmount the mesas whereon they lived.’’ It is confirmatory of this that I have observed among the Yabipais some circumstances bearing upon this information; for they brought me to drink a large earthenware cup very like the potsherds that are found in the house called (Casa) de Moctezuma and the Rio Gila. Asking them whence they had procured it, they answered me that in Moqui there is much of that. As I entered not into any house of Moqui, I could not assure myself by sight; but from the street I saw on the roofs some large, well-painted ollas. Also have the Pimas Gilefios told me repeatedly that the Apaches of the north came anciently to fight with them for the casa that is said to be of Moctezuma; and being sure that the Indians whom we know by the name of Apaches have no house nor any fixed abode, I per- suaded myself that they could be the Moquis who came to fight; and that, harassed by the Pimas, who always have been numerous and valiant, they abandoned long ago these habitations on the Rio Gila, as also have they done this with that ruined pueblo which I found before my arrival at Moqui and of which I have made mention above; and that they retired to the place where now they live, in a situation so advantageous, so defensible, and with such precautions for self-defense in case of invasion. FONT’S NARRATIVE It is unfortunate that Garcés did not describe Casa Grande inde- pendently of his companion, Father Font, but most fortunate that the description and plan of the latter exist, as they afford valuable data for comparison with Mange’s account of 1697 and with the present condition of the ruin. Font’s narrative reads as follows:? 1 Tbid., m1, 386-387. 2 Diario 4 Monterey por et Rio Colorado del Padre Fr. Pedro Font, 1775. The original manuscript is in the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I. A recent copy of it, from which the accompanying translation was made and the plan reproduced, is in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology. See also Notice sur la grande maison dite de Moctecuzoma, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, IX, app. VII, 383-386, 1838. FEWKES] HISTORY 59 31st day [of October, 1775], Tuesday. Isaid mass, which some heathen Gila Indians heard with very quiet behavior. The seflor comandante decided to give his men a rest to-day from the long journey of yesterday, and in this way we had an oppor- tunity of going to examine the Casa Grande which they call the house of Moc- tezuma, situated at 1 league from the River Gila and distant from the place of the lagoon [Camani, where they had camped] some 3 leagues to the east-southeast; to which we went after mass and returned after midday, accompanied by some Indians and by the governor of Vturittic, who on the way told us a history and tradition which the Pima of Gila River have preserved from theirancestors concerning said Casa Grande, which all reduces itself to fictions mingled confusedly with some catholic truths, which I will relate hereafter. I took observations at this place of the Casa Grande, marked on the map which I afterward drew, with the letter A, and I found it to be without correction in 33° 11’ and with correction in 33° 3¥; and thus I say: In the Casa Grande of the River Gila, 31st day of October of 1775, meridional altitude of the lower limb of the sun, 42° 25’. We examined with all care this edifice and its relics, whose ichnographic plan [fig. 3] is that which here I put, and for its better understanding I give the description and explanation which follow. The Casa Grande, or Palace of Moctezuma, may have been founded some 500 years ago, according to the stories and scanty notices that there are of it and that the Indians give; because, asit appears, the Mexicans founded it when in their transmigration the devil took them through various lands until they arrived at the promised land of Mexico, and in their sojourns, which were long, they formed settlements and built edifices. The site on which this casa is found is level in all direc- tions and distant from Gila River about | league, and the ruins of the houses which formed the settlement extend more than a league to the east and to the other points of the compass; and all this ground is strewn with pieces of jars, pots, plates, etc., some plain and others painted various colors—white, blue, red, etc.—an indication that it was a large settlement and of a distinct people from the Pima of Planta tchnographica dela Casa grande del Rio Gila eae the Gila, since these know not how Escata de lo passos geometricos dea to make such pottery. We made an S. pies. exact inspection of the edifice and SUR of its situation and we measured it with a lance for the nonce, which Fig. 3. Ground plan of Compound A (Font). measurement I reduced atfter- ward to geometrical feet, it being approximately the following: The casa is an oblong square and laid out perfectly to the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and south, and roundabout are some ruins which indicate some inclosure or wall which surrounded the house, and other buildings, 60 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [EPH ANN. 28 particularly at the corners, where it seems there was some structure like an interior castle, or watch tower, for in the corner which lies at the southwest there is a piece of ground floor with its divisions and an upper story. The exterior inclosure [fig. 3} is from north to south 420 feet long and from east to west 260. The interior of the casa is composed of five halls, the three equal ones in the middle and one at each extremity larger. The three (middle) halls have a length from north to south of 2@ feet and a width from east to west of 10. The two halls of the extremities (one at each end) are from north to south 12 feet and from east to west 38. The halls are some 11 feet high and all are equal in this respect. The doors of communication are 5 feet high and 2 feet wide and are all about equal except the four first of the four entrances, which it appears were twice as wide. The thickness of the interior walls is 4 feet and they are well laid in mortar, and of the exterior ones 6 feet. The casa is on the outside from north to south 70 feet long and from east to west 50 feet wide. The walls have a smooth finish on the outside. In front of the door of the east, separated from the casa, there isanother building with dimensions from north to south 26 feet and from east to west 18, exclusive of the thickness of the walls. The woodwork was of pine, apparently, and the nearest mountain range that has pines is distant some twenty and five leagues, and also has some mesquite. The whole edifice is of earth, and according to the signs it is a mud wall made with boxes of various sizes. From the river and quite a good dis- tance there runs a large canal, by which the settlement was supplied with water. It is now very much choked. Finally, it is known that the edifice had three stories, and if that which can be found out from the Indians is true, and according to the indi- cations that are visible, it had four, the basement of the casa deepening in the manner ofa subterraneanapartment. To give light to the apartments there is nothing but the doors and some circular openings in the midst of the walls which face to the east and west, and the Indians said that through these openings (which are pretty large) the Prince, whom they call El Hombre Amargo [The Bitter Man] looked out on the sun when it rose and set, to salute it. There are found no traces of staircases, from which we judged that they were of wood and were destroyed in the conflagration which the edifice suffered from the Apache. The story which the governor of Vturittic related to usin his Pima language, which was interpreted to us by a servant of the sefior coman- dante, the only interpreter of that language, is as follows: He said that in very olden time there came to that land a man who because of his evil disposition and harsh sway was called The Bitter Man; that this man was old and had a young daughter; and that in his company there came another man who was young, who was not his relative nor anything, and that he gave him his daughter in marriage, who was very pretty, the young man being handsome also; and that the said old man had with him as servants the Wind and the Storm-cloud. That the old man began to build that Casa Grande and ordered his son-in-law to go and fetch beams for the roof of the house. That the young man went far off; and as he had no ax, nor anything else with which to cut the trees, he tarried many days and at the end he came back without bringing any beams. That the old man was very angry and told him that he was good for nothing; that he should see how he himself would bring beams. That the old man went very far off to a mountain range where there are many pines and that, calling on God to help him, he cut many pines and brought many beams for the roof of the house. That when this Bitter Man came, there were in that land neither trees nor plants; he brought seeds of all and reaped very large harvests with his two servants, the Wind and the Storm-cloud, who served him. That by reason of his evil disposition he grew angry with the twoservants and turned them away, and they went very far off; andashe could no longer harvest any crops through lack of the servants, he ate what he had gathered and came near dying of hunger. That he sent his son-in-law to call the two servants and bring them back but he could not find them, seek as he might. That thereupon the old man went to seek them and, having found them, brought them once more into his service; with their aid he once more had large crops and thus he continued for FHWKES | HISTORY 61 many years in that land; and after a long time they went away and nothing more was heard of them. He [the governor] also said: That after the old man there came to that land a man called The Drinker and he grew angry with the people of that place and sent much water, so that the whole country was covered with water, and he went to a very high mountain range, which is seen from there and which is called The Mountains of the Foam (Sierra de la Espuma), and he took with him a little dog and a coyote. (This mountain range is called ‘‘of the foam”’ because at the end of it, which is cut off and steep like the corner of a bastion, there is seen high up near the top a white brow as of rock, which also continues along the range for a good distance, and the Indians say that this is the mark of the foam of the water, which rose to that height.) That The Drinker went up, and left the dog below that he might notify him when the water came so far, and when the water reached the brow of the Foam the dog notified The Drinker, because at that time the animals talked, and the latter carried him up. That after some days The Drinker Man sent the Rose-sucker (Chuparosas) and the Coyote te bring him mud; they brought some to him and of the mud he made men of different kinds, and some turned out good and others bad. That these men scattered over the land, upstream and downstream; after some time he sent some men of his to see if the other men upstream talked; these went and returned, saying that although they talked they had not understood what they said, and that The Drinker Man was very angry, because those men talked without his having given them leave. That next he sent other men downstream to see those who had gone that way and they returned, saying that they had received them well, that they spoke another tongue, but that they had understood them. Then The Drinker Man told them that those men downstream were the good men and that these were such as far as the Opa, with whom they are friendly; and that the others upstream were the bad men and that these were the Apache, who are their enemies. He [the governor] said also that at one time The Drinker Man was angry at the people and that he killed many and trans- formed them into saguaros [giant cacti], and that on this account there are so many saguaros in that country. (The saguaro is a tree having a green trunk, watery, rather high, and uniformly round, and straight from foot to top, with rows of large spines from above downward; it usually has two or three branches of the same character, which look like arms.) Furthermore he said: That at another time The Drinker was very angry with the men and that he caused the sun to come down to burn them, and that he was making an end of them; that the men begged him much not to burn them and that thereupon The Drinker said that he would no longer burn them; and then he told the sun to go up but not as much as before, and he told them that he left it lower in order to burn them by means of it if ever they made him angry again, and for this reason it is so hot in that country in summer. He [the governor] added that he knew other stories, that he could not tell them because the time was up and he agreed to tell them to us another day; but as we had laughed a little at his tales, which he related with a good deal of seriousness, we could not get him afterward to tell us anything more, saying that he did not know any more. This whole account or story I have reproduced in the dialect here given, because it is more adapted to the style in which the Indians express themselves. GROSSMAN’S NARRATIVE Regarding the story of the origin of Casa Grande, it may be well to incorporate here-the Pima myth regarding the ruin and the descrip- tion of the structure as given by Capt. F. E. Grossman in 1871:1 The Pimas, however, claim to be the direct descendants of the chief S6/-hé above mentioned. The children of S6’-h6 inhabited the Gila River valley, and soon the 1Tn Smithsonian Report for 1871, pp. 408-409, Washington, 1873. 62 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN, 28 people became numerous. One of the direct descendants of S6/-hé, King Si/-va-no, erected the Casas Grandes on the Gila River. Here he governed a large empire, before—long before—the Spaniards were known. King Si/-va-no was very rich and powerful and had many wives, who were known for their personal beauty and their great skill in making pottery ware and ki/-hos (baskets which the women carry upon their heads and backs). The subjects of King Si’-va-no lived in a large city near the Casas Grandes, and cultivated the soil for many miles around. They dug immense canals, which carried the water of the Gila River to their fields, and also produced abundant crops. Their women were virtuous and industrious; they spun the native cotton into garments, made beautiful baskets of the bark of trees, and were particularly skilled in the manufacture of earthenware. (Remains of the old canals can be seen to this day, and pieces of neatly painted pottery ware are scattered for miles upon the site of the old city. There are several ruins of ancient buildings here, the best pre- served one of which is said to have been the residence of King Si/-va-no. This house has been at least four stories high, for even now three stories remain in good preserva- tion, and a portion of the fourth can be seen. The house was built square; each story contains five rooms, one in the center, and a room on each of the outer sides of the inner room. This house has been built solidly of clay and cement; not of adobes, but by successive thick layers of mortar, and it was plastered so well that most of the plastering remains to this day, although it must have been exposed to the weather for many years, The roof and the different ceilings have long since fallen, and only short pieces of timber remain in the walls to indicate the place where the rafters were inserted. These rafters are of pine wood, and since there is no kind of pine growing now within less than 50 miles of the Casas Grandes, this house must either have been built at a time when pine timber could be procured near the building site, or else the builders must have had facilities to transport heavy logs for long distances. It is certain that the house was built before the Pimas knew the use of iron, for many stone hatchets have been found in the ruins, and the ends of the lintels over doors and windows show by their hacked appearance that only blunt tools were used. It also appears that the builders were without trowels, for the marks of the fingers of the workmen or women are plainly visible both in the plastering and in the walls where the former has fallen off. The rooms were about 6 feet in height, the doors are very narrow and only 4 feet high; round holes, about 8 inches in diameter, answered for windows. Only one entrance from the outside was left by the builders, and some of the outer rooms even had no communication with the room in the center. There dre no stairs, and it is believed that the Pimas entered the house from above by means of ladders, as the Zuni Indians stilldo. The walls are perfectly perpendicular and all angles square.) Earty AMERICAN REPORTS The first American visitors to the Gila-Salt Basin appear to have been trappers, who found beaver fairly abundant, especially on the river and its tributaries. In 1825 the Patties,’ father and son, were in the neighborhood of Casa Grande, and Paul Weaver, a trapper, is said to have inscribed his name on its walls in 1833. One of the most renowned of all the pathfinders and explorers of the West, Kit Car- . son, led a party of Americans from New Mexico -to California in | 1829-30. It may be safe to say that every traveler who rested a longer or shorter time at or near the neighboring Pima village of Blackwater visited Casa Grande. These earlier visitors left no record 1 Pattie, Personal Narrative. See also J. Ross Browne, Adventures in the Apache Country, p. 118, New York, 1869. A figure of Casa Grande as it appeared in 1859, somewhat modified in Nadaillac, L’ Amérique Préhistorique, is given in Cozzens, The Marvellous Country, London, 1874. FEWKES] HISTORY 63 of their visits, however, or made at the most only meager references to the ruin. The most important accounts of Casa Grande in the middle of the nineteenth century are found in the official reports of the expedition to California led by General Kearny, in 1846, at the time of the Mexican war. In 1846 Brantz Mayer erroneously ascribed the discovery of Casa Grande to Fathers Garcés and Font in 1773. He also mistook Font’s measurements of the wall of the surrounding compound for that of the main edifice, for he writes: ! Like most of the Indian works, it was built of unburned bricks, and measured about 450 feet in length, by 250 in breadth. Within this edifice they found traces of five apartments. A wall, broken at intervals by lofty towers, surrounded the building, and appeared to have been designed for defence. The error of confounding the dimensions of the main structure with those of the surrounding wall, which Font gave with fair accuracy, has misled several later writers on the ruin. EMORY’S NARRATIVE In 1846 the ruins were visited by Lieut. Col. William H. Emory, with the advance guard of the ‘“Army of the West.’”’ Under date of November 10 of that year Emory makes the following entry in his journal and includes an illustration which shows that the main building had not suffered greatly from the elements during the 70 years immediately following the time of Font and Garcés:? November 10.— . . . along the whole day’s march were remains of zequias [acequias], pottery, and other evidences of a once densely populated country. About the time of the noon halt, a large pile, which seemed the work of human hands, was seen to the left. It was the remains of a three-story mud house, 60 feet square, pierced for doors and windows. The walls were 4 feet thick, and formed by layers of mud, 2 feet thick. Stanley made an elaborate sketch of every part; for it was, no doubt, built by the same race that had once so thickly peopled this territory, and left behind the ruins, [Fig. 4.] We madea long and careful search for some specimens oi household furniture, orimple- ment of art, but nothing was found except the corngrinder, always met with among the ruinsand on the plains. The marine shell, cut into various ornaments, was also found here, which showed that these people either came from the seacoast or trafficked there. No traces of hewn timber were discovered; on the contrary, the sleepers of the ground floor were round and unhewn. They were burnt out of their seats in the wall to the depth of 6inches. The whole interior of the house had been burnt out, and the walls much defaced. What was left bore marks of having been glazed, and on the wall in the north room of the second story were traced the following hieroglyphics [appar- ently not shown.] From a Maricopa Indian Colonel Emory learned a version of the Pima tradition of the origin of Casa Grande: I asked him, among other things, the origin of the ruins of which we had seen so many; he said, all he knew, wasa tradition amongst them, that in bygone days, a woman 1 Mexico, As it Was and As It Is, p, 239, Philadelphia, 1847. 2 Notes ofa Military Reconnoissance, from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, etc.; Ex. Doc. No. 41, 30th Cong., Ist sess., Washington, 1848. 64 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 of surpassing beauty resided in a green spot in the mountains near the place where we were encamped. All the men admired, and paid court toher. She received the trib- utes of their devotion, grain, skins, etc., but gave no love or other favor inreturn. Her virtue, and her determination to remain unmarried were equally firm. There came a drought which threatened the world with famine. In their distress, people applied to her, and she gave corn from her stock, and the supply seemed to be endless. Her goodness was unbounded. One day, as she was lying asleep with her body exposed, a drop of rain fell on her stomach, which produced conception. A son was the issue, who was the founder of a new race which built all these houses. Fic. 4. Casa Grande in 1846 (after a drawing by Stanley). JOHNSTON’S NARRATIVE Capt. A. R. Johnston’s account of the ruin, accompanied by a sketch of the elevation and a ground plan,! which is published with Emory’s, reads as follows: November 10.—Marched about 8, and after marching 6 miles, still passing plains which had once been occupied, we saw to our left the ‘‘Cara [Casa] de Montezuma,”’ T rode to it, and found the remains of the walls of four buildings, and the piles of earth showing where many other had been. One of the buildings was still quite complete, asaruin. [Fig.5.] The others had all crumbled but a few pieces of low, broken wall. The large cara [casa] was 50 feet by 40, and had been four stories high, but the floors and roof had long since been burnt out. The charred ends of the cedar joists were still in the wall, [examined them, and found that they had not been cut witha steel instrument; the joists were round sticks, about 4 feet [sic] in diameter; there were four entrances—north, south, east, and west; the doors about 4 feet by 2; the rooms as below, and had the same arrangement on each story; there was no sign of a fireplace in the building; the lower story was filled with rubbish, and above it was open to the sky; the walls were 4 feet thick at the bottom, and had a curved inclination inwards to the top; the house was built of a sort of white earth and pebbles, probably containing lime, which abounded on the ground adjacent; the walls had been smoothed outside, and 1 Reprinted in Squier, New Mexico and California; in American Review, Nov., 1848. FEWkus ] HISTORY 65 plastered inside, and the surface still remained firm, although it was evident they had been exposed toa great heat from the fire; some of the rooms did not open to all the rest, but had a hole a foot in diameter to look through; in other places, were smaller holes. About 200 yards from this building was a mound in a circle a hundred yards around; the center was a hollow, 25 yards in diameter, with two vamps or slopes going down to its bottom; it was probably a well, now partly filled up; a simiiar one was seen near Mount Dallas. A few yards further, in the same direction, northward, was a terrace, 100 yards by 70. About 5 feet high upon this, was a pyramid about 8 feet high, 25 yards square at top. From this, sitting on my horse, I could overlook the vast plain lying northeast and west on the left bank of the Gila; the ground in view was about 15 miles, all of which, it would seem, had been irrigated by the waters of the Gila. I picked up a broken crystal of quartz in one of these piles. Leaving the “Cara,” I RS ee ee Fic. 5. Casa Grande in 1846 (Johnston). turned toward the Pimos, and traveling at random over the plain, now covered with mesquite, the piles of earth and pottery showed for hours in every direction. I also found the remains of a sicia [acequia], which followed the range of houses for miles. . . . The general asked a Pimo who made the house I had seen. ‘“‘It is the Cara de Montezuma,”’ said he; “‘it was built by the son of the most beautiful woman who once dwelt in yon mountain; she was fair, and all the handsome men came to court her, but in vain; when they came, they paid tribute, and out of this small store she fed all people in times of famine, and it did not diminish; at last, as she lay asleep, a drop of rain fell upon her navel, and she became pregnant, and brought forth a boy, who was the builder of all these houses. Shortly after the visit to Casa Grande of Lieutenant Colonel Emory, Lieutenant Colonel Cooke, in command of a battalion of Mormons, made his way to California via Tucson and the villages of the Pima, but there is little in his official report concerning the ruin. In 1848 Maj. L. P. Graham, of the dragoons, followed; although he must have passed near Casa Grande he says but little about it. 20903°—28 eTH—12——5 66 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 BARTLETT'S NARRATIVE Six years after the advance guard of the “Army of the West”’ crossed southern Arizona the ruins were visited by members of the Mexican Boundary Survey, one of whom, John Russell Bartlett, was the author of an excellent account, accompanied with a sketch (fig. 6). Under date of July 12, 1852, Mr. Bartlett wrote of Casa Grande as follows:1 ’ The ‘Casas Grandes,’’ or Great Houses, consist of three buildings, all included within a space of 150 yards. The principal and larger one is in the best state of preser- vation, its four exterior walls and most of the inner ones remaining. A considerable portion of the upper part of the walls has crumbled away and fallen inwards, as appears from the great quantity of rubbish and disintegrated adobe which fills the first story of the building. Three stories now stand and can plainly be made out by the ends Fic?6. Casa Grande ruin in 1852 (Bartlett). of the beams remaining in the walls, or by the cavities which they occupied; but I think there must have been another story above, in order to account for the crumbling walls and rubbish within. The central portion or tower rising from the foundation, is some 8 or 10 feet higher than the outer walls, and may have been several feet, prob- ably one story, higher when the building was complete. The walls at the base are between 4 and 5 feet in thickness; their precise dimensions could not be ascertained, so much having crumbled away. The inside is perpendicular, while the exterior face tapers toward the top, in a curved line. These walls, as well as the division walls of the interior, are laid with large square blocks of mud, prepared for the pur- pose by pressing the material into large boxes about 2 feet in height and 4 feet long. When the mud became sufficiently hardened, the case was moved along and again filled, and so on until the whole edifice was completed. This is a rapid mode of building; but the Mexicans seem never to have applied it to any purpose but the 1 Personal Narrative, etc., 11, 272-277, New York, 1854. Cozzens’ account, in his Marvellous Country, is practically a quotation from Bartlett here given. In the map of his ‘‘route’’ Casa Grande is located north instead of south of the Gila. FEWKES ] HISTORY 67 erection of fences or division walls. The material of this building is the mud of the valley, mixed with gravel. The mud is very adhesive, and when dried in the sun, is very durable. The outer surface of the wall appears to have been plastered roughly; but the inside, as well as the surface of all the inner walls, is hard finished. This is done with a composition of adobe, and is still as smooth as when first made, and has quite a polish. On one of the walls are rude figures, drawn with red lines, but no inscriptions. From the charred ends of the beams which remain in the walls, it is evident that the building was destroyed by fire. Some of the lintels which remain over the doors are formed of several sticks of wood, stripped of their bark, but showing no signs of a sharp instrument. The beams which supported the floors were from 4 to 5 inches in diameter, placed about the same distance apart and inserted deeply in the walls. Most of the apartments are connected by doors, besides which there are circular openings in the upper part of the chambers to admit light and air. The ground plan of the building shows that all the apartments were long and narrow without windows. The inner rooms, I think, were used as store-rooms for corn; in fact, it is a question whether the whole may not have been built for a similar purpose. There are four entrances, one in the center of each side. The door on the western side is but 2 feet wide, and 7 or 8 high: the others 3 feet wide and 5in height, tapering towards the top— a peculiarity belonging to the ancient edifices of Central America and Yucatan. With the exception of these doors, there are no exterior openings, except on the western side, where they are of a circular form. Over the doorway corresponding to the third story, on the western front, is an opening, where there was a window, which I think was square. Ina line with this are two circular openings. The southern front has fallen in in several places, and is much injured by large fissures, yearly becoming larger, so that the whole of it must fall ere long. The other three fronts are quite perfect. The walls at the base, and particularly at the corners, have crumbled away to the extent of 12 or 15 inches, and are only held together by their great thickness. The moisture here causes disintegration to take place more rapidly than in any other part of the building; and in a few years, when the walls have become more undermined, the whole structure must fall, and become a mere rounded heap, like many other shapeless mounds which are seen on the plain. A couple of days’ labor spent in restoring the walls at the base with mud and gravel, would render this interesting monument as durable as brick, and enable it to last for centuries. How long it has been in this ruined state is not known; we only know that when visited by the missionaries a century ago it was in the same condition as at present. The exterior dimensions of this building are 50 feet from north to south, and 40 from east to west. On the ground floor are five compartments. Those on the north and south sides extend the whole width of the building, and measure 32 by 10 feet. Between these are three smaller apartments, the central one being within the tower. All are open to the sky. There is no appearance of a stairway on any of the walls; whence it has been inferred that the means of ascent may have been outside. On the south-west of the principal building is a second one in a state of ruin, with hardly enough of the walls remaining to trace its original form. ... The central portion, judging from the height of the present walls, was two stories high; the outer wall, which can only be estimated from the débris, could not have been more than a single story. Northeast of the main building is a third one, smaller than either of the others, but in such an utter state of decay that its original form can not be determined. It issmall, and may have been no more than a watch tower. In every direction as far as the eye can reach, are seen heaps of ruined edifices, with no portions of their walls standing. To the north-west, about 200 yards distant, is a circular embankment from 80 to 100 yards in circumference, which is open in the center, and is probably the remains of 68 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ETH. ANN. 28 an inclosure for cattle. For miles around these in all directions, the plain is strewn with broken pottery and metates or corn-grinders. The pottery is red, white, lead- color, and black. The figures are usually geometrical and formed with taste, and in character are similar to the ornaments found on the pottery from the ruins on the Salinas and much farther north. Much of this pottery is painted on the inside, a peculiarity which does not belong to the modern pottery. In its texture too, it is far superior. I collected a quantity of these fragments, from which I selected the larger pieces. HUGHES'S NARRATIVE Casa Grande was thus described by Lieut. John T, Hughes? in his: account of Doniphan’s expedition in 1847: After a march of 6 miles on the 10th of November, passing over plains which had once sustained a dense population, they came to an extensive ruin, one building of which, called the “Hall of Montezuma,” is still in a tolerable state of preservation. This building was 50 feet long, 40 wide, and had been four stories high, but the floors and the roof had been burned out. The joists were made of round beams 4 feet in diam- eter [sic]. It had four entrances—north, east, south, and west. The walls were built of sun-dried brick, cemented with natural lime, which abounds in the adjacent coun- try, and were 4 feet thick, having a curved inclination inwards toward the top, being smoothed outside and plastered inside. About 150 yards from this building to the northward is a terrace 100 yards long and 70 wide, elevated about 5 feet. Upon this is a pyramid, 8 feet high and 25 yards square at the top. From the top of this, which has no doubt been used as a watch-tower, the vast plains to the west and north-east, for more than 15 miles, lie in plain view. These lands had once been in cultivation, and the remains of a large ascequia, or irrigating canal, could be distinctly traced along the range of dilapidated houses. About the same day they came to the Pimo villages on the south side of the Gila. Captain Johnston observes: “Their answer to Carson when he went up and asked for provisions was, ‘Bread is to eat, not to sell—take what you want.’ The general asked a Pimo who made the house I had seen. ‘It is the Casade Montezuma,’ said he, ‘it was built by the son of a most beautiful woman, who once dwelt in yon mountain. She was fair, and all the handsome men came to court her; but in vain.—When they came they paid tribute and out of this small store she fed all people in times of famine, and it did not diminish.—At last as she lay asleep a drop of rain fell upon her navel, and she became pregnant and brought forth ason, who was the builder of all these houses.’ ” Later AMERICAN REPORTS HINTON’S DESCRIPTION The observations of a party of which Mr. Richard J. Hinton was a member, who visited Casa Grande on December 13, 1877, are thus recorded by him,? the description being accompanied with a full-page lithograph illustration of Casa Grande: The Casa Grande itself is the remains of a large building, the walls of which are composed of a species of gray concrete or groat. They still stand in a crumbling and almost disjointed condition, for a height of from 30 to 45 feet, the inside wall being the highest. The exterior walls at their thickest part are 4 feet 6 inches thick. The interior walls at different points are well preserved, and show a uniform thickness oi 1 This account is taken largely from Capt. A. R. Johnston’s narrative, given on pp. 64-05. 2 Richard J. Hinton, Hand-book to Arizona. r FEWKES] HISTORY 69 nearly 4 feet. At the north-east corner there is a great rent, and the walls are entirely separated; the opening here is about 5 feet and occupies the whole of that angle. In the center of each side there are crumbled, out-of-shape openings, which on the north and west sides indicate old doors or entrances, but on the other sides appear to have resulted from the crumbling away of the walls. The interior shows a length of 52 feet north and south, and a width of 36 feet 6 inches east and west, while the exterior walls show in the same way a length of 61 by 45 feet 6 inches. Of course the exterior walls are much worn, furrowed and crumbled. In all probability they were originally not less than 6 feet thick. The interior walls still show above the débris traces of three stories, rows of small round holes indicating where the rafter poles had rested. In one room on the west side we were able to count them, and found 28 holes each side of the apartment, showing an average of 6 inches apart, with holes of 43 inches diameter. The interior room or compartment is the best-preserved part of the structure. It is entered only on the east side and on the lower story as now visible, by a small window or aperture originally about 2 feet 4 inches wide, and about 4 feet 6 inches high, rather narrower at the top than at the base. This is the case with the other openings. There are six in all—two each on the interior walls to the north and south, one on the east wall, and one forming the entrance to middle rooms, with none at all on the west side. As to the exterior entrances, they appear to have been on the north and south fronts; those on the east and west being apertures broken by time and decay. There are several apertures in the interior walls, the purpose of which can not be ascertained. One is about 10 inches each way, though it is some- whatirregular in form; the other two would be about 7 inches each way. These apertures do not face each other, and consequently were not used to rest beams or rafters upon. The interior walls have been coated with some sort of cement or varnish which has a reddish-orange hue, and which at the present time can be peeled off by apenknife. There are a number of names scrawled on the inside walls, but none of special note. The accumulated débris almost forms a mound on the exterior, while inside the flooris very uneven. The interior room gives out a hollow sound. Outside the rains and winds are rapidly undermining the base of the walls; unless something be soon done to roof the structure and prop the walls, the Gila Casa Grande will be altogether a thing of the past. BANDELIER’S ACCOUNT Bandelier’s account of Casa Grande is one of the most instructive of later descriptions. This explorer was the first, since Father Font, to give a ground plan of what is styledin the present report Com- pound A (Bandelier, p. 454) in which is represented the relation of the surrounding wall to the main structure. He gives likewise a plan of the mounds and platform of Compound B, before excavations, showing the two pyramids. Bandelier’s description is as follows:1 The walls of the Casa Grande are unusually thick, measuring 1.22 m. (4 feet), and even the partitions 0.92 m. (3 feet). At the Casa Blanca their thickness is only 0.50 m- (22 inches). As already said, and in other ruins between Casa Grande and Florence, 0.92 and 0.60 m. (3 and 2 feet) were measured by me. The doorways are higher and wider than in northern ruins, so are the light and air holes. The roof and ceilings, as far as traceable, belong to the usual pueblo pattern, 1 Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Part m; in Papers of the Archzxological Institute of America, American Series, 1v, Cambridge, 1892. 70 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 that 1s, they consist of round beams supporting smaller poles, on which rested a layer of earth. All the woodwork is destroyed except the ends of the beams, but I was informed that a few posts of cedar wood were still visible some years ago. Cedar only grows at some distance from Casa Grande, but this was no obstacle to the patient and obstinate Indian. I could not find any trace of stairways or ladders. It was remarked in the last century, that the Apaches were the destroyers of the woodwork in the building and something similar was told me; but to what extent this is true, I am unable to determine. Of the other shapeless mounds surrounding the Great House, or composing the northern cluster of the ruins, I am not in a position to say anything except that they indicate two-story edifices, long and comparatively narrow. Their size without exception falls short of the dimensions of northern communal pueblos, and, not- withstanding the extensive area occupied by the ruins, the population can not have been large. I doubt whether it exceeded a thousand souls. Almost every inch of the ground is covered with bits of pottery, painted as well as plain, and I noticed some corrugated pieces. They all resemble the specimens excavated by Mr. Cushing from the vicinity of Tempe, and what I saw of those specimens convinces me that they belong to the class common to the ruins of Eastern and Central Arizona in general. There was among the potsherds which I picked up myself a sprinkling of pottery that closely resembled the modern ware of the Pimas and Papagos; but as I had already noticed the same kind on the Rio Verde, and had been forced to the conclu- sion that they were ancient, I am loath to consider them as modern at Casa Grande. Of other artificial objects, I saw broken metates, and heard of the usual stone imple- ments. The culture, as indicated by such remains, offers nothing at all particular. The profusion of pottery scattered far beyond the area covered by the buildings has caused the impression that the settlement was much larger than I have repre- sented it to be; I have, however, no reason to modify my opinion. I have already stated that clusters of ruins are numerous about the Gila, and at no great distance apart. Intercourse between these settlements, if they were contemporaneously inhabited—of which there is as yet no proof—must have been frequent, and the winds and other agencies have contributed toward scattering potsherds over much larger expanses than those which they originally occupied. The acequias which run parallel to the Gila in this vicinity, and of which there are distinct traces, are usually lined with pieces of pottery which leads the untrained observer to draw erroneous impres- sions. On the southwestern corner of the northern group of the Casa Grande cluster stands the elliptical tank which is indicated on plate 1, figure 59 [here pl. 5, ‘‘well’’]. Its greatest depth is now 24 meters (81 feet), and the width of the embankment surround- ing it varies between 8 and 10 feet. A large mezquite tree has grown in the center of this artificial depression. As the tank stands on the southwestern extremity of the northern, and not 100 meters (300 feet) [sic] from the southern group, it was prob- ably common to both. Bandelier’s references to the use of the ‘‘great houses’”’ of the Gila are instructive. He writes (p. 460): I have no doubt they may have been used incidentally for worship; still it was probably not their exclusive object. It should be remembered that we have in the first half of the seventeenth century descriptions of analogous buildings then actually used among some of the natives of Central Sonora. Those natives were the Southern Pimas, or ““Nébomes, ” kindred to the Northern Pimas, who occupy the banks of the Gila near Casa Grande, Casa Blanca, and at intermediate points. Father Ribas, the his- toriographer of Sonora [1645], says that the villages of the Nébomes consisted of solid houses made of large adobes, and that each village had besides a larger edifice, stronger, and provided with loopholes which served, in case of attack, as a place of refuge or citadel. The purpose of this building was not merely surmised by Father Ribas, FEWKES] HISTORY Tal who had means of acquiring personal knowledge, having been one of the early mis- sionaries in Sonora. The Spaniards had an opportunity of experiencing its use to their own detriment, and the edifice was so strong that its inmates had to be driven from it by fire. Such a place of retreat, in case of attack, the Casa Grande and analo- gous constructions in Arizona seem to have been. The strength of the walls, the openings in them, their commanding position and height, favor the suggestion. That they may also have been inhabited is not impossible; Mr. Cushing’s investigations seem to prove it. After mentioning certain Pima traditions, Bandelier continues as follows: The gist of these traditions is that the Pimas claim to be the lineal descendants of the Indians who built and inhabited the large houses and mounds on the Gila and Lower Salado Rivers, as well as on the delta between the two streams; that they recognize the Sonoran Pimas as their kindred, who separated from them many centuries ago; that they attribute the destruction and abandonment of the Casa Grande and other clusters now in ruins to various causes; and, lastly, that they claim the villages were not all contemporaneously inhabited. Further than that, I do not at present venture to draw conclusions from the traditions above reported; but enowgh is contained in them to justify the wish that those traditions may be collected and recorded at the earliest possible day, and in the most complete manner, in order that they may be critically sifted and made useful. ’ Regarding the kinship of the inhabitants of Casa Grande, Bandelier writes :* Here the statements of the Pimas, which Mr. Walker has gathered, are of special value; and to him I owe the following details: The Pimas claim to have been created where they now reside, and after passing through a disastrous flood,—out of which only one man, Ci-hé, was saved—they grew and multiplied on the south bank of the Gila until one of their chiefs, Ci-vi-né, built the Casa Grande. They call it to-day ““Ci-vi-nd-qi” (house of Ci-vi-nd), also ‘‘Vat-qi” (ruin). A son of Ci-vi-no settled on Lower Salt River, and built the villages near Phoenix and Tempe. At the same time a tribe with which they were at war occupied the Rio Verde; to that tribe they ascribe the settlements whose ruins I have visited, and which they call “‘O-6t-g6m- vitqi” (gravelly ruins). The Casa Blanca and all the ruins south of the Gila were the abodes of the forefathers of the Pimas, designated by them as ‘‘ Vi-pi-s¢t”’ (great- grandparents), or ‘‘Ho-ho-qsm” (the extinct ones). (Ci-vi-nd had 20 wives, etc. [‘‘each of whom wore on her head, like a headdress, the peculiar half-hood, half-basket contrivance called Ki/-jo.”—Papers Archxol. Inst. Amer., tv, 463.]) At one time the Casa Grande was beset by enemies who came from the east in several bodies, and who compelled its abandonment; but the settlements at Zacaton, Casa Blanca, etc., still remained, and there is even a tale of an intertribal war between the Pimas of Zacaton and those of Casa Blanca after the ruin of Casa Grande. Finally, the pueblos fell one after the other, until the Pimas, driven from their homes, and moreover, decimated by a fearful plague, became reduced to a small tribe. A portion of them moved south into Sonora, where they still reside; but the main body remained on the site of their former prosperity. I asked particularly why they did not again build houses with solid walls like those of their ancestors. The reply was that they were too weak in numbers to attempt it, and had accustomed themselves to their present mode of living. But the construction of their winter houses—a regular pueblo roof bent to the ground over a central scaffold—their organization and arts—all bear testimony to the truth of their sad tale—that of a powerful sedentary tribe reduced to distress and decadence in architecture long before the advent of the Spaniards. 1In Fifth Annual Report of the Archzological Institute of America, 1883-84, pp. 80, 81, Cambridge, 1884. 72 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [prH. ANN. 28 In his Final Report Bandelier gives a figure or ground plan of the walled inclosure in which Casa Grande is situated, the only modern representation of the outside wall of Compound A with which the present writer is familiar. There is also an illustration of the two mounds of Compound B. CUSHING’S RESEARCHES Cosmos Mindeleff thus speaks of F. H. Cushing’s researches relating to ruins similar to Casa Grande: 1 In 1888 Mr. F. H. Cushing presented to the Congrés International des Améri- canistes ? some ‘‘ Preliminary notes” on his work as director of the Hemenway south- western archeological expedition. Mr. Cushing did not describe the Casa Grande, but merely alluded to it as a surviving example of the temple, or principal structure, which occurred in conjunction with nearly all the settlements studied. As Mr. Cushing’s work was devoted, however, to the investigation of remains analogous to, if pot identical with, the Casa Grande, his report forms a valuable contribution to the literature of this subject, and although not everyone can accept the broad infer- ences and generalizations drawn by Mr. Cushing—of which he was able, unfortunately, to present only a mere statement—the report should be consulted by every student of southwestern archeology. FEWKES’S DESCRIPTION In 1892 the following description of Casa Grande by the present writer was published: * A short distance south of the Gila River, on the stage route from Florence to Casa Grande station on the Southern Pacific Railroad, about 10 miles southwest of the for- mer town, there is a ruin which from its unique character has attracted attention from the time the country was first visited. This venerable ruin, which is undoubtedly one of the best of its type in the United States, is of great interest as shedding light on the architecture of several of the ruined pueblos which are found in such numbers in the valleys of the Gila and Salt Rivers. The importance of its preservation from the hands of vandals and from decay led Mrs. Hemenway and others, of Boston, to petition Congress for an appropriation of money for this purpose. This petition was favorably acted upon, and an appropriation was made to carry out the suggestions of the petitioners* . . . As one approaches the ruin along the stage road from the side toward Florence,® he is impressed with the solidity and massive character of the walls, and the great simplicity of the structure architecturally considered. Externally, as seen from a dis- tance, there is much to remind one of the ruins of an old mission, but this resemblance is lost on a closer examination. The fact that the walls of the middle (central) cham- 1Tn 13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., p. 297. 2 Berlin meeting, 1888; Compte-Rendu, Berlin, 1890, p. 150 et seq. 3In Journal of American Ethnology and Archzxology, 1, Boston and New York, 1892. 4 The repairs and other work carried on by means of this appropriation have been described at length by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff (in 13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol.). Later a corrugated iron roof was erected over Casa Grande to protect it from the elements. This feature detracts somewhat from the picturesqueness of the ruin, but is necessary for the preservation of the stand- ing walls. The bases of the walls, undermined and about to fall in several places, have been strengthened with cement and with iron rods strung from wall to wall. This roof was repainted in 1907 out of the appropriation for the repair of the building. 5 The writer visited the ruin from this side, but one coming from the Eastern States would probably find jt more convenient to make the station of Casa Grande on the Southern Pacific the point of departure. FEWKES] HISTORY 73 ber rise somewhat above those of the peripheral is evident from a distance, long before one approaches the ruin. This architectural feature imparts a certain pyramidal out- line to the pile, rendering it somewhat difficult to make out the relationship of the different parts. The departure of the outer face of the external walls from a vertical line, which deviation is probably due in part at least, possibly wholly, to atmospheric erosion and natural destruction, the falling in of the material of which the upper courses are made, is a marked feature of the vertical lines of the external walls on all sides. [Fig. 7.] The débris within the chambers on the present floor ! is evidently in part Fic. 7. Casa Grande ruin, from the south. the result of the falling in of roofs and floors of upper stories, but no large fragments indicating the character or position of such in place could be found. The orientation of the ruin corresponds to the cardinal points. From my want of instruments of precision, I was not able to determine its true position or to state accu- rately the exact orientation of the ground plan; but by means of a pocket compass, it 1 Several persons have told me that it was but a few years ago when wooden beams and lintels were to be seen in situ in the building. These informants have also told me that within a short time the walls were much better preserved than at present. As far as I have examined the ruin, not a fragment of wood still remains, although the holes from which the vigas [beams] have been taken can still be readily seen in several places. 74 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH, ANN. 28 was seen that the variation of the bounding walls from north-south, east-west lines was not very great. Itseems evident that it was the intention of the builders to align the walls with the cardinal points. It may be convenient to consider the chambers of the ruin as if seen by a bird’s-eye view, without reference to the different stories which were once found in the building, and gave its elevation. Practically, at present, indications only of these stories remain. The plan [see pl. 6] given at the close of this article shows the general arrangement of the rooms, and may be of use in understanding the description of the separate chambers which follows. Examining this plan, it will be seen that the bounding walls of the ruin inclose five chambers which fall in two groups: Twin chambers, one at either end, and triplets in the interval between them. The rooms from their position may very conveniently be designated, from the side of the ruin in which they are: The north, south, east, west, and central chambers. The north and south are alike, and extend wholly across their respective sides of the ruin, so that their east and west walls are por- tions of the eastern and western external walls of the building. With the east and west chambers, however, it is somewhat different. Whereas three of the walls of the north and south chambers are external walls of the building wholly or in part, there is but a single wall of either the east or west rooms which is external. None of the walls of the remaining member of this triplet, the central chamber, excepting possibly those belonging to upper stories, are external. AI the chambers of both kinds have a rectan- gular form, and their angles are as a general thing carefully constructed right angles. The vertical and horizontal lines are seldom perfectly straight, although much truer than is ordinarily the case in more northern ruins. [Fig. 8.] Let us take up for consideration the different chambers which have been men- tioned, in order to call to mind any special features in their individual architecture. Norta Room (A) This room occupies the whole northern end of the ruin, and has all the bounding walls of the lower stories entire, with the exception of the northeast corner and a small section of the adjacent northern wall. As one approaches the ruin from the side toward Florence, it is through this broken-down entrance on the northeast corner that one enters Casa Grande. Although, as will be seen presently, there are several other entrances to the ruin, this passageway is in fact the only means of entrance into the chamber. The greatest length of the room is from the eastern to the western wall. There are good evidences in this room of at least two stories above the present level of the ground which now forms the floor of the chamber.’ As the floors are destroyed these former stories now form one room with high bounding walls. On the northern side in the second story of this chamber, there is an artificial break in the wall which indicates that there had once been a passageway. The walls of this opening are not perpendic- ular, but slightly inclined, so that their upper ends slightly approach. The eastern wall of this passageway is now cracked, and will probably fall in a short time. The position of the lintel is well marked, but the lintel itself, which was probably of wood, has been removed from its former place, and cavities alone remain, plainly showing, however, its former size at the two upper corners of the opening. A groove on the inner side of the northern wall, which marks the lines of the flooring of an upper chamber, is well shown, although broken and gapped in many places. Near the 1It would not be possible to demonstrate how many stories Casa Grande formerly had without excava- tions. Even if the lower floor should be laid bare, there would always remain the difficulty in the deter- mination of how many upper stories have been destroyed by the weathering of the walls. I think that it is not difficult to find evidences of four stories at certain points. The observations which I could make on the present condition of the ruin do not justify my acceptance of the theory that there were more. There is good evidence that there were three stories. 