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FORTY-FOURTH
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

BUREAU OF
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

1926-1927

UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON
1928

ADDITIONAL COPIES

OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE PROCURED FROM
THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS
U.S.GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON, D.C.

AT

$2.25 PER COPY (Cloth)

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BuREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., June 30, 1927.
Sm: I have the honor to submit herewith the Forty-
fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1927.
With appreciation of your aid in the work under my
charge, I am,
Very respectfully, yours,
J. WALTER FEWKES,
Chief.
Dr. C. G. ABzot,
Acting Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
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CONTENTS

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

Page
Systemutiomrescarches ===. === awe See on See Se eee ee 2
Specialltreseanrchess=s9-25- == = ee oo oh eA ee ee Be 10
HG OT al aWwOLK an Ge u blCa On Se ee ee ee 15
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COLT CSE GY Ce a re ee 17
PLOVER see see econ ae ee eee = ae eS 2 a eee 18
Miscellaneous S== = === s— oe a ae a ee ee ee Se ep SS eee 18
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

Exploration of the Burton Mound at Santa Barbara, California, by John
IPpy Harrington 22222 2s Se a aa ee eee Sa ee ee oe esos 23

Social and religious beliefs and usages of the Chickasaw Indians, by
GIOLeva TRESS lia Royal ees ee ee eee 169
Uses of plants by the Chippewa Indians, by Frances Densmore__________ 275
Archeological investigations—II, by Gerard Fowke___------__-__-_______ 399

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PAuAIa 90 WIRD ARE IO-T

FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
J. WALTER FEwKEs, Chief

The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1927, were conducted
in accordance with the act of Congress approved April 22,
1926, making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of
the Government, which act contains the following item:

American ethnology : For continuing ethnological researches among
the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, the excavation
and preservation of archzologic remains under the direction of the
Smithsonian Institution, including necessary employees, the prepa-
ration of manuscripts, drawings, illustrations, the purchase of neces-
sary books and periodicals, and traveling expenses, $57,160, of which
amount not to exceed $46,000 may be expended for personal serv-
ices in the District of Columbia.

The chief, as in former years, has endeavored to use
this appropriation as economically as possible, being
always conscious that the amount available is too small
to cover the expense of very extensive field work. His
major aim is to make the money go as far as possible in
the advancement of our knowledge of the Indian and the
diffusion of the information acquired.

Popular interest in anthropology, especially archeology,
has increased greatly during the last decade, and each
year replies to queries occupy more of the time of our
staff. In spite of the limited appropriation, the bureau
has had more investigators in the field during the past
year than in any similar period of the present régime.

1

2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES

The systematic researches of the chief at Elden Pueblo,
begun in the last fiscal year and treated in the report for
1925-26, were continued through July and August. All
of the exterior walls and most of the interior rooms were
completely excavated, the rough stone walls of the build-
ing showing that it was rectangular in outline and in-
cluded dwellings, storage rooms, and a single kiva. It
extended over a space measuring 145 by 125 feet, oriented
approximately north and south. The standing walls
range from 2 to 7 feet in height. Elden Pueblo is the
largest ruin yet excavated in the Flagstaff region, but
there are many others of the same general character still
hidden from the light and demanding attention. Although
the masonry is crude, the pottery of Elden Pueblo is well
made, well decorated, and often highly polished, in a few
cases closely recalling glazed ware which was rarely manu-
factured in prehistoric Arizona. Both the masonry and
the ceramics of Elden Pueblo are closely allied to those
of the little-known cliff ruins, Kietsiel and Betatakin, and
the open-air pueblos situated near St. George, Utah. The
pueblo shows affinities with a culture antecedent to that
of Sikyatki and Homolobi, the former being late pre-
historic and the latter post-Columbian.

In the midst of graves forming a cemetery on the east
side of Elden Pueblo were found subterranean walled de-
pressions, which remind one of those post-Basket Maker
rooms or megalithic pit houses which form such a wide-
spread architectural feature, of archaic age, in the South-
west.

Abundant human burials were discovered in cemeteries
situated outside the eastern and northern sides. The
skeletons were not flexed but lay at full length, their heads
generally turned toward the east; those buried at the
greatest depth were surrounded by burial offerings, in
one instance covered with adobe or hardened clay. About
500 complete pottery vessels were brought back, half of
which were unbroken. The collection also contains nu-

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 3

merous sherds and other objects, the whole forming the
largest collection of pre-Puebloan material of this epoch
in the National Museum. In each burial was found an
average of five to six ceramic objects such as bowls. This
important collection is timely and, for the study of Pueblo
chronology, is much better than pottery fragments. The
collection contains some of the oldest types of that south-
western pottery which was manufactured before the intro-
duction of glazed ware. The specimens are also older
than the yellow-red-brown type found at Sikyatki and
Homolobi. The collection also contains a larger number
of bright red bowls with burnished black interiors resem-
bling the Pima and Papago ware of the Lower Gila and
California.

In June, 1927, the chief undertook a short reconnais-
sance to Greenville, 8. C., to test the desirability of under-
taking field work in the Piedmont region, the archeology
of which is little known. Though the trip was a short
one, he was much gratified with the prospects for intensive
work in the locality and hopes in the autumn to begin
elaborate field investigations there. He examined several
fine collections containing pottery, stone, and clay pipes,
and other objects, none of which has ever been figured or
described. He made a number of excursions into the sur-
rounding country and visited several mounds in the Pied-
mont region, one of which was selected for subsequent.
explorations. Fragments of pottery picked up on the sur-
face seem to indicate a Cherokee origin. <A fine bowl
found near the bank of the Savannah River was of Middle
Mississippi type and resembled effigy vases from Ar-
kansas. It would seem that the archeology of this region
is complex and would well repay investigation, especially
as so little attention has thus far been given to it.

The chief obtained many excellent photographs of arche-
ological objects in the collection of Messrs. Thackston and
Schwing, of Greenville, to whom, as well as to other citi-
zens of the section, he wishes to express here his thanks for
the many kindnesses which he received. The photographs,

4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

made by Dowling, of Greenville, include several unique
specimens.

Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, was engaged during
the past fiscal year in reading the proof of his papers on
“Social Organization and Social Usages of the Indians of
the Creek Confederacy’’; ‘‘Aboriginal Culture of the
Southeast ’’; and the proof of Mr. W. E. Myer’s paper on
“Trails of the Southeast.’’ These papers are to appear in
the Forty-second Annual Report. Doctor Swanton pre-
pared a paper of over 200 pages on the ‘‘Social and Re-
ligious Beliefs and Usages of the Chickasaw Indians,”’’
which has been accepted for publication. With the help
of Miss Mae Tucker, he completed a card catalogue of the
Timucua words contained in the printed works of Pareja
and Movilla, which he is now engaged in studying and
correcting. He also has in preparation a bulletin on the
social and religious usages of the Choctaw Indians similar
to that on the Chickasaw.

During the fiscal year Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnolo-
gist, continued his researches among the Algonquian tribes.
In the early part of the year he began work among the
Arapaho of Wyoming. Although many years ago he
pointed out the divergent character of their language as
compared with other Algonquian tongues, the past season’s
work brought this out even more clearly. It can not be
denied that Algonquian elements occur in both the vocabu-
lary and grammar of the language, even though the pho-
netic shifts are highly complex. But certain lexical ele-
ments, as well as certain morphological traits, must appar-
ently be derived from other sources. From these prelim-
inary studies it may be said that Arapaho might almost be
called a stock in the making. The circumstances render
an exhaustive study of the language highly desirable. In
Washington Doctor Michelson prepared for publication
by the bureau a manuscript entitled ‘‘ Notes on the Buftalo-
head Dance of the Thunder Gens of the Fox Indians.”’
He also corrected the proofs of Bulletin 85, ‘‘Contribu-
tions to Fox Ethnology.”’

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 5

He furthermore typed the Fox text and English trans-
lation of an account of the wapanowiweni, a text and
translation of the same relating to the mythical origin of
a major ceremony of the Thunder gens, and the Indian
text of the Thunder dance of the Bear gens. All of these,
eombined with some additional material, will be presented
for publication by the bureau. Doctor Michelson has pre-
pared a brief paper on the St. Lawrence Island Eskimo
erania in the United States National Museum, which is
to be printed in the American Journal of Physical
Anthropology. This proves statistically that the crania
are very uniform, and that, although the cranial index is
higher than that of the eastern Eskimo, this could not be
considered as showing admixture with a broad-headed
type. He spent some time studying the alleged proof of
the Australian and Melanesian affinities of certain Ameri-
can stocks, and found that it lacks a sound foundation.
On his way west Doctor Michelson stopped in Chicago,
where he took the important measurements of all the
Blackfoot (Siksika) erania in the Field Museum of Nat-
ural History. The average height of the male skulls is
in round numbers 130 millimeters. These measurements,
when combined with those of material in the United States
National Museum, should be sufficient to settle a number
of disputed points.

Mr. John P. Harrington, ethnologist, during July and
August, assisted the chief in the work at Elden Pueblo,
described previously in this report. The rest of the year
was devoted to the preparation for publication of field
data obtained the previous year in the Chumash region
of southern California. The Chumash are fast being
acculturated to the languages and mode of life of the
Mexican and American people with whom they are in
daily contact and it is important that what information
is still available be made a matter of record without fur-
ther delay.

Through the cooperation of Mr. Earl V. Shannon, of
the division of mineralogy of the National Museum, the

6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

paints used by the Indians were identified chemically,
with interesting results, specimens purchased from liv-
ing Indians and also those taken from graves being used
for the purpose.

A very complete linguistic study of the ethnobotany
of these Indians was carried out, with special attention
to the ancient designations of the parts of the plants and
their growth development. The designations of pollen,
pistil, stamen, and petal vary widely as we pass from
dialect to dialect, various words used for other concep-
tions being extended to cover them. The same irregu-
larity has also been apparent in comparing the nomen-
clature of plant species.

Mr. Harrington also read proofs of his Kiowa and
Picuris papers, which are now in press. The paper
on the Kiowa is important for the classification of the
Pueblo Indian languages. In connection with the
Picuris paper, Miss Helen H. Roberts prepared tran-
seriptions and analyses of Picuris songs, which will con-
stitute the most complete study in existence of the music
of this tribe.

Early in 1926 Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, com-
pleted the manuscript ‘‘ Iroquoian Cosmology, Second
Part, with Introduction and Notes.”’

He has devoted considerable time to work upon the
manuscript report on the Indian tribes of the Upper
Missouri made by Edwin Thompson Denig to the Hon.
Isaac Stevens, Governor of Washington Territory, which
has been under consideration for publication by the
bureau for some time. This report has intrinsic merit,
as it contains much ethnologic information which it is
now impossible to obtain because of changed conditions
in the life of the tribes mentioned in it.

Several evenings each week during the autumn and win-
ter Mr. Hewitt devoted to the recording of lexical and
grammatical material in the language of the Nez Percé
Indians of the Shahaptian linguistic stock of the Powel-
lian classification of Amerindian languages north of Mex-

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 7

ico. In this work Mr. Hewitt was assisted by Mr. Mark
Phinney, an intelligent and well-educated young man of
that tribe, who is employed in the Office of Indian Affairs
of the Interior Department.

This work was undertaken primarily to obtain ampler
and more accurate linguistic material in this language and
further to elucidate and contirm certain fundamental con-
clusions reached by Mr. Hewitt in 1894 in regard to the
genetic linguistic relationship of three contiguous north-
western linguistic stocks—namely, the Shahaptian, the
Waiilatpuan, and the Lutuamian—of the Powellian clas-
sification. ‘These fundamental conclusions were embodied
in two formal reports to the director of the bureau, having
been prepared for his especial use and at his behest, as
appears in the administrative report of the director for
1894. He approved the findings of both reports, although
the last was not delivered until after the administrative
report had been written; he has been verbally informed of
what the conclusions would be. The first of these reports
showed genetic linguistic relationship between the Sha-
haptian and the Waiilatpuan linguistic stocks of the Pow-
ellian classification; and the second showed, likewise,
genetic linguistic relationship between the Lutuamian
stock of languages and the new group, Shahaptian-
Waiilatpuan, established by the findings of the first report.
Thus these two formal reports brought together into one
linguistic stock the Shahaptian, the Waiilatpuan, and the
Lutuamian lingustic stocks of the Powellian classification.
To this new grouping of languages was _ tentatively
assigned the name Shapwailutan, an artificial term made
up of the initial syllables of the names of the three com-
bined stocks. Mr. Hewitt has since then found no reason
to change his conclusions in these two reports, and his
work with Mr. Phinney has only strengthened his findings.

As custodian of manuscripts, Mr. Hewitt reports that,
with the exception of a number of cross-references, the
cataloguing of the manuscripts had been completed at the
close of the fiscal year, and that the cataloguing of the

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

phonograph records of Indian musie was the new work
for the year.

On May 8, 1927, Mr. Hewitt went to Brantford, Canada,
where he resumed his researches, studying intensively the
rituals, laws, customs, and chants characteristic of the
League of the Iroquois.

In 1896 Chief Seth Newhouse, a Mohawk, showed Mr.
Hewitt a document upon which he had been working for
more than 15 years. It purported to be the constitution
and by-laws of the League of the Iroquois, in the compila-
tion of which Mr. Newhouse had, visited all the Iroquois
reservations known to him in both Canada and the United
States. Mr. Newhouse was an _ exceptionally fluent
speaker in Mohawk, but instead of recording the material
in the Mohawk tongue he painfully recorded it in pic-
turesque broken English. Mr. Hewitt realized that the
significance of the materials contained in this document
had been lost in the attempted translation and finally con-
vinced Mr. Newhouse that it was his duty to render the
ideas underlying the English of the document into
Mohawk. This he did in 1898, and the study of this mate-
rial is one of Mr. Hewitt’s present occupations.

Mr. Hewitt also recorded a Cayuga version of the Chant
Along the Trails or The Chant of the Roll of the Founders
of the Lodge; a Cayuga version of the chant, Over the
Great Forest; the music scores of the several chants of
the condoling and installation rituals of the league; and
an ‘‘ Introduction’ in Cayuga and Onondaga to the
second part of the requickening address which is uttered
in the principal place of assembly.

Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr., archeologist, joined the staff
of the Bureau of American Ethnology on November 1,
1926. His winter months were devoted to a study of the
ceramics of the San Juan area of the Southwest. Doctor
Roberts left Washington April 27 for Boulder, Colo.,
where a study of early ceramic forms was made in the
museum of the University of Colorado.

On May 6 he visited El Paso, Tex., for the purpose of
investigating certain caves in a small range of mountains

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 9

which lies 25 miles northeast of the city, between E] Paso
and the far-famed Hueco Tanks. There are 28 of these
natural recesses in the faces of the cliffs, in most cases just
above the tops of the talus slopes. In general they open
to the west or northwest. Most of them bear traces of
Indian visitors. In the majority of the caves these traces
are largely in the form of pictographs painted on the walls
with red pigment. The pictures are in great part highly
conventionalized and geometric in form. In two instances
they were decidedly suggestive of the decorations on pot-
tery from Casas Grandes in northern Mexico.

Three of the caves showed evidences of an occupation ex-
tending over a considerable period, judging from the
amount of débris and ash on the floors. In the course of
two hours’ digging, 12 sandals, a number of spear shafts,
a fragment of netting, several pieces of cord, portions of
rabbit sticks, a few beads, and two potsherds were found.

The sandals are of a rare and interesting form which
is not common in the better-known portions of the South-
west. A loop of yucea was twisted to form the edges of
the sole and yucca leaves woven back and forth across this
framework. Similar specimens have been found in caves
in portions of west Texas, east of the present site, and at
one or two places in the Mimbres Valley. Two strands of
twisted yucca leaves were fastened together at the toe, run-
ning back about halfway on either side. The sandal was
presumably held in place by passing the toe portion of the
‘tie’? between two toes. The spear shafts were rather
elaborately decorated with streamers of yucca fiber. In
some instances a small stone point was used; in others a
hardened wood point.

On May 13 Doctor Roberts left El Paso for the Chaco
Canyon in northwestern New Mexico, where excavation
was begun on some slab houses on the top of the south rim
of the canyon 9 miles east of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro
Kettle. Between May 17 and June 30, 12 houses, 20 stor-
age cists, and 1 large kiva were excavated.

55231°—28 2

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

All of the houses proved to be of the semisubterranean
single-room variety, rectangular or slightly oval in shape,
averaging about 15 feet in length by about 10 feet in width.
They were excavated 2% to 3 feet deep and found to be
lined with large slabs of stone, the whole covered with a
pole, brush, and plaster superstructure supported on four
poles in the interior of the house. In practically all cases
there was a small opening to the south, possibly a door.
Many of the features of these houses are similar to those
which are found in, and considered characteristic of, the
highly developed kivas or ceremonial rooms of the com-
munal dwellings of later periods. The storage cists were
small oval or circular pits about 2% feet deep, lined with
stone slabs. Houses and storage cists were grouped about
the kiva, which is the first of its type to be excavated in the
Southwest. The front of the banquette and the wall of the
kiva were made of large slabs of stone; the latter were
covered with a thick coating of adobe plaster.

Potsherds and other objects of the material culture of
the builders of this slab-house village are scarce. The
fragments of pottery found, however, are of the type which
in southwestern archeology has been given the term “‘ post-
Basket Maker.’’? Doctor Roberts believes them to be from
a late phase of the post-Basket Maker culture, probably the
end of the period and just prior to the beginning of the
pre-Puebloan stage.

Fourteen burials were found and only three had accom-
panying mortuary offerings. The latter was, in each case,
a bowl. Unfortunately the skeletons were in such a poor
state of preservation that in all but three instances their
removal was out of the question. None of the skulls was
deformed, a typical Pueblo trait, and all were dolichoce-
phals or ‘‘longheads.’’ A detailed map was made.

SPECIAL RESEARCHES

The research in Indian music was conducted in a wider
field during the past year than in any year preceding. In
July, 1926, Miss Frances Densmore, collaborator in Indian

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT a

music, returned to Neah Bay, Wash., to continue her study
of the music of the Makah and of Indians from Vancouver
Island who have married members of the Makah tribe.
_More than 140 songs were recorded, including a group of
old songs obtained from a woman of the Quileute tribe, a
particularly isolated tribe living south of Makah.

An exceptional opportunity for the study of Indian
music was afforded by the celebration of ‘‘Makah Day”’
on August 26 and by the rehearsals preceding this annual
festivity. The program depicted the arrival of a visiting
tribe and the entertainment which in the old days would
have taken place on such an occasion. The Indians who
took the part of visitors arrived in a gaily decorated boat
and were formally welcomed and escorted to the place of
entertainment, where dances were given by expert Makah
dancers. Several of these dances were dramatic presenta-
tions of tribal traditions. For example, it was the old
belief of the Makah that many sorts of animals, birds,
trees, and rocks were once human beings, and one of the
most important dances was an impersonation of human
beings who were the ancestors of the elk.

The songs recorded at Neah Bay included the songs of
the Makah Day dances, rendered by the leading singers,
and songs of the ‘‘impersonation dances’? that formed .
part of the Klokali ceremony. In these dances they for-
merly impersonated the wolf, deer, and wild white geese.
An interesting group of Clayoquot songs was addressed to
the sea when the breakers were high and it was said ‘‘the
sea always seemed to become calm soon after these songs
were sung.’’ A phase of music hitherto unstudied in de-
tail was the old composed song, distinct from the song re-
ceived ina dream. It appears from data collected in two
localities that physical motion was considered an aid to
musical composition, some musicians composing while sit-
ting in a swing, others while walking, and others (on the
coast of British Columbia) while riding in a motor boat.

After five weeks at Neah Bay Miss Densmore went to
Chilliwack, British Columbia, where Indians from a wide

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

territory are annually employed as pickers in the hop
fields. An effort was made to obtain songs of all im-
portant classes, from Indians as widely separated as
possible. More than 125 songs were recorded, among the
localities represented being the Nass, Skeena, Thompson,
and Fraser Rivers, Port Simpson, the west coast of
British Columbia and the southwest coast of Vancouver
Island. The singers came from a region extending about
400 miles north and south and about 150 miles east and
west. ‘Two aged medicine men recorded songs which they
use at the present time in treating the sick, and numerous
healing songs were recorded by other Indians. One was
for the cure of smallpox; in another the doctor addressed
the seal, grizzly bear, and deer, asking their help, while
the next song contained their favorable response. The
medicine men appreciated the value of the work and
recorded their songs without reluctance.

Mention should be made of the slahal game played often
at the hop camp by a large number of Indians, with crowds
of Indian spectators. The songs and method of playing
the game were recorded, the players were photographed
during a game, and the bone game implements were loaned
for photographic purposes.

Seven manuscripts on the foregoing field work were
submitted to the Bureau of American Ethnology with
the following titles: ‘‘Songs of the Quileute Indians’”’;
‘‘Makah and Clayoquot songs for treating the sick and
Makah songs in honor of the dead’’; ‘‘Klokali songs of
the Makah Indians’’; ‘‘Songs of Indians living on the
Sliamey and Homaco Reserves in British Columbia’’;
‘‘Songs of Indians living at Port Simpson and on the
Skeena and Nass Rivers in British Columbia’’; ‘‘Makah
and Clayoquot songs’’; and ‘‘Songs and dances presented:
on Makah Day, 1926, at Neah Bay, Wash.’’ A paper was
also submitted entitled ‘‘A comparison between Pawnee
songs and those previously analyzed,’”’ with 18 tables of
analysis. The number of manuscript pages was 178 and
the number of transcribed songs 124.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13

In British Columbia, as in the United States, oppor-
tunities for the study of genuine Indian music are rapidly
passing, though there still remain old people who can sing
the ancient songs.

Dr. AleS Hrdlitka, curator of physical anthropology,
United States National Museum, made during the spring
and summer of 1926 a comprehensive anthropological and
archeological survey in Alaska.

Upon reaching the Seward Peninsula he found himself
confronted with insurmountable difficulties in the matter
of transportation. The arrival of the revenue cutter
Bear was a fortunate circumstance, for he secured both
accommodation and promise of assistance in his work.
Doctor Hrdliéka left on the Bear July 22 with the inten-
tion of landing where indications might demand; but not-
withstanding certain disadvantages, until the end of the
Bear’s journey he did not feel justified in leaving the
ship.

The trip, barring the storms, etc., was propitious. The
ship stopped at every place of importance along the whole
coast up to Point Barrow. He was given facilities and
help to make at least the most necessary observations and
collections.

Scientific results—The whole trip was very useful, and
threw a definite light on a number of important problems
in the regions covered. It suggested definite notions as
to what is to be done in the future, among which are the
following :

Antiquity of man.—Much that was seen strengthens the
probabilities, as well as showing the facilities of Asiatic
migrations over and along the Seward Peninsula, across
Bering Sea, and also by way of the Aleutian Islands. But
material evidence of these comings was not found, and
must be very limited, if not completely wanting, for the
following reasons: The comings could have been only by
small numbers of people, and these contingents would
effect but small and temporary settlements along the
coasts and perhaps the banks of a few streams. The rea-

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

sons were a relative scarcity of the population in the
northeastern parts of Asia, on account of the limited
resources of that region; the more or less nomadic habits
of the people, due to seasonal conditions and the shifting
food supply; their dependence on the sea and rivers for
both food and movement, the hinterland being poor in
resources and not favorable for migrations toward more
desirable regions.

Old Eskimo sites—Older abandoned sites of the
Eskimo, from those of small camps with perhaps only
two or three ‘‘ igloos ’’ to good-sized dead villages, are
quite common. They occur as a rule on, or just above,
the low ‘‘ spits ’’ and beaches of the sea and on the banks
of the rivers or lakes.

The Teller battle field—This consists merely of a
tundra plain, dotted with small lagoons. In its vicinity
are at least two, and probably more, small old sites, with
their graves for the most part already assimilated by the
tundra. The plain itself shows, as far as seen, nothing
but moss and other similar vegetation.

The archeological objects that it was possible to secure
show: (1) Contact with Asia; (2) two varieties of deco-
ration, rectilinear and curvilinear, the latter much su-
perior to the former; (3) extensive trading (“‘ jade,”’
slate, obsidian); (4) a great differentiation and variety
in places, indicating a rather high culture.

This survey of conditions in the northwestern part of
Alaska indicates the need of prompt work of archeologi-
cal and anthropological nature in several directions.

Dr. Walter Hough, head curator of anthropology,
United States National Museum, was detailed to examine
recent excavations at Indian Mound, Tenn., reported by
the Hon. Joseph W. Byrns. In the town of Indian
Mound is a large burial mound, from which the place
derives its name. The mound is much lowered by culti-
vation, some of the older settlers affirming that it was
several feet higher than at present.

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 15

Through the enterprise of Mr. T. W. Seay, jr., excava-
tions in the summit of the mound brought to light several
slab-box burials, a number of skeletons, and a few arti-
facts. From the surface of the mound and adjoining lots,
showing rich, black soil containing artifacts, many speci-
mens of stone implements have been picked up. Through
the kindness of Mr. Seay, Doctor Hough visited a num-
ber of village sites, burial mounds, and flint quarries in
the neighborhood of Indian Mound and Dover, collecting
numerous specimens.

« EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS

The editing of the publications of the bureau was con-
tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor,
assisted by Mrs. Frances 8S. Nichols, editorial assistant.
The status of the publications is presented in the follow-
ing summary:

PUBLICATIONS ISSUED

Bulletin 82. Archeological Observations North of the Rio Colorado,
by Neil M. Judd. 171 pp., 61 pl., 46 figs.

Bulletin 83. Burials of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan Tribes
West of the Mississippi, by David I. Bushnell, jr. 1038 pp., 37 pl.,
3 figs.

List of Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 46 pp.

PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS OR IN PREPARATION

Forty-first Annual Report. Accompanying papers: Coiled Basketry
in British Columbia and Surrounding Region (Boas, assisted by
Haeberlin, Roberts, and Teit) ; Two Prehistoric Villages in Mid-
dle Tennessee (Myer).

Forty-second Annual Report. Accompanying papers: Social Organi-
zation and Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy ;
Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians;
Aboriginal Culture of the Southeast (Swanton) ; Indian Trails of
the Southeast (Myer).

