i ae Seay eves *: o. er in oe TAREE Ra ata AYES TR MN ees eaeee Sain) we ee ie) Deere. we shes Warece are ara de bon " iM Coo a Rs Paine Chas is tree ¥ +a nA aN kn) ae rt ce ae. x . as ei BoeM Wk iey : rea ae! ; : baie Sachs eas ; "Siceareswareanss Don) : , ‘ ren ies ee ee ts ae Re ewes ou Op a Bry Aaa ti y i eies , : tees As brew Sieve : ‘s : As * . "1 : ¥ Oo i ¥ : Se ee . a hd ae f “ ’ . . ti Adee, hae i oa . ee ; e CCA pe teen als oe : ‘ ; \ , ; cenew ved . ; : ; : : - v : : } a tary es - ‘ are remnanteans Sone cesetarae SES ai ateraeacad : 5 eee : - “ aie ay . Lite Veceu cree PA ee eI) Were) pos rae ee o rant : hy ee acd, ; : meen eet. teehee eee PRO y SoTL! Vie Ve veer es ey ws a) oy Wakieees 5% . er tees ‘ ate a * % a Ag Bene + Pen eo eey Corte ae . tealcat at be Ks Pah es ace ices ai *; oe peers Pt ee tts pe af. Eaten SRAAM peed ypaakee yo se * Aecy ee ie. ineaye OE Peet eny 4 maleeala Pais iS eed 2 : ni BA ana Se Veduae Pore ar 5 re hiyey ys eae Fae pete PRE OU 5 . 4 : at RRADAS AC eet ah) irene ree ? 4 ee TRE \tseer, LR é * Ae hie dtaieden Surany tig ate i yey alea ea aens Ret PED) BAAS Crs P9408 Ltd Ata ES oorays ae « « Cyt a aac ee a Y ae ve ne Ay; Io tiatek eens tbot elena 4 wy Ved eerng be Ceadad fae ent Si etd a-t-o ot Disa era Tree Cee ras ae RET ETERS bas at v tis ath ieee SO One ei e eh) Scie re Veco aah oe ee MP Ket y See Sve a bY AOUERY ipa ee aye sed at ad : Peas weve ion Seo) mere eee Bad esEdebep ceaiaccce smosanbaccscasé 77 Classification of masks--.-...-- ddisdanisdeoset se Sabi seccias Coes ee oH Oe eee eee 93 On the practice of preserving the whole or part of the human head-..-......--. 94 Onitherdisinibutionof masks esses soot eee aeen eee see eee eee 98 Masksote the South) Se aiea aq tote 2 aon a salsa atin ae eee 98 NGAGE 122) HEE Sees RO SeOU Cana aero ODSoSeb aRBEe ESOS Bodoce osecesoscssiese 103 Masksiof (Central, America: and Mexico =-ce teem = cee aeete eee ear 104 Masksof New Mexicorand “Avizonaee-)~ ieee 2 oe eae eee eee 105 Masks of Northwest American Indians ....-. --..---..---------------~--- 106 Mlinkitiand Haldamask6esc- oc sssecrieesscass cect ae le eee eee ea 110 Masks of the Innuit, north to the Arctic Ocean ....-----.-------------------- 121 Innwit/of Prince William Sound esse ee sees sae oe ee ie eee are 124 Innuitiof Kadiak Island ii-- 2-)2ccciececae ese ci oS - ee cccee cece eee eee es 128 Imniit/ of Kes ko kewal mghhvere= tess sieeeistse es sttee == ele alee ne ere 129 Innuit of Norton Sound and the Yukon Delta....--..---..---.----..----. 132 InnnitloteBerin oy Sclalieseekesaeeeteneseeee tea ese nee eee eee e etal 135 Innwitioheomtibarrows Arctic Ocean eeaeeceseeenee a= Se eee ee ne seanee 136 Maskstofithe Unun otinior Aleutsasss eee eee seen eee oleae ate eee 137 Masks’of the Iroquois(supplemental) 22. - >) sos - enon ee mtecie Sayer see lee eee 144 Summary and ‘speculations=:-----s+sse-n = asels- 2 else eels ee eee eee ano) Platesiand:explanatione:-- 95-2 oe nee ne nee sates eae oe ee eee eee 153 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY, BY J. OWEN DORSEY. CHAPTER T.—Introductionsses-- = eee secon fare cee neces een eee eee ee Seer 211 Harlymigrations\of the erihajtribeseseseeeee sees see see eee see nee 211 Subsequent migrations of the Omahas -.............-..-...---.-. ----.--- 213 Present state.of the\Omahas=.----+~-s---------<2s=--s-eseeee eee ae eeeee 214 CHAPTER TL: —Thoe States cise ceo so acciss secs since nostic EOE Ree eer ee 215 Differentiation of organs in the State.....-......---.---- ----------+----- 215 State classes’... a6 .5c0 case selecoeess cencsaas ons Seer nee eae eee Seeeramee 216 Corporations 3.5 =-/52506 cwcees OsSoen Goes aos se mesees Mase eeee on ease meee 216 CHAPTER [ll.—Tho Gentilesystemt.sen-.- 5-5 ce. n sneer eee eee Ee eee aes 219 ‘Lribalicincles*ss-cs-ce tesa seeaelse cancels See eee ne eee mee reaeenee 219 The\Omaha tribal circle=s--)..42 =. 4s2oet ee etese cere ae ee eee seen =eenee ee 219 The sacred tents). --22s2cs---o se setecccewee so nteseeeesees Sac eeeleesietascees 221 Thejsacred pipes <.'2-.- seen ona oe eee ese see eee eee SeHO HOSE eden oouECS 221 Law of: membership... 52s. sc cere nas geee soles ones ee ae een ese eo eeneeeee 225 The: Wejizcteror Blk gens: -oseece se teoee essen eeeeies tose eee eens 225 The Inke-sabé; or Black shoulder pensSte-o- = eoeeles ase ese eersee eee 228 Mt) s Bethel opceme pos oaeccs panoce cocquEcooSs CoNsedSoneet cdeacs SoswEC 233 The Gatada, gens’. cc. es coe oe eee 236 The Ya zo Pens:. - 2s )a.ccecs cnc ns eccise ses eee ee ce eae eee eee eee ea 241 The Matéinka-gaxejgens'---- 222-62 cease en eter eee e eee eee eaten 242 The ye-sinde: cong... 5.2 seas. co seee ee ee teoee eae eer eee eee 244 The ,a-da or Deer-head gens. -..).01 ssecleseo as eenese ee ceee ee eeeee tees 245 CONTENTS. VII Page CuHaptTer III.—The Gentile system—Continued. The Ing¢e-jide gens .--. .----------------- ------ = 22-2 -+ eens reer eee 247 The Ictasanda gens -----. ---- ---------------------+----+-+--+--- SSEEEOC 248 Cuartrer IV.—The kinship system and marriage laws-.----------------------- 252 Classes of kinship .-----.----------- ------ -----+ --- ++ so 2-02 2-2-2 eee 252 Marriage laws ..--------------- -----+ e2- 22+ eee eee eee ee een eee ee 255 CHAPTER V.—Domestic life .----. -.-...-. ---- ---- ---- -- = oo = ene eee -- 259 Courtship and marriage customs .-..-..-.--------------------------+----- 259 Domestic etiquette—bashfulness....-...---------+ ---- +--+ +--+ +--+ --+---- 262 Pregnancy .-.- ------ ---- 22 nee ne we ee nee cerns coe erent nen - 263 @hildren see eee see aoa seas se eae e enn eineemecisers psiemmml<=i-'—Slell Deas wLOMNESSGO as) =5> =. s1-scceciasasectec ses cock ences ae 462 139.—Earthen vessel, Tennessee ........-.-.---. ------ .0---- eee eee 464 140-141.—Shell ornaments, Tennessee ......-....----.------------------ 466 142.—Stone implement, Arkansas .... ..-..----2 sseces ence eee ne oes 70 >, XII _ ILLUSTRATIONS. ; Page. Figure 143-150.—Earthen vessels, Arkansas...-.--.------ Be etewere aortas 471-476 151.—Stone implement, Arkansas.....-------------- Tae eee 477 152-171.—Earthen vessels, Arkansas..-..--.---.------------------ 478-489 172.—Method of plaiting sandals-.----..-----.----------------- ‘A983 i73)—=Methodtof plaiting at esas e sates) ee ee 493 174-197.—Earthen vessels, Missouri..-...-------- ete ean eee - 495-506 198:—Woooden mask, Peru. -.-----2-2---se-erncee -- --cecieoss oeseee aeeinenee laren 510 200!—Coppen fish-hooks, Peruess=\ sees. sees eae ase eeeeanee 510 THIRD ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. BY J. W. POWELL, DIRECTOR. INTRODUCTORY. Researches among the North American Indians, as directed by act of Congress, have been diligently prosecuted during the fiscal year 188182. Operations have been continued on the plan’established in previous years, which may be briefly set forth as follows: First. The direct employment of scholars and specialists to conduct investigations and prepare the results for publication. The names of those so employed, with notice of the special line of work in which each one is engaged, will appear under the several headings of this report. Second. The stimulation and guidance of research by col- laborators who voluntarily contribute the results of their work for publication or other use. This collaboration has been ob- tained by wide and gratuitous circulation of all the publica- tions of the Bureau, and by instituting correspondence with many persons whose abilities and opportunities appeared to render it desirable. Such contributions are again invited, and will always be thankfully acknowledged. When in the shape of material objects they will be deposited in the National Mu- seum, and the depositors will receive acknowledgment there- from. The work of the Bureau during the year may be conven- iently divided into (1) Publications, (2) Field work, (3) Office work. The last class of work, however, is not independent of xu XIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR field work, but supplementary to it, being the study, compila- tion, and arrangement of material obtained in the field, with such additions as can be procured from literature and corre- spondence, and with the preparation of requisite illustrations. PUBLICATIONS. Three papers were published during the year, in the order given below. A small edition of each was issued separately, but the main publication comprised the three papers together (separate paginations being preserved) as Volume V, ‘‘Con- tributions to North American Ethnology,” a quarto volume of 421 pages, exclusive of 53 full-page plates, and containing 105 illustrations in the text. OBSERVATIONS ON CUP-SHAPED AND OTHER LAPIDA- RIAN SCULPTURES, BY CHARLES RAU. Dr. Charles Rau is well known to the scientific world as Curator of the Department of Archeology in the Smithsonian Institution, and as the author of several standard works in the branch of study to which he has long been devoted. His present paper discusses a remarkable and widely distributed class of ancient sculptured objects, called by the French pierres @ écuelles, and by the Germans Schalensteine, to which he has applied the English term ‘‘cup-stones.” They may be described as stones or rocks in which cup-shaped cavities, vary- ing in size, number, and arrangement, have been made by the hand of man. They are often associated with engraved fig- ures of a different character. A point of much interest re- garding them is that they are found in the United States and in other parts of the Western hemisphere, in form and under conditions analogous to those long known in the Eastern con- tinent as subjects of antiquarian research affording little sat- isfactory result. This is an additional example of the many similarities in prehistoric practices between the Old World and the New from which diverse theories are deduced. Dr. Rau has described and analyzed, with acumen and eru- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLUGY. XV dition, the whole sum of present knowledge concerning these enigmatical inscriptions of antiquity and the objects related to them, presenting in orderly arrangement a mass of valuable information never before collected. His suggestions toward a solution of the problem are cautious and judicious. ON PREHISTORIC TREPHINING AND CRANIAL AMULETS, BY ROBERT FLETCHER, M. R.C. S.ENG., ACT. ASST. SUR- GEON, U.S. ARMY. The subject of this paper is a problem which has occupied physiologists and anthropologists for a number of years. Hu- man skulls of the neolithic age have been discovered in dol- mens and other ancient depositories, with portions removed showing such evidence of natural cicatrization as to prove that the operation of trephining was performed during life and some- times has ended many years before death. Also separated por- tions of such skulls adjoining a segment of the original aper- ture were found, named from their form rondelles, and later considered to be amulets. This latter practice has been termed posthumous trephining. Dr. Fletcher contributes an exhaustive review of the whole evidence on the subject, together with an examination of the theories entertained and the method of trephining practiced in modern times by uncivilized tribes. He presents, as his own deduction from the evidence, the theory that the object of pre- historic trephining was to relieve disease of the brain, injury of the skull, epilepsy, or convulsions, and that it was performed by scraping. A remarkable confirmation of his views has been made known since the publication of his paper by the mention in “Samoa” by George Turner, LL. D. [London, 1884], of the practice as existing but a few years ago in the group of volcanic islands in Central Polynesia long known as Navi- gator’s Islands, but correctly termed Samoa. The operation there was to slip up and fold over the scalp, and to scrape the cranial bone with a fine-edged shell until the dura mater was reached. Very little blood was allowed to escape. In some cases the aperture was covered over with a thin piece of cocoanut shell; in other cases the incised scalp was simply XVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR replaced. This practice by the present generation of what was evidently that of the neolithic age was for the same pur- pose as suggested by Dr. Fletcher, viz, to relieve pain in the head. The “cure” was death to some, but most of the sub- jects recovered. The precise operation of trephining has not been found to be practiced among the tribes of North Amer- ica; but they very generally searify or otherwise wound parts of the body where pain is seated, or supposed to be. Their philosophy of pain is, that it is an evil spirit which they must let out. The early writers, who believed in the benefits of phlebotomy more than is now the custom, gave much credit to the Indians for this practice. It was to them one of the proofs of the advance of American natives in medical and surgical science, which was admitted while knowledge in most other branches was denied. A suggestion occurs that the custom of cutting of the breast, arms, and some other parts of the body, at the mourning ceremonies of Indians, as of other peoples, may have originated in the idea of letting grief, the pain of sorrow, out of the mourner. A STUDY OF THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO, BY C. THOMAS, PH. D., WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY D. G. BRINTON, M. D. The manuscript, or codex, styled Troano, sometimes more simply Tro, was found at Madrid in 1864, in the possession of Don Juan de Tro y Ortolano, Professor of Paleography and a descendant of Hernan Cortez. It was recognized by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, after his return from Yucatan, as a spec- imen of the graphic system of the Mayas, and was named by compounding the two names of its owner. It is written on a long strip of maguey paper folded fan-like, forming thirty-five leaves, written on both sides, making seventy pages, and is universally admitted to be a valuable record of the ancient cult- ure of Yucatan. Its full interpretation would probably repro- duce much of the arts, social life, and philosophy of a people for which all Americans must entertain deep interest, and the successful act of interpretation would elucidate points of impor- tance in the evolution of written language. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XVII The introduction to the paper, by the distinguished anthro- pologist Dr. Daniel G. Brinton, is a perspicuous summary of the amount of knowledge upon the graphic system and ancient records of the Mayas existing prior to the publication of Pro- fessor Thomas’s paper. The latter work exhibits admirable industry and felicitous sagacity, bringing to light many im- pressive details in addition to his general conclusions, the most important of which are as follows: That the work was intended chiefly as a ritual or religious calendar to guide the priests in the observance of religious festivals, and in their numerous ceremonies and other duties. That the figures in the spaces are in some cases symbolical, in others simply pictographic, and, in quite a number, refer to religious ceremonies; but that in many instances they relate to the habits, customs, and occupations of the people. That the work appertained to and was prepared for a people living in the interior of the country, away from the sea-shore. That the people of the section where it was prepared were peaceable and sedentary, supporting themselves chiefly on agricultural products, though relying upon gins and traps and the chase to supply them with animal food. That the execution and character of the work itself, as well as its contents, bear testimony that the people were com- paratively well advanced in the arts of barbaric life. But there is nothing to warrant the glowing descriptions of their refinement and general culture given by some of the earlier as well as more modern writers. They correspond with what might be inferred from the architectural remains in some parts of Yucatan. That the characters, while to a certain extent phonetic, are not true alphabetic signs, but syllabic. Some appear to be ideographic, and others simply abbreviated pictorial repre- sentations of objects. They seem, in their several elements to represent different stages of the growth of picture writing into alphabetic writing. That the work (the original, if the one now in existence be a copy) was probably written about the middle or in the later half of the fourteenth century. 3 ETH—II XVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR FIELD-WORK. WORK OF MR. CUSHING. In the early summer of 1881, Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing carried on, under increasing facilities, investigations into the home life of the Zunis, mentioned in the second annual report of this Bureau, and prepared to visit the little-known, isolated, and semi-hostile tribe heretofore vaguely mentioned as the Cogo- ninos. He was anxious to investigate the relationship mutually claimed between these Indians and the Zunis, and thus, if pos- sible, to supplement his researches among the latter. He was furnished by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. 8. A., surgeon at Fort Wingate, New Mexico, with means, which had failed to reach him in time, and by General L. P. Bradley, U.S. A, commanding that post, with two pack mules and appurtenances. He secured the services as guide of a Zuni Indian named T'saf-iu-tsaih-ti-wa, who had before visited the country of the Coconinos, and was accompanied by Tits-ke-mat-se, a Chey- enne Indian, who had been sent by Professor Baird, secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, as an assistant. The party proceeded at once across the country to Moki. At the pueblo of Te-wa Mr. Cushing also secured an interpreter and addi- tional guide, a native trader named Pu-la-ka-kai, who was familiar with the Zuni language. After a journey of about one hundred miles the great Canon of Cataract Creek was reached, and proceeding twenty miles down the trail leading through that canon, the party arrived at the village of the Coconinos, less than seven miles due south from the Grand Canon of the Colorado, and more than three thousand feet below the level of the sur- rounding plains. Here were found about thirty huts, occupied by two hundred and thirty-five Indians—men, women, and children. This is probably the village from which smoke was seen by the daring surgeon of the Ives Expedition, who nearly lost his life in an endeavor to penetrate the canon. Aside from mention given by the latter in his report, the exact site of the habitations of the Coconinos had never been officially stated. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XIX During the four days Mr. Cushing was able to pass among the Cogoninos, who call themselves Ha-va-su-pai, ‘People of the willows,” he collected a vocabulary of more than four hundred words, recorded some of the myths of the tribe, and succeeded in securing valuable notes regarding the manners, customs, in- dustries, and religion of these people. Dispatching his Moki and Zuni Indians back to their respective pueblos, he proceeded with Tits-ke-mat-se, in company with a prospector named Harvey Sample, as guide, to Fort Whipple, Arizona. Here he was kindly received and greatly aided in the investigations of ancient ruins in the neighborhood of Prescott and Fort Verde, by General O. B. Willcox, U.S. A., and officers of his com- mand, particularly Lieutenant W. W. Wotherspoon. Between Camp Huéa-la-pai (Walapai), in Western Arizona, and the cliff ruins of the Rio Verde, he discovered a remarka- ble series of mesa strongholds, exhibiting a crude form of what he regarded as incipient Pueblo architecture. Mr. Cushing had long been desirous of entering the Order of the Bow, a remarkable esoteric and religious organization of warriors among the Zunis, with the object of increasing his opportunities of research. After his return to Zuni from the trip above described he was for the first time able to make the preliminary arrangements necessary for his initiation, and was admitted to membership in this society. His initiation and its consequent immediate advantages enabled him to ascertain that he had but made a beginning in the study of the native religious institutions. He was soon after elected, by virtue of his membership, Assistant Chief to the Governor, or Head Chief of Zuni, which election was followed within a few months by nomination and subsequent confirmation to the Head War Chieftaincy of the tribe. In order that he might study the dance societies, or Ka/-ka, of the Zuniis, it became necessary for him either to marry into the tribe or to perform some service to the Indians which should increase their faith in him and exalt their opinion of him. He determined, therefore, to effect, if possible, a tour through the Kast with some of the principal chiefs and priests of the tribe, especially as the latter were desirous of securing sacred water xXx ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR from the Atlantic Ocean, or the ““Ocean of Sunrise”; and they promised him, through their influence in the Ka’-ka, admission to it, could he realize for them this desire. Receiving the con- sent and co-operation of the Director of the Bureau, he started with a delegation of six of the Indians for Washington, where he arrived on the 28th of February, 1882. After spending a few days in Washington, he took the delegation to the shore of the Atlantic, near Boston, where ceremonies were performed re- counted elsewhere in detail. The devotion, energy, and tact exhibited by Mr. Cushing during his researches among the Zunis, extending over several years, have been fruitful in contributions to ethnologic science, some of which have already been published, but much more remains for future presentation. WORK OF MR. STEVENSON. During the field season of 1881 a party in charge of Mr. James Stevenson was directed to continue ethnologic and ar- chexologic researches among the Pueblo Indian tribes and the ancient ruins of Arizona and New Mexico, the Pueblo of Zuni and the Moki tribes of Arizona being the designated fields of operation. The large quantities of valuable material, both ancient and modern, possessed by the Pueblo tribes made it important that the work of collecting should be prosecuted energetically, in order to secure as much as possible before the objects should be carried away by visitors and speculators, who, since railroads make the region accessible, are frequently visit- ing that country. The party spent about two months at Zuni, after which it proceeded to the Moki Pueblos, constituting the ancient prov- ince of Tusayan, in Northeastern Arizona, remaining there one month. The collection from the Moki Pueblos is especially valuable, as but few specimens had been secured from these tribes except those collected by the Director of the Bureau many years before, during his explorations of the Colorado River of the West ; Among them are some beautiful vases elaborately decorated with unknown designs, and of forms and structure differing OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XxI from any hitherto found. The tribes from which they were obtained had no knowledge of the origin of these vases, but they were in all probability made by the people who resided in a village of considerable size, about 12 miles east of Moki, called by the Navajos Tally-hogan, or singing houses. It is probable that some of these people have been absorbed in the Tusayan villages. An examination’ of this village, which is now in ruins, revealed immense quantities of fragments of pot- tery, on all of which were designs and figures similar to those on the ancient vessels of the Moki, above referred to. The amount of material secured from Moki is about 12,000 pounds, and that from Zuni 21,000 pounds. Both of these collections have been deposited in the National Museum. The value and variety of the objects collected in Zuni and the Moki Pueblos appear so clearly in the illustrated and de- scriptive catalogues of them forming part of the Second Annual Report, and of the present volume, that they need not be spe- cially recapitulated in this place. The Director desires to renew the expression heretofore made of his appreciation of the industry and skill shown by Mr. Stevenson in securing these exhaustive and valuable collections. WORK OF MR. VICTOR MINDELEFF. ° Mr. Victor Mindeleff, with several assistants, completed a survey of Zuni for the purpose of constructing a model of this village on a scale of one-sixtieth. ‘The model was subsequently completed, and is now on exhibition in the National Museum. The area covered by Zuni is 1,200 by 600 feet, not including the goat and sheep corrals and gardens, which occupy a much larger area. The model, however, illustrates all those features. The preparation of this model by Mr. Mindeleff required much labor and skill. It is executed in papier maché, and presents the true colors of the village as well as of all the details. WORK OF MR. HILLERS. During the season, Mr. J. K. Hillers, the accomplished and skillful photographer of the Geological Survey, in addition to XXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR the geographic and geologic illustrations made by him, se- cured a large number of photographic views of all the Moki villages and of Zuni, as well as of several ruins in the region surrounding them, among which are character sketches of the people, interiors of their houses, eagle pens, corrals, portraits of men, women and children, many views of the people while in the act of baking pottery, drying meat, dancing, ete. This work will be continued. WORK OF MR. GATSCHET. In November of 1881, Mr. Albert S. Gatschet repaired to South Carolina to investigate the Katiba Indians settled on the river of the same name, in York County. They live in the woods, eight miles south of a place called Rock Hill (rail- road station), on a reservation of one square mile. The Ka- taba Indians resident there number 85, and thirty to forty live in the neighborhood, working for farmers, and a few also have joined the Mountain Cherokees in Graham County, North Caro- lina. The large majority of these Indians are mixed bloods, and it is doubted whether there are more than seven full bloods left. They seem to have forgotten much that pertains to their for- mer customs, traditions, beliefs, and superstitions, and are igno- rant of their history, which was one of the most creditable and glorious. Mr. Gatschet gathered texts, sentences, and about fifteen hundred terms of their vocalic language, which they speak unmixed with foreign elements. Only about twenty Ka- tibas still speak the language. The Chata, which he visited subsequently at New Orleans, Louisiana, and on the north side of Lake Pontchartrain, are poor, shy, and bashful; live off their vegetable products, which they sell at the French market at New Orleans. They seem to have been reduced to this condition by the raids made upon them during the last war, by which their settlements north of Lake Pontchartrain were broken up. As soon as it was perceived that their dialect differed in grammar and pronunciation from the one spoken by the Chata in the Indian Territory, Mr. Gat- schet concluded to gather as many as possible of their words and sentences (texts were not obtainable), although their utter- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXIII ance made it exceedingly difficult to obtain material of per- manent value. The Shetimasha Indians of Saint Mary’s Parish, on Bayou Téche, Louisiana, whom he visited afterwards, live at Charen- ton. They number 35, while 18 others live in the woods north of Grand Lake, or Lake of the Shetimashas, as anciently called. These Indians are, except five or six, all mixed bloods, speak the Creole French, are gay, kind, and amiable to strangers, cultivate small farms, help in cultivating the sugar fields, and in winter remove cypress trees from the flooded swamps. Like the Kataba, they speak their language with considerable pur- ity, and circumstances favored the obtaining of ethnologic texts. The phrases, sentences, and terms gathered in Shetima- sha, where a stay of two weeks was made, amount to nearly two thousand. A search for the historical Atakapas, Adayes, and Taénsas throughout Louisiana was not attended with any results. WORK OF MRS. ERMINNIE A. SMITH. Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith continued her Iroquoian investiga- tions, first visiting the Onondaga Reservation in New York State, and there filling a chrestomathy on the Onondaga dia- lect, and collecting folk-lore. Later she visited the Six Nations Reserve upon the Grand River in Canada, collecting folk-lore and comparing the dialects. WORK OF DR. W. J. HOFFMAN. Dr. W. J. Hoffman prosecuted investigations in gesture- language and pictographs among the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara Indians living at Fort Berthold, Dakota. Similar in- formation was also obtained from Indians visiting that locality, prominent among which were Dakota, Pani, Absaroka, or Crows, Blackfeet (Satsika), and Ojibwa. On the return journey a small delegation of Dakota Indians from the southern part of Dakota was met at Mendota, Minn., from whom similar in- formation was obtained. The material collected consisted chiefly of extensive lists of gesture-signs, both those peculiar XXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR to individual tribes and those in common use between the several tribes mentioned; vocabularies of the languages with special reference to the subject of gestures; signals, and picto- graphs, with interpretations ; mnemonic characters and marks of personal distinction worn upon the person of the individual or upon personal property. A topographic map was also made of the Indian village, showing the relative locations of the modern dwellings and the earth lodges, as well as the portions of the village now occupied by the several tribes mentioned. EXPLORATIONS IN MOUNDS. The act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1882, directed that five thousand dollars of the appropriation made for the purpose of continuing ethnologic researches among the North American Indians should be expended in continuing archeeologic investigations relating to mound builders and pre- historic mounds. In accordance with this direction investiga- tions were made as follows: - In Tennessee and Arkansas, by Dr. Edward Palmer. A large collection was received from him containing some ex- tremely rare and even unique objects. In West Virginia and adjacent portions of Eastern Ohio, by Dr. W. DeHass. In Tennessee, by Mr. W. J. Taylor, who has furnished a num- ber of specimens similar in character to those of Dr. Palmer. In Florida, by Mr. 8. T. Walker. His collections show some peculiarities in the contents of prehistoric mounds and graves in that State as compared with those of Tennessee and Ar- kansas. A detailed statement of the collection obtained from the mounds, in connection with other objects received during the year, appears in the illustrated catalogue prepared by Mr. W. H. Holmes, and published in the present volume. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXV OFFICE WORK. Mr. Aupert S. Gatscuer was engaged during the early part of the year in carrying through the press Part I of the Diction- ary of the Klamath Language, in which he had before been occupied. After this he was for several months at work in the collection of new material for the synonymy of the Indian tribes of North America. In this undertaking the tribes of the Mexican States have not been included, with the exception of those which serve to complete a linguistic stock, a large por- tion of which is embraced within the territory of the United States, e. g., the tribes of the Californian Peninsula and of por- tions of the State of Sonora, Mexico (Yuman); the Apache (Athabascan) and those which may be ascertained to belong to the Coahuiltecan stock, probably extending into Texas. The tribes of British America were included, because a great portion of them extend into, or have representation in the ter- ritory of the United States, e. g., the Eskimauan, Siouan, Ath- abascan, Algonkian, Wakashan, Salishan, and Kitunahan. After his return from field work, Mr. Gatschet transliterated the four hundred Cheroki words obtained by him on the Ka- taba Reservation, and translated the Shetimasha material ob- tained in French. He then resumed work upon the Klamath Dictionary, Part I, one-half of which was completed at the end of the year. When completed, his material will form Vol. II of the series entitled Contributions to North American Eth- nology. Rey. J. Owen Dorsey was engaged from July, 1881, to May, 1882, in preparing a manuscript of (Jegiha Myths, Stories, and Letters for the press, amounting to 544 quarto pages in type and stereotyped, to form Vol. VI of the above series. He was also engaged in reading proof of the Rev. 8. R. Riggs’s Dakota Dictionary, making corrections and inserting cross-references and synonyms, to form Vol. VII of the series. He also examined the census schedules of the following tribes: Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansas, Iowa, and Oto, revis- ing the spelling as well as the translations of the Indian names. XXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR He collected vocabularies of the Pani, Arikara, Kaddo, Kichai, and Wichita languages, to be used by the Director for compari- son purposes. He obtained the gentes of the Kaddo and Wichita, and the gentes, subgentes, and phratries of the Iowa tribe. During the month of May, 1882, he was engaged in the pre- paration of a paper on Omaha Sociology, which appears in the present volume. Mr. J.C. Pruuixe continued the compilation of the Bibliog- raphy of North American Languages during the fiscal year, on the plan outlined in former reports, giving to it such time as could be spared from his regular administrative work. Brief visits to some of the prominent libraries of New York and New England were made during the month of July, and again late in the fall, and much new material was collected. In October the first “copy” was sent to the printer, and in December type-setting was begun. The proof-reading of such matter is necessarily slow, and at the close of the fiscal year but 128 pages had been received. So far as possible these proof-sheets were submitted to the prominent workers in Indian languages in this country, and many additions and corrections were re- ceived from these sources. Brever Lieut. Cou. Garrick Mauiery, U. 8. Army, contin- ued researches into gesture-Janguage among the tribes of North America with verifications and corrections of material previ- ously collected from them and additions to it. The result indi- cated is, that while one system of gesture-speech has long existed among the Indians, it is not to be regarded as one formal or absolute language, several groups with their centers of origin being disclosed. In regard to diversity the gesture- signs of speaking men are found to correspond with those of deaf mutes. Not only do many of the particular signs of deaf mutes in America differ from those used with the same signifi- cation in some countries of Europe, but a similar disagreement is observed among the several institutions for deaf mute in- struction in the United States. When the diverse signs are purely ideographic they are, however, intelligible to all per- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXVII sons familiar with the principles of sign expression, but when, as often occurs, they are conventional, they cannot be under- stood without the aid of the context or without knowledge of the convention. The instances of diversity among the Indian signs are so numerous that a vocabulary would be insufficient and misleading if it was confined to the presentation of a single sign for each of the several objects or ideas to be ex- pressed and did not supply variants and designation of the several groups of tribes using them. There being no single absolute language, each of the several forms of expression resembling dialects has an equal right to consideration, and without this comprehensive treatment a vocabulary must either be limited to a single dialect, or become the glossary of a jargon. For this reason the collection of the gesture-signs of the Indians for scientific investigation involves many minute details and requires much time. The frequent presence of delegations of Indian tribes in Washington has been of great value to supplement field-work in the study of their signs. During the year a large collec- tion of gesture-signs was obtained from Pani, Ponka, and Dakota Indians who visited the seat of government on busi- ness connected with their reservations, by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, who has assisted Colonel Mallery in the whole of this branch of study. Special endeavor was made to procure for collation and com- parison collections of gesture-signs from tribes and localities in parts of the world from which little or no material of this kind has ever been obtained. The voluminous correspondence and other persevering exertions to accomplish that object have been rewarded by collections from Turkey, Sicily, the Hawaiian and the Fiji Islands, Madagascar, and other distant regions, but of greatest interest are those from the Gilbert Islands and Japan. The result shows that where observers can be found who comprehend the subject of inquiry and are willing to take the requisite pains in research, communication by gesture, either as an existing system or the relic of such system, has nearly always been discovered. When some expected responses shall have arrived from XXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR points whence mails are unfrequent, and the whole material shall be collated, an attempt will be made to ascertain the laws governing the direct visible expression of ideas between men. The study of pictographs and ideographs has a close con- nection with the study of sign language, as in them appears the direct visible expression of ideas in a permanent form. This has been continued by Colonel Mallery, and a considerable amount of material has been collected from North America. It appeared, however, that so small an amount was accessible from other parts of the world in such shape as to be useful for study and interpretation, that it was deemed necessary to issue for wide circulation a preliminary essay as an Introduction to the Study of Pictographs before attempting any comprehensive treatise on the subject for publication. Such an introduction has been prepared. Colonel Mallery was also engaged during the year in execu- tive duty connected with the preparation and filling up of the schedule for the census of Indians in the United States and in the study of the statistics of population thereby obtained. Mr. H. W. Heysuaw was engaged in the preparation of a paper on animal carvings from the mounds of the Mississippi Valley, which was published in the Second Annual Report of this Bureau and also in that of a paper on Indian Industries, as illus- trated both by recently gathered statistics and by historical rec- ords. This study, not yet completed, embraces the advance of the tribes toward civilized industry, together with an exhaustive account of their pristine industries and means of subsistence. He was also closely occupied in executive work connected with the Indian census. Mr. Wituiam H. Hotmss, in addition to other and varied du- ties, studied the shells and the objects made from them as found chiefly in the mounds of North America, the result of his re- searches appearing in the paper “Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans” published in the Second Annual Report. Mrs. Erminnie A. Suira, in addition to her field work, else- where mentioned, continued the preparation of a Dictionary of the Tuscarora Language. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXIX Dr. H. C. Yarrow continued his work of compilation upon the Mortuary Customs and the Medical Practices of the North American Indians, conducting a large amount of correspond- ence upon these subjects. Mr. F. H. Cusuine, while in Washington, commenced a paper on the Sociologic and Governmental Institutions of the Zunis, to complete which it became necessary for him to revisit that people. Prof. Oris 'T. Mason was engaged during the entire year in collecting material for the purpose of compiling a History of Education among the North American Indians. The Drrecror has continued the connected and tedious work before explained; first, of classifying on a linguistic basis all the tribes, remaining and extinct, of North America. Second, of establishing their synonymy, or the reference of their many and confusing titles as given in literature and common usage to a correct and systematic standard of nomenclature. Third, the ascertainment and display on a series of charts, of the hab- itat of all tribes when first met by Kuropeans, and at subse- quent periods. Much progress has been made in this work recognized as essential to the proper study of Indian anthro- pology. PAPERS ACCOMPANYING THIS REPORT. The plan heretofore explained by which the several branches of North American Ethnology are systematically presented in Annual Reports is continued in operation. ‘The progress of investigation is shown in them so far as the intervening time and the amount appropriated by Congress allowed. The papers in the present volume embrace researches in the fields of Philosophy, Sociology, and Technology, as is indicated in the following brief references to them severally in the order fol- lowed in the volume. The extensive linguistic studies prose- cuted, report of which has been made above, will generally require publication in separate volumes. XXX ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR NOTES ON CERTAIN MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS, BY CYRUS THOMAS. In this paper Professor Thomas continues his study of the symbols and calendar systems of Central America. His at- tention is chiefly directed to two remarkable leaves, together constituting one plate, of the Maya Manuscript known as the Codex Cortesianus, which is considered to furnish a connecting link between the Maya and the Mexican symbols and calen- dars. This is compared with the Mexican plate No. 43 of the Borgian Codex, and with plate No. 44 of the Fejervary Codex, believed to be a Tezeucan Manuscript. Illustrations and quo- tations from a variety of sources are also furnished. The study of the graphic systems of Mexico and Central America is important for comparison with the origin of writing in the Eastern Hemisphere. The evidence at this time is to the effect that these systems had entered into a transition stage from a simple pictography, in which not merely the idea was presented, but the sound to express the idea in spoken lan- guage began to be figured. Proper materials for this study have only recently been obtained and are still meager both in quantity and in determinative value. Professor Thomas has properly considered that the calendar and religious obsery- ances were the great and absorbing topics of those persons of the Nahuatlan tribes who were concerned in their graphic systems, and those topics as presented in their paintings and sculptures, rather than imperfect traditions handed down through old Spanish authors, may be expected to indicate the true explanation. The views taken in the paper regarding the plates discussed lead the author to make the following deductions : First. That the order in which the groups and characters are to be read is around to the left, opposite the course of the sun, a point of vital importance, formerly much disputed. Second. The confirmation of a former generally received supposition that the cross was used among these nations as a symbol of the cardinal points. Third. That the bird figures were used to denote the winds. OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXI This also ‘gives a signification to the birds’ heads on the engraved shells found in the mounds of the United States, a full account of which was given by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his paper published in the Second Annual Report of this Bureau. If this supposition be correct, it not only confirms Mr. Holmes’s suggestions, but also indicates that the people who built the mounds followed the same custom in this respect as the Na- huatlan tribes. Fourth. Another and more important result is the proof fur- nished of an intimate relation between the Mayan and the Nahuatlan tribes, which suggests an ingenious theory pre- sented, though not insisted upon, by the author. ON MASKS, LABRETS, AND CERTAIN ABORIGINAL CUS- TOMS, BY WILLIAM H. DALL. Masks have been used by many peoples widely scattered throughout the world, and they have a high historic antiquity. In these masks great diversity of form and structure is ob- served, and they have been used for many purposes. Mr. Dall explains the development of the use of masks in the fol- lowing manner: Masks were probably at first mere shields or protections to the face, supported by the hand, but afterwards were adapted to the form of the face, and were supported upon the head and shoulders. Impenetrability being the first desideratum, exte- rior appearance or ornamentation was secondary, but subse- quently a moral value was sought in capacity to inspire terror, so that by the increase of devices adding to frightfulness the mechanical value became unimportant. Individual variation then began, embracing personal or tribal insignia, and often connected with totemic and Shamanistic systems. By several lines of evolution masks became on the one hand associated with supernaturalism, filling their place in religious parapher- nalia, and on the other with buffoonery appropriate to public games and noticeable in the paraphernalia of secret associa- tions. When the mask has developed into a social or religious symbol it has sometimes been worn elevated above the head of the wearer to increase apparent height, and, losing the no longer needed apertures for sight and breathing, has become a XXXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR head-dress formed often as a conventionalized model of a face, or of a whole figure, or of a group of figures. By another line of development the ideas symbolized by the effigy cease to be connected with any wearer and the mask becomes an inde- pendent object in significance and employment. A custom of preserving and ornamenting an actual human face or head, especially when the posterior part of the cranium is removed, has relation by kindred conceptions and in geographic lines to some of the uses of masks as above indicated. The science of anthropology is inchoate. A multiplicity of facts have been collected which have not yet been assigned to their proper places in the system; so that the sequence of events in the course of human culture is but partly made out. Yet anthropologists are everywhere attempting to discover and explain the origin and growth of arts, customs, and all other phenomena that relate to the activities of mankind. Such ex- planations as Mr. Dall’s, when based upon extensive knowl- edge and clear insight into the principles of anthropology, are suggestive and valuable. With regard to the origin of masking, there is another pos- sible hypothesis, which seems to be more in consonance with the facts relating to this practice observed among the lower tribes of the world. Dramatic representation has its origin quite early in the state of savagery. Savage mythology deals largely with animal life, and savage drama is intimately asso- ciated with savage mythology. Among very many of the tribes of North America, some of which are lowest in culture, crude dramas are enacted at winter camp fires from night to night. The old men and women who transmit mythic lore are listened to with great interest, and as the stories of the doings and sayings of the ancient god-beasts are told, resort is had to dramatic personification, to give zest and vigor to the mythic tales. Ofttimes the myth teller is assisted by others, who take parts and act sceues in costume made of the skins of. the ani- mals represented. Sometimes the actor assumes the garb of the elk or the bear by covering and disguising himself with the skin of the beast to be imitated. Sometimes he simply wears the skin across his shoulders or dangling from his belt, or per- OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIII chance carried in his hand, especially if the animal represented is one of the smaller species. But perhaps the most common method is found in the use of the skin of the animal for a head-dress. The Director has seen a duck’s skin with head and neck stuffed and tail supported by a slight wooden frame used as a head-dress on such an occasion, as well as many other birds’ skins thus used. He has often seen the skin from the head of a wolf or a wildcat used in like manner. Very many Indian tribes use the skin from the head of the deer or the mountain sheep, with horns preserved in place and ears erect. Such costuming is very common, and constitutes a part of the dramatic customs of savagery. There is yet another origin for the dramatic costumes often appearing among the Indians. A clan having an animal totem may use the skin of the animal as its badge. Sometimes feath- ers from the bird totem, or the tail of the mammal totem, or the carapace of the turtle totem is used. These totemic badges are very largely used on festival occasions, and mark the play- ers in games when clan contests with clan. It has hence been suggested that masking had its origin in the drama; and it must be understood that the drama in sav- agery is largely mythic and religious. Mr. Dall provides an excellent classification of the objects of his study into masks, maskettes, and maskoids, noting under each head the several uses to which each form in the evolu- tionary series has been applied. He then explains their ob- served distribution in the following geographical order, viz: 1. North Papuan Archipelago. 2. Peru. . Central America and Mexico. 4. New Mexico and Arizona. 5. The region occupied by Indians from Oregon to the northern limit of the Thlinkit. 6. The Aleutian Islands. 7. The Eskimauan region from Prince William Sound to Point Barrow. Similar geographic relations are found in connection with the practice of labretifery. The labret, among American abo- 3 ETH—HHIII oo XXXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR rigines, is well known to be a plug, stud, or variously-shaped button, made from diverse materials, which is inserted at or about the age of puberty through a hole or holes pierced in the thinner portions of the face about the mouth. Usually after the first operation has been performed, and the original slender pin inserted, the latter is replaced from time to time by a larger one, and the perforation is thus mechanically stretched, and in course of time permanently enlarged. Numerous variants of the object and of its mode of attach- ment are however observed. The practice or ‘‘fashion” is traced by Mr. Dall along nearly the whole of the western line of the Americas with some easterly overflows, especially in the middle and South American regions, and its remarkable westerly restriction farther north is noted. It seems to be not sporadic in America, but existing in lines of contact. Its dis- tribution so far as ascertained in other parts of the world is also examined. FS t 4\( ‘ CODEX CORTESIANUS. “TABLEAU DES BACAB.” NOTES ‘ON CERTAIN MAYA AND MEXICAN MANU- SCRIPTS. By Cyrus THOMAS. “TABLEAU DES BACAB.” Having recently come into possession of Leon de Rosny’s late work entitled “‘ Les Documents ecrits de V Antiquite Americaine,”! I find in it a photo-lithographie copy of two plates (or rather one plate, for the two are but parts of one) of the Maya Manuscript known as the Codex Corte- sianus. This plate (I shall speak of the two as one) is of so much impor- tance in the study of the Central American symbolsand calendar systems that I deem it worthy of special notice; more particularly so as it fur- nishes a connecting link between the Maya and Mexican symbols and calendars. This plate (Nos. 8 and 9 in Rosny’s work), is entitled by Rosny ‘‘ Tab- leau des Bacab” or “Plate of the Bacabs,” he supposing it to be a rep- resentation of the gods of the four cardinal points, an opinion I believe to be well founded. As will be seen by reference to our Plate No. 1, which is an exact copy from Rosny’s work, this page consists of three divisions: First, an inner quadrilateral space, in which there are a kind of cross or sacred tree; two sitting figures, one of which is a female, and six characters. Second, a narrow space or belt forming a border to the inner area, from which it is separated by a single line; it is separated from the outer space byadoubleline. This space contains the characters for the twenty days of the Maya month, but not arranged in consecutive order. Third, an outer and larger space containing several figures and numerous characters, the latter chiefly those representing the Maya days. This area consists of two distinct parts, one part containing day characters, grouped together at the four corners, and connected by rows of dots running from one group to the other along the outer border; the other part consisting of four groups of figures, one group opposite each of the four sides. In each of the four compartments containing these last- mentioned groups, there is one of the four characters shown in Fig. 1 (a b cd), which, in my “Study of the Manuscript Troano,” I have con- cluded represent the four cardinal points, a conclusion also reached in. dependently by Rosny and Schultz Sellack. ‘ Published in 1882, as a memoir of the Société d’Ethnographie of Paris. ~ ‘ 8 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. Before entering upon the discussion of this plate I will insert here Rosny’s comment, that the reader may have an opportunity of compar- ing his view of its signification with the opinion I shall advance. lintend to close this report with some observations on the criticisms which have been written since the publication of my ‘“ Essay on the Decipherment of the Hieratic Writings,” as much regarding the first data, for which we are indebted to Diego de Landa, as that of the method to follow in order to realize new progress in the interpre- tation of the Katounic texts. I will be permitted, however, before approaching this discussion, to say a word on two leaves of the Codex Cortesianus, which not only con- firm several of my former lectures, but which furnish us probably a more than ordi- narily interesting document relative to the religious history of ancient Yucatan. The two leaves require to be presented synoptically, as I have done in reproducing them on the plate [8 and 9], for it is evident that they form together one single rep- resentation. This picture presents four divisions, in the middle of which is seen a representation of the sacred tree; beneath are the figures of two personages seated on the ground and placed facing the katounes, among which the sign of the day Ik is repeated three times on the right side and once with two other signs on the left side. The central image is surrounded by a sort of framing in which have been traced the twenty cyclic characters of the calendar. Some of these characters would not be rec- ognizable if one possessed only the data of Landa, but they are henceforth easy to read, for I have had occasiou to determine, after a certain fashion, the value of the greater part of them in a former publication. These characters are traced in the following order, commencing, for example, with Mulue and continuing from left to right: 6,2, 18,13, 17, 14, 5, 1, 16, 12, 8, 4, 20, 15, 11, 7, 19319 sl Ope ene In the four compartments of the Tablet appear the same cyclic signs again in two series. I will not stop to dwell upon them, not having discovered the system of their arrangement. Besides these cyclic signs no other katounesare found on the Tablet, except four groups which have attracted my attention since the beginning of my studies, and which I have presented, not without some hesitation, as serving to note the four cardinal points. Ido not consider my first attempt at interpretation as definitely demonstrated, but it seems to me that it acquires by the study of the pages in ques- tion of the Codex Corltesianus, a new probability of exactitude. These four katounic groups are here in fact arranged in the following manner: Fic. 1.—The four cardinal symbols. Now, not only do these groups include, as I have explained, several of the phonetic elements of Maya words known to designate the four cardinal points, but they oc- 2Rosry says by mistake “ Planche VII-VIII.” THOMAS. J ROSNY ON TABLEAU DES BACAB, 2) eupy, besides, the place which is necessary to them in the arrangement (orientation), to wit: West. “1PJION South. East. I have said, moreover, in my Hssay, that certain characteristic symbols of tle gods of the four cardinal points (the Bacab) are found placed beside the katounic groups, which occepy me at this moment, ina manner which gives a new confirmation of my interpretation. On Plates 23, 24, 25, and 26 of the Codex Cortesianus, where the same groups and symbols are seen reproduced of whichI have just spoken, the hierogrammat has drawn four figures identical in shape and dress. These four figures represent the “‘ god of the long nose.’ Beside the first, who holds in his hand a flaming torch, appears a series of katou- nes, at the head of which is the sign Kan (symbol of the south), and above, a defaced group. Beside the second, who holds a flaming torch inverted, is the sign Mulue (symbol of the east), and above, the group which I have interpreted as east. At the side of the third, who carries in the left hand the burning torch inverted and a scep- ter (symbol of Bacabs), is the sign Jz (symbol of the north), and above, the group which I have translated as north. Finally, beside the fourth, who carries in his left hand the flaming torch inverted and a hatchet in the right hand,is the sign Cauac (symbol of the west), and above, not the entire group, which I have translated as west, but the first sign of this group, and also an animal characteristic of the Occi- dent, which has been identified with the armadillo. I have some doubts upon the subject of this animal, but its affinity with the qualification of the west appears to me at least very probable. We see from this quotation that Rosny was unable to give any ex- planation of the day characters, dots, and L-shaped symbols in the outer space; also that he was unable to suggest any reason for the pe- culiar arrangement of the day symbols in the intermediate circle or quad- rilateral. His suggestions are limited to the four characters placed opposite the four sides, and which, he believes, and I think correctly, to be the symbols of the four cardinal points. Whether his conclusion as to the points they respectively refer to be correct or not, is one of the questions I propose to discuss in this paper. But before entering upon this, the most important question regarding the plate, I desire first to offer what I believe will be admitted to be a correct explanation of the object and uses of the day symbols, dots, &c., in the outer space, and the intermediate circle of day characters. If we examine carefully the day characters and large black dots in the outer space we shall find that all taken together really form but one continuous line, making one outward and two inward bends or loops at each corner. For example, commencing with Cauae (No. 31) (see scheme of the plate, Fig. 2), on the right side, and running upward toward the top along the row of dots next the right-hand margin, we reach the charac- ter Chuen (No, 32); just above is Hb (No. 33); thenrunning inward to- ward the center, along the row of dots to Kan (No. 34); then upward to Chiechan (No. 35); then outward along the row of dots toward the 10 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. outer corner to Caban (No. 36); then to the left to Hzanab (No. 37); then inward to Oc (No. 38); then to the left to Chuen (No. 39); outward to Akbal (No. 40), and so on around. Before proceeding further it is necessary that I introduce here a Maya calendar, in order that my next point may be clearly understood. To simplify this as far as possible, I give first a table for a single Cauac year, in two forms, one as the ordinary counting-house calendar (Table I), the other a simple continuous list of days (Table II), but in this latter case only for thirteen months, just what is necessary to complete the circuit of our plate. As explained in my former paper,’ although there were twenty days in each Maya month, each day with its own particular name, and al- ways following each other in the same order, so that each month would begin with the same day the year commenced with, yet it was the cus- tom to number the days up to 13 and then commence again with 1, 2, 5, and so on, thus dividing the year into weeks of thirteen days each. For a full explanation of this complicated calendar system I must refer the reader tomy former paper. But at present we shall need only an understanding of the tables here given. I shall, as I proceed, refer to Table I, leaving the reader who prefers to do so to refer to the list of days marked Table II, as they are precisely the same thing, only differing in form. TABLE I.—Maya calendar for one year Nos.of the months. | 1|2/38/4]/5/6]71]8]|9 |10/ 11 ms 14] 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 4/11] 5/12] 6|13| 7) 1| 8| 2] 9} 38 | Se all Sul eH! Oy ol Alany |) a 6]/-13)|| 72 on |B! ||| Oa saliexo} |g lint lee 7) o1|) 183) 13) | eon sieroy lean |e liod lm 8| 2] 9] 3|10) 4/11] 5/12] 6/13) 7 9| 3/10] 4/11] 5/12] 6/13] 7| 1] 8 to} 4/11] 5|12] 6/13] 7| 1| 8] 2] 9 | 5/12] 6/13] 7] 1] 8| 2] 9] 3/ 10 TON) CPSER WA ES) SV Shlbaey le atl rit 13) 71 1! 8! 21-9! slio! 4] 11) 532 1| 8) 2| 9] 3/10] 4)11]| 5/12) 6] 13 2| 9| 3/10!) 4/11} 5]|12| 6113) 7) 42 Eu aC hier al abt) Pauley Callao) Yell atl) || 6 9 4/11) 5/12) 6/13] 7| 1] 8| 2| 9| 3 Bil 12) 164113)! 71) e1)| 18h! | oll esaloron ere CHE) Ae VP ol lo colin ||) 7| 1| 8| 2] 9| 3l10| 4/1] 5/22] 6 8/ 2] 9] 3/10] 4/11] 5]12|] 6|13| 7 9) 3/10) 4/11] 5/12] 6/13] 7] 1] 8 10] 4/11] 5/12] 6/18) 7] 1) 8) 2] 9 TABLE II. lst MontH. 6. Kan. 12. Oc. 5. Cib. 1. Cauac. 7. Chicchan. 13. Chuen. 6, Caban. 2. Ahau. 8. Cimi. 1. Hb. 7. Ezanab. 3. Imix. 9. Manik. 2. Been. 2p MONTH. al Ite 10. Lamat. Sy lbe 8. Cauae. 5. Akbal. 11. Mulue. 4, Men. 9. Ahau. 3A study of the Manuscript Troano. THOMAS. | 10. Tale 12. iey . Chiechan. — Res “ID OP ow to al PAR oP ww po Ymix. Ik. Akbul. Kan. Cimi. . Manik. Lamat. . Mulue. 3D MONTH. Cauae. . Ahau. Ymix. Ik. Akbal. Kan. . Chicchan. . Cimi. . Manik. . Lamat. . Mulue. Oc. . Chuen. Eb. Been. lex, Men. Cib. Caban. . Ezanab. 4TH MONTH. toe 5TH MONTH. 10. ible 12. 13. WA oP w po MAYA CALENDAR. . Chieehan. Cimi. Manik. Lamat. Mulue. Oc. . Caban. Ezanab. Cauae. . Ahan. Ymix. Ik. Akbal. Kan. . Chiechan. . Cimi. . Manik. . Lamat. . Ezanab. 6TH MONTH. Cauace. 9. Cauac. 10. Ahau. 11. Ymix. 12. Ik. 13. Akbal. 1. Kan. > Om oo to ee . Chicchan. Cimi. Manik. . Lamat. = 11. 12. 13. ee SE KYA AAR YS ip Se SS G2 Ca ea Co) Sr . Mulue. Oc. . Chuen. . Eb. . Been. Ix. . Men. Cid. Caban. . Ezanab. 7TH MontTH. . Cauac. . Ahau. 5 NGiyb-¢ Ik. . Akbal. Kan. . Chiechan. . Cimi. . Manik. . Lamat. . Mulue. Oe. . Chuen. Eb. Been. Ix. Men. Cib. . Caban. . Ezanab. 8TH MONTH. Cauae. . Cimi. 11 . Been. Ta: Men. Cib. Caban. Ezanab. 9TH MontTH. Cauae. Ahau. Ymix. Ik. . Akbal. 10. Kan. 11. Chiechan. 12. Cimi. 13. Manik. . Lamat. - Mulue. ol Pepe wh —_ PSSenN So Rw S bd oO (a>) i=} = 10TH MonTH. 12. Cauae. . Ahau. . Chiechan. Cimi. . Manik. . Lamat. . Mulue. = b SERAASIP WNP = _ qQ Ek -_ oO o a OPH wht = is} = 12 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. 4. Caban. 7. Been. 9. Lamat. 11. Akbal. 5. Ezanab. So kx. 10. Mulue. 12, Kan. llvnH MonrH. 9. Men. 11; Oc: 13. Chicchan. 6. Cauae. 10. Cib. 12. Chuen. 1. Cimi. 7. Ahau. 11. Caban. 13. Eb. 2. Manik. 8. Ymix. 12. Ezanab. 1. Been. 3. Lamat. OM lik: 127TH MontH. 2. Ix. 4. Mulue. 10. Akbal. 13. Cauae. 3. Men. 5. Oc. 11. Kan. 1. Ahau. 4, Cib. 6. Chuen 12, Chiechan. 2. Imix. 5. Caban. 7. Eb. 13. Cimi. Bp JU 6. Ezanab. 8. Been 1. Manik. 4. Akbal. 13TH MontH. 9. Ix. 2. Lamat. 5. Kan. 7. Cauae. 10. Men 3. Mulue. 6. Chiechan. 8. Ahau. LI. ‘Cbs 4. Oc. 7. Cimi. 9. Ymix. 12. Caban. 5. Chuen. 8. Manik. 10. Ik. 13. Hzanab. 6. Eb. Now, let us follow around this outer circle comparing it with our cal- endar (Table I), or list of days (Table II), which, as before stated, are for the Cauac year only. As this is a Cauac year, we must commence with the Cauac charac- ter No. 31, on the right border. Immediately to the left of this charac- ter and almost in contact with it we see a single small dot. We take for granted that this denotes 1 and that we are to begin with 1 Cauac. This corresponds with the first day of the first month, that is, the top number of the left-hand column of numbers in Table I or the first day in Table Il. Turning to the plate we run up the line of dots to the character for Chuen (No. 32); immediately to the left of this we see two little bars and three dots **—* or 13. Turning again to our table and running down the column of the first month to the number 13 we find that it is Chuen, which is followed by 1 Hb. Turning again to the plate we observe that the character imme- diately above Chuen is H£b., and that it has adjoining it below a single dot, or 1. Running from thence down the line of dots toward the cen- ter we reach Kan, immediately above which is the character for 13. Turning again to our table and starting with the 1 opposite Hb and running to the bottom of the column which ends with 7 and passing to 8 at the top of the second column, and running down this to 13, or fol- lowing down our list of days (Table IT), we find it to be Kan, which is followed by 1 Chicchan. On the plate wesee the character for Chicchan (No. 35) immediately above that of Kan (No. 34), with a single small dot touching it above. Running from this upward along the row of large dots toward the outer corner we next reach the character for Caban (No. 36), adjoining which we see the numeral character for 13. Running our eye down the second column of the table, from 1 oppo- site Chicchan to 13, we find it is opposite Caban, thus agreeing with what we find in the plate. 7 ie eS ' ¥ : : 7 : a ' - » : . . a , - . _ se a a 7 i" ' - 7 - 7 7 ee « = ’ a = ee o a - 7 - - = . a : _ we = 7 2 2 7 a 9 1 ian - ; t. 5 ‘ _ , } > _ - - ’ 7 7 > a 7 = _ eS = > - » 7 a ' i ried ’ ral & 7 p 7 a . ~~ _ i > B -= s > _ - _ a 7 = 0 7 . > . . a c na ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. 11 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY fey VOR @ ® @ @ . ® ®@ & @ & oc ) & ESN Dyn THE TABLEAU DES BACAB RESTORED. THOMAS. | SCHEME OF THE TABLEAU DES BACAB 13 This will enable the reader to follow up the names and numbers on the table as 1 will now give them from Caban (No. 36), in the manner above shown, remembering that the movement on the plate is around the circle toward the left, that is, up the right side, toward the left on the top, down the left side, &c., and that, on the tables, after one column is completed we take the next to the right. From Caban (No. 36) we go next to Hzanab No. 37 (the single dot is here effaced); then down the row of dots to Oc, No. 38, over which is the numeral for 13; then to Chuen, No. 39, immediately to the left (the single dot is dimly outlined immediately above it); then up the row of large dots to Akbal No. 40 (the numeral character for 13 is immedi- ately to the right); then to Kan No. 1, immediately to the left (the sin- gle dot adjoins it on the right); then to the left along the border row of dots to Cib No. 2, in the upper left-hand corner, immediately under which we find the numeral character for 13. Without following this further, I will now give a scheme or plan of the plate (Fig. 2), adding the names of the effaced characters, which the @) eee o eee oe © o (x) A ©. ° o — <8 ye @ @ © eB) S85) Go) 25 z &) @), A Co) ee “@ 3) (SG) Sve s1a.c.a.6.6 © 800 Fic. 2.—Scheme of the Tableau des Bacab. 14 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS table enables us to do by fotiowing it out in the manner explained. I also give in Plate II another figure of the plate of the Cortesian Codex, with the effaced characters inserted, and the interchange of Caban and Eb which will be hereafter explained. This plate corresponds with the plan or scheme shown in Fig. 2.* In this we commence with Kan, numbered 1, in the top row, moving thence toward the ieft as already indicated, following the course shown by the numbers. By this time the reader, if he has studied the plate with care, has probably encountered one difficulty in the way of the explanation given ; that there are usually twelve large dots instead of eleven, as there should be, between the day signs; as, for example, between Kan No.1 and Cib No. 2, in the upper row. This I am unable to explain, except on the supposition that the artist included but one of the day signs in the count, or that it was not the intention to be very exact in this respect. The fact that the number of dots in a row is not always the same, there being in some cases as many as thirteen, and in others but eleven, renders the latter supposition probable. In the scheme the number of dots in the lines is given as nearly as possible as on the plate. As there are four different series of years in the Maya calendar, the Cauae years, Kan years, Mulue years, and Ix years, it is necessary that we bave four different tables, similar to that given for the Cauac years, to represent them, or to combine all in one table. As I have adopted in my former work® a scheme of combining them I will insert it here (Table IIT). TABLE III].