5 rewKes] HISTORY 15 western end of the northern wall, not far from the corner, there is an opening just above the line of the second floor. The line of insertion of a possible third floor can be easily traced above the northern passageway. The western wall of the room is pierced by a single circular and a rectangular window, situated in the same story as the northern passageway above mentioned, about on a level with the top of the door or opening on the northern side. [Fig. 9.] This single opening lies midway between the northwestern and southwestern corners of the room. Fic. 8. Interior of room, showing doorway and lines of floor. The southern wall of the north room (A) shows certain architectural details in con- struction which are characteristic. Two openings lead from the chamber A into adjoining rooms. One of these opens into the eastern chamber D; the other into the western, B. There is no passageway from room A into the middle chamber, C, but through the wall into chamber B is a broad opening through that portion of the wall which forms the second story. This is undoubtedly artificial, as the sides of it are smooth and resemble similar jambs in doorways and windows of inhabited pueblos. Their surface wall is smooth, and they are nearly vertical. Below this opening the 76 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [wrn, ANN, 28 chamber wall is more or less broken and enlarged, its edges are rough, and in them are rounded cavities. It is next to impossible now to say whether the opening is the result of an enlargement of a previously existing doorway, or simply the result of a breaking away of the wall. The upper portion of the doorway on the second story is broken and destroyed. A passageway from A into the east room, D, situated in the second story, is very conspicuous. Its sides slope slightly, one side being more out of perpendicular than the other. The width of the opening is thus greater at the base. Between the openings from the north room into chambers B and D, the floor groove Fic. 9. Interior of north room, looking west. of the second story can be easily traced, and well preserved impressions of the ends of the small sticks which were probably placed above the beams can be readily seen. In several instances it was possible to pick out of the adobe a few small fragments of woody remnants of the ends of the small sticks which formerly filled these holes, but as a rule these fragments are very small. The impressions in the adobe, however, where rods formerly existed are as well shown as if the sticks or reeds had been extracted but a few weeks ago. While room A is by no means the best preserved of the five chambers which compose Casa Grande, its walls are still in a fair condition forstudy. There are but few van- FEWKES | HISTORY 77 dalistic markings upon it, and aside from the fact that the northeast corner is broken down, the walls are in tolerably good condition. Possibly the thing most to be regret- ted in the recent mutilations of this part of the ruin is an attempt by some one to dis- cover by excavation how far the foundations extend below the surface of the ground by undermining the northwest corner of the ruin on the outside. This excavation reveals the amount of weathering of the wall at the surface of the ground, butithas been left in such a condition that it weakens the whole corner of the building, for it affords an all too good opportunity for additional undermining by the atmosphere, rains, and like agents of erosion. Room B, West Room This chamber, which belongs to the middle triplet of rooms, being the most western member of the three, like its two companions has a rectangular shape, its longest dimension being from north to south. It has an external entrance on the west side, and there are indications of former artificial passageways into chambers A and E. There is an opening into the central chamber C, but no passable way through. The opening through the wall into room A, as seen from that room, has alzeady been men- tioned. On this side it is very much broken in the first story, but on the second, the upright walls of the former passageway are smooth and little broken, except in the upper part, near where the lintel formerly was. The wall of the chamber on the north side, above the former passageway, is more or less broken and looks as if it would tumble in at no distant date. The eastern wall of chamber B is higher than the western, making the additional story, which forms the western wall of a central chamber. While there is no passage- way into the central chamber © large enough to enter from this side, there are two openings, one above the other, in the wall. The lower of these is rectangular in shape, with the larger dimension horizontal; the upper is elongated, rectangular, with the side vertical. The size of rooms B, ©, and D is about the same, 24 feet long by a little over 9 broad. The single opening from chamber B into the south room E appears to be the enlarge- ment of two passageways, one on the first, the other on the second story. The former is almost wholly clogged up by fallen débris strewn over the floor of the chamber. A portion of the wall above the latter has fallen into the opening so neatly that it would ‘seem to have been placed there. The upper part of the west chamber on the south side is very much broken, and traces of the upper story which probably once existed are difficult to discover. Room D, East Room The chamber on the east of the ruin, like its fellow B on the west, is elongated in a north-south direction, and plainly shows at least two stories above the present level. One can enter this room from the side, and from it one can readily pass into the central chamber C. It seems in keeping with what is known of ceremonial inclo- sures used by Indians at certain times, that if the central room was a sacred chamber or used for religious ceremonials, it very properly had an entrance from the eastern room and not from the others. [Fig. 10.] The exterior entrance to room D is enlarged by the breaking of the walls, and affords evidence that it was one of the principal entrances into the building. It opens into the chamber about midway in its length and shows well-defined lintel marks. On the second story the walls are more or less broken on the eastern side, both externally and internally. A generous passageway from the second story of room D into room A occupies about a fourth part of the width of the north wall. The wall is intact with this exception, and the position of the flooring of the chamber above the surface of the ground can be readily seen. The ‘‘floor groove” of the second story is pronounced, that on the east wall being a little lower than that on the west. The 78 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [prH. ANN. 28 south wall of the first story of room D is intact; an opening which would seem to indi- cate the position of the passageway into the south room has its vertical jambs still well preserved, but its top has fallen and is very much broken. Room E, SoutrH Room The south chamber of the ruin, like the north, extends across the whole end of the ruin. Its greatest length is thus east and west. Its northern wall forms the southern side of the east, west, and central chambers B, D, and C, just as the southern Fic. 10. Casa Grande ruin, looking northwest. wall of the northern chamber A separates this room from the same members of the middle series. As with its northern fellow, there are openings into the lateral chambers B and D, the western and eastern rooms, but no signs of the existence of an entrance at any time into the central chamber C. The southeastern angle of room E, which is at the same time the southeastern corner of the ruin, is broken down so that a gap is formed, by which alone one can enter the room. Possibly this opening is not wholly the product of natural destruction. Two great gaps break the continuity of the southern wall, but the southwest corner of the chamber is entire from the ground to a considerable height. aS SN0018 LNSNOdWOO SDNIMOHS ‘SGNVY9 VWSVO 40 TIVM LSAM (yo[opUuLN WoIy ) rs ah OL 31V1d 1LHOdSY IVWNNNV HLHDIS-ALNSML ADSOIONHLA NVOINAWYV JO NV3AYNE FEWKES] HISTORY 79 The supposed tormer passageways into chambers B and D have already been de- scribed in my consideration of these rooms. When seen from the south room they do not materially differ from what has already been said of them. The western wall of room E is pierced by a small, square, windowlike opening high up in the second story. Upon this side of the room one can without difficulty make out two stories and the remnants of the third above the present level of the ground. The line of holes in which the floor logs formerly fitted can be traced with ease, and a row of smaller cavities can be readily seen between the passageway into room B and a middle ver- tical line of the north wall. Vandalistic scribblings of varied nature deface this room, and ambitious visitors with no claim for complimentary notice have cut their names upon the smoothly plastered walls. There are also spiral markings resembling forms of pictographs common on the sides of the mesas inhabited by the Tusayan Indians. Room ©, Centra Room The central chamber of Casa Grande, like the other rooms, the eastern and the western, is elongated in a north-south direction. It differs from the others in that it shows the walls of an additional story on all four sides, and has but one entrance. This entrance is from its eastern side. The walls are very smooth and apparently carefully polished. There are well preserved evidences of the flooring, and the smaller sticks which formerly lay upon the same are beautifully indicated by rows of small holes in the northern wall. The eastern opening by which one enters has already been described, as well as the windowlike openings leading into the western chamber. ( The walls of the third story on the western side are pierced by three circular openings about 5 inches in diameter, which preserve their ancient outline. The rim of these openings is smoothly polished, which would indicate that they were never used for floor joists; indeed, their position seems to point in the same direction. They were possibly windows or lookouts. On the north and south wall there are similar openings, one on each wall. The round hole in the south wall is situated about on the middle vertical line of the wall, while that on the north is a little to the east of the middle. On the east wall there are three of these small round holes, placed one to the north of the doorway and one to the south. These openings are at times placed as high as the head of a person standing on the floor of the third chamber, but there are some which are only a few feet above the probable level of the floor. They appear to be characteristic of the central room and of the third story. COSMOS MINDELEFF’S DESCRIPTION The most comprehensive description of Casa Grande is by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff. (Pls. 8-10.) As this is available to all who have access to the reports of the Bureau of American Ethnology, it is not here quoted in its entirety, but reference is made to certain points, some of which were first brought out by this talented author. The name Casa Grande has been usually applied to a single struc- ture standing near the southwestern corner of a large area covered by mounds and other débris, but some writers have applied the term to the southwestern portion of Compound A, while still others have so designated the whole area. The last-mentioned seems the proper application of the term, but throughout this paper, in order to avoid confusion, the settlement as a whole will be designated the Casa 80 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [erH, ANN. 28 Grande Group, and the single structure, with standing walls, the Casa Grande ruin, or simply Casa Grande. Probably no two investigators would assign the same limits to the area covered by the group, as the margins of this area merge imper- ceptibly into the surrounding country. The bird’s-eye views here used (pls. 11, 12) to illustrate the relation of Casa Grande to the surrounding mounds are in general correct, although not entirely in agreement with the results of the excavations. According to Mindeleff, the area covered by the Casa Grande Group “extends about 1,800 feet north and south and 1,500 feet east and west, or a total area of about 65 acres.” ' The following description of Casa Grande is from Mindeleff :1 The Casa Grande ruin is often referred to as an adobe structure. Adobe construc- tion, if we limit the word to its proper meaning, consists of the use of molded brick, dried in the sun but not baked. Adobe, as thus defined, is very largely used through- out the Southwest, more than 9 out of 10 houses erected by the Mexican population and many of those erected by the Pueblo Indians being so constructed; but, in the experience of the writer, it is never found in the older ruins, although seen to a limited extent in ruins known to belong to a period subsequent to the Spanish conquest. Its discovery, therefore, in the Casa Grande would be important; but no trace of it can be found. The walls are composed of huge blocks of earth, 3 to 5 feet long, 2 feet high, and 3 to 4 feet thick. These blocks were not molded and placed in situ, but were manufactured in place. The method adopted was probably the erection of a framework of canes or light poles, woven with reeds or grass, forming two parallel surfaces or planes, some 3 or 4 feet apart and about 5 feet long. Into this open box or trough was rammed clayey earth obtained from the immediate vicinity and mixed with water to a heavy paste. When the mass was sufliciently dry, the framework was moved along the wall and the operation repeated. This is the typical pisé or rammed- earth construction, and in the hands of skilled workmen it suffices for the construc- tion of quite elaborate buildings. As here used, however, the appliances were rude and the workmen unskilled. An inspection of the illustrations herewith, especially of Plate Ly [here pl. 10], showing the western wall of the ruin, will indicate clearly how this work was done. The horizontal lines, marking what may be called courses, are very well defined, and, while the vertical joints are not apparent in the illustration, a close inspection of the wallitself shows them. It will be noticed that the builders were unable to keep straight courses, and that occasional thin courses were put in to bring the wall up to a general level. This is even more noticeable in other parts of the ruin. It is probable that as the walls rose the exterior surface was smoothed with the hand or with some suitable implement, but it was not carefully finished like the interior, nor was it treated like the latter with a specially prepared material. . . . The floors of the rooms, which were also the roofs of the rooms below, were of the ordinary pueblo type, employed also to-day by the American and Mexican popula- tion of this region. . . . Over the primary series of joists was placed a layer of light poles, 14 to 2 inches in diameter, and over these reeds and coarse grass were spread. The prints of the light poles can still be seen on the walls. . . . The walls of the northern room are fairly well preserved, except in the north- eastern corner, which has fallen. The principal floor beams were of necessity laid north and south, across the shorter axis of the room, while the secondary series of poles, 14 inches in diameter, have left their impression in the eastern and western walls. 1In 13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., p. 309 VY GNNOdWOO 43O 31IVH HLYON SO M3IA S3A3-S.04g18 (Ae_puoy Aq japow jo ydvasojoyd wo1g) tL 3BLW1d LYOd3SY TIWANNY HLHSIS-ALNSML ADOIONHL]S NVOINSWY 3O NV3yNE (SoppueH Aq [apour Jo ydersojoyd mol) Sr TLR St ALW1d 1JHOdSY IVNNNY HLHOIS-ALNSML HiNOS 3SHL WOYS ‘Vv GNNOdWOO dO M3IA 3A3-S.0uy 19 ADOTIONHLA NVOINSWYV JO NV3HNS FEWKES ] HISTORY v 81 There is no setback in the northern wall at the first floor level, though there is a very slight one in the southern wall; none appears in the eastern and western walls.’ Yet in the second roof level there is a double setback of 9 and 5 inches in the western wall, and the northern wall has a setback of 9 inches, and the top of the wall still shows the position of nearly all the roof timbers. This suggests—and the suggestion is supported by other facts to be mentioned later—that the northern room was added after the completion of the rest of the edifice. The second roof or third floor level, the present top of the wall, has a decided pitch outward, amounting to nearly 5 inches. Furthermore, the outside of the northern wall of the middle room, above the second roof level of the northern room is very much eroded. This indicates that the northern room never had a greater height than two stories, but probably the walls were crowned with low parapets. .. . The walls of the western room were smoothly finished and the finish is well preserved, but here, as in the northern room, the exterior wall of the middle room was not finished above the second roof level, and there is no doubt that two stories above the ground were the maximum height of the western rooms, excluding the parapet. . . . The walls of the southern room are perhaps better finished and less well constructed than any others in the building. The beam holes in the southern wall are regular, those in the northern wall less so. The beams used averaged a little smaller than those in the other rooms, and there is no trace whatever in the overhanging wall of the use of rushes or canes in the construction of the roof above. The walls depart considerably from vertical plane surfaces; the southern wall inclines fully 12 inches inward, while in the northeastern corner the side of a doorway projects fully 3 inches into the room. . . . The walls of the eastern room were well finished, and, except the western wall, in fairly good preservation. The floor beams were not placed in a straight line, but rise slightly near the middle, as noted above. The finish of some of the openings suggests that the floor was but 3 or 4 inches above the beams, and that the roughened surface, already mentioned, was not part of it. . . . Openings.—The Casa Grande was well provided with doorways and other open- ings arranged in pairs one above the other. There were doorways from each room into each adjoining room, except that the middle room was entered only from the east. Some of the openings were not used and were closed with blocks of solid masonry built into them long prior to the final abandonment of the ruin. The middle room had three doorways, one above the other, all opening eastward. The lowest doorway opened directly on the floor level, and was 2 feet wide, with vertical sides. . . . The doorway of the second story is preserved only on the northern side. Its bottom, still easily distinguishable, is 1 foot 6 inches above the bottom of the floor beams. It was not over 2 feet wide and was about 4 feet high... . In addition to its three doorways, all in the eastern wall, the middle tier of rooms was well provided with niches and holes in the walls, some of them doubtless utilized as outlooks. On the left of the upper doorway are two holes, a foot apart, about 4 inches in diameter, and smoothly finished. Almost directly above these some 3 feet, and about 2 feet higher than the top of the door, there are two similar holes. Near the southern end of the room in the same wall there is another round opening a trifle larger and about 44 feet above the floor level. In the western wall there are two similar openings, and there is one each in the northern and southern walls. . . . In the second story, or middle room of the middle tier, there were no openings except the doorway in the eastern wall and two small orifices in the western wall. 20903°—28 ETH—12——6 82 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BrH. ANN. 28 PRESENT CONDITION Main Butipine The following description of the Casa Grande ruin (pls. 8-10) contains new facts derived from the author’s observations and exca- vations made in the winters of 1906-7 and 1907-8: CONSTRUCTION The walls of Casa Grande are of a fawn color slightly tinged with red. Externally they are rough and very much eroded, but the interior walls are plastered, still showing places that formerly, in the words of Father Kino, were as smooth as ‘‘Puebla pottery.” The walls are constructed of a natural cement, commonly called caliche by the Mexicans, composed of lime, earth, and pebbles; this was made into blocks, which were laid in courses. These blocks are’ supposed to have been made in position, the materials therefor being rammed into bottomless baskets or wooden frames, that were raised as the work progressed, until the wall reached the desired height. The blocks are not of uniform size, consequently the horizontal joints of the courses are not always the same distance apart. Although clearly shown in the outside walls, these joints are not visible in the interior walls on account of the plastering. The exterior faces of the walls are not perfectly plumb, the thick- ness of the walls at the top being much less than at the base. Impressions of human hands appear in places in the plaster of the north and the west room. Posts were used to support some of the narrow walls, and stones employed for the same purpose are found in their foundations. ROOMS The ground plan of the main building shows that its walls form five inclosures, which may be termed the north, west, south, east, and central rooms. When the walls had reached the height of about 7 feet, these inclosures were filled solid with earth, the upper surface forming the floors of the rooms of the first story. In the north, west, south, and east inclosures there were two rooms above each ground room; the central room had three stories, being one story higher than the rooms which surrounded it. 1 Many conflicting statements regarding the former height of Casa Grande are on record, most authors favoring three or four stories. There were undoubtedly four stories counting from the level of the plain to the top of the highest wall, as could be seen from the outside as one approached the structure, but the lowest story was filled solid with earth, so that inside the building there were really only three tiers of rooms, one above the other in the central part of the ruin and two on each of the four sides. The entrance into the lowest room was on a level with the roofs of the surrounding buildings, forming a terrace that surrounded the base of Casa Grande. Entrance to the upper rooms was effected by means of ladders from the outside and by hatchways. The positions of the outside doorways indicate that there were entrances on all four sides, but the middle room had only one doorway, which was situated on the east side. VEWKES] PRESENT CONDITION 83 WALLS The interior walls of the north rooms in both stories are well pre- served except in the southeast corner (fig. 11), where there was prob- ably a connection with six rooms which extended to the north wall of the inclosure. As indicated by a series of holes in the eastern and western walls, the floor beams extended north and south. The posi- Fic. 11. Southeast corner of ruin, showing part of east wall. tion of the floors is also indicated by ledges, or setbacks, one of the best of which appears on the level of the roof in the north wall of the first story; there is also a narrow ledge on the south wall. The east and west walls in both stories are true to the perpendicular from base to top. The tops of the north and west walls of the second story show setbacks, and the apertures where the beams were inserted are clearly marked. Small holes indicating that rushes were used r og 84 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA (ETH. ANN. 28 in the construction of the roof are well marked in the east and west walls of the second story. The outer face of the north wall is much eroded near the top, exhibiting no evidences of continuation into a third story. There was a low parapet rising slightly above the roof on the north, as well as on the east and west walls of the north room. Both lower and upper stories of the west room have smooth walls, but the exterior surface of the walls of the central room, above the line of the second floor, is rough, indicating that the western inclosure never had more than two stories. The east wall of the west room is slightly curved, while the west wall of the same room is straight. Rows of holes in the east wall, which formerly received the floor beams, are arranged somewhat irregularly. The inner faces of the walls of the south room are finely finished, particularly on the south side, although the wall itself is in places more broken than the north or west walls. The holes for beams in the south wall are less regular in arrangement than those in the north wall. A fragment of the east wall of the south room remained standing up to within a few years, when the repairs were made by contractors. At one time the south room was excavated far below its original floor, as indicated by the line of erosion on the surface of the north wall and a corresponding line on the opposite side walls. There were formerly two doors, one above the other, in the south wall, but the lintel between them has disappeared, the south wall remaining in the form of two very unsteady sections. The interior walls of the east room are finely finished, while the exterior surface of the east wall of the central room is very much eroded. The exterior surface of the east wall of the central section shows the effects of exposure to the weather, suggesting that there were but two stories to the eastern part. The north wall of the central rooms runs through the east wall, without bonding, suggesting later construction of the latter. A wide crack left in the east wall where the north wall joins is smoothly plastered over for part of its length, a condition which implies earlier construction. The inner walls of the central rooms are smooth; the marks of reeds, grasses, and rafters indicate the former existence of floors in this part of the building. The roughness of the plaster above the line of the floor of the second story indicates that there was once a low banquette about the room. The row of holes that accommodated the beams of the roof of the third story is not flush with the top of the wall but somewhat below it, indicating that the walls there were formerly continued into a low parapet. FLOORS The floors of the second and third stories served us ceilings of the first and second stories, respectively, and resemble those of the ordi- nary adobe houses of the Southwest. The beams were small cedar eee ‘eel FEWKES ] PRESENT CONDITION 85 logs, most of which were laid across the width of the room, their extremities being inserted for support in the walls, or in some in- stances laid on a ledge or in a recess. The rows of holes that accom- modated the ends of the beams are to be seen in most of the rooms; some of these holes are not strictly in line. Each roof was covered with mud firmly packed down and hardened by exposure to the air and to the constant pressure of human feet; in places appear the prints of reeds and grasses which were formerly laid on the rafters. Many Americans have told the writer that when they first saw Casa Grande the ends of burnt timbers protruded from the walls. Logs were found in several rooms, some of which were charred, while others had been untouched by fire. DOORWAYS AND WINDOWS The external entrances into most of the rooms of each story of Casa Grande were lateral, and there is reason to suppose that the rooms in which no openings appear in the side walls were entered by hatch- ways. As the floors have all disappeared, it is impossible, of course, to know what or where the entrances to rooms from the roof were. Tn the lowest story was a doorway about midway in each side. Open- ings appear in about the corresponding positions in the stories above, except the third, where the only entrance to be seen is on the east. side. As its threshold was on a level with the roof of the second story, this doorway probably opened on the roof of the east rooms in that story. In addition to these external openings there were passageways between the north, south, east, and west rooms, in the first and second stories. The doorway of the middle room in the first story was on the east side. All the doorways were constructed on the same pattern. They averaged about 2 feet in width, and some were slightly narrower at. the top than below. This decrease in width may be a survival of the times when the conical, or beehive, form of architecture prevailed. The masonry over the doorways is now, as a rule, more or less broken, but it still shows holes for the insertion of logs that formed the lintels, which were arranged in series one above another. While most of the lintels which supported the adobe have been wrenched out, some remain, holding in place the heavy material of which this part of the wall was built. The doorway between the west and the south room has been closed with large solid blocks of masonry. The sills of most of the doorways are broken, but the jambs are entire and smoothly plastered. 86 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [erHt. ANN, 28 There are several round apertures in the walls that may have served for lookouts. In the east wall of the central room to the left of the upper doorway are two such openings, each about 4 inches in diameter, and near the south end of this room in the east wall is another. Two similar apertures are found in the west wall of the inner room, one in the upper story of the north wall, and another in the south wall. Cosmos Mindeleff makes the following statement :' The frequency of openings in the upper or third story and their absence on lower levels, except the specially arranged openings described later, supports the hypothesis that none of the rooms except the middle one were ever more than two stories high and that the wall remains above the second roof level represent a low parapet. CASA GRANDE MOUNDS GENERAL DESCRIPTION It is evident to anyone who visits Casa Grande that the historic structure called by this name is only one of many blocks of buildings which formerly existed in the immediate vicinity. While it is now difficult to determine whether all these structures were contempora- neously occupied, it is evident that the Casa Grande Group, in its prime, was no mean settlement. Evidences of former habitations cover much of the surface of the reservation? and extend on all sides far beyond its boundaries. The limits of this prehistoric settlement are difficult to determine. The whole plain was dotted at intervals with houses similar to those of Casa Grande, from the point where the Gila leaves the mountains to its junction with its largest tributary, the Salt, the valley of which is also marked by the remains of many similar prehistoric buildings. Not all the mounds on the Casa Grande Reservation, however, contain ruins of great buildings; many walled structures, formerly homes of the inhabitants, have fallen, leaving but slight traces of their existence—no vestiges of walls above the surface of the ground, merely broken metates or frag- ments of pottery scattered over a limited area. This destruction was inevitable, owing to the fragile character of the wattled walls. Even the foundations of heavier walls of many of the buildings are buried in the débris from the upper courses. Two types of mounds occur in the Casa Grande Group: (1) Those containing walls of houses and (2) those consisting entirely of earth and débris not including buried walls. The former are composed of 113th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., p. 314. 2 As is well known, this reservation, through the efforts of many public-spirited men and women, has been placed under the supervision of a resident custodian. The present custodian is Mr. Frank Pinckley. FEWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 87 earth or clay, which has fallen from the walls, burying the founda- tions, augmented by sand blown by the winds. Mounds of the sec- ond class are composed solely of débris; when opened, some of these show stratification, as if formed of mud or soil deposited artificially on them from time to time in clearing out reservoirs or making other excavations, while others contain ashes and fragments of pottery scattered through the soil from the surface to a considerable depth. Certain of these mounds are devoid of features suggesting artificial origin. Mounds of the first class admit of still further classification into two kinds: (a) Those arranged in clusters, each resting on a plat- form, bounded by a surrounding wall— these are remains of compounds; (b) com- pact blocks of rooms, each without a sur- rounding wall, known as clan-houses. While the name Casa Grande is here applied to the main building of one compound (A), the designation Casa Grande Group of mounds includes all the clusters of adjacent mounds situated on the reservation. For many years the main building and a few outlying walls (fig. 12) were the only structures projecting above the surface, but now it is known that the historic Casa Grande is but one of many aboriginal buildings in this neighborhood. Excavations have established the fact that many mounds of the Casa Grande Group are remains of former houses, and that there are as many others composed of the débris of former habitations. For convenience of study and reference the large walled inclosures constituting the first class of mounds, called compounds, are desig- nated A, B,C,D,and E. These will be considered in order. Fic. 12. West wall of Font’s room (about 1880). 88 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [pTH. ANN. 28 Compounp A Compound A (pls. 7, 11, 12) is not only the largest! of the Casa Grande compounds, but is also the most important, containing as it does the historic ruin and a few other walls of rooms standing above ground when excavations began. The following description is quoted from the writer’s preliminary report on the excavations at Compound A, in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections for 1907. The following buildings, plazas, and courts were excavated in Compound A: (1) Southwest building; (2) northeast building; (3) rooms on west wall; (4) six cere- monial rooms; (5) central building; (6) Font’s room; (7) rooms between Casa Grande and Font’s room; (8) rooms adjoining ceremonial rooms on north wall; (9) northwest room; (10) room near east wall; (11) northeast plaza; (12) central plaza; (18) east plaza; (14) southwest plaza; (15) south court. [The most important block of rooms is of course (16) Casa Grande. ] 1. SOUTHWEST BUILDING Father Font wrote of Casa Grande as follows: ‘‘The house Casa Grande forms an oblong square facing to the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and south, and round about it there are ruins indicating a fence or wall, which surrounded the house and other buildings, particularly in the corners, where it appears there has been some edifice like an interior castle or watch-tower, for in the angle which faces towards the southwest there stands a ruin with its divisions and an upper story.” This southwest building is undoubtedly one of the ‘‘other buildings” referred to. [Pls. 13, 14.] In Font’s plan (fig. 117) [here, fig. 3] of Compound A, a single chambered room is represented in the southwest corner. Bartlett gave a plan of the cluster of rooms in this angle, but neither Bartlett’s nor Font’s plans are complete, for there are in reality six rooms in this corner of the compound, not counting an adjacent rectangular room sepa- rated from this cluster by a court. Several later authors have mentioned and figured these two fragments of walls standing above a mound southwest of the main building, and one or two have suggested that they were formerly connected with Casa Grande by walls. The best view of these pinnacles appeared in Cosmos Mindeleff’s valuable account of the ruin. The author's excavations of Compound A were begun at the base of the more western of these two standing walls, at the level of the ground, where it was found that the wall was so eroded as to be seriously undermined. It was recognized that extensive filling in was necessary at that point, and that other repairs were imperative to keep this fragment from falling. The fragment east of the last mentioned was, if anything, in a worse condition, and also required protection. Digging down below the eroded portion, there came into view a fine smooth-faced wall, which extended several feet still lower. The excavations were then continued north and south, following the face of the wall to the northwest and southwest angles, laying bare the whole west wall... . After having traced this wall, attention was directed to the general character and arrangement of the walls hidden below the mound near the bases of the two fragments of walls where the excavation started. It was found that the southwest corner of the compound is occupied by a cluster of six rooms . . . the most picturesque of all those uncovered during the winter. 1 The dimensions of Compound Lv ~*~ _ j VY GNNOdWOO ‘SWOOY Sv té@ 3LV1d LYOd3SY IWANNV HLHSIS-ALNAML ADOTONHL]A NVOIYSAWY JO NV3aund FEwKns] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 91 5. CENTRAL BUILDING When work was begun on Compound A the central building was a low, regular mound . . . situated near the southeast angle of the main building, occupying a somewhat similar relation to that corner that the first of the six ceremonial rooms does to the northeast angle. This mound was opened to the base, revealing several intersecting walls and rooms (plate xxrv) [here, pl. 6]. When one stands at the north wall of the compound and runs his eye along the east side of the six ceremonial rooms, it is found that the middle wall of the central building is in the line of the eye, which also follows the supposititious retaining wall of the east terrace of the main building and the east boundary wall of the southwest plaza. The southeast corner of the main building, Casa Grande, is broken in much the same way as the northeast angle near the six ceremonial rooms, possibly from the same cause. 6. FONT’S ROOM Mange states that Father Kino said mass in the Casas Grandes, and it is generally believed that this ceremony was performed in one of the rooms of Casa Grande. As there were at the time of Kino’s visit several other rooms in the group, some of which were more commodious, it is interesting to speculate on the possibility of one of these being that referred to. Just east of Casa Grande was a large building (plate xxrv) [see accompanying pl. 20], formerly two stories high, which was apparently in a fair state of preservation when Father Font visited it in 1775. So accurately has this zealous priest described . .. and mapped this room, that it is called after him and is referred to as “Tont’s room” in this article. Mange states in his diary that ‘‘a crossbow shot farther on 12 other houses are seen half tumbled down, also with thick walls and all with roofs burnt except one room beneath one house, with round beams, smooth and not thick, which appear to be cedar or savin, and over them rush reeds very similar to them and a layer of mortar and hard clay, making a ceiling or story of very peculiar character.’’ Font, 70 years after, wrote: ‘‘In front of the east door, separated from the Casa, there is another building with dimensions from north to south 26 feet and from east to west 18, exclusive of the thickness of the walls.’’ .. . Although it was possible in 1694 for the observer, standing on the roof of Casa Grande, to see the walls of all the buildings which were excavated by the author, the best preserved of all, judging from Font’s account, was that named after him. At that time this was apparently the only two-storied building in good preservation east of the main one, which could be designated as ‘‘one room beneath one house.’’ The general appearance of this building last October (1906) is shown in the accom- panying plate (xxx1v, a, b,) [here, pl. 21]. The upright wall of this room was the only fragment besides the main building above ground, with exception of the two walls at the southwest angle. The condition of the base of this wall necessitated immediate repair; for, although 3 feet thick, it was so undermined that light was visible through holes in the base. The author erected on its east side a buttress of adobe bricks to strengthen it, and took other precautionary measures to keep what was left from falling. The row of holes in which were formerly inserted the ends of the rafters of the upper chamber can still be seen in the east face of the wall. Directly west of Font’s room is a passageway communicating with the central plaza. The floor of this passageway is hard and very compact, and on one side there were excavated an eagle skeleton and bones of several rabbits. 92 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [prH. ANN. 28 7. ROOMS BETWEEN CASA GRANDE AND FONT’S ROOM East of Casa Grande there were several large rooms, A—E (plate xxxut, b) fhere, pl. 21], with low massive walls, evidently of one story. It would appear that in ancient times these rooms joined the terrace at the base of Casa Grande, and we may suppose that their roofs were on the level with the floor of the lowest room of the historic building. Apparently these rooms were not all constructed at the same time, the two at the north showing evidences of being older than the southern iD ec One of these rooms, C, was found to contain much débris, consisting of pottery fragments, charred basketry, cloth, maize, mesquite beans, . . . marine shells, and other objects. It appears to have been a dumping place, and as it has every ap- pearance of having once been a room, we may suppose that it was deserted while some of the other rooms of Compound A were still inhabited. 8. ROOMS ADJOINING THE MOST NORTHERLY OF THE SIX CEREMONIAL ROOMS Adjoining the most northerly of the six ceremonial rooms on its east side, there lies a room or court, G, surrounded by walls, which appears to have been without a roof. ... Its floor is hard, as if made so by the tramp of many feet; its walls are massive, with smooth surfaces. A walled-up doorway, recalling a similar feature in the west room of the main building, occurs in the wall separating this room from the most northerly of the six ceremonial rooms. In the surface of the west wall of this room, at the level of the floor, there is a deep erosion of the wall (plate xxrx) [here, pl. 22, a], due to former weathering. The south wall of this inclosure was evidently built since the erosion took place, for its end is so constructed that it extends into the eroded region, following the imperfection in the surface without being itself weathered at that level. The five rooms, G-K, forming the west building are large and have massive walls. No evidences of roofs occur, and lateral doorways are absent except in the east side of I. K shows evidence of an east wall, and the narrow enclosure H is more of a court than a room. A pile of wooden hoes or planting sticks (plate xxx1x, g) [here, pl. 76] was found on the floor of room I. 9. NORTHWEST ROOM The dimensions of the room [pl. 22, b] occupying the northwest angle of Compound A [pl. 23] appear in the accompanying plan [here, pl. 6]. . . . This room is single storied with free walls on two sides, the other sides being the walls of the compound. An entrance into the compound on the north side is situated near this corner room. The excavations revealed many ceremonial objects on the floor, which would appear toindicate that the room was used for other than secular purposes. Household utensils, as grinding stones, which would be expected in a living chamber, were absent. No soot or other evidences of a fire were observed on the walls, and there were no charred logs or rafters. 10. ROOMS NEAR EAST WALL South of the plaza which lies to the eastward of the two-storied building known as Font’s room are situated the remains of some massive walls which formed a large square enclosure separated from the east wall only by a narrow passage... . . This building was evidently formerly one story high. Its size is so great that it is doubtful whether or not it was roofed, but if it had a roof it would be one of the largest rooms of Compound A. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 22 a, NORTH ROOMS b, NORTHWEST CORNER ROOMS AND CORNER, COMPOUND A BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 23 ——S —— —— —— — — — — —— —h NORTHWEST CORNER, COMPOUND A 4 ae aS Ae ee aD 2 he Se ae han 5 Vahey Mee 8 aie j ; Bod) uo) ar a eel ay , i he ‘a. ‘een vy t= cy <7 ir 0a aeet f “ee : i ~ ’ . oa » WwW \~ & ; i i ee A ; ; ~ } ! 7. if BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 24 FROM THE EAST FROM . THE NORTHEAST NORTHEAST CORNER, COMPOUND A FEWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 93 11. NORTHEAST PLAZA The removal of earth to a depth necessary to show the original height of the walls about this plaza was a work of some magnitude, but was accomplished in a short time.... The plaza (plate xxvumt, a) [here, pl. 24] was not apparent until after the position of the northeast angle of the compound-had been determined and the walls of the northeast building had been excavated. The situation of this plaza and the fact that no doorways opened into it or terraced roofs looked down upon it imply that it was not a favorite one for ceremonial dances or spectacular performances. As the walls about it are, as a rule, massive, the plaza may have served as a safe place to which to flee for protection, and it is probable that cabins, not unlike the Pima huts of the last generation, were temporarily erected in this and other plazas. 12. CENTRAL PLAZA The centrally placed, and on that account probably the most sacred, plaza . . . of Compound A is surrounded by buildings, the roofs of which no doubt served as eleva- tions from which spectators could witness the sacred dances and games. The floor of this plaza was solid, apparently hardened by constant tramping of feet. The labor involved in cutting down the earth in this plaza to the former floor was considerable, it being necessary to remove many cubic yards of grout that had fallen from the thick walls of the northeast building and the six ceremonial rooms. The southwest corner of the plaza was not excavated, because of a large stake to which is attached the iron rod that serves as a guy for the northeast corner of the roof built over the ruin. The plaza appears to have been used as a burial place, for a human skeleton was dug out of the floor near its southeast corner; but the body might have been buried after the compound had been deserted. There were excavated from this plaza, near the passageway west of the tall wall of Font’s room, the skeleton of an eagle and several rabbit bones. It was probably cus- tomary at Casa Grande to domesticate eagles for their feathers and to keep them in confinement. 13. EAST PLAZA This plaza was almost wholly surrounded by rooms, and from its position was evi- dently one of the most popular of all the inclosures of this kind. From the roof of the main building one could probably look over Font’s room into this plaza. Although the plaza isa small one, its eastern position would give it considerable ceremonial im- portance. The accumulated earth was cut down to the original level and removed outside the compound. There does not seem to be sufficient evidence that there was an eastern entrance way to this plaza, although it was looked for when excavations were made... . 14, SOUTHWEST PLAZA This plaza [pl. 14, upper] adjoins the west wall of the compound, extending from the rooms southwest of the main ruin to the first of the cluster of rooms in the southwest angle. Although large quantities of earth were removed from this enclosure, it has not been wholly leveled to the floor, especially on the east side, near a wall which is a continuation of the rooms at the southwest corner of the main ruin. This wall was exposed along its whole length, but showed no rooms on the west side, although proba- bly there are several on the east, or unexcavated, side. . . . 15. SOUTH COURT A long court extends across the whole south end of the compound from the southwest cluster of rooms to the east wall. Its form suggests a ball court or course for foot races. In connection with the former suggestion it is interesting to note that several stone 94 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eTH. ANN. 28 balls, such as were used, according to Pima legends, in a game of kicking ball, were found in this court; this game is still practiced by the Pimas. Near one end there was excavated a square perforated stone, recalling that through which balls were thrown in the Nahuatl game of pelote. . As will be seen from the accompanying plan (pl. 6) of Compound A, the whole inclosure has not been completely excavated, but enough débris has been removed to show its general character. There are no large unexcavated mounds remaining in this compound, and the level space in the southeastern part was either a plaza or, more proba- bly, the site of many habitations, whose fragile walls have fallen, rais- ing the surface to a uniform height. On this supposition we should look here for the remains of houses in which the majority of the peo- ple lived. From the study of Compound A we can get an idea of the structural character of one of these Gila Valley prehistoric settlements. The people lived in clusters of houses surrounded by a common wall, which inclosed also massive houses that served as temples or as citadels for protection. Regarding the sociologic condition, whether each com- pound housed and protected many families unrelated by blood, or clans related to one another, can not be determined from the infor- mation available. That the compounds may have been built at different times appears probable, but it can hardly be supposed that one compound was completely deserted at one time and that the inhab- itants might have moved to another site a few hundred feet away. If these compounds were inhabited at the same time, it may be readily supposed that there was considerable intermarriage of clans and there- fore intermingling of blood. As no known legends speak of more than one chief of Casa Grande, the supposition is that the inhabitants recognized only one head. There is ground for the belief that the age of Compound A is not so great as that of Compound B, although it is of considerable antiquity. Casa Grande itself seems to have . been constructed at different times, as it shows evidences of growth by a series of additions. There are no known data by which its age can be computed and none to determine which compound was the last to be deserted. It is known that Compound A was a ruin in 1694, but from the earliest accounts nothing can be ascertained which would show how long before that date the ancients occupied the buildings. The indications afforded by the rate of wear of the walls since the beginning of the eighteenth century lead to the belief that a few gen- erations before that time Casa Grande was a populous settlement. The orientation of the surrounding walls of the compounds and of the buildings within them is well-marked, this feature appearing very significantly in Compound A. The greatest length of all the com- pounds is north and south. The doorways of the buildings, when practicable, open toward the east. eh etl at a ay ee — ee BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25 FROM THE WEST FROM THE EAST, SHOWING TERRACE COMPOUND B, BEFORE EXCAVATION @ GNNOdWOO 43O NV1d GNNOYD (eu10ys}iey pus Aopyoutg Aq AoAIns wo.) 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Ae LITA L6¢9—— ——+| SPT ON eres 2 ft 5 E : em Nend : : % : ee te = Ie _ . f HLNOS SHL WOYS ‘8 GNNOdWOO 4O M3IA 3A3-S.0yIa (Ao[puey Aq Jopout Jo ydvasojoyd wos ) “oo at Eo tk aie ae eae eevee ee i a ed Z@ 3LW1d LYOdSY IWANNV HLHDIS-ALNAML ADSOTONHL]A NVOINSWY 40 NW3HynNd FEWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 95 In certain walls is found evidence contradicting the theory that they were built by stamping caliche into bottomless baskets or boxes, as generally taught, and as indicated by the joints on the west side of the main ruin. At various places in the walls may still be seen masses of clay patted into shape by human hands, the imprints of which are clear. Some of these masses, which are just large enough to have been handled by one workman, were evidently dumped on the wall and subsequently were not so stamped that they lost their original shape. Compounp B When work on it began (pl. 25) Compound B consisted of two mounds resting on a platform, the bases around both mounds being so filled in with earth that the surrounding wall formed the edge of a platform or terrace. The most extensive of these inclosed mounds (Pyramid B) occupied the southwest corner of the platform. The largest and most massive (Pyramid A) has a flat top, from which the visitor can see, in clear weather, the cupola of the courthouse in Florence, 12 miles away. Compound B (fig. 13) is 840 feet northeast of Compound A. Its excavated surrounding wall on the east and north sides, respectively, measures 299 feet and 180 feet; the west side is 297 feet long and the south side 167 feet. The compound is oriented approximately north and south (pls. 26, 27). When the excavation of Compound B began no part of the sur- rounding wall was visible, its existence being indicated only by a slight rise above the level of the surrounding plain. The first work attempted was the determination of the angles or corners of this compound. This work brought to light a massive wall surrounding the whole inclosure. It is evident from the amount of débris that had accumulated on the outside of this wall that it must have been formerly at least 7 feet high. The accumulated earth was removed to a depth of 4 feet, the present average height of the wall. This wall was found to be much higher on the west side than on the east, south, or north, and in order to obtain a level for the drain constructed around the compound to carry away the surplus water, it was ne¢es- sary to remove débris on the west wall to a depth of at least 9 feet. Below that depth many circular depressions, similar to those used by Pima in mixing mortar for the walls, were found, and it is believed that the former level of the foundation of the compound was reached on that side. None of the outside walls of Compound B laid bare by.excavation were found to be straight and none were exactly perpendicular. The thickness of the surrounding wall varies; in some places it is 96 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA (er, ANN. 28 as much as 5 feet and is, on the average, about 34 feet. Outside the wall, about 7 feet from the former foundation, was dug a shallow ditch surrounding the whole compound. This ditch was continued 780° i oan sae + ene 8 “” aaeaemeee 46 Frc. 13. Ground pian of Compound B (made before completion of excavation), showing heicht of walls in feet. into deeper ones extending from the northwest and southwest corners (pl. 35) in order to carry all superfluous water from the foundations of the walls into a natural depression some 50 feet from the com- pound. (Pl. 28.) a a BUREJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY = . TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28 LOTS), Kythat sane BIRD’S-EYE VIEW OF COMPOUND B, FROM THE EAST \ a : o of j mt \ * t BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29 EXTERIOR INTERIOR NORTHEAST CORNER, COMPOUND B BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30 a, SOUTHEAST CORNER b, ROOMS EAST OF PYRAMID B CORNER AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B @ GNNOdWOO ‘SWOOY GNV VZV1d Vv GINVYAd 40 HLNOS SWOOY Vv GINVYAd JO LSV3 SWOOH GNV VZV1d t€ 3LV1d 1LHOd3Y IVWNANNY HLHDSIS-ALNSML ADSOTIONHL]A NVOINSWYV JO NVSyN BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 32 INSIDE THE WEST WALL ae — rrmaimaiAy f Ly bord iat AKT Cae eur ROOMS WEST OF PYRAMID A LOOKING SOUTHEAST FROM PYRAMID A WALLS AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B ” = Say ‘a ; ori A j Ms i a “i * f ; i \s Wye i : fF foes at ‘ i ~ u} 1 * 1 Ri “at at) hy os ; i =. : a ory i i ‘ ’ \ mh o \ 3 ok wy Th i ‘», ‘ ; ¥ f > tm 77 “our 7 ¥! += 4 ‘ 4 ‘ j ( BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33 NORTH PLAZA OF PYRAMID A SOUTH WALL NORTH WALL PLAZA AND WALLS, COMPOUND B FEWKES ] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 97 A subterranean room provided with a cemented floor, walls, and fireplace, was discovered near the northeast corner, under the foun- dation of the exterior wall.t| This was evidently a pit-house inhabited before the massive wall had been constructed and antedating the structures built above it. Traces of similar subterranean rooms are found within the compound, near the same corner (pl. 29). The outside wall of Compound B was constructed, like that of Casa Grande proper, of huge blocks of natural cement, which were made where they now rest, the marks of successive blocks being visible at several points where the union is not perfect. Evi- dences that this wall had been repaired by ancient builders are seen in many places, and it appears that the form and direction of the original wall have been modified by its enlargement at the southeast corner (pl.30). Within the inclosure surrounded by the massive exterior wall were found evidences of two kinds of buildings: First, those made of cement blocks, characteristically massive; second, those having fragile walls supported by upright posts. Some of the walls of build- ings of the former class still remain upright, but those of the latter have fallen, their positions being indicated only by decayed stumps. To the first type belong also well-plastered floors, in which are present circular depressions that served as fireplaces. If we interpret build- ings of the first type as temples used for ceremonial purposes, the fragile-walled buildings may be regarded as habitations of the people comparable with those in which the Pima have lived since known to history. PYRAMID A The two large pyramidal elevations, occupying much of theinclosure of Compound B, were found on excavation to be remarkable struc- tures, suggesting a style of architecture common in Mexico. It appears that the larger and most northerly of these structures, desig- nated on the map as A (pls. 31, 32, 33), was a pyramid, formerly marked by the presence of two or thr ee terraces, the massive walls of which still rise at one point to aheight of more than 10 feet. The top of this pyramid (pl. 31) is square and level. A deep excavation made in its north end revealed a long chamber, suggesting the north room of Casa Grande. On the southwest side of this pyramid shallow exca- vations revealed several cemented floors, one below another, and verti- cal walls indicated by decayed posts which formerly supported them; each of these fioors contains a well-made fire pit. The shape of the rooms (pls. 32, 33), as shown by the positions of the stumps, was rec- tangular; the length was double the width. A doorway, indicated by the absence of upright logs from one side, was just in front of the fire- 1 The diagonals of none of the rooms at Casa Grande are exactly equal in length. 20903°—28 ETH—12 98 CASA GRANDE. ARIZONA [PrH. ANN. 28 place, which itself was situated not in the center of the room but slightly nearer one side. The existence of these floors, or evidences of rooms situated one above the other, would seem to indicate that a considerable portion of this pyramid was formed by accumulations of earth resulting from the decay of habitations; the supposition is that this accumulation continued through a long period, and that new habitations were built on the débris of those below. Exca- vations extended in the southwest angle of the pyramid to a level with the outside plazas showed that there were in this mound seven layers of floors, indicating by the above theory seven successive con- structions or times of habitation. PYRAMID B Pyramid B (pl. 34), which is situated in the southwest section of Compound B, is separated in part from the west wall of the compound ~ by a plaza 100 feet long by 50 feet wide. The pyramidal form, so well seen in Pyramid A, does not appear in Pyramid B (pl. 36, 8), the shape of which is trisquare, a mound extending north and south with a western extension. On the top of this mound, as on Pyra- mid A, were found floors of houses whose upright walls were indi- cated by decayed posts; below were other floors, resembling those found on top of Pyramid A. There were remains of a shrine (pls. 26, 35) at the southwest corner of the top of Pyramid B; in it were found fragments of copper and many strangely-formed stones. The north end of Pyramid B (pl. 35), extending toward the west wall of the compound and forming the north wall of the southwest plaza, was occupied by two rooms, the massive walls of which are 8 feet high and average 4 feet thick. The ground plan of these rooms resembles in shape a trisquare. Their common west wall is separated from the west wall of the compound by a passageway, through which one formerly could enter the southwest plaza from the central plaza.' The walls show no indication of a side entrance, and no proof was obtained that the rooms were roofed; the most logical supposition is that they were entered from the top of the adjacent mound by means of ladders or notched logs. Each of these rooms had a fireplace near the middle of the room, well-plastered floors, and vertical walls; they have no lateral openings for communication with each other. ns In one of these rooms was found a mass of caliche about the size of a small keg, which had a cavity in one end, while the opposite extremity was rounded. This object resembled a rude stove or 1 These narrow passageways exist also in Compound A, as between Font’s room and the massive-walled structures east of the main building. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34 NORTHEAST CORNER OF PYRAMID B PYRAMID B, FROM THE SOUTHWEST SOUTHWEST CORNER OF PYRAMID A VIEWS OF PYRAMIDS A AND B, COMPOUND B BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35 SOUTHWEST CORNER NORTHWEST CORNER CORNERS OF COMPOUND B _ y 7 ane ne BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 36 @, SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST PLAZAS OF PYRAMID B ee a aaleaal b, ROOMS NORTH OF PYRAMID B PLAZAS AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B A « ts ° m 1] - ") * . * 0 ’ ie ae YY Loe M BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37 a, SOUTH PLAZA b, ROOMS OF SOUTHEAST CORNER c, ROOMS EAST OF PYRAMID B PLAZA AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B FDWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 99 oven,! the cavity being used formerly for storage of fuel. A some- what similar object was found buried under or near the west wall of Compound C (see fig. 14). The other objects found in these rooms are evidently ceremonial and perhaps served somewhat the same purpose as those found in the large rooms of Casa Grande. In the floor of what appears to have been either a room or a small plaza, on top of Pyramid B at its southwest corner (pl. 35), was found a shallow pit or depression about a foot in diameter, which had a hemispherical cover made of caliche; this cover, which was perforated by two holes, fitted accurately into the depression. The purpose of this pit and cover was not ascertained, nothing being found that afforded any clue to their use. ROOMS EAST OF PYRAMID B The inclosure east of Pyramid B and south of Pyramid A forms a large plaza, in the southern part of which are several buildings of massive proportions. These (pls. 30; 36, a; 37, 6, c) have been excavated to their floors, which are well preserved. Two of these - rooms are especially noteworthy. These were formerly a single story in height and show no evidence of ever having been higher. Although separated by a narrow court or passageway, both rooms open into the same court through well-made doorways the jambs and thresholds of which are smooth and well preserved. When these rooms were uncovered it was found that their floors were made of hardened adobe upon which, when first brought to light, could be seen impres- sions of matting, laid upon them when the room was inhabited. This would seem to show that the ancient people of Casa Grande used a kind of sleeping mat, similar to that employed by the Pima Indians. The preservation of these impressions for so long a time is certainly remarkable. The walls of these rooms are covered with several layers of smooth plaster, each very carefully applied. The size and shape of the rooms lead to the belief that they were connected with ceremonial rather than with domestic life. In the open places (pl. 37, 6, c) adjoin- ing these chambers, the former existence of rectangular rooms is indicated by rows of holes in which were found decayed fragments of wooden posts that had formerly supported the fragile walls, long since fallen. Where possible, these were carefully replaced by new logs. The number of these habitations could not be determined. Their floors may be traced by the remaining cement, hardened by the tramping of many feet, but no fireplaces were found in these floors or in the walled buildings east of Pyramid B. 1 Like the pits the Hopi use in baking their ceremonial pudding (pigume). 100 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 SOUTHEAST PLAZA In the southeast plaza (pl. 30, 6) of Compound B evidences of several rooms were brought to light, although for the greater part their once massive walls were very much broken down. Here were found indications of fragile-walled rooms, their floors situated one above another, separated by a few inches of. soil. There had evidently been a change of plan in this quarter which had led to secondary con- struction, thus modifying more or less the original architecture. The exterior walls of the compound at this point and for about 50 feet north along the east wall are double. Within the inclosure near the southeast angle’ appeared rows of decayed posts, remains of walls, arranged in quadrangular form, indicating the former existence of several fragile-walled dwellings. East of Pyramid A, between it and the east wall of the compound, were traced portions of the massive walls of a large building, very much mutilated. To the north of this building are remains of three fine rectangular buildings having well-formed floors, fireplaces, and walls. NORTH PLAZA Due north of Pyramid A, between it and the north wall, from which it is separated by a narrow passage, was found a large building fully 40 feet long; the floor is partially subterranean and the door- way opens to the south. Between this building (pl. 41, a, 6) and the northeast corner of the compound were other massive rocms the walls of which are destroyed to so great an extent that their ground plan can not satisfactorily be traced. In this region reoe- curs evidence of successive strata of floors (pl. 41, a), suggesting repeated occupancy of the same site by the rebuilding of new houses on the débris formed by the destruction of older ones. Almost all the north side of this compound is occupied by a room 15 feet wide and extending in length about 80 feet eastward from the north- west angle. The use of a room of this shape and size is conjectural. There is no evidence of the former existence in this area of rooms ot fragile construction. WEST AREA The west area of the inclosure (pls. 36, 6; 38; 39, 6), or the section north of Pyramid B, was wholly covered with fragile-walled build- ings, the remnants of which show that they were built along streets and around courts, which can still readily be traced. Here occur also remnants of thick walls, indicating dwellings of moderate height but without large rooms. It would seem from the arrangement of the rows of holes in which the upright supports of the former walls stood, 1It was not possible to trace the rooms by means of the remaining wals in the southeast angle of this inclosure, owing in part to the dilapidated condition of these walls. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 38 RESERVOIR ROOMS NORTH OF PYRAMID B TYPICAL ANCIENT RESERVOIR, AND ROOMS OF COMPOUND B BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39 a, WEST WALL, LOOKING SOUTH b, WEST END OF NORTH WALL WALLS OF COMPOUND B hl BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40 PICTOGRAPHS FROM CASA GRANDE AND VICINITY FEWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 101i that a street, extending north and south, bisected this section of the compound and: that rooms were arranged along both sides. These rooms were rectangular, with a fire-pot or fireplace in the floor of each, at or near the center; the doorways are in the longer side, about midway. Attention should be called to a room of this row, on the north side of the street about west of the middle pyramid. West of the great Pyramid A was an inclosure in the walls of a house, containing three small stone idols (pl. 26, shrine) and a number of oddly formed stones, all suggestive of shrine deposits. ! When the workmen who had excavated this shrine and removed its contents ceased work, one of the Pima made a symbol called tewhuki (“house of Teuhu,”’ fie. 52) on the pile of excavated sand. Although disclaiming any knowledge of connection between this figure and the contents of the shrine, he gavé reason to believe there was some meaning not yet discovered. The same symbol was found by Mindeleff on a wall of Casa Grande (see ’pl. 40). The collection of stones from this shrine is among the most re- markable the writer has ever seen, being equaled only by the con- tents of certain shrines of the Hopi. Most of these stones had been brought from a distance; they consist of bowlders and pebbles from the Gila, twisted and contorted fragments of lava, petrified wood, and objects of sandstone and other rocks, botryoidal in form. There are also pigments of various colors—green copper ore, white kaolin, and black shale, with fragments of red iron oxide. The general appearance of Compound B after excavation leads to the belief that it contained fewer massive-walled buildings than Compound A, and that the number of more perishable habitations was much larger. The character of the mounds of Compound B and the evidence of great erosion (greater than in Compound A) they exhibit suggest considerable age, an idea confirmed by the superposed strata of floors and the subterranean walls and ‘‘ pit-rooms”’ under the boundary walls. Compound B is believed to be much older than Compound A, but whether it was abandoned before the latter was erected is a question which can not be answered. The age of Compound B as compared with that of the other compounds is also hypothetic; few data remain that can be used in such comparisons.? 