Forty-third Annual Report. Accompanying papers: The Osage
Tribe: Two Versions of the Child-naming Rite (La Flesche) ;
Wawenock Myth Texts from Maine (Speck); Native Tribes and
Dialects of Connecticut (Speck); Picuris Children’s Stories with
Texts and Songs (Harrington and Roberts); Iroquoian Cos-
mology—Part II (Hewitt).

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

Forty-fourth Annual Report. Accompanying papers: Excavation of
the Burton Mound at Santa Barbara, Calif. (Harrington) ; Social
and Religious Beliefs and Usages of the Chickasaw Indians (Swan-
ton); Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians (Densmore) ;
Archeological Investigations—II (Fowke).

Bulletin 84. Vocabulary of the Kiowa Language (Harrington).

Bulletin 85. Contributions to Fox Ethnology (Michelson).

Bulletin 86. Chippewa Customs (Densmore).

DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS

The distribution of the publications of the bureau has
been continued under the immediate charge of Miss Helen
Munroe, assisted by Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications
were distributed as follows:

Report volumestandiisepanates == === a= ee ee 1, 474
Bulletinstandiseparatess== ===> = =e ee eee 7, 289
Contributions to North American Ethnology_-------~-------- 34
Miscellaneous joulbblications=== == =e = een ne eee 1, 914

As compared with the fiscal year ended June 30, 1926,
there was a decrease of 3,079 publications distributed.
This was partly due to the fact that one less publication
was distributed to the mailing lst than in the previous
year.

Six names were added to the mailing list during the year
and 31 taken from the list, making a net decrease of 25.
The list now stands at 1,713.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Following is a summary of work accomplished in the
illustration branch of the bureau under the supervision of
Mr. DeLancey Gill, illustrator:

Tllustrations: Photographs retouched and lettered, drawings,

ete., prepared and made ready for engraving__------_-_- 647
Drawings made, maps, diagrams, etc.__-._-_-----_-_____-=— 44
Tllustrations, engraver’s proof criticized________--____-_-__ 516
Colored illustration proofs examined at Government Print-

Voy OTC eRe ene en al LT en ee ee 10, 500
Photographic prints of archeologic and ethnologic subjects__ 603

INegativessmadesa24 t=. 2. ho Re ee ee 72

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 17

inritern slidesuss) Si usu adiene! b_stedinile eo gots |r 16
Photosraphicienlarcementss- Ssae0 Ssn seas Ean eres 6
Film rolls developed from field exposures_____-_-_________ 24

About 70 per cent of the photographie laboratory work
for the bureau was done by Dr. A. J. Olmsted, of the
United States National Museum; and 50 per cent of the
illustration work by Mr. Gill was for the publications of
the various bureaus of the Smithsonian Institution in co-
operation. This arrangement has proved eminently satis-
factory during the past year, with a substantial saving
of more than 80 per cent of the former cost of photo-
graphic work.

LIBRARY

The reference library has continued under the immedi-
ate care of Miss Ella Leary, librarian, assisted by Mr.
Thomas Blackwell. The library consists of 27,141 vol-
umes, about 15,937 pamphlets, and several thousand un-
bound periodicals. During the year 480 books were
accessioned, of which 83 were acquired by purchase and
397 by gift and exchange; also 3,950 serials, chiefly the
publications of learned societies, were received and re-
corded, of which only 102 were obtained by purchase, the
remainder being received through exchange. Of pam-
phlets, 225 were obtained. During the year 288 volumes
were sent to the bindery. The catalogue was increased by
the addition of 1,980 cards. A considerable amount of
time was given to preparing bibliographic lists for corre-
spondents. The endeavor to supply deficiencies in the sets
of publications of institutions of learning was continued
without remission. Requisition was made on the Library
of Congress during the year for an aggregate of 300 vol-
umes for official use. The bureau library was frequently
consulted by officers of other Government establishments.

COLLECTIONS

92528. Collection of archeological and skeletal material (740 speci-
mens) secured along the Upper Columbia River, Washing-
ton, during the spring of 1926 by Herbert W. Krieger.

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

92528. Skeleton of a shaman (less the skull), 2 femora of another
shaman, and 2 bleached bones from the skeleton of a chief,
all Tlinkit, of Alaska, collected by Dr. A. Hrdhicka.

94202. Small collection of shell beads and bracelets, and stone imple-
ments, obtained from the ruin of Las Trincheras in the
Altar districts of Sonora by 8S. A. Williams.

94776. Archeological specimens from Arkansas, Colorado, Florida,
Kentucky, and Tennessee, secured by various collectors for
the bureau. (25 specimens.)

. Anthropological, geological, and biological material collected
by Dr. Ales Hrdli¢ka in Alaska during the summer of 1926.
(1,374 specimens.)

93607. Material collected during the summer of 1926 in Louisiana

and Mississippi by Henry B. Collins, jr. (236 specimens.)

95011. Ten master records of Hopi Indian songs recorded during the
summer of 1926 at the Grand Canyon by Dr. J. Walter
Fewkes and two master records of a speech by William
Jennings Bryan.

95372. One carved and painted wooden figure representing a Hopi
snake priest.

96091. Four Indian crania from Elden Pueblo, Ariz., and two from
Montezuma Canyon, Colo.

96920. Collection of archeological objects gathered from the bureau
at Indian Mound, Tenn., by Walter Hough.

96921. Archeological material collected for the bureau at Elden
Pueblo, Ariz., by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes during the summer
of 1926.

Os

93

Or
bo
bo

PROPERTY

Office equipment was purchased to the amount of
$123.74.
MISCELLANEOUS

Clerical—The correspondence and other clerical work
of the office has been conducted by Miss May 8. Clark,
clerk to the chief, assisted by Mr. Anthony W. Wilding,
stenographer. Miss Mae W. Tucker, stenographer, con-
tinued to assist Dr. John R. Swanton in compiling a
Timucua dictionary and Mr. Hewitt in finishing the re-
classifying and cataloguing of the manuscripts in the bu-
reau archives. Miss Tucker was also engaged in classi-
fying and cataloguing the musical records in the posses-

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 19

sion of the bureau. Mrs. Frances S. Nichols assisted the
editor.
Personnel.—Dr. F'. H. H. Roberts, jr., archeologist, was
appointed on the staff of the bureau November 1, 1926.
Respectfully submitted.
J. WALTER FEWKES,
Chief, Bureau of American Ethnology.
Dr. C. G. Apzort,
Acting Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

21

—
_
ab

EXPLORATION OF THE BURTON MOUND
AT SANTA BARBARA, CALIFORNIA

By JOHN P. HARRINGTON

23

40 NOrrenouea
Mars) AT Ae

“vom VoTauE
AVATAR

CONTENTS

Mmtroductlon@s = Sasa s esos sce een a en ee eee Be ee Ns
istorysolmburponmiViound ’=s9= 2" ae aa Se eee er ee Nee
Marliestmaistoryae= 22 eo ess — eee tn See ae See eee ae
Mention of Syujttin in the Relation of the Voyage of Cabrillo,

Mention in the diaries of the Portola expedition, 1769-1770____
Mention in the Font diary of the Anza expedition, 1776________
Mention in the accounts of the founding of the presidio of Santa
Barbara, ligase se see seas ees Soe a Se
Vancouver’s account of his visit to Santa Barbara, 1793________
Mention in the Goycoechea Report, 1796____________________
History subsequent to the abandonment of the site by the natives__
Alfred Robinson describes a visit to Santa Barbara in 1829_____
Genesis of title. of the Burton Mound property___----------___
Ownership by the Mexican Government, James Burke, Joseph
Chapman eee eee eee eee ee a eee Er ee aS
Ownership by Capt. George C. Nidever_______-------- phe
Ownershipiby, Ath buinchinyan= eee saan ne eee
Ownership by Lewis T. Burton, Seaside Hotel Association, Potter
Hotel Company, Ambassador Hotel Corporation_-__-_-_--___-
Interview with—

ArthuniGreenw. eller tee ee ee a eee nt Ate oot

Mrs amon aslnisselle = === — seeps a a Seen eee

Vin Op Vike OL terse a = = en ee ee ee eee ee

ameso Vil Carvereye =< = 2m eon eee ies en ar ee

pAMe View Groblente7z See aa ee ee ee ree ee eS
CharlesMie shallot aaa ek = Ce ee ee eee ene

An early description of the Burton Mound--—---------------------
EXCavatlonvolg pie sb UnLOT LOT Cet men pep ee re eee
Previous excavating and relic hunting by others___________-____- =
Description OMtbe noun = see = eee ee eee A
Mhessprings ofthe: wrong une: == ee ee eh
Mheyeradinpvofithe Burtone Mounds = eames ee ee ee
OCOD ENED Ee Gok. See eae ees Se oR eee ae erates
Thesfoundations ofthe adobe house= 3 =a eee ee
UME Gell etinnoay GSE Ou ee ee ee eee
Descriphony obsUbe rar bWAC US! aes See ae ete ee
Objectstone store wee ae ee ee ee ee aye ai aera a Ss
Hiat-nmmed) ibowlsiohisandstone._-s2——-———5-
Bowls of sandstone with grooved rim_-___--_-_____-_-___-___-
IVT Or GATS eee eee ee Ae Nt ee ee
LGD Per MOrbarses Sees ae a ae
TRESS Bee ee ees ee oS eee Sea tthe eee

55231°—28 3 ~ 25

26 CONTENTS

Description of the artifaets—Continued.

Objects of stone—Continued. Page
Ollasforscooking{potstotstes lites eee eee a 84
Steatite: bowls: . == si See eee oc se 85
Canoe-shaped vessels of sandstone and steatite__-______________ 86
Steatite :comals:.. 22 ae a oe = en a eee 87
Steatite pipes___------ SSS 85S es ee 88
Spheroidalisinkers|ofsandstone seats a = ee 90
Spherical stones: 222s a en 90
‘Thw.o=lo bed | ston esha aaa reese = = - Ss ee oe 90
Hragment. of: ringstone= ssa en = ee 91
Barrel-shaped ston ess= seers sa. = = cea eee eee 91
Imcisedislabyoijpaperpshalemme ses oe = = = ee ere 91
Tarred stones oe = oe ena 2 8 5 OE ee Se 91
Rubbing stones === ae ee 92
Hrapment of silsonitemspenclliaa= == — = —— ee eee 92
Quantzicny stalls sa = ae ee es a ee 92
Ironstone concrebiouienps sss ae == = = = ee ee 93
Arrowheads, spearheads, drills, and knife blades_______________ 94
Flint implement with one edge coarsely toothed_______________ 101
Sandstonesreameseame nee 2 = 8 ee 101
Slate points 2s eso eeennene a = ee ls ee 101
Pain tee fs ee ee te a ee eee ee 102
‘Pendants.Ol stones === ar 7. -. _ . - Se 103
Beads of stonet== =e erennr ea = a 103

Steatitexdiskibescs mews ta. Serle ee amen rug 103
Steatitesdisks===-seetenes = 2. |. 2 ee 104
Cylindricalibeddstofestestites=—— — -— = 5h eee 104
Beadsrotvamethyst*ess= === — ===. 104
Miscellancousstones Meads === — == eames eet ee 104

Objects of/asphallt= sansa en = nn eee ee ee 105
Tnumpsiofasphalliss-seseeen= == 6 228 ae sent ais 105
Asphalt fragments with twined basketry imprint__-__-________~ 106
Unexplainedvobjectsiolpaspoaltee=——2—— == = = = eee oe 106

Objectsof/bone onantler'=saesnes= == === 22 eee 106
nntirebone@wisssse=-t sean aaa - = ot 106
Sea-lionjmibnmplementss==eeee=—— = ee en 108
Séd-lionprad titer seeer ee eres 2 ee 109
Broad bone points, wedge-shaped bone implements___-_-_-__--- 109
Miscellancoussbone «points asses — 2 = ae 112
Fragmentaryboneypoints® -==-— <=. = ee 115
Compositetishhoolksypointsasesee === = — == — 122

Entire composite fishhook points with squared or blunt
DSSS. amas aoe = Sree eens eee nc een ee ee 122
Entire composite fishhook points, sharp at both ends__-~___ 125

Composite fishhook points with flattened inner wall of
incurve, anomalous points, awl-like points______________ 126
Fragmentary composite fishhook points_________________- 128
One-piece fishhooksofsboneeeee === === = == = = 133
Bird-bone; whistles# === === eee aes ee 133
Awl-shaped artifacts) of birdibone=o--—--------___-__- =e 133
Splint-bone needles from the mule deer_____-________________ 133
Whalebone slabs used for lining graves___--.----_---_-----_-- 134

Wedges ‘of deer.antler 22 a2 ease eens ao ens ae as ae eee 125

CONTENTS 27

Description of the artifacts—Continued.

Objects of bone or antler—Continued. Page
Hragments;ofdeerantler= <*> Se sot Ss Sale ee Fe Asis ape 135
HISHDONES? =.= Sse ano = 2 32 ee ee Peete 135

Sharksventebrajpainticupe: = == se neye saree 136
Excrescences from the scapula of the horse mackerel_______ 136
Bone pendantsee2.. 22 3-7 Me a ee ee 136
Bones remaining from bird-claw pendants________________ 136,
Bendantyofisealion toothe===-= === = =e eee 137
Bone) beads se ele | 137
Tubulanibeadsiotideer bones —_- =) a= ==s ae eee 137
Mubularibeads of) birdibone==_- _- = eae 138

Obj ectstofishella=2=== = 3a 2 8 eee < 138

One-piecettshhooks!ss-ee= ===. 8 _ ee 138
hmtirestishhooks sss as5 2) 22 = Seo erst yy ee ee 139
ishhooks fragments == — = eee br 8 et eee ee 139

Dishestoialbaloneshells=2n22--- =... fo 146

hells husedeassDaln tcl See ea = are ny eee 147

Beads; pendants; and! ornaments__~=----=_=__ =) 147
Shellssfors tring eeeeee ee ee eee 148
imMspendantsohabalonezss= = sae sso eee 148
Oblongipendantsionclamshelleee = = eee 149
Columellaypendantsmes == sae ee See = ry eos 149:
Triangular pendants of abalonel=----------.- == 2 ____ 149
Leaf-shaped pendants of clamshell__.____________________ 150
Circular and squarish pendants of abalone________________ 150
Abalone eorgetseens eaten sem ene en aaa So ye Y 152
Diskshotclamshellesess =n wanes same een Ue 2 153
Oblong pendantstofabalones== === ssa eee ae me ae 153
Ring-shaped ornaments of abalone______________________ 154
TIM PC INS eae see an ae alee Sn Oe 154

Toney b ead sae ae Serene ry ee ee eee ens ee ae eS 155
C@ylindricalibea serrate ses et es an nn! 155
Columellaibeadsseem ssc mers eee eee ane ee 158
Hinge] bead ss a= aoc en eee eee eee tye See ee 160
Rock-ovstercylindricalibeadss= a= a) See 161

Disk beads/and/other/small beads -- = =e 2") 5) 2 ee 163
Olivellatdiskybeadss = =esem= =. aaa eee nor eh wee Beery. 163
Olivellagipi beadss-saeeee—— semen ee oe ee eee 163
Minn tevolivellaidisk beadsi=+---=tsaes sees we 163
Binksdiskapeadsia = == cen = peewee art of. oe ea TLC 163.
Black diskibeadsacrsecs: cies 8. sapere, es ee oe tree ee 163
Abalone. disk beadsv2222—55 5 <9 @eAweee oe. Se ee 163
iihingclamshelliidiskibeads= == === ae eee eee 163
hickyclamsbellidisks bes ds == = aaa ey ann eee ene 164
Globularibeadsvor clamshellle= ssn ee ee ee 164
Small cylindrical beads of clamshell____._-_______________ 164
duarevbeads)omabalonesee. 2.6 oe eee 164
iimianpnl ar beadsioticlamshellue = aes ee es 164
Aibalonejblster pearlibead sss. ames Se 164

Objectstotaveretalimatenale s =e. tee ke eee ee 165
WViGod enka wiles = 2 eo ae rer Fae pene ee 165.

28 CONTENTS

Description of the artifacts—Continued. Page
Objects! of modern manufacture.— les Sse ae eee 165
Spanish floorstiles: 322s eet 2 = = See ee eee 165
Pragmentary Spanishiroof tiles] 25 22s Sse = = see eee 165
Spanish).candlestickiofbrasse= === Saee eee ee eee 166
Tron:marline pine sd lett Jo ease sSule See EY ee 166

Glass bottles: joan cee) se ces seee oo eee a eSRRE i ee. 166
‘Belliclapper)of:brassee ese sees eee eee Sen US
Thimbletof brass oSe coo sone ae SOLS Bee See eee a = 166

(ead bullets: 2i22cccSsccomsaoe sees ao ee Se a 166

Spanish’ brass*buttonss2ese-- Sane enene ls al eee Oe eee eee 166

ron bladés.~2o8 soccer EE Be Re Se 166

Pewter spoon: 3-2 See et eee ee oe a ee 166
IBroOOCh@s. su an 2 eee eee ee en Se eee en eae 167

Mexican pottery fragments--< 225-5 5- eee ee ee 167

Modern chinawarejand porcelain. =--- 32242 est= Sete 167

Glass beads: .. 2222 22 ee 4 See ee co ee eS ee 167

Win dex ee el 5 ee ee oe Se ee 541

oo

_ _ oe
bo

—_
~

15.
16.

17.
18.
19.
20.

21.

22.
23.

HB ODDNOAE

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

. The Burton Mound, looking southeast. Painting by Alexander F.

Elarmen i S92 Sr 2 2 see es 2. Sh ode Re ee

. a, The earliest extant picture of Santa Barbara, showing the Burton

Mound in the foreground. From Robinson, Life in California be-
fore the Conquest, New York, 1846, opp. p. 41. 6, Photograph from
the Santa Barbara mesa looking east, showing the lower part of
Santa Barbara in the eighties. The Burton Mound is seen this
side of the amiddle.part ofmhesmharione sss == ee

. a-e, Flat-rimmed bowls of sandstone. f, Sandstone bowl with grooved

. a, Sandstone bowl with grooved rim. 6-—f, Mortars___-------------
: Mortarsae o-oo sons see nee ee eee ee eee ne See See stesk

Mortarsias2 3256 55. 3 ae Ree ee ets oe Se i aa
Hopper mortars. =.=... 52 sess 52 es eee ee ee eens sec

; WRestlese es 2 2-5 3222 Sob een Se ee Be aan os Sees eS oes
. a, 0, ¢, €, Limestone dishes: d, Sandstone tray--------------------
} Bowlsvandiollas ‘of steatite Sea s=—e see eae = eas a eee ee ee
. a, Fragment of canoe-shaped vessel of sandstone. 6, Fragments of

canoe-shaped: vessel.of steatites so——4- eee ae ee eee eae

» Gomalsotsteatite: =. Sane eer eee 1 8 a RS. SE ee
3. a-d, Steatite smoking pipes. e, Fragment of steatite pipe. f—i, Sphe-

TOGA sinkers Ob ssandston cess = een ere rs ae See

. a, Incised slab of paper shale. b, Ball of sandstone. c, Two-lobed

stone. d, Fragment of ringstone. ec, Barrel-shaped stone. f-h,
Marredstones=. = =.=... S255 ree ee ee eS ee ee ee ae
Rubbing stoness «2-2 =. 2 2 se ee ee one eee eae
a, Gilsonite pencil. 6-d, Quartz erystals. e-h, Ironstone concretion
cups: 4%, (Cake of hematite.-= eae 2 oe ea eee
a-r, Arrowheads, drills, knife blades. s—t, Reamers of sandstone.
u, Flint implement with one edge coarsely toothed_____________~_-
Lumpsofeasphalt: <= S225 2 ee 2 ae See ee ae ne
a, a’, Bone awls. 6, Sea lion rib implements; sea lion radius____ ~~~ -
a, Broad bone points, wedge-shaped bone implements. 6, Composite
Hshhookspartse. eae 2 Lob. See a oe ne es LO eee
a, Composite fishhook part. 6, c, Bird bone whistles. d, Wooden awl.
e, k, Awl-shaped artifacts of bird bone. f—h, Tubular beads of deer
bone. 7,7, Needles of the splint bones of the California mule deer.
l, m, n, Wedges of deer antler. 0, p, Slate points____-_----------
Whalebone slabs used for lining graves_-______.__-_---------------
a, Pendant of sea lion tooth. 6, Tubular bead of deer bone. , d,
Pendants of stone. e—h, Bones remaining from bird claw pendants.
dak, CwS3snaeo iis nlaveyo) 4p ee Oe ae eee

Page

30

88

30 ILLUSTRATIONS

24. a, Cache of clamshell disks and long beads in an abalone dish. },
Abalone dish with transversely incised rim. c, Owl limpet shell
used as a paint cup. d, Abalone shell used as a paint cup___-____~

25. a, Abalone rim pendant. 6, Triangular pendants of abalone. c,
Columella pendant. d, f, g, Oblong pendants of abalone. e, Leaf-
shaped pendant of clamshell. h, i, Circular pendants of abalone.
j, k, Disks of clamshell. 1, Square pendant of abalone. m, Limpet
ring. mn, Ring-shaped ornament of abalone. 0, Abalone gorget___

26. a, Thin clamshell disk bead. 6, ¢, Thick clamshell disk beads. d, Tri-
angular bead of clamshell. e, Square bead of abalone. f, Globular
bead of clamshell. g, Small cylindrical beads of clamshell.
h, Minute olivella disk beads. 7, Common olivella disk beads.
j, k, l, Cylindrical beads. m, Oblong pendant of clamshell.
n, 0, Columella beds. p, Abalone blister pearl bead. gq, Olivella
lip beads. _r, Shells for stringing, smaller species of olivella___—_~__

27. a, Base of candlestick of brass. 6, c, Glass bottles. d, Spanish floor
tile. 'e;| Marline' pin 3.2008 - pees Dua eee ee eee ee

TEXT FIGURES

”

1. The four occurrences of ‘‘Syujttin,’’ the native name of the Burton
Mound village, in the original manuscript of the Relation of the
Voyage of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in the Archivo General de Indias
atSeville,'Spain 2. _ + 22 ee ee ee

2. Contour map of the Burton Mound, based on a map probably pre-
pared by J. K. Harrington, C. E., about 1901. Scale: 1 inch=
lS4vfeete = =... -.. 22 ee ee ee ee ee

Page

148

148

164

164

35

69

2681 ‘YUSINYVH “A YSQNVX3A1V AG DNILNIVd “LSVSHLNOS DNIMOOT ‘GNNOW NOLYNA SHL

L3lvid 1L8YOd3yY IWANNY HLYNOsS-ALYOS ADSOIONHLA NVOIYAWY 4O NVvayng

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

a, THE EARLIEST EXTANT PICTURE OF SANTA BARBARA, SHOW-
ING THE BURTON MOUND IN THE FOREGROUND. FROM
ROBINSON, LIFE IN CALIFORNIA BEFORE THE CONQUEST,
NEW YORK, 1846, OPP. P. 41

b. PHOTOGRAPH FROM THE SANTA BARBARA MESA LOOKING
EAST, SHOWING THE LOWER PART OF SANTA BARBARA IN
THE EIGHTIES. THE BURTON MOUND IS SEEN BELOW THE
GAP TO THE LEFT OF RINCON HILL

EXPLORATION OF THE BURTON MOUND AT
SANTA BARBARA, CALIFORNIA

By Joun P. Harrineron

INTRODUCTION

The present paper is a preliminary report on the collection taken
from the Burton Mound at Santa Barbara, Calif. (pls. 1, 2), by the
Thea Heye expedition in the summer of 1923. It presents our his-
torical discoveries which led to the investigation of the site and
describes the artifacts. The writer has in preparation a complete
monographic account which will be published at a future date.

The principal rancheria or village of the ancient Santa Barbara
Valley was not at the Mission, where the Indians were gathered
in later times, but at the beach. It was situated a little to the west
of the mouth of Mission Creek, where a landing cove for canoes and
two low mounds, one by the beach and a larger one 650 feet inland and
now known as the Burton Mound, afforded unusual attraction as a
dwelling place for Indians. At a number of places in the locality
were cold sulphur springs; also some springs of drinking water.
The name of the village was Syujttin,' meaning “ where the two trails
run.” There a thriving population lived on the wild food products
of the neighboring beach and sea and of the Santa Barbara Valley,
rich in acorn-bearing oaks and game animals.

Although the Relation of the Voyage of Cabrillo, 1542, records
the name Syujttin and the early land expeditions passed by the
village, little has been written on its history. After the establishment
of the Santa Barbara Mission, the deserted locality of Syujttin be-
came known as “el rancho de la playa.”

In the early thirties this beach ranch of the Padres appears to
have passed in rapid succession into possession of the Mexican Goy-
ernment, James Burke, and then Joseph Chapman, a young English-
man, who had been captured at the time of the Bouchard invasion and
who erected a small adobe house on the mound. A few years later, tra-

1Indian names in this paper are in Spanish orthography; but ¢ is pronounced as Eng-
lish sh; K is near k;’ is the glottal clusive;H’, k’, t’, p’ are of the “ glottalized ” variety ;
h is not silent as in Spanish but.is pronounced as in English; a, e, i, 0, u as in Spanish
murcielago, “ bat.”

31

32 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH, ANN, 44

dition relates, Thomas Robins bought the property and built the mas-
sive adobe house which was for more than 70 years the most conspicu-
ous feature of the Santa Barbara water front. During the forties the
owner was Capt. George C. Nidever, known in California history
as the rescuer of the last surviving Indian woman from San Nicolas
Island. Captain Nidever sold the property in 1851 to Augustus F.
Hinchman, lawyer and prominent resident of Santa Barbara. In
1860 Mr. Hinchman sold the tract to Lewis T. Burton, who made
it his home for 19 years, and after whom the mound has been called
in more recent times. Upon the death of Mr. Burton in 1879, the
Seaside Hotel Association took possession of the property and the
building of a resort hotel on the mound was planned. This project
was finally realized in the erection of the Potter Hotel in 1901-2.
Ownership of the hotel changed hands in 1913 and the name was
altered first to the “ Belvedere ” and then to the “ Hotel Ambassador.”
The hotel burned to the ground on April 19, 1921, and the site was
thereby again released for archeological investigation.