—Condensed Maya Calendar. | | | Canac Kan Mulue Ix 1] 2) 3) 4] 5) 6) 7) 8} 9] 10\|\ar | a2) a8 column. | column. column. column. | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | | | || = Cauac. Kan. Muluc. | Ix. 1] 8| 2/ 9/ 8/10) 4/11] 5/12] Glas] 7 Ahau. Chicchan.| Oc. Men. 2 PONS LON ie 4s S| eh 65S | eal 8 Ymix. | Cimi. Chuen Cib ) 3)}10) 4/11 5/12} 6/13) 7] 1 8) }) 32: 9 Ik. Manik. Eb. Caban 4/11 5 | 12 6 | 13 7 1 8| 2 9| 3 10 Akbal. Lamat. Ben. Ezanab. Lu fe CS We JV to i: Wf A” i Kan. | Muluce. Ix. Cauac. 6/13) 7 1 8} 2] 9} 3]/10|] 4/11) 5} 12 Chicchan. | Oc Men. Ahau. 73 | ee 8); 2; 9| 3/10) 4/11 51/12] 6} 13 Cimi. | Chuen Cib. Ymix 8) | 2H ON SALON eas ELL nla eeOa Ss eae 1 Manik Caban Ik. 9] 3}10|) 4) 11 55) 27) 61) 18h za ee ees 2 Lamat. Ben Ezanab Akbal | 10} 4)11) 5|12) 6/13) 7) 2) 8) 2) 9 3 Mulue. ix: Cauac, Kan. |) 15) 125)) SNES al) Ss rae O es) |e 4 Oc. Men. Ahan. Chicchan. 12} 6/13] 7] 1] 8} 2} 9| 3)10] 4/11 5 Chuen Cib. Ymix Cimi 1-135), 7.) DV Sal 271) 2ON)) 8h ON ea a Saez 6 Eb. Caban. Ik. Manik 1/ 8) 2} 9} 8) 10] 4)11] 5/]12] 6/18 7 Ben. Ezanab. | Akbal. Lamat. | 2} 9} 3!10! 4/11! 5112! 6!13) 7) J 8 Ix, Cauac. Kan. Muluc. | 3/10) 4/11] 5/12] G6)18) 7] 1| 8} 2 9 Men. Ahan. Chicchan.| Oc. AIO L2s | 66 Ba ele Sh 2a SON Sse Cib. Ymix. Cimi. Chuen. 5) | 12) 16) 137) 7, 1 38] 2 9} 3] 10 4 ll Caban. Ik. Manik. Eb. GS 7) a Bd] 25] 19h Si ON 4 te oa Ezanab. Akbal. Lamat. Ben. TL DW 85) Bay 18) Sap ON a a Bs eLe Gries 4 As the reduction of the cut prevents the insertion of the names of the days, let- ters have been substituted for them in the quadrilateral or inner ring as follows: In the top line.—Ymix, a; Chicchan, b; Mulue, c; Been, d, and Caban, e. In the left column.—Cimi, f ; Ik, g; Oc, h; Ix, i, and Ezanab, j. In the bottom line.—Akbal, k; Manik, !; Chuen, m; Men, n, and Cauace, o. In the right column.—Kan, p; Lamat, q; Eb, r; Ahau, s, and Cib, t. ® Study of the Manuscript Troano, p. 11. THOMAS. ] EXPLANATION OF THE TABLEAU DES BACAB. 15 But I must request the reader to refer to that work for an explana- tion of the method of using it. By using the different columns in this table, viz, the Cauac column, the Kan column, the Mulue column, and the Ix column, in the same way as we have that of the previous Table No. I, we shall find that the plate is intended to apply in the same way to each of the four years.® A further correspondence will also be found in the fact that the thirteen figure columns of our table just complete the circuit of the plate, and that for the other months (or rather weeks) we commence again at the first, just as the table. Tor the Kan years we commence on our scheme (Fig. 2) or the plate (No. II) at Kan No. 1, at the top, and moving around to the left,as shown, we end the thirteenth column of the calendar (13 Akbal) with Akbal No. 40. For the Muluc years we commence with Mulue No. 11, of the left side of the scheme, and end with Lamat No. 10. For the Ix years we begin with Ix No. 21, at the bottom, and end with Been No. 20. For the Cauac years we begin with Cauac No. 31, at the right side, and end with Ezanab No. 30. By following this plan we will find that the characters and numerals in the plate agree in every case with the names and numbers of the days in the table, showing that I have properly interpreted this part of the plate. It is impossible that there should be such exact agreement if I were wrong in my interpretation. This, it seems to me, will show beyond controversy the respective quarters to which the different years are assigned in the plate—Kan to the top, where this year begins ; Muluce to the left; Ix to the bottom, and Cauac to the right hand; and, as a consequence, that the top is the east; left, north; bottom, west, and right hand, south. But this is a point to be discussed hereafter. Our next step is to ascertain the object in view in placing the twenty- day characters around the inner space in the order we find them. Here I confess we shall encounter greater difficulty in arriving at a satisfac- tory explanation; still, I think we shall be able to show one object in view in this singular arrangement, although we fall short of a complete interpretation. If we commence with Ymix, in the upper line of the quadrilateral, and move around it to the left, as heretofore, noting the days in each side in the order they come on the plate, we find them to be as follows: In the top line: Ymix, Chicchan, Muluc, Been, Eb. Left column: Cimi, Ik, Oc, Ix, Ezanab. Bottom line: Akbal, Manik, Chuen, Men, Canac. Right column (upward): Kan, Lamat, Caban, Ahau, Cib. Now let us take the twenty days, in the order they stand in the cal- ® It is worthy of note that the numerals on the plate apply only to the years 1 Cauac, 1 Kan, 1 Mulue, and 1 Ix, the first years of an Indication or week of years. 16 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. endar, commencing with Kan, writing them in four columns, placing one name in each in succession, thus: Kan. Chiechan. Cini. Manik. Lamat. Mulue. Oc. Chuen. Eb. Been. ix: Men. Cib. Caban. Ezanab. Cauae. Ahau. Ymix. Ik. Akbal. If we commence with any other day the groups will contain respect- ively the same days, as, for example, if we begin with Ymix as here shown (Table LV). As Lam inclined to believe the author of the plate adopted this order I shall use and refer to this table in speaking of these groups. TABLE IV. Ie 2. 3. 4, Ymix. Ik. Akbal. Kan. Chicchan. Cimi. Manik. Lamat. Malue. Oc. Chuen. Eb. Been. lex Men. Cib. Caban. Ezanab. Cauac. Ahau. Examining the five names in the third column we find they are the same as those in the bottom line of the quadrilateral of the plate, and also in the same order. Those of the second column are the same as those in the left column of the plate, though not precisely in the same order; those in the first column the same as those in the top line of the plate, except that in our column we have Caban in place of Eb; and those in the fourth column the same as those in the right column of the plate, except that in our column we have Eb instead of Caban. Iam satisfied, therefore, that the artist who made the plate has transposed the characters Eb and Caban; that in place of Eb, the left-hand char- acter of the upper line, there should be Caban, and in place of Caban, the middle character of the right column, there should be Eb, and have made this change in my scheme (Fig. 2) and in Plate II. This, I admit, has the appearance of making an arbitrary change to suit a theory; but besides the strong evidence in favor of this change shown by the arrangement of the days in four columns just given, I propose to present other testimony. That the characters here interpreted Hb and Caban are the same as those given by Landa, and in the Manuscript Troano we have positive evidence in the tortous line in the outer space, of which we have already given an explanation. Hence there is no escape from the difficulty by supposing the artist had reversed the characters in their reference to the names. Either he has reversed them as to place, or we are mis- taken in our supposition as to how the tour groups were obtained. THOMAS. | EXPLANATION OF THE TABLEAU DES BACAB. 17 If we turn, now, to the Manuscript Troano, and examine the day col- umns, comparing them with these four groups as I have corrected them by this single transposition, I think we shall find one clue at least to the object of the arrangement we observe on this plate. As but few are likely to have the Manuseript at hand, I will refer to Chapter VII of my work (A Study of the Manuscript Troano), where a large number of these day columns are given. In making the comparison I ask the reader to use my scheme (Fig. 2). Commencing with the first column on page 165, we find it to be Manik, Cauac, Chuen, Akbal, Men, precisely the same days as in the bottom line. The next two on the same page are first Akbal, Muluc, Men, Ymix, Manik, and second, Ben, Cauac, Chic- chan, Chuen, Caban, taken alternately from the bottom and top lines of the quadrilateral. Ou the lower part of the same page (165) is another column with the following days, Ahau, Oc, Eb, Ik, Kan, Ix, Cib, Cimi, Lamat, taken al- ternately from the right and left sides of the plate as given in our scheme. But there are only nine names in the column, when the order in which they are taken would seem to require ten. By examining the plate (1V) in the Manuscript the reader will see that there are indications that one at the top has been obliterated. By examining the right and lett col- umns of our scheme we see that the omitted one is Ezanab. By counting the intervals between the days, as explained in my work, we find them to be alternately two and ten, and that by this rule the missing day is Ezanab. The reader will notice in these examples that Eb and Caban belong to the positions I have given them in my scheme (Fig. 2). Turning to page 166 we tind the first column (from ‘second division,” Plate 1V) to be Kan, Cib, Lamat, Ahau, Eb, the same days as in the right column of our scheme. The second column, Cauac, Chuen, Akbal, Men, Manik, the same as the lower line of the scheme. The first columu on page 167 has the same days as the right column of the plate, as cor- rected in my scheme and our Plate Il. The second column of this page presents a new combination. We have so far found the names of a day column all in a single group or line of our plate, or taken alternately from opposite sides ; here we find them taken alternately from each of the four sides of the quadrilateral moving around to the left in the order I have heretofore explained. The days in this column are Caban, Ik, Manik, Eb, Caban. One is taken from the upper line (as corrected), then one from the left side, next from the bottom line, then from the right side (as corrected), and then the same from the top line. It is unnecessary for me to give more examples, as the reader can make the comparison for himself; and he will, as I believe, find my theory sustained. The only real objection I can see to my explanation of the arrange- ment of the days in this cirele is the fact that it necessitates the trans- position of two characters, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that the artist may have made this one mistake. 3 EYH——2 18 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. Fortunately we find on Plates 18 and 19 of the Codex Peresianus? what appears to be a complete confirmation of the theory here advanced. This is a kind of tabular arrangement of certain days, with accom- panying numbers, as shown in our Fig. 3, which is an exact copy of those portions of Plates 18 and 19 of the Codex Peresianus, to which I refer. T also give in Table V the names of the days and the numbers cor- responding with the symbols and characters of Fig. 3. In this table the erased days and obliterated numerals are restored, these being in italies to distinguish them from those on the plate. TABLE VY. 10. Kan. 8. Cib. 6. Lamat. 4, Ahau. 2. Eb. 10. Lamat. 8. Ahau. 6. Eb. 4, Kan. 2. Cib. 10. Eb. 8. Kan. 6. Cib. 4, Lamat. 2. Ahan. 10. Cib. 8. Lamat. 6. Ahau. 4. Eb. 2. Kan. 10. Ahau. 8. Eb. 6. Kan. 4. Cib. 2. Lamat. 13. Kan. 11. Crib. 9, Lamat. 7. Ahau. 5. Eb. 13. Lamat. Wl. Ahau. 9. Eb. fe Keane lay (Onby loys, JL 1. Ikan. 9. Cib. 7. Lamat. 5. Ahau. 13. Cib. 1. Lamat. 9, Ahau. to IDOE 5. Kan. 13. Ahuu. ik, JH. 9. Kan. 7. Cib. 5. Lamat. 3. Kan. 1. Cid. 12. Lamat. 3. Lamat. 1. Ahau. 12. Eb. 3. Eb. 1. Kan. 12. Cib. a Oa 10H 1. Lamat. 12. Ahau. 3. Ahau. 1. Eb. 12. Kan. An inspection of this table shows us that the five days repeated in each column are the same as those on the right of the quadrilateral of our scheme (Mig. 2), and are exactly in the order obtained by arranging the days of the month in four columns in the manner heretofore shown. (See column 4, Table IV.) If I am correct in my supposition, we then have one clue to, if not a full explanation of, the method of obtaining the day columns in the Man- uscript Troano. obtain a copy of Duruy’s photographic reproduction of this Manuscript, of which, ac- cording to Leclere (Bibliotheea Americana), only ten copies were issued, though Bras- seur in his Bibliotheque Mexico-Guatémalienne (p.95) affirms that the edition con- sisted of fifty copies. The full title is as follows: ‘‘ Manuserit dit Mexicain No. 2 de la Bibliotheque Imperiale Photographie (sans reduction). Par ordre de S. E, M. Duruy, Min- istre de V Instruction publique, President de la Commission scientifique du Mexique. Paris, 1864.” Rosny has given a fac-simile copy from the two plates here referred to in Plate XVI of his Essai sur le Dechiffrement de V Ecriture Hieratique. THOMAS. ] Not this only, for this table of the Codex Peresianus furnishes us also the explanation of the red numerals found over the day columns in the Manuscript Troano. Take, forexample, Plate XTX, first or upper division, given also in my Study of The Manuscript Troano, p. 176, here the number is LV, correspond- ing with column 4 of the above table (V), where the days are the same and the numeral prefixed to each day is 4. Plate XXVI (Study Manuscript Tro- ano, p. 177), lower division, the days are the same and the number over the col- umn is XIII, corresponding with the sixth column of Table VY. This corrob- orates the opinion I expressed in my former work, that the number over the 5 column was to be applied to each day of the column. Why is the order of the numerals in the extract from the Codex Peresianus precisely the same as the numbering of the Ahaues? I answer, because each column, if taken as referring to the four classes of years, will, when the number of the month is given, determine just the years of an Ahau; ora fancy of the artist to follow an order considered sacred, To illustrate, let us take the next to the right-hand column of the table where the numeral is 1, and let us assume the month to be Pop, or the Ist. Then we have 1 Cib,1 Ahau, 1 Kan, 1 Lamat, and 1 Eb of the first month, and from this data we are to tind the years. As there can be four years found to each of these days, that is a Cauae year with 1 Cib in the first month, a Mulue year with one Cib in the first month, a Kan year with one Cib in the first month, an Ix year with one Cib in the first month, a Kan year with one Alau in the first month, &c., it is evident that there will be,as the total result, just twenty years. TABLE FROM THE CODEX PERESIANUS. “‘SLUUISOOg XOPOH ‘GI PUL BI SezR[ Mou AdOQ—g “Oly Ny NN WN \N WY SLQ AQ Ru EE ©8 © & le |- Ie I 289 © ee ae es e 2 e e e fla fr 6-3) Dp © eS 3 \> SQ es \ ORG. @--O8-Om O [——| i} WSs s WY AQ AS SK Qa S) Caen) as oe e GD ooo Gio) —& =@ e @ ooo) — &) O .@+-@-@® Wd Ss RAN SSN WY SSSSKu_v A SS Es oY; WHY, Ys = 20 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. As I cannot repeat here, without occupying too much space, the method of finding the years, I must refer the reader to Study Manuscript Troano, p. 23, et al. Hunting them out, by using our Table ITI, we tind them to be as follows: 1 Cib. 1 Ahau. 1. Kan. 1. Lamat. 1 Eb. Years ...-10 Cauac. 13 Cauac. 9 Cauac. 5 Cauac. 1 Cauac. Years .... 2 Kan. 11 Kan. 1 Kan. 10 Kan. 6 Kan. Years .... 7 Mulue. 3 Mulue. 12 Mulue. 8 Mulue. 11 Mulue. Wears ekowix, 8 Ix. 4 Ix. 13 Ix. SBiexe If we turn now to Table XVII (Study Manuscript Troano p. 44), we will find that these are precisely the counted years (those in the space inclosed by the dotted lines) in Ahau number VI. If we assume the month to be the 11th then the numbers of the Ahaues will correspond exactly with the numbers of the columns of our Table V.° As it may be supposed that using the same numeral to any five days of the twenty in this way will produce a similar result, let us test it by an example. For this purpose we select the same column of our fore- going table, No. V—that with the number 1 prefixed—Cib, Ahau, Kan, Lamat, Eb, but in place of Lamat we insert Cimi. Hunting out the years as heretotore we find thein to be as follows : 1 Cib. 1 dhau. 1 Kan. 1 Cimi. 1 Eb. Years ....10 Canac. 13 Cauac 9 Cauac. 7 Caunac. 1 Cauac. Years .... 2 Kan 11 Kan. 1 Kan. 12 Kan. 6 Kan. Years .... 7 Muluc. 3 Mulue. 12 Mulue. 10 Mulue. 11 Mulue. Years tee. 12eixe 8 Ix. Auslixe 2) x Onixe If we try to locate these years in an Ahauin Table XVII (Study Man- uscript Troano p. 44), we shall find it impossible to do so, nor can we locate them in any table that can be made which has either twenty-four or twenty years in an Ahau, while on the other hand the twenty years obtained by using a column of the table from the Codex Peresianus can be located in some one of the Ahaues obtained by any division of the Grand Cycle into consecutive groups of twenty-four years that can be made. It would require too much space to prove this assertion, but any one who doubts its correctness can test it. As the extract we have given from the Codex Peresianus relates only to one of the four groups of days—that on the right of the quadrilat- eral—L will supply in the following tables, Nos. VII, VIII, and LX, the arrangement of the groups of the other three sides; adding the other (Table VI), also, so as to bring the four together in the order of the sides of the quadrilateral, commencing with the line on the right, next the upper one, and so on. While this is undoubtedly the order in which they are to be taken; which is the proper one to commence with? is a question yet to be dis- cussed. 8An illustration can be seen on pp. 36-40, Study Manuscript Troano. THOMAS. ] Oo 10. 10. 10. 10. 10. 13. 15. 13. 15. 13. 10, 10. 10. 10. 10. . Kan. . Lamat. . Eb. . Cib. Ahan. . Kan. . Lamat. . Eb. . Cib. . Ahau. . Kan. . Lamat. . Eb. . Cib. . Ahau. Ymix. Chicchan. Mulue. Been. Caban. Ymix. Chicchan. Mulue. Been. Caban. Ymix. . Chicchan. . Mulue. . Been. . Caban. Oc. Ix. Ezanab. Ik. Cimi. TABLE FROM THE CODEX PERESIANUS. . Cib. . Ahau. Kan. . Lamat. Eb. . Cib. . Ahau. . Kan. . Lamat. . Eb. . Cib. . Ahau. . Kan. . Lamat. Eb. . Been. Caban. Ymix. . Chiechan. . Mulue. . Been. . Caban. . Ymix. . Chicchan. . Mulue. Been. Caban. Ymix. . Chiechan. . Mulue. Ik. Cimi. Oc. exe Ezanab. TABLE VI. 6. Lamat. Eb. Cib. . Abau. pecans 9. Lamat. 9. Eb. 9. Cib. . Ahau. Kan. 2. Lamat. 2. Eb. 2. Cib. . Ahau. . Kan. TABLE VIi. 6. Chicchan. 6. Muluce. Been. . Caban. Sax. 9. Chiechan. . Mulue. Been. 9. Caban. 9, Ymix. 2. Chicchan. 2. Mulue. 2. Been. 2. Caban. 2. Ymix. fo | a9 4 TABLE VIII. 6. Ix. 6. Ezanab. 6. Ik. 6. Cimi. Bb: Oc: a ~ PSeee ae sce asia . Ahau. . Kan. . Lamat. Eb. Cib. . Ahau, . Kan. Lamat. . Eb. . Cib. . Caban. Yinix. . Chicchan. . Mulue. . Been. . Caban. Ymix. . Chicchan. . Mulue. . Been. Cimi. Oc. ib-¢ Ezanab. Ik. bo bo . bo bo bo bo Or or SU Or Ot to ty wp or St Or St or tt tb 21 Eb. Cib. . Ahau. Kan. . Lamat. Eb. Cib. Ahau. . Kan. . Lamat. . Mulue. . Been. Caban. Ymix. . Chiechan. . Mulue. Been. . Caban. Ymix. . Chiechan. . Ezanab. Ik. Cini. Oc. lhe 22 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. 113}, UO: GIG Uk. 9. Ix. 7. Cimi. 5. Ezanab. IB} 1Bx 11. Cimi. 9. Ezanab. 7. Oc. onl 13. Ezanab. 11. Oc. 9. Ik. iewlexe 5, Cimi. 13vk ils Ib< 9, Cimi. 7. Ezanab. 5. Oc. 13. Cimi. 11. Ezanab. 9. Oc. (ealike Ox 3. Oc. 1k alex Oolex. 1. Cimi. 12. Ezanab. 3. Ezanab. 1. Oc. Sikes Ole 1, Ibe; 12. Cimi. 3. Cimi. 1. Ezanab. 12. Oc. TABLE IX. 10. Men. 8. Manik. 6. Cauac. 4. Chuen. 2. Akbal. 10. Cauae. 8. Chuen. 6. Akbal. 4. Men. 2. Manik. 10. Akbal. 8. Men. 6. Manik. 4. Cauac. 2. Chuen. 10. Manik. 8. Cauae. 6. Chuen. 4, Akbal. 2. Men. 10. Chuen. §. Akbal. 6. Men. 4. Manik. 2. Cauac. 13. Men. 11. Manik. 9. Cauac. 7. Chuen. 5. Akbal. 13. Cauae. 11. Chuen. 9. Akbal. 7. Men. 5. Manik. 13. Akbal. 11. Men. 9, Manik. 7. Cauac. 5. Chuen. 13. Manik. 11. Cauac. 9. Chuen. 7. Akbal. 5. Men. 13. Chuen. 11. Akbal. 9. Men. 7. Manik. 5. Cauae. . Manik. 12. Cauae. .Chuen. 12. Akbal. . Men. 12. Manik. . Cauac. 12. Chuen. . Akbal. 12. Men. 3. Men. 3. Cauac. 3. Akbal. 3. Manik. 5. Chuen. [el on ll ell oe 9 There is still another and somewhat probable supposition in regard to the object of this division of the days of the month into groups of five, which will obviate one objection to the explanation given in my former work, viz, the very large number of dates given in the Manuscript Troano on the supposition that there are four years to each numeral connected with the day columns. It is possible that the days of one eroup indicate the year intended; that is, whether it is a Cauac, Kan, Mulue, or Ix year. For example, column No. 4 (Table IV), or some other one of the four, may relate to Kan years; No. 1 to Muluc years; No. 2 to Ix years, and No. 3 to Cauac years. Assuming this to be correct, then the example heretofore given, where the days named are 1 Cib, 1 Ahau, 1 Kan, 1 Lamat, and 1 Eb, and the month the first (Pop), would indicate only the years 7 Muluc, 3 Muluc, 12 Muluc, 8 Muluc, and 11 Mulue. These would all come in Ahau No. VI, as before, but would indicate that the fes- tival, or whatever they referred to, occurred but once every four years, THOMAS. | DAY COLUMNS IN THE DRESDEN CODEX. 23 in the first month of the year. Hence if the five days of a column (as of the Manuscript Troano) are all taken from one side of the quadrilat- eral of our scheme they will refer to years of one dominical sign only ; if ulternately from opposite sides, then to the years of two dominical signs, but if taken alternately from the four sides they would refer to the four classes of years. This will reduce the number of dates in the Manu- script Troano very considerably from the other supposition, but will not in any way change the position of the Ahaues in the Grand Cycle. As one further item of evidence in regard to this method of arranging the twenty days of the month in four groups or columns, I call attention to what is found on Plate 32 of the Dresden Codex. Here we find the four columns of five days each, corresponding precisely with the ar- rangement of the Maya days into four groups, as heretofore. I present here the arrangement as found on this plate : TABLE X. a. b. (op d. Manik. Cib. Chicchan. IG, Chuen. Ahau. Mulue. Ezanab. Men. Kan. Been. Ik. Cauae. Lamat. Caban. Cimi. Akbal. Eb. Yimix. Oc. It will be seen by comparing this grouping with that in Table IV that column a ot this plate contains the same days as column 3 of the table; column ) thesame as column 4; column ce the same as column 1, and column d the same as column 2. But so far I have found no entirely satisfactory explanation of the order given in many of these columns and in three of the sides of the quadrilateral of the Cortesian plate. As this discussion is preliminary to a discussion of the assignment of the symbols of the cardinal points, it becomes necessary, in order to bring in all the evidence bearing upon the question, to examine certain points of the Mexican calendar system, as given by various authors and as exhibited in the Mexican Codices. If we refer now to Plate 45 of the Borgian Codex, as found in Kings- borough’s ‘‘ Mexican Antiquities,” Vol. III, a photo-engraved copy of which is presented in our Fig. 4, we shall, as I believe, not only find ad- ditional confirmation of the views I have advanced in reference to the peculiar arrangement of the days around the quadrilateral in-the plate of the Cortesian Codex, but also strong evidence of a common origin of: the Mexican and Central American calendars. This plate of the Borgian Codex, which is Mexican and not Maya, consists of four groups, the whole arranged in the form of asquare; each group, also a square, is surrounded by a serpent, the heads of the four serpents being brought near together at the center, which is indicated Fic. 4.—Copy of plate43, Borgian Codex. el OMlicenciire I O}I remy a THOMAS. } DAY GROUPS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES. 25 by the figure of the sun. Each of these serpents, as I have hereto- fore intimated,’ probably denotes one of the four-year series of the cycle of fifty-two years, just as in the Maya cycle we would say ‘‘the Cauae series,” ‘Kan series,” ete.” The thirteen years of each series is denoted by the small circles on the serpents. The four large figures are, as we shall hereafter see, fanciful representations of certain ideas held by this people in regard to the four cardinal points, each probably with its significant color as understood by the artist, and each probably indicating one of the four-year bearers. But at present our attention is directed to something else to be found on this plate. In each of the four spaces and around each of the large figures we observe five Mexican day symbols connected usually with the main figure by heavy-waved colored lines. What is the signification of these day symbols in this connection? Precisely the same, I believe, as those in the four sides of the quadrilateral in the Codex Cortesianus. But first I would remark that the waved, colored, connecting lines have no other signification than to denote the parts of the body to which the days are here severally assigned; hence, as they have no bearing on the questions now under discussion, I shall have no occasion to take any further notice of them. If wearrange the Mexican days in four columns as we did the Maya, that is, placing the first name in the first column, the second in the sec- ond column, and so on, following the usual orthography and the order given, the groups will be as follows: TABLE XI. 1: 2. 3. 4, Cipactli. Ehecatl. Calli. Cuetzpalin. Coatl. Miquizth. Mazatl. Tochtli. Atl. Itzquintli. Ozomatli. Malinalli. Acatl. Ocelotl. Quauhtli. Cozeaquauhtli. Ollin. Tecpatl. Quiahuitl. Xochitl. Or, to give them their English equivalents as we usually find them, as. follows: TABLE XII. if 2. 3. 4. Dragon. Wind. House. Lizard. Snake. Death. Deer. Rabbit. Water. Dog. Monkey. Grass. Cane. Tiger. Eagle. Vulture. Movement. Flint. Rain. Flower. °Study Manuscript Troano, p. 86. 10Possibly each serpent represents one indication of thirteen years, but the proper answer to this question is not important in the present investigation. 26 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. Comparing these columns with the symbols around each one of these large figures we find that to each one of the latter are assigned the days of one of these four columns. Jn the lower left-hand square, to the large green figure, those in column 1; thus, at the left foot, the Dragon ; to the back of the head, the Snake; to the eye, Cane; in the right hand, Water; and below the elbow, but connected with the mouth, Ollin or movement (sometimes translated earthquake). To the yellow figure, in the lower right-hand square, are applied those of the second column ; to the black figure, in the upper right-hand square, those of the third column; and to the red figere, in the upper left-hand square, those of the fourth column. ‘There is therefore scarcely any doubt that this arrange- ment is for precisely the same purpose as that in the plate of the Codex Cortesianus. As proof that the Mexicans used these combinations in much the same way as the Maya priests I call attention to the following examples : On Plate 59, of the same (Borgian) Codex, we find two columns of days, one on the right and the other on the left, as follows: Left column. ‘Right column. Tochtli. Quauhtli. Ehecatl. Atl. Cozeaquauhtli. Calli. Itzquinth. Ollin. Cuetzpalin. Ozomatli. Tecpatl. Coatl. Malinalli. Quiahuitl. Migquiztli. Acatl. Xochitl. Mazatl. Ocelotl. Cipactli. Comparing these with the names in the four columns (Table XI), we find that those on the left were taken alternately from columns 4 and 2, and those on the right alternately from columns 3 and 1. On Plates 61 and 62 we find substantially the same arrangement, or at least the same idea as the extract from Codex Peresianus, heretofore referred to. On these two plates (embracing all of 61, and the lower left-hand square of 62) we find five squares, each one bordered on two sides with the symbol of a single day repeated thirteen times and accompanied by numeral signs. Commencing with the square on page 62, where the repeated day symbol is Cipactli, and reading the line from left to right and up the column, we find the numbers to be as follows, filling out the effaced ones in the line: Cipactli, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7 (the symbol being re- peated with each number.) THOMAS. ] DAY GROUPS IN THE MEXICAN CODICES. 27 In the next, the lowerright-hand square on Plate 61, where the day is Coatl, the numbers, reading the same way, are as follows (filling out one effaced one) : Coatl, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3,10, 4, 11. Taking the lower left-hand square next, the day Atl, and reading in the same direction, we find the numbers to be as follows (filling out two effaced groups) : Atl, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2. We take the upper left hand next, read- ing from left to right and up: Acatl, 13,7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6. Lastly, the upper right-hand square, reading the same way as the last. Ollin, 4, 11, 5, 12,6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3, 10. We have only to turn to our abridged ¢ealendar (Table III) to find this explained. If we take the Ix column and select every fourth day, to wit, Ix, Ezanab, Ik, Cimi, and Oc, and read the line of numbers op- posite each, we shall find them corres- ponding precisely with those mentioned here. For instance, those opposite Ix the Same as those opposite Cipactli, &e. We further notice that these five names, Cipactli, Coatl, Atl, Acatl, and Ollin, or, to use the English names, Dragon, Snake, Water, Cane, and Movement, are pre- cisely those of column 1 of the arrange- ment of the Mexican days as heretofore given (Table XI). On plates 13-17 of the Vatican Codex, B, Kingsborough, Vol. III, we find pre- cisely the same arrangement as that just described, and where the numerals are so distinct that there can be no doubt in regard to any of them. The days are exactly the same—Cipactli, Coatl, Atl, Acatl, and Ollin—and in the same order, but the plates are to be taken in the re- verse order, commencing with 17, and the columns and lines are to be read ‘a Xopop wwoye,A ‘zg pus Tg soyutq Jo Adop—'g ‘ort 28 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. thus: Commencing at the bottom at the right hand, upward to the top, and then along the line toward the left. On Plate 58 of the Borgian Codex we find six lines of days with five in each line. Five out of these six lines are composed of the five days just named, simply varied as to the respective positions they occupy in the line, but maintaining the same order. On Plate 17, same Codex, we see two lines corresponding with the first and second columns of the arrangement of the days heretofore given. But without further reference to these smaller or isolated groups, we have conclusive proof of this method of arranging the days among the Mexicans, in three extended series—one found on Plates 49-56 of the Vatican Codex B; one on Plates 31-38 of the Borgian Codex, and an- other on Plates 1-8 of the Bologna Codex. I give here the arrangement found in the first, which is precisely the same as that of the Borgian Codex, except that this is to be read from the left to the right, and that of the Borgian Codex from the right to the left, both commencing with the bottom line (numbered 5 in the following list): A photo-engraved copy of one plate of the former is also given in Fig. 5, as it furnishes proof that the days and the order in which they follow each other are the same as I have given them. For the benefit of English readers the list is given in the English equivalents of the Mexican names?! TABLE XIII. 1. Water. Dog. Monkey. Grass. Cane. 2. Movement. Flint. Rain. Flower. Dragon. 3. Snake. Death. Deer. Rabbit. Water. 4, Cane. Tiger.” Eagle. Vulture. Movement. 5. Dragon. Wind. House. Lizard. Snake. 1. Tiger. Eagle. Vulture. Movement. I'lint. 2. Wind. House. Lizard. Snake. Death. 3. Dog. Monkey. Grass. Cane. ‘Viger. 4, Flint. Rain. Flower. Dragon. Wind. 5 Death. Deer. Rabbit. Water. Dog. 1. Rain. Flower. Dragon. Wind. House. 2) Deer: Rabbit. Water. Dog. Monkey. 3. Eagle. Vulture. Movement. ‘Flint. Rain. 4. House. Lizard. Snake. Death. Deer. 5. Monkey. Grass. Cane. Tiger. Eagle. In order to accommodate the list to the paging it is divided into sections, the sec- ond section to follow to the right of the first; the third to the right of the second, and so 6n to the last, as thongh extended continuously to the right. Those numbered 1 would then form one continuous transverse line, as would also those numbered 2, 3, 4 and 5 respectively. In the original, Deer, certainly an error. THOMAS | or see cr ee oe oo = Pep Rw te op toe ou ye go to or = oo bo . Lizard. . Grass. . Flower. Rabbit. Vulture. Water. Movement. Snake. Cane. Dragon. Tiger. Wind. Dog. Flint. . Death. Rain. . Deer. Eagle. House. Monkey. Lizard. Grass. Flower. Rabbit. Vulture. Water. Movement. Snake. Cane. Dragon. . Tiger.¥ . Wind. . Dog. . Flint. . Death. . Rain. Deer. . Eagle. . House. . Monkey. DAY GROUPS IN Snake. Cane. Dragon. Water. Movement. Dog. Flint. Death. Tiger. Wind. Eagle. House. Monkey. Rain. Deer. Flower. Rabbit. Vulture. Lizard. Grass. Snake. Cane. Dragon. Water. Movement. Dog. Flint. Death. Tiger. Wind. Eagle. House. Monkey. Rain. Deer. Flower. Rabbit. Vulture. Lizard. Grass. THE MEXICAN CODICES. Death. Tiger. Wind. Dog. Flint. Monkey. Rain. Deer. Eagle. House. Vulture. Lizard. Grass. Flower. Rabbit. Dragon. Water. Movement. Snake. Cane. Death. Tiger. Wind. Dog. Flint. Monkey. Rain. Deer. Eagle. House. Vulture. Lizard. Grass. Flower, Rabbit. 13Jn the original, Deer. Deer. Eagle. House. Monkey. Rain. Grass. Flower. Rabbit. Vulture. Lizard. Movement. Snake. Cane. Dragon. Water. Wind. Dog. Flint. Death. Tiger. Deer. Eagle. House. Monkey. Rain. Grass. Flower. Rabbit. Vulture. Lizard. Movement. Snake. Cane, Dragon. Water. 29 Rabbit. Vulture. Lizard. Grass. Flower. Cane. Dragon. Water. Movement. Snake. Flint. Death. Tiger. Wind. Dog. House. Monkey. Rain. Deer. Eagle. Rabbit. Vulture. Lizard. Grass. Flower. Cane. Dragon. Water. Movement. Snake. Flint. Death. Tiger. Win. Dog. 30 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. If we examine the columns of this list, we see that each one contains the days of some one of the four columns of the arrangement hereto- fore given; not always in precisely the same order, but the same days. Without stopping to attempt a further explanation of this calendar or Tonalamatl, which is not within the scope of our present purpose, I merely remark that it is evidently a representation of the Mexican ‘“eycle of two hundred and sixty days,” or thirteen months, the common multiple of 4, 5, 13, and 20, and hence a cycle, at the completion of which the day, numeral, &c. (except the month), will be the same as at the beginning. PLATE 44 OF THE FEJERVARY CODEX, As a connecting link between the particular topic now under discus- sion and the consideration of the symbols of the cardinal points, I wish to refer to one plate of the Fejervary Codex, to wit, Plate 44, a fac- simile of which is presented in Plate IIL: A little careful inspection of this plate will saffice to convince the reader that it was gotten up upon the same plan and for the same pur- pose as the “Tableau des Bacab,” or plate copied from the Codex Cor- tesianus, which is reproduced in our Plate I. The sacred tree or cross, which is represented but once in that plate, and that in the central area, is here shown four times—once in each of the four outer spaces opposite the four sides of the inner area. It is true we do not find here the intermediate ring (or quadrilateral) of days, but these are not wanting, for the four groups, corresponding with those on the four sides of the quadrilateral, are here found at the four corners wedged in between the colored loops, one group of five at each corner. The chief marked resemblance is to be found in the outer looped line, in which the day characters are connected by rows of dots. But here the lines and loops, although almost precisely in the form and relation to each other as in the plate of the Cortesian Codex, are variously and brightly colored, and the rows of dots are inclosed by lateral lines. Now for the proof that it is designed for the same purpose as the looped line on the other plate. But it is necessary that I present first, in a tabular form, a Mexican calendar (Table XIV) similar to the con- densed Maya calendar heretofore given. _ Lalso give, immediately following, a list of Mexican days for thirteen months. the number necessary to make the circuit of the plate, just as the list of Maya days heretofore given. In this case I have used the English equivalents of the Mexican words for the benefit of English readers. 31 32 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. TaBLe XIV.—Condensed Mexican calendar. Numbers of the months. Tochtli Acatl Tecpatl Calli | aeM en Salant al cane years. years. years. | years. 1 2 3 4 5 6 "/ | 8 9 10 11 \12 13 14 15 16 17 18 ea} ‘Cozcaquauh- | Cipactli..-.. Miquiztli....| Ozomatli..--.) 1 | 8 | 2,9 | 3 10) 4 |11 | 5 [12 | 6 |13 | 7 tli. | liga at Tenet Ehecatl ... | Mazatl vee Malinalli-.--.| 2 | 9 | 3 \10 | 4/11] 5/12) 6113) 7/1) 8 [K@aillivese= = | Tochtli ......| Acatl 3 10 | 4 |11 | 5 [12 | 6 (18 }7)/1\8]2/9 -| Cuetzpalin..| Atl ...-.. -- | Ocelotl . 4/11) 5 112 |6113|/7)1/8)2)9 | 3°10 ‘WGoatleeeees Itzeuintli....| Quaubtii | 5 12 | 6 13 l7/1]/%|2)9]3 10] 4 i Miquiztli. ..| Ozomatli... | OE eral |6|13|7)1/8|2)9] 83 110) 4 11] 5 112 tli. | 1a Ehecatl.-.-.. Mazat]...... Malinalli ..-.! Ollin-...-----. 7} 1|8|2] 9} 3 10) 4 11) 5 12) 6 |18 Calli ... | Tochtli . | Acatl.. ..-..| Tecpatl -.-.| 8} 2/9 | 3/10} 4 11 | 5 j12/ 6 13) 7-1 Cuetzpalin...| Atl.......- Ocelotl....... Geena ----| 9] 3 10 | 4 111) 5/12) 6 13/7/12) 8) 2 ‘Coatl ....| Itzeuinlti...| Quauhtli.....| Xochitl .....\10 | 4 11 | 5/12 | 6 13) 7,1) 8 2 19|3 Miquiztli....) Ozomatli -. Cozcnauant: Cipactli .---.\11 5 ]12/6118/7/1|/8:2|9/3 110) 4 eerie | | | Mazatl | Malinalli ...| Ollin........ | Ehecatl...... 26 a3/7)1.8 |2] 9/3/10) 41 | 5 Tochtli | Acatl ...--..| Tecpatl...... Vell oy Se oS, 23] 71118) 2) 94 3 1105 4 111) 5 11216 Atl ........-.| Ocelotl......| Quiahuitl....| Cuetzpalin...| 1) 8 | 2| 9 | 3 10 | 4/11 | 5 12) 613 | 7 Itzcuintli..... Quanhtli | Xochitl ....-- Coatlie=a-- == 2/9] 3 110) 4/11 | 5 12) 6 13 as Ozomatli ... | Cozeaquauh-| Cipactli..-..- | Miquiztli .. | 3 10 | 4 |11 | 5 12} 6/13) 7)1)8)2/9 | _ tli. | ) | | Malinalli ....| Ollin...-..-.| Ehecat] ..... | Mazatlic=- a. | 4/11 | 5 12) 6 113) 7)1)/ 8) 2/9) 3 10 Gatlin eee | Tecpatl. ...| Calli ...-.... | Lochtli. -.-.. 5 12 | 6/13) 7) 1) 8) 2) 9) 3 !10) 4 j17 Ocelotl! -=2="2 Quiahuitl =| Cuetzpalin --| Atl ----|6 113} 7) 1) 812) 9) 310 | 4 12 | 5112 Quauhtli..--. Xochitl..-.. (Coatlgaseae= Itzcuintli....| 7] 1|8| 2/9] 3 |10 | 411 | 5 12 | 6 113 This calendar begins the year Acatl with Cipactli to correspond with what I believe to have been the plan on which the Fejervary plate was made; this, as will be seen, does not agree with what is generally supposed to have been the usual method. The following table of days can be used for either year, but commences as the Acatl years in the preceding calendar. TABLE XV.—A List OF MEXICAN Days FOR THIRTEEN MONI/HS. (The dark lines indicate the points where the months end. ] 1. Dragon. 5, Flint. 9. Eagle. 15. Grass. 2. Wind. 6. Rain. 10. Vulture. 1. Cane. 3. House. 7. Flower. 11. Movement. 2 iser. 4, Lizard. 8. Dragon. 2. Flint. 3. Hagle. 5. Snake. 9, Wind. 13. Rain. 4, Vulture. 6. Death. 10. House. 1. Flower. 5. Movement. 7. Deer. 11. Lizard. 2. Dragon. 6, Flint. 8. Rabbit. 12. Snake. 3. Wind. 7. Rain. 9. Water. 13. Death. 4. House. 8. Flower. 10. Dog. 1. Deer. 5. Lizard. 9. Dragon. 11. Monkey. 2. Rabbit. 6. Snake. 10. Wind. 12. Grass. 3. Water. 7. Death. 11. House. 13. Cane. 4. Dog. 8. Deer. 12. Lizard. 1. Tiger. 5. Monkey. 9. Rabbit. 13. Snake. 2. Hagle. 6. Grass. 10. Water. 1. Death. 3. Vulture. 7. Cane. 11. Dog. 2. Deer. 4. Movement. 8. Tiger. 12. Monkey. 3. Rabbit. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. In . FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE 44, FEJERVARY COI EX. THOMAS.] a —" = Ho bo BSE AI CSS) SoM _ OMAAD TP wh OO SOHNA TP . Water. Dog. Monkey. Grass. Cane. . Tiger. . Eagle. . Vulture. . Movement. . Flint. Rain. Flower. Dragon. Wind. House. Lizard. Snake. . Death. Deer. . Rabbit. . Water. . Dog. . Monkey. . Grass. . Cane. . Tiger. Eagle. . Vulture. . Movement. . Flint. Rain. . Flower. . Dragon. . Wind. . House. . Lizard. . Snake. . Death. Deer. Rabbit. . Water. Dog. . Monkey. . Grass. . Cane. 10. iLL: 12. 13. . Flint. . Rain. . Flower. . Dragon. . Wind. SO MAD OT PIO to 10. WDHONBSTP WHE = i=) 1D 12. 13. 11, 2. 3 ETH——3 MEXICAN Tiger. Eagle. Vulture. Movement. House. . Lizard. . Snake. . Death. Deer. . Rabbit. . Water. . Dog. . Monkey. . Grass. . Cane. . Tiger. . Eagle. 3. Vulture. . Movement. . Flint. . Rain. . Flower. . Dragon. . Wind. . House. .. Lizard. . Snake. . Death. Deer. Rabbit. Water. Dog. . Monkey. . Grass. . Cane. Tiger. Eagle. Vulture. Movement. Flint. Bh —_ © SOHOMDAAMAP WD nrIAPATF WNP CALENDAR. . Dog. . Monkey. . Grass. Cane. Tiger. Eagle. . Vulture. . Movement. . Flint. . Rain. . Flower. 12. 13. . House. . Lizard. Dragon. Wind. Snake. . Death. Deer. . Rabbit. Water. . Dog. . Monkey. . Grass. . Cane. . Tiger. . Hagle. . Vulture. . Movement. . Flint. . Rain. . Flower. 6. ie 8. Dragon. Wind. House. Bee oo he HPR Re be SPOOR Co OU COROT ANC th — © SOEMDABDTPEHW DH ao Comrao om po pw . Lizard. . Snake. . Death. . Deer. . Rabbit. . Water. Dog. . Monkey. . Grass. Cane. Tiger. . Eagle. . Vulture. . Movement. . Flint. . Rain. . Flower. Dragon. Wind. House. Lizard. Snake. Death. Deer. Rabbit. Water. Dog. Monkey. . Grass. . Cane. 2 Liger. . Eagle. . Vulture. . Movement. Flint. Rain. . Flower. . Dragon. . Wind. . House. . Lizard. . Snake, . Death. . Deer. . Rabbit. 33 34 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. 2. Water. 5. Grass. 8. Eagle. 11. Flint. 3. Dog. 6. Cane. 9. Vulture. 12. Rain. 4. Monkey. 7. Tiger. 10. Movement. 13. Flower. Although the Mexican equivalents of these names may be inferred from what has already been given, I will insert the Mexican and English names of the twenty days here, opposite each other. TABLE XVI. Mex. Eng. Mex. Eng. Cipactli (Dragon). Ozomatli (Monkey). Ehecatl (Wind). Malinalli (Grass). Calli (House). Acatl (Cane). Cuetzpalin (Lizard). Ocelotl (Tiger). Coatl (Snake). Quauhtli (Eagle). Miquiztli (Death). Cozeaquauhtli (Vulture). Mazatl (Deer). Ollin (Movement). Tochtli (Rabbit). Teepatl (Flint). Atl (Water). Quiahuit] (Rain). Itzeuintli (Dog). Xochitl (Flower). Examining the looped line, Plate III, we notice at each of the outer and inner bends one of the day symbols. (In the plate of the Cortesian Codex there are two.) Wetherefore take for granted that this is the first day of the week, or indication of thirteen days, hence we should commence with Cipactli (or Dragon). This we find at the upper right hand corner of the inner squareor right base of the large red loop. Judging from the direction of the birds’ heads and other facts heretofore noted, we presume the direction in which we are to move is around toward the left. Count- ing the day symbol as one, and each of the twelve dots up the red line as one day, we come to the symbol in the upper right-hand corner of the loop as the first day of the next week. This we find is Ocelotl (Tiger), just as we find it to be in the calendar table and list of days. Moving along the upper red line to the corner at the left we find the next char- acter is Mazatl (or Deer), agreeing exactly with the calendar and list. Moving down the left red line to the inner corner we come to the symbol for Xochitl (or Flower), also agreeing with the calendar and list. Pro- ceeding from thence up the white line we reach next the symbol for the day Acatl (Cane) in the red circle surrounded by a yellow line. Here we see a marked distinction between this and the other day symbols we have named, a distinction which applies only to the four at the cor. ners—the four year symbols—Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli, and Tochtlt. In order that the reader may compare the names in this looped line with the calendar, I present here a scheme of it similar to that given of THOMAB.] EXPLANATION OF THE FEJERVARY PLATE. 35 the plate from the Cortesian Codex. The explanation given of the other will enable him to make the comparison without further aid. () ONONO O'S 6 Ono oro ©0900 0000 0 o058 (@) 9 o ° ° zy 0 0000000000 «0 «GH Fic. 6.—Scheme of Plate 44, Fejervary Codex. The numbers in the little circles at the corners and loops replace the days of the original as follows: 1, Cipactli; 2, Ocelotl; 3, Mazatl; 4, Xochitl; 5, Acatl; 6, Miquiztli; 7, Quiahuitl; 8, Malinalli; 9, Coatl; 10, Tecpatl; 14, Ozomatli; 12, Cuetzpalin; 13, Ollin; 14, Itzeuintli; 15, Calli; 16, Cozcaquauhtli; 17, Atl; 18, Echecatl; 19, Quauhtli; 20, Tochtli. As before stated, the four groups of five day symbols are found wedged in between the loops at the corners. In the upper left-hand corner we see the following: Cipactli, Acatl, Coatl, Ollin, and Atl (or, to give the English equivalents in the same order, Dragon, Cane, Snake, Movement, and Water), the same as those of column 1 of Tables XI and XII. In the lower left-hand corner, Ehecatl, Itzcuintli, Tecpatl, Miquiztli, and Ocelot] (Wind, Dog, Flint, Death, and Tiger), the same as column 2; in the lower right-hand corner, Quauhtli, Calli, Ozomatli, Quiahuitl, and Mazatl (Eagle, House, Monkey, Rain, and Deer), the same as column 3; and ir the upper right- hand corner, Tochtli, Cozeaquauhtli, Cuetzpalin, Malinalli, and Xochitl 36 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. (Rabbit, Vulture, Lizard, Grass, Flower), the same as column 4. But the arrangement of the days in the respective columns, as in the “Table of the Bacabs,” varies from that obtained by placing the days of the month in four groups, as heretofore explained. Turning again to the plate of the Cortesian Codex, as shown in our Plate 2, I call attention first to the heavy black L-shaped figures. I presume from the number—eighteen—and the fact that they are fuund in the line of weeks they are symbols of, or denote the months, but am unable to suggest any explanation of their use in this connection. I find nothing to correspond with them in either of the plates of the Mex- ican Codices referred to. SYMBOLS OF THE CARDINAL POINTS. We are now prepared to enter upon the discussion of the symbols of the cardinal points, of which figures have already been given in connec- tion with the quotations from Rosny’s work (Fig. 1), but as I shall have occasion to refer to them very frequently I again present them in Fig. 7. b Fic. 7.—Symbols of the cardinal points. As it is conceded by all who have discussed this subject, that « and ¢ must be assigned to the east and west or equatorial points, the only dispute being as to which should be referred to the east and which to the west, it follows that the others must be referred to the polar pcints. As each one of the four areas or compartments contains one of these sym- bols—the top or upper compartment a, the left-hand b, the bottom ¢, and the right-hand d—we naturally infer that the other fi gures in these compartments have some reference to the cardinal points with which they are respectively associated. I think that Rosny is correct in assuming that this plate places these symbols in their proper positions, and hence that if we can determine one with satisfactory certainty this will determine the rest. If their correct positions are given anywhere it would seem that it would be here, in what is evidently a general calendar table or possibly a calendar wheel. I have already discussed the question of the assignment of the cardi- nal symbols to some extent in my former work, “ and will take for granted that the reader is familiar with what is there stated. That one of the two characters a and ¢ (Fig. 7), denotes the east or sunrise and the other west or sunset, may, I think, be safely assumed from what is given in the work mentioned, and from the evidence pre- 4 Study Manuscript Troano, pp. 69-74. 37 38 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. sented by Rosny, and Schultz-Sellack.!® But which east and which west is the rock on which the deductions have been, so far, split asunder; Rosny and Schultz-Sellack maintaining that a is west and c east, and I that ais east and ¢ west. If we admit that they are correctly placed on this plate it necessitates the admission on my part that I have been incorrect in my reference of two of them. Ifa@is east then I have re- versed those denoting north and south; if it is west, then I was correct as to those denoting north and south, but have reversed those indicating east and. west. Without at present stating the result of my re-examination of this subject I shall enter at once upon the discussion, leaving this to ap- pear as we proceed. It is well known that each of the dominical days or year-bearers (Cuch-haab, as they were termed by the Mayas), Kan, Mulue, Ix, and Cauac, was referred to one of the four cardinal points. Our first step, therefore, is to determine the points to which these days were respect- ively assigned. I have given in my former paper" my reasons for believing that Cauac was referred to the south, Kan to the east, Mulue to the north, and Ix to the west, from which I quote the following as a basis for further ar- gument: ‘‘Landa, Cogulludo, and Perez tell us that each of the four dominical days was referred by the Indians to one of the four cardinal points. As the statements of these three authorities appear at first sight to conflict with each other, let us see if we can bring them into harmony without resorting to a violent construction of the language used. Perez’ state- ment is clear and distinct, and as it was made by one thoroughly con- versant with the manners and customs of the natives, and also with all the older authorities, it is doubtless correct. ‘* He says, ‘The Indians made a little wheel in which they placed the initial days of the year. an at the east, Muluc at the north, Gix or Hix at the west, and Cauac at the south, to be counted in the same or- der.’ “The statement of Cogulludo, which agrees substantially with this, is as follows: ‘ They fixed the first year at the east, to which they gave the name Cuch-haab; the second at the west, and called it Hiix; the the third at the south, named Cauac, and the fourth, Muluc, at the north. ‘Turning now to Landa’s work (Relac. de las Cosas, §§ XX XIV), we are somewhat surprised to find the following language: ‘The first of these dominical letters is Kan. * * * They placed this on the south side. * * * The second letter is Muluc, which is placed on the eastern side. * * * The third of theseletters is Yx, * * * andit signi- 16 Les. Doc. Ecrit. ’Antiq. Ameriq. 16 Zeits. fiir Ethn., 1879. ‘7Study Manuscript Troano, pp. 68-70. eS ee THOMAS.) ASSIGNMENT OF DAYS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 39 fied the northern side. The fourth letter is Cawac, which is assigned to the western side,’ “This, aS we see, places Kan at the south, Mulue at the east, Ix at the north, and Cauac at the west, conflicting directly with the state- ments made by Cogulludo and Perez. If we turn now to the descrip- tion of the four feasts as given by Landa, and heretofore quoted, I think we shall find an explanation of this difference. From his account of the feast at the commencement of the Kan year (the intercalated days of the Cauac year) we learn that first they made an idol called Kan-u- uayeyab, which they bore to the heap of stones on the south side of the village; next they made a statue of the god Bolon-Zacab, which they placed in the house of the elected chief, or chief chosen for the occasion. This done they returned to the idol on the southern stone heap, where certain religious ceremonies were performed, after which they returned with the idol to the house, where they placed it vis-a-vis with the other, just as we see in the lower division of Plates XX-—X XIII of the Manu- script Troano. Here they kept constant vigil until the unlucky days (Uayeyab-haab) had expired and the new Kan year appeared; then they took the statue of Bolon-Zacab to the temple and the other idol to the heap of stones at the east side of the village, where it was to remain during the year, doubtless intended as a constant reminder to the com- mon people of what year was passing. “Similar transfers were made at the commencement of the other years; at that of Mulue, first to the east, then to the house, and then to its final resting place on the north side; of Ix, first to the north, then to the west ; of Cauac, first to the west, then to the south. ‘This movement agrees. precisely with the order given by Perez; the final resting places of their idols for the year being the cardinal points of the dominical days where he fixes them; that is, Kan at the east, Mulue at the north, Ix at the west, and Cauac at the south. There is, therefore, no real disagreement between these authorities on this point.” Most of the modern authors who have touched upon this topic, although in some cases apparently at sea, without any fixed opinion on the subject, are disposed to follow Landa’s statement, without compar- ing it with his account of the supplemental days, and appear to rely upon it rather than upon the statements of Cogulludo and Perez; and hence they refer Kan to the south, Muluc to the east, Ix to the north, and Cauac to the west. Brasseur, in his Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de V Amé- rique Oentrale,® assigns Kan to the east, Muluc to the north, Hix to the west, and Cauac to the south. But in his supplement to Etudes sur le Manuserit Troano,® and in his note to Landa’s Relacion,” refers Kan to the south, Mulue to the east, Ix to the north, and Cauac to the west, 18'Vol. III, p. 471. 19P. 234. 20P, 209. 40 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. although afterwards, in the same work, in a note to Perez’ Cronologia, he quotes Cogulludo’s statement without explanation or objection. Dr. Brinton, in his Myths of the New World,” places these dominical days at the same points to which I have assigned them—Kan atthe east, &e.—although referring in a note at the same place to the very page of Landa’s Relacion, where they are assigned as given by Rosny. In a subsequent work, Hero Myths, referring to the same passage in Landa, and with Cogulludo’s work before him, he assigns them to the same points as Rosny—Kan to the south, &c.—yet without any reference whatever to his former expressed opinion. Schultz-Sellack, in an article entitled Die Amerikanischen Gotter der vier Weltrichtungen und thre Tempel in Palanque, in the Zeitschrift fiir Eth- nologie for 1879,”* comes to the same conclusion as Rosny. Rosny’s opinion on this subject has already been quoted.” From these facts it is evident that the assignment of the dominical days to their respective cardinal points has not as yet been satisfactorily determined, but that the tendency at the present day is to follow Lan- da’s simple statement rather than Cogulludo and Perez. Thisis caused, I-presume, in part, by the fact that certain colors—yellow, red, white, and black—were also referred to the cardinal points, and because it is supposed that among the Maya nations yellow was appropriated to Kan, red to Muluc, white to Ix, and black to Cauac; and as the first appears to be more.appropriate to the south, red to the east or sunrise, white to the north or region of snow, and black to the west or sunset, therefore this is the correct assigninent. But there is nothing given to show that this was the reason for the selection or reference of these colors by the inhabitants of Central America. This brings another factor into the discussion and widens the field of our investigation; and as but little, save the terms applied to or con- nected with the dominical days, is to be found in regard to the Maya custom in this respect, we are forced to refer to the Mexican custom as the next best evidence. But it is proper to state first that the chief, and, so far as Iam aware, the only, authority for the reference of the colors named to the four Maya days, is found in the names applied to them by Landa.”* ; According to this writer, the other names applied to the Bacab of Kan, were Hobnil, Kanil-Bacab, Kan-Pauahtun, and Kan-Xib-Chac ; to that of Mulue, Canzienal, Chacal-Bacab, Chae-Pauahtun, and Chac-Xib-Chac ; to that of Ix, Zac-Ziui, Zacal-Bacab, Zac-Pauahtun, and Zac-Xib-Chac ; and to that of Cauac, Hozen-Ek, Ekel-Bacab, Ek-Pauahtun, and Ek-Xib- Chac. As Kan or Kanil of the first signifies yellow, Chae or Chacal of the second signifies red, Zac or Zacal, of the third white, and Ek or Ekel, CLL EDS te 3 See also hisDechiff. Ecrit. Hierat., p. 42. 22 P, 209. 4 Relacion, p.208. THomMas.| ASSIGNMENT OF COLORS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 41 of the fourth black, it has been assumed, and, I think, correctly, that these colors were usually referred to these days, or rather to the cargli- nal points indicated, respectively, by these day symbols. If there is any other authority for this conclusion in the works of the earlier writers, I have so far been unable to find it. If the figures in our plate are properly and distinctly colored in the original Codex Cortesianus, this might form one aid in settling this point, but, as we shall hereafter see, the colors really afford very little assistance, as they are varied for different purposes. Rosny gives us no information on this point, hence our discussion must proceed without this knowledge, as we have no opportunity of re- ferring to the original. I may remark that it is the opinion of the artist, Mr. Holmes, from an inspection of the photograph, that the plate was at least partially colored. M. de Charencey, who has studied with much care the custom of identi- fying colors with the cardinal points in both the New and Old World, be- lieves that in Mexico and Central America the original system was to refer yellow to the east, black to the north, white to the west, and red to the south.* When we turn to the Mexican system we find the data greatly in- creased, but, unfortunately, the difficulties and confusion are increased in like proportion. Here we have not only the four dominical days and the four colors, but also the four ages, four elements, and four seasons, all bearing some relation in this system to the four cardinal points. It will be necessary, therefore, for us to carry along with us these sev- eral ideas in our attempt to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion on this complicated and mystified subject. Before referring to the codices I will present the conclusions of the principal authorities who have devoted any attention to this question. Sahagun says, ‘The names that they gave to the four parts of the earth are these: Vitzlampa, the south; Tlapcopcopa, the east; Mict- lampa, the north; Coatlampa, the west. The names of the figures dedicated to these parts are these: Tochtli, the rabbit, was dedicated to Vitzlampi, the south ; Acatl, the cane, to the east; Tecpatl, the flint, to the north; Calli, the house, tothe west; * * * * andatthe end of fifty-two years the count came back to Cetochtliacatl, which is the figure of the reed, dedicated to the east, which they called Tlapcopcopa and Tla- vilcopa, nearly towards the fire or the sun. Tecpatl, which is the figure of a flint, was dedicated to Mictlampa, nearly towards hell, because % Des couleurs consideres comme Symboles des Puints de V Horizon chez des Peuples du No- veau Monde, in Actes de la Societe Philologique, tome VI. See also his Recherches sur les Noms des Points de V Espace, in Mem. Acad. Nat. Sci. et Arts et Belles Lettres de Caen, 1882. ; Since the above was written I have received a copy of his Ages ou Soleils, in which he gives the Mexican custom of assigning the colors as follows: blue to the south, red to the east, yellow to the north, and green to the west.—P. 40. 42 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. they believed that the dead went towards the north. For which rea- sop, in the superstition which represented the dead as covered with mantas (cloths) and their bodies bound, they made them sit with their faces turned toward the north, or Mictlampa. The fourth figure was the house, and was dedicated to the west, which they called Cioatlampa, which is nearly toward the house of the women, for they held the opin- ion that the dead women, who are goddesses, live in the west, and that the dead men, who are in the house of the sun, guide him from the east with rejoicings every day, until they arrive at midday, and that the de- funct women, whom they regard as goddesses, and call Cioapipiltin, come out from the west to receive him at midday and carry him with rejoicing to the west.” Veytia’s statement in regard to the same subject is as follows: “The symbols, then, which were used in the aforesaid monarchies for the numeration of their years were these four: Tecpatl, that signifies flint; Calli, the house; Tochtli, the rabbit; and Acatl, the reed. * * * The material signification of the names are those just given, but the allegories that they wished to set forth by them are the four elements, which they understood to be the origin of all composite matter, and into which all things could be resolved. “They gave to fire the first place, as the most noble of all, and sym- bolized it by the flint. * * * By the hieroglyphic of ‘the house’ they represent the element earth, and gave it the second place in their initial characters. ‘““By the rabbit they symbolized the air, * * * and represented it in various ways, among which was the sign of the holy cross. * * * ‘Finally the fourth initial character, which is the reed, whichis the proper meaning of the word Acatl, is the hieroglyphic of the element water,’ 77 At page 48: “It is to be noted that most of the old calendars—those of the cycles as well as those of years and months, which they used to form in circles and squares, ran from the right to the left, in the way the orientals write and not as we are accustomed to form such figures. * * * But they did not maintain this order in the figures that they painted and used as hieroglyphics in them, but placed them some looking to one side and some to the other.” Gemelli Carreri* writes as follows in regard to the Mexican calendar system : ‘““A snake turned itself round into a circle and in the body of the serpent there were four divisions. The first denoted the south, in that language call’d Uutzlampa, whose hieroglyphick was a rabbit in a blew field, which they called Tochtli. Lower was the part that signify’d the east, called Tlacopa or Tlahuilcopa, denoted by a cane in a red field, %* Hist. Gen. de las Cosas de Nueva Espana, tome 2, p. 256. 7 Hist. Ant. Mex., vol. 1, p. 42. % Churchill’s Voyages, vol. IV, pp. 491, 492. ruomas.) ASSIGNMENT OF COLORS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 4,3 eall’d Acatl. The hieroglyphick of the north, or Micolampa, was a sword poiuted with flint, call’d Tecpatl, in a yellow field. That of the west or Sihuatlampa, was @ house in a green field, and called Cagli. * * * ‘These four divisions were the beginning of the four terms that made up the age. Between every two on the inside of the snake were twelve small divisions, among which the four first names or figures were success- ively distributed, giving every one its number to thirteen, which was the number of years that composed an indication ; the like was done in the second indication with the same names from one to thirteen, and so in the third and fourth, till they finished the circle of fifty-two years. * * * From what has been said above, there arise several doubts ; the first is, why they begin to reckon their years from the south; the second, why they made use of the four figures, of a rabbit, a cane, a flint, and a house.” He then goes on to state that the Mexicans believed the sun or light first appeared in the south, and that hell or inferno was in the north; then adds the following: ‘“* Having found this analogy between the age and the year, they would carry the similitude or proportions on further, and, as in the year there are four seasons, so they would adapt the like to the age, and accord- ingly they appointed Tochtli for its beginning in the south, as it were, the spring and youth of the sun’s age; Acatl for the summer, Tecpatl for the autumn, and Cagli for his old age or winter. ‘““These figures so disposed were also the hieroglyphicks of the ele- ments, which is the second doubt; for Tochtli was dedicated to Teva- cayohua, god of earth; Acatl to Tlalocatetuhtli, god of water; Tecpatl to Chetzahcoatl, god of air; and Cagli to Xiuhtecuhil, god of fire. * * * “The days Cipactli, Michitzli, Ozomatli, and Cozcaquauhtli are com- panions to—that is, in all respects follow—the order of the four figures that denote the years of an age, viz, Tochtli, Acatl, Tecpatl, and Cagli, to signify that every year whose symbol is Tochtli will have Cipactli for the first day of the month; that whose symbol or distinctive mark is Acatl will have Michitzli for the first of the month; Tecpatl will have Ozomatli, and Cagli will have Cozcaquauhtlh.” Clavigero”® agrees with Gemelli in reference to the correspondence of the year symbols with the first days of the years, and inserts the follow- ing remark in a note: “Cay. Boturini says that the year of the rabbet began uniformly with the day of the rabbet, the year of the cane with the day of the cane, &c., and never with the days which we have mentioned; but we ought to give more faith to Siguenza, who was certainly better informed in Mexican antiquity. The system of this gentleman is fantastical and full of contradictions.” From this statement we infer that Siguenza held the same opinion on this point as Clavigero and Gemelli. 29Hist. Mex. Cullen’s Transl., I, 292. 44 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. Boturini® gives the following arrangement of the “symbols of the four parts or angles of the world,” comparing it with that of Gemelli. “Gemelli. “ Boturini. 1. Tochtli=South. 1. Teecpatl=South. 2. Acatl =East. 2. Calli =Hast. 3. Tecpatl = North. 3. Tochtli=North. 4, Calli West.” 4. Acatl = West.” SYMBOLS OF THE FOUR ELEMENTS. “Gemelli. “Boturini. 1. Tochtli=Earth. 1. Tecpatl= Tire. 2. Acatl =Water. 2. Calli =Earth. 3. Tecpatl=Air. 3. Tochtli = Air. 4. Calli =Fire.” 4, Acatl _=Water.” Herrera speaks only of the year symbols and colors, and, although he does not directly connect them, indicates his understanding in regard thereto by the order in which he mentions them: * “They divided the year into four signs, being four figures, the oue of a house, another of a rabbit, the third of a cane, the fourth of a flint, and by them they reckoned the year as it passed on, saying, such a thing happened at so many houses or at so many flints of such a wheel or rotation, because their life being as it were an age, contained four weeks of years consisting of thirteen, so that the whole made up fifty- two years. They painted a sun in the middle from which issued four lines or branches in a cross to the circumference of the wheel, and they turned so that they divided it into four parts, and the circumference and each of them moved with its branch of the same color, which were four, Green, Blue, Red, and Yellow; and each of those parts had thir- teen subdivisions with the sign of a house, a rabbit, a cane, or a flint.” From this statement I presume his arrangement would be as follows: Calli —Green. Tochtli — Blue. Acatl —Red. Tecpatl— Yellow. Still, this is. at best but a supposition. It is evident that he had be- fore him or referred to a wheel similar to that figured by Duran in his Historia de las Indias, as his description agrees with itin every respect, except as to the arrangement of the colors. According to Durap® “ The circle was divided into four parts, each part containing thirteen years, the first part pertaining to the east, the second to the north, the third to the west, and the fourth to the south. 0 Idea de Una Nueva Historia General de la America Septentrional, pp. 54-56. ‘| Hist. Amer. Dec. II, B. 10, Chap. 4. Transl. vol. 3, pp. 221-222. ® Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana, Mexico, 1880. Tom. II., pp 252-253. tomas] ASSIGNMENT OF COLORS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 45 The first part, which pertained to the east, was called the thirteen years of the Cane, and in each house of the thirteen was painted a cane, and the number of the corresponding year. * * * The second part ap- plied to the north, in which were other thirteen houses (divisions), called the thirteen houses of the Flint, and there were also painted in each one a flint and the number of the year. * * * The third part, that which appertained to the west, was called the thirteen Houses ; there were also painted in this thirteen little houses, and joined to each the number of the year. * * * In the fourth and last part were other thirteen years called the thirteen houses of the Rabbit, and in each of these houses were also likewise painted the head of a rabbit, and joined to it a number.” The plate or figure accompanying this statement is a wheel in the form shown in Fig. 8, the quadrant @ green, with thirteen figures of the Plo000 9 0/0000 Pleas 0000/0000 secon 000 Q Qe 20009 Fic. 8—Calendar wheel from Duran. cane in it; bred, with thirteen figures of the flint in it; ¢ yellow with thirteen figures of the house in it, and d blue, with thirteen figures of 33'Trate, 3° Lam 18, 46 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. the rabbit’s head in it, each figure with its appropriate numeral. At the top is the word “ Oriente,” at the left ‘‘ Norte,” at the bottom “ Occi- dente,” and at the right “ Sur.” Although this figure was evidently made by this author or for him, it ex- presses his understanding of the assignment of the years and arrange- ment of the colors as ascertained from the data accessible to him. His arrangement will therefore be as follows: Acatl — East — Green. Tecpatl— North — Red. Calli — West — Yellow. Tochtli — South — Blue. We find the same idea frequently expressed in the codices now ac- cessible, as, for example, the Borgian and the Vatican B, though the colors do not often correspond with Duran’s arrangement. Shultz-Sellack,*! in his article heretofore quoted, arranges the colors in connection with the dominical days in the Maya system as follows: Kan — South — Yeilow. Mulue — East — Red. Ix — North — White. Cauac — West — Black. He does not appear to be so clear in reference to the Mexican system, in fact he seems to avoid the question of the assignment of the year symbols. His arrangement, as far as I can understand it, is as follows: —? Quetzaleoatl — South — Wind — Yellow. —? Huitzilopuchtli — East — Fire — Red. —? Tezcatlipoca — North — Water — White. —? Tlaloc — West — Earth — Black. Orozco y Berra® gives his preference to the opinion of Sahagun, which has already been quoted, and which is the same as that held by Tor- quemada,® The most thorough and extensive discussion of this subject which has so far been made, is by Dr. D. Alfredo Chavero, in the Anales del Museo Nacional de Mexico.” According to this author, who had access not only to the older as well as more recent authorities usually referred to, but also to the manu- script of Fabrigat and the Codex Chimalpopoca or Quauhtitlan, the order of the year symbols or year bearers—Tecpatl, Calli, Acatl, and Tochtli—varied ‘‘segun les pueblos,” the Toltecs commencing the cycle with Tecpatl, those of Teotihuacan with Calli, those of Tezcuco with 4 Zeit. fiir Ethnologie, 1879. % Anales Mus. Mex., I, Entrag. 