1 These objects are described on pp. 120, 121. The significance to be attached to these stones is not quite clear, but the custom of collecting different forms in an inclosure is recorded from many pueblo ruins and still survives im several modern pueblos. In searching for an explanation of their significance the mind naturally ascribes to the Casa Grande shrines and their contents the same meaning as to the pueblo counterparts, but similar collections of odd-shaped stones having other meanings attached thereto are widespread among prehistoric peoples. 2 The two compounds, A and B, with Clan-house 1 (pls. 11, 12, 27, 44), were modeled by Mr. H. W. Hendley, of the U.S. National Museum, under the writer’s direction, for the Alaska-Yukon-Pacifie Exposition, at Seattle. These models, now in the National Museum, illustrate more graphically than can any descriptions the resemblances and d:fferences between these structures. 102 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BrH. ANN. 28 SUBTERRANEAN ROOMS Subterranean rooms were found near the northeast corner of Com- pound B, apparently filling the whole of that section. The best- preserved of these (pls. 29; 41, 5, ¢) lies directly under the east wall, which passes over it at an angle. It seemed important to protect this room by erecting a roof over it, as shown in plates 29; 41, c. The position of the wall, of the floor beneath, and of the fireplace several feet below it and the level of the plain, indicates that these subterranean structures were made before the wall of the compound was constructed (pl. 41, ¢). The presence of subterranean rooms under the walls of Compound B proves that the people of this region lived in pit-dwellings on that site before they constructed the wall. This fact points to a belief that the pit-dwelling is the oldest form, and if so search for the kin of the original inhabitants of the Gila-Salt Valleys may be made among those dwelling in similar habitations. Taken in connection with the existence of cremation, this clue serves to direct attention to California tribes, thus adding weight to a legend that the pre- historic peopling of southern Arizona was by migration by way of the mouth of the Gila. Compound C Compound C, situated due west of B, is, on account of its moder- ate height, the least conspicuous of all the compounds. As there are no mounds within the inclosure it seems never to have had extensive buildings, but to have been merely a rectangular area surrounded by a wall, in which was clustered a large number of fragile-walled rooms that once served for dwellings but are now destroyed. (Fig.14.) The outside dimensions of the compound are not far from 300 feet long by 40 feet wide, and the surrounding wall in places was 4 feet in thickness and probably breast high. There appears to have been a gateway about midway in the west side, and at the northwest corner was once an opening of considerable size. The shape of the compound is not perfectly rectangular, the whole northern portion having been much more eroded by the elements than the southern end. In the southern section still remain fragments of walls, some of which were a part of buildings of considerable size, possibly of communal nature. Most of the walls of buildings in Compound C were supported by upright posts, the stumps of some of which still -remain, notwithstanding the walls themselves have fallen. In the southeast corner rose a small square tower, or lookout, the founda- tions of which are well preserved, although the portion of the walls above ground is entirely destroyed. The greater part. of Compound C was covered with rows of houses, the floors and fragments of the walls of which, although present in BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41 @, NORTHEAST CORNER b, WALLS OF SUBTERRANEAN ROOM, NORTHEAST CORNER ce, EAST WALL AND ROOF OVER SUBTERRANEAN ROOM SUBTERRANEAN ROOMS AND CLAY-PITS FuwKEs] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 103 several places, are now very much dilapidated. All the evidence indicates that this compound was of much later construction than Compounds A and B and that it was not inhabited long enough to have temples or specialized rooms for ceremonial purposes. Not far from the west side of this compound can be traced for a considerable distance the remains of an irrigating ditch, which extends from the Gila to a point west of the Casa Grande Group of ruins. This ditch entered the Gila at a point higher up, about 3 miles from the ruin. Nearthiscompound, averaging about 20 feet distance from the surrounding walls, is a succession of low mounds resembling the refuse-heaps found in the vicinity of the other compounds. From the numerous fragments of pottery that arefound onthem, it may be inferred that some of these mounds were perhaps places where pottery was fired; others of cir- cular shape show on their surface char- coal and wood ashes. These elevations may possibly have been used in some instances for the cremation of human bodies. Exca- vations in mounds of this kind revealed al- ternate layers of charcoal and ashes, with drifted sand deposited upon each. From the relatively large number of pottery fragments and stone implements in this mound it appears that the place was formerly inhabited by a large number of persons. The inclos- ing wall served as a protection for the buildings within it that have long since fallen. Fig. 14. Ground plan of Compound C. 104 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ETH. ANN. 28 Compounp D Compound D (fig. 15), which is situated about the same distance east of Compound B as is Compound C in the opposite direction, is ‘ 149 aA 149° Fic. 15. Ground plan of Compound D. rectangular in shape and oriented about north and south, as are other Casa Grande compounds. It was of apparently the same general PEWKES] CASA GRANDE- MOUNDS 105 character as the others, containing a massive building centrally placed, the walls of which have been greatly eroded by the elements. Within the surrounding wall were also numerous rooms whose fragile walls have fallen, burying their floors two or three feet. below the surface. At the periphery of one of the floors a row of holes in which upright posts formerly stood could readily be traced, show- ing that the room was rectangular in form and had a doorway on one side. The fireplace, a round depression in the floor just in front of the doorway, still contained ashes. The conditions here are similar to those in Compound B. The massive-walled buildings doubtless served as granaries or possibly were devoted to religious purposes; the frag- ile-walled struc- tures were the dwellings of the people. The eroded appearance of this compound suggests great age, stamping it as one of the oldest of the Casa Grande Group. In the character of the masonry the massive-walled buildings of Com- pound D_ closely resemble those else- where described. They are not as high as the corre- sponding structures of Compounds A and B, having been greatly weathered. The sur- rounding wall was low, in no place above the surface of the ground, and its course could not be traced by excavation. The Geel building was apparently connected by a wall with one side of the wall of ke compound. On the plastering of one of these buildings are black impressions of human hands (fig. 16). The rooms were excavated to their floors, but no objects of importance were found. Fic. 16. Hand-prints and eroded base of wall of house in Compound D. 106 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [mTH. ANN. 28 Compounps E anp F Remnants of large walls identified as boundaries of several other compounds were traced at various places in the reservation, the most conspicuous being those of Compounds E and F, which could be . followed for a considerable distance west of Compound A. These inclose low white mounds, sparsely covered with mesquite and other growth, which seem to contain the remains of massive buildings, the walls of which have fallen or have been worn down by rains to a level with the plain. In this vicinity there are numerous other low mounds without walls which bear outward resemblance to refuse-piles. No excavations were made in these mounds, although there is evi- dence that some of them would repay examination. The presence of fragments of pottery, and broken stone objects, apparently worked by hand, suggests sites of many former habitations. CLAN-HOUSE 1 In addition to the compounds, or structures inclosed by a com- mon wall, there is a type of thick-walled buildings at Casa Grande from which this wall is absent or at least has not yet been discovered. The best example of this type is the so-called Clan-house 1 (pls. 43, 44), one of the most striking group of rooms excavated during the writer’s field work in the second year. Clan-house 1 is 740 feet due east of Compound A. The group of rooms brought to light by excavation possibly belonged to a large compound the boundary walls of which had been practically buried or totally destroyed. When work on Clan-house 1 began, two ash- colored treeless mounds rising a few feet above the level of the plain were all that was visible, the space between the mounds being covered with scattered trees, bushes, and cacti. The results of the excava- tion appear in the accompanying plan (fig. 17), in the bird’s-eye view (pl. 43), and in the illustration of the model (pl. 44). * Clan-house 1 has 11 rooms (A-J, M, fig. 18) inclosing a plaza, its outside measurements, exclusive of the annex (L, K), being 113 feet long and 49 feet wide. The longer walls extend east and west, instead of north and south as in the compounds. In addi- tion to the 11 rooms which form the main portion of the struc- tures excavated, there are three low-walled rooms on the east side, which we may call the annex; one of the main purposes of this strue- ture was to contain the grave (fig. 18) of the former chief, possibly the owner of the whole building. From various circumstances it is believed that the walls of this annex were built later than the remainder. The walls of Clan-house 1 ‘are massive (pl. 45), averaging 4 feet in thickness; the altitude of the highest is 10 feet. As shown in 1 The appearance of the tops of walls of Gila ruins, before excavation, is shown in plate 42. 7 OE ——————— BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 42 APPEARANCE OF COMPOUND-WALLS BEFORE EXCAVATION The courses of the walls may be traced by the white’ paths’’ on the surface, which are practically devoid of vegetation. BUREAU OF 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BIRD’S-EYE VIEW OF CLAN-HOUSE 1, FROM THE NORTHEAST TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 43 ISSMHLNOS SHL WOYS ‘| S3SMOH-NV1O 3O MG&IA 3A3-S.0ul9 (Aotpusy Aq [opou yo ydvasojoyd wo01g) the 3LW1d LYOdSY IWANNV HLHSIS-ALNSML ADOIONHLA NVOINSWY JO NV3SHNS L ASNOH-NV190 HLNOS 3H1 WOUS ‘q 41Sv3 3H1 WOUuSs ‘D Sp 31V1d 1YOd3SY IVANNY HLHDIS-ALNSML ADSOIONHL]A NVOIYSAWY 4O Nv3aHyuNG FEWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 107 broken sections, these walls were supported in part by upright logs (pls. 44, 45), but were constructed of huge cubes of rammed natural cement. in the same way as the walls of Casa Grande. The arrange- ment of the 11 rooms composing Clan-house 1 is as follows: On both the north and south sides there is a row of rooms the breadth of which is about uniform, while the length varies; the room at the east end of each series is the largest. There are five rooms (F—J) in the series on the north and four (A-D) in the series on the south. To the west of the plaza, between these rooms and connecting them on this end, are two rooms (H, M), which have the highest walls and were apparently the most important rooms in Clan-house 1. These rooms occupy 19.6" +9" U6" Fic. 17. Ground plan of Clan-house 1. about half of the space between the north and south series of rooms, the remaining area consisting of a plaza, or open space, having an entrance from the room on the west side. The several rooms in the series on the north side (F—J) do not communicate, nor have they external passageways except in two instances (G, J); also, room D in the southwest corner communicates with a large room (M) at the west end of the plaza. In the middle of the centrally placed (M) of the 11 rooms above mentioned was found a seat (figs. 19, 20) facing the south, made of a great block of natural cement. It is suggested that Clan-house 1 was a structure similar to Casa Grande proper and pertained to the worship of the six primary 108 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ErH. ANN. 28 points—north, west, south, east, above, and below. It is an inter- esting fact that the number of rooms in Clan-house 1, excepting the annex, Is exactly the same as in Casa Grande. In the former, how- ever, the 11 rooms are one story in height, whereas in Casa Grande there were five rooms in each of two lower stories and one room in a third. Perhaps the most remarkable of the several rooms in Clan- house 1 are the two massive-walled inclosures (K, L) on the north ‘ side, which have been designated “the annex’ (pl. 46). One of these (K) seems to have been merely an open space surrounded by thick walls formerly higher than at pres- ent. In this inclo- sure were found the remains of a walled- up cyst of natural cement, one side of which was built con- tinuous with the south wall; the other sides of this cyst, vis- ible from the room, were decorated with figures of birds and other animals, painted red. In the interior of this cyst, or rude sarcophagus (fig. Fic. 18. Sarcophagusin room K ofannex to Clan-house 1. ia): was found a human skeleton extended at full length with the head directed to the east; near the head was a receptacle for mortuary offermgs. From the nature of the objects associated with this skeleton and the special receptacle apparently made for them, it is supposed that the remains were those of an old priest, possibly of a chief, who once occupied these rooms. The mortuary objects are figured and described later (see pp. 124, 127, 130) and their special significance, so far as can now be determined, is discussed. They appear to be priestly paraphernalia, similar to those now used in ceremonies by priests of the Pueblo BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 46 a, FROM THE NORTHEAST b, NORTHWEST CORNER ANNEX TO CLAN-HOUSE 1 FEWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 109 Indians. All the facts gathered show that this burial chamber was built after the main building was constructed, but its age, as compared with that of the other compounds, is unknown. In the sand outside the walls were found one or two clay vessels containing burnt human bones, covered with clay disks, which are supposed to be the partially cremated remains of inhabitants of this building, |The two methods Fic. 19. Seat in room M, Clan-house 1, looking northeast. of disposal of the dead—inhumation and cremation—were p ractised in all the compounds of Casa Grande." It is sometimes stated that the priests of the Gila compounds were always buried in houses while the less-favored classes were cremated, their calcined bones being deposited in cinerary urns or vases that later were buried on the borders of the mounds where they had been com- mitted to the flames. While not able to prove or disprove this theory, 1 At the present day the Pima bury their dead, and the graves of the shamans are different from those of other people. The custom of burning the dead does not now exist among these people. 110 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA : [prt, ANN. 28 it is believed that the grave of the chief of Clan-house 1 has an impor- tant bearing on this question. Here, as stated, a man was found buried with care in a rude sarcophagus evidently constructed for the purpose. This is the only example known to the writer of an intra- mural grave of this character, although other burials within house inclosures have been found, namely, in the floors of one of the rooms Fic. 20. Seat in room M, Clan-house 1, looking southwest. of the block in the southwest corner of Compound A. A human skeleton was also excavated from the plaza west of the northeast building of the same compound, at the point marked ‘‘skeleton” in the ground plan (pl. 6) of that compound.’ 1 The writer is inclined to regard this burial as having been made long after the abandonment of the conipound, and the same may be true of the “ Eagle burial’’ also, near the northwest angle of Font’s room. Near the latter, however, were found fragments of decayed posts, as if part of the corral in which the eagle had been confined. The ends of these posts were inserted in holes below the general level of the plaza. FEWEKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 111 REFUSE-HEAPS The large structures, especially compounds A, B, and C, are sur- rounded by refuse-heaps, the surfaces of which are strewn in some cases sparingly, in others plentifully, with fragments of pottery and with ashes and other evidences of human occupancy. No remains of house walls were found in these mounds and their structure shows _ that they may be regarded as dumping places for the habitations in the vicinity. Some of these heaps were thrown up from neighboring depressions, or reservoirs, and their stratification indicates that layers of earth were deposited on them at different times. A vertical section exhibits beds of ashes and other refuse alternating with sand and soil, showing how the mounds increased in size.1 Distinct from these are the small mounds or elevations, rising a foot or two above the plain, that likewise mark man’s presence. These mounds indicate the former existence of dwellings in the open, and it is reasonable to suppose that outside the compounds, espe- cially along the irrigation ditches, there were isolated dwellings some- what resembling the modern Pima houses. While these may have been shelters used by farmers only while planting or watching their crops, they show that the country around the compounds had its quota of inhabitants. Within and near the compounds these houses may have been very numerous, so closely arranged as to give the appearance of a village, in the middle of which rose the great com- munal structure that served as a place of refuge in great emergencies or for ceremonies when desired. A mound situated a short distance east of Compound B was exca- vated to the depth of 9 feet. Trenches were dug across it at right angles, bisecting the mound east and west, north and south. This mound was found to contain fragments of pottery, sticks, charcoal, and other refuse; also the remains of several skeletons, extended at leneth, the skulls of one or two being in fairly good condition. It thus appears that the inhabitants of Casa Grande buried some of their dead in mounds and others in the floors of houses and plazas. As will presently appear, they also cremated the dead here as else- where in the Gila and Salt River Valleys. RESERVOIRS Tt has been already mentioned that, scattered over the area occu- pied by the Casa Grande Group of ruins, there are several depressions into which drains from the compounds have been run. The largest and deepest of these is found northeast of Compound B. These depressions, which have no masonry walls, appear to be the places 1 One of the largest of these refuse-heaps lies between Compound A and Clan-house 1, nearer the former. This mound, which extends about parallel with the east wall of Compound A, contains many fragments of pottery. 112 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BrH. ANN. 28 from which was obtained the caliche of which the buildings are made. One or two of the depressions are so situated with respect to the largest buildings that the adobe of which the houses were built may have been carried at times a considerable distance. Similar areas inclosed by artificial circular ridges of earth are found in several of the clusters of mounds in the Gila and Salt River Valleys, among which may be mentioned the one inthe group near Adamsville and the reservoir at Casa Blanca. The Escalante Group, situated near the Phoenix-Florence Railroad, also contains a similar reservoir. In the country south of the Southern Pacific Railroad, inhabited by a group of Indians of Piman stock called the Qua- hatika (Xwahadt), similarly shaped depressions are recorded, some of which are still used as reservoirs at certain seasons. This is like- wise true of so-called Indian tanks (Pima, vashki), to the east of Casa Grande, near the Santa Catalina Mountains, and elsewhere (pl. 38). Certain areas marked by no mounds or depressions may have served as race courses or dance places, the existence of which is men- tioned in legendary accounts of Casa Grande. On the southwest side of the large reservoir is a depression from which were obtained the sand and earth out of which walls were made, and a similar depression on the east side may have been due to a similar cause. There are depressions in the surface near Clan- house 1 and Compound D, and those near the western clan-houses ! served the same purpose. From remains of ancient irrigating ditches in the neighborhood of the several compounds it is evident that water from the Gila River was conducted over the plain west of Casa Grande. Here and there, especially near the large mounds, occur numerous depressions in the earth’s surface, some of which are possibly reservoirs, or places where the water was stored for irrigation, drinking, and other purposes. Most of these depressions are surrounded by a ridge of earth, by which their capacity was increased and the chance of overflow diminished. Their prevailing shape is oval. The indications are that they have been filled to a considerable extent with drifting sand since Casa Grande was deserted.? The largest is situated about midway of a line extending from the northwest corner of Compound A to the south- east corner of Compound C. It was supposed that this reservoir was lined with a cement wall, but a section exposed through the rim on the south side, which was solid sand throughout, revealed no such condi- tion. It is interesting to note that the floor of this reservoir is now thickly overgrown with trees and bushes, although without water. 1 There are mounds west of Compound A, which are here referred to as ‘‘ western clan-houses,” but these were not excavated, although traces of caliche walls were found in them. Potsherds were abundant. 2 Many of the casas grandes in the Gila-Salt region have similar reservoirs, or circular depressions with raised rims. Cushing’s excavation of one of these depressions convinced him that it was not a reservoir but a ceremonial chamber. ruwkgs] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS WAL} At one end of this reservoir may still be seen a trail along which the women toiled with water jars from their dwellings near by. The shapes of the water jars and certain head-rests that have been found indicate that the vessels were carried on the head, as at Zuni, rather than on the back as at the Hopi pueblos. There is strong evidence that the people of Casa Grande were well supplied with water by means of reservoirs and irrigation ditches. This need was not so pressing as in northern Arizona. It does not appear from symbolism on the pottery or from other evidences, which it must be confessed are scanty, that rain ceremonies occupied the prom- inent place in the worship of the inhabitants that they do among the present Pueblos. The people depended for water less on rain than on the Gila; the river was typified by the plumed serpent, which was worshipped. There are indications of small mounds in the neighborhood of these reservoirs, a fact from which it would seem that every reservoir had a cluster of habitations around it and that houses were built along the courses of the irrigation ditches. Nothing now remains to mark these houses except the mounds upon which are found fragments of pottery and broken stone implements, including now and then a well-worn metate. Excavation of one of these mounds revealed a hardened floor surrounded by holes in which are found decayed stumps of the posts that formerly supported the walls. The resem- blance of these houses to those now built by the Pima and Papago Indians is striking. They resemble also the remains of rooms of the ancient people in the various compounds of Casa Grande. IRRIGATION DiTcHES The evidences of prehistoric irrigation in the neighborhood of Casa Grande are many, but it is difficult to trace any ditch very far. The main canal which supplied the fields with water extended along the left bank of the river, from a point 3 miles higher up; this was probably provided with lateral ditches along its entire length. It approached Casa Grande about midway between Compound B and the river, on the north side of the compound, and, extending west- ward, turned to the south, sending off smaller branches toward the east and west. Although the main ditch can not be traced through- out its entire course, traces of it appear at intervals; in some places it is clearly marked by walls of earth containing small stones simi- lar to those found in stretches of its bed nearer the river. In places the canal is 20 feet wide, adequate for carrying a great amount of water. The construction of the Casa Grande ditch was not difficult, as the earth is not hard to dig and no considerable elevation was encoun- 20903°—28 ETH—12——8 114 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 tered throughout its entire course. The canal-divided probably shortly after it left the river, sending a branch that runs east of Clan-house 1 to supply the fields on the east side of the compounds. From the point of bifurcation the remains of a smaller canal can be traced for some distance. As above stated there is evidence that buildings once stood on the banks of these ditches, where their former presence is now indicated by low mounds on which are scattered fragments of pottery and a-few broken stone implements (metates, or grinders). Irrigation ditches are more apparent elsewhere in the Gila and Salt River Valleys than at Casa Grande. The settlement near Poston Butte was supplied with water by one of the best-preserved of these ancient ditches in the Gila-Salt Valley. This follows the right bank of the Gila from a point several miles higher up the river and extends to the neighbor- hood of the Escalante ruin, where it is lost in laterals or minor. branches. Near Poston Butte, the southern side of which it skirts, the banks of this prehistoric ditch are head high and can be traced for many hundred feet without difficulty. The writer has been in- formed by an old Mexican who lives in Florence that when a boy he saw stumps of old logs in this ditch at the point where the banks are highest; he believes these were remains of a prehistoric head-gate. In the following quotation H. C. Hodge refers to a prehistoric irri- gation ditch on the north side of the Gila near Poston Butte:! About 2 miles west of Florence, on the north side of the river, between the homes of Mr. Stiles and Mr. Long, is a stretch of hard, stony land, through which another of the large irrigating canals was cut, and where, for several hundred yards, one can ride on horseback in the canal, which is yet so deep one can not look over its banks on either side, when sitting on his horse. Some of the best irrigating ditches in the Gila-Salt Valley were found near Phoenix and Mesa when the country was first en- tered by Americans. That near Mesa was utilized by the Mormon farmers who settled this region; others have been filled or destroyed by modern agriculture. The lines of many of thé new ditches fol- low substantially the lines of the prehistoric canals, showing the skill of the primitive farmers. The irrigation ditches in the neigh- borhood of Phoenix have been traced and mapped by Mr. H. R. Patrick,? under whose guidance the writer has visited certain remains still visible near that city. These can now be traced only at inter- vals, and in many instances nothing remains but ridges of earth or rows of stones. It appears from Mr. F. H. Cushing’s studies of the irrigation ditches? near the ruins of Los Muertos in the Salt River Valley that some 1 Arizona As It Is; or, The Coming Country, p. 182, Boston, 1877. 2 The Ancient Canal Systems and Pueblos of the Salt River Valley, Arizona, Phoenix, Ariz., 1903. *See F. W. Hodge, in American Anthropologist, V1, 323, Washington, 1893. FuwEns] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS alts parts of these were well-preserved. The existence of a narrower channel in the bed of a large ditch, through which the water could run when the supply was small, was seen elsewhere by the present writer. The main ditches were large enough for irrigation when full of water and doubtless were used for that purpose. Not far from Blackwater is a hill, surrounded by a prehistoric ditch above the level of the plain, around which the ditch was dug to avoid a too rapid descent. The testimony of the old men consulted supports the theory that the ancient irrigation ditches were dug by means of wooden shovels similar to those mentioned and figured later in this report, the earth probably being carried to a distance by the women and children. The present Pima say that they now organize to construct irrigation ditches in a way somewhat similar to that of the ancients. As all clans enjoy the advantage of the water thus obtained, every clan has its representatives in constructing the canals, and failure to work involves loss of water right, although a clan may be represented by members of other clans. The amount of labor necessary in the con- struction of new ditches is settled in council, in which all clans inter- ested take part. The construction by the ancients of the great irrigation ditches led to greater cooperation of labor in the Gila-Salt Valley than anywhere else in the prehistoric Southwest. This union of many men under a chief, with equal representation in council, led to an advanced social organization and culture, a degree of culture which would not have been realized so soon under less favorable conditions. This coop- eration and resultant organization made possible also the building of the great compounds and the massive structures they inclosed. Excavation of one of the banks of an irrigation ditch near Casa Grande shows successive layers of soil and small stones, indicating repeated clearing out of the canal. The layers of stone may have been necessary to prevent the earth washing into the channels. These were also continually filing up with mud and detritus from the river, the amount of which was considerable when the Gila was swollen. The head-gates were probably made of posts and brush, not unlike the gates constructed at the present day by the Pima and the Maricopa. Closely connected with the irrigation ditches are the reservoirs (vashki), of which there are one or more near every large group of compounds in the Gila-Salt Basin. These reservoirs are shallow depressions in which rain water collects, but were not always con- nected with the irrigation ditches. Drinking water was probably obtained from these and other receptacles. 116 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 Mescat Pirs Scattered at intervals over the reservation, not far from the com- pounds, but never within them, one finds here and there circles of blackened soil, the surfaces of most of which are on a level with, or slightly depressed below, the surrounding plain. No considerable quantity of vegetation of any kind flourishes within these circles, and examination of the soil reveals the existence of charcoal and other evidences of fire. One of the circular areas was dug inte and as excavation progressed the effects of fire became more appar- ent, until at a depth of about 5 feet there was found a number of stones affected by fire in a marked degree. Below these stones was a layer of cinders and charcoal resting on a surface made of clay well tramped down. The evidence of the action of fire on this floor is unmistakable. The clay walls of these pits also show the effect of intense heat. It is evident from excavations that these pits are similar to those still constructed by the Quahatika (Kwahadt) for roasting the tender leaves of the agave.!. The method of using these pits is as follows: Great fires are first kindled in them, after which heated stones are thrown in; on these stones are laid agave leaves, sometimes to a depth of 2 or 3 feet. Fire is kindled over this accumulation and by action of the heat below and above, the leaves are roasted without being burnt. The number of these large pits found indicates that mescal was a favorite food with the people of Casa Grande, each compound seemingly having had its own mescal ovens. One of these pits was thoroughly dug out and the burnt stones were removed; they were then carefully replaced in their former position. The broken wall of the depression was made of clay burnt in place. This was carefully repaired, showing the type form of these structures. One of the best examples of a meseal pit is situated close to the road to Casa Grande station, not far from the southwest corner of Compound A, and can readily be seen from a wagon by one approaching the ruin from the south. Most of the mescal pits were found south and east of the compounds. It can hardly be possible that the pits were placed so that the smoke would give the least trouble to the inhabitants of the houses, as that consideration is rarely taken into account by Indians. Prob- ably it was more convenient to place them on the sides where they were found in greater numbers.” 1 Similar ancient mescal pits are found at the ruins near Tempe, Mesa, Phoenix, and elsewhere in the Salt and Gila Valleys. 2 It is instructive to note en passant that the greater erosion in the walls of the large blocks of buildings of Compound A is on the east side. This side of Font’s room was so worn down that the east wall was level with the ground. All the east walls of the southwest building were much eroded and the corre- sponding wall of the historic Casa Grande ruin is more eroded than is the northwest or thesouth wall. This unequal wearing of the walls is ascribed to the rain beating on theeast side. Possibly the buildings were terraced toward the east for priests engaged in sun worship. FHWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS Lily MetHops oF DisposaL OF THE DEAD Considering the large population that must have lived at Casa Grande, it is strange that in all the writer’s excavations so few human skeletons were found. There is evidence of two kinds of burial, inhumation in houses and mounds, and cremation, an in- stance of which was discovered not far from the north wall of Compound B.* Whether or not this difference in the manner of disposal of the dead was due to the rank of the deceased is not clearly evident, but the nature of the objects buried with a skeleton in Clan-house 1 would seem to indicate the grave of a priest. Skeletons unaccom- panied by mortuary objects were found in the plazas of Compound A and in rooms of the southwest angle, but whether these are ancient or modern is not positively known. The absence, so far as known, of evidences of cremation from the cemeteries of the Little Colorado region, including those of Zufi, and of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and other Hopi ruins, has been used as an argu- ment against associating the former inhabitants of these pueblos with the Hohokam of the Gila-Salt Basin. Moreover, the Pima do not burn their dead, nor have they done so in historic times. It may be said in reply to this objection that the Hohokam inhumated as well as cremated, thus furnishing a double precedent for their descendants. Moreover, there is good evidence that cremation was practiced in the eastern and northern Pueblo region, at Mesa Verde for instance. According to Castafieda, the Cibolans? burned their dead. The human bodies buried in the earth at Casa Grande were laid at full length, no remains of an inhumated body in a flexed position hav- ing been found. It is usual to find in pueblos and cliff-dwellings * skeletons buried in both ways. The manner of interment may have had in some cases an esoteric meaning, but in most instances it had no special significance. Several theories have been suggested to account for burial in the contracted position. It has been asserted by some authorities that the corpse was so disposed to represent the embryonic position. According to a second theory the body was deposited in the squat- ting position as suggestive of a state of rest. 1 It would appear that a people who burned their dead did not believe in a resurrection of the body, and the same may be true of those who buried their dead. The placing of offerings in the grave indi- cates faith in the continuation of life, but does not prove, of course, belief in immortality. The practice of burning the dead, which was widespread in the Southwest in prehistoric times, was abandoned when the teachings of the missionaries were followed. 2 Cibola is identified by the best authorities as ancient Zufi, but no evidence of cremation has yet been found in Zuni ruins. 3 A cliff-dwelling is practically a pueblo built in a cave, and whatis true 01 one probably holds true for the other, with slight modification. 118 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 It has been pointed out also that a -body in the contracted position can be more readily carried on the back, than when it is extended. In house burials, in which the bodies were carried only a short distance, they were commonly laid on the side in the extended position, perhaps in the same position as at death.’ As arule, the few bodies uncovered from mounds by the writer were extended at full length, but one or two had the knees brought to the chest (contracted position), as is common among many Indian tribes. Mortuary offerings were found with most of the skeletons. It is believed that cremation is the oldest and most general manner of disposal of the dead and that it was formerly widespread in the Pueblo area. Eyen when cremation and inhumation coexist, it is possible that one of these practices may have been introduced much later than the other. They may also suggest the existence of a former dual sociologic composition. The interments found near Compound B were in several instances about 9 feet below the surface. Other human skeletons, however, were found just below the surface. In the cases in which human remains were cremated the calcined. bones. and ashes were placed in ollas or vases? over which were luted circular clay or stone disks. MINOR ANTIQUITIES The two seasons excavations at Casa Grande revealed instructive objects, some of which shed light on the former culture of the people of this valley; but considering the amount of earth removed in that time, comparatively few objects were found. This may be due to the fact that no cemeteries were discovered and hence the number of mortuary objects was small. The collections consist of objects of stone, clay, shell, bone, and wood, and fabrics of various kinds, including cloth, string, and net- ting. The stone and clay objects, being the least perishable, are naturally the most numerous. Similar specimens found in many of the ruins in the Gila and Salt River Valleys exist in a number of museums and private collections, 1 The Hopi now bury in the contracted position, and it is customary for the oldest male relative to carry the body down the mesa side on his back and deposit it in the sand at the base of the foothills, House burials among modern Hopi have long since ceased, but when Sikyatki and Awatobi were in their prime they were not uncommon. Among the modern Pima the graves of medicine-men are apart from cemeteries, and have a somewhat different character, as described by Doctor Russell. It is instructive to note that the body of a medicine- man is said to be placed in a sitting posture, while the Pima generally now bury the body extended. Such shaman burials are not common and by this time may have been wholly abandoned, since through the zeal of missionaries and other teachers the Pima are practically no longer pagans. Still, the survival into the present generation of two forms of inhumation is noteworthy. 2 Similar vases with calcined human bones have been found along the San Pedro and throughout the Pueblo Viejo Valley, especially in association with the ruin at San José, PEWwKus] MINOR ANTIQUITIES 119 but few of these came from Casa Grande. These collections embrace many types not found at Casa Grande and many beautiful specimens illustrating the same types as those referred to in this report. It is only necessary to refer to the magnificent material in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, collected at Los Muertos and elsewhere in the Salt River Valley, by the Hemenway Southwestern Expedition under Mr. F. H. Cushing, and to the private collections made at Phoenix, Arizona, by the late Doctor Miller. Mr. Benham formerly had installed in his shop at Phoenix a fine collection of Gila Valley antiquities, containing specimens owned by several persons. Some of the objects above mentioned have been described by other archeologists, but it may be said that there is no comprehensive account of the antiquities of the Gila-Salt area. Although the present article will not supply this deficiency, it is the intention to include in it all objects found by Government officers at Casa Grande and now deposited in the National Museum at Washington. A list of these specimens with brief notices and measurements of most of them is appended to this report. As will be seen by consult- ing this list, more than 1,300 objects have been obtained and cat- alogued. It is unnecessary to do more than to refer to the more striking of these, but there are added notices of one or two objects from neighboring ruins, and of a few collected at Casa Grande before the writer’s excavations began. MINDELEFF COLLECTION The specimens deposited in the National Museum as the result of the repair work in 1891, referred to in Mindeleff’s report,? are as follows: . Bureau Num- National Museum ee es Article bool Remarks number | number mens 155088 595 | Fragments of large earthenware-vessel.| Lot. Plain red on both sides. 155089 D967 | PUATES DOWLe cee cern omens < a-5 <>< sect te tose renee ee tener eee H 2 252007 7 | Charred bone implements, fragments of pottery, shells, quartz, crystal, ete........_. | 1 20903°—28 erH—12——11 161 162 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ETH. ANN. 28 Accession No. 48761, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. U.S. | Bur. Ee a Articles Lots No No. 252008 | 8 | Charcoal cylinders, paint sticks 26 25200971) /\9)| Mass of charred Ghats. ~ 2 Seen aoe s saat ea nner eee eee 1 252010}|)..20)\) Shell; (Peoten 0) < oe ao toa) ees see ee = ete ee ee 1 252011 11 | Piece of charred sea shell. 1 252012 12 | Stone ax, double-bitted, showing effects of fire; length, 5Z inches................... 1 252013 13 | Grooved stone ax, showing effects of fire; length, 6} inches. ....._...............22. 1 252014 14 | Piece of charred beam; length, 14 inches. ...............-.---------2 ec tenee eee cee : 1 252015 15 | Pieces of wooden beams or posts; lengths, 133, 16} inches. .......................--- 2 252016 16 | Fragments of wooden hoes; Mound 6, east of Compound B....................-.-.- | 2 252017 174, Stone mortar, slab; 12}-x 10} x’ 43\inchesJ/:222-223)2.0. oe. ete Pt 1 252018 18 | Rubbing stones, mainly rectangular in outline; lengths, 23 to 54 inches. 9 252019 19 | Hammer stones, irregularly shaped pieces, with battered edges. .................-2, il 252020 20 | Stone disks, natural forms, some with fractured edges; diameters, 31 to 5} inches. -. 4 252021 21 | Stone pestle in form of tapering cylinder; length, 5g inches......................... / 1 252022 22 | Arrow-shaft polisher (broken); length, 3 inches.................-.-..---.---+--+--+ 1 252023 23) | Srregularly shaped naturalformscs. = nc. sop os east nero ane paeenet < eee oe eee | 2 252050 50'| Caneretions and quartz crystals 3 oo. 05-55 2b. Se ation aestnde ene eeeeee eee 8 252051 51 | Digging tools of iron! (spade-like): length, 7 inches; (evidently Spanish; not pre- Historic). <<. ~~. <<. asGehe se tesptes ane yeas dep pet aoe eee eee oe 2 252052 52) || Mealing stone; 7x 4x 2 inches... .255.5 =. 28. 02 oe ee es 1 252053 53 | Hammer stones; lengths, 3} and 3} inches... ..............2----s222--c0----0-0--0= 2 252054 54 | Rubbing stones, small, lava; lengths, 3 and 33 inches ..........-...........------- 2 252055 55 | Piece of adobe (cylindrical); length, 5 inches; diameter, 44 inches...............-... 1 252056 56 | Piece of adobe, irregular shape 1 1 These were purchased from an Indian who may or may not have picked them up on the surface at or near the ruin. They illustrate the form of spade introduced by the Spaniards and used by the Pima long after the American occupation. FEWKES] U.S. | Bur. Nat. |Amer. Mus. | Eth. No. No. 252057 57 252058 58 252059 59 252060 60 252061 61 252062 62 252063 63 252064 64 252065 65 252066 66 252067 67 252068 68 252069 69 252070 70 252071 71 252072 72 252073 73 252074 74 252075 75 252076 76 252077 7 252078 78 252079 79 252080 80 252081 81 252082 82 252083 83 252084 &4 252085 85 252086 86 252087 87 252088 88 252089 89 252090 90 252091 91 252092 92 252093 93 252094 94 252095 95 252096 96 252097 97 252098 98 252099 99 252100 | 100 252101 101 252102 | 102 252103 | 103 252104 | 104 APPENDIX 163: Accession No. 48761, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. Articles | Lots | Bicce ofiadabav incised! designe. Lees ssa .cc ooo. . Pobre ee ao eee ee ese eeeeee! | 1 Part of large disk of clay, bearing stamped design 5 1 Globular and irregularly shaped concretions; shrine offerings | 95 Squared\pieces of lava; mealing'stones-v-- (2. 52. SS en 4 Squared pieces of lava, with pits on two surfaees; 5} x 4x 2} inches.-....-.....-.. | 1 Pitted stone, oval outline, lava; length, 44 inches.............-.-.-.--..--------.-- 1 Rubbing stone (lava), disk with rounded upper surface; diameter, 4} inches... .. J L Fragment of implement (lava), originally with perforation..-......-.-....--.....- 1 Pestle (lava) with expanding base; length, 3} inches t Rubbing stone 5.x 3'x 2inches’s 22.2 cosacconc acne sas et ee oes eec eee he wn ee eae L Hammer stone, cylindrical; length, 24 inches; diameter, 1} inches 1 Hainmers, irregularly shaped, with abraded edges...........-..-...--------------- 4 OTe SMe TL OCT LALE setae rca erst ee emt nee Seve ones sem een als eaten a Kragment ofpakinge plates. -22ssse< cc)... SSS ISL MES Se SEL SD ad 2: 1 9 2 1 ae sf Sharpening or abrading implement, made of sandstone, with squared edges; 54x5 x 1} inches 1 Sharpening or abrading stone, made of sandstone, with squared edges; 3 | ; 1 iy 1 Sharpening or abrading stone; sandstone, with longitudinal groove in one surface; 54 x 4} x 1} inches 1 Sharpening or abrading stone, tufa; 5} x 33 x 2} inches 1 Slab for mixing paint; 54 x 34 x § inches 1 Whetstone; oval'section; /8'x 12 x1 Pinchese: 2.0 25. .2.0. 2.0 Et oe toee eee 1 Lot of charred and much weathered pieces of wood, beams, lintels, ete., from the morth west count) GomporsidKAy See segs 9s es 2 GE AP end 1 Lot oficharredttimbersetexs -2 soc -h. Pee eS ONS eS 1 Hammer stones; irregularly shaped pieces with battered edges.........-....-.-.--- 16 Rubbing implement (lava); section, rounded prism; length, 44 inches ............. 1 Rubbing implement; irregular shape, with one flat surface; length, 44 inches. . 1 Rubbing implement; irregular shape, with one flat surface; length, 4 inches... .... 1 Small pestle (lava); conical; length, 4inches.........../....-.-2.2.------2+------- 1 Rubbing implements of tufa; nearly disk-shaped; diameters, 24 to 2}inches -..... 3 Sharpening or abrading implement, sandstone, with squared edges; €} x 4} x RRANCUGSEEE Spee ae Gee: Sebel Peer aoe Ue Se sae Cees be ae tore ee eal | 1 Sharpening or abrading implement (fragment).........-..---..-...-.---.--+------- | 1 Sie et OO pre at we aren whee erate eg are wc Ate la ant I ors Se eS eae 1 Sharpening or abrading implement (fragment; sandstone)................---.---- | 1 Stone with much worn depressions, grinding stone for implements; 6} x 6 x 1 | INCHES S 2 og 's5 o/s cada sa anbiesaqar sas ctuc ens buae tees Meee a eee tee eee caw ee ace | 1 Small paint mortar, oval outline; 4 x 23 x 14 inches.................-.-.---------.- 1 Grooved stone, shaft rubber; irregular outline...............-2.-..-22---ee0eee eee i Water-worn pebbles; no signs of use... ..-.-..------- 22-222 e ee ence eee ee een n ee | 4 (rapmerntt ofobsidignst = teste: - a seUees ea. Oprah es. ee Ee che 2 | 1 ICCB OLON |. an. ate cine eiemmnin anne meine nine mw awe nrelaraine winter enira idee eee oie mn'anna'e 1 Massiotigquariz crystals. a 222s9: “5s passa SS Pet SPSS ERIS 1 Gonerctionsiofmnusus fortis: =.caccsasee sae eep ce uece ys thems > OR es ec ace 4 Piece of baked clay 1 164 U.S. Nat. Mus. No. 252105 252106 252107 252108 252109 252110 252111 252112 252113 252114 252115 252116 252117 252118 252119 252120 252121 252122 252123 252124 252125 252126 252127 252128 252129 252130 252131 252132 252133 252134 252135 252136 252137 252138 252139 252140 252141 252142 252143 252144 252145 252146 252147 252148 252149 252150 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA . [BTH. ANN. 28 Accession No. 48761, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. Articles Fragments of charred textile, garment, room west of Father Font’s room, Com- POUMG A. 0, as aca ante ees Sareea re tetee eee See eee tee Sete te aaa eee Charred basketry <<... 5 2<3.2-dsccjic Sees Se RSS = eet Oe a ee Charred corn and fragments of basketry Mass of charred! thread: o-sise 23. 2 ocoae ogres eee ee ce ee cae eee een ec een ee Gharred Gopn'sas oases a tee ete a Cea see ene Fee ee ae a Sens eee ee Piece of charred reeds wrapped with twine Charred:'seeds..)- ... ... Se hatk Sa. aces jaca erate ence Ge PRE Oa eee cece ee Gharrad'basketry <->. 2am ne te- ce acm Sete Sok, Uae te Ser enee Re 8 Shell; Pectanculus;:2 sqgs2- hase ses soe Wee ae a ace ee eee aoe ee eee cine nee Shell, 'Cardita’.- =... ... capac teeete SE eee eee ee See eee a ee eee Unworked shelis,;Comus. oo oo ones cmciecisen enim ate tee en Se eee poe cose eee ee Pendant made from Pecten shell .......-. Pendant (fragment), section of shell u Shellipendante-~ 26.30 onc. ob encceesecene sans ccs ea cee oe Le Sie nee te ee cree Shell pendant, made from Conus shells Shelli bead. = 5.2. Foc. s re cemented a scree ect ee ee oe = Sloe Ee tee ae eee Fragments:of decorated'pottery ss soa. sack S225. co ees Po. Re Pottary- ladle; toy ssi 2oc.n ns. . ociacce eee codes sha bec Ceee eee ak aunerere see Pottery head, representing animal.............. Pottery disk, perforated; diameter, 1} inches Piece of red ocher, from room west of Father Font’s room, Compound A... Fragment‘of cement... 5. see ada a 2on8 Se semeee Tete eee de eee ne ee eee Quartz crystale.to tose ee ae ee ee eee eee Piece of obsidian Flakes of jasper (1) and obsidian (2) Small rubbing stone; 2} x 1g inches Implement of wood, hoe; northwest court, Casa Grande; length, 19 inches........- Implement of wood (part of); northwest court, Casa Grande; length, 64 inches. .-. Implement of wood; northwest court, Casa Grande; 7} x 2 inches................-- Implement of wood; northwest court, Casa Grande; 5 x 2 inches Implement of wood; northwest court, Casa Grande; 8 x 2} inches Implement of wood; northwest court, Casa Grande; height, 6 inches; diameter, OP UACHBS woe < eee ee ek See es ae eee See eae oe ee eee seas eeeae Shell pendant ornament, Pectunculus; Mound 2, Group B, Casa Grande; diam- Lots ad _ eters, 1} and 2} inches... Shell pendant ornament, Turritella; length, 2} inches Shell ear pendants; fragments; Pectunculus Shell pendants, Conus Conus'shells; not worked. o2.c.2 2 nots see does dace Jaatec ee ewe reee co seeeee reese Fragment of decorated! potteryiesseeed 2-0 SSeS ee a ee ee eee eee Fragment of pottery vessel; shallow dish; northwest room, Compound A, Casa Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 4 inches; diameter, 7} inches.............- Earthenware bowl; interior has painted design; height, 4 inches; diameter, 6} Bp wwe Dp a ew tere ee FEWKES] APPENDIX Accession No. 48761, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. U.S. Nat. Mus. No. 252151 252152 252153 252154 252155 252156 252157 252158 252159 252160 252161 252162 252163 252164 252165 252166 252167 252168 252169 252170 252171 252172 252173 252174 252175 252176 252177 252178 252179 252180 252181 252182 252183 252184 252185 252186 252187 252188 252189 252190 252191 252192 252193 252194 252195 252196 252197 252198 252199 252200 252201 165 Articles 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 1i7 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 Earthenware vase, compressed, globular body, short neck; height, 6 inches; diam- Ble UCHES wc emaeceas mee nnnasidtes Stara eect ces cates rome te cere te eee teeneten ae Peetunculus shells, found in vase No. 252151... - 2... 2c cece cee ccnwccccccccccceces Small earthenware vase, containing small shells (Nassa), Conus shells, bits of turquoise, deer tooth, etc.; diameter, 34 inches; height, 2} inches................ Fragments of decorated pottery, various designs. . . Fragments of decorated pottery, various designs; fragment with swastika design. . Pottery disks, made from broken vessels; diameters, 1} to 3 inches.... ............ Pottery disks, made from perforated vessels; diameters, 1} to 2 inches............. Fragments of pottery, representing head of parrot....................------22..... Fragments of pottery, representing animal head..............-...--.--22--2-22002- Grooved:stone'ax; lengthy 7inches: =. .---2.-2.+.52---52-!o:202---2 12 ee bean Grooved 'stons'ax>*lenetn: Ge inches! co). 35.2-51o. cece ee eee ee Polished stone implement, chisel(?); 7 x 12 x }inches. ... Abrading implement, sandstone, squared edges; 6 x 2} x 1 inches Mealing stone Sead 4-9 INMcNeSe—. Leet eassctene cet oe cert cn seh ee ae ieee aselee ces Stonaimplement; Nenpthy ot inChesntass sscece nse sae ore c ec oe ote ee ce aca eets an Abrading implement, grooved surfaces; length, 2} inches....... i ec I eR Abrading implement, tool sharpener (?); length, 3} inches.....................-.... Stoneimplement; 44x 3h ceANCHOS! cae. see cheeses ase ce se ew ene sc cle cass atels ben Stone implement, polisher (?); 44 x 2} x } inches. ....-..- Stone implement; length, 44 inches; diameter, } inch... ..- Rubbing stone, with handle, tufa; diameter, 4} inches. Stone pestlelava); length, Stinchess os .2s--eees-ocsse-c cece ster este ceca rescence Stone disk; diameter, 5 inches; thickness, §inch ...................--.----.------- Stone disk, partly perforated; diameter, 34 inches; thickness, ? inch.-............- Stone disk; perforated; diameter, 2 inches; thickness, }inch.....................- Stone implement, oval outline, thin flat pebble; 3} x 2} x Zinches.............-.-- Stone balls>:diameters; 7 toga inches--+,-25.2---s:c- 0 cesses oe cre ee scceesnene Hoe, thin blade, chipped; length, 5} inches.......-.-.. Hoe, one edge showing wear; length, 6} inches Hoe, one edge showing wear; length, 43 inches. Hoe, one edge showing wear; length, 5} inches......-.........--.------------------ Worked fake'ofobsidianylangth, 22 inches.:2". <1 2-62. --.-0-- 2 hoe e eee nnn Arrow-point, flint, triangular; length, 2} inches.............-.-.--------.-.------- Arrow-points, flint, stemmed; lengths, 2} and 13 inches......-......-...--.....-.-- Perforator or drill, chaleedony; length, 1$ inches; diameter, } inch MYAPIMENTS OF LUTQUOISO 22 «25 sons 25sec cs ce asetceseeene sees take ee eee ee a mane e PIS UDISE DEAUS nae mes aee cee tee sea ow = cee ee eed etee ene eee een nem ee es Piece ofcarved redijasper'(amulet)=.-° 2.02 <7 oh. Sone aera dese cece rene esacce Small water-worn pebbles of rare forms........ ...-..--2--+----oseese-erceseeeeeees Concrenlous SLOHE CULDSsnpece: cate cs re ieek ace ce ease nace eee eee Ream eeE aan IDTISTEZCTVSUAIS = wercncs tad dere at conen a atacer saat eee eee ee een uns are shells (Cardinm) umworked..--..-cocena-. Macsn. sace ee eee aw sece oe Jane eeece eee es Fragments of pottery bowl, polished black ware.............-..-----.-.---- thee A Fragments of pottery vase, decoration in red and green ._.......-.--...--.--------- Handlesiof vases: .<. . cette. Oea Set SeeR eee Geer ote tLe Sete eee oer Legs of tripod vases Fragment of pottery bowl, hole near edge. Fragment of painted vase, showing coils on exterior Fragment of pottery, white or pale yellow slip wash, hundreds of pieces, decoratigns iniblack lareelote: Ata -. < ssd-s 2s. ce answer scsee eke ee ee eee cee Fragments of pottery, gray slip wash, black decorations .-......-.-.---------.---- Fragments of pottery, pale yellow slip wash, decorations in black, with solid areas Fragments of pottery, pale yellow slip wash, decorations in red. ..-........--------- Fragments of pottery, plain undecorated ware, large lot.........-...-...----------- Polishing stone; length, 2} inches; width, 14 inches | Rubbing stone (sandstone); 3 x 24 x § inches. .........-.......----------+--------- Rubbing stone (sandstone); part ofs 22.2-. <5 22 soca ee ear eee ee =m BPR RP PRP HEP ORE PO RR EP BP PP OP RP RENO PE eo = an wo re Re wOUaarF ee eR ee Re ee ee om ae —— FEWKES] APPENDIX 171 Accession No. 48761, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. U.S. | Bur. pee: ae Articles Lots No. | No. 252461 | 461 | Rubbing stone (sandstone), oval outline; length, 2} inches..............-..--.-...- 1 252462 | 462 | Digging tool, large flake, oval outline; length, 53 inches... 4 1 252463 | 463 | Digging tool, large thin flake, irregular outline; length, 64 inches..................- 1 252464 | 464 |--... LO Se ee tera tela ee eels Sete ee tetas sete oe cnet ae a ee ee TNS oe Seon chee 1 252465 | 465 | Digging tool, large thin flake, irregular outline; length, 5 inches... .... 5 ee oP) 1 252466 | 466 | Fragments of large marine shell, charred..........-.-5--22-. 2-22-22 eee ee cee e eee eee 1 Obo4e7 |= 467, | wRrapmentiotlargé marine Shelljes - lessees. Leet see sect ee PA) 1 252468 | 468 Fragments of shells, some showing use as paint cups....-.........-...----..------- 1 252469 ; 469 Fragment of pendant, section of Pectunculus...-....-.-.--2---2---2-22--esee eee eee 1 252470 | 470 Mass ofcharred corn 1 252471 | 471 Charred seeds 1 252472 | 472 | Piece of adobe showing impression of reeds........-..-..-----------------202-- eee a 252473 | 473 | Implement of wood (part of); length, 64 inches. ..............-...-..------.------- 1 252474 | 474 | Painted pottery bowl, with bits of shell, modern ware; diameter, 4% inches... .-... 1 252475 | 475 | Painted pottery vase, with glass beads, modern ware; length, 2} inches............ 1 2524768) 476) Gambling sticks; modern te osane Les bs LA: eas Als SE SR EE ee eet 4 Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona 254301 1 | Large unfinished stone ax, natural form, showing shaping process of grooving and surfacing by pecking; 12 x 34 x 4 inches 1 254302 2 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 8 x 3 x 2} inches 1 254303 3 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 7} x 2} x ls inches.......-.-.-..-.-.-----.-- 1 254304 4 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 7 x 2} x 1{inches.................-..-....-- 1 254305 5 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 7 x 24 x 1#inches.............-..--......--- 1 254306 6 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6} x 2} x 24inches..................--.--.-- 1 254307 7 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 64 x 23? x 2inches..............--.-.-------- 1 254308 8 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 5} x3 x 2tinches..............-.--.-.------ 1 254309 9 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 5} x 2} x 1} inches. 1 254310 10 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6 x 24 x 2}imches..............--.-.-.-.---- 1 254311 11 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6 x 2} x 2 inches.............-.-.-..---.---- 1 254312 12 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6 x 2} x 2 inches..............--.---.------- 1 254313 13 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 64 x 24 x l}inches..................-------- 1 254314 14 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 54 x 2} x l}inches ..................------- 1 254315 15 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 64 x 2} x lf inches.............-- ey EN tee: 1 254316 16 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6 x 24x 1}inches.................-.-------- 1 254317 17 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 5 x 2} x 13 inches. 1 254318 18 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 4} x 1} x 1} inches 1 254319 19 | Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 3} x 24 x 1} inches 1 254320 20 | Grooved stone ax, double-bitten encircling groove; 5 x 35 x 1} inches....-.....-.- 1 254321 21 | Broken ax blade, upper portion roughened; 3 x 2 x 1} imches...................-.- 1 254322 22 | Grooved stone hammer or sledge; 8 x 3 x 2h inches..............-.--...-2----+---- 1 254323 23 | Grooved stone hammer or sledge; 7x 3 x 2}imches............-.-...-------------- 1 254324 24 | Grooved stone hammer; 6x 2x lhinches...............-------------------------- 1 254325 25 | Grooved stone hammer; 5 x 24. x 1} inches... 1 254326 26 | (Grooved stone Lammers 47x 39x 2nches.<.- 0222. seve ono sara seceema=nanaceencs-e 1 254327 27 | Grooved stone hammer; 44 x 24 x lj inches.............-.-.-------+-------+-------- 1 254328 28 || Grooved stone hammers’ 4x27 x 2h inches: os sooo eon ee eee ee sae en eens 1 254329 29 | Grooved stone hammer; 3} x 2} x lj inches...............-..---------------------- | 1 254330 30 | Grooved stone hammer; 3} x 2 x Zinches...........-.--.----- Dee eee oa eke 1 254331 31 | Grooved stone hammer (broken); 44x3 x 2tinches........--.....-.-..---.-.----- 1 254332 32 | Grooved stone hammer (broken); 43 x 2} x l}inches.............-....------------ 1 172 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [STH. ANN, 28 Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. U.S. | Bur. ae ane ; Articles No. No. 254333 33 | Hammer stone, cylindrical; 44 x 24x 2 inches. .... 2.22.22. 2.202 cceecceceeeeeeeeees 254334 34 | Hammer stone, roughly spheroidal; diameter, 3} inches............. weit. 4 254335 35 | Hammer and rubbing stone; 3}x 24x 1}inches.....................------ 254336 36 | Hammer stone, square, with rounded edges; diameter, 2 inches. . . 5 254337 37 || Rubbing stonesi34 x Ugacd inches. sec acess. se BURP aes et sae eon ae eee 254338 38 | Paint muller, conical outline; length, 3 inches; diameter, 13 inches...............- 254339 39 | Paint muller, conical outline: length, 3 inches; diameter, 2}inches...............- 254340 40 | Chalcedony concretion; cylindrical outline, surfaces slightly polished by use; length, atinches; diameter, 12 inchess.c-nces ee Sedsaet -tesme Bats saree ee ee 254341 41 | Rubbingstone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (lava); 83 x 3} x 14 inches........ M olataiata [aia chain Oa a aera ak ee EO a Ness oot Ree SESS ESE eta °254342 42 | Rubbing stone for metate, having paralleledges with rounded ends (basalt); 8x 3} x 14 inches 254343 43 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (lava); 63 x 33 Mlpinehes 2s $225 25922 ota teee:. house othe ce ck Sagar Sete eee 254344 44 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (basalt); 7 x Oa AA Ly IMGHES + >= cies ante cee Shc eels ces) oe teres Meera ele a are ea 254345 45 | Rubbing stone for inetate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (basalt); 7 x ax inches! orcss eee se ebostioet sees Seder oN poe osicecceaareeaescosscconsse Ss 254346 46 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (basalt); 73 x Se RU INCHES. ses cn oS ee ak Soke ep ge sees ap rapes seh apa eee Roe ae noe ee ee 254347 47 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); Uip.soh sb.9) © held 2c en ie SORE Ce Ore eee a oe eae es acnoee 254348 48 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); O23 om anes oe a oan oe eee i en ee nig cial er ae ees ee eee 254349 49 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); OP SPANOS Bo ais acre ay ees alae ers ale om nih ae nara eee ie 254350 50 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); 5} x 34 x 1} inches 254351 51 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); Baar Sh RIN GHGS oa = ates cs nen Roe ee earls late ee ee eer ne 254352 52 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); 6F>x Shc inches: 2-6 5 = hose va setting 0 See oa so. Seek sea wee ne tae eee aes 254353 53 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); Seana polpinches.. steerer Be So ain oh ee aN oa ee ee 254354 54 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); Gish slp indheses fe pois ss ee aes eet ene senna enna ewan Acct eee ooo pee 254355 55 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); 54x 33K 1 inches Sle sae eee a eels elo ate pa een eeie na alana ete era ae a 254356 56 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava); Gtr SE AP INGhOS 2 2 iso oe wok so Oc wee eds sc ees ae ee ae Cee a 254357 57 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); [jp ek} Spall? bell TS as ne aS oes Sess) Semana SRO Se ee nee nec ecee.2r 254358 58 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava); Gh x Sh x [Pinches .... 2c soos ses jee caee eye ieus sususes cepa an- ease stereo seener ee 254359 59 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava); Aye Ae Tpinches? 2... 226s otewetete acon ge ews 2 ote See ae eas ae eee eee eee 254360 60 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (hasalt); 522m dae pinches 's2 jost-5 os ak, Soe eat ee wee ale cae Main.“ a a es oe 254361 61 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); Gh RBH Dinches cee. 05 cde Saeco ae cece ees acivs apes eh i eee Bees ee 254362 62 Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); bP Nb ac) Se gap Stel Se a os ener aa. Spore ates ree Sec acceece gieron aesdodetaysencoces FEWKES] APPENDIX. i} Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. U.S. | Bur. nee ee Articles Lots No. No, 254363 63 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava); [Gh Sin OG Hips |e Feels ae aS Ae aoe Ts RS FE SNE Neha SRE Ss 1 254364 64 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); Vee Sd INCHES has: Se Se OS eR a 1 254365 65 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); _ 8x34 x1}inches 1 254366 66 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava); 7 x34 x14inches 1 254367 67 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt); 64 x 34 x 1} inches....: SEE ISS ee EO TI EER hi pn cae é 1 254368 68 | Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava); irisieoainGhes ve Sb ema cese ere. oe cee Oe aie ceniemb oe lacen ks BR ots ccoees 1 254369 69 | Rubbing stone for metate, having edge slightly curved (basalt); 5 x 3x 1 inches... 1 254370 70 | Rubbing stone for metate (basalt); 34 x 2} x 1} inches 1 254371 71 | Rubbing stone, irregular outline; 64 x 5 x 1 inches .....- 1 254372 72 | Rubbing stone, natural form, semi-lunar outline; 53 x3 x 1 inches... 1 254373 73 | Grinding or polishing stone, rectangular outline; 4} x 3 x }inches..... 1 254374 74 | Grinding or polishing stone, reddish sandstone; 33 x3} x }inches.....-..-......- 1 254375 75 | Grinding or polishing stone, approximately disklike, lava; 3 x 2} x linches........ 1 254376 76 | Rubbing hammer stone, natural form, approximately disklike outline; diameter, 4 lp inches o-eece see eens Jat See geese a iese eet et SIRs 1 254377 77 | Mortar, large slab, with one slightly concave surface, evidently used for grinding Pigments Opec She 2eincheswens eope cm cte see eaee coisa eels ee ables eee cin cine 1 254378 78 | Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); 6} x 44 x 1}imches.....-......... 1 254379 79 | Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); 43 x 4x l}inches............-... 1 254380 80 | Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); 33 x 3 x i#incheseis<22 = = ae 1 254381 81 | Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); showing narrow grooves, possibly sharpening tool for wood and bone awls; broken piece, 4 x 34 x l}inches.......... 1 254382 82 | Grinding stone (broken), sandstone; 4x2} x1}inches ................-.--.-.-.--- 1 254383 83 | Grinding stone (broken), sandstone; 24x 2 x 4inches ...........-.-.---------.-5-. 1 254384 84 | Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 7} x 3 x 4 1 innhes kets Beet Ha eema Ate coated eet cwlaerity ten 5. . 1 254385 85 | Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 6 x 43 x } IG OS Ses Babee ee ett eee eee sae ere. eee ani ae ks SUS 1 254386 86 | Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 6} x 4 x# LHL Og Renee ee es oe cloeis aca te tet ee Ute OS CONE BEN S88 ee ew 1 254387 87 | Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 5 x 3} x } inches. 1 254388 88 | Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 3 x 2 x } inches. 1 254389 89 | Fragment of polishing stone; 24 x 24 x j inches......- Syed feats Je eae eins Le 1 254390 90 | Paint mortar, rectangular outline (sandstone); 6} x 44 x linches.......-.-........ 1 254391 91 | Irregularly shaped piect of sandstone, with pit in one surface, paint mortars; 54 } x3} x 1liinches 1 254392 | 92 Irregularly shaped piece reddish sandstone, with pit in one surface, paint mor- tar; 5 x5 x 1} inches. if 254393 93 | Irregularly shaped stone with pit in one surface, basalt; 44 x 34 x 2} inches........ 1 254394 94 | Sharpening stone(?), thin slab, with depression in one surface; 63 x 44 x 1} inches - 1 254395 95 | Small shallow mortar (?), rectangular outline with rounded ends, paint mortar; 5} OPK ING HOSE ts tee ete a es ap aiate = ain clas ie ea a= eee Sis Soe ete een lcfeis mam ateie 1 254396 96 | Sharpening stone, irregularly shaped piece, with depressions on two surfaces; 5 x 3 x AG CS eared aie ey otd er oem stots alae stele wo mrtdapesniatens See mete ate fetsee ithe me = 1 254397 97 | Sharpening stone, irregularly shaped piece, with depressions in two surfaces; 5 x 2h 7 254398 98 1 174 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [BTH. ANN. 28 Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. U.S, | Bur. Nat. ae : Articles Lots No. No. } 254399 | 99 | Stone mortar (lava), oval outline, mortar cavity, 1} inches deep; 9 x 6 x 33 inches... 1 254400 | 100 | Broken pitted stone (lava), pits in two surfaces; 3 x 3 x 1}? inches .................. 1 254401 | 101 | Broken pitted stone (lava), disk outline; diameter, 3} inches; thickness, 13 inches. .| a 254402 | 102 | Small, broken mortar, with hole in one edge; 13 x 2 inches....................-..-- 1 254403 | 103 | Grindingstone, irregularly shaped piece, with slight depression in one surface; 5 x 14 | UP NCHES 2 Seem cece cecsacccnese Sones eee eee ae ec et ee eee eet ae See eee eee 1 254404 | 104 | Sharpening stone, thin slab, with long, narrow grooves; 11 x 44 x 4 inches......... 1 254405 | 105 | Sharpening stone, thin slab, with long, narrow grooves; 34 x 2 x }inches.........-. | 1 254406 | 106 | Large stone slab, with depression in one surface made by grinding; the center has | been broken out, forming an oval aperture 54 x 33 inches ....................--.- 1 254407 | 107 | Natural form, conical outline, grinding stone; base diameter, 3} inches; height, DP UNChES. 4. . sins ila oe etek cee oe ne Seas eee ee ee ae Se 1 254408 | 108 | Natural form, conical outline, grinding stone; base diameter, 2% inches; height, 1} inches 1 254409 | 109 | Stone disk, one surface showing depressions as if for grinding or polishing; diame- ter, 2}:inehes;thiekn6ss,Winchios:g. taste aes tee eae ce eae eee eee eee Ucoae 1 254410 | 110 | Rubbing stone, outline nearly square (tufa); 4} x 4x lhinches.....-............-. 1 254411 | 111 | Rubbing stone, disk-shaped (part of), tufa; diameter, 4} inches; thickness, 1} inphese 35.6). sete ee ae ER, Ae Stee ees RO. 1 254412 | 112 | Rubbing stone, oval outline; 5} x 33 x 1} inches banee seeded: bat 21) 1 254413 | 113 | Rubbing stone, disk-shaped; diameter, 4} inches; thickness, § inch. 1 254414 | 114 | Rubbing stone, broken, oval; length, 3) inches; thickness, } inch .................. 1 254415 | 115 | Rubbing stone, oval outline; 3} x 24 x 2 inches.......................--- eerie F 1 254416 | 116 | Rubbing stone, cylindrical (tufa); length, 2} inches; diameter, 1} inches.......... 1 254417 | 117 | Fragment ofistone ring, implement (lava)...2.2. 22202-22020 l ecb eee ec cece eden eee 1 254418 | 118 | Rubbing stone, oval outline (tufa); 5 x 4 x 1} inches 1 254419 | 119 | Rubbing stone, disk-shaped, with knob handle; diameter, 4 inches; height, 2 inches 1 254420 | 120 | Rubbing stone, disk-shaped (lava), incurved edge, convex base; diameter, 33 | inches; height, -1#inches 24'S 22 25 s80s ae Pe ee eee ee eee eee 1 254421 | 121 | Rubbing stone, roughly shaped piece of tufa, with slight groove; length, 3}inches. 1 254422 | 122 | Roughly shaped carving, with animal head (?); height, 2} inches................-. ib 254423 | 123 | Toy bowl; diameter, 1} inches; height, 7 inch. .............-....2...2...-.-.------- 1 254424 | 124 Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from use; length, 9} inches; width, 5} inches; } inch thick at the back........_._- | L 254425 | 125 | Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from use; length, 8} inches; width 3 inches; 4 inch thick at the back..................- | 1 254426 | 126 | Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from use (broken); 6 inches wide; 4 x } inch thick at the back......................... | 1 254427 | 127 | Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from use; 64 inches wide; 4 x 3 inch thick at the back. ................-.2.2.-22-2-..-- 1 254428 | 128 | Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from use, on three sides; 6} inches wide; 4 x Z inch at the back...................-...- 1 254429 | 129 | Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone with one edge showing a polish from use; hoe. notched at upper end; length, 5} inches; width, 44 inches; thickness, B richie Be eat Ass: 28s A ee DS 1 254430 | 130 | Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from use; hoe, notched at upper end; length, 6} inches; width, 34 inches; thickness, Pineheth ee seeseetek tet a eee elec. ee < 1 254431 | 131 | Diggiug stone implement, large, thin flake of stone with one edge showing a polish from use, or knife, semilunar shape; 6 inches; width, 3} x }inch................. 1 254432 | 132 | Diggingimplement, hoe (see 124, above); length, 4inches; width, 33 inches; thick- | ness at back;4iinehs. 2. oe eee hy Was eee, ee a ae A i FEWKES] APPENDIX Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. | U.S. | Bur. bo era Articles No. | No. | - | | 254433 | 133 | Digging implement (broken); 4} x 3X §........2-22.ceceeeceececeeee coveceeeuceee | 254434 | 134 | Digging implement, hoe (broken), notched; 3} x 3 x }inches....................--- 254435 | 135 | Long stone rubbing implement, with two edges, showing transverse grooves (12), | section square with rounded edges; length, 11} inches; thickness, 14 inches... -.-- | 254436 | 136 | Stone pestle, cylindrical; length, 10 inches; diameter, 2} inches................... 3 254437 | 137 | Stone pestle, roughly shaped; length, 12} inches; width, 3 x 14 inches 254438 | 138 | Stone pestle, roughly shaped; length, 15 inches; width, 2} x 1} inches 254439 | 139 | Natural form implement; length, 8} inches; width, 14 x $ inch - 254440 | 140 | Natural form whetstone; length, 5} inches; width, 11x ginch......-.............. 254441 | 141 | Natural form charm stone; 54 x 14x 1inches............-....222222022222--0-- ee eee 254442 | 142 | Natural form charm stone, prism section; 44 x 1 x 1 inches......................--. 254443 | 143 | Natural form charm stone; length, 44 inches. ...................-.--2---2---2--+---- 254444 | 144 | Natural form charm stone; length, 44 inches.....................--2-22-----e-e-- 254445 | 145 | Natural form charm stone; length, 3} inches; width, 14 inches.....................- 254446 146 | Natural form charm stone; 33 x 2 x 3 inches 254447 147 | Natural form charm stone; 3} x 3 inches 254448 | 148 | Natural form charm stone; 3} x } inches 254449 | 149 | Natural form charm stone; 3 x finches .................-2.-2.-2--2seeeeseeeeeee--- 254450 | 150 | Stone with longitudinal groove; artificial groove, } inch deep; 4} x 1} inches....... \ 254451 ; 11 Cone-shaped piece of tufa, for drilling in shell; length, 24 inches; diameter, Z inch... 204452 | 152) | Water-worn'pebble, flat; 4x 3x 2 inches, ......2.......-<-2--- 288. || Bone'awl; length, 4inches<./.262-5 -22ss00 se oh once se dears sone ee os ene oe ee 254589 | 289 | Bone awl, 3 pieces............--- 254590 | 290 | Bone whistle; length, 2} inches | 254591 | 291 | Part of wooden implement; length, 6} inches | 254592 | 292 | Part of wooden implement; length, 54 inches 254593 | 293 Bp AO ei are om mann, mee ante Aeinin ia eee ee Se oe ee nee Pee Pe See cee = Cerca | 254594] 294 | Part of wooden implement; length, 7} inches...............-------.--------++--+-- 254595 | 295 | Paddle-shaped wooden implement; length, 8} inches..................-.--.----- z 254596 | 296 | Basket tray; diameter, 14 inches | 254597, 207) | (Corncob; lengths Stinchess. coisa. 4252s Sete Seis ge eee nna e- eeee | 254598 | 298 | Strips of fiber for basket work; bundle -| 254599 | 299 | Strips of fiber for weaving; bundle...........-.....---------2- 22 eee cece cence enone 254600:||. (300;|| (Gourd; length, 144 inches<<.- .- 2002 005 ac. teeeee see cede Saeed eee eens 254601 | 301 | Earthenware bottle, rounded bottom, angular sides, wide mouth; height, 7} inches; Giamefer, Gdinches: . -- Sos .2 cts be eee ae fee ae eee oe 254602 | 302 | Earthenware vase (broken), flat bottoin, conical outline, looped handle on one side; height, 43 inches; diameter, 43 inches. .-.......-..-------------- Ao! Beh Sas ere 254603 | 303 | Earthenware vase, globular body, wide mouth, handle looped on one side, painted decorations, triangular designs in red; height, 4 inches; diameter, 4} inches. -. . .- 254604 | 304 | Earthenware pot (broken), plain ware; height, 3} inches; diameter, 4} inches. --.-. 254605 | 305 | Earthenware jar, angular outline, wide bottom tapering to mouth, plain ware; lheiht, 4%:inches: diameter; inches... .-~ 27 <-2<- ase. seme = shee mews 5 = ase 254606 | 306 | Earthenware pot (broken), globular body, plain ware; height, 3} inches; diameter, SMES ec 254607 | 307 | Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 4 inches; diameter, 6} inches. .............- 254608 | 308 | Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 4 inches; diameter, 7} inches. .........-.-.. 254609 | 309 | Earthenware jar, flat bottom, nearly straight sides, wide mouth, plain ware; height, | 6 inches; diameter at base, 5 inches........-..---.-- Posh os ch secetaewgevecbeesaeae } 254610 | 310 | Fragments of bottle (restored)........-.-------+-------2---e-e2eeeeeeeeecereeeeeeee 254611 | 311 | Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 3 inches; diameter, 54 inches. .....-..--.--- } 254612 |; S12-| Mragments of bottle c.25s 22 =-seseue sae- 92 Sse sees ee eee ae eee ee | 254613 | 313 | Earthenware ladle, plain ware; length, 8} inches; diameter, 53 inches; depth, 3 INCHES |e 5 eee oc ae a eet ae AEE PRED Oh rt So oe Oe 254614 | 314 | Earthenware ladle, plain ware; fi} x 44 x 3 inches. 254615 | 315 | Earthenware ladle, plain ware; 44x 3x 1}inches.......-...-.-.-----.----.-..---. 254616 | 316 | Earthenware ladle, plain ware; 3} x 24 x } inches < 254617 | 317 ! Earthenware ladle, plain ware; 34 x 2x } inches .........--.-.----.-----..-.-+-+-- = Cr = o Ree eRe eee ee RB Re Re PR ee eee Ree ee TEWKES] APPENDIX 179 Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona—Continued. U.S. | Bur. nee ane Articles Lots No. | No. 254618 | 318 | Earthenware bowl, exterior red painted, interior dark; diameter, 4 inches; height, | POIEGT OS aero em crete alieta ee mania lane aw Salas Ce pee ee oe eee re eee mee ace 1 254619 | 319 | Earthenware bowl, plain ware; diameter, 3} inches; height, 21 inches.............. 1 254620 | 320 | Earthenware dish, tripod; diameter, 4 inches; height, 1$ inches.................... 1 254621 | 321 | Earthenware dish, tripod; diameter, 3} inches; height, 2 inches.................-.. 1 254622 | 322 | Earthenware dish, tripod; fragment, massive; length, 3} inches; height, 13 inches. - 1 254623 | 323 | Earthenware bowl, conical outline, painted; interior black, exterior buff, with line and triangular decorations in red; diameter, 3} inches; height, 2 inches.......... | 1 254624 | 324 | Earthenware bowl, flat bottom, straight flaring sides; exterior reddish brown, in- | terior black, polished; diameter, 34 inches; height, 1} inches..................... 1 254625 | 325 | Earthenware bowl, decoration and outline ditto; diameter, 34 inches; height, 1} NCHS Selects tase ee Soe Sera east Se lClsesa eee ae Ree at ee ae ee oe Auli 254626 | 326 | Earthenware effigy vessel, bird form; length, 3} inches; body, 3 inches wide by 2} inches iniphiges. saccer sees Soe ae ooh setae Shoe aoa yee am nate octane cece ul 254627 | 327 | Mass of adobe showing imprint of reeds; length, 4 inches; thickness, 2} inches. .... 1 254628 | 328 | Earthenware stand for holding round-bottom vessels; diameter, 2 inches; height, LA MMICNOS stemicaeisa eae cease ra tae esas cena Seeene Sup eh ca cue ccSawse cee seeeeearecces | 1 osO2 Tele 2o | | CPS OL DOM VASCS.. 1 create hd stone oem ae acest seams wae Sup esac Ceedet asec oboce~ 6 254630 | 330 | Disks of pottery made from broken vessels; diameters, 1} inches to 3} inches...... 17 254631 | 331 | Disks of pottery, perforated; diameters, 1 to 23 inches...................-..-..----- | 17 254632 | 332 | Earthenware spindle whorl, double convex outline; diameter, 1} inches. .......... 1 254633 | 333 cdi Gaasecascac chee cot Soc See Sa Sa cID ot Ob eM cone eA cee oe ao Se Ee aa EE eIsE sacri Ceriris 1 254634 | 334 | Earthenware spindle whorl, diameter, 14 inches i 1 254635 | 335 nett Dice REARS HESCHROES Copp ODe Nn CACBSREe Rb a SEC EE Cte aaa ates Sennen 1 254636 | 336 | Earthenware pipe, tubular; 2} x1 inches....- 1 254637 | 337 | Fragment of pottery vessel with bird’s head 1 254638 | 338 | Fragment of pottery vessel, looped handle........................--2------2---0-0- | 1 254639 | 339 |..... OEE rarer eremtmcite tania amcor see ee asoeians Se hae ae ee eee inreara ois shetarala oa | 1 254640) G40) | Rrammentonpottery, Olasceesss= 2-2-5802 bone SA le oes oe eo 1 254641 | 341 | Fragment of pottery; decorations in red................-.--.----------- 22-2 - eee ee 10 254642 | 342 | Fragment of pottery; necks and rims of painted vessels, decorated in red_......... 6 254643 | 343 | Fragment of pottery, ladle, gray with black decorations 1 254644 | 344 | Fragment of pottery, large vase, part ofrim.............-.------.--------+--------- 1 254645 | 345 | Fragment of pottery, large bowl, interior decoration. .......................-...-.- 1 254646 | 346 | Fragment of pottery, large bowl, interior decoration symbolic. .........-......-...- 1 254647 | 347 | Fragment of pottery, large bowl, interior decoration........................-.....- 1 254648 | 348 | Fragment of pottery, large olla, exterior decoration.................--..--.----.--- 1 254649 | 349 | Fragment of pottery, bowl, interior decoration. ..............-.-.-.--.2-----.---+- 1 254650 | 350 | Fragment of pottery, showing luted handle....-..-..-...--.-.---.---------------+- I 254651 | 351 |..... Oe hoes ame ate coisa pe cacen cs seescnwaseinecea saa =se se ase soem nbeewiidecines tigen’ 1 254652 | 352 | Fragment of pottery, with hole in one edge... i ——_ = 2 »( dtd ocr “I, oc ab ieee Cm ei fee | weeeiu ll mt cadens 8 ANTIQUITIES OF THE UPPER VERDE RIVER AND WALNUT CREEK VALLEYS, ARIZONA BY JESSE WALTER FEWKES Haver WAY Hare BHT 0 BATT ; . AWOSIIA PYATLAY oe sian a ; / ae see ae ee eer Views in WalnutiValley 15460 ceee scence eee eee meee Viewsin BiosBurro Canyon. 2ssaccc -ne2s2 oe ete oe poe Ruinsiof two ancientiforts'sscscccec ns -ese ee eae eeeeroe Port belowtAztecsPassse se cecaee sce eke ne ee eae eee Hort below Aztec. Passa sarin coo se ae to eee ee meee Rerrace=niimskin Wy alm; Walleye seme ce er ee eee eee ‘Walnut Walley muinss2 fo cctitcncee concer ance on ania ce eames Ruintsrx imilesbelow Marx’s ranchi= san. se4ee- eee eee eee Port:and pictopraphstc2 10 1S FT. 3 Fic. 57. Ground plan of cave rooms on Oak Creek (eastern end). former is about 8 feet high; this can be entered by a passageway from front and side. The roof is vaulted; the floor on the north side is slightly raised. Passage through the narrow opening from one of these rooms to another can be effected only by crawling on all fours. Room P has a vaulted roof, averaging 7 feet in height; there are two niches at the floor level, the openings of which are pear-shaped. Tn their general features the Oak Creek cavate lodges,! as shown in the preceding paragraphs, are not unlike structures of similar char- acter in the Verde Valley. They closely resemble inhabited caves in various parts of the world, excavated in similar rock formations by people of the Stone Age. 1No sufficient reason to reject the word ‘‘cavate’’ occurs to the writer ner does he know of any better term that has been suggested by those who object to its use to designate caves of this type. Most of these artificial caves are found in cliffs and may be properly called cliff-dwellings, especially those which have buildings in front of them. They undoubtedly grade into other types, as natural caves having houses built in them, but the term is the most expressive yet suggested for cliff-rooms artificially excavated. 20903°—28 ErH—12——13 194 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [eru. ayy. 28 CLIFF-HOUSES OF THE RED Rocks The cavate rooms of Oak Creek here described and illustrated are not the only form of cliff-dwellings in the upper Verde region. We find there also walled houses built in caves or in recesses pro- tected by an overhang of the cliff, in which little or no artificial excavation is apparent. The largest known cliff-houses of this type along the upper Verde are situated in the Red Rocks, which can easily be seen across the valley from Jerome, Arizona. The geologic character of these rocks and the peculiar structure of the caves in which they occur impart to these cliff-houses a form resembling the cliff-dwellings of the Navaho National Monument in northern Arizona, the characteristic feature being that the rear wall and in some cases the side walls of the rooms consist of the cave wall. The latter walls are built so that their ends jom the rear wall of the cave, unlike pueblos, which are independent of cliffs for support so far as lateral walls are concerned. This type, like the ledge-houses in the Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado, forms a connecting link between cavate lodges and cliff-dwellings, the essential differences being that the former are artificial excavations while the latter are constructed in natural caves.1. In some of the rooms of cliff-houses of the most independent construction, the walls of the cliff constitute rear or side walls of the dwellings, so this feature can hardly be said to indicate any cultural difference; it is rather an expression of geologic environment, a difference that is worth consideration and may be convenient in classification. The aboriginal habitations discovered by the author in 1895 in the Red Rocks? belong to the type of cliff-houses rather than to that called cavate lodges, the latter being represented on Oak and Clear Creeks. Some of the smaller cliff-houses on the upper Verde and its tribu- taries have a characteristic form, approximating more closely those in Walnut Canyon, near Flagstaff, than they do those of the San Juan drainage? This difference is due largely to the character of the rock formation and the erosion of the cliffs in which the first-men- tioned dwellings are situated, but is also in part traceable to the com- position of the clans that once inhabited them. In Montezuma Castle (pl. 79), the typical cliff-dwelling in the Verde Valley, there are a main building and several smaller houses, which are duplicated on the Sycamore and other tributaries of the upper Verde. 1 Several of the Verde cliff-dwellings are simply natural caves whose entrances have been at least par- tially walled up. The external differences between these and artificial caves closed by a front wall are too slight perhaps to be considered. The method of formation of the cave, whether by nature or by artificial means, is more important as a means of classification. 2 See 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 3 The author regards these as closely related to the ledge-houses of the Mesa Verde, although exteriorly they are closely allied to cavate lodges and may be situated in artificially excavated caves. PS FEWKES] RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER 195 The cliff-dwellings of the Red Rocks, built as they are in a rock formation different from that in which Montezuma Castle is situated, have certain architectural dissimilarities which are evident from com- parison of the illustrations. Honanki and Palatki, the principal cliff-houses in the Red Rocks, may be visited from Jerome, Arizona, by a more direct road than that from Flagstaff. This road passes through the valley settlements to Cottonwood, near which place it crosses the river.. Above and just beyond a ford there are low mesas on which are situated ruins,’ the walls of which can be seen from the crossing. (Pl. 89.) From the ford the road is fairly good as far as Windmill ranch, and thence is passable with wagons to Black’s ranch, at the mouth of one of the canyons of the Red Rocks. As there is always water in this canyon, the mouth of which les midway between Honanki and Palatki, a short distance from each, it is a favorable place for a permanent camp. The canyons in which the two ruins are situated are waterless. Several small cliff-houses are found in this and neighboring canyons, and there are many caves showing evidences of former occupancy as mescal camps by Apache or others, but the main interest centers in Honanki and Palatki, the largest cliff-houses yet discovered in the Verde region with the possible exception of Montezuma Castle. As already stated, it is evident that the character of the rock of the cave in which these two great ruins are situated is différent from that in which Montezuma Castle stands. Like the latter, the small cliff-house in Sycamore Canyon is literally built in a recess in the cliffs, the roof of the houses being a short distance below the roof of the cavity. In Honanki and Palatki, however, the opening is large and more in the nature of a cavern with a slight overhanging roof high above the tallest building. In these ruins there is no refuse- heap back of the inner rooms, the wall of the precipice serving as the rear wall of the room. The cliff-dwellings of the Red Rocks are more closely related archi- tecturally to those of the Navaho National Monument,’ in northern Arizona, than to Montezuma Castle. They differ also from the ruin at Jordan’s ranch, which is in reality a ledge-ruin, being built in a natural cave following the line of softer rock strata, having the front closed by an artificial wall extending from base to roof. The two ruins, Honanki and Palatki, discovered by the author in 1895, were the first cliff-dwellings in this part of the Verde region made known toscience.> At that time photographs of these ruins were 1 There are two ruins on the mesa above this ford, on the left bank of the river. These can be seen from Jerome with the aid of a field glass. 2 The author has not yet determined whether the cave at Montezuma Castle is wholly natural. 3 See Bull. 60, Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 4 Several ruins of this type occur in the rock under Montezuma Castle; the ruins in Walnut Canyon, near Flagstaff, also belong to this type. 617th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 196 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [ern ann. 28 published, accompanied by descriptions of the various rooms and minor antiquities. The author adds here but little to his former description of the ruins, but has introduced better ground plans (figs. 58, 59) of them than any yet published. Although reports of ruins 100 125 FEET Fig. 58. Ground plan of Palatki. much larger than these of the Red Rocks, situated higher up on the Verde, were brought to the author in 1895, he is convinced that there is but slight foundation for them. There are undoubtedly several small cliff-houses and many natural caves, as ‘‘Robber’s Roost,”’ 0, LALLEN pcb pth Grd 2 =) 2 o- ea apag af OM Fic. 59. Ground plan of Honanki. in the Red Rocks, but no cliff-dwellings of great size are to be found between the Red Rocks and the Chino Valley. Palatki (pls. 85; 86, a) lies in the canyon east of Black’s ranch, a short distance therefrom, and Honanki about the same distance to the west. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 85 RUIN BELOW MARX’S RANCH (ABOVE), AND PALATKI (4) YSAIW AGYSA YaddN AHL NO SNWN10O0 L1vSvd GNV (%) IMLV1Vd 98 3LV1d LYOd3Y IWANNV HLHOIS-ALNSML ADOIONHLS NVOINSWYV JO NvaHNG ee ee a Ae ns % BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 87 AT THE MOUTH OF BLACK’S CANYON NEAR JORDAN’S RANCH CLIFF-HOUSES ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER ae as FEWKES] RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER 197 On approaching Palatki from Black’s ranch by the trail at the base of the cliff a number of natural caves are encountered that evi- dently were formerly used by the Apache, as their smoke-blackened walls are decorated with characteristic Apache pictographs.! No indications of house walls were discovered in these caves, and there is only scanty evidence of occupancy prior to that of the Apache, which was clearly very recent. CLIFF-HOUSE AT THE Moutu or Biack’s CANYON The small cliff-house at the entrance to Black’s Canyon, on the west side, is one of the interesting forms of cliff-houses in the Red Rocks, differing from any yet described in the Verde region. The ruin (pl. 87) spans a narrow crevice, resting partly on the top of a detached Fic. 60. Ground plan of cliff-house at the mouth of Black’s Canyon. bowlder and partly on a ledge under the wall of the cliff above; in other words, the house is situated in part of a recess out of which the bowlder has fallen: Many pictographs, consisting of zigzag figures, dots, and parallel lines, resembling ‘‘counts” and rude faces, occur in the neighborhood of this ruin; these are not pecked in the rock surface, as are most ancient Pueblo pictographs, but are painted in white, red, or other pigments. The ground plan of this ruin is shown in the accompany- ing illustration (fig. 60) and its general appearance viewed from the hills back of the camp in plate 87. This ruin is much dilapidated, most of its walls having fallen; a considerable section, however, containing a doorway or window, can still be seen. The house is 1 Most of the clifi-dwellers’ pictographs are incised, while those made by Apache are painted. 198 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [STH. Ann. 28 of stone, but there are also fragments of adobe walls and sections of plastered clay floors adhering to the ledge and adjacent parts of the bowlder. As before stated, between cliff and bowlder is a crevice once bridged by the buildings. Two or three beams project from the top of the bowlder opposite the ledge, indicating that the space between the bowlder and the sides of the cliff was formerly floored or roofed, the ends of the supporting beams resting on the bowlder and the ledge. This floor was evidently supported in part by a stone wall built in the crevice, remains of which are shown in the ground plan. Possibly this wall formerly served as a partition between two small basal rooms occupying the crevice, the remaining walls of which are no longer traceable. 7 A row of shallow pits cut im the surface and sides of the bowlder occupy approximately the position indicated in fig. 60; these served as footholds and apparently furnished the only means by which the inhabitants of this building could gain access thereto. LEDGE-HOUSES NEAR JORDAN’S RANCH The small cliff-dwellings near Jordan’s ranch, about 6 miles from Jerome, belong to the type known as ledge-ruins, i. e., natural caves of small extent having the fronts closed by walls of masonry. There are several similar ledge-ruins in the valley, but the Jordan ruins are probably the best preserved. Several ruins of this type are found in the cliffs below Montezuma Castle, as shown in plate 79. The Jordan ruins are situated in the cliffs on the right bank of the Verde about 50 feet above the river bottom and can be reached by an easy climb over fallen stones. There are several ledge-houses in this locality, three of which face east and the fourth north, all over- looking the river. The soft limestone composing the cliff is here stratified, the strata being slightly tilted and in places very much eroded; the formation is colored white and red. The cave walls are much blackened with smoke. It was possible to enter readily all but one of these houses; the trail leading to the fourth has been obliterated by erosion. The largest of the Jordan ruins (pls. 87, 88), which is 175 feet in length, extends approximately north andgouth. About half the front wall and two end walls are still intact but the intermediate section of the front wallis broken. The cliff shghtly overhangs the house, form- ing a roof; the walls extend from the edge of the cliff to the roof. The rear wall of the cliff forms the corresponding wall of the rooms, as indicated in the ground plan (fig. 61)—a characteristic feature of Verde Valley clifl-houses. On a lower level of the cliff, just beyond the Jordan ruins, are two rooms, with blackened walls, connected by an almost cylindrical YSAld AQYAA YaddN AHL NO S3SNOH-S4SIT10 NOANVO SYOWVOAS NI HONVY S,NVGuOr YWaN 88 3LV1d LYOd3Y IVANNV HLHDIS-ALNAML ASOIONHL]A NVOIYAaWY JO Nvauna FEWKES] RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER 199 passageway through the intervening partition. The front wall of one of these rooms is pierced by a round peephole, which commands a view upstream. The walls of this ruin are thick except in front, where they are badly broken down. On their inner plastered surfaces marks of human hands appear.t VERTICAL SECTION Fic. 61. Ground plan and section of ledge-house near Jordan’s ranch (height of front wall about 50 feet). Ruts ry Sycamore Canyon The presence of ruins in Sycamore Canyon (Dragoon Fork of some of the older maps) was reported, but on investigation the author was unable to find any large buildings on this tributary of the Verde River, although he examined several ruins—forts, cavate rooms, and 1 These are the ruins about which an imaginary story was published in a Jerome (Arizona) newspaper, later copied into journals of wider circulation, that they were still inhabited. 200 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [pru. ayy. 28 walled-up caves or cliff-dwellings. Higher up the canyon is called Sycamore Basin; this also is reputed to contain cliff-dwellings and other evidences of former habitation, but was not visited. In Sycamore Canyon, about a mile from the junction of the Sycamore and the Verde, a fine spring bubbles out of the ground, the outflow from which formed a considerable stream at the time of the author’s visit. Half a mile farther up the canyon is a well-preserved but inaccessible cliff-house, having an upper and a lower front wall, as shown in the accompanying illustration (pl. 88). This ruin is situated in a cave in the side of the cliff, the approach to which is worn away. The stones of the upper front wall of the inner building are supported by upright logs. About 2 miles from the junction of Sycamore Creek and the Verde, on both sides of the canyon, even where the walls are steepest, are natural caves showing evidences of former occupancy. For the greater part the walls in these caves have tumbled down, but rem- nants of front walls are still standing. Here and there the volcanic rock is of columnar form. (Pl. 86,6.) The formation of the cliff in which the caves are situated is uniformly soft and tufaceous; the color is commonly reddish, in places almost white. Apparently the prehistoric population of Sycamore Canyon was small and the area that could be cultivated was meager. On a level place to the left of the road from Jerome as one descends to the mouth of the Sycamore there is a pueblo ruin which is much dilapidated. Ruins in HELL Canyon Hell Canyon is a branch of the Verde Canyon and the small stream flowing through the former discharges into the Verde a short distance from the mouth of Granite Creek. The author had been informed that there were extensive ruins of cliff-dwellings in Hell Canyon, but although there are here several stone ruins of the fortress type, referred to by ranchmen as ‘‘corrals,”’ there are few remains of cliff-houses. One ranchman declared the Hell Canyon ruins to be the largest on the upper Verde; this may be true, but no ruins of great size were visited by the author. Not far from the junction of this canyon with the Verde is a low bluff of soft stone, suggestive of the Oak Creek formation, which looks as if it once might have been honeycombed with cavate rooms. These have now disappeared, only a hint of their former existence remaining. The rock here is suitable for cavate houses like those at the mouth of Oak Creek, and there is level land adjacent that would serve for agricultural purposes. 1 There is evidence of the existence of a large ruin on the rim of the mesa or the point of the tongue of land between the Verde and the mouth of the Sycamore, 25 miles from Williams, but this ruin was not visited. 2It is impossible to drive up this canyon, hut the trip can easily be made on horseback. FEWKES ] RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER 201 Ruins NEAR Det Rio The ruins in the neighborhood of Del Rio, most of which are on the summits of low mounds, have the same general form. Three of these ruins, one on the Banghart ranch, described by Hinton,! were visited. Walls of ruined houses, of small size and inconspicuous, are to be seen to both the right and the left of the railroad, near the station. The ground plan of these ruins has been almost obliterated, as the stones from the fallen walls have been carried away for use in the construction of modern buildings in the neighborhood. Most. of these buildings seem to have consisted of small clusters of rooms. Few of them are situated very far from the streams, and the more copious the supply of running water the more extensive are the signs of former aboriginal life. The ruins at Del Rio belong to the Chino series, the characters of which they possess in all essential particulars.? Ruins NEAR Baker’s Rancuw House The Baker ranch lies on the right bank of the Verde about 7 miles above the mouth of Sycamore Creek. Several forts, cave habitations, and gravelly terraced mesa ruins (pl. 99) exist near the house now owned by Mr. Perkins.? Following up the stream about 2 miles to the Government road, the author observed on a malpais hill, about a mile from the river, obscurely outlined walls of what was formerly alarge fort. Within an inclosure bounded by the fallen walls are the remains of several rooms. Although this is not one of the best-preserved or largest forts on the upper Verde, its walls are still breast high. About 2 miles down the Verde from the Baker ranch house is a cave on the walls of which is a circular pictograph painted in black, probably Apache. A mile down the Verde from Baker’s (Perkins’) ranch house, on the right bank of the river, are the remains of a cliff-house of con- siderable size, the ground plan of which is shown in figure 62. A few years ago the walls were in good condition and the structure was then regarded as a fine example of a cliff-house. Owing to the fact that this ruin lies in the surveyed route of the proposed railroad from Cedar Grove to Jerome, most of its walls will have to be de- stroyed when the road is built. The cave in which the ruin is situ- ated is about 40 feet in depth and about 34 feet in width (from north to south wall) at the entrance; the height of the floor above the creek is 50 feet. On the plain in front of the cave, between the talus and the river, are fallen walls of a small pueblo from which many stones i Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, p. 419. 2 Del Rio, sometimes called Chino, is not a town but consists merely of a section house on the Santa Fé, Prescott & Phoenix Railroad. 3 Mrs. Baker, who formerly lived here, is reported to have made a collection of archeologic objects, among which is said to have been an obsidian ax. 202 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [ern. any. 28 have been removed recently for use in the construction of a neigh- boring wall, but enough of the foundation stones remain to enable tracing the general ground plan. Although this cave is a natural formation, in the rear are niches or cubby-holes evidently artificially excavated. The roof is about 15 feet above the floor of the rooms. The cave floor is covered with fallen stones upon some of which the foundations of the remaining walls still rest. Evidently this ruin has been considerably dug over by relic seekers, for in the fine dust which covers the floors are found charcoal, fragments of pottery, stones showing artificial work- . rere - > Fig. 62. Ground plan of cliff-dwelling at Baker’s ranch. ing, fragments of corncobs, twine, and other objects. It 1s said that a few fine specimens have been removed from this débris, but noth- ing of value was found by the author. The remnants of several plastered walls painted red can still be traced. RvuIN NEAR THE Moutu or GRANITE CREEK Granite Creek, on which the city of Prescott is situated, discharges its waters into the Verde not far from Del Rio. About 2 miles down the Verde from the mouth of Granite Creek, the stream makes an abrupt bend by reason of a volcanic cliff rising perpendicularly from the river. This cliff is crowned by a large fort (pl. 95) of aboriginal FEWKES] RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER 203 a construction, The ruin’ is situated almost due north of Jerome Junction, from which it can be reached by the road which turns at \ = —— NY) Wy | \\\! U \ \! \ IN iN (vi | int \\ Www, ALLL /{N\\\WS / / Pas Wit | | if Zi x WSS Ane SN, RO NINE SOS Ground plan of fort near the mouth of Granite Creek. Fig. 63. Del Rio at right angles to the railroad and continues eastward to the mouth of Granite Creek. A visit can be readily made by wagon 1 This is probably one of the ruins mentioned by Hinton, in his Handbook to Arizona. 9204 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [sru. any. 28 from Del Rio by following the bed of the Verde. The great trachyte cliff rises precipitously about 300 to 400 feet above the river on the eastern, northern, and western sides, but on the south the approach, although steep, is more gradual; even here access is difficult. Ap- proached from the river, the ruin presents the appearance of a cas- tle towering above and commanding a view of the stream. The general ground plan (fig. 63) of the ruin is roughly oval, with its longer axis extending north and south. The northern part is without a high wall, the precipice, from the edge of which it rises, serving the purpose of defense in that direction; but the southern part is protected by a high massive wall 320 feet long, fairly well preserved, and provided | with an entrance at the southern extremity. The short axis of the ruin, measured from one extremity of the south wall to the other, is about 125 feet in length. The northern and southern sections of the ruin are separated by a row of several rectangular rooms. The distance of these structures from the southern entrance is 87 feet, and from the nearest point of the northern section, 65 feet. The section south of these rooms appears to have been an enclosed plaza, without houses. In the northeastern part of the northern section are several rooms the com- bined length of which is 61 feet. The walls of this fort and of the included buildings average 6 feet in thickness; they contain no mortar. This ruin is evidently the one mentioned by Hinton, as follows (pp. 419-20) :* Four miles below the place described, there is a hill overlooking the Verde River, with a series of ruins of stone houses, inclosed by a stone wall on the south side, which in places is 20 feet high and 12 feet wide. The other sides of the hill are abrupt and precipitous, and 200 to 300 feet perpendicular. LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN The Limestone Butte ruin (pls. 88-91), situated about 6 miles west of Jerome Junction and 16 miles north of Prescott, is one of the best preserved of the hilltop forts. It crowns_a limestone ridge com- manding fine views of the valleys to the east and west and of the distant Juniper Mountains to the northwest, with the Chino Valley and the distant peak called Pichacho. To the west lies Williamson Valley and to the south the mountains surrounding Prescott. The approach to this ruin on the east is more abrupt than that on the west. An old Government road which runs through Aztec Pass lies at the base of the ridge on top of which the ruins stand. This ridge rises 500 to 600 feet above the neighboring valley. The general plan (fig. 64) of the Limestone Butte ruin is rectan- gular, the orientation slightly east of north. The walls are solid 1 Hinton. Richard J., Handbook to Arizona, San Francisco and New York, 1878. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 89 LIMESTONE BUTTE (ABOVE) AND CORNVILLE RUINS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 90 @, FROM THE NORTH b, FROM THE SOUTH ce, WESTERN WALL LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 91 a, INTERIOR b, WESTERN SIDE (FROM BELOW) LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN FEWKns] LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN 205 masonry, well preserved, averaging about 8 feet in height and 44 feet in width. On the western side the foundations conform more or less with the edge of the cliff, the face of which is sinuous; the other walls are fairly straight. The inside north-south measurement is 69 feet; the east-west, 274 feet. mos Fic. 64. Ground plan of Limestone Butte ruin. No trace of mortar remains and the component stones of the walls are roughly dressed. The northern angle is almost wholly occupied by a small low-walled room, but the rest of the inclosure is witbout débris; the floor is solid rock. At a southwestern angle of the surrounding wall there was originally a crevice in the floor, since 206 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK ([28TH. Any. 28 walled up, suggesting the former presence of an entrance from below, but the adjacent walls have fallen to so great an extent that its purpose is difficult to determine. Below the western wall, the curve of which is shown in the accompanying views (pls. 90, c; 91, 6), is a rude wall suggesting a cave-room, the other walls of which are obscurely indicated. Viewed from the north, almost entire walls are seen, the founda- tions of which at certain places are large projecting bowlders. (See pl. 91, a, b.) RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK Walnut Creek is a small stream the waters of which at times flow into the Chino, but which, on the occasion of the writer’s visit, were lost in the sands about 8 miles below old Camp Hualapai. In the report of Whipple’s reconnoissance the stream bears the name of Pueblo Creek, from certain ‘‘pueblos” on the hills overlooking it, which he described, but the name is no longer applied to it. The ruins of Walnut Creek are of two kinds, one situated on the low terrace bordering the creek, the other on the hilltops. The stream is formed by the junction of two branches and the valley is continuous from Aztec Pass to the point where it merges into Chino Valley. There is evidence that Walnut Valley had a considerable aboriginal population in prehistoric times. A number of forts and many remains of settlements strewn with pottery fragments and broken stone arti- facts were found. Here and there are mounds, also irrigation ditches and pictographs. A few years ago Walnut Valley had a number of white settlers and a post office,t but the families have now dwindled in number to three or four, and the place is characterized chiefly by abandoned houses. Camp Hualapai is deserted, the adobe houses shown in the accompanying illustration (pl. 92) being almost the only reminder of its former existence. HistroricaL Account Whipple was the first to mention the numerous ruins (‘‘pueblos”’ and forts) and other evidences of a former aboriginal population in Walnut Creek Valley. Subsequent to his visit no new observations on them appear in published accounts of the ruins of Arizona, and no arche- ologist seems to have paid attention to this interesting valley, a fact which gave the author new enthusiasm to visit the region and inspect its antiquities. These seemed of special interest, as Whip- ple’s account was inadequate as a means of determining their rela- tions with other aboriginal ruins in the Southwest. Who built the 1 The post office was removed to Simmons, in Williamson Valley. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 92 OLD CAMP HUALAPAI AND MOUNT HOPE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 93 NEAR AINSWORTH’S RANCH AZTEC PASS VIEWS IN WALNUT VALLEY FEWKES] RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK 207 structures and who are the descendants of the builders, are impor- tant questions. In ancient times there was a well-worn Indian trail from the Colorado River, past Mount Hope, through Aztec Pass, down Walnut Creek, and across Williamson and Chino Valleys to the Verde. This trail, used by later American explorers, was doubtless the one fol- lowed by some of the early Spanish missionaries in their efforts to reach the Hopi Indians from the California side. Although the route taken by early Spanish travelers in crossing the country west of the Hopi villages is more or less problematical, it would seem that Onate, in 1604, may have crossed the divide at Aztec Pass (pl. 93, 6), and that Father Garcés, 172 years later, may have followed this trail past Mount Hope and down Walnut Creek. The Yavapai (‘‘Yampais’’) were numerous in this region at that time and much later, as indicated on the few maps and descriptions which have come down to us. In 1853 Sitgreaves followed the same Indian trail over Aztec Pass, crossing the country afterward traversed by Whipple, but, although he must have seen several ruins in this region, he mentions none, nor do others who followed approximately the same route, namely, Beale’s road, known also as the Government road. There is considerable arable land lying along Walnut Creek (pl. 93), which is continually shifting, owing to the inroads made by the stream, hence it is hardly probable that the flats now seen are those once cultivated by the Indians. It may be for this reason that the ancient farmhouses were built on the tongue-shaped terraces or on gravelly mesas bordering the stream, where the ruins are now found. The forts were built on the summits of the highest prominences both for protection and for the sake of obtaining a wide view up and down the stream, and it is an instructive fact in this connection that one rarely loses sight of one of these hill forts before another can be seen. By means of a system of smoke signals news of an approaching foe could be communicated from settlement to settlement from one end of Walnut Valley to the other, giving the farmers in their fields skirt- ing the stream opportunity to retreat to the forts for protection. The ruins in Walnut (‘‘Pueblo”) Creek Valley' are thus referred to in Whipple’s report: Five miles beyond Turkey Creek we came upon Pueblo Creek, so called on account of extensive ruins of houses and fortifications that lined its banks . . . Wide Indian trails and ruins of extensive fortifications constructed centuries since upon the heights to defend it showed that not only present tribes but ancient races had deemed Aztec Pass of great importance. 1 The names *‘ Turkey Creek’’ and *‘ Pueblo Creek,’’ mentioned by Whipple, do not seem to have been generally adopted by white settlers. The stream called by Whipple ‘‘ Pueblo Creek’’ is now called Wal- nut Creek. ‘‘Aztec Pass” also is a name but little known to settlers in this region. 208 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [etn. ann. 28 The only accounts known to the author, of the ruins in Walnut Valley are the reports of Lieutenant Whipple and Lieutenant Ives," which unfortunately contain but meager descriptions of these antiqui- ties. Most of the writers on the ruins of Arizona do not refer to those found in this valley. Whipple speaks of several ruins on Walnut (Pueblo) Creek, but his references are too brief even for identification. One of these, said to be situated on Turkey Creek, he characterizes (op. cit , pt. 1, p- 92) as— dilapidated walls of a tower. The ground-plan was an ellipse, with axes 25 and 15 feet, partitions dividing it into three apartments. The walls must have been large, as they yet remained 5 feet in height, and 6 feet wide. The hill is 250 feet above the river. This description does not correspond with respect to size, elevation, or general appearance with any ruin visited by the author in this region. Alarcon ascended the Colorado to the point where it forms a ‘straight channel between high mountains,” possibly the mouth of Bill Williams River, the mountains being situated, as pointed out by Professor Turner, not far from the junction of this stream with the Colorado. Whipple found near his camp (No. 105) a ruin similar to those here mentioned, of which he wrote (p. 94) as follows: To obtain a still more extensive view, Mr. Campbell climbed a steep hill, several hundred feet above the ridge of the pass, formed by a short spur from the abrupt ter- mination of the northern mountain chain, and found upon the top ruins of another fortification. Its length was 100 feet. It was 25 feet wide at one end, and 20 at the other. The wall was well built, 4 feet thick, and still remaining 5 feet high. It commanded a view of the pass, and, with proper armament, was well situated to defend and keep possession of it from an enemy. The entrance, 6 feet wide, was from the steepest side of the hill—almost inaccessible. From a fancy founded on the evident antiquity of these ruins, we have given the name of Aztec Pass to this place. A ruin supposed to be that just described was visited by the author, the results of whose observations, however, differ so much from Whipple’s account as to suggest doubt regarding the identity of the remains. From Walnut Creek the old Indian trail followed by Whipple ascends Aztec Pass, becoming a rough wagon road bordering gran- itic rocks. West of the pass the country is comparatively level, sloping gradually to a sheep ranch on the Baca Grant, called Oaks and Willows. The high mountain seen from the road for some dis- tance west of Aztec Pass is called Mount Hope (pl. 92).2 Beyond 1 Reports of Explorations and Surveys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economical Route for a Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. Made under the direction of the Secretary of War in 1853-4. Vol. m1, parts i-iv. Extracts from the [preliminary] report of Lieut. A. W. Whipple {assisted by Lieut. J. C. Ives], Corps of Topographical Engineers, upon the route near the thirty-fifth parallel. “This mountain is incorrectly located on the United States Land Office map. It stands on the Baca Grant. — ates vi { “a ae in fA 1h ie Py 1 i ' . ; ' r I i Pith ay \ Th Ail j 7 oy Aan? vi ,i ‘ i ‘ wp oer 5 TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY IN BIG BURRO CANYON VIEWS FEWKES ] RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK 209 Oaks and Willows, keeping this mountain on the right, a fairly clear trail continues to a deserted ranch, marked by a ruined stone chim- ney and a corral, at the head of Burro Creek. Here, at the terminus of all wagon roads, among magnificent pines, is a pool of water; beyond, the traveler may continue on horseback to the Big Burro (pl.94), one of the large canyons of this region. Following Bill Williams River westward to its junction with the Colorado, no ruins on hilltops were seen by Wheeler’s party, but at Yampai Spring, near the former river, the lower side of a high shelving rock forms, according to Whipple’s report, a cave the walls of which are ‘‘covered”’ with pictographs. The former habitations of the Walnut Creek aborigines were doubt- less constructed after the manner of jacales, supported by stone or adobe foundations, a common feature of most of the ruins herein described. Entrance to these inclosures must have been difficult, as the doorways no doubt were guarded and many of the pas- sages were devious, a defensive measure quite commonly adopted in the palisaded houses of the tribes bordering the Colorado River. The Indians along this river, mentioned by Don José Cortez in 1799 as the Cajuenche and the Talliguamays (Quigyuma), erect their huts in the form of an encampment, inclosing them with a stockade. According to the ,same author, the Cuabajai (Serranos), another tribe, built their towns (‘‘rancherias’”’) in the form of great squares, each provided with two gates, one at the eastern, the other at the western end; here sentinels stood. The dwellings consisted of huts constructed of limbs of trees. A typical ruin of the Walnut Creek Valley is thus referred to by Whipple (op. cit., pt. 1, p. 93): Lieutenant Ives and Doctor Kennerly to-day ascended a peak 300 or 400 feet high, the lastin the ridge that bounds and overlooks the valley of Pueblo [Walnut] Creek, some 3 miles below camp, and found upon the top an irregular fortification of stone, the broken walls of which were 8 or 10 feet high. Several apartments could be distinctly traced, with crumbling divisions about 5 feet thick. From thence to the pueblo, upon the gravelly slopes that lie slightly elevated above the bottom lands of the creek, there are, as has before been noted, vast quantities of pottery, and what appear to be dim traces of the foundations of adobe walls.'_ It would seem, therefore, that in ancient times there existed here a large settlement, and that the inhabitants were obliged to defend themselves by strong works against attacks from a powerful enemy.” No excavation was attempted by the author in the Walnut Creek region but his attention was drawn to human bones that had been 1 An important observation, as most of the dwellings were built on stones which formed their founda- tions. The adobe walls and the posts and wattling supporting them have now disappeared, the founda- tion stones being all that remain of the buildings—J. W. F. 2 The “old chief” told Alarcon of great houses of stone inhabited by a warlike race. These people were said to live near a mountain and to wear long robes sewed with needles of deer bone. Their fields of maize were small.—J. W. F. 20903°—28 EtTH—12 14 210 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [pru. ann. 28 found in the ruins on the river terrace above Mr. Ainsworth’s ranch and in the neighborhood of Mr. Peter Marx’s house. Although, as is commonly the case, the fragments of skeletons are locally supposed to have belonged to giants, the few bones examined by the author were of the same size and had the same general characters as those found elsewhere in the Southwest. Rings of stones indicating human burials are prominent just outside the fort above Mr. Shook’s house and in the gravel of the river terrace not far from the residence of Mr. Ainsworth. ; Fort BELow AztTEc Pass A short distance from Mr. William Johnson’s ranch house on the road to Drew’s ranch, on the right bank, rises a steep hill, 100 feet high, on which is situated the best-preserved fort in the Walnut Creek region. This is probably the ‘‘pueblo”’ mentioned by Whipple, pos- sibly one of the structures that gave the name Pueblo Creek to the Ops LIGwS 20 ne ep EL Fig. 65. Ground plan of fort below Aztee Pass. stream now called Walnut Creek. The fort commands a view up and down the valley from Aztec Pass to the fort near Shook’s ranch, and beyond. The accompanying illustrations (pls. 95-97) show the present ap- pearance of this fort and the steepness of the hill from the side toward Walnut Creek; on account of the trees on the summit the ruin is almost invisible. The walls are oriented east and west (fig. 65), the northern and southern sides bemg the longer. Although seemingly rectangular in outline, the northern side, measuring (inside) 80 feet in length, is 5 feet longer than the southern side. The eastern and western sides are respectively 30 and 25 feet in length. The average thickness of the walls is 4 feet and their height 6 feet. At present the walls are in almost the same condition as when con- structed. Except at the northeastern and northwestern corners, SLYO4 LNAIONY OML 4O SNINY SSVd 031ZV MO139 M33aYuO SLINVYS 4O HLNOW SHI YV3N G6 3LV1d LYOd3Y IVWNNNVY HLHSIS-ALNSML ADOTONHLS NVOINAWY JO NVA"NE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 96 FORT BELOW AZTEC PASS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 97 FORT BELOW AZTEC PASS a a pa BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 98 NEAR AINSWORTH’S RANCH NEAR AINSWORTH’S RANCH ON MARX’S RANCH TERRACE-RUINS IN WALNUT VALLEY BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 99 FORT OVERLOOKING SHOOK’S RANCH FORT OVERLOOKING SHOOK’S RANCH RUIN ON MESA AT BAKER’S RANCH WALNUT VALLEY RUINS FEWKES ] RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK Pala where the entrances to the inclosure were situated, only a few stones have fallen. All the walls are made of small rough stones laid with- out mortar, the largest stones for the greater part forming the foundation; the walls slant slightly inward, as is noticeable in the corner shown in plate 96 (bottom). A cross section of the broken wall reveals the fact that large stones were used in construction on the inside and the outside facings, the intermediate section being filled in with smaller stones—a common mode of mural construction in the Walnut Creek and other regions. Rurs NEAR Drew’s Rancu House A short distance from Mr. Drew’s ranch house,t now (1911) de- serted, are several level terraces on which are small stones arranged in squares in rows, and other evidences of former aboriginal habita- tions. A considerable quantity of pottery fragments is also to be found, indicating that the few level areas in this vicinity were once occupied by man. Rings of stones like those near the Ainsworth ranch house, from which fragments of human bones had been exca- vated, are supposed to mark the sites of burial places. Ruins NEAR AINSworRTH’s RancH HousE It may safely be said that wherever in the Walnut Creek Valley land well situated for cultivation may be found, there may be expected also evidences of occupancy by former inhabitants, either remains of houses or irrigation ditches, or pictographs. Most of these habi- tations are situated on the low river terraces or tongue-shaped grav- elly mesas that project into the valley. The sites of the ancient farms are difficult to determine, for the reason that, as before explained, the continually changing stream has modified more or less the bottom lands along its course. From some of the best of these ruins (pl. 98), situated near Mr. Ainsworth’s house, human skeletons, fragments of pottery, and other evidences of former human occupancy have been obtained. The sites of the houses are indicated by rows of bowlders,? which in some places are arranged in circles. Runs NEAR SHooK’s Raneu House One of the largest forts in the Walnut Creek region overlooks Shook’s ranch, from the summit of a lofty hill on the left bank of the creek. This fort (pl. 99), which is visible for a long distance up 1 Drew’s ranch is the last white man’s home encountered on the way up the valley, before the road ascends the hill to Aztee Pass. Walnut Creek divides at a point near level areas showing evidences of cultivation. The country is well wooded, forming part of the Prescott National Forest, the ranger of which lives near old Camp Hualapai. 