Taking advantage of the unique condition presented by the burning
of the hotel, archeological excavation was made possible for the
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, through the
generosity of Mrs. Thea Heye, of New York City. By arrangement
with the Bureau of American Ethnology the expedition was placed
in charge of the writer.

The results of this excavation of the Indian town of Santa Barbara
proved rich and interesting beyond expectation. The collection of
objects taken from the mound will be placed on exhibit at. the
Museum of the American Indian in New York City.

Heartfelt acknowledgment is here given to Mr. George G. Heye
and to Mrs. Thea Heye, who with their usual generosity and enthu-
siasm supported the excavation work during many months. I wish
also to express my great indebtedness to Dr. J. Walter Fewkes,
chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, for his kindness in
arranging the cooperative work and for his assistance in carrying it
through to its consummation. Mr. 8. W. Strauss, who in the name
of the Ambassador Hotel Corporation gave permission to excavate
the site, is deserving also of most grateful acknowledgment.

But most of all I want to express indebtedness to my friends
Prof. D, B. Rogers and Mr. G. W. Bayley, who were with me during
almost the entire work and contributed in innumerable ways to its
progress.

The photographs were made by Mr. William Orchard, of the staff
of the Museum of the American Indian, who also assisted in many
other ways, and by Mr. Albert Sweeney, of the Bureau of American
Ethnology. The geological specimens were identified by Dr. Edmund
Hovey, of the American Museum of Natural History, and Mr. Earl

HARRINGTON] INTRODUCTION 30

V. Shannon, of the United States National Museum’s division of
geology. Mr. William L. Calver, of New York City, identified the
pottery and chinaware specimens. Others whose names should be
mentioned here are Miss Elizabeth Mason, who prepared a model
of the Burton Mound as it was before the Potter Hotel was con-
structed; Mr. Foster H. Saville, who cleaned and classified the
collections; Dr. Bruno Oetteking, who is working up the skeletal
material; Mr. F. W. Hodge; Fr. Zephyrin Engelhardt; Mr. Edward
F. Coffin; Dr. E. L. Hewett; Fr. Alexander Buckler; Dr. A. L.
Kroeber; Rt. Rev. John J. Cantwell; the late Mrs. Luisa Ignacio;
Mr. Barton A. Bean, and Mr. E. D. Reid, who identified the skeletal
remains of fishes found in the mound; Prof. H. E. Bolton; Dr. Paul
Bartsch; Mr. C. E. Asher; Mr. Jesse E. Wood, who assisted in the
excavations; Mrs. Jesse E. Wood, who assisted in ident'fying the
shells; Mr. George H. Gould; Dr. J. S. Miller; Mr. Charles F.
Eaton; Mrs. R. Kimberly; Miss Jane Kimberly; Mr. Charles T.
Hall; Mrs. Anna West-Bates; Mr. Herbert F. Orris; Miss Doris
Overman; Mr. Louis G. Dreyfus; Mrs. Francisca Dibblee; Mr. T. S.
Storke; Mr. José Ortega; Mrs. F. Nardi; Mr. Juan Isidoro Pico;
Mr. Edward Borein; Mr. Charles F. Lummis; Mr. Carl O. Borg;
Mrs. Ida M. Kobida; Miss Mamie L. Goulet; Mrs. Thomas Hicks;
Mr. Juan de Jesus Justo; Mr. George D. Morrison; Mr. Ralph
Arnold; Mr. W. C. Smith, who surveyed the mound and prepared
several of the maps; Mr. Owen H. O’Neill; Mr. Archie B. Cook;
Mr. Milo M. Potter; Mr. James M. Carter; Mr. Charles T. Hall;
Mrs. Charles T. Hall; Mr. Max Aman; Mr. Arthur Greenwell; Mrs.
Ramona Trussell; Mr. Guido C. Hinchman; Miss Stella G. Hinch-
man; Miss Pearl Chase; Mr. Ole Hanson; Mr. George Emigdio
Nidever; Mr. A. M. Gutierrez; Mr. Thomas B. Middleton; Mr. Luis
A. M. Ortega; and Dr. Chester Stock. We shall in a later publica-
tion mention numerous others, some of them friends of long standing,
who have contributed to this study by furnishing historical and other
information, by donating specimens taken from Burton Mound and
other sites in early years, or by granting permission to explore or to
excavate upon their property.

rt 2 WOLD TTR EE z (eveemeamars
y ato GY iv aaa Coa =
to Hoey By ny, ino eM —— halinT wl) te mare

dp hoki) ait oon iige ese ae
pe Gitke eye sous eae ae fapearen jie ire
duke bere > vchet! petite iW hu ale
air wow Lott, vest Aiteh an
csaifte fieliherthy! bie became wal if
‘hwtalicha yelaorps | sc lggutdat
Per etwlias, 9IQ) pth eabldy
at Me AB pohly

gry) “lu

bape it a a
BES. Fiaytor! wher a :

um f

: Wi ee
0 wie ele

HISTORY OF THE BURTON MOUND
Earuiest History

There is abundant evidence, traditional, historical, and archeo-
logical, that the large Indian village at Santa Barbara was at the
beach, at the old Puerto de Santa Barbara or early landing place at
the foot of the present Chapala Street,
west of the mouth of Mission Creek and / XOCe Lo c/
due east of and comprising the Burton
Mound. The Indian informants have
given the name of this village as g
Syujttin (fig. 1). meaning “where the wae Cl UCL o/
two trails run.” “UY

One of the most interesting matters in
California archeology and ethnology ik CU772
will always remain the recording of «ho ws
Santa Barbara Channel place names by
the Cabrillo expedition of 1542. Al- a
though it has never before been pointed uUucuUue
out, the Indian name of the village at

the Puerto de Santa Barbara occurs in 5, 4 ne four + cisslivleudenbes

the Relation of the Voyage of Cabrillo.’ rences of “ Syujttn,” the native
, 2 o a " name of the Burton Mound vil-
Indeed, it may be mentioned in that Pao Liahtie ye cisinaihmn Anette
document no fewer than four times, of the Relation of the Voyage of
: Oe OS Tie y Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo in the
with the additional information that ee Gee akc Tacs
the village appeared to be a capital. Seville, Spain.

MENTION OF SYUJTUN IN THE RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO, 1542

The first list of place names given in the Cabrillo account? starts
with El Rincon, naming in upcoast direction :

Xuco [Cukuw, at El Rincén Creek].

Bis, Sopono [Mishopsnéw, at La Carpinteria Creek ].

Alloc [K’olox, at El Toro Creek].

Xabaagua [Shalwaj, El Montecito].

Xocotoe [Syujttin, El] Puerto de Santa Barbara].

In a subsequent list of mainland coast rancherias,? jumbled in
arrangement and with rementionings like the first list, the name

1Relacién 6 Diario de la Navegacién que hizo Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, in Buckingham
Smith, Coleccién de Varios Documentos para ja Historia de la Florida y Tierras Adya-
centes, London, 1857, pp. 173-189. Egnlish translations by R. S. Evans in George M.
Wheeler, Report upon United States Geographical Surveys West of the 100th Meridian,
vol. 7, Washington, 1879, pp. 293-314; and by Herbert BH. Bolton in his Spanish Explora-
tion in the Southwest, New York, 1916, pp. 1-39.

?TIbid., p. 181.

$Ibid., p. 183. 35

36 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

seems to appear twice again, first as Ciucut and then as Yutum (cp.
“Yuctu” of the Padrén of Captain Felipe de Goycoechea, p. 55),
after which the comment is added: “el pueblo de Ciucut parescia ser
cabezera de otros pueblos,” “the village of Ciucut appeared to be a
capital of other villages” (cp. Bancroft, p. 49).

With regard to the spelling of the above forms, Xocotoc, Ciucut,
and Yutum, it will be noted that sy is rendered by x (Eng. sh), ci,
and y; the sound of Spanish j is represented by c, as is regular in
the Cabrillo account, or not at all; u and o interchange; an echo vowel
timbre is inserted after the j; and the final aspirated and somewhat
decadent n is heard twice not at all and once as m.

MENTION IN TIE DIARIES OF THE PORTOLA EXPEDITION, 1769-1770

A second point in the history of Syujttin that has never been
brought out is that the Portola expedition camped within two rifle
shots of the rancheria on the night of August 18, 1769. We are
fortunate in having diary accounts of this expedition by Fr.
Crespi, Costans6, and Fages, each telling about passing through the
Syujttin vicinity both on the way up coast and on the return
journey. Each of these accounts presents facts not given in the other
two accounts and helps to explain statements in the other accounts
which might remain vague or misunderstood. For instance, Fages
places the two ruined villages merely in the vicinity of Syujttm and
says that their inhabitants mutually exterminated each other; Fr.
Crespi says that one of these ruined rancherias was 1 league, the
other 21% leagues from La Carpinteria and that the Indians said of
the first of these villages that mountain Indians had attacked it;
while Costanso states that between Carpinteria and Syujttin they
found two ruined rancherias but could not ascertain why they were
so. Only the Fages diary gives the number of houses in and popu-
lation of Syujttin. That either Fr. Crespi or Costansé had seen
the other’s diary is another amazing fact that comes from a com-
parison of the wording.

Fr. Juan Crespi notes the following in his diary :*

Miercoles 16 de idem (16 de Agosto, Wednesday, the 16th of the same
1769]:—Como 4 las seis y media month [August 16, 1769]—At about
salimos [de los Pitos] siguiendo el half past 6 we started out [from Los
mismo rumbo del Oeste que es el que Pitos] following the same westerly di-
cerre aqui 4 la playa, y 4 las dos rection, which is that which here coin-
leguas llegamos 4 otro pueblo [el Rin- cides with the shore, and at 2 leagues’
con] mayor que el de la Asuncion, pues distance we reached another ran-
contamos sesenta casas bien formadas cheria [El Rinc6én], which is larger

4Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, Cuarta Série, Tomo VI, México, 1857,
pp. 317-321, 416; also Francisco Palot, Noticias de la Nueva California, California His-
torical Society’s Publication. vol. 2, San Francisco, 1874, pp. 137-142, 237.

HARRINGTON |

de la misma construccion que las del
primer pueblo que tiene un buen arro-
yo de agua corriente buena que va
4 dar 4 la mar, aunque poco antes
por un altito que tiene se represa y
forma como estero; pegado 4 la ran-
cheria no tiene tierras 4 la orilla del
mar sino para formar el pueblo. Los
cerros que tiene 4 sus inmediaciones
son de buena tierra y empastados de
buen zacate. No sé si arriba habra
arroyo por abras hacen los cerros 6
si tendri llanos; es necesario regis-
trarlo que teniéndolos podria ser bueno
para mision; son los indios muy
déciles y afables, reparamos que tenian
en la mar siete canoas que estaban
pescando. En cuanto legamos vino
toda la gente 4 visitarnos y nos tra-
jeron mucho pescado tlatemado 6
azado para que comiésemos mientras
llegaban las canoas con pescado fresco
las que en breve abordaron 4 la playa
y de alli 4 poco trajeron mucha
abundancia de Bonitos y Meros que
nos regalaron y ofrecieron en tanta
eantidad que hubiéramos podido car-
gar la recua si hubiéramos tenido
proporcion de prepararlo y salarlo;
diéronnos 4 mas de lo dicho pescado
seco sin sal (que no usan ellos en
sus comidas) que llevamos 4 preven-
cion y sirvid para el viaje de mucho
recurso; uno de los capitanes de este
pueblo se hallaba en el de la Asumpta
cuando pasamos y fué el que mas se
esmer6 en obsequiarnos; es hombre
formado de buen talle y fisonomia
regular, gran bailarin, por cuyo mo-
tivo nombraron los soldados 4 su
pueblo del Bailarin, mientras que yo
lo nombré con el de Santa Clara de
Monte Talco: tomé la altura y me
sali6 de treinta y cuatro grados
cuarenta minutos. La caja del arroyo
de este pueblo tiene mucha arboleda
de sauces, 4lamos, alisos y encinos.

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND

37

than that of La Asuncién [San Buena- —
ventura], for we counted sixty houses,
well fashioned, of the same construe-
tion as those of the first village, and
which has a good creek of good flow-
ing water which empties into the sea,
although a little before doing so it is
dammed up by an elevation which
there is and forms a sort of estero;
next to the rancheria there are no
lands at the beach except those which
form the village. The hills which
there are in the vicinity are of good
soil and are grassed over with good
feed. I do not know whether up-
stream in the gaps made by the hills
there is merely a creek or maybe
plains. It is necessary to investigate,
and if there are plains it might be
good for a mission. The Indians are
very docile and affable. We found
that they had on the sea seven canoes.
which were fishing. As soon as we
arrived all the people came to visit us,
and brought much roasted or baked
fish for us to eat until the boats came
in with fresh fish, and these shortly
lunded on the beach, and from them
after a little they brought a great
abundance of bonitos and jewfish,
which they gave us, and offered us in
such quantity that we would have been
able te load the animals if we had had
opportunity to prepare and salt it.
They gave us, in addition to the above,
dried fish without salt (which they do
uot use in their food) ; which we took
along asa precaution and which was of
much help on the journey. One of the
captains of this rancheria was in La
Asumpta [San Buenaventura] when
we passed through, and it was he who
took most pains to be obsequious to
us. He is a man of good build and
regular features, a great dancer, for
which reason the soldiers dubbed his
rancheria that of the dancing man,
while I named it Santa Clara de Mon-
tefalco. I took the latitude and it
gave the result of 34° 40’. The creek
bed of this rancheria has much tree
growth of willows, cottonwoods, syca-
mores, and live oaks,

38 EXPLORATION OF

Jueves 17 de idem [17 de Agosto,
1769|.—Salimos de este paraje 4 las
siete y media siguiendo el rumbo de
Oeste subimos unas lomas tendidas de
buena tierra de zacate que van 4 re-
matar acantiladas 4 la playa, aunque
entre ellas y la playa hay paso por los
arenales: andariamos como media
iegua y lHegamos 4 una punta de
tierra que con la otra en que esta el
pueblo antecedente forma la playa
como ensenada; sobre esta punta en-
contramos otro pueblo muy grande en
el que contamos treinta y ocho casas
de la forma de las ya dichas y algunas
de ellas tan grandes que se hospedan
muchas familias. A la orilla del
pueblo estaba toda la gente aguardaén-
donos que no era menor el gentio que
el de la Asumpta, llegamos 4 la ran-
cheria 4 saludarlos y el senor coman-
dante regalo al capitan unos abalorios ;.
paramos el real no muy lejos de la
rancheria en una llanura que de Norte
4 Sur tendra como una legua de tierra
buena y prieta muy empastada y del
Este 4 Oeste tiene cuatro leguas de
largo. Tiene el paraje mucha sauceda,
Alamos, alisos y algunos encinos; esta
muy proveido de lena y la sierra muy
alta que tiene al Norte parece tener
provision de lena en algunas partes y
en otras se divisa pelona,

Como por el Norte baja un arroyo
que fué 4 ver mi companero y dice
tiene buen trozo de agua al pié de la
sierra, dijeron los soldados y esplora-
dores que hay otra buena rancheria
de gentiles; no muy apartado del
pueblo vimos unos ojos de brea; tienen
muchas canoas y en la actualidad
estaban construyendo una por cuyo
motivo nombraron los soldados 4 este
pueblo la Carpinteria y yo la bauticé
con el nombre de San Roque dista del
antecedente paraje solo una _ legua.
En cuanto llegamos nos trajeron tanto

BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN, 44

Thursday, the 17th of the same
month [August 17, 1769|—We started
out from this place [El Rincén] at
half past 7 and following a westerly
direction climbed some rolling hills of
good grass-grown soil which terminate
boldly at the beach, although between
them and the beach one can pass
along the sands. We must have gone
about half a league when we reached
a point of land which together with
the other point on which the above
mentioned rancheria is situated forms
a beach like a cove. On this point we
found another very large rancheria in
which we counted 388 houses of the
same shape as those already men-
tioned and some of them so large that
they shelter many families. At the
edge of the village all the people were
awaiting us and there were no fewer
people than at La Asumpta [San
Buenaventura]. We arrived at the
rancheria to greet them, and the com-
andante presented the captain with
some beads. We made camp not very
far from the rancheria on a plain of
good black soil, well grassed, which
must extend from north to south about
a league and be 4 leagues long from
east to west. The locality has many
willows, cottonwoods, and sycamores
and some live oaks; it is well provided
with wood, and the high mountain
range which there is to the north
seems to be provided with wood in
some places and in others is seen to
be bare.

To the north as it were there comes
down a creek which my companion
went to see and he says it has a
good bit of water at the foot of the
range. The soldiers and scouts said
that there is another good rancheria
of gentiles. Not far from the village
Wwe saw some springs of tar. They
have many canoes and at the present
time were building one, for which rea-
son the soldiers named this village
La Carpinteria, while I baptized it
with the name of San Roque. It is
distant from the last-mentioned place

HARRINGTON J

pescado del Bonito fresco, seco y tlate-
mado que escedieron en el ragalo 4 los
antecedentes pueblos. En frente del
paraje se divis6 una isla aunque por
la neblina no se pudieron cerciorar
que isla era.

Viernes 18 de idem [18 de Agosto,
1769)—A las siete de la manana
salimos del paraje [la Carpinteria] y
siguiendo el referido Mano, rumbo al
Oeste por cerea la playa, nos vinieron
acompanando el capitan de la ran-
cherla de donde salimos y el del
pueblo de donde vino anoche con los
esploradores, y 4 su ejemplo mucha
indiada todos muy contentos y fes-
tivos. A una legua de andar encon-
tramos las ruinas de una rancheria y
nos dijeron los gentiles que los ser-
ranos habian bajado de guerra y
habian matado 4 toda la gente hacia
como tres meses y 4 las dos leguas y
media de la salida encontramos las
ruinas de otra rancheria que habia
sucedido la misma desgracia. En
estos parajes hay sus ojos de agua de
que gastaban dichas rancherias. En
esta jornada [desde la Carpinteria]
que fué de cuatro horas vimos rastros
de osos: llegamos 4 las cuatro leguas
de camino 4 wna grande rancheria
[Syujttin], mucho mayor que las ante-
cedentes, que estaba cerca de una
punta de tierra larga que entra 4 la
mar; pasamos con algun trabajo un
grande estero [Hl Estero de Santa
Barbara] que entra bastante en la
tierra, cruzamos cerca de la rancheria
[Syujtan], y paramos el real como 4
dos tiros de fusil de ella. A poco llega-
dos vino toda la gente con un grande
regalo de pescado que venia en siete
tercios bien grandes; se les correspon-
did con abalorios y se fueron muy
contentos. A poco rato Megaron las
canoas que estaban pescando, luego
yolvieron todos grandes y chicos con su
regalo de pescado fresco, que se junt6
como cuatro cargas solo del fresco, y
con dicho regalo vinieron al real mas

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND

39

[El Rincén] only 1 league. Upon our
arrival they brought us so much bonito
fish, fresh, dried, and roasted, that
they exceeded in their gift the pre-
vious rancherias. In front of this
place was seen an island, although be-
cause of the fog it could not be ascer-
tained which island it was.

Friday, the 18th of the same month
[Aug. 18, 1769].—At 7 in the morn-
ing we started out from the place [La
Carpinteria] and followed the above-
mentioned plain in a westerly direc-
tion along near the beach. The cap-
tain of the rancheria that we started
from came along with us and also
the captain of the village, who came
last night with the scouts, and fol-
lowing their example many Indians,
all of them very happy and festive.
After going a league we came upon
the ruins of a rancheria, and the gen-
tiles told us that the mountain In-
dians had come down in war and had
killed all the people about three
months before; and at 2% leagues
from our starting point we came upon
the ruins of another rancheria to
which had happened the same misfor-
tune. In those places they have their
springs of water from which they pil-
laged the said rancherias. In this
journey [from La Carpinteria] of
four hours we saw some bear tracks.
After traveling 4 leagues we reached
a large rancheria [Syujttin], much
larger than the preceding, which was
near a long point of land that enters
the sea; we crossed with some diffi-
culty a large estero [Santa Barbara
estero] which runs back some distance
inland; we crossed near the rancheria
[Syujttn], and camped at about two
rifle shots’ distance from the ran-
cheria. Soon after we arrived all the
people came with a great present of
fish that were brought in seven large
bundles; they were given in return
beads and went away very happy.
Soon afterwards the canoes which
were out fishing came in, and straight-
way all the Indians, big and little,

40

EXPLORATION OF
de quinientas almas de ambos sexos
y edades que casi todo el ‘dia los
tuvimos de visita: cerca de la ran-
cheria [SyujtGin] tiene un ojo de agua
buena y cerca del real hallamos una
laguna grande que parece no ser de
temporal sino de algun manantial que
tendré’ en el centro. Las mesas de
este parage tienen muchos y grandes
encinos: llamdése este pueblo de la
Laguna de la Concepcién. No se pudo
observar haber estado el dia
nublado; desde aqui se ven las islas.

por

Sdbado 19 de idem. [19 de Agosto,
1769|.—Salimos este dia solo para
apartarnos de tanto gentio; seguimos
al Oeste por las mesas y bajamos 4.
un arroyo seco [el Arroyo del Burro]
aunque muy poblado de alisos y enci-
nos, y siguese otra llanada de buena
tierra prieta en donde paramos, no
habiendo andado mas que media legua
apartandonos de la playa acantilada
y abordada de altos cerros; hicimos
alto dentro de una canada que tenia
agua corriente, aunque la arena se la
embebe. No lejos de su nacimiento
esta la canada vestida de encinos y
alisos y por las cumbres tiene algunos
pinos. Nos vino 4 visitar una ranche-
ria, sin duda vivirian cerea. Los sol-
dados esploradores que salieron esta
manana llegaron esta tarde con la
noticia de haber encontrado grandes
poblaciones de mucho gentio, y que les
hicieron buen recibimiento; por la
noche llegaron 4 este real diez gen-
tiles desarmados con el propésito de
guiarnos en la manana siguiente hasta
su rancheria. Se les permiti6 parar lo
restante de la noche algo apartados
del real, poniéndoles guardia que los
acompanasen y se entretuvieron hasta
el dia siguiente.

BURTON MOUND [ErH. ANN. 44
came over with their present of fresh
fish, of which alone we got about four
mule loads, and with this present there
came to the camp more than 500 indi-
viduals of both sexes and all ages and
stayed visiting us pretty nearly all day.
Near the rancheria [Syujttn] there is
a spring of good water and near our
camp we found a large lagoon, which
does not seem to be flood water of a
rainstorm but to have a spring in its
center. The mesas in this locality
have many large live oaks. This vil-
lage was called that of La Laguna de
la Concepcion. It was impossible to
take observations, since the day was
clouded over. From here the islands
can be seen,

Saturday, the 19th of the same month
[August 19, 1769|—The only reason
that we started on to-day was to free
ourselves from such a crowd of In-
dians. We went west across the mesas
and descended to a dry arroyo [El
Arroyo del Burro], which is, however,
full of sycamores and live oaks, and
then there is another plain of good
biack soil, where we camped, not hay-
ing gone more than half a_ league,
leaving the bold shore which is bor-
dered by high hills. We made our
halt in a canyada which had running
water, although the sand drinks it up.
Not far from where itg starts the
canyada is clothed with live oaks and
sycamores and on the hill crests has
some pines. A rancheria came to visit
us; without doubt they live near by.
The soldier scouts who went out this
morning arrived this evening with the
news that they had found large set-
tlements of much population and
which gave them a good reception.
Ten unarmed gentiles came to this
camp at nightfall with the proposal
of guiding us the following morning
to their rancheria. They were permit-
ted to remain the rest of the night
somewhat separated from our camp,
placing over them guards to stay with
them and who entertained them until
morning,

HARRINGTON |

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND

41

On the journey back from the north the Portola expedition passed

Syujttin without stopping: °

Miércoles 10 de idem. [10 de Enero,
1770].—Salimos de los pueblos de las
Islas [La Patera] y pasamos por el
de la Laguna [Syujtin] sin detener-
nos y llegamos ya tarde al de la Car-
pinteria 6 de San Roque [la Carpin-
teria], habiendo andado cinco y media
leguas y paramos en el propio sitio en
que estuvimos el 17,de Agosto faltain-
Jonos tambien el pescado,

The diary of Miguel Costansé

Miercoles 16 de Agosto.—T[Saliendo
de los Pitos] hizimos otras dos leguas
6 poco mas en la manafa [manana]
costeando siempre la marina: llegimos
4 una rancheria 6 mejor dirémos pue-
blo numeroso de gentiles [el Rincén]
situado sobre la misma plaia en una
punta de tierra immediato 4 la qual
corria un arroyuelo de buen agua.

Los gentiles de esta rancheria acu-
dieron immediatamente al real que si-
tuamos de la otra parte del arroio con
pescado tlatelmado 6 asado en bar-
bacéa para que comieramos mientras
sus canoas que estaban 4 la sazon pes-
cando viniesen con pescado fresco:
abordaron estas 4 la plaia de alli 4
poco, y trageron abundancia de boni-
tos y meros que nos regalaron y ofre-
cieron en tanta cantidad, que huviera-
mos podido cargar la requa de pescado
si huviesemos tenido proporcion de sa-
larlo y prepararlo: dieron nos a mas
pescado seco sin sal (que no usan en
sus comidas) que llevamos de preven-
cion, y nos sirvio de mucho recurso en
el viage.

Wednesday the 10th of the same
month [January 10, 1770|.—We set
out from the rancherias of Las Islas
[La Patera] and passed the rancheria
of La Laguna [Syujtan] without
stopping and arrived already late at
the Rancheria of La Carpinteria or of
San Roque [La Carpinteria], having
traveled 5% leagues, and camped at
the same spot where we did August 17,
fish being likewise lacking [as at their
camp on the preceding day, August 9].

relates for these days as follows: °

Wednesday, August 16—[Starting
out from Los Pitos] in the morning
we marched for another 2 leagues, or
a little more, steadily following the
coast. We arrived at an Indian vil-
lage, or rather a populous native town
[El Rincén], situated right on the
shore on a point of land near which
ran a small stream of good water.