7, p. 299. 86 Monarq. Indiana, lib. X, cap. 36. 37Tom. 1, Entrag. 7, tom. II, and continued in tom. III. THoMAS.| REFERENCE OF ELEMENTS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 47 Acatl, and the Mexicans with Tochtli.* He also shows that the relation and order of the four ages or creations and elements in regard to the cardinal points, are by no means uniform, not only in the Spanish and early authorities, but in the codices and monuments (supposing his in- terpretation to be correct). His arrangement, as derived from the leading codices, is as follows: Tochtli — South — Earth. Acatl — East — Water. Tecpatl — North — Fire. Calli — West — Air. In order that the various views may be seen at a glance, I give here a tabulated résumé : MEXICAN SYMBOLS OF THE CARDINAL POINTS. Veytia. 1. Teepatl — Flint — Fire. 2. Calli — House — Earth. 3. Tochtli — Rabbit— Air. 4, Acatl —Cane — Water. Sahagun. 1. Tochtli — Rabbit — South. 2. Acatl —Cane —FEast. ‘Toward the fire or sun.” 3. Tecpatl— Flint — North. “Nearly towards hell.” 4. Calli — House — West. ‘Towards the house of women.” _ Gemelli. 1. Tochtli — Radbit — South — Blue — Harth — Cipactli. 2. Acatl —Cane —East —Red — Water— Michiztli. 3. Tecpatl— Flint — North — Yellow — Air — Ozomatli. 4, Calli —House — West —Green —Fire — Cozcaquauhtli. Boturini. 1. Teepatl — Flint — South — Fire. 2. Calli — House — East — Earth. 3. Tochtli — Rabbit — North — Air. 4, Acatl —Cane — West — Water. Herrera. Calli — House — Green. Tochtli — Rabbit — Blue. Acatl —Cane — Red. Tecpatl— Flint — Yellow. 3% A factmentioned by Leon y Gama (Dos Piedras, pt. I, p. 16), and Veytia (Hist. Antiq. Mej., tom. I, p. 58). See, also, Miiller, Reisen, tom. III, p. 65, and Boturini, Idea, p. 125. => 48 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. Duran. 1. Acatl —Cane —East — Green. 2. Tecpatl — Flint — North — Red. 3. Calli — House — West — Yellow. 4, Tochtli — Rabbit— South — Blue. Schultz-Sellack. 1.— ? — Quetzalcoatl — South — Wind — Yellow. 2.—?— Huitzilopuchtli— East —Fire — Red. 3.—?—Tezcatlipoca — North — Water— White. 4,— ? — Tlaloc — West — Earth — Black. Churencey. 1—?—East — Yellow. 2.— ?— North — Black. 3.—?— West — White. 4.— ? — South — Red.” Orozco y Berra. 1. Tochtli — Rabbit —South — Air. 2. Acatl —Cane —East — Water. 3. Tecpatl —Flint — North — Fire. 4. Calli — House — West — Earth. Chavero. 1. Toechtli — Rabbit — South — Earth. 2. Acatl —Cane —East — Water. 3. Tecpatl — Flint — North — Fire. 4, Calli — House — West — Air. Judging from the differences shown in these lists, we are forced to the conclusion that no entirely satisfactory result has been reached in reference to the assignment of the different symbols to the cardi- nal points; still a careful analysis will bring out the fact that there is a strong prevalency of opinion on one or two points among the earlier authorities. In order that this may be seen I present here a list in a different form from the preceding. 39] see from Charencey’s ‘‘Ages ou Soleils,” just received, that he concludes the ar- rangement by the Mexicans was as follows: 1. Tochtli — Rabbit —Blue —Earth —South. 2. Acat] —Cane —Red —Water — East. 3. Tecpatl —Flint — Yellow —Air — North. 4. Calli —House —Green —Fire — West. THOSAS.] REFERENCE OF ELEMENTS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. 49 . REFERENCE OF THE YEARS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. Yochtli— Acatl — Tecpatl — Calli. Sahagun — South — East — North — West. Gemelli — South — East — North — West. Duran — South — East — North — West. Orozco y Berra — South — East — North — West. Chavero — South — East — North — West. Torquemada — South — Kast — North — West. Boturini — North — West— South — East. REFERENCE OF COLORS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. South — East — North — West. Gemelli —Blue —Red — Yellow — Green. Duran —Blue —Green —Red — Yellow. Charencey” —Red — Yellow — Black — White. Schultz-Sellack — Yellow — Red — White — Black. REFERENCE OF ELEMENTS TO THE CARDINAL POINTS. South — Past — North — West. Gemelli — HKarth — Water — Air! — Fire. Boturini —Fire — Earth —Air — Water. Schultz-Sellack— Air —Fire — Water — Earth. Chavero — Barth — Water — Fire — Aivr. REFERENCE OF THE ELEMENTS TO THE YEARS. Tochtli — Acatl —Tecpatl—- Calli Veytia — Air — Water — Fire — Earth. Gemelli — Earth — Water — Air — Fire. Boturini —Air — Water — Fire — Earth. Chavero — Earth — Water — Fire — Air. Orozco y Berra — Air — Water — Fire — Har‘h. As will be seen from this list, there is entire uniformity in the assign- ment of the years or year symbols to the cardinal points, with the single exception of Boturini. As this author’s views in regard to the calen.- dar are so radicaliy different from all other authorities as to induce the belief that it applies to some other than the Aztec or true Mexican calendar we will probably be justified in eliminating his opinion from the discussion. Omitting this author, we have entire uniformity among the authori- ties named in regard to the reference of the years to the cardinal points, as follows : Tochtli to the south; Acatl to the east; Tecpatl to the north, and Calli to the west. See note 39 on page 47. 4 By “air” in this connection ‘wind ” is really intended. 3 ETH——4 50 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. The reference of the colors and the elements to the cardinal points is too varied to afford us any assistance in arriving at a conclusion in this respect. In the assignment of the elements to the years we find that water is referred by all the authorities named to Acatl, and fire by all but one (Gemelli), to Tecpatl. One thing more must be mentioned before we appeal directly to the codices. As the groups of five days, so often heretofore referred to, were assigned to the cardinal points, it is proper to notice here what is said on this point. So far, I have found it referred to only in the Ex- position of the Vatican Codex and by Schultz-Sellack in the article be- fore cited. As the latter refers to them by numbers only, I give here a list of the Mexican days, with numbers corresponding with the positions they severally hold in their regular order. First column. Second column, Third column. Fourth column. 1. Cipactli. 2. Ehecatl. 3. Calli. 4. Cuetzpalin. 5. Coatl. 6. Miquitzli. 7. Mazatl. 8. Tochtli. 9. Atl. 10. Itzquintli. 11. Ozomatli. 12. Malinalli. 13. Acatl. 14. Ocelotl. 15. Quauhtli. 16. Cozcaquauhtli. 17. Ollin. 18. Tecpatl. 19. Quiahuitl. 20. Xochitl. Using the numbers only, 1, 5, 9, 13, and 17 will denote the first col- umn; 2, 6, 10, 14, and 18 the second, &e. Schultz-Sellack states that: 4, 8, 12, 16, 20 were assigned to the south. 1, 5, 9, 13, 17, to the east. 2, 6, 10, 14, 18, to the north. 3, 7, 11, 15, 19, to the west. But, as he only quotes from the explanation of the Vatican Codex as. given by Kingsborough,” I will present here the statement of this au- thority: “Thus they commenced reckoning from the sign of OneCane. For ex- ample: One Cane, two, three, &c., proceeding to thirteen; for, in the same way, aS we have calculations in our repertories by which to find what sign rules over each of the seven days of the week, so the natives. of that country had thirteen signs for the thirteen days of their week 5. and this will be better understood by an example. To signify the first day of the world, they painted a figure like the moon, surrounded with splendor, which is emblematical of the deliberation which they say their god held respecting the creation, because the first day after the com- mencement of time began with the second figure, which was One Cane. Accordingly, completing their reckoning of a cycle at the sign of Two. Canes, they counted an Age, which is a period of fifty-two years, because, ® Kingsborough, vol. VI, pp. 196, 197. THOMAS. ] ASSIGNMENT OF THE DAY GROUPS, Byik on account of the bissextile years which necessarily fell in this sign of the Cane, it occurred at the expiration of every period of fifty-two years. Their third sign was a certain figure which we shall presently see, re- sembling a serpent or viper, by which they intended to signify the pov- erty and labors which men suffer in this life. Their fourth sign repre- sented an earthquake, which they called Nahuolin, because they say that in that sign the sun was created. Their fifth sign was Water, for, according to their account, abundance was given to them in that sign. [The five days Cipactli, Acatl, Coatl, Ollin, Atl.] These five Signs they placed in the upper part, which they called Tlacpae, that is to say, the east. They placed five other signs at the south, which they named Uitzlan, which means a place of thorns—the first of which was a flower, emblematical of the shortness of life, which passes away quickly, like a blossom or flower. The second was a certain very green herb, in like manner denoting the shortness of life, which is as grass. The third sign was a lizard, to show that the life of man, be- sides being brief, is destitute, and replete with the ills of nakedness and cold, and with other miseries. The fourth was a certain very cruel spe- cies of bird which inhabits that country. The fifth sign was a rabbit, because they say that in this sign their food was created, and accordingly they believed that it presided over drunken revels. [Xochitl, Malinalli, Cuetzpalin, Cozcaquauhtli, Tochtli.] They placed five other signs at the west, which region they called Tetziuatlan. The first was a deer, by which they indicated the diligence of mankind in seeking the necessaries of life for their sustenance. The second sign was a shower of rain falling from the skies, by which they signified pleasure and worldly content. The third sign was an ape, denoting leisure time. The fourth was a house, meaning repose and tranquillity. The fifth was an eagle, the symbol of freedom and dexterity. [Mazatl, Quiahuitl, Ozomatli, Calli, Quauhtli.] At the north, which they eall Teutletlapan, which signifies the place of the gods, they placed the other five signs which were wanting to complete the twenty. The first was a tiger, which is a very ferocious animal, and accordingly they considered the echo of the voice as a bad omen and the most un- lucky of any, because they say that it has reference to that sign. The second was a skull or death, by which they signified that death com- menced with the first existence of mankind. The third sign was a razor or stone knife, by which are meant the wars and dissensions of the world; they callit Tequepatl. The fourth sign is the head of a cane, which signifies the devil, who takes souls to hell. The fifth and last of all the twenty signs was a winged head, by which they represented the wind, indicative of the variety of worldly affairs.” [Ocelotl, Miquiztli, Tecpatl, Itzquintli, Ehecatl.] According, therefore, to this author the first column was assigned to the East, the second to the North, the third to the West, and the fourth 52 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. to the South. He also says that the counting of the years began with 1 Cane.* Turning now to Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex (our Plate IIT), we notice that the symbols of the days of the first column are wedged in between the loops of the upper left-hand corner, and that here we also find the symbol of the year-bearer, Acatl, in the red circle at the outer extremity of the loop. Here, then, according to the expounder of the Vatican Codex, is the east, and this agrees also with all the other au- thorities except Boturini. As these day symbols are between the red and yellow loops, the next point to be determined is to which of the two they belong. This is a very important point, the determination of which must have a strong bearing on our decision as to the cardinal points. As it is here that the apparently strongest evidence against my conclusion is to be found, it is necessary that I explain somewhat fully my reasons for de- ciding against this apparent evidence. If we take for granted that the day columns relate to the large an- gular loops, then the column in the upper right-hand corner would seem to belong to the top or red loop and not to the one on the right; and the column in the upper left-hand corner to the left or yellow loop and not to that at the top, and so on. This I concede is a natural inference which it is necessary to outweigh by stronger evidence. In the first place it is necessary to bear in mind that although the sides of the plate, that is to say the large loops, are spoken of as facing the cardinal points, yet it is possible the artist intended that the corner or round loops should indicate the cardinal points, as here are found the days assigned to these quarters. Even admitting that the large angular loops indicate the cardinal points, we must suppose the figures of one corner, either those at the right or left, belong respectively to them. As the symbols of the year- bearers Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli, and Tochtli have peculiar marks of dis- tinction, we are justified in believing that this distinction is for the purpose of signifying the quarter to which they belong. Examining carefully the bird on the symbol for Acati in the upper left-hand corner loop, we find that it can be identified only with that on the tree in the top or red angular loop. It is true the identification in the other cases is not so certain, but in this case there can be very little doubt, as the green top-knot, the peculiar beak, and green feathers are sufficient of themselves to connect the upper left-hand white loop and figures of this corner with the top red loop and figures embraced in it. Studying the plate carefully and also our scheme of it—Fig. 6—we observe that Cipactli is found at the right base of the red loop, Miquitzli at the right base of the yellow loop (the center of the plate being con- sidered the point of observation), Ozomatli at the right base of the blue ®See also Chavero’s statement to the same purpose, Anales Mus. Mex., tom. 11, entrag. 4, p. 244. THOMAS. ] ASSIGNMENT OF THE DAY GROUPS. 53 loop, and Cozcaquauhtli at the right base of the green loop (but in this case it can be determined only by the order, not by the figure). These are the four days, as is well known, on which the Mexican years begin. I take for granted, therefore, that the year Acatl or Cane applies to the top or red loop. This, I am aware, necessitates commencing the year with 1 Cipactli, thus apparently contradicting the statement of Gemelli that the Tochtli year began with Cipactli. But it must be borne in mind that this author expressly proceeds upon the theory that the counting of the years began in the south with Tochtli. If the count be- gan with 1 Cane, as both the expounder of the Vatican Codex and Duran affirm, Cipactli would be the first day of this year, as it appears evident from the day lists in the Codices that the first year of all the systems commenced with this day. That Acatl was assigned to the east is affirmed by all authorities save Boturini, and this agrees very well with the plate now under consideration. There is one statement made by the expounder of the Vatican Codex which not only enables us to understand his confused explanation, but indicates clearly the kind of painting he had in view, and tends to confirm the opinion here ad- vanced. He says that “to signify the first day of the world they painted a figure like the moon,” &c. Let us guess this to be Cipactli, as nothing of the kind named is tobe found. The next figure was a cane; their third figure was a serpent; their fourth, earthquake (Ollin) ; their fifth, water. * These five signs they placed in the upper part, which they called Tlacpac, that is to say, the east.” That he does not mean that these days fol- lowed each other consecutively in counting time must be admitted. That he saw them placed in this order in some painting may be inferred with positive certainty. It is also apparent that they are the five days of the first column in the arrangement of the Mexican days shown in Table No. XI, though not in the order there given, which is as follows: Dragon, Snake, Water, Cane, Movement. The order in which they are placed by this author is this: Dragon? Cane, Serpent, Movement, Water. Which, by referring to page 35, we find to be precisely the same as that of the five days wedged in between the loops in the upper left-hand corner of Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex; thus agreeing in order and position with this author’s statement. Duran, as we have seen, also places the east at the top. The same thing is true in regard to the calendar wheel from the book of Chilan Balam hereafter shown. Accordingly, I conelude that the top of this plate—the red loop—will be east; the left-hand or yellow loop, north; the bottom or blue loop, west, and the right-hand or green loop, south. This also brings the year Acatl to the east, Tecpatl to the north, Calli to the west, and Tochthi to 54 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. the south. As the commencement was afterwards changed to Tochth, as we are informed by Chavero (and as appears to be the case in the Borgian Codex), it would begin at the south, just as stated by Gemelli and other early writers, who probably refer to the system in vogue at the time of the conquest. Shultz-Sellack alludes to this plate in his article heretofore quoted, but considers the red loop the south, notwithstanding his assignment of red among the Aztecs to the east. He was led to this conclusion, I presume, by two facts: First, the close proximity of the fourth column ot days to this red loop, and second, the figure of the sun at the foot of the tree or cross, the sun of the first creation having made its ap- pearance, according to Mexican mythology, in the south. But it is far more likely that the artist intended here to be true to known phe- nomena rather than to a tradition which was in contradiction to them. The presence of this figure above the horizon is, I think, one of the strongest possible proofs that this part of the plate denotes the east. According to Gemelli“ the south was denoted by a ‘blue field,” and the symbol Tochtli; east by a red field, and the symbol Acatl; the north by a ‘yellow field,” and the symbol Tecpatl, and the west by a “oreen field,” and the symbol Calli. In this plate we have precisely the colors he mentions, red in the east, and yellow in the north, but green is at the south, and blue at the west. Sahagun remarks® that “at the end of fifty-two years the count came back to Cetochtliacatl (one-Rabbit-Cane), which 1s the figure of the reed dedicated to the east, which they called Tlapcopcopa and Tlavilcopa, nearly towards the fire or sun.” This language is peculiar and important, and indicates that he had a Mexican painting similar to the plate now under discussion before him, in which the year symbols were at the corners instead of at the sides. On this supposition only can we understand his use of the term ‘“ Ce- tochtli-acatl,” and the expression “nearly towards the fire,” &c. His use of the term “fire” in this connection undoubtedly indicates red. His language is therefore in entire harmony with what we find on this plate. According to Gemelli and Chavero the element earth was assigned to the south; in this plate, in the right space inclosed by the green loop, we see the great open jaws representing the earth out of which the tree arises. From a careful examination of this figure, so frequently found in this and other Mexican Codices, I am convinced it is used as the sym- bol of the grave and of the earth. The presence of this symbol and of the figure of death in this space, as also the figures of the gods of death and the under world in the corresponding space of the Cortesian plate, **],c. See also the colored wheel in Kingsborough, Mex. Antiq., Vol. IV. Copied from one in Boturini’s collection, the same as Gemelli’s. ks Os *©Y acabados los cincuenta y dos afios tornaba la cuenta 4 cetochtliacatl, que es la cafia figura dedicada al oriente que Hamaban tlapcopcopa, y tlavilcopa, casihacia la lumbre, 6 al sol. THOMAS. ] POSITIONS OF THE CARDINAL SYMBOLS. 55 strongly inclined me for a time to believe that this should be considered the north, as in the Aztec superstitions one class of the dead was lo- cated in that region; but a more thorough study leads me to the con- clusion that these figures are intended to represent the earth and to symbolize the fact that here is to be found the point where the old cycle ends and the new begins. I will refer to this again when I return to the description of the Cortesian plate. All the authorities, except Boturini, refer the year Tecpatl or Flint to the north, which agrees with the theory I am advancing, and in the lower left-hand corner we find in the red cirele the figure of a flint, which according to my arrangement applies to the north, represented by the yellow loop. How, then, are we to account for the presence of this symbol on the head of the right figure in the red or eastern loop? Veytia says, “They (the Mexicans) gave to fire the first place as the most noble of all (the elements), and symbolized it by the flint.” This I acknowledge presents a difficulty that Iam unable to account for only on the supposition that this author has misinterpreted his authorities, for no one so far as I can find gives the “sun” or “age of fire” as the first, the only difference in this respect being as to whether the “sun of water” or the “sun of earth” was first. This difference I am inclined to believe (though with- out a thorough examination of the subject) arises chiefly from a varia- tion of the cardinal point with which they commence the count, those starting at the south commencing with the element earth, those begin- ning at the east with water. Not that the authors themselves always indicated these points, but that a proper interpretation of the original authorities would have resulted in this conclusion, supposing a proper adjustment of the different calendar systems of the Nahua nations to have been made. I think it quite probable that the artist who painted this plate of the Fejervary Codex believed the first “sun” or “age” should be assigned to the east, and that here the flint indicates origin, first creative power or that out of which the first creation issued, an idea which I believe is consonant with Nahua traditions. I may as well state here as elsewhere that notwithstanding the statement made by Gemelli and others that it was the belief or tradition of the Mexicans that the sun first appeared in the south, I am somewhat skeptical on this point. Such a tradition might be possible in an extreme northern country, but it is impossible to conceive how it would have originated in a tropi- cal region. The calendar and religious observances were the great and all-absorb- ing topics of the Nahua nations, and hence it is to these, and especially the first, that we must look for an explanation of their paintings and “See the various views presented by Chavero, Anales Mus. Mex. Tom. II Entrag. 2, and authorities referred to by Bancroft, Native Races, II. p. 504, note 3. 56 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. sculpture, and not so much to the traditions given by the old Spanish authors. Finally, the assignment of the year symbols to the four points at which we find them was not, as these early authors supposed, because of their significance, but because in forming the circle of the days they fell at these points. This fact is so apparent from the plates of the Codices that it seems to me to forbid any other conclusion. In the bottom, blue loop, which we call the west, we see two female figures, one of them with cross-bones on her dress. This agrees pre- cisely with the statement of Sahagun heretofore given, to wit, ‘‘ for they held the opinion that the dead women, who are goddesses, live in the west, and that the dead men, who are in the house of the sun, guide him from the east with rejoicings every day, until they arrive at mid- day, and that the defunct women, whom they regard as goddesses and call Cioapipiltin, come out from the west to receive him at midday (or south?), and carry him with rejoicing to the west.” Before compar- ing with the plate of the Cortesian Codex, we call attention to some other plates of the Mexican Codices, in order to see how far our inter- pretation of the plates of the Fejervary Codex will be borne out. Turning now to Plates 65 and 66 of the Vatican Codex B* (shown in our Plate IV), we observe four trees (or crosses) each with an individual clasping the trunk. One of these individuals is red, the other white, with slender red stripes and with the face black, another green, and the other black. On the top of each tree, except the one at the right, is a bird; on the right tree, or rather broad-leaved tropical plant, which is clasped by the black individual, is the figure of the tiger or rabbit. As these are probably intended to represent the seasons (spring, summer, &e.), the ages, or the years, and consequently the cardinal points, let us see with what parts of the plate of the Fejervary Codex they respect- ively correspond. By turning back to page 50 the reader will see that the days of the first column, viz, Cipactli, Coatl, &c., or numbers 1, 5, 9, 13, 17 were referred to the east, the second column 2, 6, 8, 12, 16 to the north, &e. Each of the four trees has below it, in a line, five day characters. Below the fourth one are Xochitl, Malinalli, Cuetzpalin, Cozcaquauhtli, and Tochtli, precisely those of the fourth column, and which, in accordance with our interpretation of the Fejervary Codex, are assigned to the south. Referring to the first or left-hand of these four groups, we observe that the clasping figure is red, and that the days in the line underneath are 1, 5, 9, 13, 17, those of the east, agreeing in all respects with our interpretation of the Fejervary plate. The days below the second group, with the white and red striped in- dividual, are 2, 6, 10, 14, 18, indicating the north, and those below the third, with the green individual, 3, 7, 11, 15, 19, denoting the west. 48Kingsburough, Mex. Antiq., Vol. III. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. IV COPY OF PLATE 65, VATICAN CODEX, B. COPY OF PLATE 66, VATICAN CODEX, R, 7 on PLATES 9 AND 4, BORGIAN CODEX. So far the agreement with our theory of the other plate is perfect, but in this case we have taken the figures from the left to the right, this being, as we have seen in the Tonalamatl, or table of days, copied from this Codex, the direction in which they are to be read when ina line. We notice also that the bird over the first tree, although differing in some respects from it, is the same as that in the top or red loop of the other plate, and that over the third tree the same as that in the blue or bottom loop, agreeing also in this respect. From these facts we understand that the black figure is sometimes at least assigned to the south. - I am fully aware of the difficulties to be met with in attempting to carry out this assignment of colors, in explanation of other plates of this and other Codices, nor do I believe colors can be relied upon. They form some aid in the few plates of general application to the calendar, and where there are reasons, as in the cases given, to suppose the eardi- nal points will be indicated in some regular order. The same thing is true also in regard to the Manuscript Troano. For example, if we sup- pose character a of Fig. 7 to denote the east, b north, ¢ west, and d south, we shall find them arranged in the following different ways: G b abed cdab c a | | d a | d b | | a Gh Cc d | c b | rT] b Combine with these colors and other distinctive marks, then vary them in proportion, and we should have an endless variety, just as we see in the Mexican Codices. We can only hope to solve the problem, therefore, by selecting, after careful study, those plates which appear to have the symbols arranged in their normal order. Turning to plate 45 of the Borgian Codex, we find it impossible to make it agree, either with the plate of the Fejervary Codex or the Vat- ican Codex. Here we find the days 1, 5, 9, 13, 17 associated with the green figure in the lower left-hand square; 2, 6, 10, 14,15 with the yellow figure in the lower right-hand square; 3, 7,11, 15, and 19 with the black figure in the upper right-hand square, and 4, 8, 12, 16, 20 with the red figure in the upper left-hand square. What adds to the difficulty is the fact that the symbol of the Cane accompanies the black MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. tn (oe) figure, thus apparently indicating that this denotes the year Acatl. That these groups are to be taken in the same order as those of Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex, that is around to the left, opposite the sun’s course, is evident from the days and also from Plate 9 of this (Borgian) Codex, where the twenty days of the month are placed in a circle. In this latter the order of the four years is indicated by the first days of the years, viz, Cipactli, Miquiztli, Ozomatli, and Cozcaquauhtli placed in blue circles at the corners in the following order: Ozomatli. Miquiztli. Cozeaquauhtli. | Cipactli. In the lower right-hand corner of Plate 4, same Codex, is a square with the four quadrants very distinctly colored and arranged thus: Yellow. Green. Blue Red. and a large red circle in the center, on the body of what is evidently intended as a symbol of Cipactli. As this appears to be a figure of general application, we presume that it commences with Cipactli, the day on which the cycles began. As the four names of the days with which the years began probably show, as arranged in the above square, their respective positions in the calendar wheel, I infer that, in their normal arrangement, Cipactli corresponded with the red, Miquiztli with the green, Ozomatli with the yellow, and Cozcaquauhtli with the blue. This brings the colors in precise accordance with those on the cross in the lower right-hand square of Plate 43; and if we suppose the black figure to correspond with the blue it brings the colors in the same order, but the day groups are shifted around one point to the left. It is prob- able therefore that this plate, like a number of others in the same Codex, is intended to denote the relation of colors and day groups to each other in some other than the first or normal year, or possibly to the seasons or the four Indications of the cycle. But be this as it may, I do not think the difficulty in reconciling the arrangement of the colors and days in this Codex will warrant the re- jection of our explanation of the plates of the other codices. That Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex is one of general application must be admitted, as is also the “Table of the Bacabs” from the Cortesian Codex ; and if the true assignment to the cardinal points is made anywhere it will cer- tainly be in these. Turning now to the latter, as shown in our Plate II, THOMAS. | CALENDAR WHEEL OF CHILAN BALAM. 59 where the erased characters are restored, we note the following facts, and then with some general remarks conclude our paper, as we have no intention of entering upon a general discussion of the Mexican Calendar, which would be necessary if we undertook to explain fully even the plates of the codices we have referred to. As before remarked, the Cortesian plate is arranged upon the same plan as that of the Fejervary Codex, evidently based upon the same theory and intended for the same purpose. In the latter the four year symbols are placed in the outer looped line at the four corners, and so distinguished as to justify us in believing they mark their respective quadrants. In the former we find the four Maya year-bearers, Cauac, Kan, Mulue, Ix, in corresponding positions, each distinguished by the numeral character for 1 (see 31, 1, 11, and 21 in our scheme, Fig. 2), the first, or the right, corresponding with the green loop and the year Tochtli; the second, at the top, corresponding with the red loop and the year Acatl; the third, at the left, corresponding with the yellow loop and the year Tecpatl, and the fourth, at the bottom, corresponding with the blue loop and the year Calli. This brings Cauac to the south, Kan to the east, Muluc to the north, and Ix to the west, and the cor- respondence is complete, except as to the colors, which, as we have seen, cannot possibly be brought into harmony. This view is further sustained by the fact that the god of death is found on the right of each plate, not for the purpose of indicating the supposed abode of the dead, but to mark the point at which the cycles close, which is more fully ex- pressed in the Cortesian plate by piercing or dividing the body of a victim with a flint knife’ marked with the symbol of Ezanab (the last day of the Ix years) and the symbol of Ymix, with which, iz some way not yet understood, the counting of the cycles began. In the quotation already made from Sahagun we find the following statement: ‘ Tecpatl, which is the figure of a flint, was dedicated to Mictlampa, nearly towards hell, because they believed that the dead went towards the north. For which reason, in the superstition which represented the dead as covered with mantas (cloths) and their bodies bound, they made them sit with their faces turned toward the north or ~ Mictlampa.” Although he is referring to Mexican customs, yet it is worthy of note that in this Cortesian plate there is a sitting mummied figure, bound with cords, in the left space, which, according to my interpretation, is at the north side. Since the foregoing was written I have received from Dr. D. G. Brin- 4°Dr. Brinton, ‘‘The Maya Chronicles,” p. 53, informs us that ‘‘the division of the katuns was on the principle of the Belran system of numeration, as xel wu ca katun, ‘thirty years;’ zel u yox katun, ‘fifty years.’ Literally these expressions are, ‘dividing the second katun,’ ‘dividing the third katun,’ rel meaning to cut in pieces, to divide as with a knife.” This appears to be the idea intended in the figure of the Cortesian plate. > 60 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. ton a photo lithograph of the ‘wheel of the Ah-cuch-haab” found in the book of Chilan Balam, which he has kindly allowed me to use. This is shown in Fig. 9. Fic. 9.—Calendar wheel from book of Chilan Balam. In this (smaller circle) we see that Kan is placed at the top of the cross, denominated Lakin, or east ; Cauac at the right, Nehol, or south ; Mulue at the left, Yaman, or north; and Hiix at the bottom, Chikin, or west. Although this shows the marks of Spanish or foreign influence, yet it affords corroborative evidence of the correctness of the view advanced. The upper and larger circle is retained only to show that the reading was around to the left, as in the Cortesian plate. THOMAS. ] ENGRAVED SHELLS FROM MOUNDS. 6] This result of our investigations, I repeat, forces us to the conclusion that a, Fig. 7, is the symbol for east, as stated in my former work, } of north, ¢ of west, and d of south. Among the important results growing out of, and deductions to be drawn from, my discovery in regard to these two plates, I may mention the following : First. That the order in which the groups and characters are to be taken is around to the left, opposite the course of the sun, which tallies with most of the authorities, and in reference to the Maya calendar con- firms Perez’s statement, heretofore mentioned. Second. That the cross, as has been generally supposed, was used among these nations as a symbol of the cardinal points. Third. It tends to confirm the belief that the bird figures were used to denote the winds. This fact also enables us to give a signification to the birds’ heads on the engraved shells found in the mounds of the United States, a full and interesting account of which is given by Mr. Holmes ina paper published in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnol- ogy.” Take for example the three shells figured on Plate LIX—repro- duced in our Fig. 10—Nos.1,2and3. Here isin each case the four-looped circle corresponding with the four loops of the Cortesian and Fejervary plates, also with the looped serpent of the Mexican calendar stone, andthe four serpents of Plate 43 of the Borgian Codex. The four bird heads on each shell are pointed toward the left, just as on Plate 44 of the Fejer- vary Codex, and Plates 65 and 66 of the Vatican Codex B, and doubtless have the same signification in the former as in the latter—the four winds, or winds of the four cardinal points. If this supposition be correct, of which there is scarcely room for a doubt, it not only confirms Mr. Holmes’s suggestions, but also indicates that the mound builders followed the same custom in this respect as the Nahua nations, and renders it quite probable that there was more or less intercourse between the two peoples, which will enable us to account for the presence in the mounds of. cer- tain articles, which otherwise appear as anomalies. Fourth. Another and more important result is the proof it furnishes of an intimate relation of the Maya with the Nahua nations. That all the Central American nations had calendars substantially the same in principle as the Mexican, is well known. This of itself would indicate a common origin not so very remote; but when we see two contiguous or neighboring peoples making use of the same conventional signs of a complicated nature, down even to the most minute details, and those of a character not comprehensible by the commonalty, we have proof at least of a very intimate relation. I cannot attempt in this place to dis- cuss the question of the identity or non-identity of the Maya, Toltec and Aztec nations, nor the relations of one to the other, but follow the usual method, and speak of the three as distinct. 50 P, 281, pl. 69. MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. 62 TAM Wi iV 7 —* Gas f \{ Lr fi re \ AWE ld y 4 } Cri \\\ g y Fic, 10,—Engraved shells from mounds. THOMAS. ] RELATION OF MAYA TO MEXICAN SYMBOLS. 63 If Leon y Gama is correct in his statement,*! ““ No todos comenzaban 4 contar el circlo por un mismo ao; los Toltecos lo empezaban desde Tecpatl; los de Teotihuacan desde Calli; los Mexicanos desde Tochtli ; y los Tezcocanos desde Acatl,” and the years began with Cipactli, we are probably justified in concluding that the Fejervary Codex is a Tezcucan manuscript. Be this as it may, we have in these two plates the evidence of an in- timate relation between the Maya and Nahua nations, as that of the Cortesian Codex certainly appertains to the former and the Fejervary as certainly to the latter. Which was the original and which the copy is a question of still greater importance, as its proper determination may have the effect to overturn certain opinions which have been long entertained and gener- ally conceded as correct. If an examination should prove that the Mayas have borrowed from the Nahuas it would result in proving the calendar and sculptures of the former to be much more recent than has been generally supposed. It must be admitted that the Mexican or Nahua manuscripts have little or nothing in them that could have been borrowed from the Maya manuscripts or inscriptions ; hence, if we find in the latter anything belonging to or found in the former it will indicate that they are bor- rowed and that the Mexican are the older. In addition to the close resemblance of these two plates, the following facts bearing upon this question are worthy of notice. In the lower part of Plate 52 of the Dresden Codex we see precisely the same figure as that used by the Mexicans as the symbol of Cipactli. The chief character of the hieroglyphic, 15 R. (Raw’s scheme), of the Palenque Tablet is a serpent’s head (shown correctly only on the stone in the Smithsonian Museum and in Dr. Rau’s photograph), and nearly the Same as the symbol for the same Mexican day. The method of repre- senting a house in the Maya manuscripts is substantially the same as the Mexican symbol for Calli (House). The cross on the Palenque Tablet has so many features in common with those in the blue and red loops of the Fejervary Codex as to induce the belief that they were de- rived from the same type. We see in that of the Tablet the reptile head as at the base of the cross in the blue loop, the nodes, and proba- bly the bird of that in the red loop, and the two human figures. What is perhaps still more significant, is the fact that in this plate of the Fejervery Codex, and elsewhere in the same Codex, we see evidences of a transition from pictorial symbols to conventional characters; for ex- ample, the yellow heart-shaped symbol in the lower left-hand corner of the Fejervary plate which is there used to denote the da y Ocelotl (Tiger). On the other hand we find in the manuscript Troano for example, on plate III, one of the symbols used in the Tonalamatl of the Vatican Codex B and in other Mexican codices to signify water. On Plate XX V* of 51 Dos Piedras, pt. 1, p. 16. 64 MAYA AND MEXICAN MANUSCRIPTS. the same manuscript, under the four symbols of the cardinal points, we see four figures, one a sitting figure similar te the middle one with black head, on the left side of the Cortesian plate ; one a spotted dog sitting on what is apparently part of the carapace of a tortoise; one a monkey, and the other a bird with a hooked bill. Is 1t not possible that ” we have here an indication of the four days—Dragon, Death, Monkey, Vulture, with which the Mexican years began ? In all the Maya manuscripts we find the custom of using heads as symbols, almost, if not quite, as often as in the Mexican codices. Not only so, but in the former, even in the purely conventional characters, we see evidences of a desire to turn every one possible into the figure of a head, a fact still more apparent in the monumental inscriptions. Turning to the ruins of Copan as represented by Stephens and others, we find on the altars and elsewhere the same death’s-head with huge incisors so common in Mexico, and on the statues the snake-skin so often repeated on those of Mexico. Here we find the Cipactli as a huge crocodile head,” also the monkey’s head used as a hieroglyphic.® The pendant lip or lolling tongue, which ever it be, of the central figure of the Mexican calendar stone is found also in the central figure of the sun tablet of Palenque * and a dozen times over in the inscrip- tions. ¢ The long, elephantine, Tlaloc nose, so often repeated in the Mexican codices, is even more common and more elaborate in the Maya manu- seripts and seulptures, and, as we learn from a Ms. paper by Mr. Gus- tav Hisen, lately received by the Smithsonian Institution, has also been found at Copan. Many more points or items of agreement might be pointed out, but these will suffice to show that one must have borrowed from the other, for it is impossible that isolated civilizations should have produced such identical results in details even down to conventional figures. Again we ask the question, Which was the borrower? We hesitate to accept what seems to be the legitimate conclusion to be drawn from these facts, as it compels us to take issue with the view almost universally held. One thing is apparent, viz, that the Mexican symbols could never have grown out of the Maya hieroglyphies. That the latter might have grown out of the former is not impossible. If we accept the theory that there was a Toltec nation preceding the advent of the Aztee, which, when broken up and driven out of Mexico, = Travels in Cent. Amer., vol. I, p. 156. Monument N, plate. Mr. Gustay Eisen, in a Ms. lately received by and now in possession of the Smithsonian Institution, also mentions another similar head as found at Copan. This, he says, is on the side of an altar similar to that described by Stephens, except that the top wants the hieroglyphics. The sides have human figures similar to the other; on one of these is the head of an “ Alligator.” *Tbid., 2d plate to p. 158. “4Stephens’ Trav. Cent. Amer. III Frontispiece. THOMAS } PLATES 65 AND 66, VATICAN CODEX, B. 65 proceeded southward, where probably colonies from the main stock had already been planted, we may be able to solve the enigma. If this people were, as is generally supposed, the leaders in Mexican and Central American civilization, it is possible that the Aztecs, a more savage and barbarous people, borrowed their civilization from the for- mer, and, having less tendency toward development, retained the origi- nal symbols and figures of the former, adding only ornamentation and details, but not advancing to any great extent toward a written lan- guage. Some such supposition as this, I believe, is absolutely necessary to explain the facts mentioned. But even this will compel us to admit that the monuments of Yucatan and Copan are of much more recent date than has generally been supposed, and such I am inclined to be- lieve is the fact. At any rate, I think I may fairly claim, without ren- dering myself chargeable with egotism, that my discovery in regard to the two plates so frequently mentioned will throw some additional light on this vexed question. Novte.—Since the foregoing was printed, my attention has been called by Dr. Brinton to the fact that the passage quoted from Sahagun (see pages 41 and 54), as given in Bustamente’s edition, from which it was taken, is incorrect in combining Cetochtli and Acatl into one word, when in fact the first is the end of one sentence and the second the com- mencement of another. I find, by reference to the passage as given in Kingsborough, the evidence of this erroneous reading. The argument on page 54, so far as based upon this incorrect reading, must fall. 3 BTH——5 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ON MASKS, LABRETS, AND CERTAIN ABORIGINAL CUSTOMS, WITH AN INQUIRY INTO THE BEARING OF THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION. bY WILLIAM HEALEY DALL, AssisTanT U. 8. Coast SURVEY; HONORARY CURATOR U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. rs 2 s 7 j r 7 ‘ . . 7 : E 2 i i - , = ee S ee eae te et + Ss ae CONTENTS. Page. Prefatory remarks ........---.------ ------ -----+ +2222 eee ee eee ee teen eee 73 The evolution of masks... -2-5-- cscs. neon = cece comme ee wece cee censan=== 74 Wiabretitenyasssme a cae sees ek ee ase eras alee sete ae elnii='s)ominiaielm amnion 77 Classiicationlotmagksl susan see eae ean ania lel anata = mtateminlain =)nfosisin 93 Of the practice of preserving the whole or part of the human head...--.....- 94 ONPHHETOIALLIDULIONNO LI ASKSie ee ete aay ease ele ae eae en liclal rata Sele lw om = ate mim 98 Maskerofethe SOUtn Seasacceo scams. ese aw eee ween emneinicinnnae = 98 Was ics a tePertie sae cekoe a oe ete ee oe late secretes oe wiaisiere ele ew munielelel elmepeiimianim =e 103 Masks of Central America and Mexico -..----. - Se paeiaate eS eee are 104 Masks of New Mexico and Arizona. .-.-.-.-...--..-------------------------- 105 Masks of Northwest American Indians. ........-------------------------- 106 Customs at Cape Flattery, according to Swan...-.-. .----------.-------- 107 Pinkitiandsaidar masks. c-cec.sacee cc cce _ cant >... Ss eee 7 ft Sie — =~ —- . 156 MASKS AND LABRETS. Je I WAWA ID) V/A, Fig. 3 (14933).—Ancient Aleut labret, from uppermost layer Amaknak cave, Una- lashka Island. Collected by W. H. Dall; (page 91). Fig. 4 (12991).—Another similar to the last, and from the same locality. Collected by W. H. Dall. These two are carved of walrus-tusk ivory. It is uncertain whether these were worn by males or females, as none such have been in use dur- ing the historic period; (page 91). —————— BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 (14933) é (12991) 4 PREHISTORIC ALEUTIAN LABRETS. PL. VI Set Pe (oe 7 . . ‘ ¥ he 7 =o ee a 4 8 e - e ified ~ att , . | . ae ee Cie 9 Be. Py ‘ me bes n al / Qn 4 v7) ' is =e sae > , : : ks 158 - MASKS AND LABRETS. | a ‘ Ae St? ae) oe “es deposit in the American Museum of Natural History, New York by permission of the director, Prof, A. S. Bickmore; (page 101). — Fig. 6. Same in profile. (Page 101). a. Toy BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REVORT 1882 PL. vu MASKOID FROM CAROLINE ISLANDS. Si . of cs The » ts or . te : — - 5 ; vie 4 fi f ~, ~ <>) . “viata Be oar 160 MASKS AND LABRETS. ou a L PAM Evang Fig. 7.—Profile view of a wooden maskette, from New Ireland, figured from a sp: men deposited in the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. ured with the permission of the director, Prof. A. S. Bickmore; (page 102). —-- BURRAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. VIII MASKETTE FROM NEW IRELAND. 162 MASKS AND LABRETS. PAC Ry Xs, Fig. 8.—Front view of a wooden maskette, from New Ireland, near New Guinea, from a specimen in the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Figured by permission of the director, Prof. A. 8. Bickmore; (page 102). Fics. 9, 10 (20651).—Front view and section of a wooden maskette, from Levuka, Friendly Islands. Presented to the United States National Museum by H. 8. Kirby; (page 101). BUREAU OF ETIINOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. Ix 20651 MASKETTES FROM NEW IRELAND AND THE FRIENDLY ISLANDS, MASKS AND LABRETS. — ‘PLATE &. Figs. 11, 12.—Wooden maskoid carving, from New Ireland, near eae South Seas. Profile and front views showing the serpent : tory, New York City, and figured ie the kind permission of t 6 direct Sa, 8. Bickmore ; (page 102). —- BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY MASKOID FROM NEW IRELAND. ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. xX 166 MASKS AND LABRETS. PLATE Xi. Fic. 13.—Wooden mortuary maskoid, from the figure in E. G. Squier’s Peru (page 90), found in a burial place at Pachecamac, Peru, and now forming part of the collec- tion of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. (This figure is inserted in the text, page 104.) Fic. 14 (65376).—Similar maskoid, from near Lima, Peru; presented to the United States National Museum by G. H. Hurlbut; (page 104). WUREAU OF ELHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. Xi MORTUARY MASKOID FROM PERU. a 2 ™ 1 ° tee ‘ x =e 8 ; pube f ‘ Pn a, “a . he, ns ‘a. , o's: 168 MASKS AND LABRETS. = z . ir a \ ad : PLATE Aas 3 de Fig. 15 (22930).—Doll showing the mode of wearing, the ranshatte head-dress ie ured below it. Presented to the U. S. National Museum by Maj. J. W. Powell - who obtained it at the Moqui villages in Arizona; (page 105). Fias. 16, 17 (22942).—Front and rear of Moqui paasicte head-dress used. in dances at_ the Moqui villages. From a specimen in the U. 8. National Museum. Collected ‘ by Maj. J. W. Powellas above; (page 105). 7 : 1 ~ - : AF a = ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XII RUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY MOQUI MASKETTES FROM ARIZONA. 170 MASKS AND LABRETS. PATE Xs. Fic. 18 (2659).—Mask from the northwest coast of America in the U. S. National Mu- seum, collected by R. R. Waldron of the U.S. exploring expedition under Wilkes; (pages 109, 114). Fig. 19.—Daneing mask used by the Makah Indians, of Cape Flattery, Washington Territory. From a tigure by J. G. Swan; (page 107). Fig. 20.—Another ditto; (page 107). Fic. 21 (20578).—Dancing mask from Bella-bella, British Columbia, collected for the U. S. National Museum by J. G. Swan; (page 116). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL, XIII INDIAN MASKS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA, : toa iy a ia A ae M2 MASKS AND LABRETS. Pa PAC MB axa lave Figs. 22 (30210).—Dancing mask from Nutka Sound, Vancouver Island, collected for the U. S. National Museum by J. G. Swan, front and profile views; (page 117). Fic. 23.—Dancing mask used by the Indians of Cape Flattery, Washington Territory. From a figure by J. G. Swan; (page 107). Fig. 24 (2658).—Mask from the northwest coast of America, collected by Mr. Scar- borough during the United States exploring expedition under Wilkes; (page 113). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XIV 2658. 24 INDIAN MASKS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA. > ie) _ "s "2 : ‘ é : (iy : ; 2 ho taney : = c : : ‘ 7 eg 7m . + ~ - - 2 he a ‘ 2a aA A ’ - 1 174 MASKS AND LABRETS. ; at TP ID AN AVID) OC ig Figs. 25-27 (30211).--Front and profile views, and diagram of lattice ete., of a da mask with movable wings (only one wing is shown), from Nutka Sound, Van a8 couver Island, collected by J.G. Swan, for the U. S. National Museum; (page — 117) 7 e : . a BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL, XV vaan : A Ne INDIAN MASKS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA, 176 MASKS AND LABRETS. PLATE XVI. Figs. 28, 29 (20570).—Front and profile views of dancing mask, representing a 5ird’s head, with movable lower jaw; obtained for the U. S. National Museum from the Bella-bella Indians, British Columbia, by J. G. Swan; (page 115). Fig. 30 (2714).—Dancing mask used by the Makah Indians, of Cape Flattery, Wash- ington Territory; collected by J. G. Swan for the U. S. National Museum; (page 107). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XVI INDIAN MASKS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA, 178 MASKS AND LABRETS. PAE) xavier. Figs. 31, 32 (20892).—Dancing mask obtained from the Haida Indians of the Klem- mahoon village, Prince of Wales Islands, Alaska, for the U. 8. National Museum by J. G. Swan; (page 114). Figs. 33, 34 (30209).—Dancing mask representing a death’s head used by the Nutka tribe of Indians at Barclay Sound, Vancouver Island; collected for the U. 8. Na- tional Museum by J. G. Swan; (page 115). Fig. 35 (1419).—Similar mask from the Makah Indians at Cape Flattery, Washington Territory; collected by J. G. Swan; (page 116). Figs. 36, 37 (2661).—Shamanic mask representing the “Thunder bird,” obtained on the northwest coast uf America by the U.S. exploring expedition under Wilkes; (page 119). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XVII (1419) 35 2661 36 INDIAN MASKS FROM THE NORTIIWEST COAST OF AMERICA, 180 MASKS AND LABRETS. PA FACE B Sexe Valuiunts Fias. 38, 39 (23440).—Dancing helmet from the Makah Indians at Neeah Bay, Wash- ington Territory ; collected for the U. 8. National Museum by J. G. Swan; (page 116). Fic. 40.—Maskette representing a bird’s head from the same locality as the preced- ing; from a figure by J. G. Swan; (page 107). Figs. 41, 42 (21573).—Haida (?) dancing mask; collected for the U. 8. National Mu- seum by Dr. White, U. 8S. A.; (page 115). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XVIII \\ dll ere i INDIAN MASKS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA. 182 MASKS AND LABRETS. PLATE XIX. Figs. 43, 44 (20890).—Dancing helmet of the Haida Indians; collected at the Klem- mahoon village, Prince of Wales Islands, Alaska, by J. G. Swan for the U. 8S. National Museum; (page 116). BURRAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XIX INDIAN MASKETTE FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA. 184 MASKS AND LABRETS. PLATE XX. Fic. 45 (2666).—Dancing maskette, showing the mode of wearing the kalushka obtained (from the Haida Indians?) on the northwest coast of America during the U. S. exploring expedition under Wilkes; (page 119). Fre. 46 (20581).—Dancing maskette, representing the face of a woman with a small kaluska, obtained from the T’simpsian Indians, of Port Simpson, British Columbia, for the U. 8. National Museum by J. G. Swan; (page 118). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XX 45 2666 ST COAST OF AMERICA. INDIAN MASKS FROM THE NORTHWE Glee 7 Tres on a aoe : a hi 1&6 MASKS AND LABRETS. PA FACSUE eXe Ges Fia. 47 (2662).—Front view and section of maskette collected on the northwest coast of America during the United States exploring expedition under Wilkes, by E. Very, U. S. N.; representing the beaver totem; (page 118). Fic. 48 (9259).—Maskette representing the otter and frog, front and profile views, obtained from the Tlinkit Indians of Sitka by Dr. A. H. Hoff, U.S. A., for the U.S. National Museum; (page 118). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. xxI INDIAN MASKETTES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA. = 188 MASKS AND LABRETS. PA PAVE SXoxe Tul Fic, 49.—Iroquois mask used by the order of ‘‘ Falsefaces,” from a figure by L. H. Morgan, in the Fifth Annual Report on the State Cabinet by the Regents of the University, Albany, 1852, p. 67; (page 144). Fic. 50 (56470).—Shamanic rattle used by the Haida, from a specimen obtained by J. G. Swan at Port Townsend, W. T., from a Queen Charlotte Island Haida, showing the shaman, frog, and kingfisher with continuous tongues; (page 111). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Ih hi )))" HTD \) it \\ \ \ \ \)) Cee i \\ HAN SN al Wie Cia ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXII TROQUOIS MASK AND HAIDA MEDICINE-RATTLE. 190 MASKS AND LABRETS. PAA) XoXo: Figs. 51-53 (20263).—Front and rear views and section of mask used by the Innuit of Prince William Sound, Alaska, presented to the U. S. National Museum by the Alaska Commercial Company; (page 126). Fics. 54-56 (20265).—Front, rear, and profile views of a mask used by the Innuit of Prince William Sound, Alaska, presented to the U. 8. National Museum by the Alaska Commercial Company ; (page 125). Fias. 57, 58 (16089).—Ivory carving, natural size, from the shell heaps of Port Moller, Aliaska Peninsula, collected by W. H. Dall for the U.S. National Museum, and fig- ured for comparison with the preceding ; (page 126). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 P™. XXIII (16089) 57 54 55 56 INNUIT MASKS FROM PRINCE WILLIAM SOUND, 192 MASKS AND LABRETS. PLATE XXIV. Fic. 59 (20266).—Mask used by the Innuit, of Prince William Sound, Alaska, pre- sented to the U. S. National Museum by the Alaska Commercial Company ; (page 128). E Fies. 60, 61, 62 (20268). Front and rear views and restored lattice of Innuit mask from Prince William Sound, presented to the U. 8. National Museum by the Alaska Commercial Company ; (page 127). BUKEAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXIV INNUIT MASKS FROM PRINCE WILLIAM SOUND. 194 MASKS AND LABRETS. ELAM eXOXOVi- Fics. 63,64 (20269).—Front and rear views of Innuit mask from Prince William Sound, Alaska, presented to the U.S. National Museum by the Alaska Commer- cial Company ; (page 126). Fic. 65 (20264).—Front view of Innuit mask from Prince William Sound, Alaska, presented to the U.S. National Museum by the Alaska Commercial Company ; (page 127). Fic. 66 (24328).—Maskette, representing a seal’s head, obtained from the Innuit of Saint Michael’s, Norton Sound, Alaska, for the U. S. National Museum by L. M. Turner; (page 133). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXV 24328. 66 INNUIT MASKS FROM PRINCE WILLIAM AND NORTON SOUNDS. se bd aw T= : —_ - ‘ < A } = a ; Ys o") 7 a . ® * y a i 7 bd at] 196 MASKS AND LABRETS. bs * PAGPACIN HS XSXGVel: Fig. 67 (16268).—Inunit maskette obtained at Saint Paul, Kadiak Island, Alask made by the Kaniagmut Tnnuit, and presented to the U. 8. National Muse by W. H. Dall; (page 128). Fic. 68 (24334). oe view, section, and enlarged views of accessories of Innu mask obtained at Saint Michael’s, Norton Sound, Alaska, for the U. S. Nationals Museum, by L. M. Turner; (page 133). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXvV1 16 268 67 INNUIT MASKS FROM KADIAK AND NORTON SOUND. 198 MASKS AND LABRETS. PLATE XXVITI. Fic. 69 (37130).—Finger mask worn by the Innuit women on the forefinger during dances; collected for the U. S. National Museum, by E. W. Nelson, on the lower Kuskokwim River, Alaska; (page 182). Vic. 70 (38646).—Inpuit maskette worn during legendary pantomimic dances by the natives of the Yukon and Kuskokwim deltas; collected for the U. S. National Museum, at Big Lake, near Cape Rumiantsoff, by E. W. Nelson; (page 135). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXVIT (87130) 69 (38646) 70 INNUIT FINGER MASK AND MASKETTE, — eee ee Lae > ~-— —- + a — _ — t. meer, Pa ares ae 200 MASKS AND LABRETS. (PALFAGTSB Xe KOVAL Te Fig. 71 (A).—Aleutian dancing mask, used during social festivals among the Aleuts, showing the method of wearing the labret then in vogue. From a figure in Sauner’s account of Billings’ Voyage, plate xi, figure not numbered; 1792 (page 141). Fic. 72 (B).—A grotesque mask used on similar occasions, showing the cleat-shaped labret described by early navigators. C indicates the same labret in profile. From a figure in Saner’s account of Billings’ Voyage, plate xi, figure not num- bered ; (page 141). Fic. 73 (13002).—Aleutian death mask, obtained from a rock shelter where the dead were laid, near Delaroff Harbor, Unga, Shumavin Islands, Alaska. Obtained and presented to the U. S. National Museum by W. H. Dall; front and both profiles shown; (page 142). BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXVIII ALEUT DANCING AND MORTUARY MASKS. Pate 1) u's 202 MASKS AND LABRETS. PLATE XXIX. Fic. 74 (7604).—Aleutian death mask, from rock shelter, near Delaroff Harbor, Unga Island, Shumagin Islands, Alaska; collected by Capt. Charles Riedell, and pre- sented to the U. S. National Museum by W. H. Dall; front and right profile views; (page 142). Fig. 75 (7946).—Aleutian death mask, from the same locality; collected by Dr. T.'T. Minor, U. S. R. M., and presented to the U. S. National Museum; tront and left profile views; (page 142). 7946 = rl Pe ALEUT MORTUARY MASKS. _ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. BY REV. J. OWEN DORSEY. (205) SIOUAN ALPHABET. (This is given to explain the pronunciation of the Indian words in the following paper } a, as in father. ‘a, an initially exploded a. a, as in what. ‘A, an initially exploded &. a, as in hat. c, as sh in she. See s. 9, a medial sh, a sonant-surd, é (Dakota letter), as ch in church. ¢, as th in thin. 5, a medial ¢, sonant-surd, ¢, as th in the. e, as in they. ‘e, an initially exploded e. &, as in get. ‘6, an initially exploded 6. g. as in go. & (in Dakota), gh. See x. h (in Dakota), kh, ete. See q. i, as in machine. ‘i, an initially exploded i. i, aS in pin. j, aS 2 in azure, or as j in French Jacques. y, a medial k, a sonant-surd, k’, an exploded k. n, as ng in sing. hn, its initial sound is expelled from the nostrils, and is scarcely heard. 0, aS in no. ‘o, an initially exploded o. d, a medial b (or p), a sonant-surd. p’, an exploded p. q, as German ch in ach. See hi. s, a medial s (or z), a sonant-surd. $ (in Dakota), as sh in she. See ce. }, 2 medial t, a sonant-surd. t?, an exploded f. u, aS 00 in tool. ‘a, an initially exploded u. ii, as 00 in foot. u, a sound between o and u. ii, as in German kiihl. x, gh, or nearly the Arabic ghain. See g. dj, as j in judge. te, as ch in church. te’, an exploded te. yo, a medial te, a sonant-surd. 4s, a medial ts, a sonant-surd. ts’, an exploded ts. Zz (in Dakota), as 2 See j. ai, as in aisle. au, as 02 in cow, yu, as w in tune. See ¢. - in azure, ete. The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, bh, k, 1, m, n, Pp, T, S, t, W, y, and z. A superior n (*") after a vowel nasalizes it. A plus sign (+) after any letter prolongs it. With the exception of the five letters taken from Riggs’ Dakota Dic- tionary, and used only in the Dakota words in this paper, the above letters belong to the alphabet adopted by the Bureau of Ethnology. 206 CONTENTS. Page. HAP NRG lt INTRODUCTION sams) tes ee ala ai-fas'ciaia Saiatese no cces n= yacece-oseees 211 Early migrations of the @egiha tribes.......-..-...-,..---. 2222222222 -2ee 211 Subsequent migrations of the Omahas...-.....-.....-2.2.--20-22022-ee- ee 213 ereaen Meta terciihelOmahaseremesre fe! ok cle Seece~ Sess eecaystnedla.: 214 Cora PCR Me DENE SAT sem Se Se loess ae tereiaicioctasicaeelsicicces uccws aleezecees 215 Differentiation of organs in the State...-..-......-...-..2. 22-22. -2-- eee 216 STUGH ESIC - ao oper cose Sons fee See NCOs Bose ese er 216 SONAR 6 oceene2656 coscon Janeen BH CCE a ere ee Se Sees aes Baja me ae ter 217 Cor poraLOnsee ser erate Pe pean aaee eam a acess ceased sce vccccteesces 213 CAAPT ER HERA A OENGTILE OV OTEM=R Eo 22 =e ase sccices wocisee cence escoccs 219 riba CIrGlesinn Ac sae saeees Mase s sees soos cccces Pee cess Va nina Sya ear eNe aS ee 219 Phos O malian alcinelox a= nels aster ectasee ace ne arse cobs wa sels cee 219 Rules for pitching the tents............ Setis -SSooSce99 reco be Se eneeeer 220 hersacred tentsissso. a-o ee ecsee oe. 2 2 oee 5S SSS Ae BE SAA Ser ee a es eee 221 AU EO REG gral fot (eC AS ee Bn Se Soon eee BEE Eee 221 Gahige’s account of the tradition of the pipes ..-......-. SS aA 222 Az-ba-hebe’s account.of- the same. ..= 5.2.6... s. sec. .ncee- ence nee ee 222 LLB ON WGC MND s-nc cose5e-5c0 dees SORE A Seer e ees ae ee 225 The Weji® cte or Elk gens... .-- SYciy dads Zoe U es Ieee naa eae ane ers 225 Dhednke-sabe‘or Blackishoulder pens)-- =< =. 22 =<0 2-2. cee. cece eveces cone ee 228 TNS) ISENAED, GONG aeee lp oe bs cee pOSIdsS BOE) Suan EEne Ieee EO RE OR RC SA cBeereaeee 233 (hei aadal sc enseseasres= eases an yee Asma. cease shess seco scesin ches es 236 (RiewWasabe-hit.aj i sabPrenses.-e sess (ose ee as Seen coos eects ces sewed 236 The Wain ra tavayeSuPSONs|-cesenes wmac canta news eeecessecacieseswsss 238 Ri erpedathrayUSU DEON Seems semelace seen nie' macs a-cjsasocescesscsccese, 239 JOG) STESES Gh ye) See i355 Sao eas oe Coee eC eee cEee eee ae ae ee eee 240 MEG) KG E VEGI) «eons cance sS0s80 sad Saucon GuuE bad Ene Beso Rano eabe 241 eM Aten kh CARO ONS a ere ececeaiae b= see ee acs sane .ceeon Scesc eye ese 242 TUS GPSS) GOS Sed Con sae apaatieos acho p OS CERRO Ee aE EERE aes Hoesen ee 244 The ya-da or Deer-head pens ee eel ear onc ae Se eee Wee 245 ANN GE, GER = ces S265 5692. DSS Baa BES CaaE EEA eB See ena eae See 247 Mhevctasandareene\e-as ses cae as easaccaas thas cos caae tecces mec-eeleecoe 248 CHAPTER IV.—THE KINSHIP SYSTEM AND MARRIAGE Laws senn 5eednes acnbec phy (CIECR OS On NCD sacmico cone a2 Co Sse CACO PES Ose see ee SSC ee a eee ears 252 Consanomineous Kinship yas esses se oasis f2-s 26 sosces ooes es sennn- 253 JARDINE) oS 5552505 oc St CHAO DCD ERIE DS SO See a eee eer 255 Wir ERG) Sos.o6 Stoo on ae See eae se Sdtd aD OSS do oe OR Odea ReD Ee SERS EE 255 Wihoem'aman orn woman cannot) marry---<=-----2--0. c.-c0ecen0 a 2--< 256. Whom a man or woman can marry-.-....--...------ Mod eaeeoxe see mises 257 Ip OL Gun Ce OlsGNeIRM DECI LCS go eeceliereiocia a <= a, - oe <> sia selem annie c= eens 258 TRUMP? ceeacnant ates SanSab SSA OSE ge oe Ee ee ea era aeeeeer ae 258 CHAPTERS VE —DOMESTVC MUIME ac ci=mae0 (elena) on aace oss sania salen aoaee=aine-e ce 259 Courtship and marriage customs.......-...----..----- Bae ian a oe 259 Domestic etiquette—bashfulness ....... .----. ...2222222005 02 2eee sees cece ee 262 Pres naney sce an ee <= = soto eegog s35batse Seance sees eee couecce eeceossone 203 (GHOTGSR Ea = = ae ee = Go oe pS aS ne IOS EU BOB SB EC DOE Sees 6 oan Ene po er aBEeaS 265 208 CONTENTS. Cyuaprer V.—Domestic Lire—Continued. Standing of women in society -..---.---..--- Catanicniia cd sorcsec sete ee a eerie Widows and’ widowers ..-.-.<----- .-5---6-=-- Rights of parents and others. ..--..-.------ Personal habits, politeness, ete ........--. -- Meals, eG. 2.2 <6 uses Sete eee ee aera ater CHAPTER VI.—VISITING CUSTOMS ...-.-.----.-.- Cuaprer VIJ.—INDUSTRIAL OCCUPATIONS ..---- Eine SM CUS GOT Spe ete ee Fishing customs .---.-. Si Sr eye ghah a Sass as Cultivation of the sama. CEE Soe BAe See CuHaPTerR VIII.—INDUSTRIAL OCCUPATIONS (CONTINUED).-..---.-.---------- Food and its: preparation .......---..-------- Clothing and its preparation -....--.-.-.----- CHAPTER IX.—PROTECTIVE INDUSTRIES...------ War customs). 22.5 nese costa sae eae Defensive warfate\.22s--..-=4ceane-1- sees Offensive warfare ....-...--.---- CHAPTER X.—AMUSEMENTS AND CoRPORATIONS BOG AAD ARE CAa Ra OES IDES > (OT hai ts Ree ERS enc ed Cem e rca oo mean baedaianen Stir aobion aobE. pInSSn SEES ace Corporations....-na™pajl gave the following: The first son is called Young Black bear. The second, Black bear. The third, Four Eyes, including the true eyes and the two spots like eyes that are above the eyes of a black bear. The fourth, Gray Foot. The fifth, Cries like a Raccoon. (La Fleche said that this is a Ponka name, but the Omahas now have it.) The sixth, Nidaha*, Progressing toward maturity (sic). The seventh, He turns round and round suddenly (said of both kinds of bears). § 45. Sections of the subgens.