2 Resembling the so-called ‘‘bowlder sites’’ in the middle and lower Verde Valley, described by Cosmos Mindeleff. 212 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [nru. ann. 28 and down the stream, is the first of the series seen on entering Walnut Valley from Simmons post office. This ruin (fig. 66) is nearly rectangular in shape, measuring 103 feet on the western side, 87 feet on the eastern, 118 feet on the northern, and on the southern, the side overlooking the river, 100 feet. The 75 FEET. Fig. 66. Ground plan of fort overlooking Shook’s ranch. inner and outer faces of the walls are composed of large stones, the space between them being filled with rubble. The fallen walls within the inclosure indicate the former presence of many buildings, some circular in form. Rings of stones, averaging 16 by 13 feet in diameter, are found just outside the fort, on the side facing the river, where the ground is level. FEWKES] RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK Bills Directly across Walnut Creek from Shook’s ranch house, not far from the ford and overlooking the valley, on a low, gravelly river terrace, are the remains of a quadrangular wall, oriented approxi- mately north and south (fig. 67). The northern side of SQNOGSE * 0.8 voh.00, 24500 $s, Cle “Seo, eSQor ness 100 this quadrangle is 100 feet in v nut g length, the southern 93 feet, — % $ the western 125 feet, and the # & eastern 143 feet. The walls x $ are composed of rows of stones, : EA rising at no point very high . ze “ above the present surface of % ze é the ground’ Mr. Shook, the ore 2 2, 2 owner of the ranch on which $& Bs Es be this ruin is situated, informed Eq = AG the author that formerly this % = Ve wall was higher, stones having % 3 3 been removed for use in the % is % constructionof buildingsacross 2 Ea the stream. & % 2 In the middle of this quad- a a € rangle is a low, flat-topped § & mound, about 4 feet inheight, % 93 FT, % © FPSo{W PoP o%eIOG ac P.cgeoGOVae Rdeesqosrgoe? measuring 94 feet in length by = = J Fic. 67. Ground plan of terrace-ruin near Shook’s ranch, 17 feetin width. The relation of this interior structure to the surrounding wall suggests the massive-walled building of a compound, as described in the author’s account of Casa Grande, in this volume. Ruin NE«R Marx’s Rancu Hovse Artificial mounds are found on terraces among the cedars on the right bank of Walnut Creek almost to its mouth. One of these mounds, opposite Mr. Peter Marx’s house, is particularly interesting. This ruin (pl. 98) consists of two parts—a rectangular inclosure, oriented north and south, and a nearly circular mound about 100 feet to the west. The former (fig. 68) measures 28 feet on the northern and 23 feet on the southern side; the eastern side is 65 feet long, and the western 63 feet. The two axes of the mound measure, respectively, 72 and 77 feet. Large ancient cedars grow on the mound and also within the rectangular inclosure. The decorated pottery found here varies in color and design. For the greater part it consists of white ware bearing black decorations. The designs are geometrical patterns, mostly terraced figures, squares, 214 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT OREEK [narn. any. 28 and parallel lines. Fragments of coiled ware, which is very rare in the Walnut Creek region, have been unearthed in these ruins. There are also many fragments of coarse, undecorated ware. Many artificial mounds are found in the cedars on terraces on the right bank of the creek. One of these is situated on the bank of the creek opposite Mr. Marx’s house. Not far from the terrace on which these mounds are situated the course of a prehistoric irrigation ditch can be traced about 100 feet, and several distinct pictographs (pl. 101) may be seen. Sr ie.. We can “i ys . s ft enwesyy aa TAS TANS eis THAIN TTT yy seen “ff ‘ HENS WN Sp ssccpn yy FANE TAYE TANS GINS yy Ry ebe he AM. * ae 5 Fia. 68. Ground plan of terrace-ruin on Marx’s ranch. Rurmn NEAR SHEEP CorRAL, BELOW Marx’s RANCH About a mile and a half from the Marx ranch stands a ruin about 50 feet above the creek, on a tongue of land projecting eastward, overlooking a deep canyon on the south and a more gradual decline toward Walnut Creek on the north. The remains indicate the former presence of a block of rooms, or row of houses, 52 feet long by 17 feet wide. Four rooms with low walls, none of which was more than a single story in height, can be plainly traced. The numerous fragments of pottery strewn over the ground outside the walls afford evidence of the occupancy of this structure for a considerable period; it served as both a post of defense and a perma- nent residence. 1The pictographs of western and southern Arizona are characteristic, differing from those made by Pueblos. In places are piles of rocks, each bearing one pictograph. nits BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 100 FROM THE NORTH FROM THE SOUTH RUIN SIX MILES BELOW MARX’S RANCH BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 101 PICTOGRAPH ON BOWLDER AT MARX’S RANCH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR BATRE’S RANCH FORT AND PICTOGRAPHS FEWKeEs] FORTS NEAR FROG TANKS 215 Ruin Srx Mites BeLow Marx’s Rancu A ruined fort (pls. 85, 100) occupies a low limestone hill a short distance from the right bank of the river, where the valley widens somewhat before opening into Chino Valley. There was no running water in the stream in October, and possibly this condition exists at other times. On account of the level character of this region the fortification is visible a considerable distance from every direction. The walls, which are more or less broken down, cover the whole top of the hill. The general ground plan of the surrounding wall is roughly oval, its longer axis extending north and south; there is an entrance at the north. The periphery of the wall measures approxi- mately 227 feet. While a large part of the walls of rooms within the inclosure have fallen, so that they can not well be traced, a con- siderable section still remains, forming near the doorway what ap- pears to have been an entrance. The habitations dependent on this fort can be traced nearer the creek bed. On anisland farther down stream are walls of another ruin. FORT ON INDIAN HILL NEAR PRESCOTT On the summit of a symmetrical eminence, known as Indian Hill, not far west of Prescott, is a fort similar in construction to the forts overlooking Walnut Creek. The walls are extensive and in places well preserved, but a considerable section has fallen. No fragments of pottery were found here. In the vicinity of Thumb Butte, another eminence near Prescott, are pictographs not unlike those found in the Walnut Creek region. Remains of other Indian structures and settlements occur at various places near Prescott; these show that the aboriginal culture of this vicinity had many points in common, if it was not identical, with that of Chino Valley and the Walnut Creek region. Along Hassayampa and Granite Creeks and in Agua Fria and other valleys is found the same type of ruins, none of which are those of true pueblos. FORTS NEAR FROG TANKS, AGUA FRIA RIVER There are many forts and river-terrace ruins on the Agua Fria and other streams that head in the mountains about Prescott and flow into the Salt and the Gila. Those on the Agua Fria near Frog Tanks are typical. About a mile up this stream, near the Batre mineral claim, where the valley widens into a level area, or bar, rises a prominent hill crowned by the remains of an old fort (pl. 101). The walls here have fallen to so great an extent that it is almost impossible to trace the ground plan of the ruin. There appears to have been a citadel, 216 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [bTH. Ann. 28 or central building, higher than the surrounding structure, at the very top of the hill, in the midst of a level inclosure, protected by a wall, while fragments of other walls are found on the sides of the hill. About 3 miles down the river from Frog Tanks stand several ruins still more important than that just mentioned. One of the most imposing of these is on the right of the road to Glendale, on an upheaval of rocks the tops and sides of which are surrounded by many walls of stone, as shown in plate 102. These walls are nowhere very high, but the sides of the outcrop are so steep and the walls so numerous that it is evident the place was a well-fortified stronghold.! Near a ranch about a mile away are many mounds, evidently remains of houses and surrounding walls, indicating the former exist- ence of an inclosure of stone, resembling a compound. Many speci- mens of stone implements, fragments of pottery, pictographs on scattered bowlders (pl. 101), and other examples of aboriginal handi- work are said to have been found in this locality. The site of these mounds is a gravelly river terrace like that of the rancherias of Walnut Creek. Each locality has a place of habitation, and a fortified place of refuge in case of attack—the two essential features of ancient aboriginal settlements in this part of Arizona. CONCLUSIONS Kunsuip of Earty INHABITANTS OF WALNUT CREEK AND UPPER VERDE VALLEYS Very little is known of the kinship relations of the aborigines who inhabited the caves and erected the buildings now in ruins in the upper Verde and Walnut Creek Valleys. From traditional sources it seems probable that some of their descendants, of mixed blood, are to be looked for among the Yavapai, Walapai, and Havasupai tribes. The Hopi also claim, however, that certain of their clans once lived in the Verde Valley, and there are archeological evidences in support of this. The structures whose ruins lie to the west of the upper Verde, and those situated in the Chino, Williamson, and Walnut Creek Valleys, are probably too far west to have been the product of Hopi clans; but although their former inhabitants were not Pueblos they built dwellings similar in type to those of the latter. According to Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner? (Pacific Railroad Report, vol. m1, pt. 3, pp. 14-16, Washington, 1856)— The vast region toward the south [of San Francisco Mountains], lying between Rio Verde and the Aztec Range of mountains, is occupied by Tontos; while west and northwest of that range, to the mouth of Rio Virgen, are found a tribe calling them- selves Yabipais, or, as sometimes written, Yampais. Their numbers are estimated at 2,000 each. Leroux and Savedra believe these three to be allied tribes; but there exists some doubt upon the subject. The language of the latter proves that they have 1 The writer's attention was drawn to this ruin by Mr. Batre, who has extensive mineral claims in this neighborhood. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 102 TRINCHERAS AT FROG TANKS RUINS FEWKES] CONCLUSIONS ' PRAT an affinity with the Mojaves and Cuchans of Rio Colorado; while, according to Don José Cortez, the Tontos belong to the Apache Nation. I have myself found Tonto villages intermingled with those of Pinal Lefas, north of Rio Gila, with whom they lived on friendly terms, with like customs and habits; except that they subsisted almost exclusively upon mescal and pimones . . . and possessed none of the fruits of agriculture. Yet the country they now occupy shows traces of ancient acequias, and has extensive valleys of great fertility The tribe that now occupies the region from Pueblo Creek to the junction of Rio Verde with the Salinas is called Tonto. The word in Spanish signifies stwpid, but Mexicans do not apply that signification to these Indians; on the contrary, they con- sider them rather sharp, particularly at stealing. Therefore, as it is not a term of reproach, we may reasonably suppose that, as is frequently the case, it is the Indian mame corrupted, perhaps, by Spanish spelling. . . . Don José Cortez, as may be seen in chapter vi, calls them Apaches; but Sevedra [sic], who is a well-informed Mexican, and, having been much among wild tribes of Indians, is generally considered authority in whatever relates to them, says that Tontos are Indians of Montezuma, like those of the pueblos of New Mexico. Pimas, Maricopas, Cuchans, and Mojaves, also, he adds, belong to the same great nation. In proof of this, he asserts that they all have one custom—that of cropping the front hair to meet their eyebrows, suffering the rest, back of their ears, to grow and hang down its full length. In the present uncertainty as to the ancestors of the three or more tribes that inhabited the Walnut Creek region from the time the first Spaniards entered the country to the advent of the exploring parties whose reports are here quoted, it is not possible to reach a final opin- ion with regard to the kinship of these people. The sedentary tribes that once lived in the region have been modified, in so far as their consanguinity is concerned, by intermixture with nomadic peoples (Apache and other tribes). The archeologic evidences indicate that they had close affinity to the Mohave and Colorado River tribes and to those living about Prescott and along the northern tributaries of the Salt River. In order to estimate the value of this evidence, a few fortified hills near Prescott were visited and a preliminary exami- nation of similar structures at the mouth of Agua Fria was made. The ruins on the terraces along Walnut Creek are similar to those on the Verde, the ‘‘ bowlder sites’’ of Mindeleff, who thus refers to them:! It seems quite likely that only the lower course or courses of the walls of these dwell- ings were of bowlders, the superstructure being perhaps sometimes of earth (not adobe) but more probably often of the type known as ‘‘jacal””—upright slabs of wood plastered with mud. This method of construction was known to the ancient pueblo peoples and is used today to a considerable extent by the Mexican population of the south- west and to a less extent in some of the pueblos. No traces of this construction were found in the bowlder-marked sites, perhaps because no excavation was carried on; but it is evident that the rooms were not built of stone, and that not more than a small percentage could have been built of rammed earth or grout, as the latter, in disin- tegrating leaves well-défined mounds and lines of débris. It is probable that the bowlder-marked ruins are the sites of secondary and tem- porary ? structures, erected for convenience in working fields near to or overlooked by them and distant from the home pueblo. The character of the sites occupied by 1 Mindeleff, Cosmos, Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona,in 13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., p. 237. 2 It seems to the author more probable that these were permanent dwellings, as viewed in the light of corresponding structures on Walnut Creek.—J. W. F. 218 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK ([eru. ann. 28 them and the plan of the structures themselves support this hypothesis. That they were connected with the permanent stone villages is evident from their comparative abundance about each of the larger ones, and that they were constructed in a less substantial manner than the home pueblo is shown by the character of the remains, The resemblances of forts and accompanying habitations of the upper Verde and Walnut Canyon to those about Prescott, on Granite Creek, the Hassayampa, Agua Fria, and in other valleys of northern and central Arizona, and to similar structures in the valleys of the Gila and Salt and their tributaries, have led the author to include the structures of the first-named group in a culture area which reached its most specialized development in the neighborhood of the present towns of Phoenix and Mesa City, and at Casa Grande. It is the author’s conviction that the people who built the forts and terrace habitations! on Agua Fria, Hassayampa, and Granite Creeks were the “‘frontiersmen’’ of those who occupied formerly the Gila and Salt River Valleys, where they constructed the great compounds, or communal buildings, like Casa Grande. Clans of these people migrating northward met other agricultural tribes which had drifted from the Rio Grande pueblo region to the Little Colorado and its tributary, Zufi River, and became amalga- mated with them. Lower down the river they settled at Homolobi, near Winslow, which later was abandoned, some of the clans continu- ing northward to the Hopimesas. These people, the ancestors of the so-called Patki clans of the modern Hopi, followed in their northern migrations the Tonto and Verde Rivers. Some of those who went up the Verde branched off to the Little Colorado, but others continued along the banks of the former stream, sending offshoots along its upper tributaries, and at last entered the Chino Valley, where they met clans moving eastward. Many northern migrants followed the Has- sayampa and the Agua Fria. As these clans entered the mountain canyons, measures for protection necessitated construction of the many hilltop forts and other defenses whose remains are still found. The general characteristics of the trincheras on Walnut Creek and the upper Verde suggest similar structures overlooking the valleys of the Gila and Salt. There are of course in the Walnut Creek area no large “compounds” with walls made of natural cement (caliche), for this region does not furnish material adapted to such construction. The trincheras,? like those near Caborea and Magdalena in Sonora, or Chakyuma near Tucson, closely resemble the fortified hilltops along the Agua Fria, at Indian Hill near Prescott, and in the Chino, upper Verde, and Walnut Creek sections. Associated with these defenses are found on the terraces along the rivers in these regions rows of foundation stones, from which once rose walls of mud on a frame- 1 There are also remains of irrigation ditches in this neighborhood. 2 The “‘fort’’ is for the greater part a more compact structure than the trinchera; it is more nearly rec- tangular in form but the walls of the two types are practically identical in character. FEWKES] CONCLUSIONS 219 work of posts and wattling, the remains of houses not unlike in con- struction certain former habitations at Casa Grande.! In other words the ancient people of these regions seem to have constructed two kinds of buildings—forts on the hilltops and fragile habitations on the river terraces, which differed structurally and were occupied for special and distinct purposes. The former were defen- sive retreats for use in case of attack, the latter permanent domiciles or habitations, conveniently situated on terraces adjacent to farms. The same or an allied people erected also houses in natural caves or excavated them in soft rock. . Dwellings of the latter kind are found particularly in the area on the border of the Pueblo region, especially where the character of the rock lent itself to their construction. The inhabitants apparently had no kivas (rooms especially devoted to religious ceremonies), but they probably had a complicated ritual. Terraced ruins are rare or unknown. It appears that the dwellings of these people belong to a special type distinct from the terraced compact community houses, or pueblos, still represented among the Hopi, the Zuii, and the numerous Pueblos of the Rio Grande, although identical with some ancient houses in New Mexico. It is not strange if some of the descendants of clans formerly peopling this area have become amalgamated with the Hopi. In ancient times, however, the two cultures were as distinct, for instance, as are the present Havasupai and the Hopi, and in certain ‘areas one of these cultures antedated the other. The Hopi and the Havasupai are friends and visit each other, and at times the Hopi allow some of the Havasupai to enter their kivas. The two types of artificial caves used as domiciles have been dis- tinguished elsewhere as those with vertical and those with lateral entrances. Both types may possess walled buildings above or in front of them, the cave becoming in the former case a storeroom, in the latter a rear chamber, possibly devoted to ceremonies. The association of walled buildings with artificial caves is quite general, the former being found either on the talus below or on the cliff above the latter, as well shown in the cavate dwellings on Oak Creek. A similar duality in cave-dwellings occurs in the case of some of the larger cliff-houses, as, for example, those in Canyon de Chelly. This duality is parallel with that existing in the forts and rancherias or terrace (bowlder) sites on Walnut Creek.? AGE or WaLNuT CREEK AND VERDE VALLEY Ruins It does not appear from evidences presented thus far that any con- siderable antiquity can be ascribed to the aboriginal structures in the Walnut Creek region, which were probably in use in the middle 1 See Prehistoric Ruins of the Gila Valley, in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 52, pt. 4. Massive-walled buildings for protection and fragile-walled habitations exist together within the inclo- sures of Gila Valley compounds, presenting the same dual combination, architecturally speaking. 220 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [prn. ann. 28 of the seventeenth century. There are no extensive piles of débris in connection with most of the ruins, and the buildings are not very different from those which were inhabited in other parts of the South- west, as in the San Pedro Valley, when Father Kino passed through it in 1610.1. Nothing found in these ruins indicates a development of arts superior to those of the tribes that inhabited western Arizona when they first were visited by white men. The supposition that the forts herein described were built by nomads does not rest on satisfactory evidence. Moreover, the manufacture of pottery is not an industry of wandering tribes, and the designs on fragments found in this region, although different in minor details, belong, as a whole, to a sedentary people allied to ancient Pueblos and cliff-dwellers. There seems no reason to question legends of the Walapai that their ancestors built and inhabited the now-ruined buildings scattered over the region herein treated, and were driven out by tribes with which they afterward amalgamated. It appears that the ancient inhabitants did not burn their dead, for unburned human bones have been found at several poimts in Walnut Valley. So far as it may be accepted as evidence, absence of cremation seems to connect them with certain modern Pueblos rather than with cliff- dwellers and with those of Yuman stock and the ancient people of the Gila, who both inhumated and burned their dead. It is hardly possible that the former inhabitants of these valleys were completely destroyed by invaders, although it is probable that they were conquered, a condition which may have led to an admix- ture of Athapascan blood with a corresponding change in physical features. Their language, customs, and beliefs were similar to those of the Yuma or kindred Colorado River tribes; their buildings, pottery fragments, and other artifacts point to a sedentary rather than to a nomadic people and connect them with both the Pueblos and the in- habitants of the Colorado Valley. While the relationship with the Pueblos is apparent, it is more distant than their kinship with the ancient inhabitants of the valleys of the Gila and the Salt. A duality of building types occurs throughout the Pueblo region of New Mexico, where are found domiciliary structures like those along Walnut Creek. At times, and not without good reason, these have been interpreted as pre-Pueblo buildings, and some have gone so far as to designate them as belonging to a pre-Pueblo culture. Their likeness to the buildings of the western region is apparent, and they well may be regarded as representing a lower culture stratum. ‘Trincheras are rare in the Pueblo region, and true pueblos (compact terraced commu- nity houses) have not yet been found west of the upper Verde, facts sufficient to divide the two regions into distinct culture areas. 1 The pueblos on the Little Colorado west of Zufii were inhabited in the middle of the seventeenth cen- tury. In1604 Ofiate found Mohoce (the Hopi pueblos) 12 to 14 leagues west of Zuni, and in 1632 the missionary Letrado wa; murdered on his way to the Cipias (Tsipiakwe), who apparently lived at the mouth of Chevlon Fork, west of Cibola (Zuii). ee PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES BY TRUMAN MICHELSON CONTENTS Introd Uchion x25... s/s ees os a Ee ee fee TR AM SRS So kre 225 INGtes onypronnnGitlon 2. 32-5 eee = pees a eae = eee om wie ha 226 AUP CAE ris MN ANP CIg HC STON PS Ae ma nee ee ee ae Re hie Ae eee es 229 ISJbYel ata a( (Sil ele") Beets gee cite = soe oe gree te Oe i 229 GHEVERTRG = At sees a ee Se et ae ee ees. eet A oa 232 JASE NGS SES eee SP SEIS ee ae Ge Ogee te 234 Hanieni Gen tral ne ere aera eee ia ee eee nee ae ee a) 237 GContral subtypes. s- see eee ea Fee sansa ss See eee se artes 237 Wree=Moninpninis see see ae ae ee ee Se ee oe 238 Gre ee Ree cates os elt oe 2 Saas Se a ese eeSsees eens SADE 238 Montapnaigee 2: - {See Ses ee seb Skee eh eek 247 Menominee -4=3 95... 5538- So aes os ee Ae Sees. tasks 249 Sauk, and close linguistic cognates..\.-..-2.5-.-.20<2--.+-0--25% 252 SLE aes Se ee Oe es oe eee 256 Sako hoxaind KiCkApOO= 6 a- eee ese se eee eee aes ce 258 Ojibwa, and close linguistic cognates............---.--.--------- 261 Ojibwa, Potawatomi, Ottawa, and Algonkin. ........-...... 262 Lesa yuh San oe Oe aS OES Seer Ee eee ae are es ee ee ELAS Cee ee oe 270 NEG oe cs a 2 ois se i Be ek eee oe 272 Welawares cj - as <= 220-55 c ee dente se Some oan ws alee « 0 275 Basiemm subtypes ~—c25- =<. -s\c sae oe ewes eee ee oes oe tec sweat ee 280 SUMMANY Ste hone seus ces = on sek sean Meee oe ee eas LL 289 IA PPENUICER: sce sean See eine es eas cote es bot e Nees ten ee ee eee. See eae 290 1. Comparative table of the Cree (Moose and Fort Totten), Menominee, Fox, Shawnee, Passamaquoddy, Abnaki, Ojibwa, Algonkin, Peoria, Natick, and Delaware independent mode, present tense............. 290 2. Comparative table of the Cree (Moose and East Main), Fox, Shawnee, Ojibwa, Algonkin, Peoria, Natick, and Delaware subjunctive mode, AIRC TE LC DEE ere mee cnet tee ets ect ey ae at aiceereE Reae NI Sonne 290 3. Comparative table of the Fox, Shawnee, Micmac, and Peoria conjunc- five;modes->: . 2. sse8-. 5. S25. ede wstceasi ssaee Maes fesceun kes) 290 ILLUSTRATION PxraTe 103. Map showing the distribution and interrelation of the Algonquian (EPI GC SEGRE sede RRBs alias 4 335c Ska) Sa See ieee at end 223 €4 ‘ 7 sheet pr) uieluod il Quibc Bae tat orreets a » lap on" tings “> é wots - ‘ | a with wv’ . —- Suise 2 ~~ pereil 4 ak Cuasiig® ! 7 " 'eunpew!) Ly : f f ‘ a *. sine i ' | bos da ERLATZO). cs ; 3 E on = -.. wepgdie lated ~ : mectglm Yee) .oe) © : neraiacl! f by ohitad vite le t wat : iis? i ow if ring . . eathe? Ari errey t = ro ofp} ide Vibe). wi hom ave PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE LINGUISTIC CLASSI- FICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES By Truman MiIcHELson INTRODUCTION In order to determine the linguistic classification of the Algonquian tribes, the writer visited in the season of 1910 the Piegan of Mon- tana, the Northern Cheyenne of Montana, the Northern Arapaho of Wyoming, the Menominee of Wisconsin, and the Micmac of Resti- gouche, P. Q., Canada. Later in the year the Ojibwa of White Earth (Minnesota) sent a delegation to Washington, and the occasion was utilized to procure a few grammatical notes from them. During the season of 1911 he visited the Fox of Iowa; and the Sauk, Kicka- poo, and Shawnee of Oklahoma. In the winter of 1911-12 he spent a few weeks at the nonreservation school at Carlisle, Pa., and there had an opportunity to obtain some notes on Northern Arapaho, the Cree of Fort Totten (listed officially as Turtle Mountain Chippewa), Menominee, Sauk, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Abnaki. The results of the field work of 1911 and 1912 could be incorporated only in the proof-sheets of the present paper. For some Algonquian languages dependence has also been placed on the unpublished material of the Bureau, some manuscripts of the late Dr. William Jones (for Kickapoo) and of Mr. W. Mechling (for Malecite), and the published material. Prof. A. L. Kroeber very kindly furnished some of his Arapaho texts to supplement those of the writer. Prof. J. Dyneley Prince generously offered the use of his collection of conso- nantic clustersin Passamaquoddy and Abnaki. Owing to unforeseen circumstances these can not be published here, but they have been of assistance in determining the general character of Eastern Algon- quian, and his helpfulness is appreciated. Thanks are due also to Dr. Robert H. Lowie, of the American Museum of Natural History, for the privilege of using some Northern Blackfoot texts. Dr. Edward Sapir, of the Geological Survey of Canada, with character- istic liberality, placed his field-notes on Cree, Montagnais, Abnaki, Malecite, and Delaware (collected in the season of 1911) at the 20903°—28 ErH—12 15 225 226 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. any. 28 writer’s disposal; but they were received too late to make possible the insertion of extracts, except in the proof-sheets. While it is too early to publish in detail the results of the writer's investigations (this applies especially to Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and Arapaho), still in view of the purely geographic classification by Mooney and Thomas in the Handbook of American Indians,! C. C. Uhlenbeck in Anthropos (111, 773-799, 1908), and F. N. Finck in his Die Sprachstiimme des Erdekreises (Leipzig, 1909), a preliminary linguistic report may be acceptable. The linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes in the present paper is based essentially on the occurrence of consonantic clusters and a few other phonetic phenomena, and on the pronominal forms of the verb. It will be seen that the various tables introduced throughout this paper to illustrate grammatic forms are rather uneven, because in many cases the writer has not ventured to abstract the personal terminations proper from the examples given in the authorities. It will be remembered that none of the older and only a few of the recent writers take into account instrumental particles; the result (com- bined with inaccurate phonetics) has been that often it is too haz- ardous to venture an opinion as to what the form actually was. Likewise the exclusive and inclusive first persons plural are frequently not distinguished, and here the writer has had to follow his own judgment. In conclusion, his thanks are due his colleague, Dr. John R.Swanton, for assistance in preparing the accompanying map (pl. 103). Notes ON PRONUNCIATION It is believed that the reader will have little trouble in understanding the symbols employed in this paper, as much the same system is employed as in the Handbook of American Indian Languages (Bulletin 40, B. A. E.). However, the following notes may prove useful. PIEGAN: x is post-paJatal, approximately between German ch in ich and ch in bach. x is post-velar. There are no sonant stops. CHEYENNE: w is a voiceless semivowel. v is bilabial. x is the surd velar spirant. c is the surd alveolar spirant. é and 6 (employed by R. Petter) represent whispered vowels. ARAPAHO: x is the surd velar spirant. x is the same, weakly articulated. 1Bull. 80, Bur. Amer. Ethnol. MICHELSON ] INTRODUCTION DOT tc is an intermediate with predominating surd quality, approximately between English ch in church and j in judge. b is a pure sonant. g is post-palatal; its sonancy is not so marked as that of 6. The surd stops are ordinarily unaspirated; when aspirated, the aspiration is indi- cated by (‘). é is very open. @ isasurd spirant articulated between the tongue and upper teeth, nearly on the flesh. (‘) indicates aspiration. € indicates the glottal stop. 7” indicates the nasality of the vowel. CrEE(Fort Torren): 1 has the sound of obscure 7. é is long and close. (‘) indicates an aspiration; it isapproximately a weak x; ‘t is apt to be heard as 01. Pure surd stops are easily distinguished, but the corresponding sonants are stronger than those of English; final g gives almost the impression of aspirated k (k*). CrEE (Rupert’s House: see p. 247): ts’ is alveolar, between ts and tc. 0 is close and short. CREE (Moose): @ has the sound of long close é. Monraenais (from Doctor Sapir’s notes): ts’ is palatized, between ts and tc. é is long and very open. MENOMINEE: é vand o ware nearly indistinguishable. g is very strong; finally it gives nearly the same impression as aspirated k (k*). Fox, Sauk, AND Kickapoo: For Fox, see Handbook of American Indian Languages (Bull. 40, B. A. E.), pt. 1, pp. 741-745. Here it may be remarked that in all three dialects there are no true sonants; they are much stronger than in English. ‘k, ‘t, and “p among the younger people are but feebly to be distinguished from hf, t, and p, respectively. tc in Fox and Sauk is intermediate, nearly between ch in chill and j in judge; in Kickapoo it is a pure tenuis, approaching ts. The final vowels are spoken much more faintly by the younger generation than by those advanced in years. The writer believes Doctor Jones’s hw is simply voiceless w (w). SHAWNEE: Surd and sonant are difficult to distinguish. @ is the surd interdental spirant. évand 6 ware extremely difficult to distinguish. The final vowels are somewhat more easily heard than in Fox, Sauk,and Kickapoo. tc among the older generation is pronounced as such; among the younger people it resembles more nearly ts in sound. m and ™ are consonants that are hardly sounded—merely indicated—in words by themselves; a vowel preceding renders them full sounding. (‘) indicates an arresf. Onswa (of Baraga): a has the sound of a. ALGONKIN (of Lemoine): 4 has the sound of a. 228 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ern ANN, 28 Orrawa: 7 is long and close. Surd and sonant (especially when final) are difficult to distinguish; final g has nearly the same sound as k". ; 9 is post-palatal. DELAWARE: n’, etc. of Zeisberger indicates n followed by an obscure vowel. ABNAKI (of Sapir): 1 has the sound of 7. o has the sound of close o. A has the sound of nasalized obscure 4. Ma ecirteE (of Sapir): é is long and very open. P has the sound of p weakly articulated. PASSAMAQUODDY: i w has the sound of 00 in good. m is syllabic. Micmac: : g has the sound of velar g; apt to be heard as r. and » are syllabic. ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS The Algonquian tribes linguistically fall into four major divisions, namely: Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern-Central. Each division is discussed in the following pages under the appropriate head. BiackFrooT (SIKsIKA) This division includes the Piegan, Bloods, and Blackfeet proper. According to Wissler,! the linguistic differences among the tribes are mainly in the choice of words and idioms. The same authority states that the Northern Blackfeet seem to differ more from the Piegan than the latter do from the Bloods. The present writer can describe only the language of the Piegan of Montana from personal observation. It is characterized by an abundance of harsh conso- nantic clusters and long consonants. The latter occur usually between vowels but may occur in clusters. The first of the following tables shows all the clusters ? of two consonants found in one of the writer’s longer texts; the second, all the clusters of three consonants in the same text: oe Second member of cluster Tnitial conso- | ——_—— — a | 4 k t Pp 8 ts tc k ks t tte m ms $8 sk st sts sic ts tsk tsp tss t qk zt rp zs ttc 1q xt rp re Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians, p. 8, New York, 1911. 2In this and similar tables some combinations are given which are not clusters in the strictest sense of the word, but they are introduced here for convenience and on account of their importance. 229 230 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES Initial | 2d conso- | 3d conso- consonant nant nant —~ |. & oe | == Oe ~ a k ts Pp 1s x k r k s on q t SUMMARY Consonants permitted initially: k,t, p, n, 8, ts, x, 2. ~ Consonants permitted medially: q, k, t, s, ts, 7. Consonants permitted finally: k, t, p, s, ts. [ETH. ANN, 28 It is likely that ts and te represent-a sound intermediate between these two. The following clusters also were noted in the same text: xgtt, skks, stspss. The following are all the clusters of two consonants found in three texts of Northern Blackfoot taken down by Dr. Robert Lowie: Initial conso- nant Second member of cluster k g t D | s | s m | | | qs | | ks | ps | sk 3U sp | sts rk rg at zp | wz ats xm isk | | tss | | It is clear that zg is due to mishearing. | | MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 231 The following table shows all the clusters of three consonants in the same texts: | | Initial | 2dconso- 3d conso- | consonant | nant nant | = —|— k 8 | k | k Pp | 8 t | | | Pp | | | | k | k | | 8 | ) § | | ts k | ts ts k |. | hia ae | r q 8 Pp | | t t | | The following cluster of four consonants occurs in the same texts: rkst. It will be seen by comparing the tables of such other Algonquian languages as have numerous clusters that such a condition as obtains in Blackfoot (Piegan) is unique. So far as the writer can judge, the clusters are genuine, not pseudo. The origin of most of them is obscure.1_ Some are due to the assibilation of t before 7.2 It is likely that the cluster sk is original, as can be demonstrated for st in certain cases. For the latter, note nestoa* 1 (chances not to occur in the writer’s texts); Cree nista 1 ALSO; and the instrumental st in niteitanistaw® I SAID TO HIM (ni—dw* I—HIM; stem Ani) is to be asso- ciated with a similar instrumental in Cree.‘ However, the formation of the verbal compounds is typically Algonquian and most of the personal terminations of the present independent mode are patently Algonquian. The terminations in -pinnan® (e. g., ni—pinnan* we [excl.]) are to be associated with Fox -pen*, Passamaquoddy -ban. Similarly, ki—puwaiwa rx, is to be connected with Fox and Shawnee -pw*, Passamaquoddy -ba. The form ki—a@waw* yk —nIM has an exact equivalent in Cree and Meno- minee. The forms ni—aw*, ki—aw* 1—uIM, THOU—HIM, respectively, agree with Cree, Fox, Menominee, and Delaware (one form) as opposed to Ojibwa, Algonkin, Shawnee, and Eastern Algonquian. Forms like ki—oxpinnan* wE—THEE, YOU (not in writer’s texts; based on Tims; cf. Uhlenbeck, op. cit., p. 8, bottom) certainly sug- 1 For one or two probable sources besides those given here, see p. 232. * This change has been already noted by C. C. Uhlenbeck, Original Blackfoot Texts, p. 95, Amsterdam, 1911. 8J. W. Tims, Grammar and Dictionary of the Blackfoot Language, London, 1889. 4J. Horden, Cree Grammar, p. 99, London, 1881. 232 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN. 28 gest Passamaquoddy k—lpen, which might be taken for k—ulpen, but as a matter of fact the w has nothing to do with the termination; owing to the phonetics of the language if a vowel following 7 is elimi- nated, thereby causing the J to become final or immediately to pre- cede a consonant, the preceding vowel takes an o or a u tinge (see the discussion of Eastern Algonquian, p. 283). Now isit not possible that there is a similar phenomenon in Piegan and that the termina- tion should really be given as ki—apinnan®, in which the x represents a secondary change of original n, as does the 1 of the Passamaquoddy form?! The same query would apply to certain other forms not dealt with here. To judge from Tims, the termination for we(excl.)—him agrees in formation with Cree and Ojibwa. The agreement with the latter is no doubt purely fortuitous. Forms like nestoa (Tims) 1 show agreement with Cree. According to the writer’s information some demonstrative pronouns have reference to the state of the object designated, that is, whether at rest or in motion; but some informants contradict this. It is a matter that deserves special attention. Summing up, we may say that though Blackfoot must be classed apart from Eastern-Central Algonquian, it has the closest affinities to Fox, Eastern Algonquian, and Cree. CHEYENNE - Cheyenne possesses consonantic clusters, though not in so great profusion as Piegan. By consulting the various tables it will be seen that some of the clusters are peculiar to the language. As is men- tioned more than once in this paper, the fact that such Algonquian languages as have numerous clusters differ with respect to the types of clusters tends to show that most of these are unoriginal. The following clusters of two consonants were noted in three of the writer’s Cheyenne texts: er, Second member of cluster Tnitial con- |—— T = SOnaay k t n s c ts v = | t tk tts n ns ne 8 sk st Sts c ck ct : cv ts | _—otsk isn x xk at rs rts v vs ve 1 Or it may be that the original sound is lost and that the z is an accretion, as x in ki—irpuwadwa yE— ME (cf. Fox ke—ipwa), MICHELSON | ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 233 The cluster tsn so far as noted is-a pseudo-cluster, but the others, so far as the writer has been able to analyze them, are genuine. The following clusters of three consonants were noted in the same texts: nst, ast, mst, nsts, stn, the last being certainly a false one. The following clusters were noted as occurring finally: sts, ns, nsts, zs, vs. A single cluster (st) was observed initially, and that but once; hence it is likely an initial vowel was not heard. The origin of the clusters that apparently are genuine is practi- cally unknown. One case of xp seems merely to have developed from p, e. g., woxpt WHITE (Fox wépi). The clusters sk and st are probably original (see discussion of Cree, p. 238. Unfortunately the writer has not been able to find corresponding expressions in Cree for such Cheyenne words as possess these clusters). There are a number of words of patent Algonquian origm. Exam- ples are: woxpi WHITE, mahOwiwt WOLF, nic TWO, nive FOUR, mataxtu® TEN, matama*® OLD WOMAN, 1@ AND, misi EAT, mi GIVE, ami MOVE. It should be noted that under unknown conditions Central Algon- quian n appears as ¢ (compare the treatment in Cree, p. 239; but the two languages do not agree wholly in the usage); furthermore, this secondary ¢, as well as original ¢, becomes ts before a palatal vowel. Examples are hitan® MAN (Fox ineniw*), nitanowitatsi’m* LET Us GAMBLE TOGETHER (tsi= Fox, etc., #7). Original k under unknown conditions appears as n. This, together with the other phonetic changes stated above, renders most of the forms of the independent mode intelligible. Thus, ni—ts 1—THEE; ni—tsemé I—you; ni— tsemend WE(excl.)—THEE; ni—émend THOU—vs(excl.).1 It will be noted that the structure for 1—you, We (excl.)—THEE agrees with Natick, Algonkin, and Peoria. The terminations for we (excl. and incl.), intransitive, approximate the Ojibwa type. The termination for you (intrans.) is ni—m* (Petter ni—mé), which phonetically approximates Algonkin, Ottawa, and Ojibwa rather than Peoria. (It may here be mentioned that Peoria, Ottawa, and Ojibwa all belong to the same division of the Central Algonquian languages.) The termination for wE(excl.)—nImM (na—on, Petter) has a corre- spondent in Natick and Eastern Algonquian. The terminations with the third person singular animate as subject are obscure. Those with the inanimate plural as objects patently are to be connected with the nominal suffix for the inanimate plural. With the assumption that original intervocalic g is lost, some additional forms take on a more Algonquian appearance. So violent a change is paralleled by the apparent change of -p(4)m- to -m- and -p(4)t- to -at-.. 1 The last three forms are taken from Rodolphe Petter’s Sketch of the Cheyenne Grammar, in Mem. Amer. Anthr. Ass., 1, pt. 6, 1907. 234 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH, ANN. 28 Cheyenne possesses a mode that is frequently used in narration as an indicative; it happens that but few of the forms occur in the writer’s texts. The third person singular animate, intransitive, ends in -s; the third person plural animate, intransitive, in -wus (the initial sound is represented by w merely for convenience. The writer has been unable to determine its exact value; it is heard now as v, now as w; the only thing absolutely certain is that it is bilabial); Hz—sm™ is -ws; THEY (an.)—HIM -owus,; to distinguish third persons, the intran- sitive third person has an obyiative -niwus. Assuming the phonetic change of te to s, it will be seen that the forms resemble the Fox, Shawnee, and Peoria conjunctive. The ni of -niwus corresponds to the ni of Fox -nitci, ete. The termination of the plural inanimate can be derived from the normal Central Algonquian termination by the phonetic laws stated above. At the same time it greatly resembles the Natick and Piegan forms, which apparently can not be derived from this source. Summing up, we may say that although Cheyenne must be classed as a distinct major branch of Algonquian languages, yet it has close affinities with the Ojibwa division of the Eastern-Central major divi- sion; but as consonantic clusters beginning with a nasal’and followed by a stop are not permitted, and the clusters sk and st occur, we must assume rather a more northern origin. If the Moiseyu really are the Monsoni, as James Mooney thinks (Mem. Anthr. Ass., 1, 369, 1907), there is historical support for this assumption. The fact that Natick in the ending of the termination of the present independent made resembles the Ojibwa type probably led Petter (ibid., 447) to consider Cheyenne?’ closer to Natick. The latter does permit consonantic clusters with a nasal as the prior member and a stop as the second member, but it does not agree entirely with Ojibwa in this usage; note especially the present suppositive (sub- junctive) mode. But it should be noted that the cluster st is not permitted, though sk is; and the cluster st is a distinct trait of Algonquian languages of northern origin (ci. Eastern Algonquian, Montagnais, Cree, Blackfoot). ARAPAHO This division includes Arapaho proper, Gros Ventre (Atsina), two dialects that are on the verge of extinction, and one dialect that at present is either absolutely extinct or is spoken by only very few indi- 1 According to the writer’s present information there are two Sutaio (a tribe that became incorporated with the Cheyenne) who can still speak their own language, namely, White Bull (Ice) of the Northern Chey- enne and Left Hand Bull of the Southern Cheyenne. Unfortunately the former ceased work before any texts could be secured from him, and the writer has heard only recently of the latter’s ability to speak his own language. For this reason no accurate idea of the language can be given here. Cheyenne traditions are unanimous, however, in stating that the language was intelligible to the Cheyenne. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 235 viduals. The writer can describe from personal investigation only Arapaho proper; he has been informed by members of this tribe that Gros Ventre is readily understood by them. According to Dr. A. L. Kroeber, the dialect mentioned as possibly absolutely extinct closely resembled Blackfoot ; according to information received, the Piegan of Montana say a body of them joined the Arapaho and still speak their own language. This matter requires careful investigation. It is to be hoped that Doctor Kroeber will publish at an early date his compara- tive vocabularies of the dialects and also those phonetic laws of Arapaho proper that he has discovered and courteously communicated to the writer. That Arapaho is an Algonquian language is shown by such words as hine/n MAN, ni™seSe MY ELDER BROTHER, no™tdne® MY DAUGHTER, né’st* MY GRANDCHILD, nis’ TWO, ndsd THREE, yé'n’ FOUR, bdtdtar TEN, bdtebi OLD WOMAN, neti MY HEART, hd-sité** 1r Is HOT; as well as by the system of the possessive pronouns. Some of the more radical phonetic changes that the author has observed (some of these had been anticipated by Doctor Kroeber) are te becomes 0: -ni0, Fox -nite’; p becomes 0: netc’ WATER, Fox nep’, nétc’ My ARROW, Fox nip’; k be- comes h: hi- Tuy, Fox ke-, héw* not, Ojibwa kawin; p becomes g(k): sisiga® DUCK, Fox cicip; w becomes n: no™ku RABBIT, Ojibwa wa’ pos; m becomes 6 (and w?);: bdtebi oLD WOMAN, Fox metemo'“, bdtdtax TEN; skw becomes 2°: wa2'® bear, Cree maskwa, Fox ma‘kw*. With the assumption that y becomes n, and g+ ,a final whispered vowel, becomes £,a number of verbal pronominal forms grow clearer in formation. (How these changes may distort words almost beyond recognition may be shown by ni*tcebgahut’ HE RUNS BY: ni(#) is a common verbal prefix (7); teeb = Fox pemi; gahu = Fox -paho-; -t' the pronominal ending.) Doctor Kroeber has already remarked that in nominal forms the inanimate and animate plurals are not distinguished, though they are in verbal forms.!| The exclusive and inclusive first person plurals are not distinguished in verbal forms, according to information received by the writer, but they certainly are in the possessive pro- nouns. It is thus seen that Arapaho has become very specialized. In the writer’s judgment, no Algonquian language has deviated farther from the normal. Arapaho is characterized by very weak nasal vowels, which when pronounced rapidly, however, betray scarcely any nasality. The glottal stop is extremely common. There are a number of conso- nantic clusters, but none of more than two consonants. 1 See Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. Xv1u, p. 5, 1902. 236 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [BPH, ANN. 28 The following table shows all the consonantic clusters found in the writer’s Arapaho notes of 1912: Arapaho Initial | ra conso- Second member of cluster nant | | ee g ie mer: te s eh | | | | | t | | tm t b bg bn bs $ Beet st sn s x | 19 at rm atc It has not been feasible to separate genuine and pseudo clusters. The x before ¢ and fe is exceedingly weak. The clusters in the writer’s Arapaho notes of 1910 were of the same general character but contained 0g, 6d, On, and vn also. No clusters begin or end a word. It will be seen that the clusters differ fundamentally in character from those of Piegan, Cheyenne, and Eastern Algonquian. This fact points decidedly to the clusters, with certain exceptions, in all of these languages as secondary in nature and not original. The grammatical analysis is extremely difficult. It is clear that many secondary phonetic changes have taken place in the welded verbal compound, and so have obscured the stems. However, a sufficient number are clear enough to warrant the assertion that the general structure of Arapaho agrees essentially with the general analysis of Algonquian given by Dr. William Jones. The instru- mental particles occur in the correct position. Of these the writer has been able to recognize 6 (Fox, etc., m; no m exists in Arapaho), Ty Rt, Ws The personal pronouns of the independent mode (with certain apparent exceptions in the negative verb) are suffixed. Here is a very striking difference between Arapaho and normal Algonquian. The fact that the terminations are suffixed (not partially prefixed and partially suffixed) suggests that in origin they are conjunctive endings (compare Micmac), and so far as the writer has been able to find cog- nates at all for them (in only a decided minority of instances), it has been with the terminations of thismode. Doctor Kroeber, above cited, has noted that Cheyenne n- as the prefix of the second person singu- lar, independent mode, apparently corresponds with Arapaho -n. This the writer considers improbable, as it would be incredible that in Arapaho a verbal pronoun that in all other Algonquian languages is prefixed, should be suflixed. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS ABH There are some formations that seem thoroughly un-Algonquian; e. g. hédo"hok HE, SHE TOLD HIM, HER, THEM (an.), the obviative of which is hé#é‘hok. This formation is rare; the writer has met it but a few times, always in words of the same, or approximately the same, meaning. The stem of the examples given is hok; hé is allied with héi; so far as known at present there are no phonetic equivalents for the incorporated pronominal elements in any other Algonquian lan- guage. The prefixing of the termination for HE—HIM, HER, THEM (an.) before the initial stem is thoroughly un-Algonquian, and can not be paralleled elsewhere in these languages. The occurrence of the objective pronominal elements immediately after an initial prefix (?) is another anomaly. To sum up, Arapaho seems to have become specialized at an early period, but it is likely that when the phonetics of the language are better understood more points in common with Eastern-Central Algonquian will become apparent; and it is possible that borrowing from a non-Algonquian stock may be shown. EASTERN-CENTRAL Although the Eastern branch presents considerable differences from the Central branch—chiefly in the abundance of consonantic clusters—it is perfectly obvious that, compared with Blackfoot, Cheyenne, or Arapaho, it belongs intimately with the Central group. See the discussion of Eastern Algonquian (p. 280). CENTRAL SUBTYPE All these dialects are very intimately connected. To say that one dialect is not closely connected with another means merely that the relations between the two are not so close as between one of the dialects and a third. The lexical correspondence is very marked and the correspondence in the grammatical terminations is close. In the independent mode (or indicative mode) the correspondence is not so close as in the subjunctive. The reason for this is probably that in the latter case there is nothing to connect the personal endings with, and that in transitive forms the single pronouns (which are always suffixed) expressing both subject and object are so specialized that it is not possible readily to analyze them into their component elements, whereas the pronominal endings of the independent mode are unquestionably to be associated with the possessive pronouns and therefore vary more. (The Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo forms in -pena, the Shawnee forms in -pe, and the Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee forms in -pwa are wholly anomalous.) However, in the case of the independent mode, the analysis is far clearer than in 238 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [pPH. ANN. 28 other modes. The transitive forms are based mainly on the combin- ation of intransitive ones, sometimes part being prefixed and part suffixed, or both parts are suffixed. In certain forms it is necessary to assume certain pronominal elements which are totally unconnected with the possessive or independent pronouns, but which nevertheless reoccur in other modes than the independent. The writer’s classification of the dialects of the Central subtype is based ona study of the present independent and subjunctive modes, together with phonetic and a few other considerations. It is possible to formulate certain subdivisions of the group. These are— Cree-Montagnais. Menominee. Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, together with Shawnee, the last-named being somewhat removed from them. ‘ Ojibwa, Potawatomi, Ottawa, Algonkin, with Peoria somewhat removed from them. Natick. Delaware. It may be further noted that Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee collectively form a unit as compared with any other of the subdivisions. CREE-MONTAGNAIS CREE Cree is characterized by the maintenance of the clusters sk, sp, st (ck, ep, ct), which in other members of the Central group (with certain limitations noted below) are converted to ‘k, ‘p, ‘t, respectively. Itisa special point of contact with Eastern Algonquian that these are like- wise retainedin them. Examples are Cree amisk (Lacombe) BEAVER, Stockbridge (Edwards) amisque, Ojibwa ami‘k, Delaware amochk, Fox amekw® (Shawnee hamdkwa, Gatschet), Peoria amékwa, Abnaki pepSn-emesk& (Rasles) WINTER BEAVER, Micmac piiliimskw BEAVER OF THIRD YEAR;? Cree miskawew HE FINDS HIM, HER, Malecite mus- kuwan HE FOUND HER, Natick miskom HE FINDS IT, Fox me‘kawdw? HE FINDS HIM, HER; Cree iskwéu WOMAN, Micmac késigd-éskw* OLD WoMAN, Natick squaw, Fox vkwiw%, Ojibwa ikwd, Delaware takwdéu (Sapir); Cree maskwa BEAR, Fox ma‘kw*%, Shawnee kwa, Peoria maxkwa, Ojibwa ma‘kwa, Natick mosq; Cree ishpimik ABoveE, Ojibwa ishpiming, Menominee icpéimiya ABOVE, Penobscot spumki 1 Moreover, under unknown conditions a sibilant is retained before k in Fox, Ojibwa, etc., and these agree in the retention or loss of the sibilant. : 2 Rand, Dictionary of the Language of the Micmac Indians, Halifax, 1888. ae .. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 239 HEAVEN, Abnaki spemk, Passamaquoddy spemek uicH, Shawnee spemegi ABOVE (in the sky), Fox a‘pemegi, Peoria piéimingi; Cree micpun tr SNOWS, Fox me'pu- TO snow, Natick muhpoo 1r snows; Cree miciig woop, Fox me‘tegwi, Shawnee “tegwi, Menominee me‘tig (probable mishearing for me'‘tig), Ojibwa mi‘tig (Jones), me*tig (Turtle Mountain, Michelson), Natick mehtug, Delaware mehittuck, Minsi michtuk. It should be noted likewise that Cree ¢(é#) corresponds under unknown conditions to ” (or its phonetic correspondent) in the other Central Algonquian languages as well as in Eastern Algonquian. Thus Cree atak svar, Fox andgw*, Shawnee alagwa, Peoria alangwa, Ojibwa anang, Delaware allanque, Natick anogks; Cree atim poe, Fox anemo'%, Natick anwm, Delaware allum, Ojibwa animosh, Malecite ulamus (the last two really are diminutives).? Below will be found tables for the Cree present indicative and sub- junctive-participial modes.* The phonetic laws stated above should be kept in mind to see the correspondence with other Algonquian languages. 1 It is gathered from Doctor Gatschet’s notes on the pronunciation and his graphic fluctuation of k, ‘k, zk in the same words when corresponding to Cree sk, that the true value in Peoria is ‘k. By this is inferred thesame regarding p. Examples are lacking to show the correspondent to Cree st, but the inference made at any rateis plausible. The writer’s conclusions regarding Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo are based on Doctor Jones’s and his own texts; those on Shawnee are from Doctor Gatschet’s graphic variants as well as the author’s own notes (but apparently there are also some secondary changes in Shawnee); those on Menominee rest on the writer’s own notes; those on Ojibwa are formed mainly from a study of Doctor Jones’s texts, though partly from the writer’s notes; in other cases the assumption rests on analogy. The quotations from the manuscripts of the late Doctor Jones are available through the liberality of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. Most of the Ojibwa words cited in this paperare from Baraga; they are easily distinguished by lack of most diacritical marks and by the use of sh fore. Similarly, the Cree of the writer can be easily distinguished from that of Horden or Lacombe. Such words and grammatical terminations as are taken from or based on Doctor Sapir’s field notes on Cree, Montagnais, Abnaki, Malecite, and Delaware, are expressly noted as such. *Abnaki wdamis HIs DOG, Passamaquoddy ndemis My DOG, both cited by Prince, are forms puzzling to the writer. See American Anthropologist, N. S., 1V, 316, 317, 324, 684. Even so, the statement that Cree t can correspond to 7, etc., of the other dialects, will stand. 8These are extracted from Horden (Cree Grammar, London, 1881) with the exception of the inani- mate forms both as subjects and objects, which are extracted from Lacombe. The latter forms are not readily found in Horden and the table in Lacombe is highly confusing in other forms. That the forms exist in Moose Cree is shown by the texts in Horden’s Grammar. [BTH. ANN. 28 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES 240 yeo- 'D- - = 3 — a . ‘ ‘ et 4 yauD uDULD youiD- ypu upuLn. usu ‘uLeq) “4t momjo- momyp- monm- omyn- mompryn- monyn- } | yw my mony ny 4 ere yyojn- ynmnyD- 4!9yn- 4ryn- ytontyn- h{n- “et ‘D- m m- 1yn mn Pate) ats 0g yiojn- ; w 4 1 ny x ve . es DU _— _ — D})- mmnynz}- oe fe res NOs: ynnynojy- # 4 ynny’ momys- m — SS -. te un} Sts cs, Sean n48- 4 40) U 74 mony ny- nye _ - _ — _ Se ronyen Banal ak i non), vuinfia- 2, ha- yoha- yphia- _ _— — ‘+ + Joxesn 29) pun fia~ Taal fe yoha- hry Pe a Fz ie ames) Oven yo . aes 1 10}- r yon- unf- ynn- yon- unf- > + ssueiquy ‘ubu! Aaty WW “ue Sayy al of noyy “JOU OA *JOxa OAL I mounua yanui- uD- mompua—ty ua—2y mousy wit upua—1U ua—1 ‘uo Wey) ‘If ynmp- op- ynmono—ay ynmo—ay ynmounup—ay ynupup—Iu ynno—au “ue Wey} ynmn- oD- nomo—-ayx mo—ay mounun—ay upup—Iu mo—Iw Ske ee ee DOTY ynmonoy—ay momoy—ay — _— _- upur—ay momoutyj—-ay puso heme NOL, YNNy—Iy 4—9 > < — UuDUuni—ay uni—ay mn Os eBay ynmouoy—oy mouoy—ay _ = _ — - eee TOUTETL ynunuoy—au wpwoy—ou UDUI—Iy uUDur—oy = — a SSS oxeen ynmy—au Yau momour—ay uUl—dy _ — = See ee 5 OUT on— ynm- n- monou—ay -oY noupu—ay upu—au aU : S2S-lEreyoy ‘uvur Loy} q “ue Souq oy of noyy *[OUL ON *Joxe aAt I MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 241 While at Carlisle in the winter of 1911-12 the writer had an oppor- tunity of studying for a brief period the Cree spoken at Fort Totten, North Dakota. Below are tables for the present independent mode and for what was intended (by the writer) to be the subjunctive of the same tense. Apparently there was some misunderstanding, for the forms of the latter correspond with Lacombe’s ‘“suppositif’’ of the “subjonetif”’ and Horden’s future tense of the subjunctive. 20903°—28 ETH—12——16 [BTH. ANN. 28 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES 242 1MDNY, V- 14,V- nba v= WU VULY- NY VULV- T4,DULV qupuLy- “uBut ‘ULoYy “41 ampnyDo- 107D- ampmbahi- 1mDN)V- anpny, Vv hw- rmpny /phiw- ampnby- "+ * 18 UY 1npnyD- 10)D- nbofin- 1oyV- ny, Vhw- ny olin- 14V- ¥ “wy anpnbainy- nbahiny- — _ —= NY ,D)- n63}- * nos npnyo- 1y9- aad = = NY,D]- qwD)- ap eo) unpny,viny- ny, vAny- _— =_ — _ — + * sTouFsn aunpny piiny- ny ,piiny- ny pii- Ny ,Dhi- — _ _ OA * ‘joxe sn anpmyi- Dy- nbahi- mv hi- == _ — 2 BS BPA I QUE LnDNy,- M7 1mDM)- 19)- nbah- uyvii- ny WA- ny ,Dh- twph- <> Ss0ui oy “ueut Loy} WL “ue Loy} oly o£ noy} *[OUT ON *Joxe OM I bynuwy- uLVy- DNnDNDUD—2y4 uDp—2y4 uDUuD—1 upup—1 up—Ww “wer Wey) ‘IT byma- na- by npap—iy bynp—1y brunup— 24 brupup—1e bynp—tU CS iy sTaov (yap 6yma- na- pnDnD—1}, pnD—y upuD—1y upup—W vnD—WU Smee eee STITT bymomnb—1y onpnnb—1 — — _ upurj— 14 pmDpaDpurj—1y Ceti Dae OT g(a) bvnb—-Yy b—1y4 = = uDutj|— 1 uy VY 2 Sean brupunb—1y{ upunb—iy = ¢ = = — eon OUST. brupunb—1U wound vue UDUI—21} UDUI—1 = -= =~ * * ‘Toxo sn bynb—1wU bu DNDNDUI—1}4 UI—1Y =< = - Sg ae ab" SOLU ya- bym- pin- prpnpu—y UuDu—2ry, wpu—1 UDU—WU UU + * “sueIqUr “uput Aol} W “ue Aol} au oA noy} *JOUT OM *JOxO OL I MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 243 We will first discuss the indicative forms. In the following Mon- tagnais is left out, as the relations of Cree and Montagnais are treated specially below. Here it is sufficient to say that the two with pho- netic differences are essentially a linguistic unit. Statistics follow: 1—you (pl.) no correspondent; composed of the intrans. forms for 1 and you with phonetic changes. I—HI™M agreement with F., Men., D. (one form).! I—THEM an. agreement with F., Men., D. (one form). I—IT agreement with Men., A., Oj. I—THEM inan. agreement with Men., S. WE (excl.) intrans. agreement with D. (one form). WE (excl.)