The natives of this village immedi-
ately came to the camp—this we made
on the opposite side of the stream—
bringing fish, roasted or grilled in
barbecue, for us to eat while their
canoes, then out fishing, were return-
ing with fresh fish. These canoes
landed on the beach shortly after-
wards, and brought an abundance of
bonito and bass, which they gave us
and offered in such quantity that we
might have loaded the pack animals
with fish if we had had the facilities
to salt and prepare it. Moreover, they
gave us fish dried without salt (this
they do not use in their victuals),
which we took as a precaution, and it
was of great service to us on the
journey.

SOp. Cit. D: 230.

® The Portolé Expedition of 1769-1770, Diary of Miguel Costans6, edited by Frederick
J. Teggart, Academy of Pacific Coast History Publications, vol. 2, no, 4, Berkeley, Calif.,

1911, pp. 36-41, 152-153.
55231 °—28——4

42 EXPLORATION OF

Uno de los eapitanes 6 caziques de
este pueblo se hallaba en el de La
Asumpta [San Buenaventura] quando
nosotros pasamos, y fué uno de los que
mas se esmeraron en obsequiarnos ;
éra hombre formado de buen talle y
facciones, gran bailarin por cuio res-
pecto le pusimos a su pueblo el nom-
bre del Bailarin. Pareci6nos aun mas
numeroso que el de La Asumpta [San
Buenaventura] y las casas son de la
misma fabrica y hechura.

ny

Al Pueblo del Bailarin 2 leguas. De
San Diego 75 leguas.

Jueves 17 de Agosto.—Seguimos nues-
tra marcha por la orilla de la plaia
un corto tramo, y despues por lomas
altas sobre la costa: paramos cosa de
un quarto de legua retirados de la
misma cerca de un arroio de excelente
agua, que salia de una canada de la.
sierra con mucha arboleda de sauces:
teniamos 4 la vista otra rancheria 0
pueblo de gentiles compuesta de treinta
y dos casas [la Carpinteria], tan popu-
loso como los pasados: vinieron al
real con pescado fresco y tlatelmado,
hombres, mugeres, y nifos codiciosos
de abalorios y cuentas de vidrio, mejor
moneda y de maior estimacion entre
ellos que el oro y la plata.

Los soldados Namaron 4 este pueblo
de la Carpinteria porque estaban a
la sazon construiendo una canoa: dista
no mas de una legua del Pueblo del
Bailarin.

Parecié a todos este sitio mui apa-
rente para mision, respecto de la in-
numerable gentilidad que havita estas
plaias en colo el distrito de seis leguas
y por tener muchas tierras al propo-
sito para siembras capaces de dar
mucho fruto: lo proprio dirémos en el
sentido mistico, porque la docilidad de
esta gente nos did grandes esperanzas,
de que la palabra de Dios fructificara
igualmente en sus corazones.

A la Carpinteria 1 legua.
Diego 76 leguas.

Viernes 18 de Agosto.—Del Pueblo
de la Carpinteria marchamos al de La

De San

BURTON MOUND SETH. ANN, 44

One of the chiefs or caciques of this
town was in La Asumpta [San Buena-
ventura] when we passed through that
place, and was one of those who took
the greatest care to please us. He
was a robust man, of good figure and
countenance, and a great dancer, and
for this reason we gave his town the
name of El Bailarin. It seemed to us
still more populous than La Asumpta
[San Buenaventura], and the houses
are of the same structure and appear-
ance,

To the Pueblo del Bailarin, 2 leagues.
From San Diego, 75 leagues.

Thursday, August 17.—We continued
our march along the margin of the
beach for a short distance, and after-
wards over high hills on the coast.
We halted about a quarter of a league
inland, near a small stream of excel-
lent water which flowed from a can-
yon of the range; here there were
many willows. We saw before us an-
other village or Indian town composed
of 32 houses [La Carpinteria], and as
populous as the previous ones. Men,
women, and children came to the camp
bringing fish, both fresh and roasted,
eager to obtain glass beads and
trinkets, which are the best money and
more highly valued among them than
gold and silver.

The soldiers called this town Pueblo
de la Carpinteria, because at this time
the natives were constructing a canoe.
It is only 1 league from the Pueblo del
Bailarin.

This place seemed to all of us very
suitable for a mission, on account of
the innumerable heathen that inhabit
these shores within a radius of only 6
leagues, and because it has extensive
lands well adapted for cultivation and
capable of producing rich crops. We
may say the same in a mystical sense,
as the gentleness of this people gave
us great hopes that the word of God
will fructify equally in their hearts.

To La Carpinteria, 1 league. From
San Diego, 76 leagues.

Friday, August 18—From the Pue-
blo de la Carpinteria we marched to

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY
Laguna [Syujttin] distante tres leguas
del primero: campamos sobre una la-
guna de agua dulce de que se abas-
tecen los gentiles que ocupan y viven
en su cereania: pueblo el mas nume-
roso de los que hasta aqui se havian
visto: inferimos que pasaria de seis-
cientas almas: ofrecieronnos pescado
tlatelmado y fresco quanto pudieramos
desear, y vinieron al real con sus
mugeres y nifos tan carinosos y
afables como en ninguna parte hayia-
mos experimentado,

Hallamos sobre nuestro camino dos
rancherias arruinadas: no pudimos
averiguar por que causa pero nos per-
suadimos que serian efectos de las
guerras y rillas que entre ellos suelen
moverse mui facilmente.

Al Pueblo de la Laguna 3
De San Diego 79 leguas.

Savado 19 de Agosto—Movimos el
real mas para huir de la molestia de
los gentiles, que para hacer jornada,
pues apenas hicimos media; luego [J
nmiedia legua] apartandonos de la plaia
acantilada y bordada de altos cerros
en este parage; hizimos alto dentro
de una canada que tenia agua co-
riente, bien que esta se resumia en la
arena, no lexos de su _ nacimiento.
Estaba la caflada vestida de hermosos
encinos y alamos, y no faltaban pinos
en las cumbres de los cerros.

Los exploradores que se despacharon
en la mafiana bolvieron en la tarde
con noticia de haver visto grandes
poblaciones, y mucha gentilidad, pu-
blicando el buen recebimiento que en
todas partes les havian hecho.

De noche yinieron diez gentiles al
real sin armas, con el fin, decian, de
guiarnos por la manana a su ran-
cheria: se les permitid pasar lo res-
tante de la noche algo distantes del
real, embiandoles quienes les hiciesen
compania y los entretuvieron [MW en-
tretubiesen] hasta el dia.

leguas.

OF BURTON MOUND

45

the Pueblo de la Laguna [Syujttn],
distant 3 leagues from the first. We
pitched our camp close to a pond of
fresh water, from which the natives
that occupy the land and live in the
vicinity take their supply. This was
the most populous of all the towns
that we, so far, had seen; we esti-
mated that it might contain more than
six hundred souls. They offered us as
much fish, roasted and fresh, as we
could desire, and came to the camp
with their women and children; in
no other place had we met natives so
affectionate and good-natured.

On our way we found two ruined
villages; we could not ascertain why
they were so, but we concluded that
it might be the effect of the wars and
quarrels that arise very easily among
the natives.

To the Pueblo de la Laguna, 3
leagues. From San Diego, 79 leagues.

Saturday, August 19—We_ broke
camp rather to get away from the
annoyance of the natives than to make
a day’s march; and so, as soon as we
made half a league, turning from the
shore—at this place steep and fringed
by high hills—we halted in a canyon
that had running water, although it
sank into the sand not far from its
source. The canyon was covered with
beautiful live oaks and poplars, and
pines grew on the hilltops.

The scouts, who had been sent out
in the morning, came back in the
afternoon with the news that they had
seen large towns and many natives,
telling everyone of the welcome that
had been given them on all sides.

At night 10 unarmed natives came
to the camp for the purpose, they said,
of guiding us to their village in the
morning. We allowed them to pass
the remainder of the night at some
distance from the camp, and sent them
some of our men, who kept them com-
pany and entertained them until day-
break.

44

EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND

[ETH, ANN, 44

Of passing Syujttin on the return journey Costans6 writes:

Miercoles 10 de Enero.—Salimos de
los Pueblos de la Isla con deseos de
aleansar el de la Carpinteria, distante
cinco leguas y media con la mira de
dejar atras todos los embarazos de
Ja canal, mientras la tierra se man-
tenia seca y oreada: pasamos sin
deteneros por el Pueblo de la Laguna
[SyujtaQn], y Wegamos ya tarde al
Pueblo de la Carpinteria, en cuia em-
mediacion ocupamos el proprio campo,
que en diez y siete de Agosto al subir
por estas tierras.

Ni en este ni en el de la Laguna
[SyujtGn] huvo pescado, ya sea que
los indios no se huviesen dedicado 4
la pesca 6 que esta costa sea escasa
de él, por este tiempo.

Al Pueblo de la Carpinteria 5 leguas.
De la Ensenada de Pinos 86% leguas.

Wednesday, January 10—We_ set
out from the Pueblos de la Isla, de-
sirous of reaching the Pueblo de la
Carpinteria, 5144 leagues distant, with
the purpose of leaving behind all the
obstructions along the channel while
the ground was dried by sun and
wind. We passed through the Pueblo
de la Laguna [Syujttin] without stop-
ping, and arrived quite late at the
Pueblo de la Carpinteria, near which
Wwe occupied the same camping-place
as on August 17, when on our way
up the country.

There was no fish either in this
town or in the Pueblo de la Laguna
[SyujtGn]; it may be that the Indians
have not applied themselves to fish-
ing, or that this coast is without fish
this season,

To the Pueblo de la Carpinteria, 5
leagues. From the Ensenada de
Pinos, 86% leagues.

Gaspar de Portolé in his own diary furnishes briefer information.’

El 16 [16 de Agosto, 1769] handu-
vimos tres horas siempre por la orilla
del mar, y emos parado en parage de
poco pasto: en este parage hay un
pueblo que tiene treinta y tantas casas
hechas de tule, tiene este pueblo pas-
sadas de 3800 personas, han acudido
diferentes gentiles de las islas que te-
nemos en frente; en este pueblo hay
siete canoas bien construidas ocho
varas de largo, una de ancho, y en lu-
gar de clabos amarran las tablas con
cordeles, y bien embreadas, nos regala-
ron mucho pescado.

El 17 [17 de Agosto, 1769] handu-
vimos dos horas, buen camino, paramos
en la orilla del mar, hay un pueblo
que tenia 88 cassas, y como 300 per-
sonas con sus siete canoas de madera,
mui buenas, mucho pasto, y agua.

The 16th [August 16, 1769|—We
proceeded for three hours, the whole
time along the beach, and have halted
in a place where there is little pas-
ture. In this place there is a town
which has 80 or more houses made of
rushes; the town has more than 300
inhabitants. There have come [to our
camp] some natives from the islands
off the coast. In the town there are
seven canoes, well built, eight yards
in length and one in width, and, in
lieu of nails, they fasten the boards
with cords and pay them well with

tar. They made us a present of many
fish.
The 17th [August 17, 1769].—We

proceeded for two hours; a good road.
We halted on the beach. [Here] there
was a town which had 388 houses and
about 300 inhabitants with 7 very fine
eanoes of wood. Much pasture and
water.

7 Diary of Gaspar de Portol4 during the California Expedition of 1769-1770, edited by
Donald Eugene Smith and Frederick J. Teggart, Academy of Pacific Coast History Publi-
cations, vol. 1, No. 3, Berkeley, Calif., 1910, pp. 26-27, 47-48.

HARRINGTON |

El 18 [18 de Agosto, 1769] de Agosto
anduvimos cinco horas por la playa;
paramos en un pueblo que tenia qua-
renta y tantas cassas avitadas de mas
500 gentiles, nos regalaron mucho pes-
eado se les correspondio: tenia este
pueblo diez canoas, & mas de esto
havia 4 su becindad dos pueblos arrui-
nados, y dessamparados por haverse
aniquilado entre ellos mismos,

El 19 [19 de Agosto, 1769], de Agosto

anduvimos una hora, pasto, y agua,
aqui binieron como veinte y tantos

gentiles se les regal6 de abalorios.

HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND

45

The 18th [August 18, 1769]—We
proceeded for five hours along the
seashore. We halted in a town which
had 40 or more houses inhabited by
over 500 natives; they made us a
present of many fish and we made
them a suitable return. This town
had 10 canoes. Besides this [one]
there were in the vicinity two [other]
towns, ruined and deserted, the inhab-
itants having mutually exterminated
each other.

The 19th [August 19, 1769|—We
proceeded for one hour. Pasture and
water. Here about twenty or more
natives came [to our camp]; we made
them presents of glass beads.

Of passing Syujttin on the return journey Portola notes:

El 10 [10 De Enero, 1770] handuvi-
mos algo ma'’s de tres jornadas de las
hechas que seria como de 6 horas de
eamino, paramos en el pueblo de la
Carpinteria, en donde esperayamos
mucha provission de pescado, y quasi
no hubo nada.

The 10th [Jan, 10, 1770|—We pro-
ceeded [for a distance] somewhat
greater than [we had made in] three
marches on the outward journey,
which was about six hours travel. We
halted in the town of La Carpinteria
where we expected [to find] a plenti-
ful supply of fish, but it had hardly
any.

As is customary, Pedro Fages in his Noticias del Puerto de
Monterrey * supplies other interesting details:

Quinto: Haciendo dos leguas por la
Playa Camp6 cerca de una Rancheria
Volante [los Pitos] de Indios pesca-
dores, y este fué el nombre de aquel
sitio, por no perder la costumbre de
ponerles 4 todos los parages de nuestro
Descubrimiento segun las ocurrencias.

Serto: Por lo notable de habernos
festejado un Indio extraordinaria-
mente dos leguas adelante (siempre
costeando la Marina) donde hay un
numeroso Pueblo [el Rincén] sobre
una punta de Tierra en la misma
Playa, el qul. Indio era un hombre for-
nido, de buen Talle, y gran Bailaryn,
y ya nos habia visto en la Asumpta
[San Buenaventura] dos dias antes:
por su respecto llamamos 4 este
Pueblo [San Buenaventura] de donde

Fifthly. Making 2 leagues along the
beach, they camped near a Temporary
Rancheria [Los Pitos] of Indian fish-
ermen, and this was the name of that
site, not abandoning the custom of
naming all the stopping places of our
discovery according to the happenings.

Sixthly. For the notable fact of an
Indian having entertained us extraor-
dinarily 2 leagues farther on (con-
tinually following the shore), where
there is a populous pueblo [El Rincén]
on a point of land on this same shore,
which Indian was a robust man, of
good body, and a great dancer, and
had already seen us at La Asumpta
[San Buenaventura] two days before,
for him we called this pueblo [San
Buenaventura], of which our friend

1Fages, Pedro, Noticias del Puerto de Monterrey; y Diario Historico de los Viages

Hechos al Norte de California, 1775.,

Original in Mexico City; copy presented to the

author through the kindness of Prof. H. EB. Bolton in 1913.

46

EXPLORATION OF

era vezino nuestro amigo el Pueblo del
Baylarin. Parece aun mas numeroso
que el otro, y sus casas son de la
misma hechura,

Septimo: Sigue un corto trecho de
Playa, y luego se pasan algunas Lomas
altas sobre la Costa para venir 4 un
Arroyo de exelente agua que sale de
una Canada de la Sierra con mucha
Arboleda de Sauces: quedando & la
vista otro Pueblo de Gentiles, en que
se contaron 382 Casas, y se llamoé el
Pueblo de la Carpinteria [la Carpin-
teria]. Parece todo este sitio muy
apropésito para Mision, asi por la
inumerable Gentilidad que habita estas
Playas en el corto distrito de seis
leguas, como por tener tierras exe-
lentes, y mucha Agua para Sembrar.
La docilidad, y buena disposicién de
los Indios, di motivos de tener por
moralmte. cierta su reducién, siempre
que se les predicase la palabra de Dios.

Octavo: A tres leguas se aleanza
otro Pueblo [Syujt@n] sin duda alguna
el mas numeroso de todos asta aqui,
pues pasaria de 600 almas. Esta situa-
do cerca de una laguna de agua dulce
de que se abastecen los Vezinos;
vinieron con sus Mugeres, y Ninos 4
visitarnos, trayéndonos Cantidad de
Pescado tlatemado, como ellos dicen,
(esto es asado) y del fresco, y otros

regalos de comer: Llamose este Pueblo
de la Laguna [SyujtGn].

BURTON MOUND [ BDH. ANN. 44
Was an inhabitant, the pueblo of the
Dancing-man.' It [El Rinc6én] appears
even more populous than the other
[San Buenaventura], and its houses
are of the same make.

Seventhly. The beach continues a
short stretch, and soon some high hills
on the coast are passed in reaching an
arroyo of excellent water which comes
out of a canyada of the mountain
range, with many willow trees, there
being in view another pueblo of Gen-
tiles in which 32 houses were counted,
and it was called the pueblo of La
Carpinteria [La Carpinteria]. All
this site appears very appropriate for
a mission, both because of the innu-
merable Gentiles which inhabit these
shores in the small district of 6 leagues
and because of the excellent lands and
much water for planting. * The docility
and good disposition of the Indians
give reason for considering morally
certain their reduction, so that the

word of God would be continually
preached to them.
Highthly. At 38 leagues another

pueblo [Syujttn] is reached, without
any doubt the most populous of all
thus far, for it would exceed 600 souls.
It is situated near a lake of fresh
water, from which the inhabitants sup-
ply themselves. They came with their
women and children to visit us, bring-
ing us a quantity of tlatemado, as they
say—i. e., roasted—fish, and of fresh,
and other gifts to eat. This pueblo
was called that of La Laguna
[Syujttn].

MENTION IN THE FONT DIARY OF THE ANZA EXPEDITION, 1776

The diary of Fr. Pedro Font tells of the Anza expedition passing
Syujttin on their way up the channel, February 25, 1776, and again
on their way south April 26 of the same year:

Dia 25 [25 de Febrero, 1776] Do-
mingo—Dixe missa. Salimos de la
Rancheria de la Rineconada [el Rineén]
4 las nueve de la manana, y 4 las tres
de la tarde paramos en un parage
Namado Las immediaciones de las
Rancherias de Mescaltitan, haviendo
caminado unas nueve leguas con rum-

25th [February 25, 1776] Sunday.—t
said mass. We _ started from the
Rancheria de la Rineconada [El Rin-
con] at 9 in the morning and at 3 in
the afternoon we stopped at a place
called Las Imediaciones de las Ran-
cherias de Mescaltitan, having traveled
some 9 leagues, in direction 6 west-

HARRINGTON | HISTORY
bo, como seys al oeste quarta al noro-
este, dos al noroeste, y al ultimo una
legua corta al sudoeste para desca-
bezar unos esteros que hay alli cerea.
El camino fue como ayer dixe, sigui-
endo la playa; 4 las dos leguas llega-
mos 4 las Rancherias de San Buena-
ventura [la Carpinteria] que son dos,
una en cada lado de un llano como de
una legua de largo, en donde se in-
tent6 fundar la Mission de San Buena-
ventura, que esti dotada, y no se
fund6o por falta de providencias, y
hay en el algun pasto, y bastantes
encinos, pero poca agua: con otra
legua llegamos 4 otra MRancheria
[Shalw4j]: y con una legua mas lle-
gamos a la Rancheria de la Laguna
[Syujttn], en donde se tomaron por
abalorios algunas coritas, y nos pro-
veimos de pescado, porque en la oca-
sion llegaba 4 tierra una lancha que
venia de pescar, y traia varios y di-
versos pescados muy buenos, y de dis-
tinctos colores y hechuras que no
conoci: y con esta ocasion vi como
sacan las lanchas del agua, y fue que
al llegar 4 tierra se arrimaron a ella
diez 6 doze hombres, y cogiendo la
lancha en hombros con la pesca, la
llevaron a la casa del Patron 6 Capi-
tan de la lancha, distinguido con el
capotillo de osso: los instrumentos con
que pescan son nassas bien grandes, y
anzuelos que se hacen de concha y
tambien tal qual red pequena hecha
de un hilo muy fuerte como de cé-
namo. En el Parage me ofreci6 el
S" Ansa de sus coritas diciendo, que
escogiesse las que gustasse; pero como
yo no tenia endonde levarlas le re-
spondi, que si en concluyendo el viage
me las daba entonces las tomaria; y
mi dixo que me daria quantas qui-
siesse; pero despues ninguna me did,
porque acabé el viage sin su gracia.

OF BURTON

MOUND 47
northwest, 2 northwest, and finally 1
short league southwest in order to cut
off some esteros which there are near
there. The route was, like I stated
yesterday, following the shore; at a
distance of 2 leagues we arrived at
the Rancherias de San Buenaventura
[La Carpenteria], which are two in
number, one on each side of a plain
about a league long, where it was in-
tended to found the mission of St.
S3onaventure, which has been endowed,
but which was not founded because of
lack of supplies. There is there some
pasture, plenty of live oaks, but little
water. With another league we reached
another Rancheria [Shalw4j]; and
with another league we reached the
Rancheria de la Laguna [Syujttn],
where we traded beads for some baskets
and provided ourselves with fish, be-
cause on this occasion a canoe landed
which was coming in from fishing and
brought various and diverse fishes
and very good ones, of distinct colors
and shapes which I did not recognize.
And on this occasion I saw how they
take the canoes out of the water, the
method being that on reaching shore
10 or 12 men went to the canoe, put
it, fish and all, on their shoulders
and carried it to the house of the
boss or captain of the canoe, distin-
guished by a little bearskin cape.
The implements with which they fish
are large fish-traps, and hooks which
they make of shell, and also a kind of
little net made of a very strong hemp-
like twine. At this place Sr. Ansa
offered me some of his baskets, saying
that I might choose those which I
liked, but since I had no place to carry
them I told him that if on finishing
the trip he would give them to me I
would take them, and he told me that
he would give me as many as I
wanted ; but it turned out that he did
not give me any at all, for I finished
the journey without his grace.

The entry on the return journey is as follows:

Dia 26 [26 de Abril, 1776] Viernes.—
Salimos de Cerca las Rancherias de

Mescaltitan 4 las seys y quarto de la

26th [April 26, 1776] Thursday.—
We started from Cerca las Rancherias
de Mescaltitan at quarter past 6 in the

48 EXPLORATION
manana, y 4 las cinco de la tarde
paramos en el Rio de la Assumpta
[Rio de San Buenaventura], ha-
viendo caminado unas diez y siete
leguas, andando lo mas por la playa,
y passando por las misma Rancherias
de la ida; en una de las quales, vi
que los Indios estaban tatemando una
buena partida de langostas, econ al-
gunos cangrejos grandes, que havian
pescado entre unos pedrones que havia
en la playa, y me regalaron una: yo
la entregué al cozinero paraque la
coziera ; y siendo assi que en el camino
me havia dicho el S" Ansa, que era
para él una comida muy regalada, y
que le quadraban mucho, despues no
quiso comer de ella, ni siquiera
probarla por instancias que le hize,
escusandose con decir que no era
comida que el apeteciera y que temia
le hiciesse dano: y no era sino que
no la quiso probar porque me la
havian dado 4 mi, porque era estilo
suyo, que cosa que fuesse mia, 0 que
me diessen 4 mi, la despreciaba, y
desechaba, y mas antes queria que se
perdiesse, como me sucedio con una
talega de gigote preparado que yo
llevaba, y por su respecto no me Ssirvi6 ;
con una codorniz y un pato que me
regalaron los Soldados; con un pedazo
del pescado Tollo que me dieron en el
Puerto dulce; y con unos quessos que
me dieron en San Gabriel. Oy despues
de parar logramos ver las Yslas de la
Canal, que hasta ahora ni 4 la ida,
ni a la buelta las haviamos podido
ver claramente, sino muy en confuso y
poco, por causa de las neblinas, que
son en este mar muy continuas. Con
esta ocasion las demarqué segun la
fachada que hacian desde este parage
de la Assumpta [San Buenaventura],
y es la que aqui pongo: [fachada de
las islas de Anacapa y de Santa Cruz|
y observé que mirando al sur desde
dicho parage, la Ysla mas grande, que
es la de la Santa Cruz, caia al sudo-
este, y las demas se venian siguiendo
de ella hasta el sur; y advierto que
todas estas Yslas estén unas seys U
ocho leguas dentro de la mar, y son
las que forman la Canal.

OF BURTON MOUND

[PTH. ANN. 44

morning, and at 5 in the evening we
stopped at the Rio de la Asumpta [San
Buenaventura River], having traveled
some 17 leagues, going for the most
part along the shore and passing the
same rancherias as on our trip up. In
one of these I saw that the Indians
were roasting a good bunch of craw-
fish with some big crabs, which they
had caught among some rocks on the
shore, and they gave me one. I
handed it to the cook for him to cook
it, and, although Sr. Ansa had told me
on the road that it was very good for
a meal and that he was very fond of
them, later he did not care to eat any
of it, nor even to taste of it upon my
insistence, excusing himself by saying
that he had no appetite for it and that
he feared that it would injure him;
and the only reason was that he did
not care to taste it because they had
given it to me, for that was his style
that anything that was mine or had
been given to me he depreciated and
declined and would sooner see it spoil,
as it was in the case of a bag of pre-
pared jigote which I had along and
which on account of him did me no
good, also a quail and duck which the
soldiers gave me, also a piece of tollo
fish which was given to me at Puerto
Dulce, and some cheeses which they
gave me at San Gabriel. To-day after
going into camp we got to see the
islands of the channel which until
now we had not been able to see
clearly either on the way up or back,
but very faint and little, because of
the fogs which are very continuous on
this sea. On this occasion I drew
them according to the outline which
they present from this locality of La
Asumpta [San Buenaventura] and I
show it here [profile of Anacapa and
Santa Cruz Islands]. And I observed
that looking south from this place the
largest island, which is Santa Cruz,
lay southwest, and the others came
following it to the south. And I note
that these islands are some 6 or 8
leagues out to sea and it is they that
form the channel,

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 49

MENTION IN THE ACCOUNTS OF THE FOUNDING OF THE PRESIDIO OF SANTA
BARBARA, 1782

Tt is not until the year 1782, in connection with the founding of
the Presido at Santa Barbara, that we find further mention of the
village of Syujttin. Fr, Palot in describing this event writes: *

After marching about 9 leagues [from San Buenaventura], they [Governor
Felipe de Neve, Fr. Presidente Junipero Serra, and soldiers] came to a place
which they judged to be about half way to the end of the channel. Here
the governor ordered the troops to halt. Then with the Fr. Presidente and
some of the soldiers he explored the region and found a very favorable site for
the presidio within view of the beach, which here forms a bay where vessels
might anchor and where there was a large Indian village [SyujtGn]. The
governor gave orders that camp be pitched in a suitable place; whereupon they
began cutting timber for the large cross, for the little structure to be used as
chapel, and for the altar. On the following day, it being a Sunday, the
venerable father presidente blessed the site and the cross, which was then
set up and venerated. He also celebrated the first holy mass, which the
governor, the officers, and all the soldiers attended. Thereupon his reverence
preached an eloquent sermon. The ceremonies concluded with the formal tak-
ing possession of the site, not the slightest opposition being made on the part
of the natives.