—The Wasabe- ae : rye ms 5 : .. Fie. 18.—Wasabe-hit‘aji style of hit‘aji people are divided into sections. ga¢i"- wearing ths hair. na"paji and others told the writer that they consisted of four divisions: Black bear, Raccoon, Grizzly bear, and Poreupine people. The Black bear and Raccoon people are called brothers. And when a man kills a black bear he says, ‘I have killed a raccoon.” The young black bear is said to ery like a raccoon, hence the birth-name Miya-xage. The writer is inclined to think that there is some foundation for these state- ments, though La Fléche and Two Crows seemed to doubt them. They gave but two divisions of the Wasabe-hit‘aji; and it may be that these two are the only ones now in existence, while there were four in ancient times. The two sections which are not doubted are the Wasabe-hit‘aji proper, and the Quya, 7. e., the Raccoon people. When they meet as a subgens, they sit thus in their circle: The Wasabe-hit‘aji people sit on the right of the entrance, and the Quya have their places on the left. But in the tribal circle the Quya people 238 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. camp next to the Hafiiga Keepers of the Sacred Pole, as the former are the servants of the Hanga. The leader of the Quya or Singers was himself the only one who acted as quya, when called on to serve the Haiiga. ga¢i"-na"paji’s half-brother, Hupe¢a, commonly styled je-da- u¢iqaga, used to be the leader. Since the Omahas have abandoned the hunt, to which this office pertained, no one has acted as quya; but if it were still in existence, the three brothers, Dangerous, Gihaji, and Ma®-¢i‘u-ke, are the only ones from whom the quya could be chosen. Quya men.—Dried Buffalo Skull. Dangerous. Gihaji. Black bear. Paws the Ground as he Reclines. Young (black bear) Runs. Mandan. Hupe¢a. Laugher. Maqpiya-qaga. jyaiiga-gaxe. Crow’s Head. Gray Foot. J. La Fléche said that Hupe¢a, Laugher, Maqpiya-qaga, and qalga-gaxe were servants of the Elk gens; but ga¢i™-na"paji, their fellow-gentile, places them among the Quya. (See § 143.) In the tribal circle the Wasabe-hit‘aji proper camp next to the Wajitga-¢ataji. These Wasabe-hit‘aji are the servants of the Elk peo- ple, whom they assist in the worship of the thunder-god. When this ceremony takes place there area few of the Quya people who accom- pany the Wasabe-hit‘aji and act as servants. These are probably the four men referred to above. Though all of the Wasabe-hit‘aji proper are reckoned as servants of the Weji"cte, only two of them, ga¢i"- na"paji and Sida-ma*¢i", take a prominent part in the ceremonies de- scribed in §§ 23, 24. Should these men die or refuse to act, other mem- bers of their Section must take their places. “ Wasabe-hit‘aji men.—He who fears not the sight of a Pawnee. White Earth River. Four Eyes (of a black bear). Without Gall. Progress- ing toward maturity. Visible (object ?). Gaxekati¢a. Quya and Wasabe-hit‘aji women.—Da*abi. Datama. Land Female. Mithupeg¢e. Mir-gatitge. She whois Coming back insight. Weta™ne. Wete wit. THE WAJINGA QATAJI SUBGENS § 46. This name means, “They who do not eat (small) birds.” They can eat wild turkeys, all birds of the mi"xa or goose genus, including ducks and cranes. When sick, they are allowed to eat prairie chickens. When members of this subgens go on the warpath, the only sacred things which they have are the g¢eda® (hawk) and nickucku (martin). (See § 196.) Style of wearing the hair.—They leave a little hair in front, over the . forehead, for a bill, and some at the back of the head, for the bird’s tail, with much over each ear, for the wings. La Fléche and Two Crows do not deny this; but they know nothing about it. Curious custom during harvest.—These Wajiiga-¢ataji call themselves “The Blackbird people.” In harvest time, when the birds used to eat the corn, the men of this subgens proceeded thus: They took some corn, which they chewed and spit around over the field. They thought DORSEY. WAJINGA-GATAJI AND LE-dA-IT‘AJI. 239 that such a procedure would deter the birds from making further inroads upon the crops. Wacka®-ma*¢i" of this subgens keeps one of the great wa¢ixabe, or sacred bags, used when a warrior’s word is doubted. (See § 196.) § 47. Sections and subsections of the subgens.—Wanija-waqé of the La-da gens told me that the following were the divisions of the Wajiiga- ¢ataji; but La Fléche and Two Crows deny it. It may be that these minor divisions no longer exist, or that they were not known to the two men. I.—Hawk people, under Standing Hawk. Il.—Mangt¢iqta, or Blackbird people, under Wajita-gahige. Sub- sections: (a) White heads. (b) Red heads. (c) Yellow heads. (d) Red wings. III.— Manig¢iqta-qude, Gray Blackbird (the common starling), or Thunder people, under Wa¢idaxe. Subsections: (a) Gray Blackbirds. (6) Meadow larks. (c) Prairie-chickens; and, judging from the analogy of the Ponka Hisada, (d) Martins. IV.—Three subsections of the Owl and Magpie people are (a) Great Owls. (b) Small Owls. (c) Magpies. § 48. Birth-names of boys.—The first son was called, Maig¢iqta, Black- bird. The second, Red feathers on the base of the wings. The third, White-eyed Blackbird. The fourth, Dried Wing. The fifth, Hawk (denied by La Fléche). The sixth, Gray Hawk. The seventh, White Wings. This last is a Ponka uame, according to La Fléche and Two Crows. Wajitiga-¢ataji men—Red Wings. Chief who Watches over (any thing). Becomes Suddenly Motionless. Poor man. Standing Hawk. He from whom they flee. Rustling Horns. Scabby Horns. The one Moving towards the Dew (?). White or Jack Rabbit. Gray Blackbird. White Blackbird. Four Hands (or Paws). Ni-¢actage. Yellow Head (of a blackbird). Fire Chief. Coyote’s Foot. Buffalo bull Talks like a chief. Bad temper of a Buffalo bull. White Buffalo in the distance. Hominy (a name of ridicule). He who continues Trying (commonly translated, ‘“‘Hard Walker”). He who makes the crackling sound “Gh+ !” in thundering. Bird Chief. Wajiiga-¢ataji women.—(Female eagle) Is Moving On high. Moon in motion during the Day. Turning Moon Female. Mi®daca®-¢i". Mir- tena. Visible one that Has returned, and is in a Horizontal attitude. THE ,E-qA-IT‘AJ] SUBGENS. § 49. These are the Eagle people, and they are not allowed to toucn a buffalo head. (See Inike-sabé gens, §§ 30, 32.) The writer was told that their uju or head man in 1879 was Maige-zi. He who is the head of the Niniba t‘a", Keepers of a (Sacred) Pipe, has duties to perform whenever the chiefs assemble in council. (See Sacred Pipes, § 18.) 240 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. The decoration of the tents in this subgens resemble those of the Inke-sabé. § 50. Birth names of boys.—The first was called Dried Eagle. ga¢i?- na"paji said that this really meant “ Dried buffalo skull ;” but La Fléche and Two Crows denied this, giving another meaning, ‘Dried Eagle skin.” The second was Pipe. The third, Eaglet. The fourth, Real Bald Eagle. The sixth, Standing Bald Eagle. The seventh, He (an eagle) makes the ground Shake suddenly by Alighting on it. § 51. Sections of the Subgens.—Lion gave the following, which were doubted by La Fléche and Two Crows. J. Keepers of the Pipe, or Workers, under Eaglet. II. Under The-Only-Hatiga are Pidaiga, Wa- djepa, and Ma®ze-guhe. III. Under Real Eagle are his son, Kagle makes a Crackling sound by alighting on a limb of a tree, Wasaapa, Gakie- mar¢ir, and Teaza-¢inge. IV. To the Bald Eagle section belong Yellow Breast and Small Hill. The Omahas reckon three kinds of eagles, the white eagle, the young white eagle, and the spotted eagle. To these they add the bald eagle, which they say is not a real eagle. These probably correspond with the sections of the je-da-it‘aji. THE yE-I", OR TURTLE SUBGENS. § 52. This subgens camps between the je-da-it‘aji and the ya*ze, in the tribal circle. Its head man in 1879 was said to be genuga-ja®-¢inke. ye‘i? means ‘‘to carry a turtle on one’s back.” The members of this subgens are allowed to touch or carry a turtle, but they cannot eat one. Style of wearing the hair.—They cut off all the hair from a boy’s head, except six locks; two are left on each side, one over the forehead, and one hanging down the back, in imitation of the legs, head, and tail of a turtle. La Fléche and Two Crows did not know about this, but they said that it might be true. Decoration of the tents.—The figures of turtles were painted on the outside of the tents. (See the Inke-sabé decorations, §§ 30-32.) Curious custom during a fog.—In the time of a fog the men of this subgens drew the figure of a turtle on the ground with its face to the south. On the head, tail, middle of the back, and on each leg were placed small pieces of a (red) breech-cloth with some tobacco. This they imagined would make the fog disappear very soon. § 53. Birth names of boys.—The first son was called He who Passed by here on his way back to the Water; the second, He who runs very swiftly to get back to the Water; the third, He who floats down the stream; the fourth, Red Breast; the fifth, Big Turtle; the sixth, Young one who carries a turtle on his back; the seventh, Turtle that kicks out his legs and paws the ground when a person takes hold of him. Sections of the subgens—Lion gave the following as sections of the ye-‘i, though the statement was denied by La Fléche and Two Crows. “The first section is Big Turtle, under gahe-yad‘é, in 1878. The sec- vonsey.] TURTLE SUBGENS—MXA*°ZE GENS. 241 ond is Turtle that does not flee, under Cage-ski or Nistu-ma™¢i". The third is Red-breasted Turtle, under ~enugaja"-¢iike. The fourth is Spotted Turtle with Red Eyes, under Ehna®-juwag¢e.” Turtle men.—Heat makes (a turtle) Emerge from the mud. (Turtle) Walks Backward. He Walks (or continues) Seeking something. An- cestral Turtle. Turtle that Flees not. (Turtle that) Has gone into the Lodge (or Shell). He alone is with them. He Continues to Tread on them. Turtle Maker. Spotted Turtle with Red Eyes. Young Turtle- carrier. Buzzard. He who Starts up a Turtle. One of the women is Egg Female. THE MA"ZE GENS. § 54. The place of the ya"ze or Kansas gens is between the ye-‘i" and the Ma™¢inka-gaxe in the tribal circle. The head man of the gens who was recognized as such in 1879 was Za®zi-mande. Taboo.—The yyza"ze people cannot touch verdigris, which they eall “ wase-ju,” green clay, or “* wase-ju-qude,” gray-green clay. Being Wind people, they flap their blankets to start a breeze which will drive off the musquitoes. Subgentes—La Fléche and Two Crows recognize but two of these: Keepers of a Pipe and Wind People. They assign to the former Majatha¢i", Maja™-kide, &c., and to the latter Waji®-¢icage, Za™zi- mandé, and their near kindred. But Lion said that there were four sub- gentes, and that Maja™ha¢i® was the head man of the first, or Niniba t‘a®, which has another name, Those who Make the Sacred tent. He gave Waji™- ¢icage as the head man of the Wind people, Za"zi-mandé as the head of the third subgens, and Maja®-kide of the fourth; but he could not give the exact order in which they sat in their gentile circle. A member of the gens told the writer that Four Peaks, whom Lion assigned to Za™zi-mandé’s subgens, was the owner of the sacred tent : but he did not say to what sacred tent he referred. Some say that Maja™La¢i™ was the keeper of the sacred pipe of his gens till his death in 1879. Others, including Frank La Fléche, say that Four Peaks was then, and still is, the keeper of the pipe. According to La Fléche and Two Crows, a member of this gens was chosen as crier when the brave young men were ordered to take part in the sham fight. (See § 152.) “This was Majatha ¢i%” (Frank La Fleche). § 55. Names of Kansas men.—Thick Hoots. Something Wanting. Not worn from long use. He only is great in his own estimation. Boy who talks like achief. Young one that Flies [?]. He Lay down On the way. Young Beaver. Two Thighs. Brave Boy. Kansas Chief. Young Kansas. Making a Hollowsound. Gray Cottonwood. The one Moving toward the Land. He who shot at the Land. Young Grizzly bear. 3 ETH—16 242 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. White Grizzly bear near at hand. He started suddenly to his feet. Heartless. Cuief. Four Peaks. Hair on the legs (of a buffalo calf takes) a withered appearance. Swift Wind. Wind pulls to pieces. He Walks In the Wind. Buffalo that has become Lean again. Lies at the end. Young animal Feeding with the herd. He who makes an object Fall to pieces by Punching it. Blood. He who makes them weep. Bow-wood Bow. Names of Kansas women.—Kausas Female. Moon that Is traveling, Ancestral or Foremost Moon. Moon Moving On high. Last [?] Wind. Wind Female. Coming tack Gray. THE MA™(INKA-GAXE GENS. § 56. This gens, which is the first of the Ictasanda gentes, camps next to the yatze, but on the opposite side of the road. The chief of the gens is Caige-ska, or White Horse, a grandson of the celebrated Black Bird. The name Ma*¢iika-gaxe means ‘the earth-lodge makers,” but the members of this gens call themselves the Wolf (and Prairie Wolf) People. Tradition.—The principal nikie of the Ma*¢iika-gaxe are the coyote, the wolf, and the sacred ‘stones. La Fléche and Two Crows say that these are all together. Some say that there are two sacred stones, one of which is red, the other black; others say that both stones have been reddened. (See §16.) La Fléche and Two Crows have heard that there were four of these stones; one being black, one red, one yellow, and oneblue. (See the colors of the lightning on the tent of Agaha-wacuee, § 43.) One tradition is that the stones were made by the Coyote in an- cient days to be used for conjuring enemies. The Usage tradition men- tions four stones of different colors, white, black, red, and blue. Style of wearing the hair.—Boys have two locks of hair left on their heads, one over the forehead and another at the parting of the hair on the crown. Female children have four locks left, one at the front, one at the back, and one over each ear. La Fleche and Two Crows do not know this, but they say that it may be true. § 57. Subgentes—La Vleéche and Two Crows gave but two of these: Keepers of the Pipe and Sacred Persons. This is evidently the classi- fication for marriage purposes, referred to in §78; and the writer is con- fident that La Fléche and Two Crows always mean this when they speak of the divisions of each gens. This should be borne in mind, as it will be helpful in solving certain seeming contradictions. That these two are not the only divisions of the gens will appear from the statements of Lion and Cadge-ska, the latter being the chief of the gens. Cainge- ski said that there were three subgentes, as follows: 1. Qube (includ- q DORSEY.] THE MAN|INKA-GAXE GENS. 243 ing the Wolf people?). 2. Niniba t‘a". 3. Mi2/xa-sa wet‘aji. Lion gave the following: 1. Mi’yasi (Coyote and Wolf people). 2. I°& waqtibe, Keepers of the Sacred Stones. 3. Niniba t‘a". 4. Mi®/xa-sam wet‘aji. According to Caiige-ski, Qube was the name given to his part of the gens after the death of Black Bird ; therefore it is a modern name, not a hundred years old. But I°“é-waqtbe points to the mythical origin of the gens; hence the writer is inclined to accept the fourfold division as the ancient one. The present head of the Coyote people is paqie-tig¢e, whose predecessor was Hu-¢agebe. Caiige-ska, of the second subgens, is the successor of his father, who bore the same name. Uckadaji is the rightful keeper of the Sacred Pipe, but as he is very old Ca*ta”jiiga has superseded him, according to qa¢i"-na*paji. Mitxa-skii was the the head of the Mitxa-sa" wet‘aji, but Mafiga‘aji has succeeded him. The name of this last subgens means “Those who do not touch swans,” but this is only a name, not a taboo, according to some of the Omahas. Among the Kansas Indians, the Ma*yifika-gaxe people used to include the Elk gens, and part of the latter is called, Mi’xa tinikaci"ga, Swan people. As these were originally a subgens of the Kansas Ma*yiiika- gaxe, it furnishes another reason for accepting the statement of Lion about the Omaha Mitxa-sa”-wet*aji. § 08. Birth-names of boys.—qa¢i®-na*paji gave the following, but he did not know their exact order: He who Continues to Travel (denied by the La Fléche and Two Crows). Little Tail (of a coyote). Sudden Crunching sound (made by a coyote or wolf when gnawiug bones). (Coyote) Wheels around suddenly. (Coyote) Stands erect very sud- denly. Surly Wolf. : Names of men. I. Wolf subgens.—Sudden crunching sound. Wacicka. Continues Running. Wheels around suddenly. The Standing one who is Traveling. (Wolf) Makes a sudden Crackling sound (by alighting on twigs or branches). Ghost of a Grizzly bear. Stands erect Very suddenly. Little Tail. Young Traveler. He who Continues to Travel, or Standing Traveler. Standing Elk. Young animal Feeding or graz- ing with a herd, IL. I™é-waqube subgens.—White Horse. Ancestral Kansas. Thunder-god. Village-maker. Brave Second-son. Black Bird (not Blackbird). Big Black bear. White Swan. Night Walker. He whom they Reverence. Big Chief. Walking Stone. Red Stone. ‘da¢i™-na"paji said that the last two names were birth-names in this subgens. III. Niniba-t‘a™ sulgens.—He who Rushes into battle. Young Wolf. Sauey Chief. IV.. Swan subgens.—He whom an Arrow Fails to wound. Willing to be employed. A member of this gens, Tailless Grizzly bear, has been with the Ponkas for many years. His name is not an Omaha name. Names of women.—Hawk-Female. New Hawk-Female. Miacte-cta®, or Miate-cta*. Mi"-mijega. Visible Mcon. (Wolf) Stands erect. White Ponka in the distance. Ponka Female. She who is Ever Coming back Visible. Eagle Circling around. Wate wi. 244 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. THE LE-SINDE GENS. § 59. The ze-sinde, or Buffalo-tail gens, camps between the Ma*¢inka- gaxe and the za-da gentes in the tribal circle. Its present chief is Waha®-¢inge, son of Takunaki¢abi. Taboos.—The members of this gens cannot eat a calf while it is red, but they can do so when it becomes black. This applies to the calf of the domestic cow, as well as to that of the buffalo. They cannot touch a buffalo head.—Frank La Fléeche. (See §§ 31, 37, and 49.) They can- not eat the meat on the lowest rib, ye¢iz-ucag¢e, because the ] ead of the calf before birth touches the mother near that rib. Style of wearing the hair.—lt is called “ 7aihi*-mtxa-gaxai,” Mane made muxa, 7. e., to stand up and hang over a little on each side. La Fleche and Two Crows do not know this style. § 60. Birth-names of boys.—gati®-na"paji was un- certain about them. He thought that six of them were as follows: Gray Horns (of a buffalo). Uma- abi, refers to cutting up a buffalo. (A buffalo that is almost grown) Raises his Tail in the air. Dark Eyes) A buffalo calf when it sheds its reddish- yellow hair, has a coat of black, which commences at the eyes). (Buffalo Calf) Unable to Run. Little Fia. 19.—ze-sinde style One (buffalo calf) with reddish-yellow hair. CE a § 61. Subgentes.—For marriage purposes, the gens is undivided, according to La Fléche and Two Crows; but they ad- mitted that there were at present two parts of the gens, one of which was The Keepers of the Pipe. Lion said that he knew of but two subgentes, which were The Keepers of the Pipe, or, Those who do not Eat the Lowest buffalo rib, under Wild sage; and Those who Touch no Calves, or, Keepers of the Sweet Medicine, under Orphan. J. La Fléche said that all of the ye-sinde had the sweet medicine, and that none were allowed to eat calves. § 62. Names of men.—Wild Sage. Stands in a High and marshy place. Smoke Coming back Regularly. Big ax. (Buffalo) Bristling with Ar- rows. Ancestral Feather. Orphan, or, (Buffalo bull) Raises a Dust by Pawing the Ground. Unable to run. (Body of a buffalo) Divided with a knife. Playful(?) or Skittish Buffalo. Little one with reddish- yellow hair. Dark Eyes. Lies Bottom-upwards. Stands on a Level. Young Buffalo bull. Raises his Tail in the air. Lover. Crow Neck- lace. Big Mane. Buffalo Head. He who is to be blamed for evil. Nomes of women.—Mi"-akanda. Sacred Moon. White Buffalo-Fe- male in the distance. Walks in order to Seek (for something). porseY.] LE-SINDE AND LA-dA GENTES. 245 THE LA-dA OR DEER-HEAD GENS. § 63. The place of this gens in the tribal circle is after that of the e-sinde. The chief of the gens is Sinde-xa®xa2, Taboo.—The members of this gens cannot touch the skin of any ani- mal of the deer family; they cannot use moccasins of deer-skin; nor can they use the fat of the deer for hair-oil, as the other Omahas can do; but they can eat the flesh of the deer. Subgentes.—La Fléche and Two Crows recognized three divisions of the gens for marriage purposes, and said that the Keepers of the Sacred Pipe were “‘uyatha jitiga,” a little apart from the rest. Wanija-waqé, who is himself the keeper of the Sacred Pipe of this gens, gave four subgentes. These sat in the gentile circle in the following order: On the first or left side of the “ fire-place” were the Niniba t‘a%, Keepers of the Pipe, and Jifiga-gahige’s subgens. On the other side were the Thunder people and the real Deer people. The Keepers of the Pipe and Jinga-gahige’s subgens seem to form one of the three divisions recog- nized by La Fléche. Wanija-waqgé said that his own subgens were Eagle people, and that they had a special taboo, being forbidden to touch verdigris (see ya"ze gens), charcoal, and the skin of the wild-cat. He said that the members of the second subgens could not touch char- coal, in addition to the general taboo of the gens. But La Fléche and Two Crows said that none of the y,a-da could touch charcoal. The head of the Niniba t‘a® took the name Waniya-waqé, The Animal that excels others, or Lion, after a visit to the East; but his real Omaha name is Disobedient. ga¢i?-gahige is the head of the Thunder sub- gens, and Sinde-xa"xa*, of the Deer subgens. § 64. Birti-names for boys.—Lion said that the following were some of the Eagle birth-names of his subgens (see Inke-sabé birth-names, § 32): The thunder-god makes the sound “yide” as he walks. Eagle who is a chief (keeping a Sacred Pipe). Eagle that excels. White Eagle (Golden Eagle). Akida-gahige, Chief who Watches over some- thing (being the keeper of a Sacred Pipe). He gave the following as the Deer birth-names: He who Wags his Tail. The Black Hair on the Abdomen of a Buck. Horns like pha- langes. Deer Paws the Ground, making parallel or diverging indenta- tions. Deer in the distance Shows its Tail White Suddenly. Little Hoof of a deer. Dark Chin of a deer. § 65. Ceremony on the fifth day after a birth According to Lion, there is a peculiar ceremony observed in his gens when an infant is named. All the members of the gens assemble on the fifth day after the birth of a child. Those belonging to the subgens of the infant cannot eat anything cooked for the feast, but the men of the other subgentes are at liberty to partake of the food.’ The infant is placed within the gen- tile circle and the privileged decoration is made on the face of the child 246 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. with “wase-jide-nika,” or Indian red. Then with the tips of the index, middle, and the next finger, are red spots made down the child’s back, , at short intervals, in imitation of a fawn. , The child’s breech cloth (sic) is also marked in a similar way. With t the tips of three fingers are rubbed stripes as long as a hand on the arms and chest of the infant. All the ya-da people, even the servants, decorate themselves. Rubbing the rest of the Indian red on the palms of their hands, they pass their hands backwards over their hair; and they finally make red spots on their chests, about the size of a hand. The members of the Pipe sub- gens, and those persons in the other subgentes who are related to the infant’s father through the calumet dance, are the only ones who are allowed to use the privileged decoration, and to wear hi"gpe (down) in their hair. If the infant belongs to the Pipe subgens, charcoal, verdi- gris, and the skin of a wild-cat are placed beside him, as the articles not to be touched by him in after-life. Thep he is addressed thus: “This you must not touch; this, too, you must not touch; and this you must not touch.” The verdigris symbolizes the blue sky. La Fleche and Two Crows said that the custom is different from the above. When a child is named on the fifth day after birth, all of the gentiles are not invited, the only person whois called is an old man who belongs to the subgens of the infant.2 He puts the spots on the child, and gives it its name; but there is no breech-cloth. § 66. Names of men. I. Pipe subgens.—Chief that Watches over some- thing. Hagle Chief. Eagle that excels, or Hagle-maker (?). Wags his Tail. Standing Moose or Deer. (Lightning) Dazzles the Eyes, making them Blink. Shows Iron. Horns Pulled around (?). Forked Horns. (Fawn that) Does not Flee to a place of refuge. (Deer) Alights, mak- ing the sound “stapi.”. Pawnee Tempter, a war name. White Tail. Gray Face. Like a Buffalo Horn (?). Walks Near. Not ashamed to ask foranything. (Fawn) ls not Shot at (by the hunter). White Breast. Goes to the Hill. Elk. Il. Boy Chief’s PPh een nye os Eagle (a Dakota name, J. La Fleche). Heart Bone (of a deer; some say it refers to the thunder; J. La Fléche says that it has been recently brought from the Kansas). Fawn gives a sudden ery. Small Hoofs. Dark Chin. Forked Horns. (Deer) Leaps and raises a sudden Dust by Alighting on the ground. He - who Wishes to be Sacred (or a doctor). Flees not. Forked Horns of a awn. Til. Thunder subgens.—Spotted Back (of a fawn). Small Hoofs. Like a Buffalo Horn. Wet Moccasins (that is, the feet of a deer. A female name among the Osages, ete.). Young Male-animal. WhiteTail. Daz- zles the Eyes. Spoken to (by the thunder-god). Young Thunder-god. Dark Chin. Forked Horns. Distant Sitting one with White Horns. Fawn. Paws the Ground, making parallel or diverging indentations. 5This agrees substantially with the Osage custom. DORSEY. ] LA-dA AND INGCE-JIDE GENTES. 247 Black Hair on a buck’s Abdomen. Two Buffalo bulls. Red Leaf (a Dakota name). Skittish. Black Crow. Weasel. Young Elk. Paw- nee Chief. IV. Deer subgens.—(Deer’s) Tail shows red, now and then, in the dis- tanee. White-horned animal Walking Near by. White Neck. Tail Shows White Suddenly in the distance. (Deer) Stands Red. (Deer) Starts up, beginning to move. Big Deer Walks. (Deer that) Excels others as he stands, or, Stands ahead of others. Smali Forked Horns (of afawn). Four Deer. Back drawn up (as of an enraged deer or buffalo), making the hair stand erect. Four Hoofs. He who Carves an animal. Shows a Turtle. Runs in the Trail (of the female). (Fawn) Despised (by the hunter, who prefers to shoot the full-grown deer). Feared when not seen. White Elk. Lion said that White Neck was the only servant in his gens at pres- ent. When the gens assembled in its circle, the servants had to sit by the door, as it was their place to bring in wood and water, and to wait on the guests. La Fléche and Two Crows said that there were no serv- ants of this sort in any of the gentes. Yet, among the Osages and Kansas, there are still two kinds of serv- ants, kettle-tenders and water-bringers. But these can be promoted to the rank of brave men. Names of women in the gens—Eona-maha. Habitual-Hawk Female. Hawk Female. Precious Hawk Female. Horn used for cutting or chopping (?). Ax Female. Moon-Hawk Female. Moon that is Fly- ing. Moon that Is moving On high. Na®zéit=ze. White Ponka in the distance. Ponka Female. THE ING@E-JIDE GENS. § 67. The meaning of this name has been explained in several ways. In Dougherty’s Account of the Omahas (Long’s Hxpedition to the. Rocky Mountains, 1, 327) we read that “This name is said to have originated from the cireumstance of this band having formerly quarreled and separated themselves from the nation, until, being nearly starved, they were compelled to eat the fruit of the wild cherry tree, until their ex- crement became red”. (They must have eaten buffalo berries, not wild cherries. La Fleche.) A™ba-hebe did not know the exact meaning of the name, but said that it referred to the bloody body of the buffalo seen when the seven old men visited this gens with the sacred pipes. (See § 16). Two Crows said that the Iigt¢ejide men give the following explanation: “ 7éjinga idai tédi, iig¢é zi-jide éga™”: i. ¢., “When a buffalo calf is born, its dung is a yellowish red.” The place of the Ing¢e-jide in the tribal circle is next to that of the ma-da. Their head man is He-nusnade. 248 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. Taboo.—They do noteat a buffalocalf. (See ye-sinde gens.) It appears that the two Ictasanda buffalo gentes are buffalo calf gentes, and that the two Hangacenu buffalo gentes are connected with the grown buffalo. Decoration of skin tents.—This consists of a circle painted on each side of the entrance, within which is sketched the body of a buffalo ealf, visible from the flanks up. A similar sketch is made on the back of the tent. § 68. Birth names of boys —These are as follows, but their exact order has not been gained: Buffalo calf. Seeks its Mother. Stands at the End. Horn Erect with the sharp end toward the spectator. Buffalo (calf?) Rolls over. Made dark by heat very suddenly. Ma?zeda*, mean- ing unknown. Subgentes.—The Ing¢e-jide are not divided for marriage purposes. Lion, however, gave four subgentes; but he could not give the names and ta- boos. He said that Horn Erect was the head of the first. The present head of the second is Little Star. Rolls over is the head of the third; and Singer of the fourth. Names of men.—Walking Buffalo. Buffalo Walks a little. (Buffaloes) Continue Approaching. Tent-poles stuck Obliquely in the ground. Becomes Cold suddenly. Hawk Temper. Bad Buffalo. (Buffalo calf) Seeks its Mother. (Buffalo bull) Rolls over. Stands at the End. Singer. Crow Skin. Small Bank. Kansas Head. Rapid (as a river). Sacred Crow that speaks in Visions. White Feather. Walks at the Hnd. Names of women.—Moon-Hawk Female. Moon Horn Female. (Buf- faloes) Make the ground Striped as they run. Walks, seeking her own. THE ICTASANDA GENS. § 69. The meaning of “ Ictasanda” is uncertain; though Say was told by Dougherty that it signifies “gray eyes.” It probably has some ref- erence to the effect of lightning on the eyes. The place of the Ictasanda is at the end of the tribal circle, after the INg¢e-jide, and opposite to the Wejitcte. The head of the gens is Ibaha*bi, son of .Wanuyige, and grandson of Wackathi. Taboo.—The Ictasanda people do not touch worms, snakes, toads, frogs, or any other kinds of reptiles. Hence they are sometimes called the “ Wag¢icka nikaci’ga,” or Reptile people. But there are occasions when they seem tv violate this custom. If worms trouble the corn af- ter it has been planted, these people catch some of them. They pound them up with a small quantity of grains of corn that have been heated. They make a soup of the mixture and eat it, thinking that the corn wiil not be troubled again—at least for the remainder of that season. § 70. Birth names of boys.—Ibaha*bi said that the first son was called DORSEY. ] THE ICTASANDA GENS. 249 Gaagig¢e-hna", which probably refers to thunder that is passing by. The second is, The Thunder-god is Roaring as he Stands. The third, Big Shoulder. The fourth, Walking Forked-lightning. The fifth, The thun- der-god Walks Roaring. The sixth, Sheet-lightning Makes a Glare in- side the Lodge. The seventh, The Thunder-god that Walks After others at the close of a storm. Birth names of girls.—The first is called The Visible (Moon) in Motion. The second, The Visible one that has Come back and is in a Horizontal attitude. The third, Zizika-wate, meaning uncertain; refers to wild turkeys. The fourth, Female (thunder?) who Roars. The fifth, She who is Ever Coming back Visibly (referring to the moon?). The sixth White Eyed Female in the distance. The seventh, Visible ones in dif- ferent places. § 71. Subgentes—For marriage purposes the gens is divided into three parts, according to La Fléche and Two Crows. I. Niniba-t‘a, Keepers of the Pipe, and Real Ictasanda, of which ye-uya*ha, yawaha, Waji"-a"ba, aud Si-¢edejiiga are the only survivors. IL. Waceta, or Reptile people, under Ibaha*bi. III. Ing¢a", Thunder people, amon g who are Ui¢a"be-a"sa and Wanace-jilga. Lion divided the gens into four parts. I. Niniba-t‘a®, under Le-uyatha. Il. Real Ictasanda people, under Waji®-atba. III. Waceta® (referring to the thunder, according to Lion, but denied by Two Crows), Reptile people, under Ibaha"bi. These are sometimes called Keepers of the Claws of the Wild-cat, because they bind these claws to the waist of a new-born infant, putting them on the left side. IV. The Real Thunder people are called, Those who do not touch the Clam shell, or, Keepers of the Clam shell, or, Keepers of the Clam shell and the Tooth of a Black bear. These bind a clam shell to the waist of a child belonging to this subgens, when he is forward in learning to walk. (See §§ 24, 43, 45, and 63.) At the time that Wanija-wagé gave this information, March, 1880, he said that there were but two men left in the Niniba-t‘a", ye-uyatha, and yawaha. Now it appears that they have united with Waji®-a"ba and Si¢ede-jinga, the survivors of the Ictasandaqti. e-uyatha, being the keeper of the Ictasanda sacred pipe, holds what was a very important office, that of being the person who has the right to fill the sacred pipes for the chiefs. (See §§ 17 and 18.) ge-uya"ha does not, however, know the sacred words used on such occasions, as his father, Mahi%zi, died without communicating them to him. But some say that there is another duty devolving on this keeper. There has been a custom in the tribe not to cut the hair of children when they were small, even after they began to walk. But before a child reached the age of four years, it was necessary for it to be taken, with such other children as had not had their hair cut, to the man who filled the sacred pipes. Two or three old men of the Ictasanda gens sat together on that occasion. They sent a crier around the camp or vil- 250 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. lage, saying, “ You who wish to have your children’s hair cut bring them.” Then the father, or else the mother, would take the child, with a pair of good moccasins for the child to put on, also a present for the keeper of the sacred pipe, which might consist of a pair of moccasins, some arrows, or a dress, ete. When the parents had arrived with their children each one addressed the keeper of the pipe, saying, ‘“‘ Venerable man, you will please cut my child’s hair,” handing him the present at the same time. Then the old man would take a child, cut off one lock about the length of a finger, tie it up, and put it with the rest in a sacred buffalo hide. Then the old man put the little moceasits on the child, who had not worn any previously, and after turning him around four times he addressed him thus: “ yuepéha, Wakan/da ¢a‘é¢i¢é-de yaci man¢in’‘ka si A¢ag¢é taté—G@randchild, may Wakanda pity you, and may your feet rest for a long time on the ground!” Another form of the address was this: “ Wakan/da ¢a‘é¢i¢e taté! Man¢in’/ka si a¢ag¢e tate. Gidihéga® hné taté!—May Wakanda pity you! May your feet tread the ground! May you go ahead (i. e., may you live hereafter)!” At the conclusion of the ceremony the parent took the child home, and on arriving there the father cut off the rest of the child’s hair, according to the style of the gens. La Fléche told the following, in 1879: “ If it was desired, horns were left, and a cirele of hair around the head, with one lock at each side, over the ear. Some say that they cut off more of the hair, leaving none on top and only a circle around the head.” But the writer has not been able to ascertain whether this referred to any par- ticular gens, as the Ietasanda or to the whole tribe. “ It is the duty of Waji®-a"ba, of the Real Ictasanda, to cut the children’s hair. The Keepers of the Pipe and the Real Ictasanda were distinct subgentes, each having special duties.” (Frank La Fleéche.) § 72. Names of men.—yze-uyatha (Sentinel Buffalo Apart from the herd) and his brother, yawaha, are the only survivors of the Keepers of the Pipe. Haiiga-cenu and Mahi"-zi (Yellow Rock) are dead. Il. Real Ictasanda people.—W aji*-a"ba and Small Heel are the only survivors. The following used to belong to this subgens: Reptile Catcher. (Thunder-god) Threatens to strike. Wishes to Love. Frog. (Thunder) Makes a Roar as it Passes alone. Night Walker. Runs (on) the Land. Sacred Mouth. Soles of (gophers’) Paws turned Outward. The Reclining Beaver. Snake. Touched the distant foe. Rusty-yellow Corn-husk (an Oto name). Young Black bear. He who Boiled a Little (a nickname for a stingy man). Small Fireplace. He who Hesitates about asking a favor. Maker of a Lowland forest. Stomach Fat. ILI. Waceta® subgens.—Roar of approaching thunder. He who made the foe stir. He who tried to anticipate the rest in reaching the body of a foe. Cedar Shooter. Flat Water (the Platte or Nebras- ka). He is Known. Thunder-god) Roars as he Stands. Sharp Stone. (Thunder that) Walks after the others at the close of a storm. Big Shoulder. (Thunder) Walks On high. Wace-jiiga (Small Reptile?) DORSEY.] : THE ICTASANDA GENS. 251 Wace-ta® (Standing Reptile?.) Wace-ta™-jinga (Small Standing Rep- tile?). (Snake) Makes himself Round. Sheet-lightning Flashes Sud- denly. Forked-lightning Walks. Thundermakes he sound “z+!” Black cloud in the horizon. Walks during the Night. White Disposition (or, Sensible). Sole of the foot. He got the better of the Lodges (of the foe by stealing their horses). Ibaha*bi (He is Known) gave the following as names of Ictasanda men, but J. La Fléche and Two Crows doubt them. Large Spotted Snake. (Snake) Makes (a frog) Cry out (by biting him). Small Snake.6 (Snake) Lies Stiff Big Mouth. Black Rattlesnake. (Snake that) Puffs up itself. LV. Thunder subgens.—Sheet-lightning Flashes inside the Lodge. Swift at Running upa hill. Young Policeman. Cloud. He Walks with them. He who Is envied because he has a pretty wife, a good horse, ete., though he is poor or homely. Names of women.—Datama. She Alone is Visible. Skin Dress. She who Is returning Roaring or Bellowing. She who is made Muddy as she Moves. Moon has Returned Visible. Moon is Moving On high.’ 6These names are found in the corresponding Ponka gens, the Wajaje or Osage, a reptile gens. 7Many names have been omitted because an exact translation could not be given, though the references to certain animals or mythical ancestors are apparent. It is the wish of the writer to publish hereafter a comparative list of personal names of the cognate tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, Kansas, and Kwapas, for which con- siderable material has been collected. CHAPTER IV. THE KINSHIP SYSTEM AND MARRIAGE LAWS. CLASSES OF KINSHIP. § 73. Joseph La Fléeche and Two Crows recognize four classes of kin- ship: 1. Consanguineous or blood kinship, which includes not only the gens of the father, but also those of the mother and grandmothers. 2. Marriage kinship, including all the affinities of the consort, as well as those of the son’s wife or daughter’s husband. 3. Weawat kinship, connected with the Calumet dance. (See § 126.) 4, Inter-gentile kinship, existing between contiguous gentes. This last is not regarded as a bar to intermarriage, e. g., the Weji®cte and Inke sabé gentes are related; and the Weji*cte man whose tent is at the end of his gentile area in the tribal circle is considered as a very near kinsman by the Inke-sabé man whose tent is next to his. In like manner, the Inke-sabé Wa¢igijeman who camps next tothe Hanga gens isa brother of his nearest Hanga neighbor. The last man in the Hantga area is the brother of the first @atada (Wasabe-hit‘aji), who acts as Quya for the Hanga. The last (atada ye-i@ man is brother of the first ya"ze man, and so on around the circle. Two other classes of relationship were given to the writer by mem- bers of three tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, and Missouris, but Joseph La Fléche and Two Crows never heard of them. The writer gives author- ities for each statement. 5. Nikie kinship. ‘“ Nikie” means ‘“‘ Something handed down from a mythical ancestor,” or ‘An ancient custom.” Nikie kinship refers to kinship based on descent from the same or a similar mythical ancestor. For example, Big Elk, of the Omaha Wejitcte or Elk gens, told the writer that he was related to the Kansas Elk gens, and that a Weji®cte man called a Kansas Elk man *“‘ My younger brother,” the Kansas man calling the Weji®ete ‘¢ My elder brother.” Icta¢abi, an Inke-sabé, and Ckatce-yit/e, of the Missouri tribe, said that the Omaha Wejitcte calls the Oto Hotatci (Elk gens) “ Elder brother.” But Big Elk did not know about this. He said, however, that his gens was related to the Ponka Niyadaona, a deer and elk gens. Ieta¢abi said that Omaha Inke-sabé, his own gens, calls the Ponka (tixida “ Grandchild ”; but others say that this is owing to intermar- riage. Icta¢abi also said that Iike-sabé calls the Ponka Wajaje “ El- der brother” ; but some say that this is owing to intermarriage. Gahige, 252 > te . a o = : seat a 7 7 Lo § Py = a 7 ' ns ry Fl : 7 7 . 7. i) - i] a - a 4 - ‘ , > = . ; _ _— =) al 7 : . 2% “a = a) —- . : 7 7 Lo a =o 7 , = > a - 7 a 7. - . > —_, ve = . 5 : : ane ; a w / 7 ' ’ 7 . 7 = - 7 : : 7 : « - S* 5 7 ) 7 i : f e _ - ' i i ¥ ty - < . ae. lot BUREAU OF RTHNOLOGY % EGO, a male. A Father group. I"dadi, my father. Mother group. I'natha, my mother. B Grandfather group. Wijiga" my grandfather, fs Grandmother group. Wiya", my grandmother. C Son group. Wijinge, my son. eZ Daughter group. Wijange, my daughter. D—( Grandchild group. Wijuepa, my grandchild. N, B—D denotes a grand- son, and G, a granddaughter. Elder brother group. Wiji'e, my elder brother. F Younger brother group. Wisanga, my younger brother. = $ EGO, a female. a, HB, G, 0, Cv, G ¥, H, and AF 15 above. E Elder brother group. Wijiou, my elder brother. E Elder sister group. Wija™¢e, my elder sister. cm Younger sister group. Wijange, my younger sister. I Brother’s son group. Wijucka, my brother’s son. \ { aie D. f OMAHA SYST Legend. SS Kis Legend, pM OF CONSANGUINITIES ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXXII ( wa ae é o- Fas Sister group. Wijange, my sisfer. This term is also used by EGO, a female, for ‘‘My younger sister”; but EGO, a male, does not distin- : : ae 4 guish between elder sister (© ) and younger sister (CA ). G Sister’s son group. Wijatcka, my sister’s son. G Sister’s daughter group. Wijija", my sister’s daughter. H Mother’s brother group. Winegi, my mother’s brother. Ki Father’s sister group. Wijimi, my father’s sister. Affinity groups in this part of the plate: a Wite’s brother or sister’s husband group. Wiyaha", my brother-in-law. Ye Wife’s sis‘er or brother’s wife group. Wihanga, my polential wife. ec Son’s wife group. Wiyini, my son’s wife. a Daughter's husband group. Wijande, my daughto’s husband. B-@ B-@ SSS B-@ B Cc HH HAAN AA H A A A 6 pe BGHY Heh S Brother’s daughter group. Wijujange, my brothers daughter. Affinity groups in this part of the plate: See above for explanation of ¢ and d. e Husband's brother group. Wici‘e, my potential husband. f Husband’s sister group. Wiciya", my husband’s sister. @—s-& » porseY.] CLASSES OF KINSHIP. 253 of the Inke-sabé gens, calls Standing Grizzly bear of the Ponka Wajaje his grandchild; and Standing Buffalo, of the same gens, his son. So Icta¢abi’s statement was incorrect. Icta¢abi and Ckatce-yite said that Inke-sabé calls the Oto Araqwa, or Buffalo gens, “‘ Grandfather ;” and that the Oto Ritce or Pigeon gens is called “ Grandchild” by Inke-sabé. Some said that the Omaha Wasabe-hit‘aji called the Ponka Wasabe-hi- t‘aji ‘‘Grandchild”; but qa¢i?-na"paji, of the Omaha Wasabe-hit‘aji, said that his subgens called the Ponka Wasabe-hit‘aji ‘‘ Younger brother” ; and (ixida and Wajaje “Grandfather.” Hupe¢a, another member of the Omaha Wasabe-hit‘aji, said that Ubiska of the Ponka Wasabe-hit‘aji was his son; Ubiska’s father, his elder brother (by marriage); and Ubiski’s grandfather his (Hupe¢a’s) father. He also said that he addressed as elder brothers all Ponka men older than himself, and all younger than himself he called his younger brothers. Fire Chief of the Omaha Wajiftga-¢ataji said that he called Keyrése, of the Oto Tuna™ p’i® gens, his son; the Ponka Wasabe-hit‘aji, his elder brother; the Kansas Wasabe and Miya, his fathers; the Kansas Eagle people, his fathers; the Kansas Turtle people, his elder brothers; the Oto Ritce (Pigeon people), his fathers; the Oto Makaétce (Owl people), his sisters’ sons; and the Winnebago Ho*te (Black bear people), his fathers. Omaha Mat¢inka-gaxe calls Yankton-Dakota Tcaxt, “ Sister’s sons,” but Tean’kuté, [ha-isdaye, Watcéu"pa, and Ikmu”, are “Grandsons.” ya-da calls Oto gaéxita (Eagle people) ‘‘Grandchildren”; and Ponka Hisada “ Grandfathers.” Icta¢abi said that Ictasandacalled Ponka Maka” “ Mother’s brother”; but Ibaha*bi, of the Ictasanda gens, denied it. Ibaha*bi said that he called a member of a gens of another tribe, when related to him by the nikie, ‘‘ My father,” if the latter were very old; ‘‘ My elder brother,” if a little older than himself, and ‘‘ My younger brother,” if the latter were Ibaha*bi’s junior. Besides, [baha*bi takes, for example, the place of Standing Bear of the Ponka Wajaje; and whatever relationship Stand- ing Bear sustains to the Hisada, (ixida, Nikadaona, etc.,is also sustained to the members of each gens by Ibaha*bi. 6. Sacred Pipe kinship. Gahige, of the Omaha Inke-sabé, said that all who had sacred pipes called one another “ Friend.” Ponka Wacabe and Omaha Inike-sabé speak to each other thus. But Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows deny this. CONSANGUINEOUS KINSHIP. §74. All of a man’s consanguinities belong to fourteen groups, and a woman has fifteen groups of consanguinities. Many affinities are ad- dressed by consanguinity terms; excepting these, there are only four groups of affinities. In the accompanying charts consanguinities are designated by capital letters and affinities by small letters. Roman let- ters denote males and script letters females. Some necessary excep- tions to these rules are shown in the Legends. 254 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. §75. Peculiarities of the Charts.—The most remote ancestors are called grandfathers and grandmothers, and the most remote descendant is ad- dressed or spoken of as a grandchild. My brother’s children (male speaking) are my children, because their mother (—/) can become my wife on the death of their father. My brother’s son (I) and daughter (/), female speaking, are my nephews and nieces. A man calls his sister’s children his nephews and nieces (G and ,-% ), and they do not belong to his gens. A woman calls her sister’s children her own children, as their father can be her husband. (See ‘“e.”) My mother’s brother’s son (m. or f. sp.) is my mother’s brother (H), because his sister (> ) ean be my father’s wife. Theson of an “‘H” is always an “ H” and his sisters and daugh- ters are always “>/’s.” The children of —/’s are always brothers and sisters to Ego (m. or f.), as are the children of A’s. The husband of my father’s sister (m. sp.) is my brother-in-law (a) because he can marry my sister (@ or LF), and their children are my sister’s children (G and * G ”), A brother of the real or potential wife of a grandfather is also a grandfather of Ego (m. or f.). The niece of the real or potential wife of my grandfather (m. or f. sp.) is his potential wife and my grand- mother, so her brother is my grandfather. § 76. From these examples and from others found in the charts, it is piain that the kinship terms are used with considerable latitude, and not as we employ them. Whether Ego be a male or female, I call all men my fathers whom my father calls his brothers or whom my mother calls her potential husbands. I callall women my mothers whom my mother calls her sisters, aunts, or nieces, or whom my father calls his potential Wives. { call all men brothers who are the sons of such fathers or mothers, and their sisters are my sisters. I call all men my grandfathers who are the fathers or grandfathers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my fathers or mothers call their mothers’ brothers. I call all women my grandmothers who are the real or potential wives of my grandfathers, or who are the mothers or grandmothers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my fathers or mothers call their fathers’ sisters. I, a male, call all males my sons who are the sons of my brothers or of my potential wives, and the sisters of those sons are my daughters. I, a female, call those males my nephews who are the sons of my brothers, and the daughters of my brothers are my nieces; but my sis- ter’s children are my children as their father is my potential or actual husband. I, a male, call my sister’s son my nephew, and her daughter is my niece. I, a male or female, call all males and females my grand- children who are the children of my sons, daughters, nephews, or nieces. J, a male or female, call all men my uncles whom my mothers call their brothers. And my aunts are all females who are my fathers’ sisters as well as those who are the wives of my uncles. But my father’s sisters’ husbands, I being a male, are my brothers-in-law, being the potential Pr was ~~ a ae - 4 - - _ 7 > 7 = -_ = = - _ 7 - f - _S : i - ve = nt . a >— - f 7 7 : My ; : 3 7 . - 7 t 7 . vv 7 i tT a” <2 {> i if 7 i = - - > = be 7 7 of 7 a — 2 — aM = é . ai i _ = - : : - 1 ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXXII BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY Legend. Affinities of g EGO, a male: The wife of “e” is my sister (wijat¢e or wi yange), my father’s sister g§ Wigaqta’, my wife. (wijimi), or my brother’s daughter (wijnjange), if related to Ego, a a Wife’s brother group. Wiyiha", my wife's brother. female, This kinship will be expressed by 2, “7 HV or CH, ac- a Wife’s sister group. Wibaii’ga, my potential wife. cording to cireumstances. See g in the chart. Though ‘My wife’s mother’s sister’s husband” is wijiga®, my grand- .* 2 Affinities common to both sexes: father (see B*), that term, as applied to him, is seemingly without rea- B Grandfather group. Wijiga", my grandfather. son.—Josern LA PLECHE. Wp: * ; The husband of my wife’s sister (A ) is not always my consanguinity, @ Grandmother group. Wigan, my grandmother. but if he is a kinsman, I call him my elder (E) or younger (F) brother. e Son’s wife group. Wijini, my son’s wife. Affinities of g EGO, n female: d Daughter's husband group. Wijande, my daughter's husband. C Son group. Wijinge, my son. & Wieg¢aiige, my husband, = A Daughter group. Wijaige my daughter. r-@ Grandchild group. Wijuepa, my grandchild (D, if male; A if female) st OF AFFINITIES, e Husband’s brother group. Wici‘e, my potential husband. f Husband’s sister group. Wiciya®, my husband's sister. omalta SY DORSEY. ] CONSANGUINEOUS KINSHIP—AFFINITIES. 255 or real husbands of my sisters; and they are my potential husbands, when Hgo is a female. AFFINITIES. § 77. Any female is the potential wife of oP a male, whom my own wife calls her ija™¢e (2), itange (FZ), itimi (>f/ ), or itujange ( Sf Ns a male, also call my Seen wives those ae the widows or wives of my elder or younger brothers. I, amale, have any male for my brother-in-law whom my wife calls her elder or younger brother ; also any male who is the brother of iy wife’s niece or of my brother’s wife. But my wife’s father’s brother is my grandfather, not my brother-in-law, though his sister is my potential wife. When my brother-in-law is the husband of my father’s sister or of my own sister, his sister is my grandchild, and not my potential wife. A man is my brother-in-law if he be the husband of my father’s sister, since he can marry my own sister, but my aunt’s husband is not my brother-in-law when he is my uncle or mother’s brother (H). Any male is my brother-in-law who is my sister’s husband (a). But while my sis- ter’s niece’s husband is my sister’s potential or real husband, he is my son-in-law, as he is my daughter’s husband (d). JI, a male or female, call any male my son-in-law who is the husband of my daugh’er (@), my niece ( held this office) was ordered by the keeper of the pole to summon the stout-hearted young men to engage in the combat. Mitcaqpe-jiiga used to go to each brave man and tell him quietly to come to take part in the fight. According to some he proclaimed thus: ‘‘ Ye young men, decorate yourselves and come to play. Come and show yourselves.” Then the young men as- sembled. Some put on head-dresses of eagles’ feathers, others wore ornaments of crow feathers (and skins of coyotes) in their belts. Some enoogooceen(} (Josooccoaeca 00000000000) 00000000000 296 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. decorated their horses. Some were armed with guns; others with bows and arrows. The former loaded their weapons with powder alone; the laiter pulled their bow-strings, as if against foes, but did not shoot the arrows. The flaps of the skins in front of the long tent were raised from the ground and kept up by means of the isag¢e or forked sticks. Within the long tent were seated the chiefs (ten of them ?—see above) and the two keepers of the sacred tents. The chiefs had made four grass fig- ures in the shape of men, which they set up in front of the long tent. After the young men assembled they rode out of the cirele and went back towards a hill. Then they used to send some one on foot to give the alarm. This man ran very swiftly, waving his blanket, and saying, “ We are attacked!” All at once the horsemen appeared and came to the tribal circle, around which they rode once. When they reached the Wejitete and Ictasanda tents they dispersed, each one going wherever he pleased. Then the occupants of the long tent took the places of the horsemen, being thenceforth regarded as Dakotas. As soon as the horsemen dispersed the pursuers of the foe started out from all parts of the tribal circle, hastening towards the front of the long tent to attack the supposed Dakotas. These pursuers evidently included many of the horsemen. They shot first at the grass figures, taking close aim at them, and knocking them down each time that they fired. Having shot four times at them, they dismounted and pretended to be cutting up the bodies. This also was done four times. Next the pursuers passed between the grass figures and the place where the “ya” had been, in order to attack the occupants of the long tent. Four times did they fire at one another, and then the shooting ceased. Then followed the smoking of the two sacred pipes as tokens of peace. These were filled by a member of the Hafiga gens and lighted by some one else. (See Sacred Pipes, § 17.) They were carried first to the chiefs in the long tent, and then over to the young men representing the pursuers. Here and there were those who smoked them. The pipes were taken around four times. Then they were consigned by the keeper of the pole to one of the men of his sub-gens, who took them back to their own tent. When he departed he wrapped around them one of the offerings made by the brave men to the sacred pole. He returned the bundle to the keeper of the pipes without saying a word. The writer has not been able to learn whether the ye-sa®-ha was ever exposed to public gaze during this ceremony or at any other time. Frank La Fléche does not know. After the anointing of the pole (and the conclusion of the sham fight) its keeper took it back to its tent. This was probably at or after the time that the sacred pipes were returned to the Inke-sabé tent. The tent skins used for the covering of the long tent consisted of those belonging to the two sacred tents of the Haga, and of as many others as were required. porsry ] SHAM FIGHT—HEDE-WATCI 297 §153. The Hede-watci.cSometimes the ceremonies eaded with the sham fight, in which event the people started homeward, especially when they were in a great hurry. But when time allowed the sham fight was followed by a dance, called the Héde-wateci’. When it occurred it was not under the control of the keepers of the two sacred tents, but of the Inke-sabe keeper cf the two sacred pipes. On the evening of the day when the sham fight took place, the chiefs generally assembled, and consulted together about having the dance. But the proposition came from the keeper of the pipes. Then the chiefs said, “It is good to dance.” The dance was appointed for the following day. On the morrow five, six, or seven of the Inke-sabé men, accompanied by one of their women, went in search of a suitable tree. According to La Fléche and Two Crows, when the tree was found, the woman felled it with her ax, and the men carried it on their shoulders back to the camp, marching in Indian file. Frank La Fléche says that the tree was cut during the evening previous to the dance; and early the next morning, all the young men of the tribe ran a race to see who could reach the tree first. (With this compare the tradition of the race for the sacred pole, § 36, and the race for the tree, which is to be used for the sun-dance, as practiced among the Dakotas). He also says that when the sham fight ended early in the afternoon, the Hede- watci could follow the same day. (In that event, the tree had to be found and cut on the preceding day, and the race for it was held early in the morning before the anointing of the sacred pole.) In the race for the tree, the first young man who reached it and touched it, could carry the larger end on his shoulder; the next one who reached it walked behind the first as they bore the tree on their shoulders ; and so on with the others, as many as were needed to carry the tree, the last one of whom had to touch the extreme end with the tips of his fingers. The rest of the young men walked in single file after those who bore the tree. Frank La Fléche never heard of the practice of any sacred rites previous to the felling of the tree. Nothing was prepared for the tree to fall on, nor did they cause the tree to fall in any particu- lar direction, as was the case when the Dakotas procured the tree for the sun-dance."4 ; In the sun-dance, the man who dug the “ ujéji” in the middle of the tribal circle for the sun-pole had to be a brave man, and he was obliged to pay for the privilege. Frank La Fléche could not tell whether there were similar requirements in the case of him who dug the ujeyi for the pole in the Hede-watci; nor could he tell whether the man was always chosen from the Iike-sabé gens. When the men who bore the tree reached the camp they planted it “None of the questions answered by Frank La Fléche were asked by the writer while Joseph La Fléche and Two Crows were in Washington; it was not till he heard Miss Fletcher’s article on the Dakota sun-dance that it occurred to him that similar customs might have been practiced by the Omahas in this Hede-watci. 298 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. in the ujeji, © or hole in the ground, which had been dug in the center of the tribal circle. After the planting of the tree, from which the topmost branches had not been cut, an old man of the gens was sent around the tribal cirele as crier. According to Big Elk, he said, “‘ You are to dance! You are to keep yourselves awake by using your feet!” This implied that the dance was held at night; but Frank La Fléche says that none of the regular dancing of the Hede-watci occurred at night, though there might be other dancing then, as a sort of prepar- ation for the Hede-watci. In like manner, Miss Fletcher told of num- erous songs and dances, not part of the sun-dance, which preceded that ceremony among the Dakotas. The Inke-sabé men cut some sticks in the neighborhood of their tents and sent them around the camp, one being given to the chief of each gens. Then the latter said to his kinsmen, ‘They have come to give us the stick because they wish us to take part in the dance.” Then all the people assembled for the dance. In modern times, those who thought much of themselves (chiefs and others) did not go to witness this dance, but staid at home, as did Joseph La Fléche. Nearly all the young men and boys wore nothing but their breechcloths, and their bodies were smeared over with white clay. Here and there were young men who wore gay clothing. The women and girls wore good dresses, and painted the partings of their hair and large round spots on their cheeks with red paint. Near the pole were the elder men of the Inke- sabé gens, wearing robes with the hair outside ; some of them acted as singers and others beat the drums and rattles; they never used more than oneortwodrumsand four gourdrattles. Itisnotcertain which Inke- sabé men acted as singers, and which ones beat the drums and rattles. When Frank La Fléche witnessed this dance he says that the singers and other musicians sat on the west side of the pole and outside the circle of the dancers; but Joseph La Fléche, Two Crows, and Big Elk agreed in saying that their place was within the circle of the dancers and near the pole. This was probably the ancient rule, from which deviations have been made in recent times. The two sacred pipes occupied im- portant places in this dance; each one was carried on the arm of a young man of the gens, but it was not filled.“ These two young men were the leaders of the dance, and from this circumstance originated the ancient proper name, ga™¢i?-na"ba, Two Running. According to Frank La Fléche, these two young men began the dance on the west side of the pole, standing between the pole and the singers. The songs of this dance '°This word ‘‘ujeji” appears to be the Dakota ‘‘ otceti,” fire-place, expressed in Omaha notation. As the household fire-place is in the center of the lodge, so the tribal fire-place was in the center of the tribal circle. 1° Frank Fa Fléche said that the two pipes used in the Hede-watci were the weawa®*, from which the ducks’ heads were removed, and instead of them were put on the red pipe bowls of the sacred pipes. (See § 30.) DORSEY. | HEDE-WATCI—TWO HUNTING PARTIES, ETC. 299 were sacred, and so they are never sung except during this ceremony. Of the members of the tribe, those on foot danced around the pole, while those who wished to make presents were mounted and rode round and round the circle of the dancers. The men and boys danced in a pecu- liar course, going from west to south, thence east and north, but the women and girls followed the course of the sun, dancing from the east to the south, thence by the west to the north. The male dancers were nearer the pole, while the females danced in an outer circle. When a horseman wished to make a present he went to one of the bearers of the sacred pipes, and, having taken the pipe by the stem, he held it toward the man to whom he desired to give his horse. The man thus favored, took the end of the stem into his mouth without touching it with his hand and pretended to be smoking, while the other man held the pipe for him (“‘ui¢a®”). The recipient of the gift then expressed his thanks by extending his hands, with the palms towards the donor, saying, “Hau, kageha!” Thanks, my friend! Bach male dancer carried a stick of hard willow trimmed at the bottom, but having the branches left at the top (in imitation of the cottonwood pole). Each stick was abont five feet high, and was used as a staff or support by the dancers. After all had danced four times around the circle, all the males threw their sticks to- ward the pole; the young men threw theirs forcibly in sport, and coy- ered the heads of the singers and musicians, who tried to avoid the mis- siles; This ended the ceremony, when all the people went to their re- spective tents. Those who received the horses went through the camp, yelling the praises of the donors. § 154. Division of the tribe into two hunting parties during the summer hunt.—Sometimes the tribe divided, each party taking in a different route in search of the buffalo. In such cases each party made its camp- ing circle, but without pitching the tents according to the gentes; all consanguinities and affinities tried to get together. Those who belonged to the party that did not have the two sacred Hafga tents could not perform any of the ceremonies which have been described in §§ 143 and 151. All that they could do was to prepare the hides and meat for future use. They bad nothing to do with the anointing of the sacred pole, sham fight, and Hede-watci, which ceremonies could not be per- formed twice during the year. § 155. When the two parties came together again, if any person in either party had been killed, some one would throw himself on the ground as soon as they got in sight, as a token to the others of what had oc- curred. § 156. Two tribes hunting together.—Occasionally two tribes hunted together, as was often the case with the Omahas and Ponkas. Frank La Fleche says that when this was done some of the Ponkas joined the Omahas in the sham fight; but he does not know whether the Ponkas have similar ceremonies. They have no sacred pole, je-sa"-ha, nor sacred 300 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. tents. though they claim a share in the sacred pole of the Omahas, and they have sacred pipes. § 157. Hunting party attacked by foes—When a hunting party was sud- denly attacked by an enemy the women used to dig pits with their knives or hoes, and stoop down in them in company with the children, to avoid the missiles of the combatants. If the tribe was encamped at the time, the pits were dug inside the tribal circle. Sometimes the children were placed in such pits and covered with skins, over which a quantity of loose earth was quickly thrown; and they remained con- cealed till it was safe for them to come forth. On one occasion, when the Dakotas had attacked the camp, an Omaha woman had not time to cover the children with a skin and earth, so she threw herself over them and pretended to be dead. The Dakotas on coming up thought that she was dead, so they contented themselves with scalping her, to which she submitted without a cry, and thus saved herself as well as the children. When there was danger of such attacks the people continued their journey throughout the night. So the members of the different house- holds were constantly getting separated. Mothers were cailing out in the darkness for their little ones, and the young men replied in sport, ‘‘Here ain I, mother,” imitating the voices of the children. § 158. Return of the tribe from the summer hunt.—The people started homeward immediately after the sham fight and the Hede-watci. But there were always four runners who were sent about five or six days in advance of the main body. These runners were always volunteers. They traveled all the time, each one carrying his own food. Not one waited for the others. They never pitched a tent, but simply lay down and slept. Whenever one waked, even though it was still night, he started again, without disturbing the others if they were asleep. They always brought pieces of meat to those who had remained at home. Their approach was the signal for the ery, “fkima™¢i" ag¢ii, hii™+!”—The mes- sengers have come back, halloo! In the course of a few days all of the people reached home; but there were no religious ceremonies that en- sued. They always brought tongues to those who had staid at home. § 159. Abae, or hunting the larger animals.—No religious ceremonies were observed when aman went from home for a few days in order to procure game. The principal animals hunted by the Omahas and Pon- kas were the elk, deer, black bear, grizzly bear, and rabbit. When a deer was killed it was generally divided into four parts. Two parts were called the ‘ge-¢iji"” or ribs, with which were given the fore legs and the “je-na”qa” or hump. Two parts were the “ye-jéga” or thighs, 7. e., the hind quarters. When the party consisted of five men the je-na®qa was made the share of the fifth; and whea there were more persons present the fore legs were cut off as shares. When an elk was killed it was generally divided into five parts. The “ge-ju” or fore quarters were two parts, with which went the fore legs. The DORSEY. ] RETURN FROM SUMMER HUNT, ETC. 301 ye-jega or hind quarters made two more parts, with one of which went the paunch, and with the other the entrails. The ye-na"qa was the fifth part; and when the elk was large a sixth share was formed by cutting off the “ye mange” or chest. Frank La Fléche does not know how the black bears used to be di- vided, as there have been none found on the Omaha reservation for the past fourteen years. § 160. If one shoots a wild turkey or goose (mi®xa), another person standing near may run up and take the bird if he can get there first, without saying anything. The slayer cannot say, ‘Give itto me.” He thinks that he can get the next one which he kills. The same rule ap- plies to a raccoon. But when one catches a beaver in a trap he does not give it away. § 161. Trapping.—Since the coming of the white men the Omahas have been making small houses or traps of sticks about a yard long, for catching the miyasi (prairie wolves), big wolves, gray foxes, and even the wild cat. FISHING CUSTOMS. § 162. Before the advent of the white man the Omahas used to fish in twoways. Sometimes they made wooden darts by sharpening long sticks at one end. and with these they speared the fish. When the fish appeared on the surface of the water they used to shoot them with a certain kind of arrows, which they also used for killing deer and small game. They spoke of the arrows as “ nasize g4xe,” because of the way in which they were prepared. No arrowheads were used. They cut the ends of the Shafts to points ; then about four inches of the end of each arrow next the point was held close to a fire, and it was turned round and round till it was hardened by the heat. Since the coming of the whites, the Omahas have learned to make fishing-lines of twisted horse-hair, and these last a long time. They do not use sinkers and floats, and they never resort to poison for securing the fish. Both Ponkas and Omahas have been accustomed to fish as follows in the Missouri River: A man would fasten some bait to a hook at the end of a line, which he threw out into the stream, after securing the other end to a stake next the shore; but he took care to conceal the place by not allowing the top of the stick to appear above the surface of the water. Early the next morning he would go to examine his line, and if he went soon enough he was apt to find he had caught a fish. But others were on the watch, and very often they would go along the bank of the river and feel under the water for the hidden sticks, from which they would remove the fish before the arrival of the owner of the lines. 