—THEER agreement with D. (one form). WE (excl.)—you agreement with D. (one form). WE (excl.)—nIM agreement with Oj., A., D. (one form). WE (excl.)—THEM an. agreement with Oj., A., N. WE (excl.)—17T agreement with A. WE (excl.)—THEM inan. formation same as WE (exel.)—1T. WE (incl.) intrans. (Horden) no correspondent. WE (inel.) intrans. (Fort Totten) agreement with Oj., A. we (incl.)—nim (Horden); cf. Men? WE (incl.)—nim (Fort Totten) agreement Oj., A. WE (incl.)—rTHeEM an. (Horden) no correspondent, ef. Men. WE (incl.)—tHEM an. (Fort Totten) agreement with Oj., A. WE (incl.)—1rT (one form, Lacombe) no correspondent. We (inel.)—1r (one form, Lacombe; Fort Totten) agreement with A. WE (incl.)—THEM inan. formation same as WE (incl.)—1T. THOU—US (excl.) no correspondent; composed of THOU intrans. +i+nan: ef. Fox ke—ipena for the formation. THOU—HIM agreement with Men., F., D. (one form). THOU—THEM an. agreement with Men., F. D. THOU—1iT agreement with Men., Oj., A. THOU—THEM inan. formation the same as THOU—IT. YE intrans. no correspondent; same formative elements found in YE—ME. YE—ME no correspondent; composed of the intrans. form for YE +7. YE—Uws (excl.) no correspondent; formation precisely the same as THOU—US (excel.). YE—HIM agreement with Men., D. (one form); ef. also OV ANS: N., Pass. 1 The following are the principal abbreviations used in this paper: A., Algonkin; an., animate; C., Cree; D., Delaware; excl., exclusive; F., Fox; inan., inanimate; incl., inclusive; M., Micmac; Men., Menominee; Mont., Montagnais; N., Natick; Oj., Ojibwa; Ot., Ottawa; P., Peoria; Pass., Passama- quoddy; Pot., Potawatomi; S., Shawnee. ? Lacombe gives a variant that agrees absolutely with Menominee. 244 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [BTH. ANN. 28 YE—THEM an. agreement with Men., D. (one form); ef. also Oj. AwiS:, N; : YE—1T no correspondent; cf. Oj., A., S. YE—THEM inan. formation the same as YE—IT. HE—Uvs (excl.) agreement with F., Oj., A., D. (one form). HE—Us (incl.; Horden) agreement with Men. HE—US (incl.; Fort Totten) agreement with F., Oj., A. (D.%). HE—yYOU agreement with F., Men. HE—HIM agreement with F., Men. (N. 2). HE—THEM an. agreement with F., Men. HE—IT agreement with F., Men., P., Oj. (one form). HE—THEM inan. agreement with F., Men., P. THEY an.—ws (excl.) agreement with F., Oj., A., N., D. (one form). THEY an.—ws (incl.; Horden) agreement with Men. THEY an.—ws (incl.; Fort Totten) agreement with F., Oj., D. THEY an.—you agreement with F., Men., D. THEY an.—HIM agreement with F., Men. THEY an.—THEM an. agreement with F., Men. THEY an.—1ir agreement with F., Men., P. THEY an.—THEM inan. agreement with F., Men., P. THEY inan. no correspondent. Common Central Algonquian agreements are naturally not included in the above statistics. Phonetic changes have caused certain termi- nations to resemble Ojibwa rather than Fox, e. g., HE—ME, THER, but these are not included, as the formation is identical. The customary final n is not here added to the forms for t and THov when intransitive, as it seems to be purely a phonetic product. The forms for THEY an.—ME, THEE look strange in comparison with other Algonquian languages, but in the writer’s opinion a phonetic archaism is the dis- turbing factor. Tt may be mentioned here that in the statistics given in the dis- cussion of other Central Algonquian languages THEY inan. intrans. is not noted, as all agree (so far as material is available), as opposed to Cree. It will be seen that the greatest number of agreements is with Menominee, with Fox (Sauk and Kickapoo) second, and Delaware, Ojibwa, and Algonkin about equal, in the third place. The statistics likewise show that the unity of Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee mentioned on page 238 applies espe- cially to Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo. It is due almost entirely to the very intimate relationship between Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo on the one hand and Shawnee on the other (see pp. 252, 258) that the last-mentioned language must be attached to the group. (Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo are practically one language, with slight variations (see pp. 252, 258). In the entire discussion of the MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 245 statistics throughout this paper it is understood that all are in agree- ment, unless the contrary is expressly stated.) The discussion of the subjunctive-participial does not require such elaborate statistics. The variant forms of the third person plural animate both as sub- ject and object, ending tn -w, are stated by Horden to be distinctive of East Main Cree, with the exception of the variants for tory an.—HIM, THEM an. which occur elsewhere as well. The forms under discussion closely resemble the correspondents in Menominee, Algonkin, Ojibwa, and (to a lesser extent) Ottawa. (In Ojibwa THEY an.—uvs excl. has different formation, but has the characteristic ending.) More- over, the respective forms of the second table of Fort Totten Cree (which is discussed below) show the same general structure. The other forms of the third person an. plural as both subject and object (except HE—THEM an., which is a true subjunctive) correspond to the Fox, Shawnee, and Ojibwa participial—not subjunctive. Even so, THEY an.—uws (excl.) agrees with Fox (and approximates the Shawnee form), not Ojibwa. 1—you agrees with Menominee, Ojibwa, and Algonkin. we (excl.)—THEE, YoU is a true active common Central Algonquian form as opposed to the Ojibwa (and probably Potawa- tomi) correspondents, which are passives in structure. Outside the above, excluding phonetic differences, as the presence of the nasal in Ojibwa (also in Delaware), the agreement between Cree, Ojibwa, and Fox in this mode is remarkable. It is a matter of great regret that hardly a single transitive form of the Peoria sub- junctive or participial is found among Doctor Gatschet’s papers. The terminations of the participial, subjunctive, and conjunctive modes are closely allied in Algonquian (compare the tables in the Hand- book of American Indian Languages). Fortunately Doctor Gatschet has left examples of transitive forms of the Peoria conjunctive, so we can make some conjectures concerning the subjunctive. It pos- sessed the nasal as in Ojibwa, and the forms for the third person plural animate, both as subject and object, corresponded exactly with the exception of WE incl.—THEM an., THEY an.—HIM, THEM an., to Cree. The personal terminations for WE—THEE, you (pl.) were the true active ones; HE—Us (excl.) agreed with Fox and Cree, as also that for THEY an.—uws (excl.). (For the last two cf. Shaw- nee, Algonkin, and Menominee.) The form for 1—you (pl.) agreed with Ojibwa, Algonkin, and Cree. Herein we find an important point of contact with Peoria. (See, however, p. 271.) It should be noted that the Micmac conjunctive agrees partially with Peoria in having forms for the third person plural animate both as subject and object that correspond to the Fox participial, not conjunctive. We may accordingly conjecture that the Micmac subjunctive agrees partially with Cree in the same way. This together with the reten- 246 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN. 28 tion of the consonantic clusters sk, sp, st constitute important points of contact between Cree and Eastern Algonquian. The Natick present subjunctive approximates closely to the Fox present subjunctive and so agrees to a certain extent with Cree, but it should be noticed that practically all the forms with the third person animate, singular and plural, as subject are entirely different in structure from either the Cree or the Fox correspondents. The Delaware subjunctive shows marked peculiarities of its own and therefore presents few points of agreement with Cree, none in fact which are not shared by other Central Algonquian languages. The discussion of the second table of Fort Totten Cree must neces- sarily be brief, as the sole object of its introduction is to illustrate the variant forms of East Main Cree with the third person plural as subject and object in the present subjunctive, and the correspondents in Menominee and Ojibwa. As is stated above, the table really corre- sponds with Horden’s future tense of the subjunctive and Lacombe’s “suppositif”” of the “subjonctif.””. The forms for Hr, THEY an.— us (excl. and incl.), you are certainly passives in formation (cf. the Ottawa correspondents of the subjunctive); but in every case Lacombe gives variants which are actives, and Horden gives these alone. Again the variants given by Lacombe for we (excl. and incl.) —HIM, THEM an.; YE—HIM, THEM an. (which alone are given by Horden) in structure have the same formation as the correspond- ents of the present subjunctive. The Fort Totten Cree forms are composed of the respective intransitive subjects combined with the common objective form of the third person animate, namely @, which undergoes phonetic change before the initial y of the suffixes (the forms given by Lacombe do not show this change). The forms of the Fort Totten Cree in which the animate objects are plural exhibit the identical formation but have the characteristic w suffix. (The form given in the table for yse—THEM an. is reconstructed by the writer; the form -atwawi, obtained by direct questioning, is surely due to some misunderstanding, as it patently is the form for THou— THEM an. It should be noticed that in the forms for we (excl. and incl.) —HIM; WE (excl.)—THEE, YOU; THOU, YE—Us (excl.) Lacombe’s Cree terminates in -i, not -was Fort Totten Cree does. In the forms for we (excl. and incl.) intransitive, WE (excl. and incl.)—1T, THEM (inan.), Lacombe gives forms with both -i and -u. Horden gives only the forms with -a@ (his transcription for long close @) corre- sponding to Lacombe’s -i. Fort Totten Cree in these personal terminations has -w, and this only. It should be mentioned that corresponding to Horden’s ¢ before -@ (his symbol for long close 2), the Cree of Lacombe and of Fort Totten have te (tj in Lacombe) before -i throughout. Again, Horden’s Cree in the form for YE MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 247 intrans. ends in -wda, whereas Lacombe’s and Fort Totten Cree end in -u. It should be added that Lacombe in the forms for z—THEM an. and THEY an.—IT, THEM inan. gives variants which resemble the corresponding subjunctive (participial) ones in structure, as well as forms which agree with the Fort Totten correspondents. It need scarce be said that neither Lacombe nor Horden. distinguishes surd and sonant, nor ‘k from k, in his paradigms. The formation of a preterite with a suffix pun in both the indica- tive and the subjunctive is an important point of contact with Ojibwa (see the discussion of that language, p. 269). Another special point of contact with Peoria that should be noted is that the inanimate plural, nominative, ends in -a; yet notwith- standing these points of contact with Cree, Peoria (as will be shown later) belongs rather with Ojibwa. The dialectic variations as nina I, nira, niya, nida are well known and need no discussion. However, it should be mentioned that the so-called Cree of Rupert’s House ' is not Cree at all, but Montagnais. This the writer infers from a comparison of Doctor Sapir’s notes on the Cree of Rupert’s House with his notes on Montagnais, as well as with Lemoine’s Dictionnaire Frang¢ais-Montagnais (Boston, 1901). The following (taken from Sapir’s manuscripts) will illustrate the point under consideration: ma’skwats' BEARS, nika’mowats THEY SING, ts‘ inika/mgn' THOU SINGEST. (See the discussion of Montagnais below.) According to Skinner (loc. cit.), the Fort George Indians speak the same dialect as those at Rupert’s House. MONTAGNAIS As was stated above, excluding phonetic changes Montagnais is practically the same language as Cree. Some of the phonetic changes which Montagnais has suffered are: k (Cree k, Fox k) becomes tsh before 7 (Fox e and 7, Cree e), tshi- THOU (verbal), Fox ke-, Cree ke-, tshi- initial stem meaning completion, Fox ki[ci]-, Cree ke-; k (Cree k, Fox g) becomes ts before final 7 and e, even if these are lost, -uts (ending of animate pl. of nouns), Cree -wk, Fox -4g’, -uts (third person pl. animate, independent mode, intransitive), Cree -wuk, Fox -wag’, -ts (sign of locative singular animate), Cree -k, Fox -g‘, ~iats (first person pl. excl. intransitive, subjunctive mode), Cree -yak, Fox -yag¢; sk before 2 becomes ss; Cree askiy LAND, Montagnais assi (Fox ak’); tsh[ijt (Fox k[e]t) becomes st, stuki THY EAR, as compared with utuki Hs EAR, tshiiu THY BODY, kutaui THY FATHER, staiamiau THOU PRAYEST, as compared with ntacamiau 1 PRAY; tlujk becomes ts before e, -tse (sign of the dubi- tative), Cree -toka, Fox -tuge; k[e]sh becomes tsh, tshiuelin THOU ART HUNGRY for ke+sh-; tc[i]k[t] becomes ts, -ats (subj. mode; third per- 1 Skinner, Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux, p. 11, New York, 1911. 248 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETR. ANN, 28 son pl. an. subj., third person sing. an. object) as compared with Cree -atcik, Fox (participial) -atcig'; sk{i]k[i] becomes ss, -ss (subj. mode, third pl. an. subj., second person sing. object), Cree -skik, Fox -kig' (part.). Further, it may be noted that final -w*, w¢ after con- sonants, has a history in Montagnais different from that in Cree. Observe Montagnais ni—ku HE—ME (independent mode), Cree ne—k, Fox ne—gw*, tshi—ku HE—THEE (independent mode), Cree ke—k, Fox ke—gwa, -iku (first person pl. incl. of subjunctive), Cree -yuk, Fox -yagw’. These phonetic changes are of extremely wide appli- cation. It is unnecessary to give tables showing the verbal termina- tions as they agree with those of Cree. It may be noted that -v corresponds to Cree -w and -au to Cree -ow, except in the first person pl. incl., where we find -w. The reason for the latter is not clear. After emphasizing the essential unity of Cree and Montagnais it may be well to point out some individual traits of the latter. In the first place though there is a pan (Cree pun) preterite, it is confined to the indicative and does not occur in the subjunctive. Another point is that the ‘‘suppositif’’ of the mode “subjonctif”’ is clearly allied to the Fox potential subjunctive for which there is no correspondent in Cree (compare Mont. -iakukue we (excl.),-ikuakue we (incl.),-iekwekue YE with Fox -yagdge®, -yagagu “, -yagdgu'%, respectively). The other intransitive persons in Montagnais have the characteristic ku but have no correspondents in Fox. The transitive forms do not corre- spond closely, though there are resemblances between the two lan- guages; hence tables are not given. In closing, it may be added that the Montagnais on—me, etc., has the appearance of a passive in structure, but there are several points which are not clear. (The above examples of Montagnais and Cree are taken, respectively, from Lemoine and Horden, with the exception of Cree askiy, which is from Lacombe. It will be seen by consulting the tables of Fort Totten. Cree that the terminal & of Horden is doubtless the strong (impure) sonant g of the former, Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo, Ottawa, etc. A couple of examples of Sapir’s Montagnais, ts*inipaha@’wats THOU KILLEST THEM an. (Fox kenepahdwag'), tsimpahé'wats HE KILLED THEM an. (Fox kicinepahdwag'), ickwe'wats WOMEN (Fox vkwawag’'), illustrate the principles mentioned above. The writer suspects that Skinner’s tci a (Rupert’s House Cree) THOU is really tstya. The initial ¢s* at once classes the word as Montagnais. It is true that according to Lemoine the ordinary Montagnais correspondent has 7, not y; but it should be noticed that in Cree dialectically kiya occurs (see Horden, Cree Grammar, p. 3, London, 1881; Lacombe, Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris, p. xv, Montreal, 1874). The Rupert’s House Cree then would correspond to this.) In discussing the relations of other Eastern-Central Algonquian languages, it is understood that Montagnais agrees with Cree unless MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 249 the contrary is expressly mentioned. Hence the fact that Montag- nais sometimes is not mentioned merely means that it agrees with Cree. MENOMINEE Menominee is characterized by peculiar consonantic clusters due to the elimination of the final 7 of initial stems; thus, wépmd’wag THEY BEGAN TO CRY (Fox wépi-), wiépketcpipa’xtaw* HE BEGAN TO RUN SWIFTLY (Fox wipi-, ke'ta-), nikésnéwa’wag 1 HAVE SEEN THEM (Fox nekicinéwawag'), kétema'wag THEY ARE CRYING HARD (Fox ke'teimaiyowsg’), késpiw’ HE HAS COME (Fox kicipydw*), kikésmé- kanégunawag THEY FOUGHT US (Fox kekicimigatihe gunanag'). This elimination may cause a double consonant, as pipimmékatowsg THEY FOUGHT AS THEY WENT ALONG (Fox pemi + pydémigatiwag'), pipimm- éséw* HE WENT PAST EASING HIMSELF (Fox pemi + pydmisiw*), waippipa'ztaw? HE BEGAN TO RUN (Fox wépi+pyd-). The combi- nation of the subordinating particle 4s with initial stems also gives rise to clusters—for example, aspémdtiséya WE SHALL LIVE. The only true consonantic clusters that occur within the same mor- phologie division of a word are sk and sp; the latter alone is impor- tant in determining the general relations of Menominee. Examples are: késpin PERHAPS, Cree kispin, Ojibwa kishpin; icpémiya ABOVE, Cree ishpimik, Ojibwa ishpiming, Fox a'pemigi (see discussion of Ojibwa, p. 261). The combination zt agrees with Micmac, e. g. pi- paxtaw’ HE IS COMING ON THE RUN, Micmac péxtamkdasid HE WENT on. Surd and sonant are exceedingly difficult to distinguish; like- wise € and 7%. The writer was unable to determine these with abso- lute accuracy; the sounds are given as taken down. Whisperéd vowels are easy to hear after w; in other cases it is questionable whether they actually exist. A peculiarity of Menominee is that Central Algonquian s under unknown conditions becomes n; thus no-nes® MY FATHER (Fox ndse), na’ne’ MY ELDER BROTHER (Fox nesese), ponindw* HE STOPPED IN HIS FLIGHT (Fox ponisdw%, -Ondi- WALK (Fox -USa-). A table of the independent mode follows. 250 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES g Az) Bi Ge 3 = s | | | ==] | 4 ? . > > E = 5 ss > atisos a Ssssso02 = > Tea Lee Ree = IGS lbs SCS ? Se ee sos : ® s5 5 = ss 3S = 3 3 PPa eS se: hid PRAGUE Bg z Bad sees ce dee ea 2s S See o = = sons lllegse = sa x 1 Lala ~ ~~ | = z = 2 pl a ss 3 Sse aes ss 5 ay al a Lelia | ae 2 2 i lers > S 8 {=a i=] Ss 3 2 =e Deepali Wiese ts 2 = 2 Es = § = 35 al Cra 2 Res 83 ~ = = : Si S 6 |g fe l338 alls |&8 88 & S ssa s 2 3 ESS se Fis | Ae Se x al Slat otal all = Be eee | 3 | 8 | = = | | Se8 | | Sse: is | | eS 8 = | east Tiel | = | ZEEE 7 | > | > = a | oe ae =| P ka Poa - ied | g Bie ue etcces s o § rash) £ eo-~~S8385% = D os =~ 4 SH es t= ed Ssye= fie te [ETH. ANN. 28 It will be seen that Menominee has many forms quite peculiar to itself, and that the agreements with Cree-Montag- nais are far more numerous than with any other languages of the Central sub- division; those with Fox are next in order of number. For the agreements with Delaware, see the section on that language. Details follow: I—YOU no correspondent; nearest N. I—HIM agreement with C., F., D. I—THEM an. agreement with C., F., D. (N. 2). I—IT agreement with C., A., Oj., Ot. I—THEM inan. agreement with C. WE (excl.) intrans. no correspondent; nearest P., Oj., A., Ot., N. WE (excl.)—THEE no correspondent; nearest P., N. WE (excl.)—you no correspondent; nearest N., A., Ot. (P. 2). WE (excl.)—arm no correspondent; structure as WE (incl.)—HIM. WE (excl.)—THEM an. no correspend- ent; cf. WE (incl.)—THEM an. WE (excl.)—17 no correspondent. WE (excl.)—THEM inan. no corre- spondent. WE (incl.) intrans. no correspondent; nearest P., Oj.; cf. also C. WE (incl.)—n1M; cf. C4 WE (incl.)—rTHEM an.; cf. C.! WE (incl.)—17 no correspondent. WE (incl.)—THEM inan. no corre- spondent. THOU—Us (excl.) no correspondent. THOU—HIM agreement with C., F., D. THOU—THEM an. agreement with C., Bz, D: THOU—1IT agreement with C., A., Ot., Oj. THOU—THEM inan. agreement with C. 1 Lacombe gives a Cree variant which is the exact corre- spondent. MICHELSON | ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 251 YE, intrans. no correspondent; nearest P., N.; cf. also Oj., Ot., A.; for last syllable cf. C. YE—ME no correspondent; nearest N.; cf. also A., Oj., Ot. YE—Uvs (excl.) no correspondent. YE—HIM agreement with C., D. YE—THEM an. agreement with C., D. YE—IT no correspondent. YE—THEM inan. no correspondent. HE—Uws (excl.) no correspondent; for the structure cf. HE—Us (inel.) HE—US (incl.) agreement with C. HE—YOU agreement with C., F. HE—HIM agreement with C., F. (N.?). _HE—THEM an. agreement with C., F. (N.?). HE—IT agreement with C., F., P., N., Oj. (one form). THEY an.—us (excl.) no correspondent; cf. THEY an.—vs (incl.). THEY an.—ws (incl.) agreement with C. THEY an.—yovu agreement with C., F., D. THEY an.—HIM agreement with C., F. THEY an.—THEM an. agreement with C., F. THEY an.—iT agreement with C., F., P. THEY aN.—THEM inan. agreement with C., F., P. Where all agree with or without phonetic changes, no record has been made. In certain cases it is impossible to be sure whether phonetic changes have not disguised agreements. THEY inan., intrans., looks strange as contrasted with the common Central Algonquian form (on the Cree correspondent, see p. 244) ; how- ever, it is merely because the word from which it is taken chances to have a vowel before the termination, and not a consonant. The same is to be observed in Kickapoo, and doubtless other dialects; thus Kickapoo tetepydan’, 1. e., tetepyawan’ (see p. 258) THEY inan. ARE ROUND (analysis: tetepi CIRCLE, initial stem; -d- secondary connective stem, inan. copula; -wan!’ termination of the third person inan. pl. intrans. independent mode after a vowel as contrasted with -dni after a consonant). [Note -niwan* in Fox as compared with -on', the ordinary termination of the third person pl. nan. intrans. independ- ent mode; see Handbook of American Indian Languages (Bull. 40, B. A. E.), pt. 1, p. 833.] It should be specially noted that Menominee, Cree, and Fox agree in having the objective forms of rr and THEM inan. expressed by a single form as opposed to Ottawa, Algonkin, Ojibwa, and Shawnee. It is a common Algonquian feature that in subordinate modes the forms are expressed by single pronouns. A table for the subjunctive mode is not available; however, the writer can give some information concerning the relations indicated 252 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN, 28 by it. Many of the forms seem peculiar. to Menominee and are difficult to analyze. 1—yovu agrees with C., Oj., A., Ot., in structure and presumably also with Peoria. HE—uws (excl.) has no correspond- ent (the form is -iyame), but distinctly approaches the correspond- ents of C., F., S., A., and presumably P. The forms of the third person plural animate both as subject and object closely resemble the correspondents in Oj., A., the East Main Cree of Horden, certain variants given by Lacombe in his Grammaire de la Langue des Cris (Montreal, 1874), and to a lesser extent the correspondents in Ottawa. The corresponding forms of Horden’s future of the subjunctive, and Lacombe’s “‘suppositif’’ of the ‘‘subjonctif,’’ as well as the supposed present subjunctive of Fort Totten Cree also closely resemble them. It goes without saying that the Menomimee forms lack the nasal of the Ojibwa, Algonkin, and Ottawa. On the other hand the various forms of Cree possess an extra syllable with w. To sum up, we may say that although Menominee must be classed by itself, yet it is perfectly clear that it belongs intimately with Cree-Montagnais, etc., on the one hand, and with Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo on the other. Sauk, AND CLosE LineuistTic COGNATES The differences between Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo consist of a trifling modification of pronunciation, vocabulary, and idiom. Shaww- nee is slightly removed from them. To facilitate the discussion of the relations of the last-named language to them as well as the rela- tions of the entire group, tables for the independent, conjunctive, and subjunctive modes in Fox, and for the same modes in Shawnee, are given. 253 10)DM0UL ¥~ 16v- ambpu ¥- 1UV ULV ambvuy- abpuly- tupUuLF- | * “UBUl ‘ULay9 “Yr 1oy0GVD- 19)D- . ambp- 10)¥- ambr- 19)9b¥- t6y- | * ue ‘uteq) ‘uy ambpu- ambpu- —_ — _ abpu- amobyu-| * * * * * no& LD i Bg Es = = abpu- SUD Ue Soak ee ea OUT ne « anbyu- anbvu- — — _ = _ 0 DOW pega i=) 10)9 UL Ait- 1970 VAit- abpiit- abphit- _— - — * ‘joxesn Z 1oyoM1- 10}1- ambphi- 2U¥Al- - = = Se Se ee OUT, 5 | ——— —— S M,- 24- 1297DN- 10)- ambph- m¥A- ambyh- abph- woh-| * * * “sueiquy I | Lent B ‘avut Avy} Ww ‘ae Aayd ay aX noy} “(OUT AN *[Ox0 OAs I 5 J ‘5 AGOW AAILONNLNOO XO A Ss 1bouL¥- DULY vndp—ay D—ay puasdp—ay vuadp—au p—au | * “uel Saray) “Yt =) 2b vau- pmp- ondp—ay wbynD—ay pusdd—Iy puadp—au 1bynp—3u | * * * “UR Wey} 2 Te DMD- ondp—ayx pnDp—Iy puadp—ay puado—au DND—IU cecal UT] is) Jbynnnnb—ay pnomnb—ay - _— _ puadau—y, ondau—ay | * * * * * nok = 1bob—ay pnb—ayx — — — puadau—ay auU—?y OT il < 16yupunb—ay vununb—ay _— _— — _ = 7 eres SOT E Sn wyupunb—Iu pupunb—au Duadi—ay puadi—ay — — — . *joxasn 1606—au pnb—au pmdi—ay 1—ay — — = SS a Leas 1u0- an- 1byn- DN- pnd—ay -9Y puad—ay puad—Iu uu) °* * * ‘suBqUr ueut Aoyy qr tae Loy} ay of noyy “oul aa *joxa OM I MICHELSON] G@GOW LNAGNdAdaGNI XO [pTH. ANN. 28 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES 254 “NOA—"UP ATHL ‘AH SUIIOJ OY} UL O 1OJ N PpapsIOIEI BSTAMOT] JOYOSIRH 10jN0q {400I100 ATIvouM oIOUT A[Qeq ord OI IOUTIOJ oy} SYUIY} JO} ayy ‘yeimyjd pue avnsurs ‘ayeujue uossed pay} oy} JO sUIIOJ BALJISUBIY Bt{} UT -C 10} -ny BpoUI jUspusdepur sy} UI pepsodes JoYDS}eH 1000q a}e] OY} 4B} pojou oq Avur 4T 1 DnDUuD—O DUD—O pNDUD—1y DUD—1y adp—1y, adp—1u puD—1u | * * “UBUT Wey} DNDUD—O D—O DNnDUD—1Y D—14 adv—1y adp—U D—1U Eastin. pitino: TD 1yD—9 WonD—I4 1bp—1 adp—1 adp—1 ibp—w | * * * “ue wey} 4 ypmb—o yD—9 DND—1} D—14 adp—14 | * adp—1u v1 os Ae Ty ibonob—ry4 Dinob—1y _— — — adaj—14 pndaj—ty * no& - 1bob—14 ond—14 = = = adaj—14 I-14 “+ eau} wbounb—1y punb—1y _ _ — _— _ * + “jouTsn ibounb—w punb—m ad—1y adi—14 — — — BS Sarena 16ob6—U pinb—vw pndi—ty4 1—14, _ = — Oy OS Ghat 1Mn- 16(¥m)- DN- pnd—1y ad—1y ad—1u -1U “SUBIYUT “urut Aoy} Ww “ue ayy aly ak noyy “DUT OM *Joxe aa I 1GGOW LNAGNAdAGNI AAXNMVHS ‘ aypmouy- ob¥- ambpury- dUVULY- am bruv vbpuy- ouDULy= | * “WeUT ‘ULat{} “41 ajDMD- ayD- oanbp- aiV- anby- ajaby- o6v- |) * "ue ‘irey) “UIT ambou- anbpu- _ _ _ abpu- amobru- : nos 94,7 9Y,- = = = abipu- ouDUu- " * gat} anbyu- ambvu- — — — — — * [oul sn IULWIiz- aja vhi- abphi- _ J — * *joxesn ayomi- ayl- 4 ouviit- — — _— Bes ROTEL ay,- Y,- ayon- a anbpli- auvi- anbvi- | abph- auvii- * ‘subijUy ‘uvut AayL Ww “ue oy} el 9X noy} *]OUT OAL *Joxa OM I GHdOW WALLONOLTOAS INASaud XO 255 ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS MICHELSON] ayDMNULYV- abv- anbpu¥- UV ULY- anBvUy- obDULY- Duty- | * “weut ‘uLat{} ‘yr ayDmnD- ayD- ambp- ay¥- amby- anby- o6v- | * “Ue ‘urety) “UIT ambomj- ambomj- — — * — abpj- QOD =|) soiemke) Bue omar OK. ab- ab- _ _ — obD)- 11) fo |\ae on li ef omBV)- ambv]- — _ _ = _— Dew eal yey ezyal op bau Vhi- opbowvhi- abphi- abphi- - — _ dee Oso 601 aypmi- ani- amboplii- IUV hi- = — — ree" Re) “ee OUT ob- ob 2qDMn- oyI- ambpli- auph- anbvh- obohi- Dis) = Se" Ssreuy “ueur Loy} uW “ue Loy} ou od noyy} *JOUT OA *Joxo OM I GdOW AAILONOLANS AANMVHS 107DNOUW. y- 1by- onbpuv- TUVULV- onbvuy- obDULY- DULV- | * “URBUT ‘UKOTT} “yr 1ayDMD- 10}D- ombp- ety amby- 10716 ¥- ibv- | * ue ‘Urey “WoT ambom)- anbon)- — _ = _ abD)- obnj- chs She cafe yen 1Y-- 2 = = = abD)- D)- * oot} ambo)- ambnj- - _ = _- — SUE em fay oy at) rapbaw vhii- royBaut ¥ hin- abpfin- abphi- - — _ . * "joxe sn 17DMI- 1Ol- ambpohi- mViit- => _ — nS Bed! OUT ab- o6- 2oyDN- 19)- amboh- wVi- anbvi- obph- pii- “SuURIyUT suru Soy} W “ue Ao} oy o£ noy} “POUT OAL *joxe om I AGOW AATLONOLNOD AANMVHS 256 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [nrH. ANN. 28 SHAWNEE The forms! I—HIM, THEM an., THEM inan.; THOU—HIM, THEM an., THEM inan.; YE—HIM, THEM an., IT, THEM inan.; HE—you (pl.), HIM, THEM inan.; THEY an.—yovu (pl.), HIM, IT, THEM inan. agree with Ojibwa, ete., im structure. For the probable noteworthy agree- ments with Peoria, see the discussion of that language. It is quite clear that one of the Delaware dialects agrees in the formation of HE— us (excel. and inel.), taey an.—uws (excl. and inel.), even if there is but the form HE—wvs (excl.) in the table to support the assertion. Passamaquoddy agrees in the forms for 1—yovu (pl.) HIM, THEM an.; THOU—HIM, THEM an.; YE intrans.; YE—ME, HIM; HE—Uws (excl. and incl.); HE—yovu (pl.), HIM; THEY an.—uH™. It is probable that the forms for HE—THEM an. and THEY an.—THEM an. are shared by Passamaquoddy (and Algonkin) but the phonetics are not certain. The forms correspond nearly to the Fox possessive pronouns for HIs (an. pl.) and rHerr (an. pl.). It is unfortunate that the inanimate forms of Passamaquoddy are not available, as they might show further agreements with Shawnee. However, it may be noted that I, THOU, YE—THEM (inan.), YE—IT agree also with Cree. Natick curiously shows apparent agreement in HE—Us (inel.), and so presumably would HE—uws (excl.). However, THEY an.—vs (excl.) shows a different formation, and hence presumably THEY an.—Uus (incl.) would also. The agreement with Delaware in the form for HE—HIM may be noted in addition to the one already mentioned, (For another one, see the discussion of Delaware, p. 277.) The forms with the termination -pe, though unique, are certainly to be associated with the Fox -pena even if the two do not entirely coincide. Those with the termination -pwa make it certain that Shaw- nee is related very intimately to Fox, etc., for no other Central Aigon- quian languages have the termination, though it is found (modificd phonetically) in Eastern Algonquian, and an allied form occurs in Piegan. The forms for 1, rHou—1r point also in this direction. The terminations of the two subordinate modes given agree with Fox, Cree, and Micmac in lacking the nasal of Ojibwa and Peoria, and Delaware, and the terminations are to be associated with those of Fox. Thew of the forms for HE, THEY (an.)—YOU is unique at present, otherwise the forms are normal. The forms HE, THEY an.—uws (excl.) are to be associated distinctly with the Fox correspondents, though the syllable -ge- suggests the Ojibwa correspondents. The first person singular intransitive agrees with Delaware and Micmac. 1— THEE at present is unique, but if complete schedules were available for the various Delaware dialects and for the eastern subdivision of the Eastern-Central branch, correspondents would doubtlessly be found. I—1T, THEM inan. agrees with Delaware. 1 In giving these statistics no account is taken of such forms as are common Central Algonquian. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 257 Phonetically. Shawnee differs somewhat from Fox. The sibilant is retained in the cluster sp, which appears as ‘p in Fox though retained in Ojibwa (but not in Peoria): spemegi ON HIGH, Fox a‘ pemegi (see the discussion of Cree and Ojibwa, pp. 238, 261). The combina- tion -w% is lost after 7 and @, as in Ojibwa: Shawnee hileni Man, Fox ineniwt; Shawnee hugimda cuter, Fox ugimaw*.! It may be noted that -w® is lost after e under unknown conditions when corresponding to Fox: pemie (Fox pemusiw%) HE WALKED ON, piew% (Fox (pydw%) HE CAME. The combination -wa- is lost medially under unknown con- ditions: pyégi THEY WENT (Fox pydwagi) as contrasted with hiwaki (Gatschet, confusion of surd and sonant; Fox hiwagi) THEY SAID. The sound s of Fox is replaced by the interdental surd spirant and the pre- ceding vowel is ordinarily syncopated: ndéa My FATHER (Fox nosa), kokombena ovr (incl.) GRANDAOTHER (Fox kd'komesendna), "deba MY ELDER BROTHER (Fox nesesa). Corresponding to Fox, Ojibwa, Menominee, etc., n, Shawnee has / and n under unknown conditions, agreeing, however, with Peoria, Delaware, and (partially) Eastern Algonquian in this use. To sum up, we may say that while Shawnee has certain features of its own, it stands nearest to Fox, and next to Eastern Algonquian; in fact it stands nearly halfway between the two. It will be seen that Ojibwa shares but these persons of the independent mode, namely, YE—THEM an., THEY an.—you (pl.), which are not shared by Passamaquoddy. (No account is taken of the agreements in the inanimate objective forms, as we have no correspondents available in Passamaquoddy by which to test them.) On the other hand, Passamaguoddy shares the following forms with Shawnee which are not shared by Ojibwa: 1—yov (pl.), YE intrans., YE—ME; THEY an.—HIM. The forms for HE—Uvs (excl. and incl.) presumably are phonetic correspondents; those for HE—THEM an. and THEY an.—THEM an. probably are equivalents. The Passamaquoddy forms for we (excl. and inel., intrans.), WE (execl.)—THEE, YOU; THOU—Us (exel.); yE—Uws (excl.), coinciding phonetically with the respective Fox forms, are closely similar to the corresponding Shawnee forms. Accordingly, it may be that many of the apparent points of contact with Ojibwa are due merely to the latter having certain points in common with Eastern Algonquian and Cree (this last has reference particularly to the inanimate objective forms above noted). The fact that Ojibwa in the independent mode shares only the ter- minations for HE—wus (excl. and inel.), and THEY an.—ws (excl. and inel.), with Fox as opposed to Passamaquoddy, while the latter shares numerous terminations with Fox as opposed to Ojibwa, and at 1 It is possible that the last change may account for the differences in certain persons of the independent mode in Fox on the one hand and in Ojibwa and Shawnee on the other; but it is also possible to consider the terminations as differing in morphologic structure. The same point occurs in certain other cases. 20903°—28 etxa—12——17 258 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH, ANN, 28 the same time a goodly number of terminations with Ojibwa as opposed to Fox—certainly pointsin the same direction. For Cree (Fort Totten) likewise shares the terminations for HE—Uws (excl. and incl.) and THEY an.— us (excl. and inel.) with Ojibwa and Fox. Now Ojibwa shares in the independent mode no terminations with Fox as opposed to Cree, while the latter shares a number with Fox as opposed to Ojibwa (see below), at the same time having some points in common with Ojibwa as opposed to Fox (see the discussions of Cree and Ojibwa, pp. 247, 267, 268). Therefore the fact that Ojibwa shares with both Cree and Fox the terminations mentioned may be pure chance. Now if Ojibwa and Fox are only remotely connected, it is improbable on the face of it that Shawnee, which is most intimately related to Fox, should be closely connected with Ojibwa also. Consequently, there remain but few points of contact between Ojibwa and Shawnee that are certain. SAUK, FOX, AND KICKAPOO We have seen above that Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo! differ from one another by very trifling modifications of pronunciation, vocabu- laries, and idioms, and that Shawnee is intimately related to them. The close connection of the Eastern Algonquian dialects is to be noted. It may be well to show that the Shawnee forms for THEY an- —ws (excl. and incel.), you (pl.) are much closer to the Fox forms than the corresponding forms of Passamaquoddy are to the latter, even if the Shawnee forms are not absolutely identical with the Fox corre- spondents. On the other hand, Passamaquoddy shares absolutely with Fox the terminations in -pena which Shawnee only approxi- mates. Yet Passamaquoddy shares the ban preterite of Ojibwa (see 1 The first two are somewhat more closely related than either is to the third. In the discussions of the interrelations of Algonquian languages it is to be understood that Sauk and Kickapoo agree with Fox, though this is rarely mentioned. Characteristic of Sauk is the use of the singular for the plural alsoin the obviative (objective) case, andin pos- sessive pronouns of the third person (singularand plural). Thus Sauk wtAnemohani pydniwaAni means either HIS DOG IS COMING or HIS DOGS ARE COMING. The Fox expressions for these are, respectively, uta ncmdhe- mAni pydniwani, utAnemohema'i pydniwa‘t (by chancein the phrase Sauk utAnemohani lacks the m suffix which Fox has; but even in Sauk the writer has heard the word with the m suffix, though (purely by acci- dent) notin this particular phrase). Note,too,Sauk i’kwdawa neskinawawe neniwani cemameg" dine tamagutct usimehani, which means either THE WOMAN HATED THE MAN BECAUSE HER YOUNGER BROTHER HAD BEEN SLAIN BY HIM, 0r THE WOMAN HATED THE MAN BECAUSE HER YOUNGER BROTHERS HAD BEEN SLAIN BY HIM, oF THE WOMAN HATED THE MEN BECAUSE HER YOUNGER BROTHER HAD BEEN SLAIN BY THEM, Or THE WOMAN HATED THE MEN BECAUSE HER YOUNGER BROTHERS HAD BEEN SLAIN BY THEM. In Fox such ambiguity is impossible. See sections 34, 45 of the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of American Indian Lan- guages (Bulletin 40, part 1, of the Bureau of American Ethnology). HER YOUNGER BROTHER and HER YOUNGER BROTHERS are distinguished by the respective terminations -ani and -a‘?; the obviatives MAN and MEN would be kept apart by the identical respective suffixes; but the subordinate verb would never- theless have the ending -tc?. Kickapoo agrees with Fox against Sauk in these respects, and so must be counted as nearer the former than the latter. Nevertheless in phonetics Kickapoo is further apart from them than either is from the other. In Kickapoo a special feature is a weak w which is either heard as full sounding, as h, or not at all. Doctor Jones’s and the writer’s texts exhibit these variations, and strangely enough agree in such varia- tions for the greater part. An example is ugimawe, ugimaha, ugimaa cuter (selected from Doctor Jones's texts; Sauk and Fox ugimawc), In their native syllabary Kickapoo exhibit the variation of recording and not recording the w. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 259 the discussion of that language, p. 269), and this feature forces us to rank it as more distant from Fox than is Shawnee. The consonantic clusters of Passamaquoddy, even if for the greater part these are secondary and due to the phonetic elimination of vowels (see the discussion of Eastern subtype, p. 283), also point in this direction. The fact that Piegan in certain persons of the independent mode shows distinct affinities to Fox has been briefly mentioned above and is treated more fully in the discussion of Piegan (p. 231). We have seen that Ojibwa is connected only remotely with Fox, but it may be noted that the Ojibwa subjunctive mode of the dubi- tative conjugation corresponds to the Fox interrogative subjunctive; but to what an extent the transitive forms agree is questionable, as these are not given by Doctor Jones. Peoria undoubtedly belongs with the Ojibwa group of Central Algonquian languages; still there are some points of contact with Fox. It should be noted that the sibilant is not retained before p as in Ojibwa, e. g. Ojibwa ishpiming, Shawnee spemegi, Fox a‘ pemegi, Peoria pémingi ABOVE, IN THE SKY. The fact that Peoria is in cer- tain respects phonetically more archaic than Ojibwa makes certain terminations of the indicative seem to resemble Fox rather than Ojibwa (see the section on Ojibwa, ete., pp. 267, 271); but there is one termination, namely, that for THEY an.—iT, THEM inan., in which the question of phonetics does not arise and which agrees entirely with Fox as opposed to Ojibwa. The relation of Natick to Fox is not particularly close. In the discussion of the former language it is pointed out that most of the present suppositive. mode corresponds to the Fox present sub- junctive and that certain persons of the ‘‘preter’’ suppositive mode correspond to the Fox potential subjunctive. From the statistics given in the discussion of Menominee it will be seen that there are no certain agreements with Fox (Sauk, Kickapoo) that are not shared also by Cree and Montagnais, while Menominee shares quite afew terminations with Cree and Montagnais which are not shared by Fox. Theforms that are peculiar to these four languages, with the possible exception of Natick in the first two—the orthography is not clear—are HE—HIM, THEM an., THEY aN.—HIM, THEM. The agree- ment of Delaware (one form) with these four dialects in the forms for I—HIM, THEM an., THOU—HIM, THEM an. is noteworthy. The fact that the imanimate plural in the objective forms of the inde- pendent mode in Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo is expressed by the same forms as the inanimate singular as opposed to Ojibwa, Algonkin, Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Shawnee, is remark- able. Peoria presumably agrees with the first group. The agreement of Ojibwa, Fox, Cree, and Montagnais in the form for THEY an.—us (incl.) of the independent mode may be noted, as also 260 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [RTH ANN. 28 the agreement of Fox, Ojibwa, Cree, Montagnais, and Delaware (one form) in the termination for HE—Uws (excl.). (Note that Fort Totten Cree agrees with Fox and Ojibwa in the forms for HE, THEY an.—us (excl. and incl.).) Fox, Shawnee, Cree, Montagnais, and Natick lack the nasal in the present subjunctive which Ojibwa, Peoria, and Delaware have. It will be seen that Cree agrees with Fox, as opposed to Ojibwa, in the forms we (excl.)—THEE, YOU; HE—Uws (excl.). Note that Algonkin agrees with Fox and Cree in the first two instances and approaches them in the last. Presumably Ottawa agrees with Algonkin in the last form as it does in the first two. Few transitive forms of the Peoria present subjunctive are available, but it is certain that Peoria is in substantial concord with Algonkin and Ottawa. The Cree forms with the third person plural as subject or object correspond to the similar Fox participial forms. In some of these forms therefore Ojibwa seems close to Fox, but most of them are entirely different in structure from both Cree and Fox. Cree and Ojibwa agree in the form for 1—you (pl.) as opposed to Fox. The remarks made concern- ing Cree apply with certain limitations to Montagnais. (or these, see the discussion of that language, p. 248.) Itis a matter of great regret that so few Peoria subjunctive forms are to be found among Doctor Gatschet’s papers; for the Peoria conjunctive agrees in the forms for the third person plural animate as both subject and object (with the apparent exception of the forms We (incl.)—rTHEM an. and THEY an.— IT, THEM inan.) with the Fox participial rather than with the Fox conjunctive, resembling Cree in the case of the present subjunctive. Now, as may be seen by reference to the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of American Indian Languages, the terminations for the conjunctive, subjunctive, and participial are closely allied; hence it is very probable that the Peoria subjunctive is in similar agreement. (See, however, p. 271.) It is remarkable that Micmac in the con- junctive, though lacking the nasal, agrees with Peoria in that many forms in which the third person animate plural is either subject or object coincide with the Fox participial rather than with the sub- junctive; but the forms for yYs—THEM, HE—THEM, THEY—-YOU cor- respond to the Fox conjunctive, not participial. The forms for HE—HIM; THEY al.—HIM, THEM an. differ in structure. (See the dis- cussion of the Eastern subtype of Eastern- Central major division of Algonquian languages, p. 287.) In the discussion of Montagnais it has been pointed out that the “suppositif”’ of the ‘mode subjonctif”’ is allied with the Fox poten- tial subjunctive. It is repeated here to emphasize the northern affinities of Fox. The relations of Fox to Delaware may be briefly dismissed. That Delaware shares in the independent mode the forms for 1—nrm, MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 261 THEM, and THOU—HIM, THEM an. with Fox, Menominee, Montag- nais, and Cree has been already pointed out as well as the agreement (one form) with Fox, Ojibwa, Cree, and Montagnais in the termina- tion for HE—Uws (excl.). The concord of Delaware, Fox, Cree, and Montagnais in the ending for rHEy an.—vs is of importance in that it shows the northern relationships of Delaware, but a striking simi- larity is to be found in the fact that Delaware has a correspondent, though altered considerably phonetically, to Fox -pena. As noted above, this termination is found alone in Fox but has correspond- ents in Eastern Algonquian and Piegan, and Shawnee approximates it. The forms which have the equivalent of -pena in Delaware are: weE (excl., and incl.?), intransitive; WE (excl.)—THEE, you (pl.), HIM; THOU—US (excl.); YeE—Uus (excl.). In all these, however, Dela- ware has another form as well. The forms for we (incl.) are not given by Zeisberger, but it is reasonable to believe that they would be the same as the inclusive forms, that is where they would occur, with the substitution of k’ for n’. It may be added that Delaware has a correspondent to the Fox conjunctive mode. (For other points, see the discussion of Delaware, p. 277.) OsrpwA AND CLose LinGuistic COGNATES The following compose this group: Ojibwa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Algonkin, and (somewhat removed from them) Peoria, etc. A feature of the group is the accretion of a nasal. Delaware agrees with the group in this respect and this is to be considered a special point of contact with the Ojibwa group. Examples are: Fox utei WHENCE, Ojibwa, Peoria ondji, Ottawa undji (Gatschet), Delaware untschi; Fox dneta some, Cree atit (for the phonetics, see the discussion of Cree, p. 239), Ojibwa anind, Peoria alenda, Delaware alinde; Fox andgw* svar, Cree atak, Shawnee alagwa, Peoria alangwa, Ojibwa and Algonkin anang, Dela- ware allanque. Other examples can be readily found by consulting the tables of verbal terminations. The formation of the negative verb by means of a suffix ssi (or slightly varying forms) apparently is found in no other Algonquian languages. Examples are: Ojibwa kdwin kiwibamigossi HE DOES NOT SEE THEE, kiwdbamigossig THEY DO NOT SEE THEE; Peoria wapamissoké DO Nor LOOK AT Mz, kikéilin- dansiwa SHE DID NOT KNOW (Fox kek +dne+itd-), Ottawa kawimshe kikikdnedissiwak (Gatschet) THEY ARE NOT YET ACQUAINTED WITH EACH OTHER (Fox ki+ke'k+éne+ti+wag' THEY HAD KNOWN EACH oTEER). A sibilant is retained before p (as in Menominee and Shaw- nee) in Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Algonkin, though not in Peoria (the writer can give no information about Potawatomi on this point): Cree kiepin (kispin) wr, Ojibwa kishpin, Ottawa kiepin; Algonkin kicpin; Cree ishpimik aBove, Ojibwa ishpiming, Peoria pdémingi, Shawnee 262 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [urH, ANN. 28 spemegi, Fox a pemegi (cf. Menominee icpimiya OVER and ABOVE). It is pointed out in the section on Sauk, etc., that Shawnee shares the loss of -wa with Ojibwa after 7 and @, e. g., Fox ineniwa, Menom- inee indniwa, Cree (Moose) deliw, Shawnee hileni, Ojibwa ineni, Ottawa nine, Potawatomi nene (Peoria liéini-a; see below); Fox ugimaiw*, Menominee okémaw*, Cree okimaw, Shawnee hugima, Ojibwa ogima, Algonkin okima, Ottawa tigima (Gatschet), Peoria kima. Final wa is lost after e(@) im Ojibwa, Algonkin, Ottawa, and Potawatomi: Fox vkwiw* woman (Shawnee “kwéiw%), Cree iskweé-u, Ojibwa vkwd, Algonkin ikwe, Ottawa “kue (Gatschet), Potawatomi kwé (Gatschet). OJIBWA, POTAWATOMI, OTTAWA, AND ALGONKIN According to Dr. William Jones, Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi are very closely related. This opinion is confirmed by Doctor Gatschet’s notes and by personal information. Doctor Jones makes the observation that Potawatomi has a tendency to slur over sylla- bles; this also can be confirmed from Doctor Gatschet’s notes and the writer’s personal information (e. g., nenwag MEN, Ojibwa neniwag). Following is the table for the Ojibwa independent and subjunctive modes, taken from Bishop Baraga’s Grammar of the Otchipwe Lan- guage (second edition, Montreal, 1878). The second n of nin in the independent mode is the accretion spoken of above. Under certain conditions it is omitted. Presumably Algonkin agrees in the usage. (It may be noted that apparently the dialect of the Mississippi band of Ojibwa at White Earth, Minn., does not completely agree with the usage given by Baraga in his paradigms.) The very close relationship of Algonkin may be seen from the tables showing the Algonkin present, independent, and subjunctive modes, extracted from Lemoine’s Dictionnaire Frangais-Algonkin (Quebec, 1911). 263 ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS MICHELSON] ponown- bup- baup- UDUuLD- bunwup- bupup- upump-| * * ‘“weur ‘urey} “41 pomo- pp- nmba- Dapo- pmbun- pmpibup- pmbp-| * * * * ‘ue uTeyy pomn- pp- ba- po- bup- pibun- bo- | * ‘uy pmbau- bau- _- _— — 69106- bobpu- | * * " nos DaY- Y- _ — — wn210b- upu-| * * os es SORT . pobunu- bunu- _ = = = — = +» ‘Toursn paprbupi- pibunn- bupu- bupu- — a _ G = = Oxe sn pomi- Pr Bayt uDu- a = = 2 * * our pom- p- bat- hie buni- bupi- Lp) Seri ‘ue Lay} oy aX noy} “OUT OAL “Toxo oA I AGOW AAIONOAaANs LINASAUd VMAILO *(@ATIISUBIVUI epou yUepued -opuy a}BUTUBU! Ie[NsuIs uosied pany} sm- ‘We]s BATJOVMMOD AIRpUOdas 7¥H {U19}s [eIYTUI FUFS) :jIV6VUS XOY =LINOIUIC SI LI pobouds *3 *a ‘ATeoyouoyd 4so] st UoTyeUTWMIE} OY, ¢ ‘aja ‘(pM “2 “T) M- 801Q ‘oM- XOT=vM- Zurpus ay, *sdiy ay Aq poyeorput sea yng 81qIpNeUl Se oM- BY} :daIld SVH AHS vMm,Oqury SIqIIC| UUM 7B BAqHO Jo puvq Iddisstsst_ oy} Woy pajooy[oo sulI0J oY} FuoUIY “paps0deI Eq JOU sey 4I SIeyIO Ur ‘AT[RONeUOYA 4SO] St sasvo otOS ur Jadoid Surpue oy, 1 upmnup—o upup—o upnoup—2y upup—1y UUip—ry UUp—U.U. upup—uiu | * “ueUl Wet} nnoup—o| a vnvup—2y un—ty UU —ry UNUD—UA, UD—ULU, ilu ts. SOL) upnDp—o uv—o0 bomp—1y bo—14 brunun—2y4 hrunuv—uu bo—wu | * * * “ue may unnp—o uv—o pnp—1y D—1y upup—1y upun—utUL DU * WY bomob—1y vnob—ry — _— _ wob—1y ULuu—1y * nos bob—14 b—14 _ = = 06-14 Util ee, ee COTY brunuob—ry unuob—ry — _— — = —_ 5) sonra brunuob—uU0 unuob—uiu ulmi—1y UuI—2y _ = _— * ‘joxe sn bob—uru 6—u wi—1y (1)—24 — — — pce tect 12) 17 ¢ u0- (z) bom- (i) w—1y -1y Ulu—1y Uulw—wdU uM * ‘sueij}Uy ‘uvul Soul W ‘ue Aoqy oy of noyy “OUT OA *Joxe om I GHaGOW INYGNAdAGNI LNASAUd VAAILO [ ETH. ANN. 28 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES 264 yD mouLD- bup- baup- uDuD- Bbupup- bupun upwuo | * “weut ‘ureyy “4T ojonn- oyD- pmba- Dmnjv- nnbup- pngibun- pmyp- | * * * “We UIEY} ojDMmp- o)D- ba- oyD- bun- onbun- yD- * ° UITtp onbou- bou-~ ~- _— — bunu- yobnu- * nox DMY- 4- _ _ — bunu- uDu- * oat} pnbupur- Bbunu- _ _- _ _ _ *jout sn DnpuruLDni- opumuDi- bunn- _ —_ _— *joxo sn oyDMi- oyt- upu- = — — * our y- q- 270M- oj- bar- uDi- buni- bun- UDt- *“suBljuy “uvur Lay} Wr “ue Loy} ay of noy} *[0UT oa *[oxe aa I GHGOW AAIMLONOLANS LNASAUd NIMNODTV upnnuv—o uDuD—o unnnuv—1y| UunuD—1y UUDUDuD—24 wunUuDUuD—wU UDUD—VU “URUT WOT} DnDuv—o up—o DNDUD—1} up—1y UDUD—1} unuDup—w up— OTT? Dnv—O D—0 yonv—1y yo—1y yupup—ry, yrupup—1U you * ‘ue Tey} upnDd—o uv—o Dnv—2} D—1} wnuD—1y4 upup—1w, D1 * mtg yomob—14 Dnob—1y _ _ _ UNuyuU—14 ULU—2 * no& yob—1y 4-4 = = — Uruiu—14 u—1y “ * * gett} yrunuob—ry, unuob—ry ' _ _— = _ — * "yout sn yrupuob—1w unuob—1U UULI—1 Ului—2y, _ _ _ *[oxe sn. [ATTeoneu yob—1u yw un—ty | -oyd 4soy -]—2y = = * eur (Aqre (ATTe uo- | -oyjauoyd 4sor) yom- | -oeuoyd 4soz) wu—1y “1 uu —1Y unu—1UL 1 “sueIjuy ‘uvur Ley} 4I “ue Aaqy ay ak noyy *[OUT OAL *joxe an I HaGOW LNAGNAdaONI LNASAaUd NIMNODTV MICHELSON ] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 265 The independent mode will be discussed first. WE (excl.)—THEE, you agrees in structure with the correspondents in Ottawa, Potawa- tomi, Natick, and Peoria (the writer lacks a form to prove this for Peoria in the form we (excl.)—you, but the inference is justifiable). They approximate the Menominee correspondents. WE (excl. and incl.) —1T agrees in structure with Ottawa and the Cree of Fort Totten; we (excl. and incl.)—rTHEM inan. agrees with Ottawa (it will be remembered that in Cree the third person plural inanimate coincides with the singular). me—THEM an., and THEY an.—THEM an. agree with Passamaquoddy in formation. The subjunctive mode now will be taken up. We (excl.)—THEB, you agree in formation with Cree, Fox, Shawnee, Natick, Delaware, and presumably also with Peoria. (The correspondent in Ottawa for we (excl.)—you is not absolutely certain: see below.) The Ojibwa correspondents are passives in structure; the same may be said of the same forms of the Ojibwa independent mode. we (excl. )— HIM, THOU—HIM, HE intrans., HE—ME, HE—Us (excl.), HE—HIM, HE—THEM an., THEY an. intrans., THEY an.—ME, THEY al.—HIM, THEY an.—THEM an., THEY a.—IT, THEM inan. are conjunctives in structure and agree (with the regular phonetic differences) absolutely with the corresponding forms in Fox, and with the exception of HE—Us (excl.) and THEY an.—us (excl.) (which differ slightly in strue_ ture, though exhibiting the same type of formation) also with those of Shawnee. Peoria agrees with the Algonkin forms under discussion in the terminations for WE (excl.)—HIM, THOU—HIM, HE intrans., HE—ME, HE—HIM, THEY an. intrans., THEY aN.—HIM, THEY an.—It, THEM inan. The Algonkin form for THEY an.—wus (excl.), though agreeing with Ojibwa in the final syllable, nevertheless agrees with Fox (and partially with Shawnee and Cree) in morphological forma- tion. It should be noted that the structure of Hk—Uws (exel.) and THEY an.—uws (excel.) is fundamentally the same in the corresponding forms of the Fox, Shawnee, Cree (and Peoria?) subjunctive; the Fox, Shawnee, and Peoria conjunctive; the Fox and Shawnee participial. With the exceptions noted above, Algonkin agrees completely with Ojibwa in the present tense of the independent and subjunctive modes. The writer’s personal experience with Ottawa was confined to a few hours at Carlisle; hence but a brief description can be given. Syllables are slurred over as in Potawatomi, though probably not to so great anextent. Examples are kwabamim YE SEE MB, kminin 1 GIVE THEE. Final n is almost inaudible; compare the suppression of final m, n, lin Nass (Handbook of American Indian Languages, part 1, p. 288). In some cases the writer has consistently recorded the sound as a mere aspiration, e. g. in the independent forms for we (excl. and incl.)—nIM, HE—Uus (excl. and incl.). In the objective forms of 266 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [BTH. ANN. 28 THEM inan. the writer has consistently recorded the terminal n as full-sounding, as also in the forms for t—1T, THOU—IT, HE—HIM, HE—THEM an., HE—IT, THEY al.—HIM, THEM an., THEY an.—iT. In the remaining cases where final n is to be expected in the independent mode, excepting the form for 1—rHEE, the writer has been inconsistent in the recording and non-recording of the sound in question. The problem is further complicated by the fact that the informant likewise spoke Ojibwa, and gave certain forms with the terminal n as Ojibwa and the correspondents without them (at least to the writer’s ear) as Ottawa. Hence it is possible that confusion of dialect may account for the apparent inconsistency noted above. It may be mentioned that the late Doctor Gatschet’s notes on Ottawa show forms without terminal n when etymologically expected; but the writer can not say whether the former was consistent in his usage. Another point in phonetics worth noting is that the terminal vowel in the forms i—HIm, THOU— HIM, YE—HIM is distinctly aspirated. Surd-and sonant when terminal are extremely hard to distinguish. This applies especially to d and t. The writer is convinced that with the possible exception in the forms HE—THEE, IT, THEY Iman., intransitive, of the subjunctive, k does not occur terminally, and that forms which sound as if containing this really end in strong (impure) sonant g. Medially surds and sonants are far easier to keep apart. Corresponding to Ojibwa and Algonkin terminal ng in the subjunctive the writer consistently heard a post-palatal y without a following stop. Turning now to the verbal forms of the present independent and subjunctive which show the general relationship of Ottawa to other members of the group: In the independent mode the forms for wE (excl. and inecl.)—17, THEM inan.; WE (excl.)—THEE, You agree in for- mation with Algonkin as opposed to Ojibwa. (The form for we (excl.) —THEE, rou k—ninim is noteworthy for the difference in phonetics as compared with the Algonkin correspondent.) In the same mode Ot- tawa agrees with Ojibwa as opposed to Algonkin in the forms for HE— THEM an., THEY an.—THEM an. Distinctive of Ottawa (apparently) is the fact that the form for THEY an.—1r is the same as THEY an.—THEM inan. In the subjunctive it may be noted that the forms for wr (excl.)—HIM, THOU—HIM, HE intrans., HE—ME, HE—HIM, HE—THEM an., THEY an..intrans., THEY al.—ME, THEY aN.—HIM, THEY an.—THEM an. are subjunctives (cf. Ojibwa) and not conjunctives (cf. Algonkin). The forms that the writer received for HE—Uws (excel.), THEY an.—UsS (excl. and incl.), THEY an.—THEE, THEY an.—yYOU are passives in formation, probably due to some misunderstanding. The structure of we (excl.)—THEE (and presumably we (excl.)—you) agrees with Algonkin as opposed to Ojibwa. It should be noted that the form for THEY an.—IT, THEM inan., andwdd, apparently is absolutely unique, but the form evidently is to be associated with 1r, THEM inan. in objective forms of the independent mode. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 267 The writer’s personal information on Potawatomi is too slight for him to make very definite statements concerning its precise relation- ship with Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Algonkin. As stated above, all are very intimately related. Potawatomi agrees with Algonkin and Ottawa in the structure of the form for wr (excl.)—THEE, you of the independent mode as opposed to Ojibwa. On the other hand it agrees with the latter language in the formation of we (excl., and presum- ably incl.)—1T, THEM inan., of the same mode as opposed to Ot- tawa and Algonkin. Potawatomi possesses some marked charac- teristics of its own in the formation of the independent mode; we (exel.)—aImM (n—G@min) and we (incl.)—HIm (k—damin) have no corre- spondents in any Central Algonquian language noted thus far. The forms resemble strongly the inanimate correspondents, but the instru- mental m (not ¢) distinctly proves that they must be animate. The component elements are the respective intransitive correspondents combined with the common objective pronoun, third person animate, a. The plurals of the forms under discussion must have had a similar structure. THEY an.—you (k—gom) is unquestionably a passive in formation. Apparently THEY an.—ir has the same termination as THEY aN.—THEM inan. Owing to phonetic differences, Cree, Menominee, Ojibwa, Algonkin, Ottawa, Delaware, and Passamaquoddy seem to agree in the forms for HE—ME, THEE as opposed to Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, Shawnee, and Peoria, but Penobscot and Montagnais demonstrate that the phonetic change, though the same in the dialects mentioned, is merely a parallel development and has no significance in determining the ethnic rela- tions of the tribes. The umlaut of Passamaquoddy in the forms demonstrates that the change in that dialect at least was a very recent one. In the same way Ojibwa -dm is merely the phonetic equivalent of Fox amw* and Peoria -amwa. The Ojibwa present, of both independent and subjunctive modes will now be discussed. Bearing in mind the comments made above on Algonkin, Ottawa, and Potawatomi, this will make clear the general linguistic relations of the entire group. The special points of Peoria are considered below. It may be mentioned here that ordinarily in the statistics of linguistic agreements given throughout this paper the agreement of Algonkin, Ottawa, and Potawatomi with Ojibwa is not noted. Where the agreement of Peoria is important, the fact of the agreement is noted. We will begin with the inde- pendent mode. As noted in the discussion of Fox, Ojibwa shares no terminations with that language which are not shared by Cree except the termina- tions for HE, THEY an.—uws (incl.) which are allied to the forms for HE, THEY an.—wvs (excl.) and THEY inan. intrans. (Fort Totten Cree agrees with Ojibwa and Fox in THEY an.—wus (incl.).) For 268 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN. 28 this reason we can definitely state that Ojibwa has few, if any, special points of contact with Fox. As is pointed out in the discussion of Shawnee, Ojibwa shares the following forms with that language: I—HIM, THEM an.; THOU—HIM, THEM an.; YE—HIM, THEM an.; HE— you (pl.), nim; THEY an.—you (pl.), nim. It will be observed that Passamaquoddy likewise shares these forms except that for YE—THEM an. It should be noted that the Shawnee forms for I, THOU, YE, HE, THEY aN.—THEM inan.; YE, THEY an.—IiT certainly are closely connected with the Ojibwa correspondents. It is unfortu- nate that the Passamaquoddy equivalents are not available. How- ever, it should be noted that Cree agrees in general structure with Shawnee in these forms with the exception of HE, THEY an.—THEM inan., THEY an.—ir. On account of the unsatisfactory material at our disposal, it is best to abstain from a discussion of the relations of Ojibwa to Delaware regarding the independent mode here and refer the reader to the section dealing with Delaware. It will be noted that Ojibwa and Natick show some very marked agreements in the independent mode, namely, in the terminations for the first (excl., and incl.?) and second persons plural as both subject and objects. Owing to the deficient orthography, it is difficult to establish other close relations with Natick, but it is clear that in a considerable number of cases Natick differs from Ojibwa. With Cree, Ojibwa shares no forms that are not shared also by other Algonquian languages outside the Ojibwa group. (Forms are lacking to prove this for WE (incl.)—HIM, THEM an.; but the mference can be made with certainty.) The same applies to Menominee. The Menominee forms for we (excl. and incl.), YB intrans., YE—ME approximate the Ojibwa correspondents, but it should be noted that in these cases Natick likewise resembles them. The same applies to 1,.wE excl.— you. (The form ws (incl.) intrans. is lacking, but the analogy of WE (excl.) intrans. permits us to infer the form.) The agreement of Cree and Menominee with Ojibwa in the forms of 1, THou—1r, and their approximation in the forms for YE—HIM, THEM an. should be noted; as also the approximation of the Cree form for ye—1r. We will now proceed to discuss the subjunctive. The presence of the nasal as in Algonkin, Ottawa, Potawatomi (?), Peoria, and Dela- ware will be noted. But Ojibwa has little in common with the last language in this mode outside the presence of the nasal. The ter- minations of the third person animate, plural, as both subject and object, for the greater part arein-wa. It should be noted that Peoria differs most from Ojibwa in the same persons of the conjunctive and hence presumably (see below) in the subjunctive. Algonkin and Ottawa agree with Ojibwa in this formation. It is a matter of regret that a table for the Potawatomi present subjunctive is not available, as it would be of great assistance in determining the pre- MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 269 cise relations of that language to the other members of the division. A similar formation is found in Menominee and also in Cree (Kast Main). See the section on Menominee. Owing to phonetic changes, Ojibwa and Cree seem to agree often as opposed to Fox, Peoria, and Shawnee, but this is quite accidental. The terminations for wE (excl.)