Father Paloti states in his Noticias: °

The expedition set out from the Mission of the Seraphic Doctor [San Buena-
ventura] in April, leaving as guard for the mission 15 leather-jacket soldiers
with a sergeant. On the same day they reached the spot called, since the first
expedition, San Joaquin de la Laguna. It is 10 leagues distant from the
Mission of San Buenaventura and not very far from the beach, in 35 degrees
and a few minutes. The presidio was established away from the beach and
rancheria [Syujttn], at a good distance from the laguna [the Santa Barbara
estero] on the edge of a grove of live oaks. It is said that the place looks
dismal and that it has but little water.

Bancroft says of the founding of the presidio:1?°

The site chosen was on fhe shore of a small bay affording tolerably secure
anchorage, at a place said to have been called San Joaquin de la Laguna in
the first expedition of 1769, and near a large native town [Syujttn], which, like
its temi, or chief, was called Yanonalit. ... The natives were more friendly
than had been anticipated, and Yanonalit was willing to exchange presents.
Work was at once begun and oak timber felled for the requisite shelters, and
particularly for the palisade enclosure, 60 varas square, which was later
replaced by a solid wall enclosing an area of 80 yards square. The natives
were hired to work and were paid in articles of food and clothing. Yanonalit
had authority over some 13 rancherias, and his friendship proved a great
advantage.

It was not until 1786 that the Santa Barbara Mission was founded,
half a league northwest of the presidio.

§ Francisco Palo, Relacion Historica de la Vida y Apostolicas Tareas del Venerable
Padre Fray Junipero Serra, México, 1787, cap. LIV, translation taken from Engelhardt,
Santa Barbara Mission, San Francisco, 1923, p. 33.

® Francisco Palo, Noticias de la Nueva California, San Francisco, 1874, Vol. IV, p. 241,
translation taken from Engelhardt, Santa Barbara Mission, San Francisco, 1923, pp. 33-34.

10 Bancroft, California, Vol. I, San Francisco, 1886, p. 377.

50 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PTH, ANN. 44
VANCOUVER’S ACCOUNT OF HIS VISIT TO SANTA BARBARA, 1793

The visit of the Vancouver expedition to Santa Barbara in Novem-
ber, 1793, is described by Vancouver as follows:

The coast continued in this easterly direction about twenty-three miles from
Point Conception, to a point where it took a southerly turn, from whence the
country gradually rose to mountains of different heights. In the vicinity of
the shores, which are composed of low cliffs or sandy beaches, were produced
some stunted trees and groveling shrubs; and notwithstanding the dreary ap-
pearance of the coast as we passed along, it seemed to be well inhabited, as
several villages were seen at no great distance from each other in the small
bays or coves that form the coast.

By four in the afternoon we had sailed beyond the influence of our favorable
NW. gale, which still continued to blow a little way astern of us, whilst we
were perplexed with light variable winds from every quarter. With these,
however, we endeavoured to approach the shore of the mainland, in order to
anchor for the night. About sunset we were visited by some of the inhabitants
in a canoe from one of the villages. Their visit seemed to be dictated by
euriosity alone, which being satisfied, as they were about to depart, I gave them
some iron and beads, with which they appeared to be highly delighted, and
returned to the shore. é

By seven in the evening it was nearly calm, and having at that time soundings
at the depth of 37 fathoms, muddy bottom, we anchored in company with the
Chatham and Dedalus.

The surface of the sea, which was perfectly smooth and tranquil, was covered
with a thick filmy substance, which, when separated, or disturbed by any little
agitation, became very luminous, whilst the light breeze that came principally
from the shore, brought with it a very strong smell of burning tar, or of some
such resinous substance. The next morning, Sunday the 10th, the sea had the
appearance of dissolved tar floating upon its surface, which covered the ocean
in all directions within the limits of our view; and indicated, that in this
neighbourhood it was not subject to much agitation.

From this anchorage, situated in latitude 34° 24’, longitude 240° 32’, the
coast as before mentioned takes a southerly turn, S. 48 E. about two leagues to
a point bearing by compass N. 81 E. half a league distant from our station;
the centre of the island of St. Miguel bore from $.°27 W. distant 11 leagues ;
S‘™ Rosa from 8. 11 W. to S. 5 E.; the former 25, the latter 26 miles distant ;
the island of S‘* Cruz from 8, 81 E. to S. 55 E.; and the main land in sight
from S. 82 W. to S. 87 B.

The want of wind detaining us in the situation, afforded an opportunity to
several of the natives from the different villages, which were numerous in this
neighbourhood, to pay us a visit. They all came in canoes made of wood, and
decorated with shells like that seen on the 8th. They brought with them some
fish, and a few of their ornaments; these they disposed of in the most cheerful
manner, principally for spoons, beads, and scissors. They seemed to possess
great sensibility, and much vivacity, yet they conducted themselves with the
most perfect decorum and good order; very unlike that inanimate stupidity
that marked the character of most of the Indians we had seen under the
Spanish jurisdiction at St. Francisco and Monterrey. These people either did
not understand the Spanish language, or spoke it in such a manner as to be

1 Vancouver, George, A voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, and round the
World, Vol. I1, London, 1798, pp. 324-3838.

HARRINGTON | HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 51

unintelligible to us; for as we were totally unacquainted with their native
dialect, we endeavoured, but to no effect, by means of Spanish, to gain from them
some information.

On a light breeze springing up from the westward, at about eight o’clock,
we directed our course along shore to the eastward; our progress was very
slow, owing to light winds, though the weather was very pleasant. About two
in the afternoon we passed a small bay, which appeared likely to have afforded
good anchorage, had it not been for a bed of seaweed that extended across its
entrance, and indicated a shallow rocky bottom.

Within this bay a very large Indian village was pleasantly situated, from
whence we were visited by some of its inhabitants; amongst whom was a very
shrewd intelligent fellow, who informed us, in the Spanish language, that there
was a mission and a Presidio not much further to the eastward. About five in
the evening this establishment was discovered in a small bay, which bore the
appearance of a far more civilized place than any other of the Spanish settle-
ments. The buildings appeared to be regular and well constructed, the walls
clean and white, and the roofs of the houses were covered with a bright red
tile. The Presidio was nearest to the sea shore, and just shewed itself above a
grove of small trees, producing with the rest of the buildings a very picturesque
effect.

As I purposed to anchor somewhere for the night, and as this bay seemed
likely not only to answer that purpose, but another equally essential, that of
procuring some refreshments, we hauled in, and anchored in six fathoms
water, sandy bottom; the southern land in sight, called by the Spaniards Con-
version Point, bore by compass S. 70 E.; a low cliffy point in the bay N. 42 E.;
the Presidio N. 32 W.; the nearest shore NNW. distant half a mile; the north-
west point of the bay S. 64 W.; the northwest extreme of the island of S'“ Rosa
S. 34 W. distant thirty-two miles; its western extreme was shut in with the
west point of S‘“ Cruz, which bore from 8S. 22 W. to 8S. 28 E. seventeen or eighteen
miles; the nearest part of this island 8. 20 E. distant thirteen miles; and the
southeasternmost of the islands in sight S. 28 E.; appearing from our anchorage
like a single rock, but consisting of three small islands.

Having thus anchored before the Spanish establishment, I immediately sent
Lieutenant Swaine to inform the commanding officer at the Presidio of our
arrival, and as I intended to depart in the morning, to request that the Indians,
who had shown a great desire to trade with us, might be permitted to bring
us, in the course of the night, such articles of refreshment as they had to
dispose of; which, as we understood, consisted of an abundance of hogs,
vegetables, fowls, and some excellent dried fish.

Mr. Swaine returned, after meeting with a most polite and friendly reception
from the commandant, Senor Don Felipe Goycochea, who with the greatest
hospitality informed Mr. Swaine that every refreshment the country could
afford was perfectly at our command; and desired that I might be made
acquainted, that he hoped I would remain a few days to partake of those
advantages, and to allow him the pleasure of administering to our wants and
necessities.

On his learning from Mr. Swaine which way we were bound, he observed
that wood and water would not only be found very scarce, but that a supply
could not be depended upon at St. Diego, or any other port to the southward;
and if it were necessary that we should replenish our stock of those articles,
it would be well to embrace the opportunity which our present situation
afforded for so doing.

The general deportment of this officer was evidently the effect of a noble
and generous mind; and as this place, which was distinguished by the name

52 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

of S' Barbara, was under the same jurisdiction as St. Francisco and Mon-
terrey, our very friendly reception here rendered the unkind treatment we had
received on our late visits at the two other establishments the more paradoxi-
eal, and was perhaps only to be referred to the different dispositions of the
persons in power.

The intelligence communicated to me by Mr. Swaine, and the polite and
liberal conduct we had reason to expect from the commandant, induced me to
think of accepting the advantages he had so obligingly offered.

The next morning, accompanied by Lieutenants Puget and Hanson, I paid
my respects on shore to Sen” Don Felipe Goycochea, the commandant of the
establishment of S‘* Barbara, and Lieutenant in the Spanish infantry. He
received us with the greatest politeness and cordiality, and renewed, with
great earnestness, the offers he had made to Mr. Swaine the preceding evening.
He was pleased to say, that he should derive the greatest satisfaction in ren-
dering us every service compatible with the orders under which he acted.
These orders only required, that those who were employed for the service of
the vessels on shore, or engaged in taking their recreation in the neighbouring
country, should return on board every night. This stipulation I assured him
should be punctually attended to, as well as every other regulation that his
prudence might suggest.

We were likewise introduced to Friar Miguel Miguel, one of the reverend
fathers of the mission of S‘ Barbara, who, in the name of himself, and his
companion the Rey. Father Estevan Tapis, expressed the greatest anxiety for
our welfare; and repeating the civilities of the commandant, offered whatever
services or assistance the mission could afford.

Accompanied by these gentlemen we went from the presidio in order to
ascertain the spot from whence we were to obtain our wood and water. As
the former was to be procured from the holly-leaved oak that grew at some
distance from the waterside, our reverend father offered us the waggons of the
mission, and some Indians to carry the wood, when cut, down to the beach.
The cart of the presidio was directed by the commandant to be at our orders
for that or any other service. The water, which was not of the best quality,
was in wells close to the seashore. We were in no imminent want of these
necessaries ; yet, from the experience of our late retarded progress from light
baffling winds, in consequence of the coast taking so easterly a direction, and
obstructing the general course of the northwest winds that prevail most part
of the year, it was highly probable we might find the same sort of weather
farther south, as we must necessarily keep near the shore, for the purpose of
examining the coast, which I now found would occupy more time than I
supposed. This circumstance, in addition to the information we had received,
that the further we advanced the worse we should fare in respect of these
essential articles, I thought it prudent, notwithstanding the business appeared
likely to be somewhat tedious, to give orders for its being immediately carried
into execution; convinced that we should greatly benefit in point of health
whilst these services were going forward, by the excellent refreshments the
country promised to supply.

The commandant had ordered us to be furnished with fresh meats in such quan-
tities as I might think proper to demand; vegetables and fowls were principally
purchased from private individuals, whilst our reverend fathers at the mission,
and the commandant, shared the productions of their gardens with us; which,
like those of the more northern establishments, were but of small extent.

Since the recreation that had been denied us at Monterrey was here granted
without limitation, I felt myself bound to adopt Such measures as were most

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 53

likely to prevent any abuse of the indulgence, or any just cause of complaint.
For when I reflected on the unrestrained manner in which most of the officers
and gentlemen had rambled about the country, during our former visit at
Monterrey, I was not without my suspicions that the unpleasant restrictions
imposed upon us on our late return to that port had been occasioned by our
having made too free with the liberty then granted. To prevent the chance
of any such offense taking place here, I issued positive injunctions that no
individual under my command should extend his excursions beyond the view
from the Presidio or the buildings of the mission, which, being situated in
an open country of no very uneven surface, admitted of sufficient space for
all the exercise on foot or horseback that health or amusement might require.

Notwithstanding the water on the beach was the same as that with which all
the Spanish vessels that had visited this roadstead had been supplied, and
although much pains had been taken to clean out the wells, yet they were
very dirty and brackish; and as they afforded a very scanty supply, we were
induced to make search for better water.

At the distance of only a few yards farther than where the wells had been
made, a most excellent spring of very fine water was discovered, amongst
some bushes, in a kind of morass; and though it flowed but slowly, yet it
answered all our purposes, and was obtained with more ease than the water
from the wells. This spring was totally unknown to the resident Spaniards,
and equally so, I presume, to those employed in their shipping, or they would
not so long have been content with the dirty brackish water procured from the
wells. At the Presidio is a large well of excellent water, from which also, by
the assistance of the cart, a portion of our stock was obtained.

Our business being thus in a train of easy execution, the agreeable society
of our Spanish friends, the refreshments we procured, and the daily recreation
which the country afforded, rendered our situation at S‘" Barbara extremely
pleasant.

We here procured some stout knees from the holly-leaved oak, for the security
of the Discovery’s head and bumkins; this and our other occupations, fully
engaged our time until the evening of Sunday the 17th, when preparations were
made for sailing on the day following.

The pleasing society of our good friends at the mission and presidio was this
day augmented by the arrival of Friar Vincente S‘* Maria, one of the Rey.
Fathers of the mission of Bueno Ventura, situated about seven leagues from
hence on the seacoast of the southeastward.

The motives that induced this respectable priest to favor us with his com-
pany, evidently manifested his christian-like benevolence. Having crossed the
ocean more thap once himself, he was well aware how valuable the fresh pro-
ductions of the shores were to persons in our situation; under this impression
he had brought with him, for our service, half a score sheep, and twenty mules
laden with the various roots and vegetables from the garden of his mission.
This excellently good man earnestly entreated that I would accompany him by
land back to Bueno Ventura; saying, that I should be better able on the spot
to point out to him, and to his colleague the Rey. Friar Father Francisco Dume,
such of the productions of the country as would be most acceptable, and con-
tribute most to our future comfort and welfare. Of this journey I should have
been very happy to have been able to have availed myself had the existing cir-
cumstances not obliged me to decline the pleasure I should thereby have
received.

54 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

Our new benevolent friend, accompanied by the commandant and Father
Miguel, honored us with their company to dine on board, where in the course
of conversation, I was informed that the mission of Bueno Ventura was situated
near a small bay of easy access; and as Friar Vincente seemed much pleased
with his visit on board, I requested he would favor me with his company in
the discovery of his residence. This offer he cheerfully accepted and in doing
so I had only reason to regret the short time I was to be indulged with the
society of a gentleman, whose observations through life, and general knowledge
of mankind, rendered him a most pleasing and instructive companion,

In the evening our friends returned on shore, and I took that opportunity
of soliciting their acceptance of a few useful articles which they had no other
opportunity of obtaining; though I must confess they were a very incompetent
return for their friendly, generous, and attentive services; and I trust they
will accept this public acknowledgment as the only means within my reach
to show the grateful sense I shall ever entertain of the obligations they so
liberally and unexpectedly bestowed.

We attended at breakfast the next morning, Monday the 18th, with our
friends from the shore; and the want of wind detained us at anchor until near
noon; when we took leave of our S‘" Barbara friends, and, accompanied by
Father Vincente, we directed our course toward Bueno Ventura.

Whilst we remained at S‘" Barbara Mr. Whidbey, whose time was principally
devoted to the several duties on shore, embraced that opportunity of making
some necessary astronomical observations with the artificial horizon; the only
means we had of ascertaining the latitude, variation, and the longitude by
the chronometers. The mean results showed the latitude, by four meridional
altitudes of the sun, to be 34° 24’; the variation by six sets of azimuths, differ-
ing from 11° 14’ to 9°, to be 10° 15’ eastwardly ; and the longitude, by eight sets
of altitudes of the sun between the 11th and 15th, allowing the error and rate
as calculated at Monterey, was shown by Kendall's chronometer to 240°
45’ 40’’; Arnold’s No. 14, 240° 44’ 16’’; No, 176, 240° 56’ 45’’; and the true
longitude deduced from subsequent observations, 240° 48’. As I continued to
allow the same rate, the situation of the coast has been laid down by No. 14;
and I should hope, by the regularity with which it had lately gone, with some
degree of precision. The tide, though showing here no visible stream, regu-
larly ebbed and flowed every six hours; the rise and fall, as nearly as could
be estimated, seemed to be about three or four feet; and it is high water about
eight hours after the moon passes the meridian.

To sail into the bay, or more properly speaking the roadstead, of S'* Barbara,
requires but few directions, as it is open and without any kind of interruption
whatever; the soundings on approaching it are regular, from 15 to 3 fathoms;
the former from half a league to two miles, the latter within a cable and half
of the shore. Weeds were seen growing about the roadstead in many places;
but, so far as we examined, which was only in the vicinity of our anchorage,
they did not appear to indicate shallower water, or a bottom of a different
nature. The shores of the roadstead are for the most part low, and terminate
in sandy beaches, to which, however its western point is rather an exception,
being a steep cliff moderately elevated; to this point I gave the name of Point
Felipe, after the commandant of S‘* Barbara.

The interior country a few miles only from the water side, is composed of
rugged barren mountains, which I was informed rise in five different ridges,
behind and above each other, a great distance inland towards the ENB.; which
space is not at present occupied either by the Spaniards or the native Indians.

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 55

MENTION IN THE GOYCOECHEA REPORT, 1796

Tn 1796 Syujttin was still extant and its chief still living, for in the
report of Captain Felipe de Goycoechea,'? under date of March 12,
1796, it is given as “ Yuctu (at the presidio),” its captain “ Yano-
nali,” 1*@ its population estimated at 125. During the first decade or
two of the nineteenth century the ancient site of Syujttin evidently
became completely depopulated of Indian inhabitants.

Hisrory SuBsEQUENT TO THE ABANDONMENT OF THE SITE BY THE
NATIVES

The abandoned beach at the site of Syujttin was commonly spoken
of in Spanish as El Puerto, or La Playa. It was there that vessels
visiting Santa Barbara landed; the cove of sandy beach in front of
the village had been used in earlier times as the landing place of
Indian canoes and a few of these craft were still used by the Indians
who were detailed to fish for the padres. The Indian jacales were
probably burnt or otherwise destroyed by the Indians themselves when
they abandoned their homes. They stood in the vicinity of the foot
of Chapala Street and about the adjacent Burton Mound. The tract
was acquired by the Church as a part of the great mission lands.

ALFRED ROBINSON DESCRIBES A VISIT TO SANTA BARBARA IN 1829

Alfred Robinson, in his book published in 1846,1° describes the ap-
pearance of Santa Barbara as seen from the ship in 1829 and, while
saying nothing of the Burton Mound, tells of fording the Mission
Creek northeast of the mound. He also furnishes the earliest extant
picture of Santa Barbara, as seen from the ship, showing the Burton
Mound in the foreground, reproduced in this paper in Plate 2, a.

From the Mission, we stood over for some small and rocky islands at the
southeast point of Santa Cruz; and on the following morning, close under our
lee, we beheld the beautiful vale of Sta. Barbara. e

See from the ship, the ‘ Presidio” or town, its charming vicinity, and neat
little Mission in the background, all situated on an inclined plane, rising
gradually from the sea to a range of verdant hills, three miles from the beach,
having a striking and beautiful effect. Distance, however, in this case,
“Jends enchantment of the view,’ which a nearer approach somewhat dispels;
for we found the houses of the town, of which there were some two hundred,
in not very good condition. They are built in the Spanish mode, with adobe
walls, and roofs of tile, and are scattered about outside of the military de-
partment; shewing a total disregard of order on the part of the authorities.
A ridge of rugged highlands extends along the rear, reaching from St. Bona-
ventura to Point Conception, and on the left of the town, in an elevated position,
stands the Castillo or fortress.

2 Engelhardt, Santa Barbara Mission, San Francisco, 1923, p. 448.

“a Here with the final t omitted.

18 Alfred Robinson, Life in California before the Conquest, New York, 1846, pp, 41-43
and 46,

56 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

The port of Santa Barbara is completely sheltered from the northwest and
westerly winds, but somewhat exposed to those from the southeast. The
anchorage is hard sand, abounding in seaweed, where the ship came to, in six
and a half fathoms. The sails were furled, the boat lowered and manned, and
we proceeded to the shore.

A heavy westerly wind during the night had “knocked up” considerable
swell, which continued to roll in and fall heavily upon the sand. Our men
pulled lustily until ordered to lie upon their oars, when we effected our
landing. In approaching the shore through the surf, more depends upon the
judgment of the person steering the boat than upon the rowers. Usually,
there are three consecutive rolls, and then follows a temporary recession ;
and to land safely, it is necessary to proceed with caution, wait an opportunity
by observing the swell; pull in strong on a third roller, and the moment the
boat strikes the sand, the oars should be cast on either side, while the men
jump out and prevent her being carried back by the retiring surf.

At the landing we found our Yankee friend, Daniel H {Daniel Hill],
and a few others who had come down to greet G@ [Gale]. As the town
was three quarters of a mile distant, I accepted Daniel’s offer of his fine
saddled mule, and he getting up behind me, we rode along slowly, until we
reached a small descent [opposite the Burton Mound], where flowed a stream
which recent rains had swollen beyond its usual bounds. Here the stubborn
animal stopped, and seemed disinclined to proceed, but repeated application
of the spurs at last urged him forward, and he forded the stream. Ascending
the opposite bank, he again stopped, and giving a sudden fling in the air with
his heels, sent us both rolling down towards the water. Fortunately we were
neither wet nor hurt, but after so decided a manifestation of the creature’s
abilities, I declined remounting. Daniel, however, nowise disconcerted, mounted
the beast and rode off alone.

We returned to town, and at the beach found a lively and busy scene.
Our men were passing through the surf to the launch bearing hides upon
their heads, while others landed, from smaller boats, portions of the ship’s
cargo. It was a merry sight, and their shouts mingled with the sound of the
waves as they beat upon the sand. We embarked on board ship, where soon
our decks were crowded with men and women of all classes; many coming to
purchase, some to see the vessel, and others to accompany their friends, so
that it was not unusual for us to have a party of twenty or thirty at dinner.

GENESIS OF TITLE OF THE BURTON MOUND PROPERTY
The genesis of title of the Burton Mound, quoted from the Santa
Barbara Weekly Press, June 7, 1900, is as follows:

The preliminary steps to the building of a hotel on Burton Mound are being
taken with considerable rapidity. ... On June 6th, 1900, a deed was filed
from the Santa Cruz Island Co. to Edward R. Spaulding. This clears the entire
six blocks included in the original tract of the Sea Side Hotel Association,
except two lots facing on Montecito St... .

The first individual owner of the Burton Mound property was Santiago
Burke, father of the present county tax collector, Mr. M. F. Burke, who held
it under a title granted by the Mexican Government.

The abstract made by Judge J. T. Richards in 1875 . . . shows that accord-
ing to an old “espediente” (record of title) a conveyance was made December
23, 1833, by Santiago Burke to Jose Chapman. In the conveyance Mr. Burke
states that “the house which I own, situated in Santa Barbara, near the
beach, and that which was known as “The House of the Mission of Santa
Barbara” was transferred to Chapman for $400 in hides and tallow.

HARRINGTON] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 57

The next conveyance was by Isaac J. Sparks, transferring a lot 200 varas
square, surrounding the house, enclosed by a fence, and on which a mill was
erected. This deed was dated Feb. 6, 1840.

On Dee. 6th, 1851, the city of Santa Barbara, by deed . . . recognized the
ownership of the entire tract to be in one Hinchman (that was an action clos-
ing all streets on the tract).

On Jan. 26th, 1875, the Sea Side Hotel Association was organized,

OWNERSHIP BY THE MEXICAN GOVERNMENT, JAMES BURKE, JOSEPH
CHAPMAN

Of the ownership by the Mexican Government and by James
Burke, better known as Don Santiago Burke, we have in the present
progress of our studies only documentary information. The second
individual owner was Joseph Chapman (otherwise Don José Chat-
man). He must have obtained some form of residence there, since
Mr. William H. Manis, grandson of Joseph Chapman, says that he
learned from his mother (Joseph Chapman’s daughter) that she was
born on the Burton Mound in a small building that afterwards be-
came a wing of the massive adobe of later years.

The next traditional owner or occupant was Thomas Robins, who
was later a grantee of the Hope Ranch. It is said to have been Robins
who built the main part of the adobe house on the mound.

The identity of the next owner is still in doubt. According to Mrs.
J. F. Freeman, of Santa Barbara, her husband’s great grandfather,
Foxen, owned the place for a short period after Robins gave

it up.
OWNERSHIP BY CAPT, GEORGE C. NIDEVER

Capt. George C. Nidever came into possession of the property in
1840 or 1841. Nidever came to Santa Barbara in 1834 from West
Virginia, having taken eight years to cross the continent, hunting,
trapping and fighting by turn. At Santa Barbara he followed otter
hunting by profession. He was the first man to stock San Miguel
Island. He was the principal in the rescue of the “lone woman ” of
San Nicolas Island. He married Sinforosa Sanchez in 1841. Slow
of speech and movement, of unblushing integrity, and a dead shot,
he was a terror of, evildoers. He resided at the mound for some 10
years and added two outbuildings to the adobe house; one was used
as a warehouse for furs, the other as a gristmill. It is said that
Nidever made improvements in the grounds, setting out trees and
gardens.