302 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. Hi-bigide, weirs or traps for catching fish—La Fléche and Two Crows do not think that this was an ancient practice. Children now catch fish in this manner. They take a number of young willows of tbe species called ‘“ ¢ixe-sagi,” or hard willow, and having bent them down, they interlace them beneath the surface of the water. When the fish attempt to force their way through they are often caught in the inter- stices, which serve as meshes. But if the fish are large and swim on the surface they can leap over and escape. The Omahas eat the following varieties of fishes: 40zé, or Missouri catfish; hu-i-buga, ‘‘ round-mouthed-fish,” or buffalo-fish ; hu-hi”’/pa, or sturgeon; hi-da-snéde, “‘long-nosed fish,” or gar; and the hu-g¢éje, or “spotted fish.” The last abounds in lakes, and is generally from 24 to 3 feet long. It has along nose. CULTIVATION OF THE GROUND. § 163. This is regulated by the Hafiga gens, as corn and the buffalo meat are both of great importance, and they are celebrated in the sa- cred songs of the Hafga when the feast is made after the offering of the buffalo hearts and tongues. (§ 143.) Corn is regarded as a “mother” and the buffalo as a “ grandfather.” In the Osage tradition corn was bestowed on the people by four buffalo bulls. (See Calumet dance, § 123, and several myths, in Part I, Contri- butions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI.) At harvest one of the keepers of the Hafiga sacred tents (Frank La Fléche thinks it is the Wacabe or je-sa?-ha keeper) selects a number of ears of red corn, which he lays by for the next planting season. All the ears must be perfect ones. (See Calumet dance, § 123.) In the spring, when the grass comes up, there is a council or tribal assembly held, to which a feast is given by the head of the Haiiga gens. After they decide that planting time has come, and at the command of the Haiiga man, a crier is sent through the village. He wears arobe with the hair outside, and cries as he goes, “‘ Wa¢a‘e te, ai a¢é u+ !”— They do indeed say that you will dig the ground! Halloo! He carries the sacred corn, which has been shelled, and to each household he gives two or three grains, which are mixed with the ordinary seed-corn of that household. After this it is lawful for the people to plant their corn. Some of the Iike-sabé people cannot eat red corn. This may have some connection with the consecration of the seed-corn. CHAPTER VIII. INDUSTRIAL OCCUPATIONS (CONTINUED). FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION. § 164. Meat.—They ate the “4a,” or dried meat of the buffalo, elk, deer, but seldom tasted that of the beaver. They cut the meat in slices (waga), which they cut thin (mab¢eya), that it might soon dry. It was then dried as explained in § 150. Before drying it is “qa-niya,” wet or fresh meat. The dried meat used to be cooked on glowing coals. When the meat was dried in the summer it lasted for the winter’s use, but by the next summer it was all consumed. In the yada and Wejicte gentes venison and elk meat could not be eaten, and certain parts of the buffalo could not be eaten or touched by the Inke-sabé, Haiiga, Le-da-it‘aji, je-sinde, and Ing¢e-jide. (See §§ 31, 37, 49, 59, and 67.) The marrow, wajibe, was taken from the thigh bones by means of nar- row scoops, or wébagude, which were made out of any kind of stick, being blunt at one end. They were often thrown away after being used. The vertebrez and all the larger bones of the buffalo and other ani- mals are used for making wahi-weg¢i, bone grease, which serves as but- ter and lard. In recent times hatchets have been used to crush the bones, but formerly stone axes (i*/-igaga® or i*’-igacije) were employed, and some of these may still be found among the Omahas. Now the Omahas use the i’-wate, a large round stone, for that purpose. The fragments of the bones are boiled, and very soon grease arises to the surface. This is skimmed off and placed in sacks for future use. Then the bones are thrown out and others are put in to boil. The sacks into which the grease is put are made of the muscular coating of the stom- ach of a buffalo, which has been dried, and is known as ‘‘inijeha.” They ate the entrails of the buffalo and the elk. Both the small and large intestines were boiled, then turned inside out and scraped to get off the remains of the dung which might be adhering to them. Then they were dried. According to Two Crows, the iig¢e, or dung of the Though the buffalo cow gives a rich milk, the Indians do not make use of that of such as they kill in hunting. § 165. La Fléche and Two Crows never heard of any Omahas that ate lice, but the writer saw an aged Ponka woman eat some that she took from the head of her grandson. The following objects are not eaten by any of the gentes: Dried fish, slugs, dried crickets, grass- 303 304 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. hoppers, or other insects, and dried fish-spawn. Nor do they ever use as drinks fish-oil or other oils. § 166. Corn, Wata®zii—La Iléche and Two Crows mention the follow- ing varieties as found among the Omahas: 1. Wata®zi ska, white corn, of two sorts, one of which, wata®’zi-kug¢i, is hard; the other, wata™zi ski proper, is wat’éga, or tender. 2. Wata®ziqu, blue corn; one sort is hard and translucent, the other is wat’ega. 3, Wata™zi zi, yellow corn; one sort is hard and translucent, the other is watega. 4. Wata®/zi g¢ejé, spotted corn; both sorts are wat’ega; one is covered with gray spots, the other with red spots. 5. Wata?/zi 4t-jide, a “a reddish-blue corn.” 6. Wata®/zi jidéqti, “very red corn.” 7. Wata™zi igaxtxu, zi ki jide ihahai, ugaéai éga", figured corn, on which are yellow and red lines, as if painted. 8. Wa¢astage, of three sorts, which are the “sweet corn” of the white people; wa¢astage ska, which is translucent, but not very white; wa¢astage #i, which is wat/ega and yellow, and wa¢astage qu, Which is watega and blue. All of the above varieties mature in Au- gust. Besides these is the Wajtt‘a®-ku¢é, ‘that which matures soon,” the squaw corn, which first ripens in July. § 167. Modes of cooking the corn.—Before corn is boiled the men call it wata’’zi saka, raw corn; the women call all corn that is not boiled “sa¢age.” Wata®ziski¢é, sweet corn, is prepared in the following ways: When the corn is yet in the milk or soft state it is collected and boiled on the cob. This is called ‘+ wab¢iga” or “ wab¢iga ganga,” because the corn ear (wahaba) is put whole (b¢uga) into the kettle. It is boiled with beans alone, with dried meat alone, with beans and dried meat, or with a buffalo paunch and beans. Sometimes the sweet corn is simply roasted before it is eaten; then it is known as ‘“wata®/zi ski¢é thha®-baji, sweet corn that is not boiled.” Sometimes it is roasted on the ear with the husks on, being placed in the hot embers, then boiled, shelled, and dried in the sun, and after- wards packed away for keeping in parfléche cases. The grain prepared in this manner has a shriveled appearance and a sweet taste, from which the name is derived. It may be boiled for consumption at any time of the vear with but little trouble, and its taste clesely resembles that of new corn. Sometimes it is boiled, shelled, and dried without being roasted; in this case, as in the preceding one, it is called “‘ wata™zi ski¢é uhatl, boiled sweet corn.” This sweet corn may be boiled with beans alone, or with beans, a buffalo paunch, pumpkins, and dried meat; or with one or more of these articles, when all cannot be had. They used to make “ wa¢iskiskida, corn tied up.” When the corn was still juicy they pushed off the grains having milk in them. These were put into a lot of husks, which were tied in a bundle, and that was placed in a kettle to boil. Beans were often mixed with the grains of corn before the whole was placed in the husks. In either case wa¢i- skiskida was considered very good food. Dougherty said, “They also pound the sweet corn into a kind of porsry.] MODES OF COOKING THE CORN. 305 small hominy, which when boiled into a thick mush, with a proper pro- portion of the smaller entrails and jerked meat, is held in much esti- mation.” The writer never heard of this. The corn which is fully ripe is sometimes gathered, shelled, dried, and packed away for future use. Hominy, wabi/onude or wandonudé¢é, is prepared from hard corn by boiling it in alye of wood ashes for an hour or two, when the hard ex- terior skin nearly slips off (nMonude). Then itis well washed to get rid of the ashes, and rinsed, by which time the bran is rubbed off (biontde). When needed for a meal it may be boiled alone or with one or more of the following: Pumpkins, beans, or dried meat. Sometimes an ear of corn is laid before the fire to roast (jé‘a"he), instead of being covered with the hot ashes. Wanin‘de or mush is made from the hard ripe corn by beating a few grains at a time between two stones, making acoarse meal. The larger stone is placed on a skin or blanket that the flying fragments may not be lost. This meal is always boiled in water with beans, to which may be added pumpkins, a buffalo paunch, or dried meat. When they wish to make wanin’de-gaské, or ash-cake, beans are put on to boil, while the corn is pounded in a mortar that is stuck into the ground. When the beans have begun to fall to pieces, but before they are done, they are mixed with the pounded corn, and made into a large cake, which is sometimes over two feet in diameter and four inches thick. This cake is baked in the ashes. Occasionally corn-husks are opened and moistened, and put over the cake before the hot ashes are put on. At times the cake is made of mush alone, and baked in the ashes with or without the corn husks. Pibgab¢uga, corn dumplings, are made thus: When the corn has been pounded in a mortar, some of it is mixed with water, and beans are added if any can be had. This is put in a kettle to boil, having been made into round balls or dumplings, which do not fall to pieces after boiling. The rest of the pounded corn is mixed with plenty of water, being ‘‘nig¢uze,” very watery, and is eaten as soup with the dumplings. Another dish is called “ A™bag¢e.” When this is needed, they first boil beans. Then, having pounded corn very fine in a mortar, they pour the meal into the kettle with the beans. This mixture is allowed to boil down and dry, and is not disturbed that night. The next day when it is cold and stiff the kettle is overturned, and the a*bag¢e is pushed out. Waean/ge is made by parching corn, which is then pounded in a mor- tar; after which the meal is mixed with grease, soup made from meat, and pumpkins. Sometimes it is mixed, instead with honey. Then it is made up into hard masses (¢iskiski) with the hands. Dougherty says that with wacaiige and waninde “ portions of the ye-cibe, or smaller intestines of the buffalo are boiled, to render the food more sapid.” 3 ETH——20 306 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. § 168. Melons, pumpkins, ete, Saka¢ide uke¢i7, the common watermelon, was known to the Omahas before the coming of the white men. It has a green rind, which is generally striped, and the seeds are black. It is never dvied, but is always eaten raw, hence the name. They had no yellow saka¢ide till the whites same; but they do not eat them. Waja”’, Pumpkins —The native kinds are three: waja"-qti, waja™-kukige, and waja”-mtxa. Wayja"-qti, the real pump- kins are generally greenish, and “ bicka,” round but slightly flattened on sides like turnips. They are usually dried, and are called “‘waja”’-gazan/‘de,” because they are cut in circular slices and hung together, as it were, in festoons (gazande). =a The second variety is large, white, and ZN striped ; it is not good for drying. The KS waja"™muxa are never dried. Some are SY white, others are “sabé qu éga", a sort of black or dark blue,” and small. Others, the waja’’-muxa g¢ejé, are spotted, and are eaten before they become too ripe. In former days, these were the only sweet articles of food. Sometimes pumpkins are baked on coals (jég¢a"). Modern varieties are two: The wata?- nin/de bazti and the wata®’-jide. The Oma- Fic. 26.—Figures of pumpkins. has never plant the latter, as they do not The wajanqti is at the top; thenextis regard it as desirable. They plant the the waja" muxa; the third is the waqja"- 6 3 jide; and the bottom one, the waja"ninde former, which is from 2 to 24 feet long, and ma covered with knots or lumps. The native pumpkins are frequently steamed, as the kettle is filled with them cut in slices with a very small quantity of water added. Pumpkins are never boiled with ye-cibe or buffalo entrails ; but they can be boiled with a buffalo paunch, beans, dried meat, and with any preparation of corn. § 169. Fruits and berries.—Taspa™, red haws, are seldom eaten; and then are taken raw, not over two or three ata time. Clumps of the haw- thorn abound on Logan Creek, near the Omaha reserve, and furnish the Omaha name for that stream, Taspa™-hi baye. Wajide-nika, which are about the size of haws, grow on low bushes in Northwest Nebraska. They are edible in the autumn. Buffalo berries, the wajidé-qti, or real wajide, are eaten raw, or they are dried and then boiled before eating. yande, plums, though dried by the Dakotas, are not dried by the (egiha and goiwere, who eat them raw. DORSEY. ] PUMPKINS, FRUITS, NUTS, ETC. 307 Na™ pa, choke-cherries, are of two kinds. The larger ones or na®pa- yan’ga, abound in a region known as dizabahehe, in Northwest Ne- braska, where they are very thick, as many as two hundred being found on a single bush. Some of the bushes are a foot high, others are about two feet in height. The choke-cherries are first pounded between two stones, and then dried. The smaller variety, or na” pa-jin’/ga, grow on tall bushes. These cherries are dried. Gube, hackberries, are the size of black peppers or the smaller cher- ries (na"pa-jifiga). They are fine, sweet, and black. They grow on large trees (Celtis occidentalis), the bark of which is rough and inclined to curl up. Ag¢ankamaige, raspberries, are dried and boiled. Bacte, strawber- ries, are not dried. They are eaten raw. Ja"-qude-ju are berries that grow near the Niobrara River; they are black and sweet, about the size of buffalo berries. They are dried. Nacama® is the name of a species of berry or persimmon (?), which ripens in the later fall. It hangs in clusters on a small stalk, which is bent over by the weight of the fruit. The nacama® is seldom eaten by the Omahas. It is black, not quite the size of a hazel nut; and its seed resemble watermelon seed. Hazi, grapes—one kind, the fox grape, is eaten raw, or dried and boiled. §170. Nuts.—The “ bide” is like the acorn, but it grows on a different tree, the trunk of which is red (the red oak?). These nuts are ripe in the fall. They are boiled till the water has nearly boiled away, when the latter is poured out, and fresh water and good ashes are put in. Then te nuts are boiled a long time till they become black. The water and ashes are thrown out, fresh water is put in the kettle, and the nuts are washed till they are clean, when they are found to be “ naqube,” cooked till ready to fall to pieces. Then they are mixed with wild honey, and are ready for one to eat. They are “ib¢arqtiwa¢é,” capable of satisfying hunger to the utmost, but a handful being necessary for that end. A™jinga, hazel nuts, are neither boiled nor dried ; they are eaten raw The same may be said of “ j4ge,” black walnuts. §171. Fruits were preserved in wild honey alone, according to J. La Fléche. Since the arrival of the white people a few of the Omahas have cultivated sorghum ; but in former days the only Sugars and sirups were those manufactured from the sugar maple and box elder or ash- leaved maple. The Omahas know nothing about pulse, mesquite, and screw-beans. Nor do they use seeds of grasses and weeds for food. Previous to the arrival of the whites they did not cultivate any gar- den vegetables ; but now many of the Omahas and Ponkas have raised many varieties in their gardens. §172. Roots used for food—The nag¢e or Indian turnip is sometimes 308 OMAIUA SOCIOLOGY. round, and at others elliptical. When the Omahas wish to dry it, they pull off the skin. Then they cut off pieces about two inches long, and throw away the hard interior. Then they place these pieces in a mortar and pound them, after which they dry them. When they are dried they are frequently mixed with grease. Occasionally they are boiled with dried meat without being pounded. The soup is very good. Nui uké¢it, or Pomme de terre, the native potato, is dug in the winter by the women. ‘There are different kinds of this root, some of which have good skins. Several grow ona common root, thus: (Uwe These potatoes are boiled; then the skins are pulled off, and they are dried. The “sit” is an aquatic plant, resembling the water-lily. It is also called the “ si’-uké¢i2,” being the wild rice. In order to prepare it as food it is roasted under hot ashes. The other rice is the “ si’-wanin/de”; the stalk on which it grows is the ‘ sit/-wanin/de-hi,” a species of rush which grows with rice in swamps. The grain is translucent, and is the principal article of diet for those Indians who reside in very cold regions north of the Ponkas. Si-skusktiba, which some Ponkas said was the calamus, is now very rare. Few of the Omahas know it at present. They used to eat it after boiling it. Frank La Fléche said that this could not be calamus, as the Omabas called that maka®-ninida, and still eat it. § 173. Beans.—Beans, himb¢ii’ge or ha®b¢in’ge, are planted by the Indians. They dry them before using them. Some are large, others are small, being of different sizes. The Indians speak of them thus: “Diga-hnai, b¢aska éga™,” they are generally curvilinear, and are some what flat. La Iléche and Two Crows speak of many varieties, which are pro- bably of one and the same species : “ Hitb¢inge sabé g¢ejé, beans that have black spots. 2. Ska g¢ejé, those with white spots. 3. Zi/g¢ejé, those with yellow spots. 4. Jide g¢ejé, those with red spots. 5. Qude g¢ejé, those with gray spots. 6. Jidéqti, very red ones. 7. Sabéqti, very black ones. 8. Jide cabe éga*, those that are a sort of dark red. 9. Ska, white. 10, gu éga™ sabé, dark blue. 11. Ji’ éga® sabé, dark orange red. 12. Ska, ug¢e té jide, white, with red on the “ug¢e” or part that is united to the vine. 13. Hi-ug¢é té sabé, those that are black on the “ug¢e.” 14. pu g¢eje ega™, blue, with white spots. 15. A™pa™ him ega", qude zi ega®, like the hair of an elk, a sort of grayish yellow. The hib¢i‘abe, or hi®b¢iige ma*tanaha, wild beans, are not planted. They come up of theirown accord. They are flat and curvilinear, and abound under trees. The field-mice hoard them in their winter retreats, which the Indians seek to rob. They cook them by putting them in hot ashes. § 174. jzevawe is the name given to the seeds and root of the Nelum- bium luteum, and is thus described by an Omaha: The ge¢awe is the root of an aquatic plant, which is not very abundant. It has a leaf like that of a lily, but about two feet in diameter, lying on the surface DORSEY., ROOTS, BEANS, ETC. 309 of the water. The stalk comes up through the middle of the leaf, and projects about two feet above the water. On top is aseed-pod. The seed are elliptical, almost shaped like bullets, and they are black and very hard. When the ice is firm or the water shallow, the Indians go for the seed, which they parch by a fire, and beat open, then eat. They also eat the roots. If they wish to keep them for a long time, they cut off the roots in pieces about six inches long, and dry them; if not, they boil them. § 175. Hi’qa is the root of a sahi or water grass which grows be- neath the surface of Lake Nik’ umi, near the Omaha Agency, Nebraska. This root, which is about the size of the first joint of one’s forefinger, is bulbous and black. When the Omaha boys go into bathe they fre- quently eat it in sport, after pulling off the skin. Two Crows says that adults never eat it. J. La Fléche never ate it, but he has heard of it, § 176. Savors, flavors, ete.—Salt, ni-ski¢é, was used before the advent of the whites. One place known to the Omahas was on Salt River, near Lincoln, Nebr., which city is now called by them “Ni-ski¢é.” At that place the salt collected on top of the sand and dried. Then the Omahas used to brush it together with feathers and take it up for use. What was on the surface was very white, and fit for use; but that beneath was mixed with sand and was not disturbed. Rock salt was found at the head of a stream, southwest of the Republican, which flowed into the northwest part of the Indian Territory, and they gave the place the name, “Ni-ski¢é sagi ¢a", Where the hard salt is.” In order to get this salt, they broke into the mass by punching with sticks, and the de- tached fragments were broken up by pounding. Peppers, aromatic herbs, spices, etc., were not known in former days. Clay was never used as food nor as a savor. § 177. Drinks.—The only drinks used were soups and water. Teas, beer, wine, or other fermented juices, and distilled liquors, were un- known. (See § 109.) § 178. Narcoties—Native tobacco, or nini. The plant, nini-hi was the only narcotic known previous to the coming of our race. It differs from the common tobacco plant; none of it hasbeen planted in modern times. J. La Fléche saw some of it when he was small. Its leaves were “t- qude éga™,” a sort of a blue color, and were about the size of a man’s hand, and shaped somewhat like a tobacco leaf. Mr. H. W. Henshaw, of the United States Geological Survey, has been making some investi- gations concerning the narcotics used by many of the Indian tribes. He finds that the Rees and other tribes did have a native tobacco, and that some of it is still cultivated. This strengthens the probability that the nini of the Omahas and Ponkas was a native plant. Mixed tobacco or killickinnick is called ninigahi by the Omahas and Ponkas. This name implies that native or common tobacco (nini) has been mixed (igahi) with some other ingredient. ‘This latter is gener- ally the inner bark of the red willow (Qornus sericea), and occasionally 310 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. it is composed of sumac leaves (Rhus glabrum). When neither of these ean be had the inner bark of the arrow wood ( Viburnum) or ma™sa-hi is substituted for them. The two ingredients are well dried over a fire, and rubbed together between the hands.” (Dougherty, in Long’s Expe- dition, 1.) “In making ninigahi, the inner bark of the dogwood, to which are sometimes added sumac leaves, is mixed with the tobacco. Sometimes they add wajide-hi ha, the inner bark of rose-bushes. When they can- not get dogwood or sumac they may use the bark of the ma”sa hi or ar- row-wood. The bark of the ¢ixe sagi, or hard willow, is not used by the Omahas.” (Frank La Fleche.) CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION. § 179. Garments were usually made by the women, while men made their weapons. Some of the Omahas have adopted the clothing of the white man. There is no distinction between the attire of dignitaries and that of the common people. §180. There were no out-buildings, public granaries, etc. Hach house- hold stored away its own grain and other provisions. There were no special tribal or communal dwellings, but sometimes two or more fami- lies occupied one earth lodge. When a tribal council was held, it was in the earth lodge of one of the principal chiefs, or else two or three common tents were thrown into one, making a long tent. There were no public baths, as the Missouri River was near, and they could resort to it when they desired. Dances were held in earth lodges, or else in large skin tents, when not out of doors. § 181. Dressing hides—The hides were stretched and dried as soon as possible after they were taken from the animals. When a hide was stretched on the ground, pins were driven through holes along the bor- der of the hide. These holes had been cut with a knife. While the hide was still green, the woman scraped it on the under side by push- ing a wébajabe over its surface, thus removing the superfluous flesh, etc. The wébajabe was formed from the lower bone of an elk’s leg, which had been made thin by scraping or striking (‘ gab¢eya”). The lower end was sharpened by striking, having several teeth-like projections, as in the accompanying figure (B). A withe (A) was tied to the upper end, and this was secured to the arm of Fic. 27.—The Webajabe. the woman just above the wrist. When the hide was dry the woman stretched it again on the ground, and proceeded to make it thinner and lighter by using another imple- porsky ] CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION. 311 ment, called the wéubaja", which she moved towards her after the man- ner of an adze. This instrument was formed from an elk horn, to the lower end of which was fastened a piece of iron (in recent times) called the wé‘u-hi. When the hide was needed for a summer tent, leggings, or summer clothing of any sort, the wéubaéja" was applied to the hairy side. Fic. 28.—The Weubaja". Fic. 29.—Front view of the iron. (1) The horn. (2.) The iron (side It is about 4 inches wide. yiew). (3) Sinew tied around the 1ron. When the hide was sufficiently smooth, grease was rubbed on it, and it was laid out of doors to dry in the sun. This act of greasing the hide was called “ wawé¢ig¢i,” because they sometimes used the brains of the elk or buffalo for that purpose. Brains, wé¢iq¢i, seem to have their name from this custom, or else from the primitive verb ¢iq¢i. Dougherty stated that, in his day, they used to spread over the hide the brains or liver of the animal, which had been carefully retained for that purpose and the warm broth of the meat was also poured over it. Some persons made two-thirds of the brain of an animal suffice for dressing its skin. But Frank La Fleche says that the liver was not used for tanning pur- poses, though the broth was so used when it was brackish. When the hide had been dried in the sun, it was soaked by sinking it beneath the surface of any adjacent stream. This act lasted about two days. Then the hide was dried again and subjected to the final opera- tion, which was intended to make it sufficiently soft and pliant. A twisted sinew, aboutas thick as one’s finger, called the wé¢ikinde, was fastened at each end to a post or tree, about 5 feet from the ground. The hide was put through this, and pulled back and forth. This act was called wa¢ikinde. On the commencement of this process, called ta¢é, the hides were almost invariably divided longitudinally into two parts each, for the convenience of the operator. When they were finished they were again sewed together with awls and sinew. When the hides were small they were not so divided before they were tanned. The skins of elk, deer, and antelopes were dressed in a similar manner. CHAPTER (EX: PROTECTIVE INDUSTRIES. WAR CUSTOMS. § 182. The Indians say that Ictinike was he who taught their ances- tors all their war customs, such as blackening the face. (See myth of Ictinike and the Deserted Children in Contributions to N. A. Ethnol- ogy, Vol. VI, Part L.) Origin of wars.—Wars generally originated in the stealing of horses and the elopement of women, and sometimes they are in consequence of infringing on the hanting-grounds of one another. When a party of warriors go on the war-path they do not always go after scalps only; the object of the expedition may be to steal horses from the enemy. If they can get the horses without being detected they may depart without killing any one. But should they meet any of the people they do not hesitate to attempt their lives. If the followers or servants fail to bring away the horses it is the duty of the leaders to make an attempt. §183. Mode of fighting unlike that of nations of the Old World.—War was not carried on by these tribes asitis by the nations of theOld World. The (egiha and other tribes have no standing armies. Unlike the Six Nations, they have no general who holds his office for life, or for a given term. They have no militia, ready to be called into the field by the government. On the contrary, military service is voluntary in all cases, from the private to the commanders, and the war party is usually dis- banded as soon as home is reached. They had no wars of long dura- tion; in fact, wars between one Indian tribe and another scarcely ever occurred; but there were occasional battles, perhaps one or two in the course of a season. DEFENSIVE WARFARE. § 184. When the foe had made an attack on the Omahas (or Ponkas) and had killed some of the people it was the duty of the surviving men to pursue the offenders and try to punish them. This going in pursuit of the foe, called nika-¢igé ¢é, was undertaken immediately without any of the ceremonies connected with a formal departure on the war- path, which was offensive warfare. When the Ponkas rushed to meet the Brulé and Ogala Dakotas, June 17, 1872, Hiita®-gi‘hna®, a woman, ran with them most of the way, brandishing a knife and singing songs to incite the men to action. The women did not always behave thus. They generally dug pits as quickly as possible and crouched in them in order to escape the missiles of the combatants. And after the fight 312 DORSEY. ] WAR CUSTOMS—DEFENSIVE WARFARE. 313 they used to seek for the fallen enemy in order to mutilate tbem. When some of the upper Dakotas had taken a prisoner they secured him to a stake and allowed their women to torture him by mutilating him previous to killing him, etiam genitalia exciderunt. But the writer never heard of the (egiha women’s having acted in this manner. § 185. Preparation for the attack by the foe.-—About thirty-two years ago the Dakotas and Ponkas attacked the Omahas, but the latter had timely notice of their intentions and prepared for them. Four Omahas had found the camp of the enemy and reported to their friends that the foe would make the attack either that night or the next morning. So the Omahasmade ready that night, having sent acrier around the tribal circle, saying, ‘‘ They say that you must make an intrenchment for the children. Thefoe willsurely come!” Then the people made an embank- ment around the greater part of the circle. It was about 4 feet high, and on the top were planted all the tent poles, the tents having been pulled down. The tent poles were interlaced and over these were fas- tened all the tent skins as far as they would go. This was designed as a screen for the men, while for the women and children was dug a trench about 4 or 5 feet deep, inside the embankment. Mr. J. La Fléche, who was present during the fight, says that the em- bankment did not extend all around the circle, and that the area pre- viously occupied by the tents of the end gentes, Wejitcte, Ictasanda, etc., were not thus protected, and that he and others slept on the ground that night. Some of the men dug trenches for the protection of their horses. Early in the morning the ecrier went around, saying, “* They say that you must do your best, as day is at hand. They have come!” The night scouts came in and reported having heard the sounds made by the tramping of the host of the advancing foe. Then the crier exhorted the peopleagain, “They say that you must do your best! You have none to help you. You willlie with your weaponsin readiness. You wiliload your guns. They have come!” Some of the Omahas fought outside of the embankment, others availed themselves of that shelter, and cui holes through the skins so that they might aim through them at the enemy. These structures for defense were made by digging up the earth with sticks which they had sharpened with axes. The earth thrown up made the embankment for the men, and the hollows or trenches were the u¢ihnucka into which the women and children retreated. § 186. Old Ponka Fort.—At the old Ponka Agency, in what was Todd County, Dakota Territory, may be seen the remains of an ancient fort, which the Ponkas say was erected over a hundred years ago by their forefathers. J. La Fléche saw it many years ago, and he says that the curvilinear intrenchment used to be higher than a man; i. e., over six feet high. Many earth-lodges used to be inside. At the time it was built the Yanktons were in Minnesota, and the tribes who fought the Ponkas were the Rees, Cheyennes, and Padatka (Camanches). Then the only Dakotas out of Minnesota were the Oglala and the Sitea"xu 314. OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. or Brulés. The former were on the White River and in the region of the Black Hills. The latter were in Nebraska, at the head of the Platte. The fort had but one entrance. The situation was well chosen. The embankment occupied the greater part of a semi detached bluff. In front, and at one side, was the low bench of land next to the Missouri; at the rear was a ravine which separated it from the next bluff, and the only means of approach was by one side, next the head of the ravine. Then one had to pass along the edge of the ravine for over 200 yards in order to reach the entrance. The following sketch was drawn from memory, and Mr. La Fleche pronounced it substantially correct : Ine mile to the Missourt River: Th. “le and Ft. Rand? Plat valley Fic. 30.—Old Ponka fort. The Missouri River is north of it. DORSEY. ] PONKA FORT—OFFENSIVE WARFARE. 315 OFFENSIVE WARFARE. § 187. The first proposition to go on the war-path cannot come from the chiefs, who, by virtue of their office, are bourd to use all their influence in favor of peace, except under circumstances of extra- ordinary provocation. It is generally a young man who decides to undertake an expedition against the enemy. Having formed his plan, he speaks thus to his friend: ‘“‘ My friend, as I wish to go on the war- path, let us go. Let us boil the food for a feast.” The friend having consented, the two are the leaders or nuda™hanga, if they can in- duce others to follow them. So they find two young men whom they send as messengers to invite those whom they name. Hach wag¢a or messenger takes one half of the gentile circle (if the tribe is thus en- camped), and goes quietly to the tent of each one whom he has been re- quested to invite. He says at the entrance, without going in, “ Kagéha, ¢ikui ha, ca” ¢inkéimte.”—My friend, you are invited (by such and such a one), after he has been oceupied ahile. If the man is there, his wife replies to the messenger, “@ikage na‘a” he,” Your Friend hears it. Should the man be absent, the wife must reply, “(@ikage ¢ingée hé; cuhi taté."— Your friend is not (here) ; he shall go to you. These invita- tions are made at night, and as quietly as possible, lest others should hear of the feast and wish to join the expedition; this, of course, refers to the organization of a nuda"jiiga or small war-party, which varies in number from two persons to about ten. § 188. Small war party— After the return of the messengers, the guests assemble at the lodge or tent of their host. The places of the guests, messengers, and nudathanga are shown in the diagram. The two wéku or hosts sit oppo- site the entrance, while the messen- gers have their seats next the door, so that they may pass in and out and attend to the fire, bringing in wood and water, and also wait on the guests. Each guest-brings with him his bowl and spoon. When all have assembled the planner of the expedition addresses the company. ‘Tio! my friends, my friend and I have invited you toa feast, because we wish to go on Fic. 31.—A, the nuda"hanga, or captains; B, the the war-path.” Then the young men — wag¢a, or messengers ; C, the guests; D, the food in kettles over the fire. say: “Friend, in what direction shall we go”? The host replies, “We desire to go to the place whither they have taken our horses.” Then each one who is willing to go, replies thus: “ Yes, my friend, I am willing.” But he who is unwilling replies, “My friend, I do not wish 316 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. togo. Lam unwilling.” Sometimes the host says, “Let us go by such a day. Prepare yourselves.” : The food generally consists of dried meat and corn. ga¢i™-na™pajl said that he boiled fresh venison. According to ga¢i®-na"paji, the host sat singing sacred songs, while the leaders of those who were not going with the party sat singing dancing songs. Four times was the song passed around, and they used to dance four times. When the singing was coneluded all ate, includ- ing the giver of the feast. This is denied by La Fléche and Two Crows. (See § 196.) A round bundle of grass is placed on each side of the stick on which the kettle is hung. The bundles are intended for wiping the mouths and hands of the men after they have finished eating. At the proper ~ time, each messenger takes up a bundle of the grass and hands it to the nuda*hanga on his side of the fire-place. When the nudathanga have wiped their faces and hands they hand the bundles to their next neighbors, and from these two they are passed in succession around to the door. Then the bundles are put together, and handed again to one of the nudathaniga, for the purpose of wiping his bow] and spoon, pass- ing from him and his associate to the men on the left of the fire-place, thence by the entrance to those on the right of the fire-place to the nudathanga. Then the messengers receive the bundle, and use it for wiping out the kettle or kettles. Then the host says, ‘Now! enough! Take ye it.” Then the wag¢a put the grass in the fire, making a great smoke. Whereupon the host and his associate exulaim, ‘“ Hold your bowls over the smoke.” All arise to their feet, and thrust their bowls into the smoke Each one tries to anticipate the rest, so the bowls are knocked against one another, making a great noise. This confusion is increased by each man crying out for himself, addressing the Wakanda, or deity of the thunder, who is supposed by some to be the god of war. One says, “‘ Nada®hangaé, wi’ véa¢é taminke.”—O war-chief! I will kill one. Another, “Nidathanga, can’ge wab¢ize agd¢i.”—O war-chief! I have come back with horses which I have taken. (This and the following are really prayers for the accomplishment of the acts mentioned.) Another: “ Nuidathangaé, d& wit b¢iqa®.”’—O war-chief! I have pulled a head, and broken it off. Another, ‘ Nida"hanga, a4sku u¢iza™qti wi" b¢ize ha.”—O war-chief! I, myself, have taken one by the very middle of his scalp-lock. Another, ‘ U ¢ilgé/qti, nadathaiga, wi ub¢at’.”—O war chief! I have taken hold of one who did not receive a wound. And another, “ Abag¢aqti éde ub¢a™” hi.”—He drew back as he was very doubtful of success (in injuring me?), but I (advanced and) took hold of him. Those sitting around and gazing at the speakers are laugh- ing. These lookers on are suchas have refused to join the party. Then the guests pass in regular order around the circle, following the course of the sun, and passing before the host as they file out at the entrance. Each one has to go all around before he leaves the lodge. DORSEY. | SMALL WAR PARTY. 317 189, This feasting is generally continued four days (or nights) ; but if the occasion be an urgent one the men make hasty preparations, and may depart in less than four days. Each nuda*haiga boils the food for one night’s feast; and what he prepares must differ from what is boiled by the other. Sometimes two leaders boil together on the same day ; sometimes they take separate days, and sometimes when they boil on separate days they observe no fixed order, i. ¢., the first leader may boil for two days in succession, then the second for one or two, or the second leader may begin and the first follow on the next day, and so on. When the supply of food failst he host may tell some of the wagag¢a® or servants (who may be the messengers) to go after game. § 190. Preparation for starting.—Each warrior makes up a bundle com- posed of about fifteen pairs of moccasins, with sinew, an awl, and a sack of provisions, consisting of corn which has been parched. The latter is sometimes pounded and mixed with fat and salt. This is prepared by the women several days in advance of the time for departure. Ifthe war- riors leave in haste, not having time to wait for the sewing of the mocca- sins, the latter are merely cut out by the women. ga¢i®-na™paji said that nearly all of the party had some object which was sacred, which they carried either in the belt or over one shoulder and under the opposite arm. la Fléche and Two Crows deny this, but they tell of such medi- cine in connection with the gqa¢i"-wasabe society. (See Chapter X.) § 191. Secret departure.—The departure takes place at night. Each man tries to slip off in the darkness by himself, without being sus- pected by any one. The leaders do not wish many to follow lest they should prove disobedient and cause the enemy to detect their prox- imity. Another reason for keeping the proposed expedition a secret from all but the guests is the fear least the chiefs should hear of it. The chiefs frequently oppose such undertakings, and try to keep the young men from the war-path. If they learn of the war feast they send a man to find out whither the party intends going. Then the leaders are invited to meet the chiefs. On their arrival they find presents have been put in the middle of the lodge to induce them to abandon their expedition. (See Two Crows’ war story, in Contributions to North American Eth- nology, Vol. VI, Part I.) The next day the people in the village say, ‘‘ Ha™adi nuda” a¢a’-bi- keama.”—It is sard that last night they went off in a line on the war-path. The warriors and the leaders blacken their faces with charcoal and rub mud over them. They wear buffalo robes with the hair out, if they can get them, and over them they rub white clay. The messengers or wag¢a also wear plumes in their hair and gird themselves with macaka®, or women’s pack-straps. All must fast forfour days. When they have been absent for that period they stop fasting and wash their faces. § 192. Uninvited followers.—W hen a man notices others with weapons, and detects other signs of warlike preparation, should he wish to join 318 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY the party he begs moccasins, ete., from his kindred. When he is ready he goes directly after the party. The following day, when the warriors take their seats, the follower sits in sight of them, but at some distance. When one of the servants spies him he says to his captain, “ Nuida?- hanga, ¢éya aka wit’ atii ha.”—O war chief! this one in the rear has come. Then the captain says to all the warriors, “ Hau, nikawasa®’, ibaha®- ba hitbé cti ¢awai-ga. Ma™ té cti wégaskan¢ai-ga.”— Ho, warriors ! ree- ognize him, if you can, and count your moccasins (to see if you can spare him any). Hxramine your arrows, too. Then a servant is sent to see who the follower is. On his return he says, ‘‘ War-chief (or captain), it is he,” naming the man. The captain has no set reply ; sometimes he says, ‘‘ Ho, warriors! the man is active. Go atter him. He can aid us by killing game.” Or he may say, ‘‘ Hau, nikawasa™! ni é¢i¢i™ gi té agi’ gii-gi. Agudi ca™jaiga nAxi¢i¢i¢é yi, gaba a¢ija® ga™¢ai yi, ca™ éja™ mi’ ha.”—Ho, warriors ! go for him that he may bring water for you. If he wishes to lie on you (i. €., on your bodies) when the big wolves (or the foe) attack you, I think it is proper. Then the scout goes after the fol- lower. But if the man be lazy, fond of sleeping, ete., and the scout reports who he is, they do not receive him. Once there was a man who per- sisted in going with war parties though. he always caused misfortunes. The last time he followed a party the captains refused to receive him. Then he prayed to Wakanda to bring trouble on the whole party for their treatment of him. They were so much alarmed that they aban- doned the expedition. § 193. Officers.—A small war party has for its chief officers two nuda?- haga, partisans, captains, or war chiefs. Each nuda™hanga has his nuda”haiga-q¢éxe or lieutenant, through whom he issues his orders to the men. These lieutenants or adjutants are always chosen before the party leaves the village. After the food has been boiled the giver of the feast selects two brave young men, to each of whom he says, “Nuda”hanga-q¢éxe hni” taté,” You shall be a nuda*hunga q¢exe. In 1854 Two Crows was invited by four others to aid them in organ- izing a large war party. But as they went to the feast given by the chiefs and received the presents they forfeited their right to be cap- tains. Two Crows refused the gifts, and persisted in bis design, win- ning the position of first captain. Wanace-jinga was the other, and qa¢i®-na*paji and Sinde-xa™xa® were the lieutenants. In this case a large party was intended, but it ended in the formation of a small one. For the change from a small party to a large one see § 210. § 194. Large war party—A large war party is called “ Nuda’hi®- gan/ga.” La Fléche and Two Crows do not remember one that has occurred among the Omahas. The grandfather of Two Crows joined one against the Panis about a hundred years ago. And Two Crows was called on to assist in organizing one in 1854, when fifty men were col- lected for an expedition which was prevented by the chiefs. Such par- LUKBEY. ) LARGE WAR PARTY. 319 ties usually number one or two hundred men, and sometimes all the fighting men in the tribe volunteer. Occasionally the whole tribe moves against an enemy, taking the women, children, ete., till they reach the neighborhood of the foe, when the non-combatants are left at a safe dis- tance, and the warriors go on without them. This moving with the whole camp is called “Awaharqti ¢6,” or “agaq¢atgti ¢é,” because they go in a body, as they do when traveling on the buffalo hunt. § 195. When a large war party is desired the man who plans the expedition selects his associates, and besides these there must be at least two more nudathanga; but only the planner and his friend are the nuda*haniga tiju, or principal war chiefs. Sometimes, as in the case of Wabaskaha (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI, Part I, p. 394), the man paints his face with clay or mud, and wanders around, erying to Wakanda thus: “ O Wakanda! though the foreigners have injured me, Il hope that you may help me!” The people hear him, and know by his crying that he desires to lead a war party ; so they go to him to hear his story. Four wag¢a are sent to invite the guests, two taking each side of the tribal circle, and hallooing as they pass each tent. There is no cause for secrecy on such occasions, so the crier calls out the name of each guest, and bids him bring his bowl. In the case of Wabaskaha, so great was the wrong suffered that all the men assembled, including the chiefs. This was the day after Wabaskaha had told his story. Thena pipe (the war pipe) was filled. Wabaskaha extended his hands toward the people, and touched them on their heads saying, ‘‘ Pity me; do for me as you think best.” Then the chief who filled the sacred pipe said to the assembly, ‘‘ If you are willing for us to take vengeance on the Pawnees, put that pipe to your lips; if (any of) you are unwilling, do not put it to your lips.” Then every man put the pipe to his lips and smoked it. And the chief said, ‘‘ Come! Make a final decision. De cide when we shall take vengeance on them.” And one said, ‘‘O ieader! during the summer let us eat our food, and pray to Wakanda. In the early fall let us take vengeance onthem.” The four captains were con- stantly crying by day and night, saying, ‘“O Wakanda! pity me. Help me in that about which I am in a bad humor.” They were crying even while they accompanied the people on the summer hunt. During the day they abstained from food and drink; but at night they used to partake of food and drink water. § 196. Feast.—It was customary for the guests invited to join a large war party to go to the lodge designated, where four captains sat oppo- si-e the entrance, and two messengers sat on each side of the door. The ensuing ceremonies were substantially those given in § 188, with the exception of the use of the wa¢ixabe or sacred bags, which are never used except when large war parties are organized. Sacred bags.—These sacred bags, which are consecrated to the thunder or war god, are so called because when the Indians went on the war- 320 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. path they used to ¢ixabe or strip off the feathers of red, blue, and yel- low birds, and put them into the sacred bags. There were five bags of this sort among the Omahas. The principal one is kept by Wacka*/- main, of the Wajitga ¢ataji subgens of the (atada. It is filled with the feathers and skins of small birds, and is wrapped in a gahtipezi, or worn tent-skin. This is the principal one. The second one is kept dy the daughter of gahé-jinga, of the Inké-sabé; because the people pity her, they allow her to keep the bag which her father used to have; but they do not allow her to take any part in the ceremonies in which the sacred bags are used. The third bag is in the custody of Mahi" ¢in’ge of the Wejitcte gens. The fourth, when in existence, was kept by idé- mati", of the yada gens. And the fifth was made by Wabaskaha, of the Ing¢e/jide gens. This, too, is no longer in existence. According to La Fléche and Two Crows, the only wa¢ixabe used in war are made of the (skin and feathers of the) g¢eda®’, or pigeon-hawk, the i/bejan‘ka, or forked-tail hawk, and the nickacku, or martin. All three kinds were not carried by the same war party. Sometimes one man carries an Pbe-janka, and the other a nickucku; at other times one carries a g¢eda", and the other an ibe-janka or nickucku. ga¢i"-na*pajl says that the weasel is very sacred. Two Crows never heard this; and he says that the keeper of any very sacred object never reveals what it is. These sacred bags are not heavy; yet the bearer of one has no other work. He must wear his robe tied at the neck, and drawn around him even in warm weather. At the feast, the three wa¢ixabe are put in the middle of the lodge. The keepers take their seats, and sing sacred songs, some of which are addresses to the Thunder, while others are dancing songs. Among the former is one of which a fragment was given by ga¢i?-na"paji : “Wi-qi/-ga" na®/-pe-wa/-¢6 e-gan’, Wi-}i/-ga™ na®/-pe-wa/-¢6 e-gam, We'-ti2 kd g¢i/-ha®-ha™ yf, Na®’-pe: wi-¢é—_.” “As my grandfather is dangerous, As my grandfather is dangerous, When he brandishes his elub, Dangerous uy When he had proceeded so far qa¢i?-na"paji stopped and refused to tell the rest, as it was too sacred. This song is also sung by the keepers of the wa¢ixabe after the return of the warriors, when the ordeal of the wastégistt is tried. (See § 214.) Though the keepers sometimes sing the songs four times, and the others then dance around four times, this is not always done so often. After the dance they enjoy the feast. Presents are made by the giver of the feast to the keepers of the wa¢ixabe, who are thus persuaded to lend their sacred bags with the peculiar advantages or sacredness which they claim for them. porsey.| LARGE WAR PARTY—SACRED BAGS—POLICEMEN, 321 § 197. The principal captains select the lieutenants, and assign to each of the other captains a company of about twenty warriors. Each of the minor captains camps with his own company, which has its own camp-fire apart from the other companies. But only the two principal captains select the scouts, police, ete. When the fasting, etc., begins (see § 191), even the captains wear plumes in their hair. When the party is very large, requiring many moccasins, and they intend going a long distance, a longer period than four days may be re- quired for their preparations. According to ga¢i®-na*paji, the principal captains tie pieces of twisted grass around their wrists and ankles, and wear other pieces around their heads. This refers to the Thunder god. Two Crows says that he never did this. § 198. Opening of the bags— When the principal captains wish to open their sacred bags, they assemble their followers in a circle, making them sit down. Any of the followers or servants (the terms are interchange- able) may be ordered to make an “ujéyi” in the center of the circle, by pulling up the grass, then making a hole in the ground. Then the sa- cred bags are laid at the feet of the principal captains, each one of whom opens his own bag, holding the mouth of the bird towards the foe, even when some of the warriors are going to steal horses. § 199. Policemen or Wandce.—These are selected after the party has left the village, sometimes during the next day or night, sometimes on the second day. The appointments are made by the principle captains. If the war-party be a small one, few policemen (from se.en to ten) are appointed; but if it is a large party, many are appointed, perhaps twenty. There is never any fixed number; but circumstances always determine how many are required. For a small party, two wanace- nuda™hafiga, or captains of police, are appointed, to whom the princi- pal captains say, ‘ Wandce ¢antidathan’ga taté,” You shall be cap- tains of the police. Each of these wandce-nuda“hanga has several wanace at his command. When any ot the warriors are disobedient, or are disposed to lag behind the rest, the policemen hit them at the command of their own captains, the wandce-nuda“hatiga. When the wanace see that the men are straggling, they ery, ““Wat-bagi. § 242. Diving.—Boys dive and see who can go the farthest under wa- ter. Some put grass in their mouths previous to diving ; and when they SSS Fig. 38.—The stick used in playing *ti*-buga. get under water they blow through the grass, causing bubbles to rise to the surface and mark their course. He who goes the shortest distance can be struck by the winner with the robe of the latter. § 243. Children’s games.—Children play in the mud, making lodges, ete.; hence the verb ‘“4i/-gaxe,” to make (mud) lodges, to play as children do. The girls used to make dolls of sticks, and place them in small u¢whe. Now, some of them make rag dolls. Children strike one another “last,” saying, ‘‘ Gatea”’,” 7. e., “So far.” ahatija is played by two persons. ” of the dance are G¢eda®-naji® and gedegahi. The other members whose hames are remembered by Two Crows and others are Wacka*mar¢i", Duba-ma¢i", Maja®-kide, Cange-ski, Jiiga-gahige, Ha®-akipa, the wives of Géeda*naji*, gede-gahi, and Wacka™-ma*¢i*, ype-baha’s mother, and wa'ze-hanga’s mother’s sister. “Besides these are Muxa-naji*, Jinga- gahige’s mother, Wacka®-ma™¢i”’s son, Umatha"-ta"waig¢a", and many others.” (Frank La Fleche.) The full number is nineteen. All the chiefs can belong to this society, and their younger brothers, wives, eldest daughters, and sisters’ sons are eligible. Waha”-¢ifige’s larger wife, A*pa"-jaNga’s sister, used to be a member. Not over five can carry otter skin bags in the dance. Four of these are Duba-ma*¢i", Jiiga gahige, Catige-ski, and Maja®-kide. G¢eda"-naji” is one of the two that can carry bags made of the skins of the sitga or flying- squirrels. Ha*-akipa carries a bag made of the skin of a miya-ska or “white raczoon.” This isa modern addition. ga¢i®-na®paji said that some have bags of the skin of the maza*he, an animal resembling an otter ; itis covered with black and reddish-yellow hair ; its tail is bushy, and the hair is thick. J. La Fléche and Two Crows said that this kind of bag was not used by the Omahas. The parents of G¢eda"-naji2 (ye-sa" and wife) carried a bag of black bear skin, but the son did not inherit it. If they cannot have the regular kind of bags, some make bags of the skins of muskrats, or of any other animal which they can obtain. All who have no skin bags carry fans of eagles’ wings. All the bags are called “ Hi-igaqixe,” a term meaning “ A skin with the teeth of the animal attached,” and they are used as nini-ujiha, or tobacco pouches. The noses of all the animals (7. ¢., those on the bags) were painted blue. Of the otter-skin bags about two had each a red feather placed cross- wise in the mouth of the animal. § 249. This dance is held in the spring of the year, beginning on a good day, when the grass is about six inches high. After an intermis- sion of a few days they may have the dance again, if they wish; then, after a similar intermission, they may repeat it, and so on. Before holding the dance one of the members, au old man, says to the leaders, ‘‘ Do consider the subject ; I will boil (for the feast).” They reply, “ Yes, we will have it; you can boil.” Then the members must borrow two drums, four gourd rattles, and two pillows. These articles must always be borrowed, as it would be wrong for the members to make or furnish them. Four persons undertake the boiling for the feast. Some brave men are selected to act as “ quya,” part of whom, however, 344 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. are members of the society. Two are appointed to beat the drums, and four to beat the rattles on the pillows. ‘'Chese six performers are not members of the society. § 250. When one wishes to join the society he must proceed as follows: During the day the candidate boils food for a feast, to which he invites all the members of the society. About twilight they arrive, and hav- ing partaken of the feast they receive presents from the candidate, who asks them to admit him to their society. If they agree to admit him a feast is appointed for the next day in connection with the dance, when he will be initiated. Before the ceremony, however, the chiefs confer with one another, saying, ‘Wi ab¢i” taminke. Nikaci™ ga waga- zu/ga®, ab¢i’ taminke. Ud¢tka™pi téga™ ab¢i” taminke.”—TI will have him. Iwill have him, as he is an honest man. TI will have him, as he will be a fine looking person. § 251. Dress and ornaments of the dancers.—Two Crows says that they used to wear deer-skin leggings. He says that there is no uniform dress for members of either sex. ga¢i"-na™paji gave the following: The inen wear red leggings, of which each leg comes down over the moccasin in a point. Ribbon-work in two parts that cross over the moccasins shakes when the wearer dances. Two kinds of garters are worn together; one kind is of otter-skin, the other of bead-work and gejithitde.’ This yeji®- hitde part is fastened over the legging-flap on the outer side of each leg, and is “ zazade” (extending apart like the sticks of a fan) and dangling. The flaps of the leggings, which are as wide as a hand, contain ribbon- work generally from the knee up, and sometimes the whole length of the leggings. Whena member wears no shirt he may ornament his body with a dozen “ wa¢ig¢eze,” or convoluted lines. These are red, six in front and six on the back; of those in front, two are at the waist, two higher up on the chest, and two on the arm; and of those on the back two are near the nape of the neck, two lower down, and two just above the waist. A red stripe about a finger wide is put on the face, extend- ing from each side of the mouth to the jaw, and similar stripes are drawn down on the sides of the nose. pejithimde head-dresses are worn, and some have deer’s tail head-dresses on their heads, sarmounted by very white feathers, which are waving slowly as the dancers move. ‘Two Crows says that they now turn dawn the flaps or hi®bédiha of the moc- casins. The women’s attire consists of a gay calico body or sacque, ornamented with two rows of small pieces of silver as large as copper cents, ex- tending all around the neck of the garment; leggings with an abun- dance of ribbon embroidered on the flaps; short garters of yejihitde and bead-work; moccasins dyed black and ornamented with porcupine work, and a red or black blanket. qé-ugacke ti", ear-bobs, are worn. 19 Yarn of various colors intervoven. vORSEY.] THE WACICKA DANCING SOCIETY. 345 The parting of the hair is reddened, and a narrow red stripe is made from the temple to the jaw. Two Crows says that there are different styles of putting the paint on the eyes, ete., with the exception of the two methods given above, which never vary. § 252. The dance may take place out of doors, or else in an earth- lodge. It is started by the leaders, who begin the song, which is then taken up by the singers. The dancers form a circle, ind around this they dance, following the course of the sun, according to ga¢i®-na®-paji. There are different steps in the dance, and each person keeps time with the beating of the drums. da¢i™na"paji says that the wacicka is as thick as a pencil, and is abouta half aninchlong. Itis white. It is generally shot at the candi- date by a member who is not one of his kindred, though the kinsman may do the shooting. It is generally given “ wa¢ionaji,” invisibly, being shot from the mouth of the possessor into that of the candidate, lodging in his throat near the Adam’s apple, and knocking him down. Then the candidate staggers and coughs, ‘ Ha! ha!” (whispered). He hits him- self on the back of his head and dislodges the wacicka into his hand, where it lies white. A sacred bag is also given to the candidate. The wacicka is always kept in the mouth of the otter (that is, in the hi-ugaqixe), ex- cept when the owner wishes to shoot it from his mouth (at a candidate ?), according to ga¢i®-na*paji. But J. La Fléche and Two Crows say that the wacicka is spit into the mouth of an otter when they wish to use it in the dance. A few of those carrying bags imitate the cry of the otter or that of the flying squirrel: “Teu! teu! teu! teu! teu!” (in thirty-second notes). Each one has a small piece of wood that has been hollowed with a knife, and feathers that have been cut thin have been fastened on the wood, making a whistle which causes the imitation of the cry of those animals. On each bag some bells are put on the tail of the animal, and porcupine work is around the legs. The dancer holds the head in one hand and the tail in the other. It is aimed at the person to be shot at. None are thus shot at but members and candidates. § 253. Order of shooting.—All stand in a circle. Then four of their number are placed in the middle, standing in a row. They who do the shooting remain in the circle, andeach one of them shoots at one of the four in the middle. When the latter or the second four have “ gaantide” (7. e., have made the wacicka come out of their throats by hitting them- selves on the back of the neck), they return to their places in the circle, and the four who shot at them step into the center and are shot at by a third four. When the second four have “ gaontide,” they return to their places, and the third four take their places in the middle; and so on till all have been shot at once. Then the first four step into the center again, and the last four shoot at them. This ends the dance. § 254. None but members can take part in the dance, and the “ tiwa- 346 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. weqaqa.” This uwaweqaqa or iqta was never witnessed by J. La Fléche and Two Crows. No one ever said to them, “I saw the uwaweqaqga in the Wacicka dance.” But they have heard persons speak in ridicule of a woman who joined the dance without her husband. Of course, if the woman’s husband or other kinsman was present, he would be un- willing for any stranger to abuse his wife or kinswoman. The women admitted to this society were not necessarily the tattooed women. That there is some foundation for the statement that lewd rites oc- curred during some part of the dance is more probable after a compar- ison of the season for this dance with the Ponka phrase, ‘“* Wihe, déje tta®, A¢an/giqta!”—My little sister (or my female friend), grass abounds. (Let) us delight in each other! Frank La Fléche thinks that this is without foundation. He says that four days were spent in the secret initiation, the public ceremony taking place on the last day. 3255. When Frank La Fléche witnessed the public ceremony in the lodge the members were stationed all around the circle. The four can- didates were placed between the fire-place and the door, and thence they began to dance around the fire, moving from left to right. As they were dancing around, one of the members having an otter-skin bag left the outer circle, and began to follow them, moving in a circle between that of the dancers and that of the members. While the singing was going on, he shot at each of the four candidates with his sacred bag. After these were shot at, all the members danced, and then any one of them was at liberty to shoot at the others. § 256. The Ir kugd¢i dance.—I-kug¢i a¢i"’-ma, or Qubé i-kug¢i a¢i”’- ma, The society of those who have the translucent stones. qa¢i"-na®paji says that this is a bad dance, the members being “ waspaji.” Each member hasone of the @kug¢i, with which he orshe shootsatsome one else. These i-kug¢i are small stones which are translucent and white. The mem- bers of this society claim the power of shooting secretly any some one with déje or sidthi, and making him lame. ga¢i”-na"paji also says that they sometimes shoot persons secretly with ‘“yama",” which isa piece of the intestine of a wolf, and about six inches long. This produces fatal consequences. Frank La Fléche has heard this asserted, but it is denied by Joseph La Fléche and Two Crows. They do not know about the following, for which ga¢i®-na"paji is the authority: ‘In order to shoot the i*-kug¢i, it is putin a hollow at the base of the eagle fan, which is waved forward very rapidly, hurling the stone to a great dis- tance, about forty or fifty yards.” There is no special season for this dance. They dance all day, and sometimes at night; and there are not separate places for the two sexes, as men and women dance “ iki¢ib¢a®,” mixed, or intermingled. Drums, rattles, ete., are used, as in the Wacicka a¢i®. Some men wear large leggings as well as breech-cloths; but no gay clothing. The women wear sacques, leggings, red blankets, and bead necklaces; and they redden the parting of the hair and the cheeks somewhat as DORSEY.) THE ISKUG(}1 AND BUFFALO DANCES. 347 they do for the Wacicka a¢i*. The men wear many plumes in their hair, and carry fans made of eagles’ wings. They have no regular pat- terns for painting themselves; but they use as paint either “ wasejide- nika” (Indian red) or “ ma¢inka-qude ” (gray clay). The only surviving leaders of this society are enuga and Sihi-duba. Among the members are B¢a”-ti, -and-unatha®, Ui¢a"be-‘asa, Cage-ski, Laqiewa¢éjinga, qa-sa", Inigani, Maja™kide, Si-qude, Nande-wahi, and some women. According to J. La Fléche, this is one of the dances that are considered “waqube.” It is obsolescent. Bé¢a®-ti, Sihi-duba, and and-una"ha® are the waze¢é or doctors who treat biliousness and fov ers; but they do not go together to visit a patient. § 207. The Buffalo dance—ye-i¢aé¢e-ma, The society of those who have supernatural communications with the Buffaloes, The Buffalo dancers. Four of the men of this dance are good surgeons. Two Crows’ father was a member of the society, and understood the use of the medicine, which he transmitted to his son. Two Crows says that having inherited the right to the medicine, he understands the duties of the doctors, but not all about the dance, as he has paid no attention to the “ye i¢aed¢é,” which has been the duty of others. Until recently, the four doctors of this society were as follows: Ni- ¢actage, the principal doctor, now dead ; Two Crows (now the principal one), qati*-gahige, of the ja-da, and Zizika-jinga, of the Ifkesabe. Two Crows gives portions of the medicine to the other doctors, and they **wéze¢é,” administer it to the patients. A*ba-hebe used to be a doctor. Theother members whose names have been obtained are these: Duba ma¢i*, e-uyatha, Icta-q¢u‘a, Lenuga-ja™¢inke, Ic‘age- -wahi¢e, and Gackawang¢e. g,ahe-jinga, now dead, was a member. § 258. Times for dancing.—After the recovery of a patient, the mem- bers of this society hold a dance, to which they may invite the members of the Horse dance, but not those of the Wolf dance. When they are not called to dance after the recovery of patients, Two Crows says that they may dance when they please, and invite the mem- bers of the Horse and Wolf dancing societies to join them; but the lat- ter can never dance independently of the Buffalo dancers. dati"-na"paji says (but Two Crows denies) that “ when the corn is withering for want of rain the members of the Buffalo society have a dance. They borrow a large vessel, which they fill with water, and put in the center of their circle. They dance four times around it. One of their number drinks some of the water, spurts it up into the air, mak- ing a fine spray in imitation of a fog or misting rain. Then he knocks over the vessel, spilling the water on the ground. The dancers then fall down and drink up the water, getting mud all over their faces. Then they spurt the water up into the air, making fine misting rain, which saves the corn.”*” If this is not done by the members of the Buffalo so- ciety, it is probably done by others, and ga¢i"na"paji has made a mis *0 Tn the Osage tradition, corn was derived from four buffalo bulls. See §§ 31, 36, 123, and 163. 348 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. take only in the name of the society to which they belong. ‘The fog occurred on the fourth day after Siqude, of the I*-kug¢i society, treated a patient. He used to predict the fog; and the patient was caused to walk. I never heard of the doctors, spurting water to cause the fog.” (Prank La Fléche.) § 259. Painting and dress.