—THEE, YoU are really passives in formation; Algonkin and Ottawa represent the original type. The formation of the termi- nations of HE—Uws (excl.), THEY an.—us (excl.) is characteristic of Ojibwa, quite irrespective of the fact that the last ends in -wa. The forms are certainly allied to the forms for we (excl.)—nHIM, THEM an. The termination for I—you agrees with Cree and Peoria as opposed to Fox. Exclusive of the formations mentioned, the agree- ment between Ojibwa, Cree, and Fox in this mode is remarkable. There are a few other points to be considered. Ojibwa can form a preterite in ban. Cree and Delaware have a correspondent and the formation of past tenses of subordinate modes by means of this suffix is an important point of contact between these languages. It is remarkable that Montagnais, though sharing the formation in the indicative, apparently lacks it in subordinate modes. Penobscot and Malecite likewise share the formation in the indicative, but the writer can not say whether they use it in the formation of past tenses of the subordinate modes. However, here we find a point of con- tact with Eastern Algonquian. Peoria has a similar formation but with a suffix pa. So far as known to the writer, its use is confined to the independent mode. Delaware possesses the same formation and it is also used to build up past tenses of subordinate modes. It is found also in Natick but seems to be confined to the independent mode. In Micmac it is attached to the conjunctive mode (which is used as an indicative) to form a past tense of the indicative; it is used in the subjunctive also, to judge from |’Abbé Maillard’s Grammaire de la Langue Mikmaque (New York, 1869). On the same authority it may be added that Micmac apparently has the equivalent of the Ojibwa ban preterite, but only in the subjunctive, not else- where. These features make the Micmac forms seem so strange. To sum up, Ojibwa chief linguistic relations are with Ottawa, Potawatomi, Algonkin, and (somewhat removed) with Peoria (see below). It has relations also with Eastern Algonquian and Cree; it is apparently but distantly related to Fox (also to Sauk and Kickapoo); it apparently has important points of contact with Shawnee, but, as stated in the discussion of that language, these, for the greater part, may be dueto the fact that Shawnee has much in com- mon with Eastern Algonquian. Ojibwa and Delaware, exclusive of the nasality and the ban preterite (both of which are striking), have not very much in common, but the trouble may be with our material. Ojibwa is not closely related to Menominee. 270 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [BTH. ANN. 28 PEORIA It was noted above that Peoria‘ certainly belongs to the Ojibwa group, as is shown by the accretion of a nasal and the formation of the negative verb. However, it possesses some strongly marked traits of its own. First of all, it has both n and / corresponding to Ojibwa, Menominee, Fox, etc., n under unknown conditions, and it agrees with Shawnee and Delaware in this use and to a certain extent with Eastern Algonquian. Further, a sibilant is not retained before p as it is in Ojibwa, e. g., paéimingi, Ojibwa ishpiming, Fox a'pemeg’. Below appear the tables of the Peoria independent, conjunctive, and subjunctive modes so far as the writer has been able to construct them from Doctor Gatschet’s notes and texts. The transitive forms of the independent mode are all taken from texts. Apparently Doctor Gatschet mistook the conjunctive for the independent. The confusion of surd and sonant has been left unchanged. PEORIA INDEPENDENT MODE | a we excl. we incl. thou | ye he they an. . Pr a | ~ Intrans.. . | nifty in mina ki—mina | ki- | ki—mwa | -wa -waki Wie wero en — _ — ni—kwa n—koki DS GS | _— — ~- ki—gona usincl ~S . — _ = — _ thee... ki—lamina = = ki—kwa you .. . | ki—limwa — _— him .. . | nd—a -a theman. . | ni—aki?2 it, them inan. | -amwa -amoki PEORIA CONJUNCTIVE MODE I | we excl. we incl. thou ye he they an. —— | | Intrams.. . | -yani -yangi ~yangwi -yani -yikwi -dji -wadji | a mis Rg cr: = | = = -iyani | -iyikwi | -ita -itciki usiexcl. .. . = = — -iyangi | -iangi | -iaminda -iaminciki usinel. . . = = |-langwa . | -langwiki thee . . .. | -lani | -langi -- “= - -atciki “kiki you . . . | -lakoki -langi | -ladkwa -lakwiki DIM sya ake -akinei -angwi -adji -ckwi -ata -alciki theman. . | -akiki | -akinciki -angwi -adjiki -ekwi(ki?) | -atciki -atciki ibs 0) Seman angi amowater = | PEORIA SUBJUNCTIVE MODE I we excl. we incl. thou ye he they an. Intrans.. . -yand -yangia -yangwa -yand -yikwa ta | -wata him: "s.r ke, ~angwa -ata -akwa -ata -awata 1 The writer has not sufficient material to warrant dealing with the question of the exact relation of Peoria to Miami, ete., beyond stating that they all seem intimately related. 2 Miami. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 271 Owing to the fact that Peoria phonetically is more archaic than Ojibwa in some respects, some of the forms of the independent mode seem to resemble more closely Fox than Ojibwa (the same applies to the conjunctive mode). But passing these over, Peoria has at least these formations which have no correspondents in Ojibwa: I—you (pL.); we (excl.)—rTHEE; THEY an.—IT, THEM inan. ‘The first two agree with Algonkin, Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Natick, the last with Fox, Cree, and Menominee. It is a matter of regret that Doctor Gatschet made no systematic collection of indicative forms, as some of them might prove to be important in establishing the relations of Peoria. However, from the meager terminations that the writer has been able to collect, it is possible to infer with cer- tainty the forms for I—THEE, THOU—HIM, THOU—THEM an., YE—ME, YE—HIM, YE—THEM al., HE—YOU, THEY an.—THEE, THEY al.— YOU; and these confirm us in maintaining that Peoria belongs with Ojibwa, Ottawa, Algonkin, and Potawatomi. The form for HE—Uvs (excl.) is extremely interesting: unless there is a phenomenon similar to that in Ottawa, and unfortunately we have not sufficient material to deter- mine this, we have a point of contact with Shawnee (which geo- graphically would not be surprising). If the form in question is really identical with the Shawnee form, then we can infer with absolute surety that the forms for He—vs (incl.), THEY an.—uws (excl. and incl.) agree with their Shawnee correspondents. The Peoria conjunctive and subjunctive are discussed in the sec- tions dealing with Cree and Sauk. The terminations of the con- junctive, in which the third person plural animate is subject or object, correspond to the Fox, Shawnee, and Ojibwa participial mode. Now, as in Algonquian the terminations of the conjunctive, participial, and subjunctive are very closely allied, we may infer that the Peoria sub- junctive in these persons agreed with the conjunctive. It will be observed that, with the apparent exception of the terminations for HE—THEM an. and we (incl.)—rTHEM an., these forms would agree (as do those of the conjunctive) with the Cree subjunctive. (Inreading Doctor Gatschet’s texts the writer has met with -atci and -awatci, the terminationsfor HE—HIM, THEM an., THEY an.—HIM, THEM an., respec- tively. These are true conjunctive forms. The question hence arises to what an extent his notes giving the forms in the table should be accepted. The true conjunctive forms agree with the Fox and Shaw- nee correspondents of the same mode, and with the Algonkin corre- spondents of the subjunctive mode.) Even substituting the Ojibwa participial for the subjunctive in these persons, THEY an.—vs(excl.) represent a different structure from that of the Ojibwa correspondent; note also the same difference exists in the form for Hz—wus (excl.) (see the discussion of Algonkin and Menominee, pp. 252, 265). THEY an.— IT, THEM inan. is a true conjunctive and agrees exactly with the Fox and Shawnee form of the same mode, and the corresponding Algon- 272 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [EPH, ANN. 28 kin form in the subjunctive mode. It should be noticed that Mic- mac partially shares the feature of the Peoria conjunctive. In the other forms of the conjunctive Peoria agrees with Fox (Shawnee nearly), Algonkin, Cree, and Miemac (treating conjunctive and sub- junctive as interchangeable) in the terminations for wE (excl.)— THEE, YOU; HE—US (excl.); (with Natick also in we (excl.)—THER, You); with Ojibwa, Algonkin, and Cree in the form for r—you (pl.). The other forms call for no comment. From its phonetics Peoria, as said above, seems to resemble Fox closely in some particulars. But its more northern relationships are shown by the fact that the nominative plural of the inanimate noun ends ina, agreeing absolutely with Cree, and also by the fact that it shares with Cree and Montagnais a set of terminations that correspond to the Fox interrogative conjunctiveand subjunctive, but lack the final syllable nz, whereas Ojibwa and Algonkin have the n even if the final vowel may be lost. In closing the discussion of Peoria it should be mentioned that this language, together with Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo, and Shawnee, are the only Algonquian languages in which every animate noun and inanimate noun are known positively to end in the nominative singu- lar in a and 7, respectively (excluding cases in which wa is lost pho- netically in Shawnee). It is possible that others also may share this feature. Menominee and Ojibwa should be especially investigated with a view to securing additional information on this point.? Natick That Natick belongs to the Central subdivision and not to the East- ern subdivision of the Eastern-Central major division of Algonquian languages is patent from the personal terminations of the verb in the present tense (affirmative form) of the indicative and suppositive (subjunctive) modes. Compare the following tables, extracted from Eliot :* | j= MNT]: fl I weexel. | we incl. thou ye he they an. —— | a a Intrans.. . | 7- | n—mun | k- k—mwa | -u -wog z | | af 8 = | — | | Wee eet eee = k—eh | k—imwoo n—k n—kquog USOXCh ive i = | k—imun | k—imun | n—kgunnonog us incl... . — | _ ; o— — _— k—kqun | | thee... k—sh | k—numun } k—k k—kquog Yours) 75 k—numww | k—numun | -- k—ko k—kamoog himersey y- n—{[?] | n—oun | | R17] k—au -uh -ouh ‘ | theman. . n—6og n—6unonog | | k—eog k—og -uh -ouh | | , 4 | -umun it, theminan.(?)) n—umun | n—umumun k—umun | k—umumwo \umirog | - U | 1 Though thé writer worked with the Mississippi band of Ojibwa (living at White Earth, Minn.) only a short time, he was able to determine the fact that in the independent mode the termination for THOU—ME in the same mode has a final whispered -i. 2In Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d ser., 1x, Boston, 1832. 8 Taken from forms in J. H. Trumbull’s Natick Dictionary (Bull. 25, Bur. Amer. Ethnol.). MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 273 I we excl. we incl. | thou ye he they an. Intrans. . . -on -0g -an -69 -0g? -ohettit? — Ss = = | — ss E pho Gee _ — — | -ean -c6g -it -hettit usexel.. . . — _ — ~€09 -€09 -kqueog -kqueog WSinCli. sy. — = = _ _ thee. « . « |/-non -nog -kquean -kquean VOW 6a, ces o> 70g nog _— _ — -kqued) -kqueog hint eee |) 00 -ogkut avdt -69 -ont Fe ° . f-ont . hem (an.). . | -og -ogkut -adt -6g ; a’ hettit |-ahettit it, them inan.(?)|! -wmon -umog -uman ~umog ~uk -umohettit We will first take up the terminations of the indicative. 1—you, YE intrans., YE—ME resemble the correspondents in Peoria and Menominee. Owing to the deficient orthography, a positive conclu- sion as to which of these Natick most closely resembles in the forms under discussion is not possible. It is probably the latter. wer (excl., intrans.); WE—THEE, YOU; THOU, YE—Uws (excl.); YE—HIM patently are to be associated with the Algonkin equivalents (and hence partly the Ojibwa ones). 1, WE (excl.), THOU, YE—THEM an. presumably have the same affinities. mE—vs (incl.) resembles the Shawnee (as certain others do as implied by the agreement with Algonkin) and Passamaquoddy (possibly also Peoria). HE—HIM apparently is to be connected with the Cree, Menominee, and Fox equivalent, but the phonetics are uncertain; THEY an.—THEM an. probably is to be associated with the Algonkin and Shawnee corre- spondent. we (excl.)—nim has a counterpart in Passamaquoddy. The forms with the inanimate object(s) are plainly composed of the intransitive forms and the pronominal element to be seen in Fox -amw%, -amowate, etc.: see section 34 of the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of American Indian Languages (Bulletin 40, B. A. E.), pt. 1. The final m in X—1T, THOU—1T, HE—1T presumably is a purely phonetic accretion. It should be mentioned expressly that -wnwog THEY an.— IT is not to be directly connected with Cree -amwag, as is shown by the forms of THEY an.—ME, THEE (Cree ni—gqwag, ki—quwag, respec- tively). The corresponding inanimate forms of Delaware should be compared. It should be noticed that the personal terminations of the supposi- tive mode do not have the n as do the Ojibwa group and Delaware, thus agreeing with Fox, etc., Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, and Micmac. A detailed discussion is uncalled for. Most of the forms have the closest correspondence to Fox. The following find their closest corre- spondents in Delaware: HE—THEE, HE—YOU, HE—THEM (one form) an., THEY an.; intransitive, THEY an.—ME, THEY an.—THEE, THEY an.—yYOU, THEY aN.—HIM, THEY an.—THEM; HE, THEY aD.—US (excl.) resemble the Delaware correspondents. 20903°—28 etTH—12 18 274 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN. 28 The terminations of the ‘‘preter’” tense of the suppositive mode are patently allied to those of the present tense of the same mode. The distinctive mark is a final s. It will be observed from the following table that the endings for HE—ME, HE—HIM, HE—THEM an. correspond to the Fox potential subjunctive: I we excl. we incl. thou ye | he | they an. Intrans.. . | -os -ogkis -as -ogkis -ogkis | -ohetlis MBs ee — —_ = -€as -cogkus -is | -(e)hettis usiexdl: . |. _ _ = -cogkus uSinel: . °% — -kqueogkus -kqueogkus thee ; « | =nos -nogkus = = — -kqueas -kqueas you .. . | -négkus -nogkus — — — -kquedgkus -kquedgkus him . . . | -nogkus -nogkutus -as -ogkus -08 -ahettis them. . . | -nogkus -nogkutus -as -dgkus -0s | -ahettis it, them in- | -wmos -umogkus -umésa | -umdégkus | -ukis | -wmahettis an.(?) The negative verb is formed by the insertion of -oo- (0), which apparently corresponds to Delaware -wi-. Examples are: Natick kuppaumunop 1 DID NOT PAY THEE, Delaware atta k’ pendolowip 1 pip NOT HEAR THEE. The inanimate plural of nouns resembles the-Piegan and Cheyenne forms. The cluster sk is kept as in Cree and the Eastern subtype of the Eastern-Central major division of Algonquian languages; the com- bination of a sibilant + p and ¢ presumably become ‘p and ‘tf, respec- tively, though this is not certain, owing to the deficient alphabet: Cree micpun IT IS SNOWING, SNOW, Fox me‘pu- TO snow, Natick muhpoo 1T sNows; Cree mictig woop, Fox me'tegwi TREE, Shawnee mtegwi, Ojibwa me*tig (Turtle Mountain), Natick mehtug, Delaware mehittuck, Minsi michtuk; Cree miskawew (Lacombe) HE FINDS HIM, Fox me‘k- To FIND, Malecite muskuwan HE FOUND HER, Natick miskom HE FINDS IT; Cree maskwa BEAR, Fox ma kwa, Shawnee mwa, Ojibwa ma‘kwa, Peoria maxkwa, Natick mosq. (There are also cases where asibilant apparently is retained before pin Natick.) The characteristic consonantic clusters of the Eastern subtype are wanting, and it should be noticed that J also is lacking, confirming the opinion that Natick belongs to the Central type. Owing to the deficient alphabet it is difficult to determine the true consonantic clusters of the language. The groups -dt- and -gk- and -bp- are merely graphic for strong sonants so characteristic of many American Indian languages. The accretion -n-, -m- occurs but does not agree with Ojibwa in usage, now having it where lacking in Ojibwa, now lacking it where Ojibwa has it. Thus, wompi wHiTE, MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 275 Ojibwa wabi, Fox wapi; wonkqussis Fox (really a diminutive), Ojibwa wa’gue; anoggs STAR, Ojibwa anang, Delaware allanque, Peoria alangwa, Fox anagw*%, Cree atak (for the phonetics, see the discussion of Cree, p. 239). The lexical correspondence with the dialects of the Central subtype is far greater than is indicated in Trumbull’s Natick Dictionary. (The same may be remarked of the Pequot-Mohegan material pub- lished by Speck and Prince.) However, at the present time it is impossible to say in which language the greatest number of corre- spondents are to be found. DELAWARE Zeisberger’s material as contained in his grammar! is not good:? The forms of the various dialects are given without assigning each form to its proper dialect (see Zeisberger, p. 113, footnote); in the same paradigm some transitive forms have instrumentals, while others lack them; the spelling of one and the same personal termi- nation is frequently absolutely inconsistent (e. g., -que, -ke); some passives are given as active transitive forms, and in at least one instance (possibly in more; see below) an inanimate objective form is given as animate. Under these unfortunate conditions the tables here given for the present indicative and subjunctive are bound to contain errors, for in the absence of Delaware informants represent- ing the three dialects the writer has had to use discrimination as to the rejection or retention of certain forms. For this reason it is impossible to make very definite statements concerning the general relationships of Delaware among Algonquian languages. Yet the tables will have one result at least, albeit a negative one, namely, that the common supposition that Delaware is intimately connected with Eastern Algonquian (Micmac, Malecite, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and Abnaki) is certainly a mistaken one. On the possibility that the three Delaware divisions, Munsee, Unami, and Unalachtigo, were really separate tribes, each having special points of contact with different Central-Algonquian languages, though mutually intelligible, and that the apparent unity was only political, see page 279. 1 A Grammar of the Language of the Lenno Lenape or Delaware Indians, Philadelphia, 1830. 2 Others also have criticized Zeisberger adversely (see Brinton, The Lenapé, p. 105, Philadelphia, 1885, who holds that the criticisms were unnecessarily severe. Correct his last reference to 1869-70, p. 105 ff). [ETH. ANN. 28 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES 276 omauauD- UauLD- ournyyourn—{ ¢ 2) uauo—[—y] Duayyounv—U UuaUD—U * ({ueul uleyy) 4T yonnuv— mn yomomn yob- —.( n yonnno- yonn—,n a mmomox ap er ounmomn =) 0. aun) is ue weN} yomon- yomomn yomn younunmn yom yonnnn—.n aioe al yomomn- B- a 106- DmD DD onaup—,n omaun pusyyo qomn- laa D\—4 | | os—u cc Tt omaup- 0 pnonn uaaun up- up un yomo- esa deal | ee Ts ieaia: — ~=s — —F seme, te nok oueryyab— pad ownyyo) # UT eit I) seis ot fm ees Al yf uaauo)| nl ‘ yoob ae ce | = La Zz. x a ee eer uaauab—,y ; DUIULUUNY Yt Bouma Pala) punb yoouayyt puayy? puayy2b) =u | A = — _ Byes) ia = ST XO GIL —u waaunb puayyt uaaun uaauab) ae omauab r ab =| St aww OuLyyi—,¥ 1— = = =, Piece ia eur oob a omau—n es Snail isan omau- — 4 “4 —u -u FO Pyoeiehony =n ounyy uaaU yon- “ue Aoyy ey of noyy *]OUT OAK *Joxe aM I MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS Dit We will first discuss the in- dependent mode. The first thing that will be noticed is the diversity of forms for one and the same person as sub- ject and object. Such diver- sity is not found among other Algonquian languages and at once arouses suspicion that the multiplicity of forms is due to the fact that the dif- ferent forms really belong to separate dialects. When we note further that the different forms point to contact with different Algonquian lan- guages, the probability of this inference is heightened. Thus, n’—neen WE (excl. intrans.), k’—loneen we (excl.)—THEE, k’—ineenTHOU,YE—Uws (excl.), agree with Cree-Montagnais; n’—hhena we (excl., intrans.), k’—lohhena wk (excl.)—THEE, k’—hhena THOU, YE—US (excl.) agree with Fox and Passamaquoddy; n’—a 1— HIM, k’—a THOU—HIM agree with Passamaquoddy, Shaw- | nee, and Ojibwa; n’—awa 1— HIM, k’—awa THOU—HIM with Fox, Menominee, and Cree- Montagnais; n’—guna HE—US = ES (excl.) agrees with Passama- quoddy, Shawnee, and Peo- | ria(?); n’—guneen HE—US (excl. ) with Fox, Cree-Montag- nais, and Ojibwa; n’—aneen WE (excl.)—nIM agrees with Ojibwa and Cree-Montagnais; n’—ohhena we (excl.)—nHIM agrees with Fox. The cognates of the remain- ing forms so far as available they an. -chtite -ichtite -quenke -quonne -queque -achtite -achtite -awachtite -amichtite he -te -ite -quenke -quonne -queque -ate -achtite -akhittite -anke ye -achtique [-eki?] -ameque -yeque -iyeque -iyenke -aque -awake thou -yane -iyane -iyenke -anne -awonne -achte -awawonne -amane | we incl. -anque -awonque we excl. -lenque -leque -amenke -amenque ~achtite -awake -ama -llane -leque -achte {ae Intrans. usexcl. . usincl. . them an. it (them inan.?) . thee you him 278 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH, ANN. 28 will now be given: n’—awak, k’—awak I—THEM an., THOU—THEM an., respectively, have correspondents in Fox, Menominee, and Cree- Montagnais; k’—awawa yYE—uHIM agrees with Menominee and Cree- Montagnais; (n’ ?)—gunanak, (k’ ?)—gunanak THEY an.—uvs (excl. and incl., respectively) agree with Fox, Fort Totten Cree, and Ojibwa (the former also with the Cree of Horden and Montagnais) ; k’—guwa HE—yYOU (pl.) has a correspondent in Shawnee, Passamaquoddy, and Ojibwa; k’—guwawak THEY an.—you (pl.), one in Fox, Menominee, and Cree-Montagnais; n’—gun, k’—gun have counterparts in the Mon- tagnais forms for ON—mk&, TE, respectively; w’—HE (intrans.) has a correspondent in Eastern Algonquian, -w HE intrans. corresponds to Fox, Shawnee, and Peoria -wa, Cree -w, Montagnais -u; -gok THEY an.—THEM an. is a passive and corresponds to Fox -gdgi; the forms n’-, k’—ll, len; k’-; k’—4; -wak; n’—k, k’—k, n’—gook; k’—gook are common Central Algonquian; k’—ihenook ye—uws (excl.) is a plural- ized form of k’—ihhena; k’—awawak YE—THEM an. agrees with Menominee and Cree-Montagnais and illustrates the same formation; -awall THEY an.—HIM (with phonetic differences) is close to the Ojibwa correspondent: if w’- is to be restored, it coincides exactly; as it stands it agrees with the Passamaquoddy correspondent; the forms n’—gehhena, k’—gehhimo are palpably passives and really should not have been included; -gol Hr—niM, to judge from Shawnee and Passamaquoddy, is really a passive; as a plural THEY an.—HIM, it seems an extension of this; cf. n’—geneen (graphic variant for n’—guneen); the same applies to k’—geneen (Fox ke—gundna; there are correspondents in Ojibwa and Cree); w’—anawak (pre- sumably a variant of w’—anewak) in its last part decidedly resembles Cree mowanewun THEY (indefinite third person plural animate) ARE EATING THEM (third person plural animate);! so it is clear that the terminations with newo are built up on some such system, though it is possible that some of the forms contain inanimate objects, not ani- mate objects as given in the table (see the tables of the Ojibwa and Algonkin independent mode, pp. 263, 264). The forms n’—an,k’—an, w’—an are clearly of the same formation as Malecite ktian THOU TELLEST HIM; tian, otian HE TELLS HIM (stem ¢i); unfortunately there is no example available in Malecite for 1—n1m. The forms with inani- mate object(s) show the same type of formation as the Natick corre- spondents. The conjectural initial k’ restored by the writer is con- firmed by Sapir’s notes. In closing the discussion of the independent mode it may be pointed out that it is impossible for one and the same dialect to contain both k’—guwa and (k’ ?)—guwawak (see the tables for Fox, Cree, Shawnee, and Ojibwa). The present subjunctive does not require so detailed a report. It has the nasal as have Ojibwa and Peoria, but otherwise the forms are 1 Horden, p. 115. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 279 far closer to Fox and Natick. The forms with the third person animate, singular and plural, as subject are the same in structure as those of the latter in nearly all cases and represent a formation other- wise unknown in Central and Eastern Algonquian. Some of the terminations seem peculiar to Delaware. The forms -inke THEY an.—ME, -inde we (excl. or incl. ?)—THEM, which, following Zeisberger, one would be forced to consider transi- tive forms of the subjunctive, in reality are indefinite passive con- junctives (Fox -igi, -etci, Peoria -ingi, -dénda, respectively). Again following Zeisberger, -geyenke, -geyane, -geyeque THEY an.—Uvs (excl.), THEE, YOU, respectively, would have to be considered transi- tive forms, but they are simple passives. The termination -amanque we (excl.)—rHEM an. really contains an inanimate object (see the tables for Fox and Ojibwa). Observe that 1—1T has an exact correspondent in Shawnee. Certain persons have n’ and k’ prefixed indiscriminately in the same forms and have been omitted from the above scheme as unreal (n’ and k’ are suggestive of the indicative). Delaware has a p, and panne preterite. The former is shared by Peoria, Natick, and Micmac; the latter is found in Ojibwa, Cree, Montagnais, Malecite, and Penobscot (for the combination of both in the subjunctive mode, see the discussion of Ojibwa, p. 269), The suffix of the future -tsch is presumably the same as Fox -tca* VERILY. It should be mentioned that Delaware has a relative mode that corresponds to the Fox, Shawnee, Micmac, and Peoria conjunctive. The forms given are too few to constitute a complete series but the important point that the first person singular intransitive ends in -ya, as in Shawnee (cf. Micmac), is certain. Delaware has consonantic clusters but to what an extent is not clear from the inadequate phonetic system employed by Zeisberger. Some of these clusters are due to changes of a sibilant with a voice- less stop, e. g., u/xkwiu (Sapir) WoMAN, Cree iskwéu. Others are patently due to the elimination of vowels, e. g., n’milguneen HE GIVES us (excl.), Fox neminegunan*, tulpe TURTLE, Abnaki tolba, Scaticook tilipds (really a diminutive), Natick taonuppasog (pl.). Others are due to the combination of the signs for the preterite with the final consonant of the present. A nasal before stops agrees with Peoria and Ojibwa in this use as opposed to Fox, Shawnee, Cree, Montag- nais, and Menominee. The origin of other clusters is quite obscure. It is doubtful whether there are true long consonants in Delaware; there is reason to suspect that their apparent existence is due merely to a faulty or deficient phonetic system. It was shown above how Delaware exhibits great diversity in points of contact with other Algonquian languages; attention may here be drawn to the fact that since Fox and Shawnee are closely 280 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN. 28 related to each other and both to the Eastern Algonquian languages (see the discussion of Sauk, Fox, etc., p. 258), agreement on the part of Delaware with any of these would imply a certain amount of agree- ment with the others, and as Fox has some decided points of contact with Cree, a similar state of affairs exists as to the latter language. However, these generalities do not answer specific questions. Though it is hazardous, as noted above, to give an opinion on-the subject, the writer ventures to beheve that Delaware as Zeisberger has presented it is not a single dialect but a composite. The facts of the case prob- ably will be best satisfied by assuming one dialect the closest relation- ship of which was with Shawnee, but which shared with Fox (the pho- netic representative of) -pena (Shawnee -pe), and another the closest relationship of which is with Cree-Montagnais, both of which assumed dialects had points of contact with Ojibwa and Natick. In the opinion of the writer there is not sufficient evidence at present to warrant the belief that another dialect had especially close relations with Eastern Algonquian, though it is possible there was a dialect that shared a few forms with Eastern Algonquian that were not shared by the other Delaware dialects. But all these theories must remain con- jectures more or less plausible till all the Delaware dialects shall have been entirely restudied with the aid of living informants. EASTERN SUBTYPE The existing dialects composing this group are Micmac, Malecite, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and Abnaki. As mentioned above, these are all characterized by peculiar consonantic clusters and by certain grammatic terminations. However, as compared with Black- foot, Cheyenne, or Arapaho they belong in the Central group, for there are numerous patent correspondents to the latter in vocabu- laries and in the discussion of Sauk, Fox, etc., it has been shown how intimately they are related to Fox and Shawnee in the verbal termi- nations. The correspondence in vocabulary with the Central type is far more general than has been supposed. The peculiar termi- nations are not very startling*and show no more specialization than those of other Algonquian languages of the Central subtype. The peculiar terminations of the Micmac verb are due to the fact that the supposed indicatives are really correspondents to the Fox conjunctive. So in its last analysis the consonantal clusters are the distinguishing feature of the group. Below is a list of consonantic clusters in each of the following: Micmac (from one of the writer’s longer texts), Malecite (from one of Mr. Mechling’s longer texts), Passamaquoddy (from one of Doctor Gatschet’s texts, of moderate length), and Penobscot (from Prof. J. Dyneley Prince’s glossary in his article on Penobscot in Amer. Anthr., N.8., X11, No. 2, 183-208, 1910): MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 281 MICMAC os Second consonant of cluster Tnitial conso- —_— = = = ; BERLE pr: |belott 9 lead k 9 m Ton Mp’ ait s te | aj | us Pp pt pk pl b bn bl t ip tk d dm dn dl k kp kt kl ks kte ku? 9 gm gn gl m mp mt | md mk ml ms mtc n np nt nk i nm ns ntc ndj t lp lb lt ld lk lg im In Is lte 8 sp st sk sm sn sl te tck | qj , djk djm djn ql z at | zs axle 1 Probable mishearing for yk, nk in the Malecite and Passamaquoddy tables likewise is nk. The semivowel w occurs after b, d, k, g, n, 1, s,*kk, pk, tk, nk, sk, tek. The only long consonants observed are tt and kk. These are of rare occurrence. It has not been possible as yet to determine whether all these clus- ters occur in the same morphologic parts of words or are due to com- binations of different morphologic components. applies to the clusters of the other languages discussed. In the text the following clusters occur finally: tk, pk, mk, nk, lk, ick, djk, sk, kt. occurs only after k. The same statement Initially only kl occurs; w in initial combinations MALECITE _ Second member of cluster Initial ae - = consonant | Pp b t d k g | mii} () s te Pp pt pk ps b | t 'p tb tk tg- im | tl d | | dl k kp kt km kn kl ks kte g gm gn m mp md mk mn ms n np nt nd nk | l Ip ld Ik im | in ls 8 sp st sk sl z zl te tek - 282 The semivowel w occurs after b, k, g, s, tk, tg, pk, sk. CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN. 28 The following clusters of three consonants occur: msk, stck, std. The initial clusters that occur in the text are: sk, sp, km, kn, tb, ps, sl, tl. The semivowel w in initial combinations occurs only after kandg. The clusters which occur terminally are: kt, ktc, pte. PASSAMAQUODDY Initial Second member of cluster conso- | ] nant (re d k q m Till s te ts | P pt pm pn b t tk d al k kp kt” ks kte g | ™m mt md mk mn ms n np nl ns tsn l lt lg in s sp st sk | tc tek xz xt xk zn zl zs The following clusters of three consonants psk, stck, xsm. oceur: ntk, nsk, ksk, The semivowel w occurs after k, g, 1, sk, xk, tk, lg. The following two long consonants occur: ss, Ul. These clusters have been observed initially: kt, kp, km, ks, kte. Finally, the cluster sk was observed. The semivowel w was noted as occurring after k and g of initial consonants. PENOBSCOT Tnitial consonant | Second member of cluster > 3 2t 2n Pp b t d k g n l 8 Pp | pl ps b bt t tk d | k ks 9 gl ™ md mk mg n nb nt nd nk ng 1 | Ut ld | Ik lg In 8 sp st sd sk 2n nz MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 283 The semivowel w occurs after k, g, d, l, m, sk, mk, te. The only true consonantal clusters observed initially were sk, sp. After initial g and k, w occurs. The only final consonantic cluster noted was ps. The following long consonants were noted: kk, pp, ll, ss. Two clusters of three consonants were observed: bsk, nsk, An examination of the tables will show that the old view that Micmac alone of Eastern Algonquian differed especially from Central Algonquian by reason of clusters, is incorrect. The consonantal clusters of such words that have known equiva- lents in Central Algonquian are due for the greater part to the elimi- nation of vowels. Thus Micmac késaptug AFTER HE LOOKED AT IT (for kési+a@pi+t+ug; Fox kicdpitag’), wapk IN THE MORNING (Fox wabag'), mandu DEVIL (Fox manitow*), elmied HE WENT ON (Malecite elimialit WHEN HE (obs.) WENT AWAY, Fox initial stem anemi YON way); helno, Penobscot alnobe Inp1an (Shawnee hileni, Ojibwa ineni, Fox ineniw*, Cree iyiniw MAN); Penobscot spumki HEAVEN, Abnaki spemk HEAVEN (Passamaquoddy spemek nicu, Cree ishpimik, Ojibwa ishpiming, Shawnee spemegi, Fox a'pemeg', Peoria pdémingi (cf. Me- nominee acpdémiya); Micmac kospemk aT THE LAKE (Passamaquoddy kispemuk ON A LAKE; Cree kuspamuw ROAD WHICH GOES BESIDE TIM- BER WHERE THERE IS WATER); Penobscot pebonkik IN THE NORTH (Fox pepon'+a'kig'); Penobscot wobtegua wiLp Goose (for woab- cf. Fox wdépi-, Natick wompi- wHITE); Penobscot n’weweldamen 1 KNOW 1t (-el-= Fox -dne-); Micmac elmddjig poas; Malecite ulamus (really a diminutive), Delaware alum; Ojibwa animosh, Fox anemo, Natick anum, Cree atim (for the phonetics see the discussion of Cree, p. 239) ; Abnaki kidasni’m' (Sapir) THY STONE (Fox keta’seni‘m’*, cf. Abnaki sim‘ STONE) ; Malecite k'?mo‘séba‘ (Sapir) YE RUN (Fox kepemusdpwa). When a vowel is lost after 7 (corresponding to Fox n, Shawnee and Delaware /) and a consonantal cluster arises this way, or if the/ thereby becomes final, the preceding vowel takes an o (wu) tinge; if the preced- ing vowel be i, then o attaches itself thereto. To make clear the examples of this it is necessary to state that the cluster pw becomes p or 6 (note that pw does not occur in the tables given above). Thus Malecite kanimiol 1 srE THEE (stem nimi; intervocalic instrumental h lost), Passamaquoddy ktekamal 1 STRIKE THEE (-m- is an instru- mental particle); compare Fox ke—ne, Shawnee ke—le; for Malecite kanimiolpa I sEE you (pl.), Passamaquoddy ktekmulpa I sTRIKE YOU (pl.); ef. Fox ke—nepwa, Shawnee ke—lepwa. (It may be as well to mention that Fox ke—nepwa is made up of ke—pwa and ne, and is not a morphologic unit.) Micmac dagamulkw* HE STRIKES US, inclusive, corresponds to Fox -menagwe, in which m is the instrumental particle, e the phonetic insert, nagwe (Shawnee -lagwe) the termination for 284 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH ANN. 28 HE—Uvs (incl.) of the conjunctive mode. The participial -ultitcig in Micmac (and the corresponding forms of the other dialects) corre- sponds to Fox -netitcigi, in which n is the instrumental particle, e the phonetic insert, #7 the sign of reciprocity, tcigi the third person animate intransitive of the participial. It should be noted that the elimination of vowels sometimes causes nasals and liquids to become syllabic, a phenomenon which Sanskrit- ists call samprasarana, e. g. Passamaquoddy ykwaxrsan RED STONE (PIPE) (cf. Fox meckw-+ sen’). Especially should it be observed that the clusters, consisting of a sibilant + k or p, are kept exactly as in Cree (see the discussion of Cree, p- 238). Thus Cree amisk BEAVER, Stockbridge (Edwards) amisque, Ojibwa ami‘k, Delaware amochk, Fox ame‘kw%, Shawnee haméikwa, Peoria amdékwa, Abnaki pepSnemeskS8 WINTER BEAVER, Micmac piil- dimskw BEAVER OF THIRD YEAR (Rand); Cree miskawew HE FINDS HIM, HER, Fox me'kawdéw* HE FINDS HIM, HER, Natick miskom HE FINDs IT, Malecite muskuwwan HE FOUND HER; Cree ishpimik ABoveE, Ojibwa ishpiming, Fox a‘ pemegi, Peoria péimingi, Shawnee spemegi, Menominee icpdémiya ABOVE, Penobscot spumki HEAVEN, Abnaki spemk HEAVEN, Passamaquoddy spemek uicH; Cree kuspamuw ROAD WHICH GOES BESIDE TIMBER WHERE THERE IS WATER, Micmac kospemk aT THE LAKE, Passamaquoddy kiispemuk ON A LAKE; Cree iskwew WOMAN, Fox Ukwiwt, Natick squaw, Delaware ochqueu, Micmac késigo-éskw* oLD WOMAN. Since sp and sk are original, it is probable that st is like- wise. The cluster is not common, and the writer has not found in Central Algonquian analogues as yet to such words as contain it. Yet it is perhaps possible to establish the claim indirectly. Micmac késéwist6didj means after THEY HAD FINISHED SPEAKING; it 1s to be presumed that the std corresponds to Fox ‘to (see section 21.7 of the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of American Indian Languages, part 1). The ‘t points phonetically to an original *st. These clusters strongly point to a more northern origin than Fox had. It is true that the origin of many clusters can not be explained at present, but it is not unreasonable to believe that the application of the foregoing principles will explain many more when our knowl- edge of the languages shall have increased, and perhaps phonetic laws yet to be discovered will account for the remainder. For the consonantic clusters in Piegan, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Hastern Algonquian are so fundamentally different that it is improbable that any of their types are original. It may be assumed, then, provision- ally that the Central type, from which true consonantic clusters are lacking, with certain limitations, shows the most primitive condition of Algonquian languages. MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS : 285 An original o or w under unknown conditions seems to umlaut the vowel of the preceding syllable to 0, w, as does postconsonantal w. Thus, Malecite tiogul HE was TOLD; this stands for *tegél' (cf. Shaw- nee otegol’ HE WAS TOLD), in which o—gél' is the passive termination and te the initial stem. Penobscot k’namiogona HE SEES US (incl.), Abnaki k’namiogonna are additional illustrations. The terminations are for *ke—guna (cf. Shawnee); -he-, the instrumental + the e insert, has suffered the changes shown above and the h is lost; the stem is nami. Passamaquoddy ndekamugun HE STRIKES Us (excl.) and kdekamugun HE STRIKES US (incl.) are for *ne—meguna and *ke— meguna, respectively; m is the instrumental particle; e the phonetic insert which has been umlauted to vu. Other examples of this umlaut- ing will be mentioned in the discussion of the verbal endings. Exam- ‘ples in which a w (either maintained or lost) has caused umlaut are: Penobscot namiukw HE SEES ME (for n’n-), Abnaki n’namiok, Passa- maquoddy ndekamuk HE STRIKES ME (Fox ne—gwa; rest explained above); ktekamuk HE STRIKES THEE (Fox ke—gwa). Below are tables of such forms of the Passamaquoddy independent mode (present tense) and of the Micmac conjunctive (which is used like the indicative) mode as the writer has been able to extract from Doctor Gatschet’s papers. PASSAMAQUODDY PRESENT INDEPENDENT MODE | I we excl. we incl. thou ye he they (an.) eee z | Intrans.. . | n- nm—ban | k—ban k- k—ba -wuk | | CC) ae k-i k—iba n—k usiexcl. . . | k—iban k—iban n—gun n—gunwuk usincl. . S — | _ _ | = k—gun k—gunwuk thee | k— k—Ipen_ | k—k k—guk you .. . | k—lpa k—Ipen — — — k—guwa k—gua him ... |n—a n—an k—-a | k—awa u—al -awal them (an.) . | n—ak k—anwuk | k—ak | k—awa u—a u—awa MICMAC CONJUNCTIVE MODE I | weexcl. | we incl. thou ye | he they (an.) | | | | | meres. | | | -in -it -idjik usexe]l: . . _ | _ — -iek ~iek usincl. . . | | AS -lkwik thee . . « | -2 | -lek | — | = _ -sk -skik yOu. 9s). || -lor -lek = = | = -lox -lor int) - 2). [uk ~uget | -ox | -adl -adidl them (an.) . | -gik -ugidjik -0xr -adji -adidjik 286 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ETH. ANN. 28 In comparing the forms with other Algonquian languages it is necessary to keep in mind the phonetic changes hinted at above. In the Passamaquoddy independent mode the wu and w umlaut oceurs in the forms for HE—ME, Us (incl. and excl.), THEE; THEY an.—ME, us (excl. and incl.), rHeEE, you. The agreement in the use of / with Shawnee, ete., in contrast with Fox, Ojibwa, Cree, etc., n should be noted; also the elimination of vowels_and the phonetic changes involved. ; While treating of the linguistic relations of Fox and Shawnee, it was necessary to treat Passamaquoddy at some length. It was shown that Passamaquoddy is very closely related to Fox on the one hand and to Shawnee on the other. The form for we (incl.)— THEM an. approximates most closely the corresponding Cree and Montagnais form, though not identical with them. The relationship is the same in the case of we (excl.)—nim. This last approximates the form in Cree, Montagnais, Delaware (one form), and Ojibwa; it coin- cides with the analogue in Natick and by chance with that in Chey- enne. Wesay by chance, as Cheyenne has no other special agreements with Eastern Algonquian, whereas, as was pointed out in the discussion of Fox, Natick happens to share another termination. The form for THEY an.—ws (incl.) approximates the Cree, Montagnais, and Me- nominee analogues. The agreement of the last named with Passama- quoddy is undoubtedly fortuitous, due simply to the. fact that Menominee as well as Eastern Algonquian shows certain affinities with Cree-Montagnais. The form for YE—THEM an. apparently is the same as that for ye—nimM. The form for THEY an.—wus (excl.) is based on the same formation as THEY an.—us (incl.). The fact that Passamaquoddy shares certain persons of the independent mode with Ojibwa was shown in the discussion of Fox. But it should be noted that all such persons are likewise shared by Shawnee. There is given below a table of the Abnaki present independent mode so far as the writer has been able to extract the terminations from Doctor Sapir’s notes: I we excl. | we inel. thou ye he they an. Intrans.. . | nI-(n-) (n)—bina | ki- (k-) k—ba* - ~wak* — : | Z . s naa MO, cove ie _- — _ k—i | (n)—gok* usexcl . . = _— _ k—ibina’ | k—ibina* \[(n)—gabina'] usinel. . . = | = thee . . . | k—i k—Ilbina | — = = k—gok* you... . | k—l.ba' k—Ibina’ — - - him .. . | (n)—A‘ (n)—AbIna’ | k—A k—amba‘ o—A* theman. . | (n)—Ayk‘ | k—agk’ k—amba’ o—Al MICHELSON ] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 287 A detailed discussion is uncalled for. It should, however, be noted that Abnaki agrees with Fox as opposed to Shawnee (and Passama- quoddy) in the forms for Ys—HIM, THEM an. Initial n apparently is lost before certain consonants. This accounts for the strange appear- ance of certainforms. The form for we (excl.)—uxrM agrees with Fox as opposed to Passamaquoddy. HE—uws (excl.) is the equivalent of Fox ne—gopena, of the indefinite passive, independent mode. It may be noted that Malecite agrees with Passamaquoddy in this respect. From Doctor Sapir’s notes it would seem that in Malecite a faint final w is retained after k* where etymologically required, which is lost (or at least not recorded by Doctor Gatschet) in Passamaquoddy. The writer’s available material is too scanty in the case of Malecite and Penobscot to give tables for them; but it is certain that they agreed essentially with Passamaquoddy and Abnaki. As Eastern Algonquian shows certain points in common with Cree-Montagnais as opposed to Ojibwa, etc. (see pp. 238, 284) it may be that the pan preterite is really a point of contact between East- ern Algonquian and the former; but this is forcing matters, as cer- tain personal endings of Eastern Algonquian agree with Ojibwa, etc. (those shared also by Shawnee), as opposed to Cree-Montagnais. (For additional poimts of contact between Eastern Algonquian and Cree-Montagnais, see p. 245,in the discussion of the Micmac conjunctive.) Despite the usual view of the subject, the relations of Eastern Algonquian with Delaware are not close. On consult- ing the tables given in the discussion of Delaware it will be seen how few terminations of the independent mode phonetically coin- cide with those of Passamaquoddy. There are no agreements be- tween the two that are not shared either by Fox or Shawnee; as a matter of fact, Delaware agrees in some cases with Fox as opposed to Shawnee and Eastern Algonquian. But, as was shown in the discussion of Delaware, the existing material is poor, and it is clear that the several Delaware dialects had different linguistic relations. At present, however, there is not sufficient evidence to show that any one of the dialects had especially close relations with the Eastern branch of the Eastern-Central group of Algonquian languages. ‘ A table of the Micmae conjunctive from Doctor Gatschet’s notes is here given because the one from the writer’s notes and texts contains too many unfilled schedules. The table is supplemented by the form for HE—Us (excl.), amet, and these intransitive forms are given: I WE (excl.) WE (incl.) THOU YE HE THEY (an.) IT, THEY (inan.) -ieg -1gwa -in -yo -d -djig 288 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [TH, ANN, 28 The forms which Doctor Gatschet gives as -adl and -adidl are con- sidered broken Micmac at St. Anne de Restigouche. The current forms are -4djl, -adidjl, yet one of the informants, a woman upward of eighty, constantly used the forms given by Doctor Gatschet. The question of dialectic variation must be taken into account, as Doctor Gatschet’s material came from New Brunswick. Final surds- and sonants are exceedingly hard to distinguish at St. Anne de Resti- gouche, but this difficulty is not encountered with those occupying a medial position. In the opinion of the writer there are, finally, neither true surds nor sonants, only intermediates. A detailed discussion of the forms is uncalled for. There is 2 cor- responding to Fox n, of course, but the forms themselves morpho- logically approximate very closely the Fox analogues; as was pointed out in the discussion of Sauk, ete., however, certain terminations resemble the Fox participial rather than the subjunctive, thus par- tially agreeing with the Peoria conjunctive and the Cree subjunctive. The termination for the first person singular intransitive apparently coincides phonetically with the Shawnee and Delaware analogue. The form for HE—Uvs (excel.) is important as showing the fact that the relations with Ojibwa, Delaware, and Natick are not close. It should be noted that the forms with the third person singular ani- mate as subject suggest relationship with the Fox subjunctive rather than conjunctive. The terminations -adl and -adidl certainly con- tain the obvialitive 7, but though the former is clear enough in for- mation (-ad +1), the latter is not. It may be noted that there is another conjunctive form for the third singular, namely, -te, e. g., pemiete WHEN HE WALKS ALONG; this resembles closely the Fox analogue. The other terminations seem to be based on the ordinary conjunctive mode with the addition of a suffix (?) g with certain phonetic modifications. There is a dual, e. g., kispanadidjig THEY ARE TIRED, as compared with kispanedjig THEY TWO ARE TIRED. The. actual terminations seem to be the same; the -di- on the face of it apparently corresponds to Fox -ti-, the sign of reciprocity. This is brought out by such expressions as madndidjig THEY (more than two) roucHT. The analysis of the example is mad To FIGHT, 7 instrumental particle, -di- reciprocal sign, -djig terminations. The expression then means THEY FOUGHT TOGETHER, the idea of plurality or duality originally not being expressed. Then the later restriction of such forms to plurality would be merely a specialization. To sum up the general relations of Eastern Algonquian, we may say that the group is very intimately related to Fox and Shawnee; next, to Cree-Montagnais; not closely to Ojibwa; and remotely to Delaware and Natick. The relations with Piegan are not sufficiently clear to justify a positive statement, but it should be observed that MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 289 certain personal terminations of the independent mode have close analogues (which are shared by Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and partially by Shawnee). The material at the writer’s disposal does not permit a strong characterization of the individual traits of the various dialects com- posing the Eastern subtype of the major Eastern-Central division of Algonquian languages. According to J. Dyneley Prince and W. Mech- ling (personal communications), Penobscot, Abnaki, Passamaquoddy, and Malecite are more closely related to one another than any one is to Micmac. According to information. received, Micmac can under- stand Malecite without much difficulty. A characteristic of Micmac is the apparent lack of forms corresponding to the independent mode of the other dialects; but the latter have forms corresponding to the Micmac conjunctive. The preterite ‘“‘indicative”’ of Micmac is based on the conjunctive, whereas in the other dialects it is based on the forms of the independent mode; but the principle of formation is alike. According to Prince, the differentiation of Penobscot and Abnaki is comparatively recent. The writer, however, does not consider Abnaki nasalized vowels archaic; on the contrary, he believes the Penobscot pure vowels more original. Passamaquoddy and Malecite are very similar to each other and may prove to be practically identical. In closing the discussion of the Eastern sub- type, the writer thinks it well to add that in his judgment the r which appears in the works of the older writers was an intermediate between r and 1; hence they recorded it with the sound with which they associated it. SUMMARY Algonquian tribes linguistically fall into four major divisions: Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern-Central. The Black- foot major group shows some unmistakable signs of contact with Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo of the Central subtype and with Eastern Algonquian. Cheyenne exhibits affinities with the Ojibwa subdivi- sion of Central Algonquian, though it has also some rather northern affinities. It is premature to venture an opinion with which language or languages Arapaho is to be most intimately associated. The Eastern-Central major division is divisible into two subtypes, Central and Eastern. The Central subtype has further groupings within itself: Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee; Ojibwa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Algonkin, and Peoria; Delaware (see the discussion of this language, p. 279), and Natick. Eastern Algon- quian may perhaps be divided into two groups, Micmac, on the one hand, and the remaining extant dialects (which, collectively, may be designated Abnaki), én the other. The very intimate connection of Eastern Algonquian with Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo, as well with 20903°—28 mrrH—12~ —19 290 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [BTH. ANN. 28 Shawnee, should be emphasized. Owing to the peculiarity in Micmac, noted on page 289, it is not possible to be so confident as to whether this relationship extends as intimately in this language; but the con- junctive mode points in this direction.! 1Tt will be noticed that on the accompanying map showing the distribution and interrelation of the Algonquian dialects (pl. 103), there are many names of dialects not dealt with systematically in the texts. This is because the existing material did not make such treatment feasible. The author does not doubt that Nanticoke, etc., are Algonquian dialects. (Dr. Frank G. Speck, of the University of Pennsylvania, has kindly made for the use of the writer extracts from manuscripts in the library of the American Philosophical Society, demonstrating that Nanticoke belongs to the Eastern-Central major division of Algonquian languages. Unfortunately verbal forms were practically absent; so until our knowledge of Unami, Unalachtigo, and Munsee shall be more extensive, it will not be possible to settle definitely the exact position of Nanticoke. Hence it is probable that the other southern Algonquian dialects along the Atlantic coast belong to the Eastern-Central division.) In this connection it may be stated that Pennacook is assigned to the A bnaki-Micmac group, partly for geographical reasons, partly on account of the history of the tribe. The early French and English writers can not be relied on regarding the intimate or remote relationships among the various Algonquian dialects, except where they can be corroborated by existing dialects. The reason for this is not far to seek. As before stated (p. 237). the Central Algon- quian dialects are very intimately related, and philology at the time had not reached a point where fine distinctions could be made. It will be remembered how recently it has been possible for philology to determine the interrelations of the dialects within the major divisions of Indo-European languages, and how deficient even to-day is our knowledge of the interrelations of the major divisions of those languages. Moreover, inaccurate phonetics would blur out many distinctive points. It is simply a waste of time to attempt to unravel the vagaries of the orthography of the older writers in the case of dialects existing to-day. The accompanying map does not attempt torepresent the distribution of Algonquian dialects at any one period. It will be remembered that our knowledge of the various tribes was not synchronous. It would have been feasible to make a map showing their localities, with dates, provided the interrelations were not shown; but the prime object was to show the interrelations. (A case in point is the localization of the habitat of the Sauk. They were first known in the eastern peninsula of Michigan, only later in the locality shownonthe map.) The authority for the localizations can usually be found in the Handbook of American Indians (Bulletin 80,B.A.E.). With respect to the map the following departures from the color scheme should be noted: Prince Edward Island and Cape Breton formed part of the Micmac territory. Mani- toulin Island and the peninsula between Georgian Bay and Lake Huron were occupied by Ottawa and the peninsula between Lakes Superior and Michigan east of the Menominee by Chippewa. It may be noted that under the name Abnaki, the Abnaki (properly speaking), Malecite, Passama- quoddy, and Penobscot are included. The form Chippewa on the map follows that of the Handbook of American Indians; the form Ojibwa in the text conforms to the orthography of the Handbook of American Indian Languages (Bulletin 40, B.A.E.). ; From Edwards’ Observations on the Language of the Muhhekaneew Indians, reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d ser., X (Boston, 1823), p. 81 ff., some notes may be made on the language of the Indians of Stockbridge, Mass., though unsystematically. The words amisque BEAVER, spummuck HEAVEN at once show the dialect does not belong with Delaware. So does pawmseauk WE (excl. or incl.?) WALKING (Fox pémusdyage or -yAgwe) by lacking a nasal in the pronominal ending. The words npehtuhquisseh- nuh WE ARE TALL, nmeetsehnuh WE EAT (both exclusive in formation) demonstrate that the dialect is not to be associated with Natick, Delaware, or the Abnaki group. The termination n—nuh suggests that the termination for WE incl. intrans. was k—nuh: this last coincides with a variant Cree correspondent given by Lacombe. On the other hand n—nuh and k—nuh resemble very much the Menominee corre- spondents save the lack of the m syllable. On a later occasion the writer will return to this particular point. Hereit may be said that the m + vowel is not so vitally important as the other portions of the termination. The phonetics of metoogue woop are also against intimate relationship with Cree. The word ktuhwhunoohmuh I LOVE you resembles closest the Natick form; but nduhwhunuw I LOVE HIM has a different look. The phonetics of nogh MY FATHER suggest affinity with Delaware; cf. nuZwa MY FATHER (Sapir). These notes were made subsequent to the printing of the map (pl. 103). It is needless to say that all Algonquian tribes and subtribes could not be shown on the map for want of space. ADDENDUM It was impossible to insert in the text the results of the writer’s field work in the summer, autumn, and winter of 1912, but the most important results may be summarized briefly here. Piegan (of Montana) has whispered vowels terminally after w and nasals; x is distinctly post-velar; final & is distinctly aspirated. Gros Ventre (Atsina) sheds little light on Arapaho, sharing with the latter practically all deviations from normal Algonquian. Potawatomi dif- fers more from Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Algonkin than these do from one another. According to communications from Doctor Sapir of the Geological Survey of Canada and Doctor Radin of the International School of Ethnology and Archeology, the Ojibwa dialect at Sarnia, Ontario, seems to be highly specialized. The intimation given in the section on Delaware that Zeisberger’s material represents no single dialect was borne out by the writer’s experience with the Munsee of Kansas and the Delaware of Oklahoma. Apparently no distinction can be drawn to-day between Unami and Unalachtigo. The pho- netic system of Zeisberger is very deficient. Every stop occurs as surd, sonant (after nasals), surd aspirate (terminally), and glottalized. Voiceless ? occurs medially before consonants in both Delaware and Munsee, and terminally in the latter (where it seemingly is lost in the former). Long consonants are common, also consonantic clusters, owing largely to elimination of vowels. Umlaut is caused byw. On the whole, both Delaware and Munsee have suffered very considerable phonetic changes from normal Central Algonquian; Munsee is by far the more archaic of the two. In Munsee whispered vowels occur initially, medially, and terminally (after w). In Delaware seemingly they are found medially and terminally after w. In both, s, y, w, and l occur glottalized as well. The variety of forms given in the table is due in part to dialect mixture, in part to phonetic changes. Some of the forms are due possibly to mishearing; some contain double objects; others seemingly are to distinguish third persons; still others owe their origin to causes which are unknown although the forms exist to-day. The statement that one dialect had the closest rela- tions with Cree-Montagnais and another with Shawnee, is wrong. Zeisberger’s inadequate phonetics were wrongly interpreted. It is clear that both Delaware and Munsee are closely related and, though they can not be easily classed with any other large group, it is clear that they approximate the Ojibwa group in important points, and 290a 290b ADDENDUM Ottawa in particular. Phonetically, however, in some points they approximate more closely Peoria and other languages belonging to the same group. (Zeisberger does not distinguish -k* [Fox -g’] and -kw* [Fox -gw*]: both are written -k; the case of -mw*, which remains in Munsee but undergoes certain changes in Delaware, is somewhat similar.) From Doctor Sapir’s notes it would seem that the Dela- ware of Oklahoma and that of Canada (Smoothtown) differ in certain points. way hate &.- a ce Sena — Bel Ato . mS: 4 & 3 i eae l= 5 HE € 62 | ea : ee “jouy su APPENDICES ASSAMAQUODDY, 2. COMPARATIVE Tapie or THe Cree (Moose anp East Main), Fox, Sxawnen, Osrpwa, ALGONKIN, PEORIA, ; Natick, AND DeLaware Sussunorive Mops, Prusenr Tense | Comparative TABLE oF THE CrEE (Moose AND Fort Torren), MENOMINEE, Fox, SHAWNEE, Apnaxi, Osrpwa, ALGONKIN, Proria, Natick, AND DELAWARE InperenpENT Mong, Prejenr 'TEense 3. CoMPARATIVE TABLE or THE Fox, SHAWNEE, Morac, d Proria Consunotive Mopr J { I we excl. we incl. thou ye he "they an. | j they inan. I we excl. we incl. thou : ye he they an. it they inan. I we excl. we incl. nod he th res sice joe. G ey (an. it, they inan, i : eee. A aides, le transitive | ©, (M.) ne- ne—nan ke—nanow Be Renee, # oe ? es intransitive | C. -yan -yak -yuk yun sah + ie intransitive || F. yani ~ydge -yagwe -yani q, (F.T.) ni- ni—nan Reipety ie Kerieueaee: as Sante ee : puay) S. “ya ~yage -yAgwe -yAni -wiitei “hi an. ni- ni—mindwa ki—minawa ki- ki—mwawa wa wag | | yet want F. ~yane ~yage ~yagwe -yAne -wale ke ~ke M. -i -ieg -igwa E 3 “wale! ae F. ne- ne—peni ke—pena ke- ke—pwa wa —wagi | wi -oni 8. ya -ydge -yAgwe ~YANE wale -ge -ge Ws -yani -yangi -yangwi -yani -djig 5 s. ni- ni—pe ki—pe ki- ki—pwa ~wa -(wA)gi | -wi Oj. -ian -idng -iang -ian wad -E -k 4 ; -wadji by Pass, n- n—DAn k—ban k- k—ba ~puk A. -ian -idng -iang ian | abate kL alee b. nI- (n)—bina' kI- (k-) k—ba* - ~wak* | Pe -yand -yangia ~yangwit -yant ~yikwe ti -wati ée je nin- nin—min ki—min ki- ki—m (4) wag 1 Q) -on N. -on -0g -an -0'9 0g? -ohettit? 3 ni- (n-) ni—min ki—min ki- ki—m (lost phoneti-| -wak (lost pho- | -on D. -ya cally) netically) -yane wank eure yee; we ~ehtite ! nif a }-mina ki—mina hie ki—mwa “wa aki . n- n—min ke k—mwo uw -wog H| -wak / ee »_freen i ,_fhhimo ws Dd. nv W ie k k eno a -newo | } wi—newo ia - ee) os ee ee |e ee Be eS | 2 C, (M.) - _ =_ ke—in ke—inowow ne—k ne—kwuk | me \¢ = — _ -eyun -eyak “it -itcik, ~itwow me F, ay ay me Bint Lae C. (F. Tl.) - _ — ki—in ki—indwawa ni—g ni—gwag \F. = = = -iyAne -iydgwe -ile -iwate 8. ont | ca -iyani -iwatei “Men. _ 4 = ki—i ki—imwawa ni—g ni—gug 5. = = = -iyane -iydgwe -ite -iwate M. a, BS ps “in -iwatei FE = = _ | ke-i ke—ipwa ne—gwa ne—gogi 0}. = = - -iian -lieg -id -iwad ie, = es} P ayant ~Idjik 8. - - _ ki-i ki—ipwa ni—gwa ni—gogi A. = = a -iian -iieg -ite -iwate { =— -iyenke -iyenke -quenke -quenke a = ki—gona N. - k—imun k—imun m—kqunnonog fineen ‘imeen ihhena iguneen mn gene D. = = = Po \e mn — [gehhena — lihhena thhenook ma | (we rf ihhummena Meise ! us incl. C. (M.) = = = = = ke—konow | ke—konowuk thw’ kwuk us incl. F. a os | us incl. Cc. _— = & uae ay ty (6}, (Qiu) _ os — _— _ ki—gunan | ki—gundnig =H nies Ss. Hi a ~nAgwe Men. ia = = — = ki—gunawe ki—gunaw. | 4 rr — = = =— — ~nAgwe ~nAgwe M. pea ae -lagwe F. - = — _ = ke—gundna i ; 5. — = — = a -lagwe -lagwe P. = ; lkwik , - : unaigi Oj. =_ = _ -nang ~nangwa vtangwa, -langwiki Poe i = Z = — = -nang -nangwa : a re ‘a ak ee thee F, -nani “hi -skow Ss. -la old ad = = ~ke ~ke M. BL bi = aa a ge “ge ize -lani ; = au — -k -kwa atciki = _— = -k -kwa = = = -kquean -kquean = = _— -quonne -quonne | 1 as 1 eee -llakwuk you FR. -NMAgowe if ¥ t \ vk } Niet SY -lago ae epee _ - | = nage -nagwe M. tox a -lwagwe = - be -lwaguie -lwagwe P, -lakoki Sai Pian _ _ i neg | negwa -ldkwiki = = = -nag —nagwa = i Pea | = = a ene -kquedg =) _ _ “aieaie -queque guwa | F | ie tp “ak oy; a him 008 -Agi -agetei -Agwe -fitci -dwatet : | pabwow 5. -Agi -Agilci -Agwe ‘altel Buea. -Agwe -Ale -dgwe -tite | -Gwate M. “i “get ine -dwatei -Agwe -Ale age -ale -awate Ie -aki -akinci -angwi MA agidl -ang -ad eg -ad -awod natciki -ang -ale “eg -aite | -awate -angwa -ad -Gkwa -ald | -awatad | -adt -0'79 -ont eee” | 4 ; é -anque -anne -ague -ate | -achtite | j | fawawa ’ », ae } | a, , | eS a ee <= Ce st : ante - _ — —_— n ~— uv " en ; ee en ! -atcik . i utkiteile ~ukik ~utcile { mi Ores ee Ruy ~Agetet -Agwe -atei Lay ie ca pee ey aH ~atei ~dwatei -agele -Agwe -Ale d eee M. -gik ~ugidjile ~adji -adidjik -Agile 7 -Agwe “Ale ~aigwe ile ~awate Pp. -akikt fi sromeas) | ; mgt it 8 | tee |” while abit “ ‘ok we te a eatelhin tLe ; ace | ee teow orga af. Wenig nee | a0 relay» 6% o~id aegty. A | aged | omit | ‘ } fs f e : : t Sine Ge ws f Seed j Aloha / wie aie nae wianitt : f Hea | eT a none 4at-! hehe ; ‘ | ; =] i ’ | | i ars oO we MER + ry el : | De a ee cos ccm por tee we i weete +4 ee . asrviddonee- in | We 4 7 ah WO5 wiry: AR ae hit eae ~it | ayer at het. ovata iat | Wir bx: | ate ht BOHD— in ha OUT teeetil fih- i * Th ony haat iv Yom ie mrtg ah o& 44 eG HH | yen — nay hens .) Dugan yy | nvity.