To the Bancroft Library of the University of California we are
indebted for the following excerpts from a manuscript entitled “ Life
and Adventures of George Nidever, Recollections furnished by him-
self to E. F. Murray for the Bancroft Library, 1878.” In this inter-

55231°—28——_5

58 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

view Nidever tells of his purchase of the mound property from
Joseph Chapman in 1840, and of his hiding out in the old adobe house
on the mound at the time of the invasion of California by the
Americans. He says:

I was born in 1802, Dec. 20, in Sulivan Co., East Tenn. My father, also
named George, was a native of Penn.; I do not remember the town... .

In the fall of 1840 I bought what is now known as the Burton Mound prop-
erty from Joseph Chapman, who had purchased it from the mission. It had
formerly been used to store hides in by the Fathers.

OWNERSHIP BY A. F. HINCHMAN

In 1851 Captain Nidever sold the mound property to A. F. Hinch-
man, Santa Barbara attorney and a prominent citizen. Miss Stella
G. Hinchman, daughter of A. F. Hinchman, has very kindly fur-
nished interesting information and documents on the history of the
mound at that period.

In a letter dated July 3, 1923, Miss Hinchman writes as follows:

Having read some articles printed in the Los Angeles papers which tell
of the work you are doing in Santa Barbara, I am taking the liberty of
writing to you because I am interested in your discoveries, as my father
sold the property to Mr. Lewis T. Burton, and it was then called “ La Playa”
(The Beach). In 1849 my father, Augustus F. Hinchman, in company with
his classmate, Mr. Edward Sherman Hoar, of Massachusetts, a brother of the
late Judge Hoar, both having graduated from Harvard and also from the
Harvard Law School, decided to go to California, but on the trip my father
contracted the Panama fever, and when they arrived in San Francisco he was
too ill to go to the gold fields, and his doctor advised him to go south and
camp until he regained his health. Mr. Hoar and my father went to Santa
Barbara expecting to stay a few weeks, but they were so delighted with the
place that they decided to remain and open a law Office.

After they acquired a practice my father decided to have a home and bougbt
Burton Mound from Mr. George C. Nidever, with the knowledge that it had
been an Indian burial ground. The property originally belonged to the church,
the church sold it to Mr. Joseph Chapman, Mr. Chapman sold it to Mr. Nidever,
and Mr. Nidever to my father.

As soon as my father acquired the property, he started to beautify the place,
laying out a garden and planting trees. As soon as they commenced to work,
they unearthed mortars, pestles, skulls and bones.

About that time a member of the Smithsonian Institution was in California
and my father entertained him and gave him many relics for the Smithsonian.
The only thing my father retained was a pipe, and the skulls and bones were
eremated. I think that if you look at the records of the Smithsonian of the
years 1851 and 1853, you will get some information about them. My brother
visited the Smithsonian Institution some years ago and was told that they had
been placed with the other Indian relics, but he did not locate them.

In a letter dated December 6, 1851, Mr. Hinchman says:

One of the first things that strikes the eye of a stranger, who comes to Santa
Barbara, is a little hill which breaks the uniformity of the plain, rising perhaps
20 feet above the general level of the surrounding land. The hill has a
gradual slope on all sides to its base and covers about 15 acres. All the

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 59

year around it is green, because in every part of it are welling up beautiful
little springs. On the highest part of the hill is an adobe house, which was
when new one of the best houses in the country, though now it is somewhat
out of repair. There lives a man by the name of Nidever, an otter hunter,
in these parts long before the Americans came here.

In a letter dated August 16, 1923, Miss Stella G. Hinchman states:

With regard to the “Mound”: In December, 1851, my father purchased the
property you speak of as “ Burton’s Mound.” .. .

In August, 1856, my father erected a store building at the foot of the mound on
the beach, and formed a copartnership with Lewis T. Burton and Harvey B.
Blake, who had previously been in business and were agents for the steamship
line and the express company. This firm was dissolved January, 1860... .

The beach at the foot of the mound was the favorite bathing spot for the
women and girls of the vicinity, and a right to the undivided and sole use of
this part of the beach by the women during their bathing hours had been
established by long usage and become an unwritten law... .

Now, as to the name “La Playa” being applied to the ‘ Mound,” which
you question. The women when they came to bathe naturally spoke of going
to la playa, the beach. However, if the townspeople went to the beach store
they spoke of going to La Playa. I remember that during several visits that
I made to Santa Barbara I was repeatedly asked if I was born at La Playa.
If asked where the Hinchmans lived or they answered any question connected
with the mound, they called it La Playa. My father in his correspondence
ealled it “Casa del Mar,” but the name did not stick.

Concerning the sulphur springs, my brother says that in 1868 he, while on a
visit to Don Lewis Burton, was taken by my father to the north of the house
and was shown the sulphur springs. My father took a pole and prodded the
mud at the bottom of the spring, releasing the gases, which arose in enormous
bubbles through the water and which he ignited with a lighted piece of news-
paper. The springs at that time were not in use and there was no talk of
exploiting them.

The Indian relics are frequently alluded to in the letters, and in 1854 the
intention is expressed of sending them to Dover if a favorable opportunity
presented itself. This, however, was never done. My mother remembers the
giving of a large quantity of these relics to a representative of the Smithsonian
about this time, and thinks his name sounded like Zieglau. She rather regret-
fully says that it was a besetting weakness of my father’s to present almost
anything he possessed to any one who expressed a desire for it, or even
admired it.

Relative to Indian affairs, my mother—who lives with me, is in her 95th
year, who although not active has a very clear memory—relates the following
story that was current in her younger days. Nidever in one of his otter-
hunting expeditions, found on the island of Anacapa, one of the Santa Barbara
Channel islands, a lone Indian maiden, who, together with her belongings, he
brought to his home on the mainland. Nobody in Santa Barbara could under-
stand her language. Native Indians from adjacent pueblos were brought and
they also failed to understand her dialect, and no clew was ever obtained as
to her identity. The maid pined away and finally died, it was thought, of
homesickness. When found she was oddly clad, among other articles of attire
Was a cape composed of bird skins, mainly the breasts of wild fowl with the
down on. Tradition has it that after death her belongings were sent to a
museum at Francisco. She also recalls a legend of the native Indians, to the
effect that at a remote period the Santa Barbara Islands formed a part of the

60 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PTH. ANN. 44

mainland and their ancestors in bygone days were able to walk there dry shod.
The query is presented to my mind, as to whether the Indians who used the
“Mound” as a burial place were not inhabitants of the Channel Islands... .

OWNERSHIP BY LEWIS T. BURTON, SEASIDE HOTEL ASSOCIATION, POTTER
HOTEL COMPANY, AMBASSADOR HOTEL CORPORATION

In 1860 Mr. Hinchman sold the tract to Lewis T. Burton, who
was, like Captain Nidever, a native of Tennessee. Mr. Burton made
the place his home for the remainder of his life, and from him the
mound has taken its name in later years. Upon his death in 1879
the tract came into possession of the Seaside Hotel Association and
the immediate building of a hotel on the mound was planned. This
plan was, however, not consummated until 20 years later, when
Milo M. Potter was the leader in a new movement for the erection
of a beach hotel on the site. In the meantime the old adobe house
on the mound was inhabited by a number of consecutive tenants,
some of whom were interviewed with interesting results. The Potter
Hotel was erected in 1901 and 1902, and the grounds were graded
and landscape-gardened and made one of the most beautiful spots on
the coast. The hotel was sold in 1913 and became the property of
the Ambassador Hotel Corporation. It burned to the ground in
1921.

INTERVIEW WITH M. AMAN

Mr. Max Aman lived in the Burton adobe house during the three
years prior to the construction of the hotel; he was its last occupant.
As he remembers it, the total length of the house proper was about
80 feet, and it was 20 feet wide, not including the veranda, which
ran around the northern, eastern, and southern sides and was itself
some 10 feet in width. The rooms were, therefore, about 20 by 20
feet, but the parlor, which ran across the entire eastern end of the
house, was larger and may have been 20 by 40 feet.

Mr. Potter turned the first earth in the construction of his hotel
in the spring of 1900. The adobe house was, however, not torn down
immediately, but was allowed to remain standing for a year or more—
in fact, until the hotel foundations were put in.

When the house was torn down, sheet lead was found laid hori-
zontally at the base of the walls all around. The purpose of this
was to keep the moisture of the ground from creeping up into the
adobe walls. When the lead was seen by the workmen they became
excited and for a moment thought it might be silver.

Tt was said that one of the workmen found a silver brick buried
under the adobe house, but that Mr. Potter heard of the fact and took
it away from him.

The sulphur spring which supplied the bathhouse, which Mr. Aman
ran most profitably for three years, was covered up and it happened

HARRINGTON] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 61

that the hotel dining room occupied the second story above that spot.
The fumes from that spring crept up into the dining room and
blackened the silver and it also affected the utensils in the kitchen.
Mr. Potter determined to do away with the spring, and had it covered
over with a layer of cement a foot thick and 20 feet across.

There were two pipes by the swamp, at a location which is now
approximately the middle of the eastern lawn. These pipes were
inserted in the ground, projected vertically from the ground, were
several feet apart, and one had water or nothing in it, while the
other had natural gas, so that sometimes it would burn if you held
a match to it. Mr. Aman does not know who put these pipes in the
swamp or what the idea was.

The near-by swamp had blue and purple colors on top of the water
every once in a while, as if there were an oily film.

Mr. Henry Tallant was agent for the property when Mr. Aman
rented it. Once Mr. Aman asked Mr. Tallant if he would have any
objection to some one digging for relics. Mr. Tallant did not like
the idea at all and said, “ Don’t you dare to dig for relics.”

Mr. Aman found most of the relics that came to light when he
was living there at the little vegetable garden, which he cultivated,
which as stated above was at the locality of the present palm grove
at the west of the mound. There he found arrow heads and Indian
bones.

The roof of the adobe was shingled when Mr. Aman lived there.
The gable ends of the house were of brick and had evidently been
put in later than the adobe.

Mrs. Harry Jenkins had lived at the house just prior to the time
when Mr. Aman lived there and she was an artist, and painted the
beautiful oil picture of the adobe, showing the red blossoming roses
around the veranda, the morning glories climbing up the posts, the
old well, the trees, and many other details. Mrs. Jenkins sold this
picture to Mr. Aman while he was a resident at the mound for the
very modest sum of $20, and when Mr. Potter had finished the hotel
he approached Mr. Aman on the subject of purchasing the picture
from him. Mr. Aman refused to sell it. It is still in Mr. Aman’s
possession.

INTERVIEW WITH ARTHUR GREENWELL

Mr. Arthur Greenwell has lived practically all his life as a neigh-
bor of the Burton Mound property and recalled many interesting
details concerning the former condition of that site.

Mr. Greenwell recalls fig trees, olives, pomegranates, and pears in
the old orchard at the southwestern end of the mound where the palm
grove stands at present.

62 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PrH. ANN. 44

The Santa Cruz Island Co. had their corrals for handling sheep at
the southwest corner of the present Ambassador grounds. <A fence
ran around that corner, forming a single corral, and there was a shack
near where Bath Street meets the Cabrillo Boulevard which was used
for shearing sheep and for a storage place.

Mr. Greenwell recalls that the swamp extended parallel with the
beach from Chapala Street as far as the present eastern driveway of
the grounds. It was not a lake, but a place of tules and willows.
People used to shoot ducks there.

It was a Seventh Day Adventist [Mr. Eli Kimberly] who started
the bathhouse at the sulphur spring at the eastern end of the mound.
That gentleman sold the bathhouse to Mr. Jenkins and Mr. Jenkins
sold it to Mr. Max Aman.

Mr. Stephen Bowers dug for archeological remains one time at the
corner of the grounds, where Chapala Street meets the Cabrillo
Boulevard. That corner of the grounds, the extreme corner toward
the wharf, was high. This information, wholly volunteered by Mr.
Greenwell, has been corroborated by similarly volunteered informa-
tion from several other informants.

INTERVIEW WITH MRS. RAMONA TRUSSELL

Mrs. Ramona Trussell,!* born in 1836, was interviewed in connec-
tion with the mound. Her father was Mr. Sparks. Mrs. Trussell’s
sister, Mrs. Packard, is also living.

Mrs. Trussell stated that when she was a girl, and she was born at
Santa Barbara, the mound was half wild and there was no bath-
house over the sulphur spring. The sulphur springs were, in fact,
merely muddy places, but people used to go there to bathe and would
drink the water. She could not remember who built the adobe house,
but it was there prior to the Burtons, and she imagines that Mr.
Chapman may have constructed it.

INTERVIEW WITH MILO M. POTTER

We had the unique opportunity of an interview with Mr. Potter
on the Ambassador grounds. He explained the grading operations
to the minutest detail and told of his burying the relics, also of bury-
ing a redwood box of bones somewhere on the grounds, a “ coffin ” as
he called it, but declined to tell us just where.** The information
gathered from Mr. Potter was lengthy and will be given in full in a
future paper.

44Mrs. Trussell died in April, 1924.
“a Both the cache of relics and the redwood box have been found.

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 63
INTERVIEW WITH JAMES M. CARTER

Mr. James M. Carter, who at present resides at Hawthorne, Calif.,
was in charge of the grading and construction work of the Potter
Hotel during the entire period of its building. The work on the
hotel was started on the 19th of January, 1901.

When the excavations were made for the foundations of the hotel
on the inland slope of the mound few, if any, Indian relics were
found, but during the small amount of grading that was done at the
crest of the mound, at the spot immediately toward the beach from
the main entrance of the hotel, and especially toward Chapala Street
from the main entrance, quantities of bones and relics were found.
Little by little the skulls, bowls, beads, arrowheads, and other curiosi-
ties which had come to light in the above-mentioned spot, or at
other places on the grounds, were gathered under the direction of
Mr. Potter and Mr. Carter and were put in a room at the western
end of the old Burton adobe house. After a few months there was
quite a museum in that room. Mr. Carter had a lot of 1-by-12-inch
boards put in around the walls for shelves, and the skulls and bowls
made a gruesome appearance.

It was about May or June of that same year that Mr. Potter came
to Mr. Carter one Saturday morning and called him aside from his
work. Mr. Potter told Mr. Carter somewhat as follows:

“A great many of our guests will be actors, and especially theatri-
cal people have a superstitition about ghosts and spirits from the
dead. It would be very unfortunate if they got the report going that
this place here was a potter’s field, that this hotel is a potter’s field,
and to me it seems the thing to do for us to bury everything of every
kind before the reporters get hold of it and give us an advertising
that will do no good.”

Mr. Potter suggested that Mr. Carter come the following morning,
which was Sunday, and bring with him four or five of the workmen,
including one man with a team. Mr. Carter acted accordingly, and
came with the workmen Sunday morning. Mr. Carter officiated.
The others were Kittie Goux, a big Spanish Californian, of Santa
Barbara, who is still living, an Irishman named Dewlaney, an Eng-
lishman named John Bebb, and with the three nations, Indian, Ivish,
and English, represented and an American officiating, the relics, con-
sisting mostly of mortars and pestles and human bones, were hauled
to the east annex, and were deposited in a trench which had been
freshly dug that Sunday morning as a grave for the materials that
were to be reburied. They filled this pit with bones and all kinds
of things, most of them in broken condition, up to about 2 feet from
the surface of the ground, and they had to tramp the stuff down in
order to get them all in the allotted space.

64 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44
INTERVIEW WITH A. M. GUTIERREZ

Mr. A. M. Gutierrez recalls the appearance of the mound in the
eighties. He said that he and various other boys used to play all over
Burton Mound. He remembers the mound at the foot of Chapala
Street and says that it was some 6 feet high or more. I asked him
if it was of sand, and he added that it was of earth too. He agreed
that the wharf butted against it.

INTERVIEW WITH CHARLES T. HALL

Mr. Charles T. Hall, who resides at 117 Bath Street, proved a good
informant on the property which has lain across the street from him
for 50 years. The site of the burial ground has always been felt by
him to be in the present lawn, that is on the site toward the ocean
side of the mound. A second burial ground, in his opinion, was the
one at the junction of Chapala Street with Cabrillo Boulevard, and
which ought to yield good results to the excavator, if one were not
prevented from digging there by the place being covered over by the
street and boulevard, at least to a large extent.

Mr. Joe Woods told Mr. Hall that de Sissac, Stephen Bowers, and
himself had all prospected around Burton Mound, more or less, for
Indian relics. But they never did any digging there that amounted
to anything.

The ocean came across the sand sometimes in the days before the
boulevard was put in and some of the water got over into the swamp
between the mound and the beach.

Aw Earty Descrietion or THE Burton Mounp

The following appreciative summary of information about the
Burton Mound is taken from “ Santa Barbara As It Is,” published
by the Independent Publishing Company, Santa Barbara, Calif,
1884, pp. 51-54:

Many of the residents of Santa Barbara know this interesting spot only
as the late residence of Don Louis Burton, as a beautiful shady spot for
picnics, and as the destined site of a grand seaside hotel. Travelers upon the
decks of passing steamers admire the beauty of the place, which stands, a
romantic landmark of the past, only a few hundred feet from the landing place.
It is a mound, circular in form, standing prominently above the level of the
surrounding plain, about 400 feet from the surf which breaks upon the smooth
sandy beach at its foot. The top of the mound is about 30 feet above high
water and the mound itself comprises about 2 acres, although the property of
which it is a part contains 30 acres. From the level summit may be seen the
shore line for 30 miles or more to the east; to the south, the channel and its
towering islands present a fascinating prospect; to the west, the lighthouse,
perched upon the bluff; and nearer, the “ Castle Rock” or the Punta del Castillo,
around which the restless waves invoke a ceaseless melody. Landward, the city,

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 65

the foothills in gold or in green, and the mission towers combine to form an
almost unparalleled picture and one generally neglected by visitors.

Some years ago this mound with its adjacent surrounding property was pur-
chased by a number of the prominent citizens of Santa Barbara, organized and
incorporated as the Seaside Hotel Association. It is held by this association for
the purpose of using it as a grand sanitarium and seaside hotel site.

The mound appears to have been a system of subterranean water courses.
Springs flow in all directions, and the most remarkable feature about it is their
variety. At one place there is a clear blue spring of sulphur water bubbling up
and discharging into the grass beneath the olive groves. At another place an
“iron spring,” the water of which is strongly impregnated and the surroundings
eovered with iron rust. Near the summit a spring of pure water, which is used
to irrigate an immense vegetable garden, from which Santa Barbara draws its
principal supply of vegetables. The property is intersected or traversed by a
stream of water from the source of which the city derives its water supply
above the mission. The water of the sulphur spring is similar to that of the
Montecito Hot Springs, except in its temperature. The following extracts from
an article in the Daily Independent of October 19, 1888, give a vivid description
of the traditions of the mound:

“Wor many years the coast of California and Oregon has been explored for
ethnological relics. It has been dug up by different experts seeking to obtain
the various implements of household goods and gods buried with the dead, who
knew the patient labor of the Indian during life passed with him to the grave.
In other words, the result of his work did not, as with us, go to the living—that
it was superstition, no one in these days doubts. And hence we find in the
grave the cooking utensils, the arrows, fish hooks, the crude pan for baking
purposes, the tasteful olla for boiling, the flint motar for grinding corn and
beans or seed, and various other implements, the present generation can not
understand for what purpose they were made. Even the everlasting pipe is
found buried.

“ But, speaking of the Burton Mound, its origin is unknown to men now living,
but it is known to have been formed of the bones, the trinkets, the cooking
utensils, and weapons of thousands of natives of this coast. It is in fact one
grand catacomb or deposit of human bodies covered with immense quantities of
sea shells. The interior of the mound has never been explored. No defiling spade
or shovel has been permitted to unearth the immense quantities of Indian
remains and relics therein deposited. Sometimes when a tree has died and it
has been deemed desirable to remove the stump or roots, in digging it out, the
earth was found full of Indian relics such as stone utensils, skulls, and in-
geniously made articles of ornament. Many efforts have been made to obtain
permission to explore the interior of this mound, but thanks to the vigilance
and care of Capt. William E. Greenwell, a manager of the Sea Side Hotel
Association, the valuable ethnological treasures of the mound remain intact.
They are perhaps the most complete and valuable collection of aboriginal relics
in the United States and will some day be regarded with more interest than at
present.

“There is a tradition extant which says that this mound was the regal resi-
dence of the Grand Sachem or Inea of all the tribes of this southern coast.
Around its base the supreme chief of all the southern tribes held regal court.
Upon it the priests and medicine men of the tribes held their mystic conclaves,
and no doubt enacted savage tragedies in centuries gone by.

“Vancouver, the English explorer, in his three volumes published in 1798,
speaks of this mound as the abode of the Great Chief, which undoubtedly it

66 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

was; in the year 1883, or 95 years since his visit, it is yet unexplored, and is
eovered with luxuriant vegetation and embowered with vines and fruit trees.

“MacGregor in his three volumes, Progress in America, published in 1847,
speaks of this mound. It is certainly an interesting spot and well worth the
consideration of the directors of the various universities throughout the world
who might seek to obtain the buried relics of a past race.”

EXCAVATION OF THE BURTON MOUND
Previous Excavatinc AND Rextic Huntine By Oruers

The present work was the first to be done in a systematic way on
the site of Syujttn. Considerable promiscuous digging and pot
hunting had been done at the site at one time or another by various
individuals.

The prejudice against digging up graves was so strong in Indian
and early Mission times that the bodies and accompaniments of the
dead remained inviolate. Moreover, practically all of the owners of
the property have forbidden excavations.

A. F. Hinchman amassed a considerable number of relics that had
been found on the place and it is supposed that part of these found
their way to the Smithsonian Institution. (See p. 58.)

Count Leon de Sissac, heading a French archeological expedition
to the coast of California in 1878, is said by Mr. B. F. Birabent, of
Santa Barbara, and others to have done some digging at the mound.

Rey. Stephen Bowers did a little digging at the foot of Chapala
Street in the early eighties, according to Mrs. R. Kimberly and
others.

Gill Kimberly, in company with the Streeter boys, the two sons
of W. Streeter, a neighbor, used to play at the mound when they were
boys in the eighties and dug bones by the present central walk, where
we carried on our chief excavations. On one occasion, Mr. Kimberly
relates, they dug up four skeletons in sitting position at a place 30
or 40 feet toward Chapala Street from the Burton well.

Chico Leyva, who made the rich finds at the Mispti site in 1908,
is said by several informants to have dug at the central walk locality
quite extensively, probably during the ownership of the property by
the Seaside Hotel Association. Most of the previous digging at this
spot we attribute to him. He took only the larger artifacts, throwing
the bones and many of the less conspicuous objects back into the holes.
The agents of the Seaside Hotel Association, following the wishes
of Captain Greenwell, told the tenants not to dig for relics and to
allow no one else to do so, but there was considerable pot hunting,
nevertheless.

At one of the Fourth of July picnics and barbecues held at the
mound in the nineties the writer recalls seeing a man whose

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 67

name he did not know, assisted by Mr. Fred Johnston, dig out a
complete Indian skeleton just over the crest of the southwest end of
the mound on the seaward side. It was common on such occasions
for people to have the idea of doing a little digging around the
premises for Indian relics.

Mr. Ernest Hunt, of Santa Barbara, had for years a skull from the
Burton Mound with an Indian arrowhead embedded in it. This
skull he took along when he moved to his present home on San
Andres Street. Mr. Hunt instituted for me a thorough search of the
barn and premises, and while neither he, Mrs. Hunt, nor his son
have any knowledge to the effect that the skull was taken by anyone
or thrown away, the search at this late date has been unsuccessful.

Miss Laura Holt, employee of the Santa Barbara post office,
informs us that her deceased brother, Philip Holt, once found a
skull with an arrowhead in it at the mound. That was many years
ago. ‘The arrowhead was struck into the side of the head. Mrs.
Rachel Short, of Santa Barbara, had this skull at one time. Miss
Holt stated that her brother gave some relics at one time to the
Santa Barbara Society of Natural History, and the skull from Burton
Mound may have found its way into that collection, or possibly to
the Smithsonian Institution.

Mr. William Hayward, of Santa Barbara, once dug up some bones
at Burton Mound, and some of these may be included with some relics
from Gaviota now stored at Hazard’s bicycle store.

Dr. P. M. Jones, of San Francisco, did some archeological work
on San Joaquin Valley mounds in December, 1899, and made an
archeological reconnaissance trip down the coast of California the
following spring. Arriving at Santa Barbara, he learned of the
Burton Mound and that the work was about to start on the new
hotel there. In vain he appealed to Mr. Frank M. Whitney and other
stockholders in the Potter Hotel Co. for permission to excavate.

When the excavations and grading were made for the hotel, which
was built over the inland slope of the mound and fronted on its crest,
numerous skeletons and relics were discovered by the workmen.
These were placed in a room of the Burton adobe house, which was
still standing at the time, and were later reburied near the present
East Annex of the hotel by Mr. J. M. Carter, according to instruc-
tions given him by Milo M. Potter. Information about this cache
had been given me by Mr. José Ortega and was later given by Mr.
Milo M. Potter and in splendid, detail by Mr. J. M. Carter. We
found the cache, consisting principally of mortars and pestles, at the
spot described.

Also on the beach in front of the Syujttin site Indian objects have
repeatedly been found.

68 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BLH. ANN. 44

On the occasion of a very low tide in 1871 Mr. Charles T. Hall
while walking on the beach in front of the mound noticed a pecul-
iarly round bowlder, and on turning it over it proved to be an
ancient Indian mortar. This mortar was purchased from Mr. Hall.
(See p. 77.)