—The men rub ma*¢inka sabé (black earth) or ma*¢iika gu-qude (a greenish gray earth) over their bodies and arm- joints. Some rub earth (ma™¢inka-sabé or ma*¢inka qu-qude) on the face, from the right ear to the mouth, then from the left corner of the mouth to the left ear. Some of the men wear only the leggings and breech- clothes; others wear in addition to these robes with the hair outside. Some wear buffalo tails fastened in belts. Some have sticks of red wil- low with the leaves on, which they use as staffs in the dance. Each of four men used to put the skin of a butfalo head over his head, the horns standing up, and the hair of the buffalo head hanging down below the chest of the wearer. It was over his forehead, as well as down his back, but not over his eyes. He also wore a necklace of the hair that grows on the throat of a buffalo. Two Crows says that now some wear neck- laces of ‘éhi2,” that is, the old hair, either of a bull or that of a cow, which has been shed. Those who do not wear these 3éhi2 necklaces, wear ‘“jataqa.” In former days, no women participated; but now about two are pres- ent at the feast, though they do not join in the dance. They wear robes with the hair outside, according to ga¢i®-na"paji. No gourd rattles are used. One man acts as ‘‘quya,” and the rest help him. There may be one or two drums, for which there are from two to five drummers. The various movements of the buffalo are imitated by the dancers. § 260. The Horse dance.—Cai/ge-i¢ae¢é-ma, The society of those who have supernatural communications with horses, The members of the Horse Dance. No women belong to this society. Two Crows says that none are doctors, and that they never dance except in connection with the butfalo dancers, when invited to the feast of the latter, and then they imitate the various actions and gaits of horses. No shooting occurs as in the dance of the Wacicka a¢i"-ma. They whiten themselves, rub earth on their shoulders, and Indian red on some parts of their bodies. They wear necklaces of horses’? manes, from each of which a feather is sus- pended. Each one wears a horse’s tail in a belt. The tail is dried stiff, and stands out from his body. At short intervals are suspended feathers. Members.—Wacuce was amember. Those now living are G¢eda*-naji®, Hona®-hanga(who hasnohorses!), Wata"-naji", Maja"-kide, Ui¢a®-be-‘asa, qda-sa*-naji*, Teaza-¢inge, Cyu-jinga (who wears a necklace), Haci-ma®¢i?, Wagq¢a-¢uta", Une-mar¢it, Wanija-waqé, Ta-i-kawahu, Jiiga-gahige, yye- baha, ete. According to Mr. J. La Fléche, this dance is now obsolete. § 261. The Wolf dance.—Cayaiiga-i¢ae¢é-ma, The society of those who have supernatural communications with Wolves, The members of the DORSEY } THE BUFFALO DANCE, ETC. 349 Wolf Dance. These men cannot dance except with the buffalo dancers, and with the consent of the latter. Two Crows has seen them dance but twice. He and J. La Fléche do not know much about them. In this dance there are no women, and none are doctors, according to La Fléche and Two Crows. No shooting is done, though the dancers act mysteriously. They wear wolf skins, and redden the tips of the wolves’ noses, according to ga¢i®-na®paji and Frank La Fléche (but de- nied by Two Crows). They paint their bodies in imitation of the “ blue wolves, ca™jaga-yi-ma éga"-ma-¢a®.” Those who have held enemies, or have cut them up, paint the hands and wrists red, as if they were bloody. Others whiten their hands, wrists, ankles, and feet. Some go bareroot. All whiten their faces from the right ear to the corner of the mouth; then from the opposite corner of the mouth to the left ear. They dance in imitation of the actions of wolves. § 262. The Grizzly bear dance.—M a*teu-i¢ae¢é-ma, Those who have su- pernatural communications with grizzly bears, also called Mattet-gaxe watcigaxe, The dance in which they pretend to be grizzly bears. This has not been danced for about ten years, so La Fléche and Two Crows cannot tell who belong to the society. In former days there were wo- men that belonged, but in modern times none have been members. This dance is spoken of by La Fléche and Two Crows as an “ tickade,” a@ sport or play, and an “tyigaxe,” a game. It is danced at any season of the year that the members decide upon ; and all the people can wit- ness it. During the day, it takes place out of doors, but at night it is held in a lodge. The man who receives the drum calls on others to help him, speak- ing to each one by name. Then while the first man beats the drum, the two, three, or four helpers sing and the rest dance as grizzly bears, and imitate the movements of those animals. Painting and dress.—They make the whole body yellow, wearing no cloth- ing but the breech-cloth. They rub yellow clay on the backs and fronts of their fingers and hands, and sometimes over the whole of the legs. Some- times they redden the whole of the legs. Some whiten themselves here and there; some rub Indian red on themselves in spots. Some wear very white plumes in their hair, and others wear red plumes (hi®qpé). One man wears the skin of a grizzly bear, pushing his fingers into the places of the claws. Some wear necklaces of grizzly bears’ claws, § 263. The gqa¢i®-wasabe or Witcita dance.— ga¢i-wasdbe watcigaxe ikageki¢é, The society of the Witcita or qa¢i2-wasabe (Black bear Paw- nees). The members of this society have a medicine which they use in three: ways: they rub it on their bodies before going into battle ; they rub it on bullets to make them kill the foe, and they administer it to horses, making them smell it when they are about to surround a buffalo herd. If horses are weak they make them eat some of the medicine, and smell the rest. Similar customs are found among the Pawnees and Ponkas. 350 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. A man thinks, “I will boil,” and he invites to a feast those who have the medicine of the Witcita society. On their arrival he says, ‘‘on such a day we will dance.” Two or three men boil for the feast to be held in connection with the dance. It takes three days to prepare the candidate, and this is done secretly. On the fourth day there is a public ceremony in an earth lodge, during which the candidate is shot with the red medicine. Frank La Fléche has witnessed this, and says that it closely resembles the public cere- mony of the Wacicka society. § 264. Paint and dress—The breech-cloth is the only regular gar- ment. Two Crows and La Fléche say that all whiten their bodies and legs all over; but ga¢i™-na"paji says that some draw white lines over their limbs and bodies. Some paint as deer, putting white stripes on their limbs and bodies; others appear as bald eagles, with whitened faces. Some wear caps of the skin of the “gikaqude” or gray fox. Some wear necklaces of the skin of that animal; and others have on necklaces of the tail of a black-tailed deer and that of an ordinary deer, fastened together. Some carry a “yikaqude” skin on the arm, while others carry the skin of the ‘*man¢in’kacéha,” or red fox, of which the hair is very red, and the legs and ankles are black. Some wear feathers of the great owl around the wrist; and others carry fans made of the feathers of that bird. ‘“Maka®jide ha u¢aha baqtaqta nusi- aq¢a-hnati”— The red medicine with the skin adhering to it (being about three inches long) is tied up in a bundle, which is worn “ nusi-aq¢a,” like a coiled lariat, with one end over the left shoulder, and the other under the right arm. Each of the four singers has a gourd rattle, a bow, and an arrow. He holds the bow, which is whitened, in his left hand, and the rattle and arrow in his right. He strikes the arrow against the bow-string as he shakes the rattle. All the members have whistles or flutes, some of which are a foot long, and others are about half a yard in length. The dancers blow theirs in imitation of the “ quya.” Members.—Only one woman belongs to this society; but the male members are the following : G¢eda™-naji", qa¢i"-gahige, Muxa-naji*, ,e- uya®-ha, Zazi-mande, Wajinga, gni-ti¢a™, Qi¢a-gahige, jenuga-ja"-¢inke, Zizika-jinga, yaxe-na*p’i®, Cage-duba, Eona?-hanga, Ag¢i?-duba, Jin- ga-gahige, and Waji®-¢icage. The members of this society would eat no green corn, fruit, etc., till consecrated by the dance. A few ears of corn were divided among the dancers. ‘Then they could eat as they pleased. § 265. Watei-wa¢upi.—This society has not had a dance for about thirty years among the Omahas. It is like the dance of the Wasejide a¢i*ma, which has a medicine that resembles that of the ga¢i?-wasabe in its use. During the day women danced with the men; but at night DORSEY. | DANCES: WITCITA, WATCI-WACUPI, ETC. 351 the men danced alone. This is said to be one of the ancient tribal dances. § 266. Wasé-jide a¢i’-ma, Those who have the Red Paint or Medicine.— This is a society of women dancers. They seldom meet. Their dance is like that of the Watci-wa¢upi. ga¢i™-na™paji says that the dance is sacred. La Fléche and Two Crows have never seen it. They invite the members to a feast, as dothe Wacicka a¢i®-ma; but no shooting is done. The men act as singers, while the women dance. All the women are allowed to join in this dance, which is held when the grass is green in the spring. Sometimes a man joins in the dance, but that is the ex- ception. [Frank La Fléche says that men do take part in this dance, and that the women do not carry the medicine. ]# This society has a medicine consisting of the bottoms of several joints or stalks of a certain kind of grass, which are tied up in bundles. One man carries a bundle in his belt, and the rest are put in a safe place. This is the medicine, according to ga¢i®-na™paji, which warriors carry. If they meet an enemy they open the bundles and rub the medicine over their bodies to protect them from the missiles of theenemy. They think that this medicine will cause the enemy’s guns to miss fire, or else the balls, when sent, will not hit them. The only painting is red, which is on the cheeks, chin, and chest of the dancer. A line is drawn from each corner of the mouth back to the cheek, and there is one made from the lower lip down under the chin, and it is continued down the chest until it is about as low as the heart. § 267. The Ha“he watci (goiwere, Ha™he waci) is not “The Night Dance,” as its name implies. It is an ancient dance, which is not used now. According to ga¢i®-na®paji, it is “qubé Ata,” very sacred (for persons), and it is danced in the later fall, when the people have killed a great many deer, or many of the enemy. Two Crows and La Fléche say that it is “ iwahéhaji, ntaga¢ica®, a bravery dance, per- taining to men ;” but they do not know all the particulars. During the day women danced, and the men sang for them. Occasionally a man joined in the dance. At night the men danced alone. But only those who had been captains, or had killed foes, or had brought back horses, or had been warriors, had a right to take part in the dance. Mr. J. La Fléche said that there was some connection between this society and the Ing¢a-i¢ae¢e-ma. The Héde-watci was a ‘“‘nikie dance,” which occurred on a festival, and in which the whole tribe participated. (See §153.) The Wé-watci, or Scalp dance, is the women’s dance, in which all join who may so desire. (See War Customs, § 215.) The Miyasi watci, or Coyote dance, is described in the chapter on War Customs, § 203. "The Kansas have the Maka jiidje, Red Medicine, and the Osages the Maka® oii}se watsi", Red Medicine Dance. The leader of the latter isa man. The Kansas used to have the Wase jide a¢i™-ma. 352 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. The He¢ticka dancing society is described in the chapter on War Customs, §§ 214, 216. The Hé watci is part of the He¢ucka dance. (§ 217.) § 268. TE gaxe watci, The dance of those expecting to die—This has not been observed for fifteen years by the Omahas. It is explained thus, “ Ukit® yicté®, av’é taminke, e¢éga® éga™ iwatcigaxe gaxai.”—As one thinks, ‘I will die if there are any enemy,’ they make the dance. This is the men’s dance, being ‘“ wacuce-aqza¢ica®,” 7. e., something pertaining to bravery. They always go prepared to meet the enemy and to fallin battle. It is danced at different seasons of the year. A woman with a good voice is admitted as a singer. Two or three beat adrum. Twomen carry “ waq¢éq¢e-‘a%sa” in their hands as they dance. These objects resemble the *‘ waq¢éxe-¢aze,” but there is a different arrangement of the feathers. Fic. 40.—The waq¢éqve-‘a®sa. All paint themselves as they please, and carry “yjahanuya déxe” or rattles made of green hide. § 269. The Make-no-fight dance.-—Mata watcigaxe, the ‘ Napé-sni- kagapi” of the Dakotas, has not been witnessed among the Omahas for many years, though it used to be common to the Omahas, Ponkas, and Dakotas. La Fléche and Two Crows have heard of it, but have not seen it. qa¢i®-na"paji says “ [have not seen it since I have been grown. It was in use here long before my time.” It is a bravery dance. Drumsare beaten. The dancers hold gourd rattles, and each one carries many arrows on his back as well as in his arms. The members vow not to flee from a foe. They blacken themselves all over with char- coal. About fifty years ago two members went into a fight armed only with deer’s claw rattles that had sharp iron points at the ends of the han- dles. They rushed among the foe and stabbed them before they could draw their bows. § 270. ga-ug¢a" Watei, The dance in which buffalo head-dresses were put on, has long been obsolete. It was a bravery dance. ga¢i®-na™paji knew about its occurring once when he was very small. Only very brave men could participate. On their heads they put head-dresses to which buffalo horns were attached. They bore shields on their backs; they rubbed earth on themselves. Any one who had stabbed a foe with a spear carried it on his arm; and he who had struck a foe with any weapon did likewise. Those who were only a little brave could not dance. § 271. Egita-watcigaxe, The Visitors’ dance of relating exploits— When a friendly visit has been made horses are given to all the visitors who DORSEY. } DANCES. 353 are invited to dance. ‘ Bgita® wa¢atcigaxe tai,” You will dance the dance of exploits. ‘The visitors sit in a circle and the members of the home tribe sit outside. A drum, stick, a “ crow,” and a club or hatchet are placed inside the circle. Thereisno singing. When the drum is struck one of the visitors dances. He who has something to tell about himself takes the crow and attaches it to his belt. Then he takes the club or hatchet. When the drummers beat faster all of them say, ‘ Hi! hi! hi!” When they stop beating the dancer tells what he has done. Pointing in one direction with his club or hatchet he says, “In that place I killed aman.” Pointing elsewhere, he says, ‘There I took hold of a man.” “J brought back so many horses from that tribe.” Sometimes they beat the drum again before he finishes telling his exploits. Sometimes a man recounts much about himself, if very brave, taking four such inter- vals to complete his part of the performance. When he has finished he hands the crow and weapon to the next dancer. There are four dancers in all. Some tell their exploits two or three times, i. ¢., they may re- quire two or three intervals or spaces of time after the beating of the drum to tell all that they have to say. When the fourth dancer stops the dance is over. (See the He watci, at the end of the He¢ucka dance, § 217.) This is not danced very often. § 272. The Ghost dance.—W anaxe-i¢ae¢é-ma are those who have super- natural communications with ghosts. The dance is called Wandxe i¢aé¢e watcigaxe. Formerly the Ponkas had this dance, and the Oma- has saw it and coveted it; so they took it. It has not been danced by the Omahas for about forty years. La Fléche and Two Crows never saw it, but they have heard of it; and they speak of it as “ uqtaji ; edada* igaxewa¢aji,” undesirable ; totally unfit for any use. But da¢i®-na"paji says thatit was an “ iwaqube,” a sacred thing. No women participated. A feast was called, the men assembled, a drum was struck, and they danced. The dancers made their bodies gray, and called themselves ghosts. § 273. The Padanka dance.—The Padaika watei (Camanche dance?) has not been held among the Omahas since ga¢i®-na®paji can remember. The Omahas bought it from another tribe, and had it a long time. When Mr. J. La Fléche was small, he saw a little of it. He and Two Crows have heard about it. The drum was struck; the dancers red- dened their bodies with Indian red; they wore head-dresses of crow feathers or of the large feathers of the great owl. Each one carried the “‘gacage” or rattles of deers’ claws. § 274. The Hekdna dance.—This was introduced among the Omahas by the Otos when they visited the former tribe in August, 1878. The Otos eall it “ He-ka®-yu-ha.” It is found among the Saes and other Indians south of the Omahas. This is the dance iu which the young people of both sexes participate, and it is called “ imim¢ig¢a®,” as it leads the young men to think of courting the girls. : When a young man wishes to have a chance for saying something to 3 ETH——23 354 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. a girl whom he admires he boils for a feast, and invites the guests. All the young men assemble, and the unmarried girls and boys attend, though the girls never go without a proper escort. Mothers take their daughters, and husbands go with their wives. The dance is held ina large earth-lodge, in the middle of which a fire is kept up, and candles are placed on supports around the walls. Some- times the boys blow out the lights all at once after a preconcerted signal, and great confusion ensues. All wear their gayest clothing and plenty of ornaments. Tine ribbon is worn on clothing, hats, ete. When a youth wishes to court a girl, he waits till the girl approaches him in the dance. Then he takes her by the hands, and dances facing her. As there is great confusion, no one else can hear him addressing her, his face being very close to her’s. Every time the drumming stops, the dancers in each pair change places, but they still face each other. When a woman or girl wishes a man as a partner, she takes him by the hands when he getsclose to her in the dance. When a distant ‘‘ mother’s brother” meets one whom he calls his niece, he may address her thus in sport: “A™wAtcigaxe tai, wihé!” 7. ¢., “ Second daughter of the family, let us dance.” She replies, ‘‘ Give ne pay.” So he makes her a present of a necklace or of some other orna- ment, and she dances with him. == do.—Part of Navajo blanket-.--.--+-.=.--.---.--- --------------- 56.—Diagram showing formation of warp of sash..---..---------- 5%) —Section of Navajo Delt ss.. s-coc- econ eee se- oo ee ne es === _58.—Wooden heald of the Zuflis..........------------------------ 59.—Girl weaving (from an Aztec picture)... -.-..--------------- NAVAJO WEAVERS. By Dr. WASHINGTON MATrTHEWs. § I. The art of weaving, as it exists among the Navajo Indians of New Mexico and Arizona, possesses points of great interest to the stu- dent of ethnography. It is of aboriginal origin; and while European art has undoubtedly modified it, the extent and nature of the foreign influence is easily traced. It is by no means certain, still there are many reasons for supposing, that the Navajos learned their craft trom the Pueblo Indians, and that, too, since the advent of the Spaniards; yet the pupils, if such they be, far excel their masters to-day in the beauty and quality of their work. It may be safely stated that with no native tribe in America, north of the Mexican boundary, has the art of weaving been carried to greater perfection than among the Navajos, while with none in the entire continent is it less Europeanized. As in language, habits, and opinions, so in arts, the Navajos have been less influenced than their sedentary neighbors of the pueblos by the civiliza- tion of the Old World. The superiority of the Navajo to the Pueblo work results not only from a constant advance of the weaver’s art among the former, but from a constant deterioration of it among the latter. The chief cause of this deterioration is that the Pueblos find it more remunerative to buy, at least the finer serapes, from the Navajos, and give their time to other pursuits, than to manufacture for themselves; they are nearer the white settlements and can get better prices for their produce; they give more attention to agriculture; they have within their country, mines of tur- quoise which the Navajos prize, and they have no trouble in procuring whisky, which some of the Navajos prize even more than gems. Con- sequently, while the wilder Indian has incentives to improve his art, the more advanced has many temptations to abandon it altogether. In some pueblos the skill of the loom has been almost forgotten. A grow- ing fondness for European clothing has also had its influence, no doubt. § I. Cotton, which grows well in New Mexico and Arizona, the tough fibers of yucca leaves and the fibers of other plants, the hair of differ- ent quadrupeds, and the down of birds furnished in prehistoric days the materials of textile fabrics in this country. While some of the Pueblos still weave their native cotton to a slight extent, the Navajos grow no cotton and spin nothing but the wool of the domestic sheep, which animal is, of course, of Spanish introduction, and of which the Navajos have vast herds. (375) 376 NAVAJO WEAVERS. The wool is not washed until itis sheared. At the present time it is combed with hand cards purchased from the Americans. In spinning, the simplest form of the spindle—a slender stick thrust through the center of a round wooden disk—is used. The Mexicans on the Rio Grande use spinning-wheels, and although the Navajos have often seen these wheels, have had abundant opportunities for buying and stealing them, and possess, I think, sufficient ingenuity to make them, they have never abandoned the rude implement of their ancestors. Plate XX XIV illustrates the Navajo method of handling the spindle, a method differ- ent from that of the people of Zuni. They still employ to a great extent their native dyes: of yellow, red- dish, and black. There is good evidence that they formerly had a blue dye; but indigo, originally introduced, I think, by the Mexicans, has superseded this. If they, in former days, had a native blue and a native yellow, they must also, of course, have had a green, and they now make green of their native yellow and indigo, the latter being the only im- ported dye-stuff I have ever seen in use among them. Besides the hues above indicated, this people have had, ever since the introduction of sheep, wool of three different natural colors—white, rusty black, and gray—so they had always a fair range of tints with which to execute their artistic designs. The brilliant red figures in their finer blankets were, a few years ago, made entirely of bayeta, and this material is still largely used. Bayeta is a bright scarlet cloth with a long nap, much finer in appearance than the scarlet strouding which forms such an im- portant article in the Indian trade of the North. It was originally brought to the Navajo country from Mexico, but is now supplied to the trade from our eastern cities. The Indians ravel it and use the weft. While many handsome blankets are still made only of the colors and material above described, American yarn has lately become very popu- lar among the Navajos, and many fine blankets are now made wholly, or in part, of Germantown wool. The black dye mentioned above is made of thetwigs and leaves of the aromatic sumac (Rhus aromatica), a native yellow ocher, and the gum of the pition (Pinus edulis). The process of. preparing it is as follows: They put into a pot of water some of the leaves of the sumac, and as many of the branchlets as can be crowded in without much breaking or crushing, and the water is allowed to boil for five or six hours until a strong decoction is made. While the water is boiling they attend to other parts of the process. The ocher is reduced to a fine powder between two stones and then slowly roasted over the fire in an earthen or metal vessel until it assumes a light-brown color; it is then taken from the fire and combined with about an equal quantity in size of piion gum; again the mixture is puton the fire and constantly stirred. At first the gum melts and the whole mass assumes a mushy consistency; but as the roasting progresses it gradually becomes drier and darker until itis at last reduced to a fine black powder. This is removed from the BUREAU OF KTHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXXIV NAVAJO WOMAN SPINNING, MATIHEWS, | DYES—BLANKET LOOM. 377 fire, and when it has cooled somewhat it is thrown into the decoction of sumac, with which it instantly forms a rich, blue-black fluid. This dye is essentially an ink, the tannic acid of the sumac combining with the sesquioxide of iron in the roasted ocher, the whole enriched by the car- bon of the calcined gum. There are, the Indians tell me, three different processes for dyeing yellow ; two of these I have witnessed. The first process is thus con- ducted: The flowering tops of Bigelovia graveolens are boiled for about six hours until a decoction of deep yellow color is produced. When the dyer thinks the decoction strong enough, she heats over the fire in a pan or earthen vessel some native almogen (an impure native alum), until it is reduced to a somewhat pasty consistency ; this she adds grad- ually to the decoction and then puts the wool in the dye to boil. From time to time a portion of the wool is taken out and inspected until (in about half an hour from the time it is first immersed) it is seen to have assumed the proper color. The work is then done. The tint produced is nearly that of lemon yellow. In the second process they use the large, fleshy root of a plant which, as I have never yet seen it in fruit or flower, I am unable to determine. The fresh root is crushed to a soft paste on the metate, and, for a mordant, the almogen is added while the grinding is going on. The cold paste is then rubbed between the hands into the wool. Ifthe wool does not seem to take the color readily a little water is dashed on the mixture of wool and paste, and the whole is very slightly warmed. The entire process does not occupy over an hour and the result is a color much like that now known as “old gold.” The reddish dye is made of the bark of Alnus incana var. virescens (Watson) and the bark of the root of Cercocarpus parvifolius ; the mor- dant being fine juniper ashes. On buckskin this makes a brilliant tan- color; but applied to wool it produces a much paler tint. § 111. Plate XXXVILI and Fig. 42 illustrate ordinary blanket-looms. Two posts, @ a, are set firmly in the ground; to these are lashed two cross-pieces or braces, ) ¢, the whole forming the frame of the loom. Sometimes two slender trees, growing at a convenient distance from one another, are made to answer for the posts. d is a horizontal pole, which I call the supplementary yarn-beam, attached to the upper brace, b, by means of a rope, ee, spirally applied. / is the upper beam of the loom. As it is analogous to the yarn-beam of our loonis; 1 will call it by this name, although once only have I seen the warp wound around it. It lies parallel to the pole d, about 2 or3 inches below it, and is attached to the latter by a number of loops, g g. A spiral cord wound around the yarn-beam holds the upper border cord hh, which, in turn, secures the upper end of the warp i 7. The lower beam of the loom is shown at k. I will call this the cloth-beam, although the finished web is never wound around it; it is tied firmly to the lower brace, ¢c, of the frame, and to it is secured the lower border cord of the blanket. The original distance between the two beams is the length of the blanket. Lying 378 NAVAJO WEAVERS. between the threads of the warp is depicted a broad, thin, oaken stick, 1, which I will call the batten. A set of healds attached to a heald- eg, Ne a Sig iC ze = af ah = RS. A OP mwa) A | 3) =a SVE d gene i cn i OP UDI NY yyy, er Haute yan Fic. 42.—Ordinary Navajo blanket loom. rod, m, are shown above the batten. These healds are made of cord or yarn; they include alternate threads of the warp, and serve when drawn forward to open the lower shed. The upper shed is kept patent by a stout rod, n (having no healds attached), which I name the shed-rod. Their substitute for the reed of our looms is a wooden fork, which will be designated as the reed-fork (Fig. 44, a). For convenience of description, I am obliged to use the word “shuttle,” although, strictly speaking, the Navajo has no shuttle. If the figure to be woven is along stripe, or one where the weft must be passed through 6 inches or more of the shed at one time, the yarn is wound on aslender twig or splinter, or shoved through on the end of such a piece of wood ; but where the pattern is intricate, and the weft passes at each turn through only a few inches of the shed, the yarn is wound into small skeins or balls and shoved through with the finger. § IV. The warp is thus constructed: A frame of four sticks is made, not unlike the frame of the loom, but lying on or near the ground, in- stead of standing erect. The two sticks forming the sides of the frame are rough saplings or rails; the two forming the top and bottom are smooth rounded poles—often the poles which afterwards serve as the beams of the loom; these are placed parallel to one another, their dis- tance apart depending on the length of the projected blanket. MATTHEWS. | FORMATION OF WARP. B79) On these poles the warp is laid in a continuous string. It is first firmly tied to one of the poles, which I will call No. 1 (Fig. 43); then it is passed over the other pole, No. 2, brought back under No. 2 and over No. 1, forward again under No. 1 and over No. 2, and so on to the end. Thus the first, third, fifth, &c., turns of the cord cross in the middle the second, fourth, sixth, &c., forming a series of elongated figures 8, as shown in the following diagram— >\_» Pole No.2( Shed. = Shed. ) PoleNo.1. <_< > Se 7 °/Rod. *\Rod. >>—_—___» Fic. 43.—Diagram showing formation of warp. and making, in the very beginning of the process, the two sheds, which are kept distinct throughout the whole work. When sufficient string has been laid the end is tied to pole No. 2, and a rod is placed in each shed to keep it open, the rods being afterwards tied together at the ends to prevent them from falling out. This done, the weaver takes three strings (which are afterwards twilled into one, as will appear) and ties them together at one end. She now sits outside of one of the poles, looking toward the center of the frame, and proceeds thus: (1) She secures the triple cord to the pole imme- diately to the left of the warp; (2) then she takes one of the threads (or strands as they now become) and passes it under the first turn of the warp; (3) next she takes a second strand, and twilling it once or oftener with the other strands, includes with it the second bend of the warp; (4) this done, she takes the third strand and, twilling it as before, passes it under the third bend of the warp, and thus she goes on until the entire warp in one place is secured between the strands of the cord; (5) then she pulls the string to its fullest extent, and in doing so sepa- rates the threads of the warp from one another; (6) a similar three stranded cord is applied to the other end of the warp, along the outside of the other pole. At this stage of the work these stout cords lie along the outer surfaces of the poles, parallel with the axes of the latter, but when the warp is taken off the poles and applied to the beams of the loom by the spiral thread, as above described, and as depicted in Plate XX XVIII and Fig. 42, and all is ready for weaving, the cords appear on the inner sides of the beams, i. e., one (Pl. XX XVIII and Fig. 42, h h) at the lower side of the yarn-beam, the other at the upper side of the cloth-beam, and when the blanket is finished they form the stout end margins of the web. In the coarser grade of blankets the cords are removed and the ends of the warp tied in pairs and made to form a fringe. (See Figs. 54 and 55.) When the war) is transferred to the loom the rod which was placed in the upper shed remains there, or another rod, straighter and smoother, 380 NAVAJO WEAVERS. is substituted for it; but with the lower shed, healds are applied to the anterior threads and the rod is withdrawn. § V. The mode of applying the healds is simple: (1) the weaver sits facing the loom in the position for weaving; (2) she lays at the right (her right) side of the loom a ball of string which she knows contains more than sufficient material to make the healds; (3) she takes the end of this string and passes it to the left through the shed, leaving the ball in its original position; (4) she ties a loop at the end of the string large enough to admit the heald-rod; (5) she holds horizontally in her left hand a straightish slender rod, which is to become the heald-rod—its right extremity touching the left edge of the warp—and passes the rod through the loop until the point of the stick is even with the third (second anterior from the left) thread of the warp; (6) she puts her fin- ger through the space between the first and third threads and draws out a fold of the heald-string ; (7) she twists this once around, so as to form a loop, and pushes the point of the heald-rod on to the right through this loop; (8) she puts her finger into the next space and forms another loop; (9) and soon she continues to advance her rod and form her loops from left to right until each of the anterior (alternate) warp-threads of the lower shed is included in a loop of the heald; (10) when the last loop is made she ties the string firmly to the rod near its right end. When the weaving is nearly done and it becomes necessary to remove the healds, the rod is drawn out of the loops, a slight pull is made at the thread, the loops fall in an instant, and the straightened string is drawn out of the shed. Illustrations of the healds may be seen in Plates XXXV and XXXVIII and Figs. 42, 44, and 46, that in Fig. 46 being the most distinct. § VI. In making a blanket the operator sits on the ground with her legs folded under her. The warp hangs vertically before her, and (ex- ‘ cepting in a case to be mentioned) she weaves from below upwards. As she never rises from this squatting posture when at work, it is evident that when she has woven the web to a certain height further work must become inconvenient or impossible unless by some arrangement the fin- ished web is drawn downwards. Her cloth-beam does not revolve as in our looms, so she brings her work within easy reach by the following method: The spiral rope (Plate XX XVIII and Fig. 42) is loosened, the yarn-beam is lowered to the desired distance, a fold is made in the loosened web, and the upper edge of the fold is sewed down tightly to thecloth-beam. In all new blankets over two feet long the marks of this sewing are to be seen, and they often remain until the blanket is worn out. Plate XXXYV, representing a blanket nearly finished, illustrates this procedure. Except in belts, girths, and perhaps occasionally in very narrow blankets, the shuttle is never passed through the whole width of the warp at once, but only through a space which does not exceed the length of the batten; for it is by means of the batten, which is rarely more than 3 feet long, that the shed is opened. NIAVOM *) “STVYNODVIG GIdVHS-AGNONVIG AO Jo avairnd JOTONH LD A IVOANNV 88l LuodaU G AXXX "Id + bas, MATTHEWS. } PROCESS OF WEAVING. 381 Suppose the woman begins by weaving in thelowershed. She draws a portion of the healds towards her, and with them the anterior threads of the shed; by this motion she opens the shed about | inch, which is not sufficient for the easy passage of the woof. She inserts her batten edgewise into this opening and then turns it half around on its long axis, SO that its broad surfaces lie horizontally ; in this way the shed is opened to the extent of the width of the batten—about 3 inches; next the weft is passed through. In fig. 42 the hatten is shown lying edge- wise (its broad surfaces vertical), as it appears when just inserted into the shed, and the weft, which has been passed through only a por- tion of the shed, is seen hanging out with its end on the ground. In Plate XXXV the batten is shown in the second position described, with the shed open to the fullest extent necessary, and the weaver is represented in the act of passing the shuttle through. When the weft is in, it is shoved down into its proper position by means of the reed- fork, and then the batten, restored to its first position (edgewise), is brought down with firm blows on the weft. It is by the vigorous use of the batten that the Navajo serapes are rendered water-proof. In Plate XX XVIII the weaver is seen bringing down this instrument “in the manuer and for the purpose described,” as the letters patent say. When the lower shed has received its thread of weft the weaver opens the upper shed. This is done by releasing the healds and shoving the shed-rod down until it comes in contact with the healds; this opens the upper shed down to the web. Then the weft is inserted and the bat- ten and reed-fork used as before. Thus she goes on with each shed alternately until the web is finished. It is, of course, desirable, at least in handsome blankets of intricate pattern, to have both ends uniform even if the figure be a little faulty in the center. To accomplish this some of the best weavers depend on a careful estimate of the length of each figure before they begin, and weave continuously in one direction; but the majority weave a little portion of the upper end before they finish the middle. Sometimes this is done by weaving from above downwards; at other times it is done by turning the loom upside down and working from below upwards in the ordinary manner. In Fig. 49, which represents one of the very finest results of Navajo work, by the best weaver in the tribe, it will be seen that exact uniformity in the ends has not been attained. The figure was of such a nature that the blanket had to be woven in one direction only. I have described how the ends of the blanket are bordered with a stout three-ply string applied to the folds of the warp. The lateral edges of the blanket are similarly protected by stout cords applied to the weft. The way in which these are woven in, next demands our at tention. Two stout worsted cords, tied together, are firmly attached at each end of the cloth-beam just outside of the warp; they are then car- ried upwards and loosely tied to the yarn-beam or the supplementary 382 NAVAJO WEAVERS. yarn-beam. Every time the weft is turned at the edge these two strings are twisted together and the weft is passed through the twist; thus one thread or strand of this border is always on the outside. As it is con- stantly twisted in one direction, it is evident that, after a while, a coun- ter-twist must form which would render the passage of the weft between the cords difficult, if the cords could not be untwisted again. Here the object of tying these cords loosely to one of the upper beams, as before described, is displayed. From time to time the cords are untied and the unwoven portion straightened as the work progresses. Fig. 44 and Plate XXXVIIL show these cords. The coarse blankets do not have them. (Fig 42.) : Navajo blankets are single-ply, with designs the same on both sides, no matter how elaborate these designs may be. To produce their vari- gated patterns they have a separate skein, shuttle, or thread for each component of the pattern. Take, for in- stance, the blanket depicted in Fig. 49. Across this blank- et, between the points a—b, we have two serrated borders, two white spaces, a small diamond in the center, and twenty-four serrated stripes, making in all twenty-nine component parts of tbe pat- tern. Now, when the weaver was working in this place, twenty-nine different threads of weft might have been seen hanging from the face of the webatonetime. In the girth ‘pictured in Fig. 44 five dif. ferent threads of woof are shown depending from the loom. : When the web is so nearly finished that the batten can no longer be inserted in the warp, slender rods are placed in the shed, while the weft is passed with increased dif- ficulty on the end of a delicate splinter and the reed-fork alone presses the warp home. Later it becomes necessary to remove even the rod and the shed; then the alternate threads are separated by a slender stick worked in tediously between them, and two threads of woof are Fic. 44.—Weaving of saddle-girth, MATTHEWS ] DIAGONAL WEAVING. 383 inserted—one above and the other below the stick. The very last thread is sometimes put in with a darning needle. The weaving of the last three inches requires more labor than any foot of the previous work. In Figs. 49, 50, 51, 52, and 53 it will be seen that there are small fringes or tassels at the corners of the blankets; these are made of the redundant ends of the four border-cords (¢. ¢., the portions of the cord by which they were tied to the beams), either simply tied together or secured in the web with a few stitches. The above is a description of the simplest mechanism by which the Nayajos make their blankets; but in manufacturing diagonals, sashes, garters, and hair-bands the mechanism is much more complicated. § VIL. For making diagonals the warp is divided into four sheds; the uppermost one of these is provided with a shed-rod, the others are sup- plied with nealds. I will number the healds and sheds from below upwards. The following diagram shows how the threads of the warp are arranged in the healds and on the rod. Warp a 56). 7 Ss ented a SS — a ale at Sree Fic. 45.—Diagram showing arrangement of threads of the warp in the healds and on the rod. Fic. 46.— Weaving of saddle-girth. When the weaver wishes the diagonal ridges to run upwards from right to left, she opens the sheds in regular order from below upwards thus: First, second, third, fourth, first, second, third, fourth, &e. When she wishes the ridges to trend in the contrary direction she opens the sheds in the inverse order. I found it convenient to take my illustra- tions of this mode of weaving from a girth. In Figs. 44 and 46 the mechanism is plainly shown. The lowest (first) shed is opened and the first set of healds drawn forward. The rings of the girth take the place of the beams of the loom. There is a variety of diagonal weaving practiced by the Navajos which produces diamond figures; for this the mechanism is the same 384 NAVAJO WEAVERS. as that just-described, except that the healds are arranged differently on the warp. The following diagram will explain this arrangement. To make the most approved series of diamonds the sheds are opened twice in the direct order (7. e., from below upwards) and twice in the Warp. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 il 0 Fe © ae | 15 16 17 18 Fic. 47.—Diagram showing arrangement of helds in diagonal weaving. inverse order, thus: First, second, third, fourth, first, second, third, fourth, third, second, first, fourth, third, second, first, fourth, and so on. If this order is departed from the figures become irregular. If the weaver continues more than twice consecutively in either order, a row Fic. 48.—Diagonal cloth. of V-shaped figures is formed, thus: VVVV. Plate XXXV _ repre- sents a woman weaving a blanket of this pattern, and Fig. 48 shows a portion of a blanket which is part plain diagonal and part diamond. §VILI. [have heretofore spoken of the Navajo weavers always as of the feminine gender because the large majority of them are women. 19 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1582 PL. XXXVI NAVAJO WUMAN WEAVING A BEL?. MATTHEWS. ] VARIETIES OF BLANKETS. 385 There are, however, a few men who practice the textile art, and among them are to found the best artisans in the tribe. §IX. Navajo blankets represent a wide range in quality and finish and an endless variety in design, notwithstanding that all their figures consist of straight lines and angles, no curves being used. As illustrat- ing the great fertility of this people in design I have to relate that in the finer blankets of intricate pattern out of thousands which I have examined, I do not remember to have ever seen two exactly alike. Among the coarse striped blankets there is great uniformity. Fic. 49.—Navajo blanket of the finest quality. The accompanying pictures of blankets represent some in my private collection. Fig. 49 depicts a blanket measuring 6 feet 9 inches by 5 feet 6 inches, and weighing nearly 6 pounds. It is made entirely of Germantown yarn in seven strongly contrasting colors, and is the work of a man who is generally conceded to be the best weaver in the tribe. A month was spent in its manufacture. Its figures are mostly in ser- rated stripes, which are the most difficult to execute with regularity. I have heard that the man who wove this often draws his designs on sand before he begins to work them on the loom. Fig. 50 @ shows a 3 ETPF—25 386 NAVAJO WEAVERS. blanket of more antique design and material. It is 6 feet 6 inches by 5 feet 3 inches, and is made of native yarn and bayeta. Its colors are Fic. 50.—Navajo blankets. black, white, dark-blue, red (bayeta) and—in a portion of the stair-like figures—a pale blue. Fig. 50 6 depicts a tufted blanket or rug, of a kind not common, having much the appearance of an Oriental rug; it Fic. 51.—Navajo bianket. is made of shredded red flannel, with a few simple figures in yellow, dark blue, and green. Fig. 51 represents a gaudy blanket of smaller size (5 feet 4 inches by 3 feet 7 inches) worn by a woman. Its colors are MATTHEWS | VARIETIES OF BLANKETS. 387 yellow, green, dark blue, gray, and red, all but the latter color beingin native yarn. Figs. 52 and 53 illustrate small or half-size blankets made for children’s wear. Such articles are often used for saddle Fic. 52.—Navajo blanket. blankets (although the saddle-cioth is usually of coarser material) and are in great demand among the Americans for rugs. Fig. 53 has a regular border of uniform device all the way around—a very rare thing Fic, 53.—Navajo blanket. in Navajo blankets. Figs. 54 and 55 show portions of coarse blankets made more for use use than ornament. Fig. 55 is made of loosely- twilled yarn, and is very warm but not water-proof. Such blankets 388 NAVAJO WEAVERS. make excellent bedding for troops in the field. Fig. 54 is a water-proof serape of well-twilled native wool. The aboriginal woman’s dress is made of two small blankets, equal Fic. 54.—Part of Navajo blanket. in size and similar in design, sewed together at the sides, with aper- tures left for the arms and no sleeves. It is invariably woven in black Fic. 55.—Part of Navajo blanket or dark-blue native wool with a broad variegated stripe in red im- ported yarn or red layeta at each end, the designs being of countless Fic. 56.—Diagram showing formation of warp of sash. variety. Plates XXXIV and XXXV represent women wearing such dresses. IM NVWOM INDZ ONIAV “LIGd Vv ADO'UONHLY AO AVAYNNE 88 LUOTaY TVANNY G IAXXX “ld MATTHEWS. | WEAVING OF SASHES. 389 § X. Their way of weaving long ribbon-like articles, such as sashes or belts, garters, and hair-bands, which we will next consider, presents many interesting variations from the method pursued in making blank- ets. To form a sash the weaver proceeds as follows: She drives into the ground four sticks and on them she winds her warp asa continuous string Fic. 57.—Section of Navajo belt. (however, as the warp usually consists of threads of three different colors it is not always one continuous string) from below upwards in such a way as to secure two sheds, as shown in the diagram, Fig. 56. Every turn of the warp passes over the sticks aand b; but itis alter- nate turns that pass over ¢ and d. When the warp is laid she ties a Fic. 58.—Wooden heald of the Zunis. string around the intersection of the sheds at e, so as to keep the sheds separate while she is mounting the warp onthe beams. She then places the upper beam of the loom in the place of the stick b and the lower beain in the place of the stick a. Sometimes the upper and lower beams are secured to the two side rails forming a frame such as the warp of a 390 NAVAJO WEAVERS. blanket is wound on (§ 1V); but more commonly the loom is arranged in the manner shown in Plate XX XVI; that is, the upper beam is secured to a rafter, post, or tree, while to the lower beam is attached a loop of rope that passes under the thighs of the weaver, and the warp is rendered tense by her weight. Next, the upper shed is supplied with a shed- rod and the lower shed with a set of healds. Then the stick at f (upper stick in Plate XXXVI) is put in; this is simply a round stick, about which one loop of each thread of the warp is thrown. (Although the warp may consist of only one thread I must now speak of each turn as a separate thread.) Its use is to keep the different threads in place and prevent them from crossing and straggling; for it must be remembered that the warp in this case is not secured at two points between three stranded cords as is the blanket warp. When this is all ready the insertion of the weft begins. The reed- fork is rarely needed and the batten used is much shorter than that employed in making blankets. Fig. 57 represents a section of a belt. It will be seen that the center is ornamented with peculiar raised fig- ures; these are made by inserting a slender stick into the warp, so as to hold up certain of the threads while the weft is passed twice or oftener underneath them. Itis practically a variety of damask or two- ply weaving; the figures on the opposite side of the belt being differ- ent. There is a limited variety of these figures. I think I have seen about a dozen different kinds. The experienced weaver is so well ac- quainted with the “count” or arrangements of the raised threads appro- priate to each pattern that she goes on inserting and withdrawing the slender stick referred to without a moment’s hesitation, making the web at the rate of 10 or 12 inches an hour. When the web has grown to the point at which she cannot weave it further without bring- ing the unfilled warp nearer to her, she is not obliged to resort to the clumsy method used with blankets. She merely seizes the anterior layer of the warp and pulls it down towards her; for the warp is not attached to the beams, but is movable on them; in other words, while still on the loom the belt is endless. When all the warp has been filled except about one foot, the weaving is completed; for then the unfilled warp is cut in the center and becomes the terminal fringes of the now finished belt. The only marked difference that I have observed between the me- chanical appliances of the Navajo weaver and those of her Pueblo neighbor is to be seen in the belt loom. The Zuni woman lays out her warp, not as a continuous thread around two beams, but as several dis- united threads. She attaches one end of these to a fixed object, usually a rafter in her dwelling, and the other to the belt she wears around her body. She has a set of wooden healds by which she actuates the alter- nate threads of the warp. Instead of using the slender stick of the Navajos to elevate the threads of the warp in forming her figures, she lifts these threads with her fingers. This is an easy matter with her BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXXVIII a il it =] il iain BRINGING DOWN THE BATTEN, matrHews.| COMPARISON OF AZTEC AND NAVAJO WEAVING. 391 Style of loom; butit would bea very difficult task with that of the Nava- jos. Plate XXXVII represents a Zuni woman weaving a belt. The wooden healds are shown, and again, enlarged, in Fig. 58. The Zuni women weave all their long, narrow webs according to the same system ; but Mr. Bandelier has informed me that the Indians of the Pueblo of Cochiti make the narrow garters and hair-bands after the manner of the Zunis, and the broad belts after the manner of the Nayajos. §XI. I will close by inviting the reader to compare Plate XXXVI and Fig. 59, The former shows a Navajo woman weaving a belt; the Fic. 59.—Girl weaving (from an Aztec picture). latter a girl of ancient Mexico weaving a web of some other deserip- tion. The one is from a photograph taken from life; the other I have copied from Tylor’s “ Anthropology” (p.248); but it appears earlier in the copy of Codex Vaticana in Lord Kingsborough’s “Antiquities of Mexico.” The way in which the warp is held down and made tense, by a rope or band secured to the lower beam and sat upon by the weaver, is the same in both cases. And it seems that the artist who drew the original rude sketch sought to represent the girl, not as working ‘“ the eross-thread of the woof in and out on a stick,” but as manipulating the reed-fork with one hand and grasping the heald-rod and shed-rod in the other. Norr.—The engravings were prepared while the author was in New Mexico and could not be submitted for his inspection until the paper was ready for the press. Some alterations were made from the original pictures. The following are the most important to be noted: In Plate XXXVIII the batten should appear held horizontally, not obliquely. Fig. 5 is reduced and cannot fairly delineate the gradations in color and regular sharp outlines of the finely-serrated figures. Fig, 53 does not convey the fact that the stripes are of uniform width and all the right-angles accurately made. = © r SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS OF THE UNIDED) SLATES, DERIVED FROM IMPRESSIONS ON POTTERY. BY WILLIAM H. HOLMES. 393 » ‘ e. @ - VONEP Aiea ; * i" 5. - ' : ol po e =i ase. : ry “Sy ah : _ he SG i- o ' [ - ous ’ 3 : i) a ie SO 7M ee ee itl#. Fae 4 a = -£ ~~ eed ‘ 7 ca , ~~ 7 a = a a va 5 “a im a v ry ro ‘eh a - oa 7 = NF ul ; * 1 3 ee De CONTENTS. MourthiGronpresn caer sss eee PSR GEO BREE = oP CORSE ED Be eee Ere LBV PAC CURTIT Joie Sate Bde nese oe ee Beate ge Ae Se Sele eile nn aarti ee SUG GEON Deseret oo en eee ean EI eee oe Am ey aS ee NEC STAN COU sere so eal forsee (OC es ep Eee eet Se ee ILLUSTRATIONS. PLATE XXXIX.—Pottery, with impressions of textile fabrics................-. Fic. 60.—Cord-marked vessel, Great Britain .............--...-.-----------. 61.—Cord and fabric marked vessel, Pennsylvania ............... ..... 62.—Combination of threads in coffee sacking ..........-. pr Sons nuceneee G3: SOCOM OLBa MO mse nenss seats tee Soe eps a basins scan eee E eens 64.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of New York...............--..--. 65.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of District of Columbia .......-.-. 66.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Arizona.......... ._.- BaF eer: 67.—Fabric from the caves of Kentucky.........- $3 Scape eonesgoree = 68.—Fabric from the Swiss Lake Dwellings ....................--- Goa Drice roman OUndiny ObtOve oe! eee en eee ee ees ee 70 Wabriciromtanmound in Ohio ees. 6-2 eee. se oe eens tone iL eC hON Of the SAMO neers en ee ee ee sans eee aeees oes 72.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee.................----. (Sie SOC ONO SRM mor ee ee aes eae es is Sook acisac beck ck 74.—Diagram showing method of weaving -......... .........--..------ (o—Devicolfor makin etthetwistas-5ess-2 sae ee se oe ae ene Soeee en 76.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee............-......--- 77.—F abric from the ancient pottery of Georgia.................--. ---- 78.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee..-...........---.---. 79.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee.................----- 80.—F abric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee... -. Sere sabe 81.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Arkansas ..--..-....-.--..-.--. 82.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Illinois ................. ...--- 83.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Illinois ........................ 84.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Missouri................._. __.. 85.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee........_... .......... 56.—Habric from acopper celt, lowa-=--=----.-2--- -.---= .ses-.--5----- 87-—Fabrie from) Vancouver's Island --2__....--- .--------.-------+---. 88.—Fabric from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland ......._........--- 89.—Fabric from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland .......... ..... .--- 90.—Fabric from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland ...............---- Ji Hecvion On tmird form Offa DTiC se. ae 1-me 222 ee sce ie eons coe oe =e Sane DOVICE LOL WEANING) SAME eaey ass oA \e soe eee eeieens see aee ee sees 396 Fic. ILLUSTRATIONS 93.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee.---......-........-.-- 94.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee................-..---- 95.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee........-... ...--..-.. 96.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee........--.....-..-..-- 97.—Fabric from the Northwest coast......-.-.--. gininre Peete setae ene 98.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Tennessee....-.....-..--.....--- 99.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Alabama.......-..-...-.-...-.-. 100.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Iowa .......---.....-. ----.---. 101: —Plaiting of anjancient sandalle--- 2. += s2e eee ee eee eee eee eee 102.—Braiding done by the Lake Dwellers....--.. -.- Seis So 103.—Fabrie from the ancient pottery of District of Colma Bees Ss 104.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of North Carolina ...-..-.......... 105.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of North Carolina .............-... 106:—Net}from the’ Lake Dwellings) 2-22. eee --e. seers sete = 107.— Fabric from the ancient pottery of New Jersey .-.--.-.-...-.-.--- 108.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of New Jersey ..--......-.-.- ----- 109.—-Fabric from the ancient pottery of New Jersey ......----.---.------- 110.—Fabric from the ancient pottery of Pennsylvania ....-...-.-....---- 111.—Impression on the ancient pottery of Ohio...-....--- caemece 112.—Impression on the ancient pottery of New Jersey -...-.-..-..-.----- 113.—Inpression on the ancient pottery of Alabama.-.--.....-..--..-.----- 114.—Impression on the ancient pottery of Maryland........---..-...---- 115.—Impression on the ancient pottery of Alabama....-. .---...---.----- | PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS OF THE UNITED STATES, DERIVED FROM IMPRESSIONS ON POTTERY. By W. H. HoLMEs. INTRODUCTORY. It is not my intention in this paper to make an exhaustive study of the art of weaving as practiced by the ancient peoples of this country. To do this would necessitate a very extended study of the materials used and of the methods of preparing them, as well as of the arts of spinning and weaving practiced by primitive peoples generally. This would be a very wide field, and one which I have no need of entering. I may state here, however, that the materials used by savages in weaving their simple fabrics consist generally of the fibre of bark, flax, hemp, nettles, and grasses, which is spun into thread of various sizes; or of splints of wood, twigs, roots, vines, porcupine quills, feathers, and a variety of animal tissues, either plaited or used in an untwisted state. The articles produced are mats, baskets, nets, bags, plain cloths, and entire gar- ments, such as capes, hats, belts, and sandals. It has been noticed by a few authors that twisted or plaited cords, as well as a considerable variety of woven fabrics, have been used by primi- tive tribes in the manufacture and ornamentation of pottery. Impres- sions of these made in the soft clay are frequently preserved on very ancient ware, the original fabrics having long since crumbled to dust. It is to these that I propose calling attention, their restoration having been successfully accomplished in many hundreds of cases by taking impressions in clay from the ancient pottery. The perfect manner in which the fabric in all its details of plaiting, netting, and weaving can be brought out is a matter of astonishment; the cloth itself could hardly make all the particulars of its construction more manifest. The examples presented in the accompanying plate will be very instructive, as the fragment of pottery is given on the left, with its rather obscure intaglio impressions, and the clay cast on the right with the cords of the fabric in high relief. The great body of illustrations have been made in pen directly from the clay impressions, and, although 397 398 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. details are more distinctly shown than in the specimens themselves, | beheve that nothing is presented that cannot with ease be seen in the originals. Alongside of these restorations I have placed illustrations of fabrics from other primitive sources. a There appears to be a pretty general impression that baskets of the ordinary rigid character have been extensively used by our ancient peoples in the manufacture of pottery to build the vessel in or upon; but my investigations tend to show that such is not the case, and that nets or sacks of pliable materials have been almost exclusively employed. These have been applied to the surface of the vessel, sometimes covering the exterior entirely, and at others only the body or a part of the body. The interior surface is sometimes partially decorated in the same man- ner. The nets or other fabrics used have generally been removed before the vessel was burned or even dried. Professor Wyman, in speaking casu- ally of the cord-marked pottery of Tennessee, says: “Tt seems incredible that even an Indian would be so prodigal of time and labor as to make the necessary quantity of well-twisted cord or thread, and weave it into shape for the mere purpose of serving as a mold which must be destroyed in making a single copy.” This remark is, however, based upon a false assumption. The fact that the net or fabric has generally been removed while the clay was still soft being susceptible of easy proof. I have observed in many cases that handles and ornaments have been added, and that impressed and in- cised designs have been made in the soft clay after the removal of the woven fabric; besides this there would be no need of the support of a net after the vessel had been fully finished and slightly hardened. Fur- thermore, I have no doubt that these textilia were employed as much for the purpose of enhancing the appearance of the vessel as for supporting it during the process of construction. I have obseryed, in relation to this point, that in a number of cases, notably the great salt vessels of Saline River, Illinois, the fabric has been applied after the vessel was finished. I arrive at this conclusion from having noticed that the loose threads of the net-like cover sag or festoon toward the rim as if ap- plied to the inverted vessel, Fig. 82. If the net had been used to suspend the vessel while building, the threads would necessarily have hung in the opposite direction. In support of the idea that ornament was a leading consideration in the employment of these coarse fabrics, we have the well-known fact that simple cord-markings, arranged to form patterns, have been em- ployed by many peoples for embellishment alone. This was a common practice of the ancient inhabitants of Great Britain, as shown by Jewett. The accompanying cut (Fig. 60) is copied from his work. ! It is a remarkable fact that very few entire cord-marked vessels have ' Jewett, Llewellynn: Grave mounds and their contents, p. 92. HOLMES. ] FABRIC MARKED VESSELS. 399 been obtained in this country, although fragments of such are very plentiful. In Fig. 61 we have an ancient vase from Pennsylvania. It presents a combination of net or basket markings and of separate cord. markings. The regularity of the impressions upon the globular body indicates almost unbroken contact with the interior surface of the woven vessel. The neck and rim have apparently received finishing touches by sepa- rately impressing cords or narrow bands of some woven fabric. Many examples show very irregular markings such as might have been made by rolling the plastie vessel irregularly upon a woven surface, or Fic. 60.—Ancient British vase with cord ornamentation. by molding it in an improvised sack made by tying up the margins of a piece of cloth. It is necessary to distinguish carefully the cord and fabric markings - from the stamped designs ‘so common in southern pottery, as well as from the incised designs, some of which imitate fabric markings very closely. I shall present at once a selection from the numerous examples of the fabrics restored. For convenience of study I have arranged them in six groups, some miscellaneous examples being added in a seventh group. For comparison, a number of illustrations of both ancient and modern textiles are presented. In regard to methods of manufacture but little need be said. The 400 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. appliances used have been extremely simple, the work in a vast ma- jority of eases having been done by hand. It is probable that in many instances a simple frame has been used, the threads of the web or warp being fixed at one end and those of the woof being carried through them by the fingers or by a simple needle or shuttle. A loom with a device for carrying the alternate threads of the warp back and forth may have Fic. 61.—Ancient fabric warked vessel, Pennsylvania. been used, but that form of fabric in which the threads are twisted in pairs at each crossing of the woof could only have been made by hand. The probable methods will be dwelt upon more in detail as the groups are presented. In verifying the various methods of fabrication I have been greatly assisted by Miss Kate C. Osgood, who has successfully re- produced, in cotton cord, all the varieties discovered, all the mechanism necessary being a number of pins set in a drawing board or frame, in the form of three sides of a rectangle, the warp being fixed at one end only and the woof passing back and forth between the lateral rows of pins, as shown in Fig. 74. HOLMES. ] SIMPLE FORMS OF FABRICS. 401 FIRST GROUP. Fig. 62 illustrates a small fragment of an ordinary coffee sack which I take as a type of the first group. It is a loosely woven fabric of the simplest construction; the two sets of threads being interwoven at right angles to each other, alternate threads of one series passing over and under each of the opposing series as shown in the section, Fig. 63. It is a remarkable fact that loosely woven examples of this kind of cloth are rarely, if ever, found among the impressions upon elay or in the fabrics themselves where preserved by the salts of copper or by char- ring. The reason of this probably is that the combination is such that when loosely woven the threads would not remain in place under tension, and the twisted and knotted varieties were consequently preferred. Fic. 62.—Type of Group one—portion of a coffee sack. Fic. 63.—Section. It is possible that many of the very irregular impressions observed, in which it is so difficult to trace the combinations of the threads, are of distorted fabries of this class. This stuff may be woven by hand in a sumple frame, or by any of the primitive forms of the loom. In most cases, so far as the impressions upon pottery show, when this particular combination is employed, the warp is generally very heavy and the woof comparatively light. This gives a cloth differing greatly from the type in appearance; and when, as is usually the case, the woof threads are beaten down tightly, obscuring those of the web, the resem- blance to the type is quite lost. Examples of this kind of weaving may be obtained from the fictile re- mains of nearly all the Atlantic States. The specimen presented in Fig. 64 was obtained from a small frag- ment of ancient pottery from the State of New York. It is generally quite difficult to determine which set of threads is the warp and which the woof. In most cases I have preferred to call the 3 ETH—26 402 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. more closely placed threads the woof, as they are readily beaten down by a baton, whereas it would be difficult to manipulate the warp threads if so closely placed. In the specimen illustrated, only the tightly woven threads of the woof appear. The impression is not sufficiently distinet Fic. 64.—Fabrie impressed upon ancient pottery, New York. to show the exact character of the thread, but there are indications that it has been twisted. The regularity and prominence of the ridges indicate a strong, tightly drawn warp. Fig. 65 represents a form of this type of fabric very common in im- See Jeb biel ede Ve\=\e\a\ lalate =a ==} Fic, 65.—From a fragment of encient pottery, District of Columbia. pressions upon the pottery of the Middle Atlantic States. This specimen was obtained from a small potsherd picked up near Washington, D. C. The woof or cross-threads are small and uniform in thickness, and pass alternately over and under the somewhat rigid fillets of the web. The apparent rigidity of these fillets may result from the tightening of the series when the fabric was applied to the plastic surface of the vessel. I present in Fig. 66 the only example of the impression of a woven fab- Fic. 66.—From a fragment of ancient Cliff-house pottery. ric found by the writer in two summers’ work among the remains of the ancient Oliff-Dwellers. It was obtained from the banks of the San Juan River, in southeastern Utah. It is probably the imprint of the inte- a HOLMES. } SIMPLE FORMS OF FABRICS. 403 rior surface of a more or less rigid basket, such as are to be seen among many of the modern tribes of the Southwest. Aico Simil —— uy —A S= \Wvantnereanyf) The character of the VQ 2 ——S IE —> wut! a> = Mer eto = Fie. 67.