— leh sql | VEO hae ‘Soni—o One Sah noud—if nine 19 | widnedeoar | who | 6 Angnadwe —ek sexy —A Verner unde 1 | wieonnem ey |, in| . | | ve on iiviemabing oad ound | __ SIMRO AN Ht 7) jen jon ikatro—{0°A) ceva f¥a) | ansdilonia— ‘ie TS pecan pe nie rn lc te eer Lop fre oat ve fae 0a sided ot af etorzont aft we £ : ue I by i i aa i j \ a A . te Bs ed “+i an ABALONE SHELL, ornaments of.....-...-.--- 143 ABNAKI LANGUAGE— description .... 280, 283, 284, 285, 286-287, 289, 290 examples in comparison with— Grees: .....- .. Ganesgeeete eee sets 238, 239 DelAWATG.-'- 1 Be semtet ese oe were 238, 290 Hort Shc are eae ato 238, 239 Micmae ocacgsttd sce -: soe see e eee 238 Natielkss? cecnc .cseeaeaccpes . ses eee 290 ORD WHe cee eres Spares ooo 238 Passamaquodd y=: z0..2.:5--24. 558 239 (Peoria. -2 bene so ae erue pete wb. 3 238, 239 Shawnee ='es5226s- saessoeckt oh 2 wc 238, 239 Btockbridpot. -espes -=n4l- --e ate 238, 290 pronunciation. --.- ..2siteee saws eh hee 228 MAIAHOMSHINS = soce as} eens caees secene de as 289 ABNAKI TRIBE— linguistic investigations among.........- 225 TEISVENCO iLO... =. =~ aise cyaniade: -e Seeeck S58 290 ACCOMPANYING PAPERS, note on.........-.-- 21 ACKERMAN, THOMAS, reference to.....-...-- 37 ACOMA PUEBLO, references to........- 158, 159-160 ADAMSVILLE, ARIZ., references to........- 84-35, 112 ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT.....-.------------- 9-22 ADOBE CONSTRUCTION, description of........ 80 AGAVE KIBER, Use\0f. 4.5 ote seme nas cmce se 148 AGE OF CASA GRANDE, references to........ 33, 105 AGUA FRIA VALLEY, ruins in...-..... 215-216, 218 AINSWORTH’S RANCH— ELCLE COG semi ae oe eee teiee areas aah 210 211 36 ATARGON. TOULG Olen csne scoot owe sony nts 186, 208 ALASKA-YUKON-PAciFIC EXPOSITION, refer- GUD Mba eS aspera sesogssteescg sn aes 101 ALGONKIN LANGUAGE— CONjUNCHIVE MOMES << Sean epee tm n> -'c'n 272 GOSCTIPUON | 5. oo see ney ae 261-262, 264-269 examples in comparison with— SHS Sept asSSce eng eee Sees 233 243, 244, 245, 250, 251, 252, 259, 260, 261, 262, 272 Cree-Montagnais. ........-..------+-- 259 IDEA Et rosceederrcrss oan bsne 243, 244, 261 Fox... 244, 245, 252, 259, 260, 261, 262, 271, 27: Kickapoo. 259. MGUOMUNGG 2522. cmc oases ae 243, 244, 245, 250, 251, 252, 259, 261, 262, 271 | SST Oates 8 RRS ras eee tee eet ee 272 Montaensis. ss. 95 ceases cme aciae * 272 Natick......-.. 233, 243, 244, 250, 251, 271, 273 (Ope pea e oe sodueeebae nese 243, 244, 245, 250, 251, 252, 261, 262, 271, 272, 273 (OE se erent eectece Je noe oe 233, 245, 250, 251, 252, 259, 260, 261, 262, 271 Page ALGONKIN LANGUAGE—Continued, examples in comparison with—continued. Passamaquoddy-c..-ecs: 2o- ee see 243, 27¢ (ROOTS Nae sess eee eo een eee ae 233, 245, 250, 251, 252, 260, 261, 262, 271, 272, 273 Botawstomin wean eo. 22a i0 ss 259, 262, 271 Se A So SRP AH SEY OA oe 259 243, 244, 245, 251, 252, 256, 259, 261, 262, 271, 272, 273 indicative mode. - 322 Use J.s-c ee ece estes 273 DYONUMUCIALIOWEe ea secon orc eee 226-228 relationsbips:.-.°2.--.-s-eses-- 238, 244, 289, 290a Subjunctivemode--__..+......-----.025.- 260 ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES— pronunciation... --.--56---a+ssec-cceee 226-228 summary of linguistic investigations... 225-226 ALGONQUIAN TRIBES, lingnistic classification— MMO MOM OM eee akc a. vec Gane een aay aL linguistic major divisions................ 229 ALIBAMU, researches among......-.---.-.--- 12 AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY, archeologic explorations by.......-.-.-.-.- 18 ANCIENTS, THE, reference to.........-.-..-.- 42 See also Hohokam, Inhabitants. ANIMAL EFFIGIES, Clay (Casa Grande)... .. 134-135 ANTICOSTI ISLAND, reference to...........-.-. 290 ANTIQUITIES OF UNITED STATES, preservation OYE os Seine ya ek ee a Ree oe tials 10, 17-18 ANTONIO AZUL, Pima chief......-........--- 34 ANTS? di. Pima lesendey: S222 Ushi. 2eee. 49,50 AnzA, Lieut. Cot. JUAN BAUTISTA DE, Visit HOlCasa Grand Gc 25..- =e eee oe te tee 57 APACHE— baskets wsequby ee. sae cela. wees telenam sre 147 in Pima flood legend.........-... Seaereee 51 pictographs 197, 201 references to 61, 70, 195, 217 ARAPAHO LANGUAGE— eonsonantic' clusters! 32... --2- sess 284 Geserip hon ess gs oe «ences eee 234-237 Provlinciahlonss-. 2s seee a eeee eae ele eel referanceitorpscee2e-o.cbead-cee gee relationships. ......-.. 22, 229, 237, 280, Sce also Atsina, Gros Ventre, Northern Arap- aho. ARCHEOLOGY in relation to ethnology........ 42 ARCHITECTURE— of:Casa| Grande. 2---2---.-- -=.-- 72-74, 154-155 of Gila-Salt Compounds ARIZONA— age OfTUINs! - 2252-2 ease eeee- esses 150 antiquities... 17 archeologic work in...-.-.....--.---..-.- 13,18 asiculturall centerk- 0. easiness eee 2 ae 157 292 INDEX Page | Page ArizoNa—Continued. Bia BuRRO CANyon, reference to... ...-..-- 209 (Central) dual composition of ruins...... 151 | Br. WiLtiaMs River, references to... 186,208, 209 cliff-dwellings............-. cece ener 151 | BILox1, researches among...............-.--- 12 collections from : 20 | Birp, idol in form of (Casa Grande).......... 121 fetish: from). <<< «de ). 5, sce nee ee +. 122.) Brrter Man, THE, in Pima legend.... 43-44, 60-61 national monuments 18 | BLACK FALLS RUIN, reference to............... 157 (Northern) dual comp 151 | BLACKFOOT LANGUAGE— % fabrics from ruins. 3 - 148 | cluster s¢ in... 234 pottery....... - 187,139 POMPHHOG CO... << 214 references towtte 22s ee 37,62, 115 POWORY ee. tee we ones eae ess 139 | BLoops, linguistic affinities of. .............. 229 (Western) early explorations in ......... 186 | Boas, DR. FRANZ, work of..............-..- 1b pPlctopraphs weccc nen esereeaeonee = 3 214 | Botton, Pror. HERBERT E., work of....... 16-17 ARROW-HEADS (Casa Grande)...........-..- 130 | BONE IMPLEMENTS. Sce Implements. ARROW-SHAFT POLISHERS (Casa Grande)..... 126 | BRASSEUR DE BourBoURG, cited as to Casa ATTACAPA, researches among.............-.. 12 Gran Goan. wok Sec b cake ate cenctceeeeae 53 ATSINA, linguistic classification of............ 234 | Brinton, Dr. D. G., on work of Zeisberger.. 275 See also Gros Ventre, BrownkE, J. Ross, work of, cited.........-.. 53, 62 AWATOBI— Buriats. See Mortuary customs. disposal of dead... .e. -.. 69-72, 152 Pims lepend from: <).. 2.3. seco ee. a nee 45 BANGHART RANCH, reference to.............. 201 BaRAGA, BisHop— Ojibwa modes from...........-......++ abe 203 references to BARTLETT, JOHN RUSSELL, account of nae GrANO Gs eee coche at pee aes nae 66-68, 88 BASKETRY— Gasa. Grande:<. <2e-- 08 eneaee Teference: to... <2: 2222-2 55sbeseees ssc. tsk O25' excavation and repair relationships. .-...--..----- 22, 237, 274, 280, 286 Compound D— Sce also Northern Cheyenne. [st 5(ci) fon (0) 1 ee 104-105 CHICHILTICALLI, references to .........-...-.. 53, 54 excavation and repair .............. 42 CHIHUAHUA, MEXICO, shellsamongaborigines. 143 Compounds E and F—description...... 106 See alap Casas Grandes (Chihuahua). relation’ topueblos-..=......--.....-..6 150-160 CHINO VALLEY, ARIz.— early; migration into. .-.-22--:. ee eerie 235, 236 Cheyenne? iso. -eseek css s hese 232-233, 234, 236 CIO G ee na teacie tae aatean eee 231, 238, 246 Drelasyanewe ohne cose east ee ee 279,290a due to elimination of vowels............- 283 Eastern Algonquian -- 236, 246, 284 Fox. ---= 249, 283 linguistic classification based on......... 226, Muleclte eles tec see ss eses 230, 281-282, 283 -- 249, 280-281" MN CORG Yee Ae ee sete tt cca en oa 280-281, 283 JADE bars ten ea lad As soe RS fn 290a NACo cf ee ee th otan a recess 234 294 INDEX Page CONSONANTIC CLUSTERS—Continued. Northern Blackfoot.........-------<-.. 230-231 Passamaquoddy.....-......-..-..- 259, 280, 282 PENGDSCObn ne oop een ene sees anes 280, 282-283 Piegan....... 229-230, 231, 236 various Algonquian languages. ..-....... 274 CONSTRUCTION OF CASA GRANDE, method of.. 82,95 See also Walls. CONUS SHELL, ornaments of...-..------------ 145 Cooke, LiIEvuT. COL., reference to.... 65 ©opPER, specimens found in Southwestern NOES ose ort sete a ap et ee ete 98, 148 CORONADO EXPEDITION, reference to. ..-..... 53,54 CORTEZ, Don JosE— citedias to: Tontos. -\.2-— owen === eee 217 on Colorado River tribes. ..........------ 209 Corton (Casa Grande), references to ....--- 148,156 CoTronwWoop, ARiz., reference to.....-..---- 195 COUEs, ELLIOTT, work by, cited... a 57 COYOTE, THE, in Pima legend.......-----.-.. 44 Cozzens, work by, cited.2- ---4---.-te—sseene 62, 66 CREATION LEGEND, Pima.........-..-..-- 44,49, 61 CREE LANGUAGE— COIR 2ir (0) UE Bee emer ae Marea Teen conjunctive mode.... ............------- consonantic clusters ..........--.------ OSCE UOTE ate teense ere eet examples from Horden. . F examples in comparison with— ADNAK Ls o-oo eee 279, 283, 284 Alponkinh..5. 5 aes «tea jene neers 250, 251, 252, 260, 261, 262, 265, 267, 272 Cheyenne -teease ees eens 233, 234 references to. 37, 63, 186 Creekeeo-n-=-= 235, 238, 239, 243, 244, 245, 247, TOL] See ae ene 207 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 256, 257, 258, 261, | Gasp PENINSULA, reference to.......-.----- 290 262, 263, 265, 267, 269, 271, 272, 273, 274, | GarscHET, DR. ALBERT SAMUEL— 275, 278, 279, 280, 283, 284, 286, 287, 288 Geaths cee eres eet das cee ee 21 Cree-Montagnais........--.---- 273, 277, 278 Ninguistictwork: sec. 2e=-2Jevee eee eee 12 Welayaresee = neo ---mse ene 238, 239, 243, 244, Micmac forms from.-.......-..----- 285, 287-288 250, 251, 256, 257, 260-261, 265, 267, 270, on Ottawaforms.: - sec. «sesh enue 261, 262, 266 273, 274, 275, 277, 278-279, 283, 284, 287 on Peoria forms. ....---.-- 239, 245, 260, 270, 271 Eastern Algonquian -. 257, on relationship of Ojibwa, Ottawa, Pota- 258, 261, 270, 287, 288 WatoMliccti cs: sciccascadsscsceseeeeeee 262 Eastern-Central Algonquian......... 237 on Shawnee forms . 239, 254 Fort Totten Cree. .......-..-.- 258, 267, 278 Passamaquoddy forms from. 280, 282, 285 KG CKAVOO lo eerner nae en 248, 258, 267, 272 Potawatomi form from.........---.----- 262 Malecite.......-..-.--- 238, 239, 274, 283, 284 Yeferences:t0.--- :..---:c..<-=-==sc=- 238, 297, 287 Menominee... -..------+=--=-- 238, 239, 243, | GEORGIAN Bay, reference to.......--------- 290 244, 245, 249, 250, 251, 257, 261, 262, 267, | Gita CrossmNG, reference to....-....---...-- 45 270, 271, 272, 273, 277, 278, 279, 283, 284 | Gma RIvER— Micmac. oi. 262 sen ons oon eae 238, growth of reeds along..--..---.-------- 142, 147 245, 249, 256, 272, 273, 279, 283, 284, 288 in Pima legend ze oe 45 Minsi.....-.--2---2-=-<<=<-- -- 239, 274 plumed serpent symbolic of......----- 113, 142 Montagnais.. 247, 248, 261, 267, 272,279 | Gita-SALT REGION— Moose Cree... = «= cap serer =n een 262 cremation practised in.............-..- eee”. ON aiken eno te eee 238, 239, 244, 250, early inhabitants.. 44, 61-62, 94, 102,115, 156, 218 251, 265, 273, 274, 275, 278-279, 283, 284 geographic limit of compounds... ...---- 151 Ojibwa... ..-+-----= 22-55-00 235, ‘great houses’’ described.......-...----- 156 238, 239, 244, 245, 249, 251, 256, 257, 258, pottery. 2d -seohadsinss tack: Saree 137,141 261, 262, 263, 265, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, TOSCL VOUS: oo on dos tace toe sitee eee 112,115 272, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279, 283, 284, 286 shell carvings from....-.-------.-------- 145 Ottawa.....--.---- 248, 251, 261, 262, 265, 267 summary of conclusions as to.....-.--- 153-160 Passamaquoddy........---...------. 239, See also Salt River Valley, and titles re- 257, 258, 277, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287 lating to Casa Grande. Penobscot.....=<--<---= 238, 267, 283, 284,285 | Gita VALLEY, antiquities of, bulletin on..-.- 17 Peoria. 238, 239, 244, 245,251, | Giri, De LANCEY, work of......--...-..----- 21 252, 256, 257, 261, 262, 265, 267, 269, 270, | Girt, W. H., collection made by....--------- 21 271, 272, 274, 275, 278, 279, 283, 284, 288 | GLoTTAL STOP (ARAPAHO)....-.-.----------- 235 TAGE Bee ceee ed esa Sapa Sb oH 35 355 261 | GLoveER, C. C.,acknowledgment to..........- 20 Potawatomi. .:------.-¢...2-22222--- 262 | GrawaM, Mag. L. P., reference to........--. 65 RE eee ghee teas 248, 258, 267, 272,288 | GRAND CANYON OF THE COLORADO, reference SCSHICOO Ke ocnn denne ie eee 279 [f oeee Some ce estes dosed ea Hence as se 157 Shawnee.....- 238, 239, 245, 251, 252, 256, 257, | GRANITE CREEK, ARIZ.— 258, 261, 262, 265, 267, 269, 270, 271, 272, TElQrGUCE TOs = acon naa a ere 200 274, 278, 279, 280, 283, 284, 286, 287, 288 ruins along. ..------ Seee 202-204, 215, 218 Stockbridge. fae -e-3- ase secre 238, 284 | GRAPEVINE CANYON, ruins in............--- 13 Turtle Mountain (Ojibwa dialect)... 239 | GrinpING-sTONES (Casa Grande)..--.--.... 126-127 independent mode......-....-.---------- 247, Sce also Disks, Slabs. 248, 267-268, 271, 287,289 | GRossMAN, Capt. F, E,,on Casa Grande.... 44 indicative modem cece BES AS 2 oe 19 medicine stones..........-... 130 preparation......-..-.... 10, 11, 13-14, 15, 16,19 mortuary customs .......... weeecbewes 117,118 reference to 226 mythologic monster Of.................-- 48 HAND STONES (CASA GRANDE) .........-..-- 126 objects deposited in shrines.............- 135 Hano— Patigiclanss ai... ,..Ab sete 42 eS 218 legends cosns sess Sscss tee eee: eae eee 49 99 110) US OE aren Beery = aaciies Stic ci aaReen SS 159 pottery. - 137,139, 140, 156, 158-159 HARTSHORNE, Huau, work of. 37 enV ce es Pt a Siar nica 145 Hasinat, description of............-- oe ig 2 references to_.--......... 58, 113, 144, 207 HASSAYAMPA CREEK, ARIZ., ruinson..-.... 215,218 | —‘ relations with Havasupai................ 219 HAvasuPai— 47 AUCeStOTss ase toe ae 1. ae 2 SS 185, 216 See also Moqui. relations with Hopi: ..-.2322-202-----2- 219 | HorpeEn, J.— HAWANAN BIBLIOGRAPHY, preparation of.... 11-12 on Cree forms.......... 231, 243, 244, 245, 246, 248 HAwkKs, in Pima legend..-....-..-.-.--.---- 52 relerencesito! 24-9 seacSeen = 239, 241, 252, 278 Hazrinwvati, legendary Hopi being......... 51 | Horn cian (Hopi), reference to............ 159 Hen, CANON, THINSHie 5. 892 aos so ec eee 200 | HouGu, Dr. WALTER, bulletin by.........-. 17 HeMENWAY, Mrs., efforts in behalf of Casa HovumMa, researches among.................-. 12 Grand@recsss sata w oso oseec es Hee 8 72 | House oF MONTEZUMA, designation of Casa HEMENWAY SOUTHWESTERN EXPEDITION, Grande 33 collectioniof 33522. sess oecse see cascnese 119 See also Montezuma. HENDLEY, H. W., models made by. 101 | HrpuiéKa, Dr. ALES, work of.............-- 15-16 HEWETT, EpaGaRk L., bulletin by........--.- 17 | Hueues, Lieut. Joun T., on Casa Grande... 68 Hewitt, JoN.(B:, worlof...22 22. 2222255. - 13-14 | HUMAN REMAINS. See Mortuary customs HINA, SALA, Pima potter..-.-.-.---.1..:-.- 140 (burials). Hinton, RicHarD J.— HUMBOLDT, FRIEDRICH H. ALEXANDER DE, on)/Casa: Grande. 2 Sic. 222-6 shec-c tee 53, 68-69 cited as to Casa Grande...........--..--... 53 on ruin near mouth of Granite Creek 204 | HUMMINGBIRD, in Pima legend........... 47, 48,50 references to. History OF CASA GRANDE— Ipauo, archeologic explorations in........... 18 detailed accounts...................-.--. 5481 | Ipots— general discussion.......--.---.-.------- 53-54 Casa Grande... 101, 121-122 Teferellceto: +s... see ate ee eke 33 Qila-Saltrepion.ceee = seaease ae aes 156 Hopce, F. W.— ILLUSTRATION WORK OF BUREAU,Summary. 21 acknowledgment to.......-...--....--.-- 53 | IMPLEMENTS FOUND AT CASA GRANDE— on “accompanying papers’* -.-. 21-22 ]212) 0 PERS Sh sahoesie tga oon oaae ee 145-146 work of. -. 11,14,19 ro plem ahical See emia ea a 125, 129 Hoper, H. C., on ancient irrigation ditch... 114 UOC ete a te oe ee 122, 131 HOES, STONE (CASA GRANDE)....--------- 131-132 Wooden: <2. 05 os sense ds ha yee 146-147 HorrMan, WALTER J., work of, cited....... 186 | INDEPENDENT MODE (Algonquian)—, Honokam— ASTRO oe aceon nh ee ate Ae 286-287 applicationiot terms... ssceed-csee tes 153 Algonkin. . - 231, 233, 262, 264, 265, 266, 267 relerences:t0: so asiss sacs eseccscincas oon 42,117 Arapaho. 236 See also Gila-Salt region (early inhabi- Cheyenne seer eae rete seen - 233 tants). Greesh. brea a 231, 247-248, 258, 259-260, 268 Ho-H0-QOM, name applied to Pima’s ances- Gree-Montapnals: --=% scence ts sae! at 259 OES So efee facet cas ae asin cou es tees see 71 Dela wWarGs. enero Senin aes 260-261, 268, 287 See also Hohokam. Eastern Algonquian.........---.-..-.- 231, 233 Hok, legendary Pima monster..........-- 48-49, 52 Eastern-Central Algonquian -. 237-238 OUMES) /Wis EL: , workiof..s222---..tssteoee 10 Wort: Totten Gree: 2 ae. oases 241-245, 260, 265 Homo.ost, early inhabitants of.....-...-...- 218 MOK a5 oc5 Sessa. toe > + ate ae a ets 231, HOonaANKI, description of........-....--.... 195-197 247, 248, 253, 258, 259-260, 267-268, 271, 287, 289 Hori— Kickapoo ... 259, 289 ATICESLOIS oa sso = ons we ee 151, 154, 159, 216 Menominee --- 231, 250-251, 259, 265, 268 axes used by. wa W124 Montapnaises:: aad its. ue eh 247, 248, 259-260 Ipird-callstd Aas eees eis doe eet ee oe ee 146 Natick 233, 234, 265, 268, 269 Ceremonial LOOMS... <<. o.oo e ann eon anne 150 Northofn ‘Blackfoot: =--2=. =. 2-.-------2 231 298 INDEX Page < Page INDEPENDENT MODE (Algonquian)—Contd. Jones, DR. WiLLIAM—Continued. Oj D Wass ecetcess ee ene ae eee 233, relerenceshasnsss Iss -6 AA. Nae ee oe 227, 259 258, 259-260, 262-263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 271, 286 reference to analysis of Algonquian. . .--. 236 IOUS WAS wok oe coe pee ere 233, 265-266, 267 | JORDAN’S RANCH, ruins at and near.... 195, 198-199 Passamaquoddy.. . 231, 265, 268, 285, 286,287 | JUNIPER MOUNTAINS, ARIZ.,reference to... .. 264 IPEOLIa onan - 233, 259, 265, 269, 270, 271 personal pronouns. --.-..... 24-5. 236 (Pie PAN ict es rete er eee arene 231,259 | KAMALTKAK. See Thin Leather. Potawatominss) 25: < ches eee eee 265,267 | KEAM COLLECTION, pottery in....-..-.-..--- 139 Salih ste th ser bi nn 5cc eee ees ee 259,289 | KEARNY, GENERAL, expedition of..........- 63 BhaWwHee este wancc cers 231, 254, 268, 286,289 | KELLER, FATHER IGNACIO, visit to Casa See also Indicative mode. Grande sa5--4 Sho eae . 56-57 INDIAN shim, fontsiats... 2 seen ee eee 215,218 | KERESAN CLANS, reference to... sai 158 INDIAN MISSIONS, article on... E 15 | KERESAN POTTERY, references tO -.-....-.. 141, 159 INDIAN TANKS, reference to.-....-.-.-.------ 112 | Kickapoo InpIANS (of Oklahoma), linguistic INDICATIVE MODE (Algonquian)— investigations among..........--- eee 225 Qbeyenniez. fe-0 Se oe ee 234 | KICKAPOO LANGUAGE— ONO 2. Ae ese ob en 239, 240, 247, 273 certain forms In! 2... ssc. a-24-- ae eo) DBI WHIC Ane oo oee Bte-apayeeoeee 273, 275-278 description. -.-----.....c55 252-255, 258-261, 272 Malectite:--2-=os. ipeesees eas eee 269 independent mode..........-----.------- 289 (Miemaes 2.6225 s- -oss- e ee eee 269, 273 DrOWUNCAhONn= =~ =. ese se oe INOS oc mee sein eno ne eee 272-273 relationships O}UD Wane o ne es ee eee 247, 273 See also Fox, Sauk. IPANODSCO bee aes ne ae eee ee 269 | KICKING-BALL GAME, in Pima legend........ 52 Réoriat: See =. 855 3 259) 273 4) Kaus, references t0_.---.- 2-5 eee 150, 189 VWAaTIOUS lan rua pes sees hee mon as pee ee 273. | KIHUTOAC, reference to..----<--<---0--<-.--5 5L See also Independent mode. Kino, FATHER EUSEBIO FRANCISCO— INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES, reference to... 290 ALCON TOL eo eee ne = eee eee ee 56 INHABITANTS— name Casa Grande given by GasaliGrand eon. qin ase ae mn 94,156 veferences t0- =~ ---- =. - ee en Upper Verde- Walnut Creek region .... 185,186 visits to Casa Grande... See also Migrations, Pima. KINTIEL RUIN, reference to InscripTION Rock, N. MeEx., declared na- Kiva— tionalimonumentsseeeee-= se ecee eee 18 application of term 150 INSTRUMENTAL PARTICLES— description. ...--------- 151, 158 Arapaho....-- 236 examples in Verde ruins......----------- 189 reference to. ..-- 226 | KrwirsE (ZUNI), application of term.-....... 150 INTERIOR DEPARTMENT, part in archeologic KroxBER, Dr. A. L.— OX PlOMAOHS seen eee eens = eee aie 18 acknowledgment to.......--.------------ 225 TRONWOOD, used at Casa Grande....-...-. 146, 147 on Arapaho language.......-.-------.-.- 235 TROQUIAN TRIBES— on Cheyenne prefix......-.2.-....5--.--- 236 ab tats ee eee eee eee ec 290 | KUEHNE. See Kino. researches among....,.-.--------.-------- 14 | Kwanapt. See Quahatika. TRRIGATION, ANCIENT— effect onisollsser a. eae he eae aa ence in Casa Grande region ....--- LABRADOR COAST, reference to.....-.------ 290 57, 68,103,113-115 | LACOMBE— in Walnut Creek Valley. ...-...-.-.--- 214, 218 on Crea forms...... 243,246, 247, 248, 250, 252. 290 Ives, Lieut. J. C., reference to 208, 209 TRfeCQUCOS hO: oe. 5 eee ee ea 239, 241 - LAMAR PAPERS, reference to- --..-.---------- 16 JACALES, references to.......-------------- 187,209 | LAND, in Pima creation legend 49 JAMESTOWN Exposition, Smithsonian ex- Mbit sts ct cinta aoa geese ree 10 JASPER, ORNAMENT OF (Casa Grande) ...-.-. 131 JEMEZ PLATEAU, antiquities of, bulletin on.. 17 JEROME, ARIZ., references to....-..-------- 194, 195 JEROME JUNCTION, ARIZ., references to.... 203, 204 JOHNSON’S RANCH, reference to... .-.--- ae eh) JOHNSTON, Capt. A. R., account of Casa Grande 44, 64-65 JoNnEs, Dr. WILLIAM— acknowledgment to....-..---------.----- 225 Kickapoo texts- =< <<< 2se ale Spa Re aEeeUDAr: acpoaoS 229-230 Fox.....------ 239, 243, 244, 257, 259, 261, 262, Los MUERTOS RUINS, reference to....-....- 114-115 267, 270, 271, 272, 273, 277, 278, 279, 283, 284 LovIsIANA, researches in....-..---.---.----- 9,12 [Kick apoo-sees n= «922 ca ena aie 259, 267, 272 LOUSE, THE, in Pima creation legend --.-..-. 49 MCMC Seo ovata sn cen anda sehen 273 LowiE, Dr. Ropert H.— Minsi..--. 239 acknowledgment to.. ae AF Montagnais.. -- 259,261, 2 9, 286 on Northern Blackfoot... ....-.--------- 230 Moose Cree. .- 262 Natick 522 o eS 2 239, 243, 244, 265, 268, 273 MAGDALENA, SONORA, reference to.-....-..-.. 218 Ojibwa ... 238, 239, 243, 244, 245, 257, 259, 261, Maaic, in Pima flood legends.........-.----.- 45-52 262, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 279, 283, 284 MAILLARD, L’ ABBE, work on Micmac .....--- 269 Ottawarce-.2.- 22 245, 259, 261, 262, 265, 267 MALECITE LANGUAGE— Passamaquoddy... 239,243, 267,283, 284, 286 description... 280, 281-282, 283, 284, 285, 287, 289 PenODSCObs= oases 238-239, 267, 283, 284 examples in comparison with— Peoria - 239, 244,257, 259, 261, (Ona) aaa eee eon 238, 262, 265, 267, 270, 271, 272, 273, 279, 283, 284 Delaware set Potswatomiir--< 2. -2--s=s=neee 259, 262, 265 Eastern Algonquian.......-..-...--- 259, 267, 272 WOKS « sac ee ss 2 os ye daec Packs anit 238, 239, 274 --- 239, 243, 244, 245, 257, WVUIOTIIA Cenc Batons sees seeesee nace 15-16 material relating to tribes of. ..-.....-.-- 12 MocrTezuMA, CASA DE (House of), references tose eeae ree ook ae os Saas es 56-57, 58, 59 See also Montezuma. MOHAWK TEXTS, character of........-..--.-- 14 MoHnoOcE, found by Offate.....-.-........--- 220 MOISEYU, reference to... ---22 0 2---2-s-4-. 234 Mosave— invPimailegend 5.2. 25 2222 ac escaee eee 51 references to 217 Cree... 247, 248, 260, 261, 267, 269, 272, 279, 286 Delaware... .... 259, 260-261, 267, 269, 279, 286 Moko... 32200 247, 248, 260, 261, 267, 272, 279 Kickapoo: 2.20 ees ees ee seee 267 Malecite...2. 2 ere aoe soos 269, 279 Menominee. . 261, 267, 279, 286 \ Naticlo.. 25-0 Jiusscsee mee eae eee 72. 286 OjIDWas a sse522 5252 261, 267, 269, 272, 279, 286 Ottawa..2.-.-2 See 267 Passamaquoddy......-=cse=-22<-a-e 267, 286 Renapsdote: 20.86 ae ss eee 267, 269, 279 Peorige— = -..0 soe oe ee ee eee 267, 272 BAK 20 ocesccednatn sep eee eee eee 267 DHBWRES + co cee seine eee 7, 279 independent mode.............-:----- 259-260 pronunciation. ..... - 227 references to. - 225, 239 relationships. .... - 238, 243 Subjunetive mode... . -..o2s22--22 aes 260 “suppositif’’ of the “‘subjonctif’..._._-. 260 See also Cree-Montagnais, Rupert’s House Cree. : MONTEZUMA— associated with Casa Grande............ 43, 44 known also as Tcuhu.......-.---.-.-.-- 48 TOlerenCe/ LO: 52 54-c.ces conser e eee eee 46 MONTEZUMA, CASA DE, references to......... 64,65 See also Casa Montezuma, Moctezuma. MONTEZUMA CASTLE, ARIZ.— declared national monument............ 18 description << .2 22-2522 2¢25esccheeeeee 194,195 Terence tO qn c wee wncs sae e eee ate 187 MONTEZUMA, DR. CARLOs, reference to... ... 35 MONTEZUMA, HALL oF, reference to... ...--- 68 MONTEZUMA WELL, reference to ............ 187 MOoNEY, JAMES— on Moiseyu. . 234 reference to. =| 226 Work: Off. 2220 -- 14-15 MOOREHEAD, WARREN K., work by, cited... 119 MOOSE CREE DIALECT, references to... 227, 239, 262 Moati, references to 51, 56,58 See also Hopi. MORMON SETTLERS in Arizona, reference to. 114 MORNING GREEN, Pima Chief. 33, 42, 4548 Morris, S. H., collection presented by... ... 21 MorTARS (CASA GRANDE), description of.... 123, 127-128 MORTUARY CUSTOMS— burial— among Pima......... «eses 109,117,118, 155 at Casa Grande..... BpcccnsUrs dsc 93, 106, 108-110, 111, 117, 127, 155 in Walnut Creek region... .... 210, 211, 220 eremation— at Casa Grande....... 109-110, 111, 117, 155 distribution of ....- -- 117,118,220 Mosaic work, references to..........----. 131, 144 MOUND-BUILDERS of Mississippi Valley....-. 15-16 INDEX 301 Page Page MOUNDS AT CASA GRANDE, general descrip- New Mexico— U0! Brace RRS Art Se oe es ay EET 86-87 ancient cultural center.................. 157 MOUNTAIN SHEEP, idols in form of......:.. 121-122 antiquities........... 17 Mount Hops, references to.....-..--- 207, 208-209 collections from. 20 MUHLENPFORDT, EDUARD, cited as to Casa national monuments........- 18 Grande Seer easm cen anqraninqateesnen pees 53 TOSPANCH EGU as: Per. sae Lis ess toa teers 9,11 MUNSEE LANGUAGE— ruins— division’ of Delaware.......--..-.:5----- 275 SPR Ole e 5 see ews dab han gt eenidoen sams 150 TELanenCesatOl= eo aoe miacet erate 290, 200a, 290b elift-dwellings eo. ossccs wi-h eats aaies 151 See also Minsi. : pottery. 2. ..5. 139 shells among aborigines. . oa eS} S, reference to......- 16 = : dh coeriges Abra lereniesta 18! New Yon, researches ins... ccs. 10,14 1108 y ce EAT, NIGHTINGALE, ROBERT C., collection pre- NADAILLAC, work by, cited .....- 62 sented b 20 NANTICOKE LANGUAGE, reference to. 290 y. NO TN ay Ga Sa ae 5 < ee Niza, FRAY MARCOS DE, references to.....-- 53, 54 NASAL, accretion of (Ojibwa)... .--- ee cOl! if NOGALES, reference to........---..-.-------- 56 NASAL VOWELS (Arapaho)......-.----------- 235 . BS z aden NOMINAL PORMS (Arapaho) 235 NATCHEZ LANGUAGE, investigation of........ 12-13 Falta ea ah - ¢ NORTHERN ARAPAHO, linguistic investiga- NATICK LANGUAGE— é Ss : z < (HONS AM ODP. feo oe ces woe noses 225 CONjunChIVe MOE! 2. ~ aio ammo aes atm 272 ; - NORTHERN BLAcCKFoor INDIANS, compared consonantic clusters..-...-.----------- 234, 283 3 A Sa Are with Piegan and Bloods............-...-.- 229 eSCI DON > sem tele leteta tps eee eal 272-275 é 5 : NORTHERN BLACKFOOT LANGUAGE— examples in comparison with— ante E 3 consonantic clusters. ........----.-.-.. 230-231 JMO olen sas etecosseeeesshheeeoc 279, 290 texts 095 Algonkin. - . 233,243,244, 250, 265, 271 pee cae a wad ys Siesaten enced r fas NORTHERN CHEYENNE, linguistic investiga- (CRE Ver) Coen ae eee tena 233, 286 Sona ann Gn 235 Cree... 238, 239, 250, 251, 265, 269, 283, 284, 286 Boerne an casens rebetias Tete a < NOUNS IN ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES— ORES ETE So ae 250 inanimate plural (Cheyenne, Piegan) 274 Delaware ns. ee 238, 239, 243, 244, “et ees ane i eee ik sen 250, 265, 269, 278, 279, 280, 284, 286, 288, 290 8 BS: -secttesis ae Eastern Algonquian..........-.... 269, 288 HOS e ee seca misiencesistee 238, 239, 244,250, | OAK CREEK— 251, 259, 265, 279, 280, 283, 284 cavate dwellings on...-......--.---.-..-- 219 238, 239, 269, 284 MUMIA iy MOU LLG Offa eee eee 188-193 We aR eg nen oe: 238,239, | OBSIDIAN, implements of (Casa Grande)..... 132 243, 244, 250, 251,265,268 | OroGouta, identical with Ouspie..........-- 12 S Mieniac 2: 23554 .... 238,269,279, 284,288 | Onpwa INDIANS, linguistic investigations (MII STs ere a oe watts eee = 239 ULOU Se ee ee ea ee 225 Montagnais:~ <2 2-2 aoteaceccecerke 286 | ONBWA LANGUAGE— Qjibwastest ce aecs ena 238, 239, 243, 244, certain forms in... 239 250, 251, 258, 269, 280, 283, 286, 288 conjunctive mode..... 272 Ottawa..--:..-.- --- 250,251, 265, 271 consonantic clusters. - -- <5 - 283 Passamaquoddy=2.. 228. 2-2. 5-2... =: 243 description’). s50554-2 see < 261-263, 265-269 EGNODSCOt- ne nu cea coe ne eae 269, 283 examples in comparison with— ODM A: Seen he osc eee waa == 288, 2095 A 01a eee ee ei 238, 239, 283, 284 250, 251, 265, 269, 271, 279 Algonlkin.—.55.o2/3.2022 2 243, 244, 245, 250, ROLaWALOUNG 21 58 Tucson, Ariz., references to... 34, 54, 65 TuNIcA, researches among.......------------ 12 TURKEY CREEK, explanation as to name.... 207 TURQUOISE— AMUN a EPCN . sisal ca aie aimee 46-47 MU SHO Works. soe an ese a 144 MOSAIC WOLKIN © cso cee See ao ee eae 131 TURTLE MOUNTAIN CurPPEWA, linguistic in- vestigations among........---------------- 225 TURTLE MOUNTAIN OJIBWA DIALECT, refer- WALAPAI, ancestors of WALKER, J. D.— Pimalerendifromts soe. nace aa e'an\ = 45 TOlOreNCe LOLs eaen a ee eee een ee 71 WALKER’S BUTTE, reference to........-..-.- 36 WaALLs oF CASA GRANDE, construction of.... 80-81, $2, 83-84, 95-96, 97, 102, 106-107, 116 WALNUT CREEK REGION— absence of large ‘‘compounds’’.......... 218 early inhabitants 206, 216-219 habitations of aborigines......-.-.------ 209 irrigation works. - PS 214 pictographs . - - - --. 214, 216 DOLLER Ye ee asa ee ene neem iate 220 ruins— CNIS 10) re OS SURE PRIA Shao M Nees 219-220 CESCrIPDION eee ema s sein semen 187, 209 ISHOn yas. sete mein ati ate oiesetmcata oie 206-211 TELELENCESItOl oa ewe sea aeiele 22, 194, 195, 216 Watpl, Hopi settlement, references to... .... 35, 48, 142, 159-160 WALTHER, HENRY, work of..........-.-.---- 21 WEAVER, PAUL, reference to.............--- 62,149 WESTERN CLAN-HOUSES, Casa Grande....... 112 WHEELER SURVEY REPORTS, reference to.. 186 WHIPPLE, EWBANK, AND TURNER, on early inhabitants of Arizona.................-. 216-217 Wuirrte, Lieut. A. W.— Aztec Pass fort mentioned by. on Walnut Creek Valley..........-.-.- 308 INDEX Page Page WHITE FEATHER, ancient Pima chief.. 35-36,50,51 | YABIPAIS, YAMPAIS. See Yavapai. WuitE Mountains, in Pima legend.......-- 52 WILLIAMSON VALLEY, ARIZ.— references to Winn, in: Pima Jegend:.: 92.0.2 -2-se-=s oo ee ae eee me Hieroglyphs, Maya, An introduction to the study of the, (Morley) 5. > ..-4 - 2. ee pe ae: B History: Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and (Férste- mann, Schellhas, Sapper, Seler, Dieseldorff)_.._________ B Hodge, F. W. Advance pages. Dictionary of American In- dians North: oF Mexico: 25 i eee M List of publications of the Bureau of Ethnology__________ B editor. Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico__B Hoffman, W. J. The Menomini Indians___________________& A The Midé’wiwin or “grand medicine society” of the Ojibwa= 22 eee ee re ee ee ee A Holden, E. S. Studies in Central American picture-writing_A Holmes, W. H. Aboriginal pottery of the eastern United Stabes =. — 5 ea ee eee A An ancient quarry in Indian Territory___..._______-_-—_ B Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia________ A Ancient pottery of the Mississippi valley_________________. A Art in shell of the ancient Americans____________________ A A study of the textile art in its relation to the develop- ment..of form ‘and! ornament. -_ <= tee =A (collaborator.) Early man in South America____________ B Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections made by the Bureau of Ethnology during the field season of NSS oe eee eee a ee A Introduction to archeologic investigations in James and Potomac valleys (Wowke) =.=. ==. ee B Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic Cy ee ee ee A Pottery ‘of themncient Pueblos: —.- = eee 3A. Prehistoric textile art of eastern United States__________ =A Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, derived from) impressions: onuportery=—— a2 oe -A Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater provinices= +... 268 Se ee en A Textile fabrics of ancient, Perns == == Se See B The use of gold and other metals among the ancient in- habitants of Chiriqui, Isthmus of Darien-_____--______ B Honduras, northern, Mounds in (Gann)--_-_-____________ -A Hopi katcinas, drawn by native artists (Fewkes)---_-____- A See also Tusayan. Hough, Walter. Antiquities of the upper Gila-Salt valleys_B Houses and house-life of the American aborigines (Morgan)_C u, 117. Xvi, 299*. xxI, 127. 74) 5 XV, 3. vir, 148. I, 205. x. 21. VI, 3. Iv, 361. wu, 179. vi, 189. 62. aii, 427. 23. XIX, 655. xxi, 3. 35. IV. a LIST OF PUBLICATIONS HouseseNavaho, (C., Mindelett) ras + sate Seta) te A Hrdlitka, Ales. Physiological and medical observations among the Indians of southwestern United States and northern PMexiCo San sea ee ee ee eee ee ee B Skeletal remains suggesting or attributed to early man in NoriheAmeriCa= san eeaee moan oe eee eee te B Tuberculosis among certain Indian tribes of U. S__--____-- L in collaboration with Holmes, Willis, Wright, and Fenner. Harly man in) Sous AmMericdea= ee ee ee is Hudson Bay territory, Ethnology of the Ungava district (M@urner) 222 a a a eo eee A Hula, Sacred songs of the (Emerson) -_------__----_______ B Hupa language. See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). Illustrated catalogue of collections made in 1881 (Holmes)__A of collections from New Mexico and Arizona in 1879 (S:: Stevenson) Seats et oe Be oe ee ee A of collections from New Mexico in 1880 (J. Stevenson) ___A of collections from pueblos in 1881 (J. Stevenson) —--_____ A Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages (Dorsey, Gatecheb. Biggs) 222 S28 Se ee betes es A Implements, Omaha dwellings, furniture and (Dorsey )_-~-__ A Stone, of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province (ERG ENGR) Pe a = = = ee OS ea os Sees eh Sef A Indian Territory, Ancient quarry in (Holmes)_-~-__.________ B Industries ; Technology, or the science of (Powell) ------___/ A Innuit, Terms of relationship used by the (Dall)_-----_____ Cc Institutions; Sociology, or the science of (Powell) ---_---_-__£ A Instruction; Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to*giver (Powell) 22-22 See se ee ee eet A Introduction to Natick Dictionary (Hale)-~------------_____ B to the study of Indian languages (Powell) ----------_____ I to the study of mortuary customs (Yarrow)------------__ A to the study of sign language (Mallery)-------------_-_- I Troquoiasn wosmology(CHewith) 32 === "= ees A languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) ------_-_---__-___ B Lroqnois..Myihs of the)\( Smith) "5-28 oe eee A James and Potomac valleys, Archeologic investigations in (Mowke)2> ee bees ts Dan tel rite dial etl B Jemez plateau, New Mexico, Antiquities of the (Hewett)____B Jenks, Albert Ernest. Wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes_A Jones, William. See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). Justice; Sociology, or the science of activities designed for (Rowell) oo ee A Katcinas, Hopi, drawn by native artists (Fewkes)----______ A rinaivatie( Wewkes) 28 sae Se A jenthiamet texts) (Boas) ee B Kiowa Indians, Calendar history of the (Mooney) --------~- A Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon, The (Gatschet)_-_C Kwakiutl language. See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). Labrets, masks, and certain aboriginal customs (Dall) ---~-~ A La Flesche, Francis, and Fletcher, Alice C. The Omaha tribe-A xvit, 469. 34. 33. 42. 52. xI, 159. 38. Ii, 427, i, 307. i, 423. mi, 511. I, 579. xiI, 263. Xv, 3. 21. bo ape ab & TLL, xx, lix, xx, clxxi, 25. 1 and 2. 4. 3. XXI, 127, 6. OH, Av. 23. 82. xrx, 1013, me ites xxi, 3. xv, 245. 26. xvir, 129. Il. XXV XXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Land cessions, Indian, in the United States (Royce-Thomas) _A Language, volutioniof& (Powell) = == = eee A Philology, or the science of (Powell) --=22+-2__-=+_=-_ === A Languages, Indian, Handbook of (Boas, editor)_---___-_____ B Illustration of the method of recording (Dorsey, Gatschet, Riggs... tS Se eS eS A Introduction to the study of (Powell) ---------------__-_ I of Mexico and Central America (Thomas-Swanton)_—-____ B of the North American Indians, Proofsheets of a bibli- ography of they(Bllling) === se M ThesCecihaes (Dorsey, pes ee ee eee Cc See Bibliography, Dictionary. : Letters, Omaha and Ponka (Dorsey) --------_--___--_~____ B Lexicology, Comparative, of the Serian and Yuman_ lan- guages (eve w itt) sme ee Eee ee ee ee eet ees 2 A Limitations to the use of some anthropologic data (Powell)_A Linguistic families of America north of Mexico, Indian (Rowell) 22.3623) 2 Se ak ead et ee A of the Indian tribes north of Mexico (Mooney) _-------___ M See Bulletin 44. , Linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Eth- nology, CatalozueioL (Billing) === 525 = sabe ee pe eet. A Linguistic stocks north of Mexico, map of (Powell) _________ M List of publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology___B Literature of Hawaii, Unwritten (Hmerson) __ Louisiana, Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, St. Tammany parish (Bushnell) «=~ 4. 4. 5 = see ees Se eels AS aly ea B MacCauley, Clay. The Seminole Indians of Florida____.____A McGee, W J. Preface to the Pamunkey Indians of Virginia (Polland)($-.- 2. =5- eee 5 Se ere ee B Prefatory note to the Maya year (Thomas)____--________ B Primitive: mumbers==-2=—— == — = tee Se 1_ Aare ae A The Seni indians ae ee eS eee _A The Siouansindians==== ee es as eee ae A and Muniz, M. A. Primitive trephining in Peru__________ A Maidu language. See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). Mallery, Garrick. A collection of gesture signs and signals of the North American Indians, with some comparisens_M Introduction to the study of sign language among the North American Indians as illustrating the gesture speech of pnanikind)|] 2. - 322s = 5 i ae I Pictographs of the North American Indians; a preliminary DO.Ol 22205 2A a = Se ae ee ee ee ee A Picture writing of the American Indians_______-________/ A Sign language among North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and deaf-mutes________ =. Man, early, in North America, Skeletal remains of (Hydliékay)'4W _ 22 = <2==~ = 22 t SO Ee FDO _2e Ee ee B Man, Harly, in South America (Hrdli¢ka and others) _______ B Manuscripts, linguistic, in the library of the Bureau of Hth- nology, Catalogue.of: (Billing) =tss—. = eee A Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts (Thonias)': = 222522 See ee. eee ee ee ee A Xvi, 521. rus Boe p.0.0.46. <5 40. I, 579. 1 and 2. 44. 2. VI. 11. XVIII, 299*. ur Es vil, 1. “3. Tobe: 4K 24, 31, 36, 49; A XXVIII. 38. 48, v, 469. ilk 18. SEK S20 xvi, 1. XV,/ 153: XVI, 3. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Manuscript, Troano, A study of the (Thomas)____.-____.___ Cc Map of linguistic stocks north of Mexico (Powell)-_______ M Masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs (Dall)______ A Massachusetts. See Natick. Matthews, Washington. Navajo silversmiths______________ A IN@VajO) \WERVerS-2—— nen oo The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony Maya and Mexican manuscripts, Notes on certain (Thomas)_A Maya codices, Aids to the study of the (Thomas)__________ A Maya hieroglyphs, An introduction to the study of (Morley)_B Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and history (Idérste- mann, Schellhas, Sapper, Seler, Dieseldorff) __________ B calendarisystems! ((lhomas) =.= == AC Mayas, Graphic system and ancient methods of the (Brinton) _C Marya yerine (Ch ROMAS) =a sansa. Ree ee eee ee ae ee B DiyesynlvOlsson phen (homes) oo =-2 2-2 = A, Medical observations among southwestern Indians ((HindliGKal) Bee ae en ee ee B Medicine-men of the Apache, The (Bourke) -_----_________ A Menominivindians; ‘The. ((Hoffiman:)\===—-—— = A Mesa Verde National Park, Antiquities of: Cliff Palace (CLINE ARGS) eS ee SS ee eee eee B Spruce-treev House (Mewkes)=—-—- B Metals, Use of gold and other, among the ancient inhabitants OAC Hin Onins VELOMMES) == === a= = = ee ee eee B Mexican and Central American antiquities and calendar sys- LOI Si GS GIGI) ere eee reer ee eee ee eee eee B Mexican and Maya manuscripts, Notes on certain (Thomas)_A Mexico and Central America, Indian languages of (Thomas- Swanton) bee eee oe ee ee eee ea B Nimmeralisystems: Ot. (RHOMma Ss) a= 2 eee ee A Mexico. eastern, Certain antiquities of (Fewkes) ---________ A northern, Physiological and medical observations among Lheyindians ots (Hrdicke) nna a ae eee ee B Michelson, Truman. Preliminary report on the linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes____--_.-___________ A See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). Midé’wiwin or “grand medicine society” of the Ojibwa, The (Hoffman) arAL Migration traditions, Tusayan (Fewkes)—-__-_____________/ A Mindeleff, C. Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona__A Gasa (Grande, Tuin=~— = en ee ee A Cliff-ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona_________________4 A Bocalizanon of usayan! Clans === sa =e eee ee A INS aN Oar HOUSES meester eee eee ee ee, A Repairor asa Granger in) Leol wens eee eee ey \ Mindeleff, V. A study of pueblo architecture: Tusayan ANG) JOIN OLA 2 a =e ee ee ee ae ee oe A Missions, Indian, north of Mexico (Mooney) ------__-__-___ M Mississippi valley, Ancient pottery of the (Holmes) ________ A Animal carvings from mounds of the (Henshaw) -----___ 4 A Lower. Indian tribes of (Swanton) _--_--__-_-__________ B Missouri, central and southeastern, Antiquities of (Fowke)_B 20903°—28 rrH—12 22 XXVII v. 4, 7. Di Ove Ii, 167. BIG eR Ale v, 379. Egmese VI, 253. 28. XIx, 693, and SORETS v (pt. 3), xvir. 18. xvi, 199. 34. Ix, 448. xiv, 3. SL 41. 3. 28. i, 3. 44, xIx, 853. XXV, 221. 34. XXVIII, vu, 143. XIx, 573. xu, 179. XIII, 289. xvi, 73. XIX, 635. xvur, 469. Xv, 315. VIII, 3: 9: Iv, 361. x, Lf. 3T. XXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Mooney, James. Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians___A xvu, 129. Indian missions north) of Wexic0===—- == === ee M 9. Linguistic families of Indian tribes north of Mexico_____ M 3. My tbsot he tC herokees sae — ane a ee eee EWS ppg 8}; Sacred formulas of the Cherokees___--___--___--________ A vil, 301. Siouanmiribes ofethe. Wast=-- <5) == eee ee BY 22: The Ghost-dance religion, with a sketch of the Sioux out- Drealk of (1890-2 ae ee ee ee A xiv, 641. Morgan, Lewis H. Houses and house-life of the American abOriginess. 22— =) ene eee ee C iy. Morley, Sylvanus G. An introduction to the study of the I MLS ORY of nS es Oe oe SSS eae B b8. Mortuary customs, Introduction to the study of (Yarrow)--I 4. of the North American Indians (Yarrow) ~---------------- A 41,87. Mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology (Thomas)_-_A xu,3;B4. Mounds, Burial, of the northern sections of the United States: (URHOMdaS) aes—— a= a ae eee AL Vite in’ northern’ Honduras (Gann)))=-222 2 ane A XIX, 655. of the Mississippi valley, Animal carvings from (Hen- (Siti) ) She Se Eo a ee Ssee= 7 Ne saa a iG Ohio; Lhe problemvor thes (Thomas) =—— = B 8. prehistoric, east of the Rocky Mountains, Catalogue of (GAN CC rie YS) ee ae SS eS eee BY 22: Mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony (Matthews) --------- A v, 379. Muifiiz, M. A.,and McGee, W J. Primitive trephining in Peru_A xvi, 3. Murdoch, John. Ethnological results of the Point Barrow (25-9 0210 64 Ko Aen 5 ee Se ee ee eee et a AC Los editor. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson Bay uniyeeutoin, “(CUD Dye) ae a ee ee ee ae A xz, 159. Music) Chippewa (Densmore) ann ae ae ee B45. Music, Chippewa—II (Densmore) —~------------------------ B58. Muskhogean languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) ---___ BP YO: Mythology of the North American Indians (Powell) ----___- ASST, lite Myths: . ofthe Cherokee) (Mooney) === saa = =e eee SAC “XEXswe. OL thesbiaidal (CS Wanton) ae = aa ee eee By 29: OL UNE sOMWOIS STN) eee ee ee ee eee Aw, 47. of the Tlingit (Swanton) =-—-— == ee B 39. Funicreation, Outlinesiof (Cushing)|—-—= === =e A x1, 321. Natick dictionary (Trumbull), with introduction by Edward Mverett. al eas 6 ee ea ee eee B 25. IyErgrgaavard aVoy ohsteehi( (OM AY Ghote (ei fe} bi) \ ee A xvit, 469. National Monument, Arizona, visit to (Fewkes) --___---__- B. 50. Navajo ceremony, The mountain chant, a (Matthews)--_-- A v,379. Indians, Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the (J. Stevenson) ——----- = eae Ae VITT 220, Silversmiths (Matthews) =22=—=—<=———=——5—— ee eee ZAP os 1Ous weavers. (Matthews))==-22- 09 — = =——5e = a ees A «m1, 371. Nelson, E. W. The Eskimo about Bering strait___________- A xviii, 3. New Mexico, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1879: Stevenson) -=—.—- = a ee A 11, 807. in L880" (TS. Stevenson) 2 a ee A it, 423. in I88ie( J; Stevenson) io- o-oo ae ee ee ees A 111, 511. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS New Mexico—Continued. Jemez plateau, Antiquities of the (Hewett) ________________ B Rio Grande valley, The physiography of the (Hewitt, Hen- dersons and) Robbins ae Ss See Se ee B upper Gila-Salt valleys, Antiquities of the (Hough) ___-____ B Northwest, extreme, Tribes of the (Dall) ___--________________ o Notes on the natives of Alaska (Furuhelm) —~-------_________. C NamberserimitiveruUMcGee) pene = aa er ae ee A Numerals, Note on the use of, among the T’sim si-an’ (Gibbs) _.C Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America (Thomas) __.A Ofo, Biloxi-, dictionary (Dorsey-Swanton)____-___-___________ B Ohio mounds, The problem of thet (Thomas) ~--_--_--__---____ B Ohio, The circular, square, and octagonal earthworks of @ih om Ss) sass 228 Sek ae = ee i Se eee B Ojibwa, The Midé’wiwin or “grand medicine society” of thes (Elo ture) es ee ene Se ae ee A See Chippewa. Omaha and Ponkavletters! (Dorsey) ae oe ee B Omaha dwellings, furniture, and implements (Dorsey) —~_—~ A soclolopya(Dorsey)'2-- te et ee i a A izibe; Phen (nh lercher- ae hiesche))=-= ==. 5 = SIE A Opinions; Sophiology, or the science of (Powell) -----___--_-- A Oregon, northwestern, Tribes of (Gibbs) _-____--____________ Cc southwestern, The Klamath Indians of (Gatschet) ----_____ Cc Osage traditions: (Dorsey Sens ee ur Pamunkey Indians of Virginia (Pollard) _-_-__--_--________. B Pawnee ceremony, The Hako, a (A. C. Fletcher) -_---_-_--____ A Perforated stones from California (Henshaw) ~-------------- B Peru, ancient, Primitive trephining in (Mumfiz-McGee) _______- A TNextile-fabriesiof (Hoelmes)ia=2-=-2 2 == - 5 oa ee B Philology, or the science of activities designed for expres- siony(Powelll) me ee te ee See A Physiography, The, of the Rio Grande valley, N. Mex., in relation to Pueblo culture (Hewett, Henderson, and ROBDIS) So ee ee ae B Physiological and medical observations (Hrdliéka)_____-____ B Pictographs of the North American Indians (Mallery)_---~ A Picture-writing of the American Indians (Mallery) ---------- A Studies in Central American (Holden) ---_-----_-_-_---__~- A Pilling, J. C. Bibliography of the Algonquian languages____B Bibliography of the Athapascan languages_______________ B Bibliography of the Chinookan languages_____---_-______ B Bibliography of the Eskimo language____-______________- B Bibliography of the Iroquoian languages____________--_~ B Bibliography of the Muskhogean languages_________--__- B Bibliography of the Salishan languages_________________- B Bibliography of the Siouan languages__________-_______-- 3 Bibliography of the Wakashan languages________________ B Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the IRUIEeRUIGOre HIDE NOL SU ne = eee a ee ee ee eee ee A Proof sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North American Indians =——- 2) Se == an M XxXIX 35. Touts a fi Le XIx, 821, I, 155. xIx, 853. 47. 8. 10. vu, 148. ihk XIII, 263. 111, 205. XXVIII. XxX, clxxi. I, 157. Il. VI, 373. XX, CXXXIX. I, 553 XXX * BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Pima Indians, ‘Bhel (Russell) -=—— = ee eee A Pleasure; Esthetology, or the science of activities designed to. give (Powell) 242 +:i2.8225.4: 35 s4asss 2 = 0 eee A Point Barrow expedition, Ethnological results of the (Murdoch). 262s 222 255 See Ss 5 ee ee es A Pollard, §. G. Whe Pamunkey Indians of Virginia_________ B Ponka and! Omah» letters (Dorsey,)|_ 2342 =a eee B Porto Rico and _ neighboring islands, Aborigines of (Pewk@s) 24. 2c2)32 he 5 a ee ee ne So A Potomae and James valleys, Archeologic investigations in (@owke)) =25 22-35 ene ee ee ee B Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province, Stone implements of .. (Hlolmés) 2 222-- === 2-3 ee ee ee A Pottery, Aboriginal, of the eastern United States (Holmes)_A Ancient, of the Mississippi valley (Holmes) --------______/ A of the.ancient Pueblos (Holmes) 223 =— A Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, derived fromuvimpressions, on ((ELOlmesS) === ee ee ee A Pueblo, A study of, as illustrative of Zuni culture growth (Cushing); 2... 2 se ee A Powell, J. W. Esthetology, or the science of activities de- signed stosgzivenpleasure..2=".2 === ee ees A Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico____A Introduction to the study of Indian languages, with words, phrases, and sentences to be collected________-_____-__ uf Map of linguistic stocks of American Indians north of México. 20% 225-2 22) 5+ Se So aoe ee ee a ee M On, activitals similarities; -<2 22> =) Ses ae ee ee A On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data_____ A On sregimentation ac = ee ee A On the evolution of language+=_.*. 22 5 A Philology, or the science of activities designed for expres- SLOT eae a Sd og ee ee Sketch of the mythology of the Nerth American Indians__A Sociology, or the science of institutions__________________ A Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruchion:25- 28: 2 a Se ee A Technology, or the science of industries_________________- A Wyandot government: a short study of tribal society_____ A editor. Linguistics (of the tribes of California) —________ Cc Powers, Stephen. Tribes of California_______________-____ Cc Prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets (R. Fletcher)_-_C Primitive mumperss(OVicG Ce) yo aa ae eeee A Problem of the Ohio mounds, The (Thomas) —-~------------ B Proof sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North Americans indians. (ulin) ee M Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology, List of __B Pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola (V. Mindeleff)____A culture, The physiography of the Rio Grande valley, N. Mex., in relation to (Hewett and others) -_----------_- B pottery as illustrative of Zuni culture growth (Cushing) --A ruins, Two summers’ work in (IFewkes) ~---------------- A XXVI, 0. EE Lye XV, 3. Saks op Iv, 361. Iv, 257. 11, 393. tv, 467. XIX, lv. Vinal. 1 and 2. AS aie Ti, Ixv. Tepe Xv, civ. I, 1. XX, CXXxix. ivy e Xx, lix. F 3.0.6 (e1b.o-0 |e XX, XXiX. Toe 111, 439. qi. v. xix, 821. 8. pa 24, 31, 36, 49; A XXVIII. VIII, 3. 54. Iv, 467. XXII. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS Pueblos, ancient, Pottery of the (Holmes) _---_------___-_- A Quarry, Ancient, in Indian Territory (Holmes) _---------__- B RadingPanise WiheswWinnebago tribe. _-__ =... _- Bees a A Rau, Charles. Observations on cup-shaped and other lapi- darian sculptures in the Old World and in America_—____ C Rerimientaiones Powell eee ase sn — no aoe ee A Relationship, Terms of, used by the Innuit (Dall)-------_~ (0; Religion, Ghost-dance (Mooney) -_—---- Sa SS Es Sane A Religious life of the Zuni child (M. C. Stevenson) _~-_--___ A Rice gatherers of the upper lakes (Jenks) --_------__---__/ A Riggs, Stephen R. Dakota-English dictionary___--____-___-_ Cc Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography_----~--+----__- Ce Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages__A Rio Grande valley, N. Mex., The physiography of the (Hew- eft; Elenderson sand! Robbins S222 ssa eee See B Robbins, Wilfred W., and Harrington, J. P. The ethnobot- anyvoLatheslewasindians = --- 2212 2-2 = =2 2 set B and others. The physiography of the Rio Grande valley, IN exw Saw 8 Pee En ase ee oboe Sse S see sh ei. B Royce, C. C. Cessions of lands by Indian tribes to the United States: illustrated by those in the State of ARs Ga eat sh Ee ne SR Reo EE kas ey A Indian land cessions in the United States____-___________ A The:Gherokee nation of Indians — == =e ss Sale e eee A Ruin; (Casal Grandes (CC: Mindelefh)j222 eee Sats oes eee \ Repair of eine 1 891.<(@; Mind ele@fi))i= ha = eat Shee te a ys A See Twenty-eighth annual report. Ruins, Cliff, of Canyon de Chelly (C. Mindeleff)—---_________ £ A pueblo, Two summers’ work in (Fewkes) --------_--______£ A Russell rank. “hesBiman ing ian ssa ss — See ees 2 ee eA Sacred formulas of the Cherokees (Mooney )_--------_---___ A Salishan languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling)_-__-______ B Salt, upper Gila-, valleys, Antiquities of the (Hough) ----___ B Sand painting of the Navajo Indians, Mythical (J. Steven- SIT I) ee ee a A Sapper, Carl, and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar sys- TENTS eAOOMOISL OI y= 2 so Saas See eee B Schellhas, Paul, and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar SyStempsmand history. = Sos = ee B Sculptures, cup-shaped and other lapidarian, Observations On) (Rain) Bas =232252-2-5esb-b ee Se Set Cc Seler, Eduard, and others. Mexican and Central American antiquities, calendar systems, and history___-__-----__ B Seminole Indians of Florida, The (MacCauley)_--__---____ # A Serian and Yuman languages, Comparative lexicology of (Hewitt) = 22 2a eS ee en ee ee Ree 2 A Serigindians the e(McGee)2==_ oo eee eee eS A Shell, Art in, of the ancient Americans (Holmes) _------___ A Sia, The (M. GC. Stevenson) —_-_-_--____ i rs ee - /N. XV, Civ. eB ale XIV, 641. V, 533. xix, 10138. vit. iD I, 579. 54. I, 247. XVIII, 521. v, 121. XIII, 289. xv, 315. XVI, 73. 287) XXVI, 3. vil, 301. 16. 35. VIII, 229. 28. 28. We 28. v, 469. XVII, 299*, Xvi, 1. TILT os xI, 3. XXXI XXXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Sign language among North American Indians (Mallery)_-__A Introduction to the study of (Mallery)_--__________-____ I Signals, gesture-signs and, of the North American Indians (Moalllery))\2 ==" 2 — oe ee M Silversmiths Navajo (Matthews) 929 ee eee A Similarities: activital’ (Powell) * == eee A Siouan cults; Aystudy of (Dorsey) 2 eee eee A Indians bheq (McGehe 2. see eee ee A languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling)_________________ B See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). sociology (Dorsey )}=2——- ——_ + eee eee ee. ee “aA >inibestog the Hast, (Mooney) ——.- =e ee eee B Sioux outbreak of 1890 (Mooney) -—-----_-_ eee. 2 i A Skeletal remains suggesting or attributed to early man in North Americas (Hrdlitka) == see) Stee ee ern B Smith, Erminnie A. Myths of the Iroquois_______________ A Snake and Flute ceremonies, Tusayan (Fewkes)—--________ 3A: Snake ceremonies, Tusayan (Fewkes) ___--_-__-____________. A Sociology; Omaha i(Dorsey) -—__._- — ee A or the science of institutions (Powell) ---__---_-________ A Siouan (Dorsey )2—-——- <= = See eee A Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give in- struction ((Powell))=_-=-2= = ost ee Ee See ee A South America, Early man in (Hrdlitka and others)_______ B Spruce-tree House, Mesa Verde National Park (Fewkes)_--B Stevenson, James. Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the Navajo Indians_________ A Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona in 1879__________ A Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the Indians eo New Mexicoan 1880. ss ee A Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the pueblos of Zuni, New Mexico, and Wolpi, Arizona, in ASST sie Se ee eA YL ee ee Pay A Stevenson, Matilda C. The religious life of the Zuni child__A he: Sia. 7 — = See ee = a ee a es Se ee eee A The Zuni Indians, their mythology, esoteric fraternities, and. ceremonies: __-- = 5 = 5-3 ee AS Stevenson, Tilly E. See Stevenson, Matilda C. Stone art: (Kowke)=_—- ==) 8 ee ee _A Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province. (Helnes)—* -=— ee ee A Stones, Perforated, from California (Henshaw) ----------- B Studies in Central American picture-writing (Holden) _--___ A Study of Pueblo architecture, A (V. Mindeleff) ---_________ A of ‘Siouan. cults, “A. (Dorsey) = === SS ae ee ee _A of the manuscript Troano, A (Thomas) --------------___ Cc Swanton,, J. ‘R., Haida texts‘and' myths:==-=== = ===. B Indian tribes of the lower Mississippi Valley and adjacent coast, of .the Guilt. of Mexico-=- >. = ses eee B Tlingit Indians, (Phe... 2 = -- Sees eee A Tlingit. mythscand) texts =. -- =e, eee B and Dorsey, James Owen. Biloxi-Ofo dictionary________ B I, 268. 3. al U, 167. Im, Ixy. x, S5l. my, 532 5. xv, 205. 22 xiv, 641. 33. u, 47. XIx, 957. XVI, 267. m1, 250. Xx, lix. xv, 205. ».0. Talbot 52. 41. vin, 229. m1, 307. 11, 423. tm, 511. Vv, Dds. xI, 3. XXIII. XIH, 47. 43. xxv, 391. 39. 47. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS XXXII Swanton, J. R.—Continued. and Thomas, Cyrus. Indian languages of Mexico and Cen- Lief I YMG Day) CE eli ba re ey ge es i B 44. editor. Choctaw dictionary (Byington) ~-_________________ B 46. See Buletin 40 (pt. 1). Symbols, Day, of the Maya year (Thomas) ______---_______ A xvi, 199. Synonymy, Skittagetan (Henshaw) -_----_________________. M 5. Technology, or the science of industries (Powell) ___________ AP ERTS Tewa Indians, The cosmography of the (Harrington)_______ Bot ethnobotany, The, of the (Robbins-Harrington)__________ B55. ethnozoology, The, of the (Henderson-Harrington) —_______ iB “56: Textile art, Form and ornament in (Holmes)____--_________ A vi, 189. Prehistoric, of eastern United States (Holmes)___________ A xii, 3. Textile fabrics of ancient Peru (Holmes) __---_____________ lett Prehistoric, of the United States (Holmes)______________ A Ir, 393. Texts: Biloxim@(@Worsey=- Swanton) == ee Se eee ie ee ee B 47. C@HINGOKR UOT 8) ee ee ee ee 2 eee se B 20. grammar, and ethnography, Dakota (Riggs)_-___________- OP 1x, aldactone eee en eee eee B 29. Eerie tS OS pe ee ee ee iB 26, EBIIN Fite ARCOM ear ee ee ee Se B39. TE RUMIN EATS OAS) Seams ee ee ee eee et Bite Thalbitzer, William. See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). Thomas, Cyrus. Aids to the study of the Maya codices_____ AY NI, 258, AUStHOyeOr Lhe IMAnUScript ProdnOss soe - eae ee C Yy. Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United SiRTen ge eee en eee, Keane ee eee ee ASV; 3 Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the Rocky Moun- EST ETS en ee ee Se ee ee ee eee B12. Day symbolstot the: Maya years. 2 ee ee A xvi, 199. Introduction to Indian land cessions (Royce) _-----______ __ A XVIII, 521. Mayan, calendar svsStewis=-- a2) a= ee eee A xix, 693, and XXII. Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts_________ JAS OIL, 3; Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America_________ A xtx, 853. Report on the mound explorations of the Bureau of Eth- DG) Ref 4 Se eel Se eee ee ee ee ee ot A xu, 3. The circular, square, and octagonal earthworks of Ohio__-_B 10. TINE Mey ct Crk ree a ee ee ee B 18. The problem of the Ohio mounds____-------_----____-____ B 8. Work in mound exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology__B 4 and Swanton. Indian languages of Mexico and Central SSTN TN SSR a ig es ns ee B 44. Minviigindials, Tne. (SwWallOl y= ee A xxvi, 391. language. See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). INVEMS ANGsLESTS, COW ALOU) == en ee ee eS B39. Dreiditione .Osaee (IOLSCy) ea ee ee ee A vi, 373. Pistyan, mieration \uewKeS) = 228 ee an A. XIx, 678. Trephining, Prehistoric, and cranial amulets (R. Fletcher)_-C_ v. Primitive, in Peru (Mufiiz-McGee) ___---_.__-__________- A XVI, 3. Tribal society;. Wyandot government: A short study of (LEG felt) eee Bil a Oe A 1, 57. XXXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tribes, certain Indian, of the United States, Tuberculosis among (EirdliGka)— Soe = a eee ee eee B42, Tribes of Calikonminy (LOW ers) — eee ee eee (Ofraand al. of North America, with synonymy. Skittagetan family (Henshaw) 32°02 oe ee eee es eee M 5. OL, theyextreme northwest (Mall) ee ees Or erly of the lower Mississippi Valley and adjacent coast of the Gultof Mexicou(S wanton) =9a see een a eee TSOP SF of western Washington and northwestern Oregon (Gibbs)_C_ 1, 157. Troano manuscript, A study of the (Thomas)_______________ Gew. Trambull, JH Natick dictionary. = ses a IBig25, Tsimshian language. See Bulletin 40 (pt. 1). Texts; i(Boasi-- 2 oe ee SE ee ee ee ee es Baie T’sim si-an’, Note on the use of numerals among the (Gibbs)_C_ 1, 155. Tuberculosis among certain Indian tribes of U.S. (Hrdlitka)_B 42. Turner, Lucien M. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hud- SOn Bay CCLrilOnY=. == st = eee ee ee ee ae eee A . xi, 159. Tusayan and Cibola, architecture of (V. Mindeleff) -______ A viii, 3. Tusayan clans, Localization of (C. Mindeleff)______________ A XIX, 635. Flute and Snake ceremonies (Fewkes)_-_________________! A.) SI 957. kateinas! ((NewRes) =o -- 2a. ee sae AN RV OA migration traditions, (Mewes) == ss-2 = 2-2) See ee A xix, 573. Snake ceremonies. (Hewkes) see see ay A xvi, 267. Ungava district, Ethnology of the (Turner)-_-_____________A xz, 159. Upper lakes, Wild-rice gatherers of the (Jenks)___________. AL xx, POU. Verde (upper) river and Walnut creek valleys, Arizona, Antiquities o£ ((Mevwikes)/=—2 2 23.2 = AL SXVITE Verde valley, Aboriginal remains in (C. Mindeleff)________z A xr, 179. Virginia, The Pamunkey Indians of (Pollard)_-_--_______ Belts Vocabularies of tribes of the extreme’ northwest ( Gibbs- 10 Et) ) ee ee ee eee ee (Gh vipa See Bibliography ; Dictionary; Languages; Linguistic. Wakashan Janguages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) --______ Lyall), Walnut creek and upper Verde river valleys, Arizona, Antiquitieswot (GNewkes)=ao- == — ene ee ee A XXVIII. Washington, western, Tribes of (Gibbs)_.________________ (Gag ala Weavers; Navajo “(@atthews)/ 2222-5222 ee See ey Ay Tit. oils Welfare; Technology, or the science of activities designed LOT CROW ELI) ee Bee Ky ee re See ee eee AY eX SRK West Indies. See Porto Rico. Wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes (Jenks) ___________ A xix, 1013, Willis, Bailey (collaborator). Early man in South America_B 52. Winnebago tribe: The? (Radin) Sean a ee eee ING po.40-4 Winship, G. P. The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542________: AV SV oo. Wolpi, Arizona, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1881 "Gh Stevenson))\ 2 = SPE = Ber a eee A 11, 511. Wright, Fred EB. (collaborator). Early man in South Amer- ica see ee ee ee B p2. Wyandot government: A short study of tribal society (Powells 22s 6 Se oe eee ae ee ee eed A I, 57. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS XXXV Yarrow, H. C. A further contribution to the study of the mortuary customs of the North American Indians______ AY i, ST. Introduction to the study of mortuary customs among the NoriheAmeriqungindians=: === Sens. =e ae ita: Yuman and Serian languages, Comparative lexicology of GRE Witt) aa eee eee oe ee ae A XVII, 299*. Zuni child, The religious life of the (T. E. Stevenson) _-_-_~ AY, 5383. creation myths, Outlines of (Cushing) ~-__---_---.---_--_ AP Sump o2t: culture growth, Pueblo pottery as illustrative of (Cush- UTE) ee a ee ae ee ee ee ee A tv, 467. fetches: (CHshin’) Sees = ea anna eee eee AS Ae Sy Ani indanssiGVEs@s Stevenson) -2--- ==. === ane ae A EXT, Zuni, New Mexico, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, inGLSsi. (I; Stevenson)))=— = 22 == = S523 2 = ee PX aia aps See Cibola; Coronado. 4 Agi ee an 7 saares #04 by ‘Wi