Mrs. Constance D, Ealand informs us that the beach at low tide
at the foot of Chapala Street used to be considered by early residents
a good place to look for Indian relics. There, near where the sul-
phur spring (see p. 70) comes out of the beach, Mrs. Ealand used
to pick up broken bowls, pestles, and other objects, such as abalone
spangles and beads. There is reason to believe that these objects
came both from the cemeteries and former habitations of the Indians.
Several others have furnished similar information.

DerscripTION OF THE Mounp

The contour map of Burton Mound (fig. 2) is based on a map prob-
ably prepared by J. K. Harrington about 1901 for the Potter Hotel
Co. and shows the former shape of the mounds. According to this
map, Burton Mound was about 600 feet long in northeast-southwest
direction and about 500 feet across. The highest ridge was about
100 feet long by 75 wide, and extended from the center to the north-
eastern end of the mound. The northeast and northwest slopes were
the steepest. The slope of the mound became more abrupt about 400
feet back from the beach, which the long axis of the mound paralleled.
The crest of the mound was about 650 feet from the beach. The
mound comprised about 2 acres.

The elevation of the mound is given as about 30 feet above high
water in the pamphlet “ Santa Barbara As It Is,” 1884, p. 64. The
top of the mound in its present graded condition is 24.27 feet above
mean tide level. The contour map gives the elevation as 20 feet above
the flat land in front of the mound toward the beach. The flat land
at the inland base of the mound was approximately 7 feet higher.

Tules formerly grew in the low land west of the mound. North
of the mound, toward Mission Creek, the land was also low and flat.
A lagoon with tules and perennial water fed by the springs extended
from near the beach in front of the mound along the eastern base,
terminating in a shallow gully near its northern end.

A much smaller and lower mound formerly stood at what is now
the intersection of Chapala Street and West Cabrillo Boulevard and
extended about 125 feet southwest of that intersection, or as some
informants have expressed it, to approximately opposite the north-
east end of the hotel. Its southwest end is shown on the contour
map. Like the Burton Mound, this smaller eminence had its long
axis parallel with the beach. The elevation was only about 8 feet
over the surrounding flat land.

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND 69
Tue Sprincs or THE Burton Mounp

There were (and still are, if they were reopened) springs of both
fresh and sulphur water in the vicinity of the mound; 230 feet east

BOULEVARD

fic. 2—Contour map of the Burton Mound, based on a map probably prepared by
J. K. Harrington, C. E., about 1901. Scale: 1 inch—184 feet

of the highest part of the mound was a large spring of fresh water,
shown in Figure 2 between the 2 and 3 foot contours.

Near the base of the northern slope of the mound, between the
5 and 10 foot contours, at the eastern end of the Potter Hotel, were

70 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH, ANN, 44

three cold sulphur-water springs, impregnated from the Pleistocene
deposits underlying the mound.

Most interesting of all is the sulphur spring in the beach at the
foot of Chapala Street. Sulphurous fresh water still runs from a
certain spot on the beach there exposed by very low tides. The
former Indians knew of this spring.

The Burton well (see pp. 71-72) had an abundance of very good
water, although only about 200 feet from the sulphur springs where
the bathhouse was. Since most of the wells in the lower part of Santa
Barbara were brackish or sulphurous, people living in the neigh-
borhood used to come to get barrels of water at the Burton well.

There was also a well of fairly good water on the inland side of
the warehouse of the first wharf.

Tur GrApING oF THE Burton Mounp

Fortunately for our understanding of the grading of the Burton
Mound, the men who had it in charge are still living and were thor-
oughly interviewed. They are Milo M. Potter, J. M. Carter, and
Marshall Hicks. José Ortega and several others furnished minor
information. The grading was done in the years 1901 to 1903. Mr.
Potter gave considerable attention to the correct estimation of detail
in the various parts of the grounds.

The tule swamp east of the mound was filled in largely with earth
hauled from East Haley Street. The fill extended to the region south
of the mound. During the latter part of the work earth was hauled
from the west corner of the grounds, where the level of the soil was
originally nearly 2 feet higher than that of the adjoining streets.
Beach sand was used in part as a filling material under the concrete
walks and drives, since it does not settle or shrink.

Detection of the scraped surfaces gave us little trouble and we had
excellent information as to their extent.

Where the fill was made by scraping loam from the adjacent sur-
face it caused more confusion. But most of the filled-in earth was
from a distance and of a character different from that beneath. Sand
filling presented, of course, no difficulty.

Excayvatep AREAS

During the season of 1923 test pits were sunk in practically every
part of the Ambassador grounds and of the property of Mr. C. F.
Eaton, adjoining the Ambassador property across Chapala Street
to the east. Our principal finds, however, were made in four locali-
ties only. (See fig. 2.)

(1) Near the south corner of the Help’s Hall where we found the
important cache of material buried by Mr. J. M. Carter in 1901.

HARRINGTON ] HISTORY OF BURTON MOUND Al

(2) On the slope of the southwest end of the mound, in what was
known during the hotel period as the palm grove. Here we ex-
cavated a large area.

(8) Half way down the slope of the southeast side of the mound,
that is, the side of the mound toward the beach, in the vicinity of
the central walk which ran from the main entrance of the hotel
to West Cabrillo Boulevard. It lay straight in front of the hotel
entrance, the upper end of the excavations being 85 feet from the
entrance steps. In this occurred rich burial material, disturbed in
places, the burials extending to the bottom of the sharper slope of
the mound and beyond.

(4) At the Charles F. Eaton lot, at the northern corner of Chapala
Street and West Cabrillo Boulevard.

Tuer Founpations oF THE ADoBE Housr

The foundations of the adobe house were completely uncovered.
The house was built parallel to the beach, its axis running east-north-
east west-southwest. We discovered the north corner first. The up-
per surface of the foundation at that point was exactly 2 feet below
the surface of the lawn and 21.47 feet above mean tide level. The
earth above the top of the foundation was filled in and was partly
composed of the battered down walls of the building.

The foundations had been formed by digging a trench in the
ground about 3 feet wide and 2 feet deep and this trench was then
filled in with beach boulders of sizes ranging from a few inches to
a foot or two in diameter. No cement of any kind was employed.

The house was 83 feet long by 20 wide, outside measurements. In
uncovering the foundation we found a few pieces of roof tile and floor

tile.
Tue Orv Burton WELL

The old Burton well was situated some 32 feet beachward from the
northeast end of the adobe house and was for many years the only
source of good drinking water in that neighborhood. Its water was
not sulphurous to the slightest degree and its total depth is said to
have been some 25 feet.

It was surmounted in the nineties, and probably earlier as well, by
a box of 2-inch pine boards which stood about 3 feet from the surface
of the ground and completely hid the construction of the well from
view, since a Dayton pump had been placed on top and there was no
way to look into the well.

The curbing found in the ground was square and was about a yard
tall and exactly a yard across each way. Inside of the four corners
was a vertical post, also of pine. The two bottom planks were
laid flat all around, but the other planks, forming the sides of the

KD EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44

curbing, were all on edge. This curbing had its northern and west-
ern sides injured in the early excavation, but the other sides remain
whole, and were removed from their position and laid on the surface
of the lawn without breakage. The nails used in the construction of
this curbing were partly of the wire variety, and partly old-fashioned
square nails.

Below the curbing the shaft of the well is round and averages some
46 inches in diameter. We excavated this shaft to a depth of 101%
feet, but were forced to cease operations because of the entering of
water, which in a day or two had filled the bottom of the hole to a
depth of 3 feet. It is remarkable that the water rose to so high a level
at this elevated position on the mound, and the watering of the sur-
rounding lawn evidently contributes only partially to this flow, if at
all. The water was perfectly good and sweet and was free from any
taste or odor resembling sulphur. The well is only about 200 feet
from the sulphur springs and apparently is supplied with water from
the same formation.

DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS

The objects taken from the mound have, at the suggestion of Mr.
George G. Heye, been classified according to the material of which
they are made, thus conforming with the presentation in his recent
paper on the San Miguel Island expedition of the Museum of the
American Indian."®

Generally speaking, the artifacts had the appearance of being old
and long subjected to the havoc of soil and water. Their long history
in the ground had been climaxed in more recent times in several of
the areas by lying under a well-watered lawn or garden for a period
of 20 years. And many of them had patently been broken or dam-
aged before being placed in the graves. We saved everything that
was taken from the excavation and time and ingenuity has been used
in piecing some of the broken objects together.

Stone, shell, bone, and wood have in this mound resisted the chem-
ical action of the soil with success, decreasing in the order in which
they are named. It was not uncommon to find shell beads reduced
to chalky softness, and even sandstone fragments were met with in
disintegrated condition.

OxpsEcts OF STONE
FLAT-RIMMED BOWLS OF SANDSTONE

Flat-rimmed bowls of sandstone with comparatively thin and even
walls and flat or somewhat flattish bottom form a definite type. The

15 Heye, George G. Certain Artifacts from San Miguel Island, California, Indian Notes
and Monographs, Vol. 7, no. 4. New York, 1921.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 73

edges of the rims are sometimes beveled or rounded. These bowls
are of handsome type and would neither have stood heavy pounding
or use over a fire. The size is comparatively large. Some bowls of
soapstone evidently belong to this same type of vessel.

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, gritty and friable, 301.6 mm. diameter, 158.7
mm. high. Concavity 107.9 mm. diameter. The bowl has a nicely squared rim
varying in width from 20.6 mm. to 38.1 mm. The surface of the concavity has
no bevel where it joins the rim, but there is a 9.5 mm, bevel of the outside
surface forming a somewhat acute angle with the rim. The rim slopes down-
ward to the outside. The bottom is rounded. (PI. 3, b.)

Fragment of mortar of hard gray sandstone, 320.6 mm. diameter, 153.9 mm.
high. Rim uniformly 125.4 mm. wide. The rim has a double bevel on its
inner and outer edges about 19 mm. in thickness. The concavity of the frag-
ment is 88.9 mm. diameter. The bottom is pecked perfectly flat and measures
101.6 mm. across. The fragment is that of a beautifully made bowl and
represents nearly half of the original. (Pl. 3, a.)

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, smooth textured. Found in two
halves. The left half is more brownish gray than the other half, 214.3 mm.
diameter, 133.3 mm. high. Rim nicely squared, 12.7 mm. wide, slightly concave
in the brownish half of the bowl. The concavity is 92 mm. diameter. The
bottom is quite flat and has a diameter of 117.4 mm.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, 276.2 mm. diameter, 174.6 mm.
high. The rim is nicely squared and varies in width from 22.2 mm. to 25.4 mm.
There are conspicuous flecks of asphalt on the rim, but not elsewhere on the
bowl, suggesting that there may have been inlay work on the rim. The
surface of the concavity has no bevel where it joins the rim, but the outside
has a bevel 12.7 mm. wide and forming an acute angle with the rim. The
concavity is 117.4 mm. diameter. The bottom is flattish and about 107.9 mm.
107.9 mm. diameter.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, 231.7 mm. diameter, 158.7 mm. high.
The rim is nicely squared and is 25.4 mm. in width. The concavity shows
much use and is 112.7 mm. diameter. The bottom is flattish and measures
107.9 mm. diameter.

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, brownish gray in places, rather fine textured,
417.5 mm. diameter, 295.2 mm. high. Rim nicely squared and varies in width
from 19 to 26.9 mm. The surface of the concavity is not beveled where it
meets the rim but the outer surface has a bevel 15.8 mm. wide at the rim,
which curves gracefully into the contour of the sides of the bowl. The con-
cavity is 2444 mm. diameter. The bottom is somewhat flattish but curves
into the sides of the bowl. A stain, as if from iron rust, is seen on the left
part of the outer surface.

Entire bowl of grayish sandstone, hard and smooth textured, 295.2 mm.
diameter, 155.5 mm. high. Rim squared, 34.9 mm. wide, and without bevel.
The concavity is 120.6 mm. diameter. The bottom is quite flat and measures
about 177.8 mm, diameter.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, 368.3 mm. diameter, 222.2 mm. high.
The rim is nicely squared and varies in width from 34.9 to 38.1 mm. The
surface of the concavity is beveled off a trifle where it meets with the rim.
The concavity is 177.8 mm. diameter. The bottom is somewhat flat, about 177.8
mm. diameter, but rounds off gradually into the sides of the bowl. (PI. 3, ¢.)

Entire bowl of very coarse gray sandstone; the small pebbles contained in
the stone can be seen in the photograph; 482.6 mm. diameter, 298.4 mm. high.

55231°—28——6

74 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND (ETH. ANN. 44

The rim is squared and varies in width from 31.7 to 38.1 mm. The inside wall
meets the rim without bevel. The outside wall has 15.8 mm. width bevel, form-
ing an acute angle with the rim. The concavity is 244.4 mm, diameter, indicat-
ing that the bottom of the bowl is 53.9 mm. thick. The bottom is flat and
about 209.5 mm. diameter, there being a rather definite line of demarcation
where the bottom joins the sides. (PI. 3, e.)

Fragment of hard gray sandstone bowl found in four pieces. The fragment
measures 698.5 mm. diameter and sits 273 mm. high, this being the original
height. The rim is squared with great precision and is 41.2 mm. wide. The
edges where the rim meets inside and outside walls bulge for a space of about
6.3 mm. The concavity is estimated to have been 203.2 mm, diameter. The
bottom is rounded. HEnough of the specimen remains for a complete reconstruc-
tion of the bowl.

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, fine textured; 333.3 mm. diameter,
180.9 mm. high. The rim is nicely squared and varies in width from 25.4 to
28.5 mm. The inside surface is beveled off a little where it meets the rim.
The outside surface has a bevel 12.7 mm. wide forming an acute angle with the
vim. The cancavity is 133.3 mm. diameter. The bottom is flattish.

BOWLS OF SANDSTONE WITH GROOVED RIM

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, 463.5 mm. diameter at the rim, 222.2 mm.
high. The rim is squared without bevel and 28.5 mm. wide. A groove averaging
9.5 mm. wide and 4.7 mm. diameter runs around the center of the rim. There
is no trace of asphalt in the groove, although the purpose of the groove may
have been to hold inlay work: The concavity is rounding and 180.9 mm. diam-
eter. The bottom is flat and is 317.5 mm. diameter. The bottom forms a well
defined angle with the sides. (PI. 3, f.)

Fragment of bowl of greenish gray, fine textured, but somewhat friable sand-
stone, 200 mm. diameter, 127 mm. high. The rim is squared, 17.4 mm. wide,
and there was a groove 3.1 mm. wide and 1.5 mm. diameter at the center of
the rim. The rim is at present in a worn and to some extent fractured con-
dition. The concavity is 100 mm. diameter. Less than a third of the bowl is
missing. (Pl. 4, a.)

MORTARS

Several of the mortars recovered were merely beach bowlders with
the outside unshaped, or stones whose surfaces consisted more or less
of fractures, that appearing to have been the original condition, or
with sometimes a rough corner or projection pecked away to carry
out the idea of making the vessel shapely.

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, hard and fine textured, 139.7 mm. diameter,
120.6 mm. high. The rim is rounded, but forms quite a sharp curve where it
meets the inside wall. Concavity 93.6 mm. diameter. The bottom is completely
rounded. (PI. 4, f.)

Mortar of coarse gray sandstone, 184.1 mm. diameter, 158.7 mm. high. Con-
cavity 88.9 mm. diameter. The lip is rounded. The bottom is flat. The
fragment represents one-third of the entire bowl. (PI. 4, 0.)

Entire bow] of bright green stone mottled with whitish flecks ; 76.2 mm. diam-
eter, 47.6 mm. high. Rim rounded. Concavity 31.7 mm. diameter. Bottom
neatly rounded.

Fragment consisting of about one-half of a metate of coarse gray sandstone.
The fragment is 215.9 mm. long, 165.1 mm. wide, at the end which is intact,

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3

a-e, FLAT-RIMMED BOWLS OF SANDSTONE. /, SANDSTONE BOWL
WITH GROOVED RIM

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4

a, SANDSTONE BOWL WITH GROOVED RIM. 6-/, MORTARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5

MORTARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 6

MORTARS

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 75

317.5 mm. wide at the fracture, and 107.9 mm. high. The coneavity is 50.8 mm.
deep and 177.8 mm. diameter, the fracture traversing probably its maximum
depth. The edges are rounded and the bottom is the original surface of the
rock. (Pl. 6, a.)

Entire mortar of somewhat friable gray sandstone. 180.9 mm. diameter,
107.9 mm. high. The outside meets the concavity, forming quite a sharp edge.
The coneavity is 53.9 mm. diameter. The bottom is rounded, there being no
flat portion. Although the two halves were found in the same pit they differ
considerably in color, one half being much darker than the other.

Fragment consisting of perhaps one-half of an oblong-shaped bowl of buffish
gray sandstone, somewhat friable, 184.1 mm. long, 161.9 mm. wide, 120.6 mm.
high. The concavity is 114.3 mm. long in the present fractured condition of
the specimen, 98.4 mm. wide, 69.8 mm. diameter. The rim was evidently flattish,
but there is a long fracture off the lower edge of the rim. The bottom is flat
and about 120.6 mm. wide, but rounds gradually into the sides.

Entire bowl of light greenish gray sandstone, fine textured; 209.5 mm.
diameter, 114.3 mm. high. The rim is rounded. The concavity is 103.1 mm.
diameter. The bottom is quite flat and its extent is well defined, it being
about 123.8 mm. diameter. There is a fracture off nearly half of the rim. The
bottom has been knocked out, leaving a hole 42.8 mm. diameter, with edges only
14.2 mm. thick. The thinness of the bottom would indicate in the case of this
specimen at least that it may have been broken through by use.

Fragmentary mortar of hard gray sandstone. The fragment measures 180.9
mm. diameter and sits 114.3 mm. high, which is the original height. The rim
is rounded but remains intact only in places. The concavity is 93.6 mm.
diameter. About one-third of the mortar is broken away, the break being old
and encrusted as is the rest of the specimen.

Fragment of mortar of very coarse, friable buff gray sandstone. The frag-
ment is 168.2 mm. diameter, 133.8 mm. high. The concavity is 61.9 mm.
diameter. Little if any of the rim remans intact but it was doubtless
rounded.

Entire mortar of hard gray sandstone, smooth textured; 228.6 mm. diameter,
95.2 high. The rim is rounded, and there is a rim fracture extending a quarter
of the circumference, the missing fragment having been found and stuck in
place. The concavity is 79.8 mm. diameter. A hole 38.1 mm. in diameter has
been knocked out of the bottom, the thickness of the bottom being only 15.8
mm. The cleavage slants from the inside edge of the hole outward, indicating
that the hole was produced by a blow from the inside, probably in the course of
use. (PI. 4, e.)

Fragmentary mortar of gray sandstone with a somewhat greenish caste,
rather soft and friable; 355.6 mm. diameter, 163.5 mm. high. Enough of the
bottom is left to determine the original height. The rim is rather sharply
rounded and is more or less intact. The concavity is 96.8 mm. diameter. The
hole in the bottom is 158.7 mm. long and 82.5 mm. wide, and the thickness of
the bottom is 68.2 mm. The bottom is rounded uniformly and evidently
contains no flat area.

Entire mortar of light gray sandstone. The stone is very sandy in content
but not friable, 247.6 mm. long, 227 mm. wide, 69.8 mm. high. The edges are
very irregular but are natural, except at the most acute corner, which has been
pecked. The rim is broad and flat. The concavity is at the center of the top
surface and measures 107.9 mm. diameter and only 22.2 mm. deep. The bottom
is somewhat flat and is the original surface. Although this specimen was
possibly used as a hopper mortar, there is no proof that it was in the shape of
asphalt adhering to the rim. (PI. 5, b.)

76 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND (ETH. ANN, 44

Entire mortar of gray sandstone containing large pebbles of conglomerate
material and small white shells, 374.6 mm. long, 336.5 mm. wide, 127 mm. tall.
Rim flat and broad. The concavity is 196.8 mm. diameter and 95.2 mm. deep.
The hole in the bottom is only 34.9 mm, diameter and the bottom is 31.7 mm.
thick. The fracture suggests that the hole was broken from the inside, prob-
ably in the course of use. The edges are old fractures, worn smooth. The
bottom is flat and rough. (PI. 5, ec.)

Entire mortar of very coarse sandstone of yellow ochre color. The stone
contains coarse gravel; 200 mm, diameter, 79.3 mm. high. Rim rounded and
shows in its present condition no trace of asphalt, although the specimen is
surely a hopper mortar. The concavity is 26.9 mm. diameter. Edges rounded.
The entire bottom is rounding. (PI. 7, f.)

Entire mortar of brownish gray sandstone, rather coarse and friable; 184.1
mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. high. The rim is rounded, but shows in its present
condition no trace of asphalt, although the specimen is surely a hopper mortar.
The edges are rounded, as is also the bottom. There is one large chip broken
off the edge.

Entire mortar of brownish gray, very coarse and friable sandstone. This
mortar is almost spherical in shape, 239.7 mm. diameter, 155.5 mm. high. The
rim is rounded and shows no trace of asphalt. The concavity is 133.3 mm.
diameter and 47.6 mm. deep. The sides and bottom are rounded, apparently
without pecking. (PI. 4, ec.)

Entire mortar consisting of a beach bowlder full of serpula borings. 234.9
mm. diameter, 123.8 mm. high. The concavity is 76.2 mm. deep. (Pl. 4, d.)

Fragment of a metate of greenish gray sandstone, rather coarse; 612.7 mm.
long, fragment 196.8 mm. wide, 95.2 mm. high. Rim rounded. Concavity 47.6
mm. diameter. One side of the metate is missing.

Fragment of bowl of brownish gray sandstone which is much disintergrated
and appears to have been through fire. The fragment is 234.9 mm. long,
180.9 mm. wide; 177.8 mm. of rounding rim are intact. The other edges
consists of old fractures. The bowl had an original height of 177.8 mm. A
little of the old bottom is intact and is 44.4 mm. thick.

Entire metate of gray sandstone, somewhat triangular in shape; 479.4 mm.
long, 336.5 mm. wide, 177.8 mm. high. The rim is somewhat flat. The
concavity is 330.2 mm. diameter and 79.3 mm. deep. The outer edges are
irregular, the bottom flat. Donated by Mrs. West-Bates. Obtained from Bur-
ton Mound in 1901. (PI. 6, ¢.)

Entire metate of gray sandstone, somewhat oblong in shape. 485.7 mm. long,
336.5 mm. wide, 177.8 mm. high. Rim rounded. Concavity 122.2 mm. diameter.
A hole broken in the bottom measures 88.9 mm. by 49.2 mm. Outer edges
rounded, bottom flat. Donated by Mrs. West-Bates. Obtained from Burton
Mound in 1901. (Pl. 6, e.)

Entire bowl of gray sandstone, round in shape ; 393.7 mm. diameter, 180.9 mm.
high. The rim is rounded, forming a sharp curve where the concavity begins.
The coneavity is 222.2 mm. diameter and 88.9 mm. deep. The outer edge
is neatly rounded, as is the bottom. Donated by Mrs.’ West-Bates. Obtained
from Burton Mound in 1901. (PI. 5, a.)

Entire bowl of greenish gray sandstone, hard and fine textured; 209.5 mm.
diameter, 158.7 mm. high. The rim is rounded but is quite rough and irregular
in shape in its present condition. The concavity is 120.6 mm. deep. The bottom
is neatly rounded with a natural depression 57.1 mm. diameter at one side.
Purchased from Mr. José Ortega, who obtained it from the Burton Mound in
1901.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS id

Entire mortar of greenish gray sandstone, somewhat friable; 333.3 mm. long,
193.6 mm. high. The rim is squared and varies from 22.2 mm. to 19 mm. in
width. The concavity is 149.2 mm. diameter and has a hole at its base 114.3
by 88.9 mm. The thickness of the bottom is 34.9 mm. The outside and bottom
are rounded. This bowl was discovered by Mr. Charles T. Hall, inverted on
the beach at low tide at the foot of Bath Street, south of the Burton Mound, in
1871.

HOPPER MORTARS

A ring of asphalt or traces of such a ring adhering to the rim of
several mortars proved that such vessels had been augmented by a
basketry rim. Such mortars varied from mere slabs to deeply worn
bowls.

Entire hopper mortar of buff colored and hard sandstone, 247.6 mm. greater
diameter, 204.7 mm. lesser diameter, 69.8 mm, high. The mortar consists of a
slab, the edge of which is very roughly rounded. The top surface is not cupped
at all but shows a band of asphalt averaging 50.8 mm. in width around
its edge, which was used for sticking the basketry rim to the stone. The as-
phalt that remains is as much as 7.9 mm. thick in places. The bottom is the
former surface of the boulder and most of its surface is flecked over with
asphalt. (Pl. 7, e.)

Entire hopper mortar of gray sandstone, 187.8 mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. high.
Concavity of the upper surface is only 7.9 mm. diameter and a band of asphalt
averaging 44.4 mm. in width runs around its periphery. The edge of the mor-
tar consists of four major cleavages. The bottom is flat and half of it has
been pecked to its present shape, while the other half is the original surface of
the rock. (PI. 7, ce.)

Entire hopper mortar of gray sandstone, somewhat friable; 282.5 mm. long,
212.7 mm. wide, 111.1 mm. high. The rim is flattish and shows only patches
and stains of the asphalt which formerly adhered. The concavity is 180.9
mm. long, 165.1 mm. wide, and only 17.4 mm. diameter, and shows pecking on
its walls, which would indicate that the specimen had not been used much for
pounding. The outside edges are naturally squared, being pecked into shape
only in a place or two. The bottom is very flat, consisting of the original
surface.

Entire hopper mortar of gray and somewhat friable sandstone; 273 mm.
diameter, 139.7 mm. high. The rim is rounded and a band of asphalt adheres
to it in places varying in width from 22.2 mm. to 25.4 mm. The concavity is
only 15.8 mm. diameter. The outer sides and bottom are rounded and consists
of the original surface.

Entire hopper mortar of very green-colored fine-textured sandstone; 288.9
mm. diameter, 95.2 mm. high. The rim is flattish. The coneavity is 190.5 mm.
diameter and only 36.5 mm. deep. Flecks of asphalt on the surface of the
rim indicate the former use of the specimen as a hopper mortar. The edges
are roughly rounded in places by pecking. The bottom is flat and consists of
the old surface.