—Fabric fro mmr m a cave in Kentucky. warp cannot be determined, as the woof, which has been of moderately heavy rushes or other untwisted vegetable fillets, entirely hides it. The caves of Kentucky have furnished specimens of ancient weaving Fic. 68.—Fabric from § wiss Lake-Dwellings. of much interest.. One of these, a small fragment of a mat apparently made from the fiber of bark, or a fibrous rush, is illustrated in Fig. 67. This simple combination of the web and woof has been employed Fic. 69.—Cloth from a mound, Ohio. by all ancient weavers who have left Fic. 70.—Cloth from a mound, Ohio. Fic. 71.—Section. us examples of their work. The specimen given in Fig. 68 is the work of the ancient Lake-Dwellers 404 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. of Switzerland. Itis a mat plaited or woven of strips of bast, and was found at Robenhausen, having been preserved in a charred state. Kel- ler gives another example of a similar fabric of much finer texture in Vig. 8, Pl. CXXXVI. An illustration of this form of fabric is given by Foster,* and repro- duced in Fig. 69. In the same place this author presents another form of cloth shown in my Fig.70. In Fig. 71 we have a section of this fabric. These cloths, with a number of other specimens, were taken from a mound on the west side of the Great Miama River, Butler County, Ohio. The fabric in both samples appears to be composed of some material allied to hemp. As his remarks on these specimens, as well as on the general subject, are quite interesting, I quote them somewhat at length. “The separation between the fibre and the wood appears to have been as thorough and effectual as at this day by the process of rotting and hackling. The thread, though coarse, is uniform in size, and regularly spun. Two modes of weaving are recognized: In one, by the alternate intersection of the warp and woof, and in the other, the weft is wound once around the warp, a process which could not be accomplished ex- © cept by hand. In the illustration the interstices have been enlarged to show the method of weaving, but in the original the texture was about the same as that in coarse sail-cloth. In some of the Butler County specimens there is evidently a fringed border.” In regard to the second specimen described, I would remark that it is a very unusual form, no such combination of the parts having come to my notice either in the ancient fabrics themselves or in the impres- sions on pottery. In a very closely woven cloth it might be possible to employ such a combination, each thread of the web being turned once around each thread of the woof as shown in Fig. 71; but certainly it would work in a very unsatisfactory manner in open fabrics. Iwould suggest that this example may possibly belong to my second group, which, upon the surface, would have a similar appearance. The combi- nation of this form is shown in the section, Fig. 73. SECOND GROUP. It is not impossible, as previously stated, that open fabrics of the plain type were avoided for the reason that the threads would not re- main in place if subjected to tension. A very ingenious method of fixing the threads of open work, without resorting to the device of knotting has been extensively employed in the manufacture of ancient textiles. 2? Keller: Lake-Dwellers. Fig. 2, Pl. CXXXIV. °’ Foster: Prehistoric Times. HOLMES. ] ANALYSIS OF SECOND FORM OF FABRIC. 405 The simplest form of cloth in which this combination is used is shown in Fig. 72. This example, which was obtained from a small fragment of pottery found in Polk County, Tennessee, may be taken as a type. Fic. 73.—£ ection. Two series of threads are interwoven at right angles, the warp series being arranged in pairs and the woof singly. At each intersection the pairs of warp threads are twisted half arcund upon themselves, inclos- ing the woof threads and holding them quite firmly, so that the open mesh is well preserved even when much strained. Fabrics of this char- acter haye been employed by the ancient potters of a very extended region, including nearly all the Atlantic States. There are also many varieties of this form of fabric resulting from differences in the size and ON zzz PAPA PP IIPT PLD PPPP DIATE PIEI ED LZ ZZ ZZ LADEN rt Fic. 74.—Diagram showing the method of weaving Form 2, spacing of the threads. These differences are well brought out in the series of illustrations that follow. 406 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. In regard to the manufacture of this particular fabric, I am unable to arrive at any very definite conclusion. As demonstrated by Miss Osgood, it may be knitted by hand, the threads of the warp being fixed at one end and the woof at both by wrapping about pegs set in a drawing board or frame, as shown in the diagram, Fig. 74. Fic. 75.—Theoretic device fur working the twist. The combination is extremely difficult to produce by mechanical means, and must have been beyond the reach of any primitive loom. Ihave prepared a diagram, Fig. 75, which shows very clearly the ar- rangement of threads, and illustmntes a possible method of supporting a | ro | ry awa mae = i | | oe ie \ \ YY |} \ \ f | i Ur ar \ sah iZ i ap | [ rive aol | i mi {| — 1 \ i in ay an fii 2 b SZ 5 2aZae NY q f itr ee Fr ZZ , = i i 5 Jt aA = eee Meee Se ST, a Fic. 76.—From fragment of mound pottery, Tennessee. the warp while the woof is carried across. As each thread of the woof is laid in place, the threads of the warp can be thrown to the opposite support, a turn or half twist being made at each exchange. The work could be done equally well by beginning at the top and working down- HOLMES. } FABRICS FROM THE SOUTHERN STATES. A407 ward. For the sake of clearness I have drawn but one pair of the warp threads. Fig. 76 illustrates a characteristic example of this class obtained from a fragment of pottery from the great mound at Sevierville, Tenn. The impression is quite perfect. The cords are somewhat uneven, and seem to have been only moderately well twisted. They were prob- ably made of some vegetable fiber. It will be observed that the threads of the woof are placed at regular intervals, while those of the web are irregularly placed. Itis interesting to notice that in one case the warp has not been doubled, the single thread having, as a consequence, ex- actly the same relation to the opposing series as corresponding threads \ cocoath LEED ih y Av. \ K ) I \ | Tt \ LEZ \ ’ Lif A =— Fic. 78.—From ancient pottery, Tennessee. in the first form of fabric presented. The impression, of which this is only a part, indicates that the cloth was considerably distorted when applied to the soft clay. Theslipping of one of the woof threads is well shown in the upper part of the figure. The fabric shown in Fig. 77 has been impressed upon an earthen ves- sel from Macon, Ga. It has been very well and neatly formed, and all the details of fiber, twist, and combination can be made out. The example given in Fig. 75 differs from the preceding in the spac- ing and pairing of the warp cords. It was obtained from a fragment of ancient pottery recently collected at Reel Foot Lake, Tennessee. 408 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. Fig. 79 represents another interesting specimen from the pottery of the same locality. The border is woven somewhat differently from the body ZB DED, ZS eee ZESEB ZZ ee BB Fic. 79.—From ancient pottery, Tennessee. of the fabric, two threads of the woof being included in each loop of the warp. Fig. 80 is from the pottery of the same locality. The threads are much more closely woven than those already given. STEED ES 2 Za j BS Sass = NAT POTN Fic. 80.—From ancient pottery, Tenn ssee. The next example, Fig. $1, impressed upon a fragment of clay from Arkansas, has been made of coarse, well twisted cords. An ornamen- tal border has been produced by looping the cords of the woof, which ee Ow Fanta 4. 1 A TT TL Zz rae ‘Ke Z LY ey nail Ut N eR DE a Saag “4 aU if roo Vy) \N NY N \ \ Fic. 81.—From a piece of clay, Arkansas. seem to have been five in number, each one passing over four others before recrossing the warp. HOLMES. ] FABRICS OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 409 In nolocality are so many fine impressions of textiles upon clay vessels found as in the ancient salt-making districts of the Mississippi Valley. The huge bowl or tub-like vessels used by the primitive salt-makers have very generally been modeled in coarse nets, or otherwise have had many varieties of netting impressed upon them for ornament. In the accompanying plate (XX XIX) two fine examples of these 1m- pressions are given. They are somewhat more clearly defined than the majority of those from which the other illustrations are made. Fig. 82 illustrates a specimen in which every detail is perfectly pre- served. Only a small portion of the original is shown in the cut. The cords are heavy and well twisted, but the spacing is somewhat irregu- lar. I observe one interesting fact in regard to this impression. The fabric has apparently been applied to the inverted vessel, as the loose cords of the woof which run parallel with the rim droop or hang in fes- toons between the cords of the warp as shown in the illustration, which is here placed, as drawn from the inverted fragment. Fic. §2.—From fragment of a largesalt vessel, Saline River, Illinois. The inference to be drawn from this fact is that the fabric was ap- plied to the exterior of the vessel, after it was completed and inverted, for the purpose of enhancing its beauty. When we recollect, however, that these vessels were probably built for service only, with thick walls and rude finish, we are at a loss to see why so much pains should have been taken in their embellishment. It seems highly probable that, gen. erally, the inspiring idea was one of utility, and that the fabric served in some way as a support to the pliable clay, or that the net-work of Shallow impressions was supposed to act after the manner of a dégrais- sant to neutralize the tendency to fracture. Another example from the same locality is shown in Fig. 83. This is Similar to that shown in the lower figure of Plate XXXIX. Itis very neatly woven of evenly spun and well-twisted thread. The double series is widely spaced as shown in the drawing. The very interesting specimen illustrated in Fig. 84 was obtained from a small fragment of pottery found in Fort Ripley County, Mis- A410 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. souri. The combination of the two series of threads or strands clearly indicates the type of fabric under consideration, the twisted cords of Fic. 83.—Fro: a salt vessel, Saline River, Llinois. the warp being placed very far apart. The remarkable feature of this example is the character of the woof, which seems to be a broad braid Fic. §4.—From ancient pottery, Missouri. formed by plaiting three strands of untwisted fiber, probably bast. AIL the details are shown in the most satisfactory manner in the clay cast. Hadi \\ \ Hy Iii ANNNUON N | \\h RY \R iN N\ { NA) \ NY \ \ Wk Fic. 85.—F rom ancient pottery, Tennessee, \ i \ \\AA a \\ i ANY W\ EAR HOLMES. ] FABRICS FROM THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY. 411 The open character of the web in this specimen assists very much in explaining the structure of tightly-woven examples such as that shown in Fig. 85, in whicb the cross cords are so closely placed that the broad bands of the opposing series are completely hidden. I have made the drawing to show fillets of fiber appearing at the ends. These do not appear in the impression. It is highly probable, however, that these fillets are plaited bands, as in the preceding exam- ple. They are wide and flat, giving somewhat the effect of basket-work of splints or of rushes. This Specimen was obtained in Carter County, Tennessee. We have a few pieces of this variety of fabric which have been ia We A Sea age er Sin a i ih act ae nh 1S \N i RN YANN) SAN VN) NAV Mit YY AY ENN WA ARN) i "} Mu ATT i yay © 8 Wain 3 gy Af yay . 8 Fic. 86.—Fabric from a copper celt, Iowa. preserved by contact with the salts of copper. Professor Farquhar- son describes an example from a mound on the banks of the Missis- sippi River, near the city of Davenport. It had been wrapped about a copper implement resembling a celt, and was at the time of its re- covery in a very perfect state of preservation. In describing this cloth Mr. Farquharson says that “the warp is composed of four cords, that is, of two double and twisted cords, and the woof of one such doubled and twisted cord which passes between the two parts of the warp; the latter being twisted at each change, allowing the cords to be brought close together so as to cover the woof almost entirely.” His illustration 412 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. is somewhat erroneous, the artist not having had quite a clear under- standing of the combination of threads. This cloth has a general re- semblance to ordinary coffee-sacking. In Fig. 86 I give an illustration of this fabrie derived from the opposite side of the celt. I aT S {FZ | =| a ifseA Fic. 87.—Modern work, Vancouver's Island. Although I am not quite positive, it is my opinion, after having exam- ined the specimen carefully, that the body of the cloth belongs to my first group and that the border only is of the second group. My section and drawing give a clear idea of the construction of this fabric. A finely- Fics. 88 and 89.—Fabrics from the Lake Dwellings, Switzerland. preserved bit of cloth belonging to the group under consideration was recently found fixed to the surface of a copper image from one of the Etowah mounds in Georgia. This form of weaving is very common among the productions of the modern tribes of Western America. A very good example is shown in Fig. 87, which represents the border of a cape like garment made by the HOLMES. ] FABRICS OF THE LAKE DWELLERS. 413 Clyoquot Indians, of Vancouver’s Island. It is woven, apparently, of the fiber of bark, both web and woof showing considerable diversity in the size of the cords. The border has been strengthened by sewing in a broad, thin fillet of rawhide. The beautiful mats of the northwest coast peoples, from California to Ounalaska, are often woven in this manner, the materials being bast, grass, or rushes. The Lake Dwellers of Switzerland seem to have made a great many varieties of cloth of this type. I have reproduced four examples from the great work of Dr. Keller. Fig. 88 is copied from his Fig. 1, Plate CXXXY. It exhibits some variations from the type, double strips of YG. 90.—Fabrie from the Lake Dwellings, Switzerland. bast being bound by a woof consisting of alternate strips of bast and cords. It is from Robenhausen. In Figs. 89 and 90 we have typical examples from the same locality. The woof series seems to consist of untwisted strands of bast or flax. THIRD GROUP. A third form of fabric is distinguished from the last by marked _ pe- culiarities in the combinations of the threads. The threads of the warp are arranged in pairs as in the last form described, but are twisted in such away as to inclose two of the opposing series instead of one, each succeeding pair of warp threads taking up alternate pairs of the woof threads, as shown 'in the section, Fig. 91. Thisis a very interesting- variety, and apparently one that would possess coherence and elasticity of a very high order. In Fig. 92 a simple scheme of plaiting or weaving this material is Suggested. It will be seen to differ from the last chiefly in the Way in which the woof is taken up by the warp. The ancient pottery of the Mississippi Valley furnishes many examples of this fabric. It is made of twisted cords and threads of sizes similar 414 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. to those of the other work described, varying from the weight of ordi- nary spool cotton to that of heavy twine. The mesh is generally quite open. Fic. 91.—Sectier. Fic. 92.—Theoretical device for weaving third group. In Fig. 93 we have a very well preserved example from Reelfoot Lake, Tennessee. It was obtained froma large fragment of coarse pottery. Other pieces are nearly twice as coarse, while some are much finer, Fic. 93.—From the ancient pottery of Tennessee. Figs. 94 and 95 are finer specimens from the same locality. We have also good examples from Saline River, Illinois. They are obtained from fragments of the gigantic salt vessels so plentiful in that locality. § Y XA we Od eae a= [fataweru"alavayg A ipawawirararavani se = 2 4 aE Fic. 94. Fic. 95. From thesancient pottery of Tennessee. HOLMES. ] MISCELLANEOUS FABRICS. 415 The upper figure of Plate XX XIX illustrates one of these specimens. Other examples have been obtained from Roane County, Tennessee, A piece of charred cloth from a mound in Butler County, Ohio, has been woven in this manner. Foster has described examples of the two preceding forms from the same locality. The material used is a vegetable fiber obtained from the bark of trees or from some fibrous weed. This specimen is now in the National Museum. An interesting variety of this form is given in Fig. 96. It is from a Fic. 96.—From ancient pottery, Tennessee. > > LP TPM TOTT | small piece of pottery exhumed from a mound on Fain’s Island, Jefferson County, Tennessee. The threads of the woof are quite close together, those of the web far apart. A very fine example of this variety of fabric was ob‘ained by Dr. Yar- row from an ancient cemetery near Dos Pueblos, Cal. It is illustrated in Fig. 2, Plate XIV, vol. VU, of Surveys West of the 100th Meridian. In describing it, Professor Putnam says that the fiber is probably obtained from a species of yucca. He says that “ the woof is made of two strands crossing the warp in such a manner that the strands alternate in passing over and under it, and at the same time inclosing two alternate strands of the latter, making a letter X figure of the warp, united at the center of the X by the double strands of the woof.” It should be noticed that = pS i) va se CERERTECIGN th \\ \ x! YA ‘) \ Y | | i AN NVANIOL VARA (yt | NG \ Yo y J \ \ 4 44 WAG \ me AAT AVA wae 2 ve avid Fic. 97.—Modern fabric, Northwest coast. the series of cords called the woof by Professor Putnam are designated as warp in my own descriptions. The illustration shows a fabric iden- tical with that given in the upper figure of Plate XX XIX, and the de- scription quoted describes perfectly the ty pe of fabric under consideration. ‘Putnam, F. W., in Vol. VII of Surveys West of the 100th Meridian, page 244, 416 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. This method of weaving is still practiced by some of the western tribes, as may be seen by a visit to the national collection. A somewhat complicated arrangement of the threads may be seen in the fabric shown in Fig. 97. It is clearly only a variation of the com- bination just described. The manner in which the threads pass over, under, and across each other can be more easily understood by refer- ence to the figure than by any description. It comes from one of the Northwest coast tribes. FOURTH GROUP. A fourth form of fabric, illustrated in Fig. 98, is of very rare occur- rence on our fictile remains. ; It is a very neatly woven diagonal from the ancient pottery of Polk ; S/ y Nh Wy dA OO VA ed aS BLASS dy WO Ces as WT ¢ ALY hh Fic. 98.—Diagonal fabric, ancient pottery of Tennessee. County, Tennessee. Two series of cords haye been interwoven at right angles to each other, but so arranged as to produce a diagonal pattern. == ii i = Ne NS iS a a F 1G, 99.—From the ancient pottery of Alabama. One series of the cords is fine and well twisted, the other coarser and very slightly twisted. The remarkable sample of matting shown in Fig. 99 is from a small piece of pottery from Alabama. It has been worked in the diagonal HOLMES. | DIAGONAL FABRICS. 417 Style, but is somewhat different from the last example. It has probably been made of rushes or heavy blades of grass. The texture shown in Fig. 100 is from a rather indistinct impression upon a small fragment of pottery from Iowa. One series of the strands Fic. 100.—From paicient pottery, Iowa. seems to have been quite rigid, while the other has been pliable, and ap- pear in the impression only where they have crossed the rigid series. The dotted lines indicate their probable course on the under side of the cross threads. This form of fabric is very common in modern work. FIFTH GROUP. In Fig. 101 I present a variety of ancient fabrie which has not to my knowledge been found upon ceramic products. This specimen shows Ve YI ® ! SS ZZ SSS SS =~ < 418 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. the method of plaiting sandals practiced by the ancient inhabitants of Kentucky. Numbers of these very interesting relics have been ob- tained from the great caves of that State. They are beautifully woven, and well shaped to the foot. The fiber has the appearance of bast and is plaited in untwisted strands, after the manner shown in the illustration. Professor Putman deseribes a number of cast-off sandals from Salt Cave, Kentucky, as “neatly made of finely braided and twisted leaves of rushes.” ® Fig. 102 illustrates a somewhat similar method of plaiting practiced by the Lake Dwellers of Switzerland, from one of Keller’s figures. ° Fic. 102.—Braiding done by the Lake-Dwellers. SIXTH GROUP. The art of making nets of spun and twisted cords seems to have been practiced by many of the ancient peoples of America. Beautiful ex- amples have been found in the hwacas of the Incas and in the tombs of the Aztecs. They were used by the prehistoric tribes of California and the ancient inhabitants of Alaska. Nets were in use by the Indians of Florida and Virginia at the time of the discovery, and the ancient pot- tery of the Atlantic States has preserved impressions of a number of varieties. It is possible that some of these impressions may be from European nets, but we have plentiful historical proof that nets of hemp were in use by the natives, and as all of this pottery is very old it is probable that the impressions upon the fragments are from nets of native manufacture. Wyman states that nets or net impressions have not been found among the antiquities of Tennessee. I have found, however, that the pottery of Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland furnish examples of net- ®’Putnam, F. W. Eighth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum, p. 49. 6Keller, Dr. F. Lake Dwellers. Fig. 3; Pl. CXXXVI. HOLMES. ] NETS FROM THE ATLANTIC COAST. 419 tiug in great numbers. In many cases the meshes have been distorted by stretching and overlapping so that the fabric cannot be examined in detail; in other cases the impressions have been so deep that casts can- not be taken, and in a majority of cases the fragments are so decayed that no details of the cords and their combinations can be made out. Fic. 103.—From ancient pottery, District of Columbia. In Fig. 103 we have a thoroughly satisfactory restoration from a small fragment of pottery picked up in the District of Columbia. It is shown a little larger than natural size in the drawing. The impression is so perfect that the twist of the cord and the form of the knot may be seen with ease. Most of the examples from this locality are of much finer cord and have a less open mesh than the specimen illustrated. It is a 5 ee i cere SS = = ld “p= did. [ ¢ ; Fic. 104.—Net from the pottery of North Carolina. noteworthy fact that in one of these specimens an incised pattern has been added to the surface of the soft clay after the removal of the net. Recent collections from the mounds of Western North Carolina have brought to light many examples of net-marked pottery. Generally the impressions are quite obscure, but enough can be seen in the cast to 420 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. show clearly the character of the fabric. The restoration given in Fig. 104 represents an average mesh, others being finer and others coarser. Another specimen from the same collection is shown in Fig. 105. The impression is not very distinct, but there is an apparent doubling of the cords, indicating a very unusual combination. It is Fic. 105.—Net from the pottery of North Carolina. possible that this may have come from the imperfect imprinting, but I can detect no indications of a shifting of the net upon the soft clay, Many interesting examples could be given, both from the ancient and modern work of the inhabitants of the Pacific coast, but for the present I shall content myself by presenting a single example from the Lake Dwellings of Switzerland (Fig. 106): Fic. 106.—Net from the Swiss Lake Dwellings. Keller, plate, cxxx. MISCELLANEOUS FORMS. The forms of fabrics used by the ancient tribes of the Middle and Northern Atlantic States in the manufacture and ornamentation of their pottery have differed materially from those used in the South and West. As arule the fragments are smaller and the impressions less perfectly preserved. The fabrics have been more complicated and less carefully applied to the vessel.. In many cases the impressions seem to have been made from disconnected bands, belts, or strips of cloth. Single cords, HOLMES. | FABRICS FROM NEW JERSEY. 421 or cords arranged in groups by rolling on sticks, or by other contriv- ances, have been extensively employed. Baskets have doubtless been used, some of which have been woven, but others have apparently been of bark or skin, with stitched designs of thread or quills. Some of the impressions suggest the use of woven vessels or fabrics filled up with clay or resin, so that the prominences only are imprinted, or otherwise cloths may have been used in which raised figures were worked. Fig. 107 is obtained from a fragment of pottery from New J ersey. The impressions are extremely puzzling, but are such as I imagine might be (in Vy Map | Ta Rar \\ KGa | lle Fic. 107.—From the ancient pottery of New Jersey. made by the use of a basket, the meshes of which had been filled up with clay or resin so that only the more prominent ridges or series of thongs remain uncovered to give impressions upon the clay. But the threads or thongs indicate a pliable net rather than a basket, and the ap- pearance of the horizontal threads at the ends of the series of raised stitches suggests that possibly the material may have been bark or smooth cloth with a heavy pattern stitched into it. Very similar to the above is the example given in Fig. 108, also de- ' rived from the pottery of New Jersey. EO et pela aide WO) eb SEK es, “Seb yt: cignueceseael een Fic. 108.—From the ancient pottery of New Jersey. Fig. 109 illustrates an impression upon another fragment from the same state. This impression may have been made by a piece of birch bark or fine fabric with a pattern sewed into it with cords or quills. 422 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. Fig. 110 illustrates an impression upon a large, well-made vase, with scalloped rim, from Easton, Pa. The character of the fabric is difficult to make out, the impression suggesting bead-work. That it is from a fabric, however, is evident from the fact that there is system and uni- Fic. 109.—From the ancient pottery of New Jersey. formity in the arrangement of markings, the indentations alternating as in the impressions of fabrics of the simplest type. Yet there is an ap- pearance of patchwork in the impression that suggests separate appli- cations of the material. In Figs. 111 and 112 we have what appear to be impressions of bands Sacks = Fic. 110.—F rom tke ancient pottery of Pennsylvania. or belts. The first shown consists of six parallel cords, coarse and well twisted, with a border of short cord indentations placed at regular in- tervals. This is avery usual form in all parts of the country, from the Mandan towns of the Missourito Florida. It is possible that the cords may in this case have been separately impressed, but the example given HOLMES. | FABRIC AND CORD MARKINGS. 423 in Fig. 112 is undoubtedly from a woven band or belt, the middle portion of which seems to have been a closely-woven cloth, with a sort of pat- tern produced by series of raised or knotted aimensles The borders con- Fic. 111.—From the ancient pottery of Ohio. sist of single longitudinal cord impressions with an edging of short cord indentations placed at right angles to the belt. WW SY \\\ \ <\ aK \ LOO NY ‘ XOX ae Hele ye on ae oS pee er) A ap yy" Os \ * GAG ) .y aS I) = a kee a Fig. 112.—From the ancient pottery of New Jersey. Similar to the last is the very effective decorative design impressed upon a large fragment of pottery from Alabama, shown in Fig. 113. The a \ Si KAY ee ve I X IEEE SSS SEE KEES IS ae a SS é Fic. 113.—From the ancient pottery of Alabama. 424 PREHISTORIC TEXTILE FABRICS. peculiarity of this example is the use of plaited instead of twisted cords. The work is neatly done and very effective. It seems to me almost cer- tain that single cords have been used. They have been so imprinted as to form a zone, filled with groups of lines placed at various angles. An ornamental border of short lines has been added, as in the examples previously given. Two other examples of cord ornamentation, which may be duplicated from the pottery of almost any of the Atlantic States, are presented in Figs. 114 and 115, the first from a fragment of pottery from Charles County, Maryland, and the other from the pottery of Alabama. Fic. 114.—Cord-markings from ancient pottery of Maryland. ST SERN “TQ SN, ~ —4---- ety Noy ~ Taq eek \s a SSNs a TTY, se x 3 Sy, Ny. Ny - = Typ COTM eTCO HT OTL O OOO) Fic, 115.—Cord-markings from the ancient pottery of Alabama. It will readily be seen that it is extremely difficult to draw a line be- tween an ornamentation produced by the use of single or grouped cords and that made by the use of fabrics. It is not less difficult to say just how much of this use of cords and fabrics is to be attributed to manufacture simply and how much to ornament. Although the restorations here presented certainly throw eonsidera- ble light upon the textile fabrics of the ancient inhabitants of the At- NOLMES. ] ORIGIN OF USE OF FABRICS IN POTTERY. 425 lantic States, it cannot be affirmed that anything like a complete idea of their fabrics has been gained. Impressions upon pottery represent a class of work utilized in the fictile arts. We cannot say what other fabrics were produced and used for other purposes. However this may be, attention should be called to the fact that the work described, though varied and ingenious, exhibits no characters in execution or design not wholly consonant with the art of a stone-age people. There is nothing superior to or specifically different from the work of our modern Indians. The origin of the use of fabrics and of separate cords in the ornamenta- tion of pottery is very obscure. Baskets and nets were doubtless in use by many tribes throughout their pottery making period. The shaping of earthen vessels in or upon baskets either of plain bark or of woven splints or of fiber must frequently have occurred. The peculiar impres- sions left upon the clay probably came in time to be regarded as orna- mental, and were applied for purposes of embellishment alone. Deco- rative art has thus been enriched by many elements of beauty. These now Sarvive in incised, stamped, and painted designs. The forms as well as the ornamentation of clay vessels very naturally preserve traces of the former intimacy of the two arts. Since the stereotyping of these pages I have come upon a short paper by George E. Sellers (Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XI, p. 573), in which is given what I believe to be a correct view of the use of nets in the manufacture of the large salt vessels referred to on pages 398 and 409. The use of interior conical moulds of indurated clay makes clear the reasons for the reversed festooning of the cords to which I called at- tention. i a ae SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE OF A PORTION OF THE COLLECTIONS MADE BY THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY DURING THE Jet WE; IL ID) SI ANSON (Oe alisitsyils WILLIAM H. HOLMES. xn : : é : CONTENTS. FETRUTO GC UCUOL yee eelgrass oes ae ere ge as en ae as Pea Collections from Jackson County, North Carolina ......-............... ..... HrompGhexCherokeowlndianspeee spas cere eae ee te ea em ee PATULC OSL OM SION Ges sep asain econ sate e cca coe ence cae meee Collections from Cocke County, Tennessee ............---.------..------.--.. ro MiunesielastateN ew pOLiie-eee 1a eee seen eee ee nee ne ATUIGLES] Of BUONO emia ae tec ciace ceveer: eae yee mete te tae ATU CLOSEO {aC lav eerie ese eet heey ey ou ee ee tee at Collections from Sevier County, Tennessee .........-.--.-. Bosc ra tosses eee putemMGMalian’ Moun dice esas acecernes pee es ee ee PAUL C LOSS OSC] OVE Pa enon ene ene hes we es ee yn gets Me Collections from Roane County, Tennessee .........-..........-. .--......... Moundiatahaylons Bendierenasie te ccc aa. oe ote se cn eee cecneeensnn . ATHICIONO fSLONG hea asya-2 ee case ie Seniesa see Meine reasons see AT GCOS OL CLAY aaa = ese ie se sence Seels pee sess ue- eb e eS lceiiscoanade ces Objectstofishelle= teases tose 6 aes hee tc oese sacs ceeec fet oon cane From field at Taylor’s Bend .... ...... ..--- FOC Go a Sena ERE a Sec aneae AHI CLES ONStON Om atasie se Nae ance eer ee eee eee eee ee ace Sa clatee ra CMeN te OMpPOULOnye ean eese eet ee ee we WO et Obl ectsokshellWeememncenaecc sence aa sae coat ete ene. ya. Saye CollectionsiiromyJettersom Countya-sset-- see. ee ones eee se ne 2. ele Mound! one aii sus lam deere Sate ash ae lea ye eee cies oe Collections from Mississippi County, Arkansas ...............--..__-- eee IP OMIASICOMPMOUNG i. ec at eee eenae seis hem cee pees So eee ee eee eee Moundsiin Carson Hake: Township)... 25.--...-2---+..--.-. 225-222 eo sei oes selec sense ss To7e—S hellonead she nn CSCO reef tatetasa=taleleleleieiela i= ot=1-laisia t= liter 133:—Shellapeadwhonnesssey-s cies ate se scsacin e sicinne cine a siaiciere = 139:—Earthen vessel, Tennessee..---. .-.--.--. -.--------=---- 140.—Shell ornament, Tennessee. ...--. ---- Hoban CH enoe nS ORSE 141.—Shell ornament, Tennessee ..--.. .----- Sustiyot eee ce 142.—Stone implement, Arkansas. .....-.-.------------.----- 143.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas...........--.----------se---- 144\— Pantheon vesselpArKansas esse. soec lose. sao => =nlewaelel=icia 145:—Warhhensessel Arkaisas)sos0es—--) cesses o-= se -ele- == 146:—Parthen vessel,-Arkansasw=--<...----. ------ ---- +0 s--c-- 147.—\ Earthen vessel, Arkansas.........---- eee nee. Beet 148:—Earthen vessel, Arkansas)...--- ..-- 22 2-cen-0-----0eces- 149! —Barthenwessel, Arkansagneces--es22--= -s22-.---- ann < 150:—Earthen vessel, Arkansas. ---..--.. ---....--.---------- 151.—Stone implement, Arkansas ...--..---..------------ 150=—=Marthensvessel,eACK AN GAS eee = aerate ae eee ale = ate ama = 153.—Eatthen vessel, Arkansas......-..----- ..---- ---------- 154.— Earthen vessel, Arkansas-------- ---- --.. ---- -<2-s--- == 155.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas.---..---..------.---<-=.------ 156:—Harthensvessel, Arkansaseo-s -eeeeei-see sesso ee ae 157-—Harthen| vessel, Atkaneas)-.----)---22— ae - 22 =e ee 158.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas..---....--.-----.------------ 159:—Earthen vessel, Arkansas...--....-:...--+-.----------- 160.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas-.-.-....-..-- fe iquisisjoe eis Saerseoe SSESEDODSSOE 466 Saeco oten as 482 431 432 I'ia. ILLUSTRATIONS. Page. 161-—Darthen vessel Arkansass nl - aston steer eee aie eee eleae ieee te 482 162.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas*..- 3---..<--. 5-24. -220 ese eee eee einee eee nee 485 167.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas: 2<2.<-2 26. ecees anion eee ee seers 486 168:—Earthen vessel, Arkansagscea-= o-oo ee een ei eee 487 169:—Earthen vessel) ‘Arkansas --...- 225 sosieitee sie She ays oe isecissieee nme sees 488 170.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas........-..---=--:-+---- wow ances seewe sae 489 171.—Earthen vessel, Arkansas.-.- 222. = s-beee eee tele eet ton ieee nO, 172.—Method of plaiting sandais..---.....-..--.-. ..-------...---. ------ 493 173: —Method of ‘plaitin gama 2o- poset te eee eee eee eee eee 493 174:—BEarthen vessel,,/Missouri <2. 24. sass =p ee eetne=seic eee eee eee 495, 175.—Earthen vessel, Missouri). 222. -sssee secioee ee eet eee eee eee 496 176.—Earthen, vessel, Missouri <\- .48 o:< sce0 2-5> eine cee eee en ee eeeee 497 177.—Barthen/vessel, Missourivs.2-.acsiaece cesme neneeeee aeneGee cao eee 497 178,.—Harthen vessel; Missouri 2.2: = --tassccene ee mneee ee ecee canescens 498 179:—Barthen vessel; Missouri 5--2-----ssseeeo eee eee a eee eee ee 498 180:—Harthen: vessel, Missouri. 225 ssc on see eee aa ee ees eee ee eee 499 181.—Earthen’' vessel, (Missouri <2 )--se-o ees ose oet eee eee eres 499 182:—Harbthen) vessel) Missouri -2-ceseee= - sts eerie eee loco neers sere 500 183,—Barthen vessel, Missoni 235 42222.s200 sasiacate soe ee eee cee oees 500 184.—Earthen vessel, Missouri ....---.....-..----. saeine Sone ee eee eee 501 185.—Earthen vessel, Missouri ...--...--.- spas at Oat ae nee ete 501 186; —Barthensvessel) Missouri. 2eesseeese ese seee eee ame eerie eee eetee 502 187.—Harthen’ vessels Missouriv.ce--c te eeee eee eee eee eee eee 502 188,—Earthen vessel; Missouri’ =. 22ooscccescoeseesteenesckeseser cones 502 189.—Earthen vessel, Missouri 2-22 == ses= = soe see eee ele ee eeeeeees 503 190:—Earthentvessel;, Missoutieas--seeeeoee eee nee ee ee eeeeee eee 504 191-—Harthen’ vessel, Missourl 22) sss eeeeee see eeeeeeee eee ee eee 504 192'—Hartheniyessel; Missouri so= ses sess ete oes) eee epee eee 505 193'—Harthen: vessel; Missouri. oo. se ceerl anes Se eee eee eee 505 194:—Barthen\ vessel, Missouri, .-soseasosese eee ee ase ee on eee ee eee 505 195:—Barthen) vessel, Missouri) 22) = sees eee eee eee see eee 506 196.—Earthen vessel, Missouri o-2= ccs: caneccsce ee eee beeen eee eeeee 506 197.—Earthen. vessel; Missouri 2---ceese ten soon ore eee 506 198: — Wooden’ mask,, Peru: s-< 2. . fec2 cane seco ae eee eee eee 509 199;=—Stone net-sinker /Penw .c -sece nee Beer eee eee EEE Eee eee eee eee 510 200:—Copper fish-hooks, (Perus-sssss-- nese eee eee eee ee eee 510 ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE OF A PORTION OF THE ETHNOLOGIC AND ARCHAOLOGIC QOLLECTIONS MADE BY THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY DURING THE YEAR 1881. By WILLIAM H. HoLMEs. COLLECTION MADE BY EDWARD PALMER, IN NORTH CAROLINA, TENNESSEE, AND ARKANSAS, INTRODUCTORY. Mr. Palmer began his explorations early in July, 1881, and continued with marked success until the end of the year. He first paid a visit to the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina, and collected a large number of articles manufactured or used by this people, besides a number of antiquities from the same region. From Carolina he crossed into Tennessee, and began work by open- ing a number of mounds in Cocke County. In September he opened a very important mound, which I have named the McMahan Mound. It is located in the vicinity of Sevierville, Sevier County. Afterwards mounds were opened on Fain’s Island, at Dandridge, and at Kingston. In September he crossed into Arkansas and made extensive explora- tions at Osceola, Pecan Point, Arkansas Post, and Indian Bay. It has devolved upon the writer to examine and catalogue this fine collection. In preparing the catalogue the plan of arrangement already adopted by the Bureau has been carried out; that is, a primary classification by locality and a secondary by material. The descriptions of specimens are taken from the card catalogue pre- pared by the writer on first opening the collection, and will be given in full, excepting in cases where detailed descriptions have been furnished in separate papers, either in this or the preceding Annual Report. Cuts have been made of a number of the more interesting specimens. The localities are named in the order of their exploration. 433 3 ETH—28 COLLECTIONS FROM JACKSON COUNTY, NORTH CARO- LINA. OBTAINED CHIEFLY FROM TITE CHEROKEE INDIANS. ARTICLES OF STONE. 62953. A small disk of dark-gray slate, 14 inches in diameter and 1$ 62947. inches in thickness. The form is symmetrical and the sur- face well polished. The sides are convex, slightly so near the center and abruptly so near the circumference. The rim or peripheral surface is squared by grinding, the circular form being accurately preserved. This specimen was obtained from an aged Cherokee, who stated that it had formerly been used by his people in playing some sort of game. It seems not improbable that this stone has been used for polishing pottery. . Asmall subglobular pebble used as a polishing stone for pot- tery. A polishing stone similar to the above. This implement was seen in use by the collector. A hemispherical stone, probably used as a nut-cracker. 62944, A stone implement somewhat resembling a thick, round-pointed pick, 44 inches in length and 1 inch in diameter. It is per- forated exactly as an iron pick would be for the insertion of a handle. The perforation has been produced by boring from opposite sides; at the surface it is five-eighths of an inch in diameter, and midway about three-eighths. The material seems to be an indurated clay or soft slate. The collector suggests that this specimen was probably used for smoothing bow-strings or straightening arrow- shafts. . Bight arrow points of gray and blackish chalcedony. . Pipe of gray, indurated steatite, of modern Cherokee manu- facture. . Pipe of dark greenstone, highly polished. It is well modeled, but of a recent type. . Grooved ax of compact greenish sandstone; found near Bakers- ville, N. C. ARTICLES OF CLAY. Obtained from the Southern Band of Cherokees, Jackson County, North Carolina. The manufacture of pottery, once so universally practiced by the At- lantie coast Indians, is still kept up by this tribe, rather, however, for 434 HOLMES. ] FROM THE CHEROKEE INDIANS. 435 the purpose of trade than for use in their domestic arts. The vessels are, to a great extent, modeled after the ware of the whites, but the methods of manufacture seem to be almost wholly aboriginal. 63070. A handled mug or cup of brownish ware. The form is not abo- riginal. It is composed of clay, tempered, apparently, with pulverized shell. The surface has a slight polish produced by a polishing implement. The height is 44 inches and the width nearly the same. 63068. Large flat-bottomed bowl, 6 inches in height, 11 inches in diam- ter at the top, and 8 at the base. Although made without a wheel, this vessel is quite symmetrical. The thickness is from one-fourth to one-half of an inch. The material has been a dark clay paste with tempering of powdered mica. 63066. A three-legged pot, with spherical body, resembling very closely in appearance the common iron cooking pot of the whites. The rim is 6 inches in diameter, and 1 inch high. The body is 9 inches in diameter. Two handles are attached to the upper part of the body. The form is symmetrical and the surface highly polished. The polishing stone has been used with so much skill that the effect of a glaze is well produced. The materials used were clay and pulverized mica. The color is dark brown. 63067. A strong, rudely made vessel shaped like a half cask. The walls are about one-half an inch in thickness. The surface 1s rough, the polishing stone having been very carelessly applied. 63068. A flat-bottomed bowl symmetrical in shape but rudely finished. VEGETAL SUBSTANCES. 63063. Basket sieve said to be used to separate the finer from the coarser particles of pounded corn. The coarse meal thus obtained is boiled and allowed to ferment. This is used as food and is called connawhana. The sieve is made of split cane carefully smoothed; some of the strips are dyed red and others brown. A simple ornamental desigu is worked in these colors. The opening is square, with rounded corners, the sides measuring 14 inches. The depth is 5 inches. The bottom is flat and loosely woven. 63072. A bottle-shaped basket, with constricted neck and rectangular body, used by the Cherokees for carrying fish. Height, 11 inches; width of mouth, 4 inches; diameter of bedy, 6 inches. It is made of strips of white oak or hickory, one- fourth of an inch in thickness. 63073. Basket made of strips of white oak intended for the storage of seeds and for other household uses. The rim is about 5 inches in diameter; the body is 8 inches in diameter, the base being rectangular and flat, 436 63074. 63076. 63077. 63078. 63064. 63065. 63087. 63088. 63080. 63089 63059. 63057 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. Basket, made of cane, used for storing seed. Two baskets, made of cane, probably used for household pur- poses. They are neatly ornamented with simple designs, produced by the use of colored strips. The rims are oval in shape, and the bases rectangular. The larger will hold about half a bushel, the smaller about a gallon. Small basket with a handle, made of splints of white oak. Yel- low strips of hickory bark are used to ornament the rim. Other colors are obtained by using bark of different trees, maple, walnut, ete. Small cup or dish carved from laurel or cucumber wood. It is very neatly made. The depth is about 1 inch; the width 5 inches. Large spoon, carved from laurel or cucumber wood, used by the Cherokees in handling the connawhana, or fermented meal. The carving is neatly done. The heart-shaped bowl is 6 in- ches in length, 4 in width, and about 2 in depth. The han- dle is 12 inches long,and is embellished at the end by a knob and ring. The knob is carved to represent a turtle’s or snake’s head. A smaller spoon similar in shape to the above. A large, five-pronged fork carved from the wood of the Magno- lia glauca (?). It resembles the iron forks of the whites. A small, three-pronged fork of the same pattern and material as the above. A wooden comb made in imitation of the shell combs used by white ladies for supporting and ornamenting the back hair. The carving is said to have been done with a knife. Con- siderable skill is shown in the ornamental design at the top. The wood is maple or beech. . A walnut paddle or club, used to beat clothes in washing. Bow of locust wood, 5 feet long, one-half an inch thick, and 14 inches wide in the middle, tapering at the ends to 1 inch. The back of the bow is undressed, the bark simply having been removed. The string, which resembles ordinary twine, is said to be made of wild hemp. The arrows are 40 inches in length. The shafts are made of hickory wood and have conical points. Stone and metal points are not used, as the country abounds in small game only, and heavy points are considered unnecessary. In trimming the arrow two feathers of the wild turkey are used; these are close clipped and fastened with sinew. . Blow-gun used by the Cherokees to kill small game. This speci- men is 7-feet in length, and is made of a large cane, probably the Arundinaria macrosperma. These guns are made from 5 to 15 feet in length, the diameter in large specimens reach- ing 14 inches. HOLMES | 63058. 63085. 63061. 63061. 63071. 63085. 63082. FROM THE CHEROKEE INDIANS. 437 Arrows used with the blow-gun. The shafts, which are made of hickory wood, are 2 feet in length and very slender. The shooting end has a conical point; the feather end is dressed with thistle-down, tied ou in overlapping layers with thread or sinew. The tip of down completely fills the barrel of the gun; and the arrow, when inserted in the larger end and blown with a strong puff, has a remarkable carrying and penetrating power. Thistle-heads, probably the Cnicus lanceolatus, from which the down is obtained in preparing the arrows of the blow-2un. Ball-sticks or racquets made of hickory wood. Rods of this tough wood, about 7 feet long, are dressed to the proper shape, the ends having a semicircular section, the middle part being flat. Each is bent and the ends united to form a handle, leaving a pear-shaped loop 6 inches in width by about 12 in length, which is filled with a network of leather or bark strings sufficiently close to hold the ball. Ball, 13 inches in diameter, covered with buckskin, used with the racquets in playing the celebrated ball game of the Cherokee, Choctaw, Creek, and Seminole Indians. ANIMAL SUBSTANCES. Shell, probably a Unio, used by potters to scrape the surface of clay vessels; seen in use. - Comb made of horn. The teeth are 2 inches in length, and have been made with a saw. It is used in dressing the hair. Charm made of feathers and snake rattles; worn on the head or on some part of the costume. Awl of iron set in a handle of deer’s horn, Cc 62758. OLLECTIONS FROM COCKE COUNTY, TENNESSEE. FROM FIELDS NEAR NEWPORT. ARTICLES OF STONE. rrooved ax, 8 inches in length, 3$ in width, and abont 1 in thick- ness ; one side is quite flat, the other convex. The material is a banded schistose slate. A fine specimen of grooved ax, 7 inches in length, 4 in width, and 14 in thickness. The groove is wide and shallow, and is bordered by two narrow ridges, which are in sharp relief all the way around. The material appears to be a greenish- gray diorite. . A grooved ax, 6 inches long, 34 inches wide, and 1 inch thick. This specimen is similar to the preceding, the groove being deeper on the lateral edges of the implement, and the upper end less prominent. It is made of a fine-grained gray sand- stone. 753. Fragment of a grooved ax, of gray slate. The groove is shal- 62751 low and irregular. . Celt of compact gray sandstone, somewhat chipped at the ends. It is 63 inches in length by 24 in width and 14 in thickness. One face is flat, the other convex. The sides are nearly par- allel. A transverse section would be sub rectangular. . Fragment of celt, 3 inches in length by 2 in width and about 14 in thickness. The material is a fine grained sandstone or a diorite. 56. A long, slender celt, very carefully finished, 7 inches in length, 2 in width, and less than 1 in thickness. The material is a very compact gray slate. It has apparently been recently used as a scythe-stone by some harvester. . Fragment of a small, narrow celt, both ends of which are lost. Material, gray diorite. . Heavy celt of gray diorite, 8 inches in length by 3 in width and 24 in thickness. 2, A pestle of gray diorite, with enlarged base and tapering top, 54 inches in length and 3 inches in diameter at the base. . A pestle of banded schistose slate, 15inches in length, and 24 inches in diameter in the middle, tapering symmetrically toward the ends, which terminate in rounded points. 438 HOLMES. | STONE IMPLEMENTS OF TENNESSEE. 439 62763. A ceremonial (?) stone resembling somewhat a small broad- bladed pick, the outline being neariy semicircular. It is pierced as a pick is pierced for the insertion of a handle. It is 25 inches in length, 14 in width, and three-fourths of an inch in thickness. The material is a soft greenish mottled serpentine, or serpentinoid limestone. Fig. 116. Fic. 116. 62761. A pierced tablet of gray slate, 44 inches long, 14 inches wide, and half aninch thick. The two perforations are 24 inches apart ; they have been bored from opposite sides, and show no evidence of use. Nine notches have been cut in one end of the tablet. It has been much injured by recent use as a whetstone. - 62764. Cup stone of rough sandstone, having seventeen shallow cup- like depressions, from 1 to 2 inches in diameter. The stone is of irregular outline, about 10 inches in diameter and 4 in thickness. 62765. A large pipe of gray steatite; the bowl is square and about 3 inches in length by 1in diameter. The stem end is 4 inches in length and three-fourths of an inch in diameter. The bowl has a deep, conical excavation. The same is true of the stem-end also. 440 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. MOUND AT THE JUNCTION OF THE PIGEON AND FRENCH BROAD RIVERS. ARTICLES OF CLAY. 62870. The mound from which these fragments were obtained was lo- cated 3 miles from Newport. It was 12 feet square and 6 feet high. The original height was probably much greater. The pottery was mixed with ashes and débris of what appeared to be three fire-places. No human remains were found. The fragments are not numerous, nor do they indicate a great variety in form. There is, however, considerable variety in decoration. Material—The clay is generally gray or dark-reddish gray in the mass, and is apparently quite siliceous or sandy, numerous grains of quartz being visible. There is generally a sprinkling of finely-powdered mica, but no shell matter can be detected. When much weathered the surface is quite gritty. Form.—The leading form is a round-bodied, pot-shaped vase. There is one small hemispherical bowl. The outlines have been quite sym- metrical. The mouths of the pots are wide, and the necks deeply con- stricted. The lip or rim exhibits a number of novel features. That of the larger specimen, of which a considerable segment remains, is fur- nished on the upper edge with a deep channel, nearly one-half an inch wide, and more than one fourth of aninch deep. First section, Fig. 117. Others have a peculiar thickening of the rim, a sort of collar being added to the outside. This is about 1 inch in width, and is thicker below, giving a triangular section. Third section, Fig. 117. The walls of the vessels are usually quite thin. The bottoms were probably round, or nearly so. No fragments, however, of the lower parts of the vessels werecollected. There is but one example of handle, aud this presents no unusual features. Middle section, Fig. 117. Ornamentation.—The ornamentation is in some respects novel. The double or channeled rim of the larger specimen, the mouth of which has been 13 or 14 inches in diameter, is embellished with a line of flut- ings, which seem to be the impressions of a hollow bone or reed. HOLMES.) POTTERY OF TENNESSEE. 441 The whole exterior surface is embellished with a most elaborate orna- mental design, which resembles the imprint of some woven fabric. If a woven fabric has not been used, a pliable stamp, producing the effect of a fabric, has been resorted to. The fact that the sharply concave portions of the neck are marked with as much regularity as the convex body of the vessel, precludes the idea of the use of a solid or non-elastic stamp. The pattern consists of groups of parallel indented lines, arranged at right angles with one another, the puzzling feature being that there is no evidence of the passing of the threads or fillets over or under each other, such as would be seen if a woven fabric had been used. The outer surface of the triangular collar peculiar to many of the pots has been decorated with a herring-bone pattern, made by impressing a sharp implement. The handle in one case is similarly ornamented. This handle has been added after the figure previously described was impressed upon the neck of the vessel. One small fragment shows another style of indented or stamped pattern, which consists of series of straight and curved lines, such as are characteristic of many of the vessels obtained from the Gulf States. A small fragment of coal-black ware is entirely smooth on the outside, and indicates an unusually well finished and symmetrical vessel. An- other shows the impression of basket-work, in which a wide fillet or splint has served as the warp and a sinall twisted cord as the weof. One interesting feature of this vessel is that from certain impressious on the raised ridges we discover that the vessel has been taken from the net mold while still in a plastic state. Still another reddish porous fragment has a square rim, which is or- namented with a series of annular indentations. COLLECTIONS FROM SEVIER COUNTY, TENNESSEE. THE M°MAHAN MOUND. Onthe west fork of the Little Pigeon River, at Sevierville, on a rich bottom, 125 yards from the river, is a celebrated mound, the owners of which have for years refused to have it opened. Mr. Palmer spent several days in trying to obtain permission to open it, and was about leaving in despair, when the owners finally yielded, not, however, without requiring a number of concessions on the part of the collector, which concessions were put in the form of a legal document. This mound is 16 feet high and 240 feet in circumference. Three feet below the surface, astratum of burnt clay, 15 feet wide by 30 long, was reached. This has probably tormed part of the roof of a dwelling. Beneath this was a bed of charcoal 4 inches thick. In this bed rem- uants of cedar posts from 2 to 4 inches thick and 1 to 2 feet in length were found. Below this was a stratum of ashes, covering a limited area to the depth of 4 feet. Surrounding this, the earth contained fragments of numerous articles used by the inhabitants, while beneath came 4% feet of earth, in which numerous skeletons had been deposited. The bodies had been interred without order, and the bones were so in- termingled, and so far decayed, that no complete skeletons could be col- lected. Beneath the layer of bones came a second deposit of ashes, 2 feet thick by 24 feet in diameter, and beneath this a mass of red clay, 18 inches in thickness. In the earth surrounding the ashes and clay, a number of skeletons were found; these were in such an advanced stage of decomposition that only a few fragments of skulls could be preserved. Three feet below the second layer of bones, the undisturbed soil was reached. Two boxes of bones were collected, the well-preserved crania num- bering about twenty. A great any interesting specimens of the implements, utensils, and ornaments of the mound-builders were obtained. The following catalogue includes everything of interest: ARTICLES OF STONE. 62787, 62792, 62778, 62769, 62784, 62788. Numerous specimens of arrow- points, flakes, cores, and rough masses of gray and black chalcedony, obtained partly from the mound, and partly from the soil surrounding it. 442 Hommes] OBJECTS OF STONE AND CLAY FROM TENNESSEE. 443 62793. A somewhat conical object of black compact graphite. The flatish base is rubbed off in an irregular way, as if in grind- ing down for use as a pigment. 62790. Fragment of hammerstone of gray micaceous sandstone, 5 inch- es long by 3 inches in diameter. It was found associated with the upper layer of skeletons. 62808. Pipe carved from gray marble. The bowl is symmetrically shaped, and resembles a common clay pipe. It is about 13 inches in height and 1 in diameter. The stem part is about one-fourth of an inch in length. Found with the up- per layer of skeletons. 62786. A perforated stone tube, 14 inches long and three-fourths of an inch in diameter. It is probably the upper part of a pipe bowl. 62794. A large number of minute quartz pebbles, probably used ina rattle or in playing some game of chance. Found with the skeletons in the mound. 62798. Three glass beads, found 4 feet below the surface of the mound. One is a bright blue bead of translucent glass. One is opaque, resembling porcelain. The third is of blue-gray glass, and has three longitudinal stripes of brown, underlaid by bands of white. All are cylindrical in shape, and are from three-eighths to half an inch in length, and about one- fourth of an inch in diameter. ARTICLES OF OLAY. The collection of pottery from this mound is of much interest. There is but one entire vessel, but the fragments are so plentiful and well preserved that many interesting forms can be restored, and a very good idea of the ceramic work of this locality be formed. Form.—I have spent much time in the examination of these fragments, and have assigned each to the form of vessel to which it belonged. Where large pieces are preserved, especially if the rim is included, we have little trouble in reconstructing the entire vessel, without fear of being seriously wrong. The lower parts of the bodies of all forms are round or slightly flattened, and but a small fragment of the rim is needed to tell whether the vessel was a bottle, pot, or bowl. I find, however, that the forms merge into each other in such a way that a complete graduated series can be found. Of first importance, are the round or globular vases with more or less constricted necks. Ornamentation.—The inside of all forms is plain with the exception of accidental markings of the fingers. The rim is square, sharp, or round on the edge, and sometimes slightly enlarged or beaded on the outer margin. A collar is attached to many forms, which at the lower edge overhangs. It is added to the body with the rim, or as a strip after- 444 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. ward attached. It is often notched or indented with a stick, bone, or reed, or with the fingers. The necks of vases and pot-shaped vessels have a great variety of handles, knobs, and ornaments. Some of the latter seem to be atro- phied handles. In some cases a low horizontal ridge, from 1 to 4 or more inches in length is placed near the rim, in place of the continuous collar. In other cases a narrow, crescent-shaped ridge is attached, the points reaching down on the shoulder, the arch lying upon the neck. Still others have one or more handles which connect the rim with the neck or shoulder of the vessel, leaving a round or oblong passage for a cord or vine. These handles were added after the vessel was completed. They are never ornamented. In one case an arched handle, like the handle of a basket, connects the opposite sides of the rim. ‘This is the only entire Fic. 118. vessel recovered from the mound. It was associated with the upper layer of skeletons. Diameter 44 inches. Fig. 118. The body of these vessels is sometimes quite plain, but is more fre- quently covered with cord markings. These, with one or two excep- tions, seem to be made by a series of fine cords, approximately parallel, but without cross-threads of any kind. There is little uniformity of arrangement. In the upper part, and about the base of the neck, the indented lines are generally vertical. On the bottom they are quite irregular, as if the vessel, in making, had been rolled about on a piece of netting or coarse cloth. The cords have been about the size of the ordi- nary cotton cord used by mrchants. One exception is seen in a fragment of a large, rudely-made vase, in which we have the impression of a fabric, HOLMES. ] POTTERY OF TENNESSEE. 445 the warp of which, whether wood or cord, has consisted of fillets more than one-fourth of an inch in width, the woof being fine cord. This is what is frequently spoken of as the ear-of-corn impression. No incised or excavated lines have been noticed in these fragments of pot-shaped vessels. Some of the most elegant vessels are without up- right necks. The upper or incurved surface of the body is approxi- mately flat, forming, with the lower part of the body a more or less sharp peripheral angle. The base is rounded, and, so far as we can judge from the examples, the bottom is slightly flattened. Vessels having ver- tical or flaring rims are generally somewhat more shallow. The incurved upper surface is often tastefully ornamented with pat- terns of incised or excavated lines which are arranged in groups, in vertical or oblique positions, or encircle the vessel parallel with the border. One specimen has a row of stamped circles, made by a reed or hollow bone. Bowls of the ordinary shape are variously decorated. In one case we have on the outside of the rim, and projecting slightly above it, a rudely-modeled grotesque face. A notched fillet passes around the rim, near the lip, connecting with the sides of this head. In another case a rude node is added to therim. The only bowl havy- ing a flaring rim is without ornament. We have only one fragment of a bowl in which the body has been marked with cords. Composilion.—The clay used in the pottery from this mound is gen- erally fine in texture, and of a light-gray color. Many of the fragments have been blackened by burning subsequently to their original firing, and some may have been originally blackened with graphite. The prevailing colors seen in the fragments are yellowish and reddish grays. The percentage of powdered shell used in tempering has usually been very large, forming at times at least half the mass. The flakes of shell are very coarse, being often as much as one-fourth of an inch in diame- ter. In many cases they have been destroyed by burning, or have dropped out from decay, leaving a deeply pitted surface. Pipes.—There are a number of pipes in the collection, most of which were found near the surface of the mound. In some cases they resem- ble modern forms very closely. The most striking example is made of a fine-grained clay, without visible admixture of tempering material. The color is a reddish gray. It is neatly and symmetrically formed, the surface being finished by polishing with a smooth, hard implement, and shaving with a knife. The bowl is 2 inches high, and the rim is bell shaped above, with a smooth, flat lip, one-fourth of an inch wide. The diameter of the opening is nearly 2 inches. The base is conical. The stem part is one-half an inch long and one-half an inch in diame- ter. The bowl and stem are both conically excavated. Another specimen is made of clay mixed with powdered shell. The bowl is cylindrical. being a little larger at the rim, which is ornamented 446 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. with rows of punctures. The elbow is ornamented by a rosette of in- dented lines. The mouth piece has been broken away. OBJEOTS OF METAL. 62797. One of the most instructive finds in this mound isa pair of brass pins, of undoubted European manufacture. The collector makes the statement, with entire confidence in its correct- ness, that they had been encased in the earth at the time of the interment of the bodies. One was associated with the upper and the other with the lower layer of bones. In size and shape they resemble our ordinary brass toilet pin. The head is formed of a spiral coil of wire, the diameter of which is about one-half that of the shaft of the pin. It is also stated by the collector that an iron bolt was found in the . lower stratum of bones. This object was unfortunately lost. 62795. A small brass cylinder, found 3 feet 7 inches below the surface of the mound. The thin sheet of which the coil is made is about 1 inch square. The edges are uneven. It was proba- bly used as a bead. OBJECTS OF SHELL. Few mounds have rivaled this in its wealth of shell ornaments. En- graved gorgets cut from the body of the Busycon perversum and large pins from the columelle of the same shell are especially numerous and well-preserved. Large numbers of beads and unworked shells were also found. All were intimately associated with the skeletons. While many of the specimens are well-preserved, we find that many are in an advanced stage of decay, and unless most carefully handled, crumble to powder. Similar shell ornaments are found in mounds in other parts of Tennes- see, as well as in neighboring States. These have been pretty fully described in the Second Annual Report. 62530-62839. These pins are all made from the Busycon perversum. The entire specimens range from 3 to 6 inches in length; two are fragmentary, having lost their points by decay. The heads are from one-half to 1 inch in length, and are generally less than 1 inch in diameter. They are somewhat varied in Shape, some being cylindrical, others being conical above. The shaft is pretty evenly rounded, but is seldom symmetrical or straight. It is rarely above one-half an inch in diameter, and tapers gradually to a more or less rounded point. The groove of the canal shows distinctly in all the heads, and may often be traced far down the shaft. In a number of cases the surface retains the fine polish of the newly- finished object, but it is usually somewhat weathered, and frequently HOLMES. ] OBJECTS OF SHELL FROM TENNESSEE. 447 discolored or chalky. These specimens were found in the mounds along with deposits of human remains, and generally in close proximity to the head; this fact suggests their use as ornaments for the hair. 62840-62843. A number of saucer-shaped shell gorgets, the upper edge being somewhat straightened, the result of the natural limit of the body of the shell. Two small holes, for suspension occur near the upper margin. The diameter ranges from 3 to 6 inches. Fic. 119. Fic. 120. In studying the design the attention is first attracted by an eye-like figure near the left border. This is formed of a series of concentric circles, and is partially inclosed by a looped band about one-eighth of an inch in width, which opens downward to the left. This band is occupied by a series of conical dots or depressions, the number of which varies in the different speci- 448 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. mens. The part of the figure inclosed by this band repre- sents the head and neck of the serpent. To the right of the eye we have the mouth, which is usually shown in profile, the upper jaw being turned upward exhibiting a double row of notches or teeth. The body encircles the head in a single coil, which appears from beneath the neck on the right, passes around the front of the head, and terminates at the back in a pointed tail armed with well-defined rattles. The spots and scales of the serpent are represented in a highly con- ventionalized manner. Fic. 123, Fia., 122. Shell gorgets with engraved designs representing the rattlesnake. 62541-62845. The handsome specimen given in Fig. 124 is in a very good state of preservation. It is a deep, somewhat oval plate, made from a Busycon perversum. The surface is nicely polished and the margins neatly beveled. The marginal zone is less than half an inch wide and contains at the upper edge two perforations, which have been considerably abraded by the cord of suspension. Four long curved slits or perfora- tions almost sever the central design from the rim; the four HOLMES. | SHELL GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE. 449 narrow segments that remain are each ornamented with a single conical pit. The serpent is very neatly engraved and belongs to the chevroned variety. The eye is large and the neck is ornamented with a single rectangular intaglio figure. The mouth is more than usually well defined. The upper jaw is turned abruptly backward and is ornamented with lines peculiar to this variety of the designs. Fic. 123. (62841.) Fic. 124. (62845.) Shell gorgets with engraved designs representing the rattlesnake. The body of the serpent opposite the perforations for sus- pension is interrupted by a rather mysterious cross band, consisting of one broad and two narrow lines. As this is a feature common to many specimens, it probably had some important office or significance. 62847-62848. Mask-like shell ornaments. By a combination of engrayv- ing and sculpture a rude resemblance to the human features is produced. The objects are generally made from large pear- 3 ETH——29 450 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. shaped sections of the lower whorl of marine univalves. The lower portion, which represents the neck and chin, is cut from the somewhat constricted part near the base of the shell, Fic. 125. (62348.) Mask-like object of shell. while the broad outline of the head reaches the first suture at the noded shoulder of the body whorl. The simplest form is shown in Fig. 125. A more elaborate form is given in Fig. 126. Fic. 126. (62347.) Mask-like object of shell. These objects are especially numerous in the mounds of Tennessee, but their range is quite wide, examples having been reported from Kentucky, Virginia, Illinois, Missouri, and Arkansas, and smaller ones of a somewhat different type from New York. In size they range from 2 to 10 inches in length, the width being considerably less. They are gen- erally found associated with human remains in such a way HOLMES. ] SHELL GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE. 451 as to suggest their use as ornaments for the head or neck. There are, however, no holes for suspension except those made to represent the eyes, and these, so far as I have ob- served, show no abrasion by a cord of suspension. Their shape suggests the idea that they may have been used as masks, after the manner of metal masks by some of the ori- ental nations. ee a Fic. 127.—Shell gorget with engraving of a curious human figure. 62846, Engraved shell, Fig. 127. This very interesting object has been fully described in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau. The figure is so obscure that considerable study is necessary in making it out. 62930. Engraved shell, Fig. 128. This remarkable specimen has already been described in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau. The engraved design is certainly of a very high order of merit, and suggests the work of the ancient Mexicans. 62816-62822, 62824, 62826, 62828, 62829. Shell beads discoidal and cylin- drical in form, made chiefly from the columell and walls of marine univalves. 62825. Shell bead made by grinding off the apex of a large Oliva Di- plicata. (?) 62827. Beads made from Marginella (?) shells. 452 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. One 62825, 62827, 62850-62857, 62782. Species of shell found in the mound, some with the skeletons, others near the surface. Fic. 128.—Shell gorget with engraved design repres enting two fighting figures. The following genera and species are provisionally deter- mined: Unio multiplicatus. Unio ovatus. Unio crassidens. Unio nictorum. Marginella (?). Oliva (?). To spinosa. Trypanostoma anthonyi. Anculosa subglobosa. Busycon perversun. 62823. A tooth-shaped fresh water pearl, found with the skeletons. HOLMES. } STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM TENNESSEE. 453 ANIMAL SUBSTANCES. 62861. Fragments of deer-horn found near the surface of the mound. 62858. An implement of unusual form, made from a flat piece of bone, found with the skeletons in the mound. 62859, 62860. Bone iniplements, needles and pertorators, some of which are well preserved and retain the original polish ; others are in a very advanced stage of decay. Three boxes of human bones (not numbered). FROM THE FIELDS AT SEVIERVILLE. ARTICLES OF STONE. 62770. A small grooved ax, formed of a coarse textured stone, resem- bling diorite. It is 45 inches in length and 24 in width. The head is rounded and the cutting edge much battered. The groove is wide and shallow, and the bordering ridges_ prominent. The blade thins out quite abruptly. Presented by J. B. Emert. 62772. A celt 6} inches long, 24 inches wide, and 1 inch thick. The ma- 62771. 62777. 62774. terial is a compact, blue-gray, banded slate. The sides are straight and a transverse section is somewhat rectangular. Both edges are sharpened, and are very neatly beveled and polished. Presented by W. P. Mitchell. A small celt of compact greenish slute; one face is flat, the other convex. It is neatly made and perfectly preserved, the broader end being oblique andsharp. Itis 34 inchesin length. A rude, much-battered celt of coarse sandstone or diorite. It is 4inches in length by 2 in width near the cutting edge. The top is somewhat conical. A large unsymmetrical celt wade of coarse yellowish sandstone; one side is much battered. The cutting edge is round and dull. Itis 9 inches in length by 5 in width near the broad end and is 14 inches thick. 5. A knife-blade-shaped object, apparently a fragment of a winged ceremonial stone. The whole surface is smooth and shows no evidence of use. It is made of fine-grained gray slate. It is 2 inches in length by five-eighths in width. . A bell-shaped pestle made of yellowish gray quartzite. The surface has been evenly roughened by picking, but has be- come slightly polished on parts most exposed when in use. The base part is subrectangular in section, and the bottom is slightly but evenly convex. The upper part, which has been shaped for convenient grasping by the hand, is evenly 454 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. rounded at the top. Height, 45 inches; width of base, 34 inches. } 62766. A well-formed globe of gritty sandstone. The surface is rough- ened or granular. I[t is 24 inches in diameter. 62789. Portion of an oblong hammer stone, 4 inches in length by 3 in diameter in the middle part. One end has been much re- duced by use. It is made of some dark, much decomposed, erystalline rock. 62768. A symmetrical sandstone ring, 2 inches in diameter and three- fourths.of an inch in thickness. The perforation is about five-eighths of an inch in diameter. The surface is rough- ened by picking. Fic. 129. 62767. A symmetrical, neatly finished disk of light gray quartzite. It is 4 inches in diameter and 14 inches in thickness at the circumference, and less than 1 inch thick at the center. 62869, An hour-glass shaped tube made of gray hydro-mica schist, which resembles very compact steatite. It is 54 inches long, 2 inches in diameter at the widest part and 14 inches at the narrowest part. The most restricted part near the middle is girdled by a ridge or ring, on the cireumference of which seventy or eighty shallow notches have been cut. The perforation is much eniarged at the ends, giving cup- like cavities. The walls are thin near the ends and quite thick near the middle, the passage being hardly more than one-quarter of an inch in diameter. The markings on the inside indicate that the excavation has been made by a goug- ing process, rather than by the use of a rotary perforator. Fic. 130 / HOLMES. | OBJECTS OF STONE FROM TENNESSER. 455 62776. A boat-shaped ceremoninl stone of banded slate, 3 inches long, 1 inch wide, and 1 inch deep. From the side the outline is triangular, the two lines of the keel forming almost a right angle. From the top the outline is a long, pointed oval, as seen in the illustration, Fig. 131. Fic. 131. The trough-shaped excavation is more rounded in outline, and is three-fourths of an inch in depth. Perforations have been made near the ends of this trough; these seem to be somewhat abraded on the outside by a cord of suspension or attachment which has passed between them along a groove in the apex or angle of the keel. 62868 An amulet or charm of dark-greenish rock, probably a serpen- tine, carved to represent a bird’s head. The more highly 62868 Fic. 132. polished parts are quite dark, while freshly cut lines are whitish. The head is graphically represented, the bill, the eye, and nostril being well shown, A stand-like base takes the place of the body of the bird. Around this, near the bottom, a groove has been cut for the purpose of attaching astring or securing ahandle. In dressing the surface some implement has been used that has left file-likescratches. Fig. 132 represents this object natural size. 456 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. 62773. Fragment of a stone disk or wheel that has lines cut upon it resembling in arrangement the grooves of an ordinary mill- stone. Diameter, 6 inches; thickness, 2 inches. This is probably not an aboriginal work. 63186 Fic. 133. 63186, A banner-stone of unusual shape, made of gray slate. The cut, Fig. 153, represents this object three-fourths natural size. The perforation is one-half an inch in diameter, and is quite symmetrical. The entire surface is well polished. ARTICLES OF CLAY. A few specimens of potsherds were collected from the fields about Sevierville. Most of these are identical in every way with the pottery of themound, but three examples are of a totally different type. The material of these is a fine sandy clay, tempered with a large percentage of finely pulyerized mica. The forms of the vessels cannot be made out. The outer surfaces were ornamented by a stamped pattern of small square or lozenge- shaped figures, a number of these together were apparently formed by a single stamp. Among the fragments we have half a dozen disks, from 1 to 2 inches in diameter, worked from ordinary potsherds. A small rudely mod- eled figure of a bird was also found with these fragments. There were also masses of indurated clay, which seem to have been used for chinking purposes. COLLECTIONS FROM ROANE COUNTY, TENNESSEE. MOUND AT TAYLOR’S BEND. This mound is situated three hundred and fifty yards from the French Broad River, on the farm of Mr. William Harris. It is 10 feet high and nearly 50 feet in cireumference. Its summit has been cultivated for many years, and the height has doubtless been much reduced. Immediately under the surface soil a heavy bed of ashes and charcoal was reached, which at the border of the mound was only a few inches thick, but at the center was about 3 feet thick. In this stratum were found a few implements, and fragments of pot- tery, and two very much decayed skeletons. A part of one cranium was preserved. ‘The mound beneath this stratum was composed chiefly of loam, with some sand in the center, and contained nothing of interest. ARTICLES OF STONE. 62885. A needle-like implement, made of a soft black stone that may be cannel coal. It is 34 inches in length, but is not entire. The shaft is a little more than one-fourth of an inch in diam- eter, is nearly round, and tapers to a symmetrical point. The surface is highly polished. It was found in the stratum of ashes. ARTICLES OF CLAY. 62890, 62892-6. A considerable number of fragments of pottery was found in the stratum of ashes. Form.—Vases of the wide-mouthed, round-bodied variety are represented, also a number of hemispherical bowls. One large fragment representing a vessel with rounded bottom was found. Size.—The pot-like vases have been quite large, the mouths being as much as 14 inches in diameter. The larger bowls have been 10 inches or morein diameter. Others are smaller. The walls of some of the larger vessels have been half an inch in thickness. Material.—Classified by material, there are two varieties, one is composed of the usual clay and pulverized shells, the latter being coarse and exceedingly plentiful; the other has no shell material, but in its place an admixture of sand and small quartz pebbles. 457 458 62898. 62899. 62883 62881. 62877 62875 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. Ornamentation.—The inside is plain as usual, and many of the fragments have no exterior ornament. There are two varieties of surface markings; one consists of impressions of basket work, which indicate a broad series of fillets bound together by small twisted cords of grass or bark ; the other appears to have been made by an open net-work of fine cords, which have been quite irregularly arranged. OBJEOTS OF SHELL. A shell pin made from the columella of a large univalve. The original polish is still preserved. The head is round and small, and the shaft 2 inches in length. Found in the stratum of ashes. Two species of shells, Jo spinosa and Pleurocera conradii (?), ob- tained from the stratum of ashes. COLLECTIONS FROM THE FIELDS AT TAYLOR’S BEND. ARTIOLES OF STONE. . A lot of arrow points, spear points, and knives, having a wide range of shape and size. A serrated specimen is 3 inches in length, and is made of yellowish striped chalcedony. One is made of white translucent quartz, and others of dark gray and black chalcedony. A stone disk, 14 inches in diameter and three-eighths of an inch thick. Itis of gray sandstone, nicely smoothed. The edge is rounded and the sides slightly convex. . Two stone disks similar to the preceding, but smaller. . Asmall, thick, nearly symmetrical celt, 24 inches in length, 14 inches in width, and one-half of an inch thick. The edge is rounded in outline and well sharpened. The beveled areas are narrow and stand at an angle of 30° with each other. It is widest at the edge, tapering above toa conical point. The material is apparently a compact greenish diorite. . A small celt similar to the preceding in form and material. It is 34 inches long, and 1? inches in width near the cutting edge, which is considerably battered. . A curved celt of considerable interest, made of a greenish dio- rite. It is 8 inches in length, 24 inches wide near the cutting edge, and about 1 inch thick. It tapers toward the apex to 13 inches in width. A transverse section would be a sharp oval. A longitudinal section showing the thickness of the implement gives a bow-like figure, the median line of which would deflect nearly half an inch from a straight line. HOLMES. ] OBJECTS OF STONE FROM TENNESSEE. 459 62876, A celt, 34 inches in length, of the usual form, made of a green- ish diorite. 62874. A grooved ax of gray sandstone, 5 inches long, 3 inches wide, ‘ and 1 inch thick. The groove is deep and well rounded, 62879 Fic. 134. and has two bordering ridges in high relief. The head is low and conical, and the blade narrow and rectangular. - The surface has originally been quite smooth, but is now some- what battered. Fic. 135. 62871. A cylindrical pestle of gray diorite(?), 11 inches long and 2 inches in diameter. The general surface is rough, the points being smoothed by use. 460 COLLECTIONS OF 18381. 62879. A perforated tablet, made of gray, chloritic schist, 24 inches long by 14 inches broad, illustrated in Fig. 134. The sides are notched in a way that gives a dumb-bell like outline. The ends are almost square. Series of notches have been cut in the terminal edges. On one of the lateral margins rude notches and zigzag lines have been engraved. In the middle of the plate there is a circular perforation one-fourth of an inch in diameter. Midway between this and the ends are two other perforations, one being circular and one-cighth of an inch in diameter, and the other lozenge or diamond shaped and nearly one-fourth of an inch in width. These show no evidence of wear. The surface is uneven, though somewhat polished. It has probably been used for straight- ening arrow shafts and shaping strings. 62880. Fragment of a perforated tablet carved from gray slate. It has been broken transversely near the middle, through a perfor- ation which has been about one-eighth of an inch in diam- eter. The remnant is 2 inches in length and 14 inches in width at the perforation. One side is plain, the other has a design of plain and zigzag lines. The edges are beveled and notched. See Fig. 135. VICINITY OF KINGSTON. On the farm of Mr. M. Biss, three miles from Kingston, on the Tennes- see River, a mound was opened which was so located as to overlook the river, and at the same time guard the approach from two pieces of pro- jecting wood. It was 11 feet high, 29 feet wide on the top, and 45 feet in diameter at the base. It was composed entirely of clay. Three feet from the surface six very much decayed skeletons were found, no parts of which could be preserved. The bodies seem to have been deposited without definite order. No objects of art were obtained. Opposite Kingston, on the Clinch River, are three mounds, located on the farm of T. N. Clark. They are all small, and, with the exception of two much decayed skeletons and a single arrow point, contained nothing of interest. On the farm of S. P. Evans, three miles below Kingston, are three groups of mounds. The first contains five mounds; the second, a little higher up, has the same number, while the third has but two. They are all built of clay, and seem to be without remains of any sort. HOLMES. ] OBJECTS OF STONE FROM TENNESSEE. 461 MOUND AT NILES’ FERRY. On the farm of J. W. Niles, at this point, is a large mound that has the appearance of a Creek or Cherokee ball-ground. It was flat on the top, and had an area of 1? acres. The height was 15 feet. In outline it was somewhat triangular. This mound was also constructed of clay, and contained nothing of interest. In the fields, near by, human bones, pottery, stone implements, beads, ete., are frequently plowed up. From this locality the following specimens were collected: 62957. Arrow heads and knives of gray and black chalcedony. 62955. Unworked Unio shells. 62956. A number of shell beads of usual size and form. MOUNDS NEAR PAINT ROCK FERRY. About three hundred yards from the Tennessee River, at Paint Rock Ferry, is a large mound 40 feet in height, and covering an area of about about two acres. Permission could not be obtained to open the mound, on account of the crop of corn that covered it. Near its base, on opposite sides, were two smaller mounds. One of these was 5 feet high and 10 in diam- eter, and contained a stone grave. The body which it contained had been laid on the ground and covered a foot deep with earth. A flat rock had been laid upon this, and slabs of limestone set on edge all around. The inclosed space was 4 feet in width by 5 in length. Earth had been used to cover the cist and form the mound. About this mound were seattered many Slabs of stone which had been plowed up during previous years; and it is stated that human bones and various objects of art have, at different times, been brought to light. A short distance from the large mound, and near the river bank, is another mound on which a barn has been built. Several hundred yards from the river, in a meadow, is a third mound, less than half as large as that first mentioned. The owner would not allow it to be disturbed. Still another mound, near by, was oval in outline, 28 feet long, by 20 wide, and 12 high. It was composed of clay and contained nothing but a few pieces of pottery. 62939, 62940, 62945. Fragments of pottery from the mounds at Paint Rock Ferry. OBJECTS OF SHELL. Fic. 136. 462 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. 62935, 62937. Shell beads, buttons, and pendants, made from marine shells. A neatly made pendant is 1 inch in diaineter and one-sixth of an inch thick. Near the edge are two small perforations for suspension, and at the center is a conical pit, encircled by a shallow incised line. Beside this, there are a number of buttons of similar shape, which have single per- forations at the center. Some of the smaller beads seem to have been painted red. Figs. 136, 137, and 138, 62936. Fragment of a large Busycon perversum. 62942. Teeth of the bear, and possibly of the horse found near the surface of one of the mounds. Fic. 138, COLLECTIONS FROM JEFFERSON COUNTY. MOUND ON FAIN’S ISLAND. This mound is located on the east end of the island. Although it has been under cultivation for many years, it is still 10 feet in height. The circumference at the base is about 100 feet. Near the surface a bed of burned clay was encountered, in which were many impressions of poles, sticks, and grass. This was probably the remains of the roof of a house, which had been about 16 feet long by 15 feetin width. The bed of clay was about 4 inches thick. Beneath this was a layer of char- coal and ashes, with much charred cane. There were also indications of charred posts, which probably served as supports to the roof. Four feet below the surface were found the remains of thirty-two human skeletons. With the exception of seventeen skulls, none of the bones could be preserved. There seems to have been no regularity in the placing of the bodies. ARTICLES OF CLAY. The fragments of pottery from this mound are unusually large and well preserved, and exhibit a number of varieties of form and orna- mentation. Forms.—The prevailing form is a pot-shaped vase, with wide mouth, and rounded body; the neck is short and straight or but slightly con- stricted. The handles or ears which connect the upper part of the neck with the shoulder are in some cases as much as 3 inches wide. The bowls are mostly hemispherical, but in a few cases have incurved lips, the shoulder being rounded and the base somewhat flattened. The largest specimens have been 11 or 12 inches in diameter. The vases have been somwhat larger. Material.—Classified by material, there seem to be two varieties, one with a very large percentage of coarsely pulverized shell material, the other without visible dégraissant. The clay is usually fine and apparently without admixture of sand or other impurities. A little comminuted mica may be seen in some cases. ; Color.—The prevailing color is a reddish gray, more or less blackened by use. A remarkable variety has a bright red surface, the mass being gray. Ornamentation.—The ornamentation consists of cord and net im- pressions, incised lines, stamped figures, indented fillets, and life and fanciful forms modeled in relief. The study of cord impressions is quite interesting. The cords are twisted and as large as medium twine. These cords appear to have 463 464 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. been disconnected, at least, not woven into a fabric, and the impres- sions are generally nearly vertical about the upper part of the vessel, but below take all positions, the result being a sort of hatching of the lines. This effect may be the result of placing the vessel upon a coarse fabric while the rim was being finished or the handles added. It seems possible that a loose net of cords, probably with fine cross- threads, is usec_to suspend the vessel in during the process of modeling. It appears, however, if this has been the case, that the vessel has been taken out of this net before it was burned. Where handles have been added, it will be found that the cord markings have been destroyed by the touch of the fingers. But the body has impressions of the net made after the addition of the handles and ornaments, as the impressions appear on the outside or lower edges of these additions. The lower part of the body may still have been supported by the net during the process of drying; but as some vessels have no cord markings what- ever, it is evident that it was not difficult to complete the vessel without the support of the net. By making a clay impression of one of the fragments I have been able to determine the character of the fabric used. It was loosely woven and quite flexible, the clay often receiving finger impressions through it. It was probably made of grasses or the fibre of bark. Beside the net and cord marks, which may or may not be the result of an attempt at ornament, there are ornaments made of fillets of clay. In a number of cases a comb-like figure made of thin fillets has been added to the shoulder of a vase. In other cases a fillet has been carried around the neck of the vase and indented by the finger or an implement. The rim of one bowl has been ornamented with three deeply incised or excavated lines, which form a sort of embattled figure about the incurved lip. Another has a series of shallow, vertical, incised lines near the rim, and a circle of annular indentations, three-eighths of an inch in diameter, about one-fourth of an inch from the lip. HOLMES. | SHELL GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE. 465 There are also various forms of noded ornaments on the rims of bowls. The handles of vases are in a few cases effectively ornamented. In one case the handle has been elaborated into a life form, representing a frog or human figure. The arms are attached to the upper part of the handle and lie extended along the rim. The handle proper represents the body, the breast being protruded. The legs lie flattened out upon the shoulder of the vessel, the feet being bent back beneath the body; height 33 inches. This vessel is illustrated in Fig. 139. FROM THE FIELDS OF FAIN’S ISLAND. “ARTICLES OF STONE. 62906. A very handsome specimen of grooved ax. It is made of a re- markable variety of porphyritic diorite that resembles breccia. The matrix has the appearance of a gray speckled quartzite; the angular inclusions being whitish feldspar, with dark- greenish patches of hornblende. The surface is smooth and shows but little wear. The length is 7 inches, the width 4, and the thickness 2 inches. The groove is deep, and has two well-defined bordering ridges. The head is low and rounded, and occupies about one-third of the length of the implement. The blade is well-formed, the sides being par- allel or nearly so. The edge is slightly rounded in outline, and is polished and sharp. : 62907. A grooved stone ax, 5inches in length, 44 inchesin width, and 14 inches in thickness. The groove is placed as in the preceding example, but has a bordering ridge on the upper side only. The head is very large and narrow. The blade is rectangular in outline, and has a rounded, moderately sharp edge. The material is a compact graphic diorite (?). 62904. A grooved ax, 4 inches in length, 34 inches in width, and three- fourths of an inch in thickness. The groove, which is well defined, has no lateral ridges. It seems to have been made from a flattish, oval, river pebble. 62902. Fragment of a pierced tablet of slate. 62903. A well shaped disk of translucent quartz, 13 inches in diameter and three-fourths of an inch in thickness. The sides are nearly flat, and the edge evenly rounded. The surface is quite smooth. 62905. Steatite pipe found on the surface of the mound. The bowl is about 6 inches in length and 1 inch in thickness. CBe pa ORere acncise Sarr Coe cao cceees Acco smear apeocesars WiaheDaDOUblOS sace so = sleet nce tee eicesisce cme soem cee te om sham tt Wanteensjand water jugss-os-s5- oes eee eosin e sa nsee ease ae emcee ein IRA CHOTS ems ee Soe eae ie ec eae eee eae eee ee sedeise sclee == eles ses eee Drinking cups and cup-shaped vessels.......--..-----.---------------- Bowls and baskets ..---.---- Baer eenie eee eae ae in eee mise nis Sein aisistee (COMETS (Osos sconeas S065 sees eS eeson Sona Dees Sseeus a sooseceessE asenee DipPers ladies andespOOUse sesh eeeee see Heer e a-ha ea = eae see ere Mondimentavesse lsmessen meee ee secerecosiee nar sae mare sacle eee ene sclera nen IPM DOUG ccm g onba as SSoctpodab Seseebooe ccseSSnons oo sa couScsonsase casos IDNR S| MEL ERN Sono a6 shores oseSs6 cond soseceusbuoo cauach sasece gseeds WEG AIL SHIDA MINEO 6 soe saccs ease SseaceacopEs be pooecebostone sce desuas «505 Hatineyspoons andy ladles’ == - <2 -< mc. eee oa men eee ie BYISROUWN occ dec. heen cach becdds eepesn soe bossa Seeenennosesese peussooc HOOP IMAP LEME Cae ce ore ate lars a ol lala = taal a lea ele el Implements of war and the chase...-....---.------ -------------------- Gamblingyim pl ements sseecci-se am ene oa aie ee en = DMancemmplementses ae saci = aimm= === an amie ninioin el ole wee oem aim nine MrscellaneousiOpjeCtSercs= =) --nise= =r == 2a ee one sion = === Miri Gl SUP e555 sss ceed sscaRescctenseso Goses ases soocreewausocuss AVIS Gel OMS ON) OG US meee te eal eae a eee CollectionsprompWiollpisy AT ZONA ee or eet oleae ei eat tasa lela aflame Pelee eal JNINRCIES OP MOND oa0s 2555 ono sesdengeunns abo cHEnisece Sasa ecudns cope sbiosmace INVTOES.OF CEN sacaes -cosaoe eau besn Eee Ee onnoedeas peeBeceds sucaseeD mE oeec Vegetal substances .......----.---- ---- ---- ---- ---- 2-22 e202 ene eee ene ISRS REIN oSSc.coenesocds cesdes neon Re Rend HouE Oot RE Re ce a CaED Boe SeEeeeRE ago Gourds, bows, rattles, &c.----- ------ =~ <2 == 22 ee nn Sonne ne Head dresses, dance ornaments, images, &¢..---. .----.---------------- Implements for weaving ..---.-..- ---------- ---- ----------------+---- J Sarin SHU Oe Sse ee Seater nbes Sosselndbeceiecoend dase sa sresodac saeco" Hip pial Wa sehekoos5s Gosseecacead saseeecusuetease: sles Stomacoemess NDAD SS 06 sesoceoresct cQacesecestnesepaconedy ASS sceouasaaguepeeese Wein TANS = caso Goceatseeseaspesae Shoo sate estoesnepessceeeeacsag ss Shite: Oe IEA NO rseace aacmae a06he dodece creaceacse cassstscesse iaeesecosd = 3 ETH——33 513 rot ee St - “ 1) : : ~— : aa oe ms a , ILLUSTRATIONS. hes 7): i ites Page. 4 PLATE XL.—Polishing pottery ..-....---.-----..----. Bas Hass Se nee aie ee 526 a PRR ee Zier aRcaian dicam teenies sae sere ae te ee See 538 Ba). XD rill oebun qwOwsOs seem erea ca ee ee Clot ian loam ol = sine etnies ere mee 582 Pa *, XLIII.—Moki method of dressing hair ...-...-....-...-.---...---.------- 583 ; RGN. —Molsiimethod! of spinnin go - e cee seas selec cee esata sen = ans 590 et 515 i. x : hang i 2 # 1s = beg a ih: an 7 ua ; id « = ’ : : re: iS rat P o> ¥ Fi —_ : ; iS a - ; ‘ - ni a + Sf Pas ! LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. Washington, D. C., August 28, 1882. Sir: I have the honor to present herewith an illustrated catalogue of archzologic and ethnologic collections, made under your direction in Arizona and New Mexico, during the field season of 1881. In connection with these collections, I am indebted to Mr. Frank H. Cushing for the preparation of the field catalogue for the collection from Zuni. His thorough knowledge of the Zuni language enabled him to obtain the Indian name of most of the articles procured, which names are given in this catalogue. I have also to thank him for valuable assistance in making the collection. I also take pleasure in expressing thanks to Mr. Victor Mindeleff for his aid in making the collection, in which labor he rendered faithful assistance. Col. L. P. Bradley, commandant of Fort Wingate, extended us many courtesies and material aid, for which [am pleased to extend thanks. Hoping the collections of the season form a contribution equally valu- able with those previously procured from the southwest, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES STEVENSON. Prof. J. W. POWELL, Director Bureau of Ethnology. -_ i ele ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE OF THE COLLECTIONS OF 1881. By JAMES STEVENSON. INTRODUCTORY. The following catalogue contains a descriptive enumeration of the archeologic and ethnologic specimens collected in Arizona and New Mexico during the season of 1881. These collections were all obtained from the pueblo of Zuni in Northwestern New Mexico, and the pueblos comprising the province of Tusayan, in Northeastern Arizona. The entire collection contains about four thousand nine hundred specimens. The articles of stone consist of axes, in various conditions of preser- vation. Some are quite perfect, while many are more or less impaired by modern uses, for which they were not originally intended. In nearly all instances they are grooved, and a few are provided with double splitting or cutting edges; but as a rule these axes were made with one end blunt for pounding or hammering, while the opposite end is pro- vided with an edge. The large pestles and mortars were designed for crushing grain and food, the small ones for grinding and mixing mineral pigments for ceramic or decorative purposes. Among the articles of stone are about one hundred and fifty hunting and war amulets. These objects present the most interesting features of the collection, and were among the most difficult articles to obtain. The Indians prize them very highly as keepsakes, which they employ in war, the chase, and sacred ceremonies. Each specimen is specifically referred to in the catalogue, accompanied with some wood-cut illustra- tions of such specimens as possess the greatest significance. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has presented a full account of the history, traditions, and uses of these images or gods, in a paper entitled ‘ Zuni Fetiches,” in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau for 1882, to which the reader is referred. In these collections, as in those of the two previous seasons, articles of clay predominate. They consist of Tinajas, or large, decorated, vase- shaped water-vessels. These vary in capacity from one to six gallons, and are the principal vessels used for holding and storing water for domestic purposes. These vases do not vary greatly in form, yet the colored designs with which they are ornamented present as many varia- tions as there are specimens. The causes for these variations, both in size and ceramic characters, as well as the method of manufacturing them, are quite fully explained in the notes accompanying my catalogue of collections from these same localities in the Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for 1880~81. 519 520 COLLECTIONS OF 1881. The collection also contains a large number of jug-shaped canteens, varying in capacity from one pint to three gallons. These vessels, like an ordinary jug, are provided with a small nozzle, and are used to carry water and to drink from. They vary in their decorative designs, but are seldom as elaborate or beautiful as the vases. In the collection are also clay spoons, ladles, and dippers of two or three kinds of ware, such as red, white, and black, of various sizes. Many of these are fancifully decorated. Also pitchers, mugs, and cups of different patterns, forms, and sizes, variously ornamented in red, black, and white. A very fine collection of meal or sacred pottery bas- kets was obtained. These are also of varied forms or types, some with handles, terraced and fluted edges or rims, usually decorated with figures of the tadpole and horned frog, and occasionally with the representation of the road runner, and frequently with the sacred butterfly. The condiment vessels form no small part of the collection. The forms and styles of these vessels can only be appreciated by reference to the specific descriptions and illustrations in the catalogue. A large number of cooking bowls and pots were obtained, but these are of less interest, as they are in all cases plain black vessels without ornamentation of any kind. They generally resemble the old-fashioned cast-iron cooking pot used by Europeans. Occasionally one is found which is provided with legs, in imitation probably of the skillet or pots used by the Mexicans of that country. The vegetal substances comprise utensils and implements of all kinds. Among these are baskets, trays, water-jugs, corn-planters, bows, arrows, sieves, gaming-blocks, &c. The basketry is worthy of inspec- tion for the ingenuity and skill displayed in the manufacture of such articles. These consist of fine meal baskets or trays of all sizes, many of which are curiously ornamented in bright colors. The coarser bas- kets, which are constructed and shaped to suit the service for which they are employed, are used as sieves and for conveying corn and fruit from the farms. In addition to the objects above referred to, hundreds tbat are not mentioned will be found described or illustrated in their proper places in the catalogue. Most of the plates presented in this Catalogue are designed to show the manner in which the Zuni and Moki Indians use certain implements in some of their arts and industries, such as the polishing stone; rotary, stone-pointed drill; the manner of combing and dressing the hair; the spindle whorl, showing the mode of preparing the woof for weaving. COLLECTIONS FROM ZUNI, NEW MEXICO. ARTICLES OF STONE. AXES. 65890. Stone axe, small, double-grooved. O-la k‘i-le, kwil 4-kwi-ai-e. 65891, 65892, 65893, 65894, 65895, 65896, 65897, 65898. Ditto, single- grooved. 65868, 65855. Ditto, large. 65854. Ditto, large and broad. 65876. Ditto, very broad. 65869. Ditto, very large, and showing use as pecking-stone. 65856, 65870, 65877, 65857, 65871, 65858, 65878, 65879. Ditto, large. 65872. Ditto, very thin-bladed. 65859. Ditto, flat. 65860, 65880. Ditto, showing use as maul. 65861. Ditto, double-grooved. Kwil 4-kwi-ai-e. 65862. Ditto, double-grooved, handsomely finished. 66045. Ditto, double-grooved, handsomely finished. Ki k‘iith)-thla- nai-e. 66882, 65874. Very large ungrooved ancient stone axes or celts. O-la k‘i-thlana, kwa-ak/-wam-me. 65853, 65851. Axe, grooved and highly finished. O la k‘i k‘iith-thla-na ya-ni-shi. 65852. Ditto, very large. 65883, 65884, 65885, 65886, 65911, 65912, 65899, 65863, 65864, 65900, 65887, 65901, 65902, 65903, 65875, 65865, 65904, 65905, 65906, 65907 65908, 65866, 65909, 65910, 65889. Ditto, very crude. No. 65886 is distinguished by raised square at butt to facilitate hafting. Ni-pu-li-e. 65867. Ditto, made in imitation, for barter. 66306. Ditto, unfinished. O-la k‘il 4-a-le. 65913. Ditto, small. 65922, 65923, 65921, 65914, 65919, 65917, 65924, 65925, 65920, 65915, 65916. Stone axes with handles, some made in imitation, others pre- served as heir-looms from ancient times. O-la k4-thli-shi-we. 65918. Small, grooved, stone axe. O-la ki tsa-na. METATES. 66324, Metate for reducing coarse corn-meal to flour. O-tsa-k‘ia-na-kia- A-k‘e. 66320, 66313. Ditto, for grinding paint for decorating pottery. ‘Té tsi- na-k’ia he-lin 6n-a-k’ia. 521 522 COLLECTIONS OF 1881—ZUNI. 66316, 66318, 66319, 26317. Ditto, for reducing cracked corn to meal. Teht ok-na-kia 4-k‘i. 66525. Ditto, a coarse, unfinished metate. A-k‘e, kwa-y4 nam-o-na. 66312. Ditto, ancient, very rude. I-no-to-na 4-k‘e. 66311. Modern paint metate. He-lin 6-na-kia. 66522, 66315, 66321, 66314. Modern metates for reducing corn and other cereals. Ok-na-k‘ia 4-k‘e-we. MORTARS. 1935. Mortar made of a concretion. Mu-to-pa al/ a-k‘e. 1964. Ditto, made from muller. 1966. Ditto, small. Tt-lin-ne. 2119. Ditto, of fine-grained stone, used as a paint-mill for preparing sa- cred decoration colors. Tethl-na hé-lin o-na-kia 4-shok-ton-ne. 2141, 2142, 2144. Ditto, very small. A-tsa-na. 1961. Ditto, round. K‘iai-mo-li-na. 66196, 66233. Rude paint mortars. He-lin on-a kia 4-shok-to 4-tsana. 66203. Ditto, chipped. Sho-k‘wis-na-k’ia. 66166, 66180. Ditto, pecked. Tok/-nai-e. 66175. Ditto, ground. 66197. Ditto, large, worn and ground. Tén-nai-e. 66226. Ditto, square and handsomely polished. N6-k*iithl-o-na. 66204. Ditto, split. Sh6o-k‘wish-nai-e. 66178. Ditto, pecked, small. 66158, 66245, 66172. Ditto, pecked, slag. A-k‘win. 66154. Ditto, small, pecked. 66198. Ditto, with round depression, ground. Pi-tsu-lia wa shokt-ai-e. 66168, Ditto, square, pecked. 66228. Ditto, with groove around the edge. I/-tu-thlan-ah-nai-e. 66205, 66227, 66131, 66152. Ditto, small, pecked, and ground. 66111, 66206. Ditto, cup-shaped. A/-shok-ton-ak/-tsa-na. 66207. Ditto, with elongated cavity. A-k‘i tiis’h-sha-na. 66135. Ditto, pecked and ground. 66251, Ditto or trough of the malpais for grinding chili and preparing a sauce called K‘iithl-k‘o-se=K‘ol hé-akia 4-shok-ton-ne. 66234. Ditto, crude. 66159. Ditto, small. 66246. Ditto, large and thick. 66244, Ditto, well pecked. , 66190. Ditto, much worn. 5. Ditto. Rectangular. . Ditto, very small. , 66250. Ditto, of finished sandstone. ). Ditto, very deep. 66252. Ditto, very large. 66208, Grinding-stone for colors used in decoration of vessels, in form of mortar. Te’ tsi-na-k‘ia 4-shok-ton-ne. maa ed w SNQInogd STEVENSON. ] ARTICLES OF STONE 523 66254. Ditto, with double concavity for red and black colors. Thlup- tsi-na k‘win i-piéi-tchi-e. 66160, 66163. Ditto or paint-mill for preparing colors for decoration of the sacred dances. Ka-ka-awa he-lin o-na-kia A-shok-ton-ne. 66179. Ditto, long, pecked. 66184, 66165, 66187, 66188. Ditto, finished by pecking. 66219, 66229. Ditto, square. 66191, 66192. Ditto, pecked and chipped. 66176. Ditto, beautifully finished, long. 66171. Ditto, rectangular, beautifully finished, and long. 66209. Ditto, polished irregularly, rectangular. 66170. Ditto, handsomely finished by pecking and grinding. 66121. Ditto, crude, small. 66213, 66153. Ditto, made of a concretion. Mu-to-pa Al a-k4. 66115, 66220, 66127. Ditto, slag. 66128, 66202, 66182. Ditto, round. 66181. Ditto, round and thick. K‘ii/-mo-lia. 66193. Ditto, round. 66194, Ditto, rude. 66130, 66162, 66122, 66222. Ditto, hammer-stone form. 66114. Ditto, polished. 65939, 66230, 66125. Ditto, rectangular. 66210, 66231, 66195, 66212. Ditto, finished by grinding. 66121, 66152. Ditto, finished. 66189, 66211, 66185. Ditto, round. K‘iii/-mo-lia. 66252. Ditto, with small muller. Tu-lin i-hi-kia. 66248, 66214. Paint mortars for reducing the paint for masks and pot- tery. He-lin 6-na-k‘ia 4-shok-to-we. 66237, 66215, 66240, 66241, 66238, 66243, 66242. Mortar, of slag, used in making the sauce described above, and reducing chili. K‘iith)-k‘o-se k‘iii-na-kia a-shok-ton-ne. 66201. Ditto, for children. A-tsan 4-wa. 66223. Ditto, for reducing paint used in decorating pottery. Na/-he-lin o-na-kia a/-shok-ton-ne. 66216, Ditto, square. 66183. Ditto, very deep and finished by pecking. 66249, 66255. Ditto, shallow. 66255. Ditto, unfinished. 66161. Ditto, very rude and small. 66224. Ditto, larger. 66225, Ditto, with small round concavity ; hammer-stone form. 66137, 66155, 56139, 66140, 66141, 66174, 66164, 66167, 66144, 66120, 661235, 66147, 66138, 66173, 66145, 66117, 66151, 66143, 66136, 66149. Paint-mills of fine-grained stone for preparing sacred decoration colors. Tethl-na he-lin o-na-kia 4-shok to-we. 524 66113, 66116, 66247. 66134, 65946, 66007. 66036. 66015. 66037. 66200. 66043. 66009. 66156. 66042. 65984, 66091, 66071, 66088. 66024. 66102, 66109, COLLECTIONS OF 1881—ZUNI. 66129, 66112, 66148, 66118, 66142, 66146, 66119. Ditto, very small. A-tsa-na. Ditto, for common uses. Kwam-as-tin-ak’ia-ni. Ditto or unfinished mortar of the malpais for grinding chili and other ingredients for sauce. K‘ol 6k-na-k’ia 4 shok-ton-ne. 66231, 66124, 66133. Ditto, finished by pecking. MULLERS. Muller made from a small piece of hematite, used as source at once and muller of pottery paint. Té tsi-na-kia 4-k‘win 4-a-le. Ditto, slag, originally a maul. Ditto, of true form, originally a maul. Tchish-na-k‘ia 4-pi-tsu- li-a. Ditto, originally a maul. Ditto, of true form. Ditto, for grinding sauce of onion, chili, coriander, salt, and water. K‘ol hé-ak‘ia 4-mu-luk-ton-ne. Ditto, handsomely finished in the form of a pestle. Ditto, regular form. Ditto, hammer-stone form. Ditto, crusher form. Ditto, for polishing, &e. A kii-thla-k‘ii-na-Wia 4-a-le. 66029, 66030, 66038, 66031, 66039, 65987, 65986, 65976, 65977, 65978, 65979, 65980. Ditto, used for preparing sauce. 66085, 66014, 66105, 66025, 66086, 66006, 66012, 66001, 66011, 66019, 66023, 66041, 66025, 66008, 66016, 66017, 66021, 67005, 66070, 66004. Ditto, mauls and mullers of slag for grinding chili and other ingredients of the sauce known as kiii/thl-k‘o- se. Hé-a-kia 4-mu-lok-to-we. Ditto, granite. Ditto, of granite, for preparing ingredients to form paste for pottery. Sa-to 6k-na-Wia-na-kia 4 k‘iai-mo-li-an-ne. 66094, 66101, 66071, 66089, 66015, 66096, 66107, 66090, 66087, 66091, 66106, 66003, 66092, 66095, 65873. Mullers, grooved maul form. Ok/-na-l’ia o-la k‘i kiaé-mo li-a-we. . Ditto, round. . Ditto, for reducing paint used in pottery decoration, and for pol- ishing. K‘ié/thia-na-l’ia 4-a-le. Ditto, in the form of a paint mortar. He-lin on-al’ia 4-tsa-na, kwil-li-miik-te hé-k‘o-pa. . Ditto, with rounded bottom, enlarged middle and small concav- ity on apex. He-k‘o yii’/thl-tai-e. 65952. Ditto, regular form. ; 65953, 65954, 65955, 65981, 65956, 65957, 65958, 65991, 65959, 65960, 65961, 65962, 65963. Small paint stones or mullers. He-lin o-na-kia 4-k1a-mo-li-a-we. STEVENSON. ] ARTICLES OF STONE. 525 66032, 66033, 66035, 66034, 65994, 66026, 65995, 66049, 65996. Mullers for polishing or smoothing cooking stones, &c. A k‘iii-thla-I’ia- na-k’ia-a-we (plu.) 66256, 66257, 66276, 66285, 66266, 62258, 66273, 66263, 66264, 66274, 66286, 66271, 66272, 66259, 66261, 66270, 66267, 66293, 66288, 66287, 66290, 66289, 66291. Ditto, or rubbing-stones, used in con- nection with fine metals for grinding corn and meal. Teht ok-na-)’ia yal-li-we. 62298. Ditto, very large. 66275. Ditto, broken. 66269, 66294, 64299, 66300. Ditto, very broad and flat. Teht ok-na-k’ia. Yal-li k‘i4-pa-we. 66297, 66295, 66301, 66303, 66304, 66302, 67305. Ditto, ancient. I-no-to- na-awa ya/l-li-we. 66284. Ditto, modern, for making coarse meal. 66307. Ditto, large, for grinding chili, K‘iaé/thl-he-a-kia 4-thla-na. 66296. Ditto, very broad, flat, and ancient, for grinding flour. I-no- te-kwe awen yi/l-lin-ne. 1982. Muller for reducing pottery colors. 1986. Ditto, maul form. 2154, 2163. Mauls and mullers of slag for grinding chili and other ingredients of the sauce known as kiéthl k‘o se= Kiii/thl- he-a-kia 4-mu-luk-ton-ne. 2159, 2168, 2171, 2173. Small paint stones or mullers. He-lin o-na-k’ia a-k‘iii-mo-li-a-we. 2167. Muller, very large. 2267. Ditto, or rubbing-stone, used in connection with fine metates for for grinding corn meal. Teh ok-na-kia yiil-lin-ne. 2275. Ditto, unfinished. Kwa-ya-nam-o-na. 2338. Small chili muller. 2356. Polishing muller. 1998. Muller, used for preparing sauce. MISCELLANEOUS OBJEOTS. 65940, 65941. Small stones used in polishing pottery. Té k‘ia thla-Wia- na-kia 4-we. 65998, 65942. Polishing stones used for grinding sacred paint. 65988, 65998, 65943, 65974, 63944, 66010. Ditto, large. 65947, 65948, 65985. Small stones used in polishing pottery. Te-kia- thla-kia-na-kia-A-we. 65967, 65946, 65975, 65997, 65973, 65950, 65981, 65965, 65966, 65951. Small stones used in polishing unburned vessels. Té k‘ia-pi na k‘ié-thla-k’ia-na-k‘ia 4-we. 65983. Large stone for polishing baking slabs. A k‘ii-thla-l’ia-na-k‘a 4-a-le. 65982, 66000. Polishers. K‘ia/-thla-na-k/ia a-we. 526 COLLECTIONS OF 1881—ZUNI. 65964. Small polishing stone. A/ k4i-thl4-kia-na-l’ia 4-tsa-na. 65993. Ditto, larger. 66048, 66047. Ditto, flat. 66050. Ditto, large, flat. 65972. Small polisher for glazing and smoothing pottery. Té k‘ia-thla- kia-na-k/ia 4-tsa-na, for use of which see pl. xl. 66053, 65969. Ditto, rude. 65949. Small stone used in polishing unburned vessels. Te! k‘ia-pi-na k‘ia-thla-k’ia-na-k’ia-4-a-le, 66014, 66028, 66108, 66020. Pecking stones. A tok-na-k’ia a/-we. 66067, 66066, 66065. Ornamented ancient pestles. I-no-to-na a-wa k‘t lu-lu-na-kia 4-tesh-kwi-we. 66218. Ornamented small paint pestle. Hé-a-k’ia ti-lin-ne. 66260, 66277, 66278, 66279, 66268, 66280, 66265, 66281, 66282, 66283. Rub- bing-stones used with a coarse metate for shucking and cracking corn. Tcht thliat-sa-k’ia-na-Wia yal’ li we. 65936. Ancient stone knife used in the ceremonial dance called the Hom/- ah-tchi, or war dance of the Ka-kaé. Hom-ah-tchi awen i- tchi-en-ne. 65934, 65933, 66310, 65937, 65931, 65932. Ancient war knives preserved for modern ceremonials. 3 Of the variety known as the ‘‘ H4-mi-li-li tiimush,” or petri- fied wood-lance (archaric). 3 “Ti-mush shf-k‘ia-na,” or the black lance. 65929. Ditto, ground. 65930. Ancient rude stone knife. Ti-mush 4-tchi-én tsa-na. 66056. Thunder ball or stone used in the sacred ceremonial game of the priests. Ku-lu-lu-na-l’ia 4-a-le. 66064, 66063, 66060, 66058. Small stone balls used in the sacred game of . the Hidden ball. T-iin-k‘o-lo @-li-we. 66057. Small thunder ball used in the ceremonial game of the Hidden ball. Ku-lu-lu-na-k’ia 4-k‘iéi-mo-li-a tsa-na. 66061, 66059, Thunder ball, plain, small. 66055. Ditto, large, used as a weight in the dye-pot. 65970. Ditto, large, rude, or irregular. 66323, 66326, 66327. Stones for baking tortillas and corn griddle-cakes. Hé pi-tchish-na-kia a/-we. 66328. Ditto, for baking guyave or paper-bread. Hel/-aish-na-k’ia a-a-le. 66329. Ditto, small. 66044, Paint stone used as weight in dyeing. Thli-an-a-kia pé-u-li-k’ia 4-a-le. 66068, 65928. Stones used as weights in the dye-pot. Thli-an 4-k‘ia pa wo lu-k’ia 4-we. 66079, 66099, 66098, 66100, 66076, 66078. Sacred, ancient idol stones, concretions. A-thlii-shi 4-yal-up-na-we. h SSS SS POLISHING POTTERY. 4 i STEVENSON. ] ARTICLES OF STONE. SPAT 66080. Ancient stone idol found near the celebrated ruins in Eastern Tusayan, known as A-wat-ti, or Tala-ho-g’an. I-no-to-na-4 tahla-shi, ha-i 4n-te-li-ah-nai-e. 66074, 66075, 66073. Small, disc-shaped stone quoits. Tan-ka-la-k’ia-na- Wia A-we. 66052. Ditto, large. 65972. Stone for producing black paint of pottery, hematite. Té-tsi- na-k‘ia 4-k‘win-ne. 66069. “Ancient stone.” A-thli-shi. 66051, 66084. Tufas for tanning skins. A-sho-a 4-we. 69270. Concretion of sacred significance, or “old stone.” A-thlii-shi. 65935. Flat stone used as cover to cooking pot. Wo-le-a 4 k-os-kwi-ki’a. 66308, 66309. Pair of arrow-shaft raspers or grinders of sandstone. Sho tehish-ni-l’ia 4-wi-pii-tehin-ne. 66081, 66082, 66083. Mauls for pounding raw-hide. f-k4ithl-thli tak. na-kia 4-we. 2190. Very fine polishing stone for finishing baking-stones. Wa-lo-loa- k‘ia-na-W’ia 4-mu-luk-ton-ne. 2191. Ditto, flat. 2314. Small polishing stone. K‘ii-thla-W’ia-na-k’ia 4-a-le. 2315. Small paint pestle. Hé-a-kia tt-lin-ne. 2350. Stone axe with handle. O-la ki thla-shi. 2321. Thunder ball with sacred head inlaid to secure good fortune, an- cient. K‘u-lu lu-na-kia ha-lo-a-ti-na thle-a-k’ia-ni 4 k4ii-mo- li-an-ne, i-no-to-na. 2841. Concretion of sacred significance or “old stone.” A-thlii-shi. 2842. Ditto, red. Shi-lo-a. 2843. Ditto, black. Shi-k‘ia-na. 1981. Knob of mineral (bitumen) used in polishing the inside of parch- ing vessels, or glazing black during great heat. Wo-li-a-Wia- té-thle-mon an té-hu-lin w6-pa-thlai-a-k4a hé k‘wi-nan-né. 2845. Small thunder stone ball used in the ceremonial game of Hidden ball. K‘a-lu-lu-na-kia 4l-u-lin-ne. 2844. The “ house of the hornets of creation”. Tehim-mi-k‘ia-na-kia 6-hap k‘id-kwi-we. 2838. Lumps of yellow paint. Hé thlup-tsi-kwa mit-we (for pottery). HUNTING AND WAR AMULETS Composed of arrow points, stone knives, and carvings to represent the great animals of prey—we-ma-we—&c. These specimens have been retained by the Bureau of Ethnology for purposes of study, and conse- quently have no National Museum numbers. Tbe numbers given them here pertain to the field catalogue. 1, Large stone figure of mountain lion, distinguished by a long tail curved lengthwise over the back; observe blood on black coating and turquoise eyes. H4k-ti-tiish-a-na wém-me. Hun- ter God of the North. 528 COLLECTIONS OF 1881—ZUNI. 2, Amulet, of white spar, with arrow head ‘above heart.” Nicely carved, with ears and with small pieces of turquoise inserted for eyes; designated by Mr. Cushing as Prey God of the Hunt. Sii-ni-a-k4a-kwe awen hak-ti-tiish-a-na wém-me. 3. Ditto, of sandstone, without inlaid eyes. Stone arrow-head attached on right side. 4. Ditto, of alabaster, without flint. 5. Ditto, with flint at back, and showing traces of blood. 6. Ditto, of alabaster; very small. 7. Ditto, with traces of carbonate of copper, or the sacred blue medi- cine stone of the Zunis. 8. Ditto, of banded spar, used in the ceremonial of paint-making in connection with the prayers for increase of animals, I-sho- maia-k‘ia. . Ditto, with arrow-point, coral (4la ho), white, shell disk (k‘o-ha kwa) and abalone (sho-to-thli an) ornaments bound about the re- gion of the heart. 10. Representation of the great Hunting God of the West, the Coyote, in plain alabaster. 11. Ditto, in sandstone, inlaid with patches of green stone. 12. Ditto, in fine brown sandstone, inlaid with turquoise eyes. 13. Ditto, in alabaster. 14. Ditto, in alabaster, with flint chip at back. 15. Ditto, showing blood coating. 16. Ditto, in alabaster. 7. Ditto, ditto (small). 18. Ditto, in semi-translucent spar. 9. Ditto, in alabaster (small). 20. Ditto, in carbonate of copper. 20a. Ditto, ditto. 20b. Ditto, in banded spar, and used as No. 8. 21, Representation in pottery, with conventional decoration, of the Great Hunting God of the South, the Wild Cat, or Te-pi- wém. Very ancient. 2, 23, 24. Ditto, of soft chalky substance, short black tail and black ear-tips. . Ditto, in yellowish soft stone. 27. Ditto, in alabaster (small). . Ditto, ditto (with hole for suspension). . Ditto, ditto (without hole). 30. Ditto, ditto (with flint chip at back). 31. Ditto, ditto (with arrow at side). 32, 33. Ditto, ditto (with flint chip). 34. Ditto, ditto (with white bead necklace and arrow point at back). 35. Ditto, with arrow point and carbonate of copper at back. ve) to o ee) bo bo b& bo SS oO STEVENSON. ] ARTICLES OF STONE. 529 36. 37. 65. 66. Representation of Great Hunting God of the South, the Wild Cat, fine soft sandstone, showing ornaments and arrow point and traces of blood, and inclosed in buckskin bag worn in the chase. Ditto, in alabaster, very large, showing black snout, feet, tail, and ears. . Ditto, in dark sandstone, very large, with white shell, coral, and arrow point bound to back and sides. . Ditto, with arrow, arrow-point, and carbonate of copper at back. . Ditto, in sandstone, plain. . Ditto, ditto, eyes inlaid with turquoise. . Ditto, with white shell and arrow-point bound to side. . Wolf Fetich of the Chase, or Hunter God of the East, plain sand- stone. . Ditto, alabaster, plain. . Ditto (ditto), small. 47. Ditto, ditto, with arrow flake. . Ditto, of sacred bluestone. . Ditto, of banded spar, and used as remarked under No. 8. . Ditto, ditto. 52. Concretion representing the Great Hunting God of the lower re- gions; the Mole (K‘ié-lu-tsi-wém), with white shell disks bound about neck and arrow point to the back. . Ditto, very small. . Piece of slag, slightly ground, to represent the Great Prey God of the upper regions, the Eagle, or K‘ia-k’ial-i wém. . Great pray God, in yellow rock material, rudely shaped and pro- vided with necklace of arrow-point, white shell beads, &e. . Ditto, very rude, of sandstone, without appurtenances. . Ditto, conventionally carved, with aperture at back for suspension; fine-grained red stone. . Ditto, in blood-stained alabaster, inlaid at back, breast, and eyes with turquoise. . Ditto, in alabaster, with carbonate of copper inlaid as eyes, and arrow-point placed at back. . Ditto, carved quite elaborately. . Ditto (very small). 2. Ditto, in sandstone, very small, and with necklace. . Ditto, very elaborately carved, and represented sitting on theancient knife used in war expeditions to insure successful elusion of enemies. . Representing a quadruped with straight tail, ears, mouth, and feet tipped with black; turquoise eyes set in. Wild-eat. Ditto. 3 ETH——34 Aa 90 oe ~*~ ~1 COLLECTIONS OF 1881—ZUNI. . Coyote. 8. Ditto. 9. Represents an animal with short tail, large arrow-head attached to right side; carved from hard gypsum. . Small quadruped, carved from gypsum, short tail, ears projecting forward. . Wild-cat. . Ditto, in alabaster. representing an animal with a long body, with a small shell orna- ment attached to its back; carved from gray soapstone. . Wolf-cat. . Long-bodied animal, with shell ornament attached to back. }. Ditto, without ornament. . Represents a wolf carved from wood, with rude arrow-head at- tached to back. . Wolf. . Horse with saddle; white quartz; used in prayers to promote re. production of herds. (Of Navajo importation.) . Animal with four outspreading limbs. Cut from small flat stone. . Coyote. 2. Wolf with arrow-head on back. . Quadruped with short thick body of fine-grained sandstone, . Similar to 83, with flint flake attached to body. . Probably designed for a wolf; flint flake on back. . Wild-eat. . Ditto. Coyote. Armlet of quartz crystal used in the formation of the medicine water of secret orders. Sai-a-ko-ma 4-tésh-kwin-ne. . Ditto, in calcareous spar. . Ditto, inthe form of a small cat, for use before the altar during the same ceremonial. Sai-a-ko-ma 4-tésh-k win-te-pi wém. 2. Ditto, in spar in the form of a pestle. 3. Ditto, in fine-ground, dark sandstone, in the form of a pestle. , 95, Small-banded spar pendants, used in the ceremonial described under No. 8. . Ditto, long, with a depression or groove about the middle. One of the sacred ancient medicine stones. A~ thlii-shi (a small fossil ammonite). . Ditto, a fossil univalve. . Ditto, concretion in form of human testicles and of phallic sig- nificance. Mo-ha a/- thlii-shi. . Ditto, slag, used as in No. 97. Ditto, ditto, stalagmitie. Ditto, chalcedony concretion, ditto. STEVENSON. ] ARTICLES. OF .CLAY. 531 103. Stone knife of obsidian, with string for suspension, used in cere- monial scalp taking—one of which is carried on journeys by each member of the Priesthood of the Bow, or Order of the Knife. Mo tsi-k’wash-na kia ti-mush. 104 to 125. Ancient flint knives preserved as amulets and relics of ancestors among the Zunis. 125 to 150. Arrow points, &c., preserved by modern Zuihis as relies of ancestors, and amulets used in various ceremonials, &e. Miscellaneous objects not numbered in catalogue : Three bow-guards for children. Kém pas si-kwi-we. Two small rattles for children. A-tsana awen chim-mo-we. Three awls, used in the weaving of blankets and baskets. Sa si-mo- we. Four sets of small flat sticks used in the game of ta-sho-li-we. ARTICLES OF CLAY. WATER JARS. 67548. Ancient water-jar, with the road of the clouds represented on the front. I-no-to-na té-mui-a mé-he-ton-ne. 67745. Very old water-jar in representation of an owl. Mu-ha-kwi mé- he-ta! thla-shi. 7, 67752. Water-jars representing owls, small, new. 8. Ditto, representing a duck. E-a mé-he-ta. 66496. Small toy water-jar of red ware. I-k‘osh-na-k’ia k‘ia-wih-ni-Wia té shi-loa t‘sa-na. 66451. Large olla, or water-jar, decorated with floral patterns. K‘ia-wih na-Wia té-le. 66401, 66349, 66366, 66442. Ditto, ancient terrace and rattlesnake deco- ration. 66432. Ditto, curve and bird pattern. 66549, 66369, 66460, 66374. Ditto, curve pattern. 66391, 66352. Ditto, with floral and bird pattern. 66422. Ditto, primitive sacred terrace and rattlesnake pattern, 66333. Ditto, with decoration representative of lightning and milky- way. 66468. Ditto, with rainbow and lightning pattern. 664° 2. Ditto, with rosette, curve and deer patterns, and sacred birds reversed. 532 COLLECTIONS OF 1881—ZUNI. 66364. Ditto, floral rosette, and deer patterns, with central band con- taining the conventional bird. 66417. Ditto, deer and floral patterns. 66539. Ditto, rosette, plant, bird, and deer patterns. 66545, 66331. Ditto, rosette, deer (po ye) patterns. 66343. Ditto, rosette, bird, and curve pattern. 66385. Ditto, curve, star rosette, and bird pattern. 66346,66454. Ditto, small, deer and bird decoration. 66537. Ditto, with star flower rosette, deer, and terrace conception of the sky. 66341. Ditto, with deer (Na/-tsi-na) and Quail (or P6-yi) decoration. 66439. Ditto, with deer and floral decoration. 66388. Ditto, with deer, rabbit, and star-flower rosette. 66420. Ditto, with deer and star-flower rosette decoration. 66353. Ditto, small, with young deer. 66526. Ditto, with arabesque terrace and rattlesnake pattern. 66548, Ditto, with curve and po ye pattern. 66418. Ditto, with primitive terrace pattern. 66351. Ditto, with curve and star rosette decoration. 66336. Ditto, with curve and P6-yi decoration. 66469. Ditto, with curve decoration. 66462. Ditto, with zigzag and floral patterns. 66477. Ditto, very small sky pattern. 66521, Small toy water jar (modern). I-k‘osh-na-k’ia té-tsa-na. 66443. Elegantly ornamented toy water jar, in primitive style of decora- tion. 1-k‘osh-na-k’ia té-tsa-na, i-no-to-na ik-na tsi-na-pa. 66482. Ancient water jar of red ware. I-no-to-na k‘id-wih-na-k’ia té- thla-na. 66440. Small girl’s water jar, decorated with floral designs in red and black. -tsa-na an k‘i4-wih-na-kia té-tsana. 66543. Ditto, of red ware in imitation of ancient. 66491. Ditto, ancient, with bird decoration. 66480. Ditto, ancient, with conventional design. 66342. Ancient water jar from the ruins of K‘id-W’i-me (Home of the eagles), an ancient Zuni pueblo near the base of the mesa of Té-ai-yil-lon-ne. 66486. Ancient small water jar, beautifully decorated with red and black designs on a cream body, from the ruins of Wi-mai-a, one of the ancient Zuni pueblos on the north side of the valley of Zuni, the birth-place of the grandparents of a living aged Zuni named “ U-pe-kwi-na.” 67310. Small water jar of red ware. E-tsa-na an té-shi loa. 06444, Water jar, or olla, with star and flower decoration. Kia-wih-na- Wia té-le. 66394. Ditto, with ancient terrace and arrow decoration. 66547. Ditto, with deer and quail decoration. STEVENSON. ] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 533 66361. Ditto, with curve decoration. 66416. Large jar decorated with ancient figures, and used as receptacle for sacred plumes. La po-kia té-le. 66357. Very ancient rattlesnake and sacred terrace water-jar. I-no-to- na k‘ia-wih-na-kia té-li, a-wi-thluia-po-na, tehi-to-la, ta yii/-to kia pii/-tehi-pa. 66379. Ditto, modified. 67482. Small toy water jar, paint pot. 66533. Ditto, bird and deer decoration. 66338. Ditto, bird and rosette decoration. 66445. Ditto, rosette and small red wing decoration. 66467. Ditto, with chevron of lightning and milkyway. 66431. Ditto, small rosette and star decoration. 66479. Very large, small-mouthed plume jar. La-po-k’ia té-thlana. 66483. Ditto, very large and very ancient. 66485. Ditto, for water used by inhabitants of large mesas. 66449. Ditto, ancient terrace and rattlesnake decoration. 66475. Ditto, primitive terrace and arrow decoration. 67550. Large, bird-shaped ancient jar with handle. E-a té mu-to-pa (i-no-to-na). See fig. 2, pl. xli. 66424. Jar made in imitation of treasure jar, found in ruins of Wt-mai a. Thla wo-pu-k‘ia té-tsa na i no-to-na 4n-te-li-ah-na y6-k‘oa. 66350. Small broken jar with representation of Maximillian’s jay. Kia wih-na-Wia té-tsana mai-a w6-pa-no-pa. 66356, 66344, 66406. Ditto, with antelope design. 66484, Ditto, ground-sparrow decoration. WATER BOTTLES, 67342. Small, double-lobed water bottle. Mé wi-k‘i-lik-ton i-yithl tiish- sha-na. 66376. Very large water bottle with elaborate ancient fret design, for purposes described under 66485, with holes to facilitate hand- ling and pegs for suspension. This remarkable specimen has been handed down from generation to generation since the time of the habitation of Ta ai yiil lon ne. 68546. Ornamented water bottle of basket work. H4-i t6m tsi-na-pa. 67316. Small red water jar for child. K‘ié-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na thlap tsi-na. (66506.) Water jar for making yeast, of yellow ware. Mo-tse 6pi-k’ia- na-k’ia té thlup-tsi-na. 66507. Yeast-water-making jar of yellow ware. Mo-tse k‘ia-nan ona- kia té thlup-tsi-na. 66474. Small water jar for children. K‘id wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. Small water jar for children. K‘id-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. 66461. Kia-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. 534 COLLECTIONS OF 1881—ZUNI. 67536. Yeast-water-making jar of yellow ware. Mo-tse k‘ia-nan ona-kia té thlup-tsi-na. 67558. Large vase in representation. of knit moccasin, used as a toy. We-po-tcha té-tsa-na 1-k‘osh-na-kia. 66392. Large water jar or olla. K‘i4-wih-na-lk’ia té thla-na. 66541. Large water jar or olla. Kiaé-wih-na-kia té le. 66371. Small water jar for children. K‘ia-wih na-k’ia té-tsa-na. — Yeast-water jar of red ware. Mo-tse k‘ia-nan ona-k’ia. té-shi- lo-a. 67330. Water jar with representations of deer, ete. K‘id-wih-na-k’ia té na-pa-na-pa. 66436. Water jar. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té-le. 66404. Large water jar, with ancient zigzag decoration, referring to the four wombs of earth and the darts with which they were broken open for the liberation and birth of mankind. K‘ié-wih na-Wia té-le, a-wi-ten té-huthl-na, awi-thlui-a-po-na tsi-na-pa. 66398. Small water jar. K‘ia-wih-na-Wia té tsa-na. 66518. Small toy water jar or olla of red ware. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té tsa- na shi-lo-a, 4 tsa-na awa. 66368. Small child’s water jar or olla. Tsan~’an kié-wih-na-k’ia té-tsa-na. 66389. Large water jar or olla. K‘ia-wih-na-l’ia té-thla-na. 66359. Small water jar or olla. K‘ié-wih-na-Wia té tsa-na. 66465. Small toy water jar or olla. K‘ia4-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na 1-k‘osh-na- Wia. 66473. Large white olla or water jar. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té k‘o-ha-na. —- Small sacred water jar with terraced rim. K‘id-pu-kia awi- thlui-a-po-na té tsa-na. 66476. Small olla or decorated water jar, ancient. I-no-te k‘i4-wih-na- Wia té tsa-na. ——- Jar or olla decorated in ancient emblematic style, and used asa receptacle for sacred plumes. Lé-po-k’ia té-le. 66446. Small decorated water jar or olla for children. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. 66420. Small decorated water jar or olla for children. A-tsa na awa k‘a4-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. 67347. Large double salt-jar. Ma-po-l’ia té-thla-na. 66377. Small water jar or decorated olla. K‘ia-wih-ni-k’ia té tsa-na. 66544, Water jar or decorated olla. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té-le. Small red jar for mixture of hé k‘ior batter. Hé-k‘i w6-li-kid sé- tsa-na. 67517-67516. Small jars for black plume-stick paint. Ha-k‘win hé-li- po-Wia té-tsa-na. 67532. Small toy olla or water jar of red ware. I-k‘osh-na-kia k’i4-wih- na-l’ia-té-tsa-na. — Water jar or old olla, decorated with figures of antelope and sacred birds. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té thla-shi-na, na-pa-no pa, W0-tsa-na W6-pa-no-pa. STEVENSON. ] ARTICLES OF CLAY. 5385 67321. Small yellow water jar or olla. K‘4é-wih-na-Wia té-tsa-na thhip- tsi-na. 66375. Decorated water jar or olla. K4a-wih-na-Wia té le, hé-pa-k’i w6- pa-na-pa. 66453. Small decorated water jar or olla. K‘4ia-wih-na-k’ia té-tsa-na. 66351-66410. Large decorated ollas or water jars. K‘i4-wih-na-Wia té- we, 4-thla-na é 66423. Small decorated water jar or olla. K‘4a-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. 66150. Small toy olla or decorated water jar. 1-k‘osh-na-kia té tsa-na. 66520, Ked ware salt jar with castellated and corrugated edges and rim. M4-po-lWia té-shi-lo-a mii-to-pa. ——- Small decorated olla or water jar. K‘ia-wih-na-I’ia te tsa-na. 66399. Child’s small water jar or decorated olla. K‘ia-wil-na-k’ia té tsa- na a-tsa-na awa. ——-. Small decorated water-jar or child’s olla. K‘i4-wih-na-k’ia té tsa- na a-tsa-na awa. 66413. Water jar or olla on which the emblematic terraces of the four wombs of earth and the magic knife with which they were opened are conspicuous decorations. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té-le, a-wi-ten té-huthl-na, 4-wi-thlui-a pa push-kwai-na. pii/-tehi-pa. 66387. Small decorated water jar or olla, with figures of deer. K‘i4-wih- na-Wia té tsa-na, sh6-ho-i-ta pa-tehi-pa. 66428. Small decorated water jar or olla. K‘i4-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na na- pa-na-pa. —. Large double salt and pepper jar. M4-po-kia té-wi-pa-tehi-na. 66354. Water jar, large, decorated. K‘id wih-na-l’ia té le. 66466. Water jar or olla decorated with ancient design of the rattle- snake gens. K‘ia-wih-na-lia te-le, fno-10-na Tchi-to-la-kwe a-wa tsi-nan tsi-na-pa. 66334. Water jar or decorated olla. K‘ia-wih-na-lvia te-le. 66463. Olla or decorated water jar with figures of sacred birds and ros- ette. K4a-wih-na-lia te-le, w6-tsa-na ta hé-pa-k‘i w6-pa-no- pa. 66337. Olla or water jar decorated with figures of sacred blue birds. Kia-wih-na-k‘ia té-le, kii/-she-ma-mai-a w6-pa-no-pa. 66457. Olla or decorated water jar. K‘id-wih-na-k’ia té-le. -. Olla or water jar decorated with figures of deer, growing plants, and the gentile quail or chaparral cock. K‘id-wih-na k’ia té- le, nd-pa-no-pa, po-yi ta kwan-hai-apii/-tchi-pa. 66405. Olla or decorated water jar. K‘id-wih-na-k’ia té-le. 66345, Small water jar or decorated olla, ancient design. K‘iA-wih-na- kia té tsa-na, i-no-to-na ftsi-na-pa. 66492. Small, line decorated red earthen water jar. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té- tsa-na, shi-lo-a tsi-na-pa. ——. Small sacred water jar in form of mud hen. Hi-lu-k’ia mé-he-ta tsa-na. 536 66414. 66407. 66427. 66497. 76457. 66470. 66472, 66405. 66520. 66381. 66471. 66386. 66464. 66340. COLLECTIONS OF 1818—ZUNI. Olla or water jar decorated with emblems of the gentile rattle- snake. K‘id-wil-na-kia te-le, Tchi-to-la-kwe a-wen tsi-nan pii/- tehi-pa. Olla or decorated water jar figured with deer and antelope. K‘ia- wih-na-k’ia té-le na-pa-o-pa. Small olla or water jar decorated with figures of antelope. K‘ié- wih-na-l’ia té tsa-na, na-pa-no-pa. Small red ware water jar. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té tsa na, shi-lo-a. Small olla or water jar decorated with figures of antelope. K‘ia- wil-na-k’ia te-le, na-pa-no-pa. Large olla or decorated water jar, with figures of sacred birds, K‘id-wih-na-k’ia té-thla-na wo-tsa-na w6-pa-no-pa. Large olla or water jar decorated with the designs of the rattle- snakes. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té-thla-na, Tchi-to-la-kwe awa tsi- na tsi-na-pa. Small water jar or olla decorated with figures of antelope and black birds. K‘ia-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na, na-pa-no-pa, k‘é-tehu W0-pa-no-pa. 34. Small decorated water jar or olla. K‘id-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. >. Small decorated water jar or olla. K‘ié-wih-na-k’ia té tsa-na. . Child’s water jar or olla decorated with figures of antelope and a kind of sparrow.