Entire hopper mortar of somewhat greenish gray sandstone, somewhat
friable; 241.3 mm. long, 190.5 mm. wide, 95.2 mm. high. The rim is rounded
and there adheres to it a band of asphalt averaging perhaps 25.4 mm. in
width. The concavity is 30.1 mm, diameter. The edges are rounded at places
with the help of pecking. The bottom is somewhat flat. (Pl. 7, a.)

78 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Entire hopper mortar of buff sandstone with somewhat greenish caste, rather
friable; 320.6 mm, long, 292.1 mm. wide, 130.1 mm. high. The rim is intended
to be somewhat flat. The concavity is 244.4 mm. diameter and 49.2 mm. deep.
There are stains of asphalt for the attachment of the basket hopper all along
the rim. The edges are rounded, the bottom flat.

Entire hopper mortar of coarse greenish sandstone; 215.9 mm. diameter,
123.8 mm, high. Rim rounded with asphalt almost everywhere adhering. The
coneavity is 22.2 mm. diameter. The edges are rounded, the bottom is pecked
flat.

Entire hopper mortar of very coarse and friable greenish gray sandstone;
2444 mm. diameter, 139.7 mm. high. The rim is intended to be flattish and
has sparse flecks of asphalt adhering. The edges are rounded, the bottom
flat.

Entire hopper mortar of somewhat dark buff colored sandstone, not friable;
285.7 mm, diameter, 153.9 mm, high. The rim is flattish, and has abundant
traces of asphalt. The concavity is 215.9 mm. diameter and 55.5 mm, deep.
The edges are rounded, the bottom is flat.

Entire hopper mortar of light gray sandstone; 215.9 mm. diameter, 95.2 mm.
high. Edge rounded with traces of asphalt which show in part the exact posi-
tion of the lower edge of the basket by a bare streak between two bands of
asphalt. The concavity is only 22.2 mm. diameter. The edges are rounded,
the bottom is also somewhat rounded. (PI. 7, 6.)

Entire hopper mortar of brownish gray sandstone, fine textured and hard;
295.2 mm. long, 127 mm. high. The rim is pecked flat in places, in other places
rounded. It is much blackened from former asphalt and there are traces from
the asphalt far down the sides of the mortar. The concavity is 58.7 mm.
diameter. The edges are rounded, the bottom somewhat rounded. (PI. 7, d.)

Entire hopper mortar of buff gray sanstone, very friable and coarse; 247.6
mm. diameter, 133.3 mm. high. Rim flattish and traces of asphalt remain in
two places. Concavity 31.7 mm. diameter. The concavity has a ring of dis-
coloration as if some liquid had at some time stained the inner’ surface. The
outer edge is rounded and shows two straight fractures. The bottom is
rounded.

Somewhat fragmentary hopper mortar of gray sandstone with brownish cast
in places, friable and very coarse; 260.3 mm. diameter, 120.6 mm. high. The
rim was evidently originally squared, but has been broken away for the most
part. In one section, 171.4 mm. long, asphalt still adheres, suggesting the use
of this specimen as a hopper mortar. The concavity is 93.6 mm. diameter, and
at its bottom a hole has been broken out 66.6 mm. diameter. The outside and
bottom of the specimen are rounded. The specimen was found in two halves.

Fragmentary mortar of greenish gray sandstone, somewhat friable, probably

a portion of a former bowl of larger size which has been used secondarily as a
hopper mortar, as indicated by the aspahlt adhering to the rim; 222.2 mm.
long, 200 mm. wide, 165.1 mm. high. The concavity is 57.1 mm, diameter.
The longest edge consists in part of the old rim, all other edges are fractures.
The corners of the edges have been pecked away somewhat and asphalt has
been applied around the periphery of the concavity for the attachment of a
basket.
e Fragment of a hopper mortar, consisting of more than half the original
mortar. Greenish gray sandstone, somewhat friable, 244.4 mm. diameter, 79.3
mm. high. Rim squared with abundant traces of asphalt, which extends to the
concavity and to the outside of the specimen. The concavity is 50.8 mm.
diameter. Edges rounded, bottom somewhat flat.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 79

PESTLES

Ninety per cent of the numerous pestles taken are of sandstone,
such as is picked up in the adjacent beach. The rest are andesite or
other igneous rock. There is one pestle of scoria or porous lava.

Many of the cruder pestles were evidently picked up in partly
shaped condition and a little pecking produced the desired form.
Others were entirely unshaped and their use as pestles could be
detected only by the abrasion of the end or ends.

A number of short, chunky pestles contrast sharply, for instance,
with the very long and nicely shaped pestles which would hardly
have stood heavy use.

Several pestles had been broken and reused ; others had been broken
and mended by lashing the parts together, with asphalt as binding
material.

One of the most curious plays of chance in connection with our
excavations of the mound was that we did not happen to encounter
any of the elliptical manos or sandstones so common at the adjacent
sites along the coast and in the mountains.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone with mottled texture; 149.2 mm. long.
63.5 mm. diameter, 57.1 mm. diameter at the top. The butt bulges 15.8 mm.

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, 171.4 mm, long. 57.1 mm. diameter.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone; no marks of pecking; 130.1 mm. long, 57.1
mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick.

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone; no marks of pecking; 147.6 mm.
long, 76.2 mm. wide, 50.8 mm, thick.

Butt fragment of pestle of black scoria, the only specimen of this material
in the collection. The body of the pestle is somewhat bent. 152.4 mm. long,
73 mm. diameter. The bulge of the butt is 22.2 mm. The butt shows signs
of much use.

Butt fragment of nicely made pestle of very hard sandstone, olive green cast;
134.9 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter. Bulges of butt 9.5 mm. Very symmetrical.

Entire pestle of creamy gray sandstone; both ends bulging; 98.4 mm. long,
63.5 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 15.8 mm., bulge of top 12.7 mm.

Entire pestle of gray stone, 161.9 mm. long, 76.2 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt
12.7 mm.

Tip fragment of pestle of gray sandstone; 161.9 mm, long, 60.8 mm. diameter.
It is difficult to estimate the original length of the specimen.

Butt fragment of pestle of gray sandstone; 142.8 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.
The bulge of the butt is 15.8 mm. The fracture is coated heavily with asphalt
as if it had been mended by the Indians.

Tip fragment of pestle of gray sandstone, elliptical in section; 168.2 mm. long,
76.2 wide, 57.1 mm. thick. The sides are the original surface, the edges are
pecked rounding.

Entire pestle of gray stone, squarish in section, crudely shaped; 192 mm.
long, 57.1 mm. wide, 50.8 mm. thick. Bulge of butt 12.7 mm.

Tip fragment of pestle of gray sandstone; 127 mm. long, 50.8 mm. diameter.

Butt fragment of pestle of gray sandstone; 158.7 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 15.8 mm,

80 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Tip fragment of pestle of gray sandstone, rather coarse textured; 136.5 mm.
long, 53.9 mm. diameter.

Entire pestle of gray Sandstone, smooth textured; 155.5 mm. long, 47.6 mm.
diameter. Part of the original butt and also part of the original tip are
intact.

Entire pestle of buff gray sandstone, 101.6 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter.
Tip bulges 15.8 mm.

Entire pestle of yellow ochre colored sandstone, rather coarse-textured but
hard; 190.5 mm. long, 66.6 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. This is the
most pronouncedly curved pestle in the collection.

Entire pestle of greenish gray smooth textured sandstone; 150.8 mm. long,
39.6 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt, 12.7 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 390.5 mm. long, 66.6 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt, 23.8 mm. The tip is enlarged at the end, having a diameter of
36.5 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, rather limy in texture and friable; 676.2
mm. long, 44.4 mm. diameter at the butt, 55.5 mm. diameter at the center, 33.3
mm. diameter at a distance of 38.1 mm. from the tip, at which distance the
tapering of the tip starts. Bulge of butt, 12.7 mm. One side of the tip is
broken off, slanting with a fracture 31.7 mm. long, but enough of the tip remains
to show that it was rounding and quite sharp. The specimen was found
broken in two, the break being 263.5 mm. from the butt. This rather remark-
able specimen is by far the longest pestle recovered from Burton Mound and
is so slender that it can not have been put to any violent use in pounding.
(Pl. 8, h.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone; 174.6 mm. long, 50.8 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 14.2 mm. The extremity of the tip is enlarged and measures 31.7 mm.
diameter. Neatly made.

Wntire pestle of gray sandstone, smooth textured; 498.4 mm. long, 638.5 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. There is a ferrule 39.6 mm, diameter and
15.8 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. from the extreme tip. A companion specimen to that
next described below. (PI. 8, 7.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, smooth textured; 495.3 mm. long, 69.8 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5mm. There is a grooved ferrule 44.4 mm. diameter
and 25.4 mm. wide, 26.9 mm. from the extreme tip. (Pl. 8, k.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 247.6 mm. long, 60.8 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 12.7 mm. (PI. 8, ec.)

Entire pestle of friable gray sandstone; 133.3 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 15.8 mm.

Butt fragment of pestle of greenish gray sandstone, 88.9 mm. long, 57.1 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. The surface of the pestle extending from the
tip fracture 31.7 mm, is coated with asphalt which bears the imprint of per-
pendicular splints of some sort, evidently from a former mending of the speci-
men. There are 66 of these depressions in the asphalt.

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle. 76.2 mm. long, 38.1 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 7.9 mm.

Butt fragment of brownish gray sandstone pestle, 100 mm, long, 41.2 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 11.1 mm. The reverse surface is a fracture.

Butt fragment of greenish gray sandstone pestle, 92 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diam-
eter. Bulge of butt 9.5mm. The reverse side is a flat cleavage. (PI. 8, f.)

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, hard textured. The pestle is beau-
tifully made and has a polished surface 203.2 mm, long, 61.9 mm, diameter.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 7

HOPPER MORTARS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8

PESTLES

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 81

Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. The surface of the tip and adjacent sides for a space of
some’63.5 mm. from the tip are stained with asphalt and present a blackened
and polished surface. (PI. 8, d.)

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, smooth textured, 158.7 mm. long.
Elliptical in section 31.7 mm. wide, 25.4 mm. thick. Both obverse and reverse
sides are flat near the butt. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, smooth textured and hard, 441.38 mm. long,
71.4 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. A little of the old surface of the
rock shows on the obverse near the butt. (PI. 8, J.)

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, fine textured and hard, 384.1 mm.
long, 63.5 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 11.1 mm. Symmetrical and smooth
surface. (Pl. 8, m.)

Entire pestle of gray and limy sandstone, 320.6 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. A sharper taper starts 114.8 mm. from the tip and the
tip is squared and 25.4 mm. diameter. There is a chip off the surface adjacent
to the butt. (PI. 8, a.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 146 mm. long, 85.7 mm. diameter, 50.8 mm.
diameter near the tip. Bulge of butt 6.3 mm.

Tip fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 120.6 mm. long, 69.8 mm. diameter.

Entire gray sandstone pestle, 127 mm. long, 61.9 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt
12.7 mm.

Entire gray sandstone pestle, 120.6 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter. Bulge of
butt 12.7 mm.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone with olive green cast, exhibiting very inter-
esting pecking because of its coarseness; 349.2 mm. long, 69.8 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 25.4 mm. The butt is rounded but neither butt nor tip shows
the slightest abrasion, but have just the same surface as elsewhere on the pestle.
Evidently the specimen has never been used.

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 227 mm. long, 107.9 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 12.7 mm.

Central fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 92 mm. long, 95.2 mm. diameter.
The material of this pestle matches that of the one last described above, but
the fragment does not fit on the other fragment.

Median fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 190.5 mm. long, 90.4 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt about 25.4 mm.

Entire yellowish sandstone pestle, 222.2 mm. long, 73 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 12.7 mm. There is a shallow groove around the specimen 25.4 mm. from
the extreme tip, forming a sort of neck. (Pl. 8, b.)

Butt fragment of yellowish sandstone pestle, 198.4 mm. long, 82.5 mm. diam-
eter. Bulge of butt 25.4 mm. (PI. 8, g.)

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 201.6 mm. long, 42.8 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 4.7 mm. (Pl. 8, m.)

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 165.1 mm. long, 60.8 mm. wide, 41.2
mm, thick. Obverse an reverse flat and evidently the original surface. The
butt bulges 6.83 mm. (PI. 8, e.)

Entire pestle of gray standstone, 149.2 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter. Bulge
of butt 19 mm., bulge of tip 15.8 mm. Both butt and tip show signs of use
for pounding.

Central fragment of gray pestle, 63.5 mm. long, 58.7 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 107.9 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 53.9 mm. long, 53.9 mm, diameter.

82 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 114.8 mm. long, 63.5 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 9.5 mm.

Tip fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 53.9 mm. long, 44.4 mm. diameter.

Butt and median fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 181.7 mm. long, 50.8 mm.
diameter. Bulge of butt 9.5 mm. The reverse is a fracture.

Butt fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 133.3 mm. long, 60.38 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 17.4 mm.

Tip fragment of yellowish coarse sandstone pestle, 165.1 mm. long, 47.6 mm.
diameter. A sharper taper starts 63.5 mm. from the tip.

Central fragment of gray sandstone pestle, 196.8 mm. long, 76.2 mm. diameter.
The butt is an old break, encrusted with earth, has no bulge and shows no use.

Tip fragment of yellowish sandstone pestle, 190.5 mm. long, 68.5 mm. diameter.

Butt fragment of greenish gray sandstone pestle, fine textured and hard;
139.7 mm. long, 57.1 mm. diameter. Bulge of butt 14.2 mm. Purchased from
Mr. José Ortega. Obtained by him from Burton Mound in 1901.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, 119 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter. Bulge of
butt 12.7 mm. Some of the original tip end is still intact and shows asphalt
stains on its surface. There is a large chip off the tip which extends 44.4 mm.
down the side. Purchased from Mr. José Ortega. Obtained by him from
Burton Mound in 1901.

Entire pestle of greenish gray sandstone, 146 mm. long, 53.9 mm. diameter.
Bulge of butt 12.7 mm. Thin surface scales are chipped off the butt. Pur-
chased from Mr. José Ortega. Obtained by him from Burton Mound in 1901.

Entire pestle of gray sandstone, somewhat friable, unique in shape since
both ends are the same size and have equal bulge. At double ended pestle
consisting of a straight shaft of stone, 252.4 mm. long, 74.6 mm. diameter.
Bulge of the butts 12.7 mm. Purchased from Mr. José Ortega. Obtained by
him from Burton Mound in 1901.

LIMESTONE DISHES

The considerable number of dishes or cups made by pecking out a
roundish concavity in a slab or chunk of soft whitish limestone is
probably to be explained by the occurrence of this material near at
hand. Just what the vessels were used for is a matter of conjecture,
none of them containing paint or other material, or even a stain.
Several of them had not been used at all, judging from the fresh-
looking pecking of their hollows. Their holding capacity is small.
The stone is too soft to make the vessel of use for grinding, pounding,
or even mashing. One of the specimens has a concavity on both
sides.

>

Dish of yellowish limestone, 85.7 mm. long, 76.2 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. thick.
The concavity is 38.1 mm diameter, 76.2 mm. deep. Edges rounded except at
one end which is a square fracture.

Dish of whitish, soft limestone, 152.4 mm. long, 95.2 mm. wide, 53.9 mm.
thick. Concavity 76.2 mm, diameter, 12.7 mm deep. Edges rounded except
one broken side.

Dish of cream-colored limestone, very light in weight, 215.9 mm. diameter,
179.3 mm. wide, 66.6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Concavity 76.2 mm, diameter,
17.4 mm. deep. The concavity is worn very smooth from use.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 83

Dish of gray limestone, 152.4 mm. long, 117.4 mm. wide, 41.2 mm. thick. Con-
cavity 76.2 mm. diameter, only 9.5 mm. deep. (PI. 9, b.)

Dish of cream-colored limestone, darker in layers; 92 mm. long, 79.3 mm.
wide, 44.4 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The concavity is 50.8 mm. diameter and
14.2 mm. deep. The concavity shows peckings.

Dish of cream-colored light-weight limestone, 123.8 mm, long, 95.2 mm. wide,
50.8 mm. thick. Edges squared from old fractures. Concavity 25.4 mm. diam-
eter, 7.9 mm. deep, and has the appearance of having been bored with a blunt
point.

Dish of cream-colored limestone, very soft ; 142.8 mm. long, 127 mm. wide, 63.5
mm. thick. Edges rounded with exception of the longest edge, which is a
squared fracture. This specimen is peculiar in that it has a concavity on both
sides. The concavity on the obverse, shown in the photograph, measures 69.8
mm. diameter and 23.8 mm. deep. The reverse concavity is 69.8 mm. diameter
and 14.2 mm. deep. (PI. 9, a.)

Dish of cream-colored limestone, very soft and light in weight; 155.5 mm.
long, 136.5 mm, wide, 60.8 mm. thick. Edges rounded, apparently the original
shape of the stone. Concavity 25.4 mm. diameter, 23.8 mm. deep.

Dish of light-buff chalky limestone, 180.9 mm. long, 149.2 mm. wide, 53.9 mm.
thick. Edges rounded; the original shape of the stone. Coneavity 82.5 mm,
diameter, only 7.9 mm. deep.

Dish of gray limestone, the surface of which is encrusted with dark gray
matter; 101.6 mm. long, 76.2 mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick. Edges somewhat
rounded. Conecavity 44.4 mm. diameter, 9.5 mm. deep.

Dish of somewhat pinkish gray limestone, 127 mm. long, 117.4 mm. wide,
31.7 mm, thick. Edges rounded. All surfaces are in rough condition. Con-
cavity 57.1 mm. diameter and 11.1 mm. deep.

Dish of whitish limestone, 228.6 mm. long, 101.6 mm. mide, 57.1 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. There are straight ridges along the side margins of the obverse
surface. The concavity is 120.6 mm. long, 76.2 mm. wide, and 19 mm. deep.
@L 195 €:)

Dish of light gray limestone which has the appearance of having been
reddened by fire, 196.8 mm. long, 26.9 mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick. The edges
consist of old and worn fractures and one more recent fracture. Concavity
50.8 mm. diameter, 6.3 mm. deep.

Dish of light gray limestone, 88.9 mm. long, 69.8 mm, wide, 41.2 mm. thick.
Edges rounded with exception of an end fracture, which almost eats into the
concavity and is therefore to be considered as a more recent break. Con-
cavity 57.1 mm. diameter, 19 mm. deep. (PI. 9, ¢.)

Dish of cream-colored limestone, 128.5 mm. long, 123.8 mm. wide, 66.6 mm.
thick. Edges rounded. Concavity 95.2 mm. long, 76.2 mm. wide, 22.2 mm. deep.

Dish of cream-colored limestone, 133.3 mm, long, 104.7 mm. wide, 38.1 mm.
thick. Edges rounded with exception of a fracture which evidently breaks the
original specimen almost in half and carries away perhaps a third of the con-
cavity. The concavity measures 66.6 mm. diameter and 15.8 mm. deep.

Dish of buff-colored limestone, 179.3 mm. long, 149.2 mm. wide, 55.5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. Very light in weight. Concavity 82.5 mm. diameter and shows
coarse peckings.

Dish of gray limestone, very soft, both obverse and reverse surfaces con-
sisting of a yellowish layer. The original shape was evidently oblong with
squared edges, but a transverse fracture has reduced the length. 117.4 mm.
long, 117.4 mm. wide, 33.3 mm. thick. The concavity is 76.2 mm. diameter
and so shallow that its depth is difficult to measure.

84 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BrH. ANN. 44

Dish of cream-colored limestone, 174.6 mm. long, 153.9 mm. wide, 82.5 mm.
thick. Edges and bottom rounded. Coneavity 88.9 mm. diameter, 26.9 mm.
deep. The specimen was found as two halves.

Dish of cream-colored limestone, 146 mm. diameter, 69.8 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The concavity is 76.2 mm. diameter, 47.6 mm. deep. The concavity
shows pecking and has in it three serpula holes from the rock, which was
evidently picked up on the beach.

Dish of cream-colored limestone. Very light in weight. The edges contain
serpula holes. 2381.7 mm, long, 225.4 mm. wide, 104.7 mm. thick. Edges rounded,
bottom flattish. The concavity measures 123.8 mm, diameter, 30.1 mm. deep.
This is the largest of the dishes of soft limestone.

TRAY OF SANDSTONE

Only one specimen was obtained of the typical flat sandstone tray
or platter, but this is a large-sized and important one.

Tray of somewhat buff colored grayish sandstone with a very high sand
content, 434.9 mm. long, 288.9 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. high. The edges are rounded.
The deepest part of the concavity is 19 mm. diameter, the center of the con-
cavity being shallower, measuring only 4.7 mm, lower than the edge of the tray,
The concavity starts about 38.1 mm. from the extreme edge. The bottom shows
no pecking and is quite flat. (Pl. 9, d.)

OLLAS OR COOKING POTS OF STEATITE

Fifteen steatite ollas or cooking pots in entire condition or nearly so
were obtained, as well as quantities of fragments that would not piece
together. Ollas of gray steatite are said to have been obtained by
barter from the Catalina Island Indians, who lived, roughly, 100
miles away, and the larger ollas were considered very valuable even
at the source of supply. Several of the ollas taken are among the
largest and most symmetrical ever obtained in southern California.
The largest specimen stands 1554 inches high and weighs 72 pounds.

The specimens vary considerably as regards relative size of the
mouth or orifice. Some are almost bowls in shape and may have
been used both as cooking pots and as receptacles.

A zigzag incision decorates the rim of several of the specimens.

Olla of gray steatite, 311.1 mm. diameter, 165.1 mm. high, orifice 157.1 mm.
diameter, rim squared and varying in width from 12.7 mm. to 174 mm. The
rim is undecorated. The concavity is 168.2 mm. deep. The bottom is rounded,
its flatter portion measuring about 177.8 mm. diameter.

Olla of black steatite, beautifully made and exhibiting minute crinkly vein-
ings and blotchings of a dark gray color on its surface; 155.5 mm. diameter,
95.2 mm. high, orifice 111.1 mm. diameter. Rim squared and 7.1 mm. diameter.
A groove runs around 3.1 mm. to 4.7 mm. below the rim. Concavity 87.38 mm.
diameter. The bottom is flattish at its central portion. Surfaces highly pol-
ished. Such a vessel could be used either as an olla or as a bowl. The clean
condition of the present specimen suggests that it had not been used for cooking.

Olla of gray steatite, 130.1 mm. diameter, 101.6 mm. high, orifice 92 mm. dia-
meter. Rim merely rounded. Concavity 92 mm, diameter. Bottom somewhat
flat for a space about 88.9 mm. diameter.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 9

a, b, c,e, LIMESTONE DISHES. d, SANDSTONE TRAY

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE

BOWLS AND OLLAS OF STEATITE

10

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 85

Olla of gray steatite, 161.9 mm. diameter, 107.9 mm. high; orifice 106.3 mm.
diameter. Rim rounded, 23.8 mm. to 12.7 mm. wide, a groove running around
4.7 mm. below the rim. Concavity 95.2 mm. diameter. Bottom rounded.

Fragmentary olla of gray steatite, 266.7 mm. diameter, 190.5 mm. high, orifice
146 mm. diameter. Rim squared, 11.1 mm, wide. A groove runs around 9.5
mm. below the rim. Concayity 168.2 mm. diameter. Bottom somewhat flattened.

Olla of gray steatite, 352.4 mm. diameter 247.6 mm. high; orifice 152.4 mm.
diameter. Rim squared and 12.7 mm. diameter. A groove runs around 3.1 mm.
below the rim. The rim is decorated with zigzag incisions. Concavity 233.3
mm. diameter. Bottom rounded.

Olla of gray steatite, the largest olla in the collection; 406.4 mm. diameter,
396.8 mm. high; orifice, 183.8 mm. The rim is squared and 23.8 mm wide.
A groove runs about 9.5 mm. below the rim. The rim is decorated with zigzag
incisions. Concavity 330.2 mm. diameter. Bottom rounded. Weight 72 pounds.

Olla of gray steatite, 349.2 diameter, 298.4 mm. high; orifice, 139.7 mm.
diameter. Rim, 14.2 mm. wide; squared, and a groove runs around 6.3 mm.
below the rim. The rim is decorated with zigzag incisions. Concayity, 268.2
mm. diameter. The bottom is flattish over an area about 203.2 mm. diameter.
(Pl. 10, e.)

Olla or bowl of black steatite with gray mottling in the shape of flecks, 152.4
mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. high; orifice, 115.8 mm. diameter. The rim is 7.9 mm.
wide, squared, and a groove runs around 3.1 mm. below the rim. The con-
cavity is 85.7 mm. diameter. The bottom is quite flat and measures 101.6 mm.
diameter. The specimen was probably used as a bowl, since it shows no signs
of having been placed over fire. (Pl. 10, a.)

Olla of gray steatite, 117.4 mm. diameter, 82.5 mm. high; orifice, 74.6 mm.
diameter. Rim squared and 6.8 mm. wide. A groove running around 3.1 mm,
below the rim. Concavity, 73 mm. diameter. Bottom quite flat and 19 mm.
diameter. This little pot is lopsided. (Pl. 10, d.)

Olla of gray steatite, 225.4 mm. diameter, 165.1 mm. high; orifice, 133.3 mm.
diameter. Rim, 6.8 mm. wide, and squared. A groove runs around 3.1 below
the rim. The rim was decorated with zigzag incisions, but these are now
largely worn off. Concavity 141.2 mm. diameter. Bottom flattish, repaired
with plaster of Paris as shown in the photograph. (Pl. 10, b.)

Olla of gray steatite that was found in scattered fragments. The olla has
been blackened by fire. 165.1 mm. diameter, 111.1 mm. high; orifice 95.2 mm.
diameter. The rim is 7.9 mm. wide, squared, and a groove runs around 4.7
mm. below the rim. Concavity 101.6 mm. diameter. Bottom rounded.

Olla of gray steatite, 260.8 mm. diameter, 222.2 mm. high; orifice 130.1 mm.
diameter. Rim rounded merely. Conecavity 190.5 diameter. Bottom flattish
over an area 139.7 mm. diameter.

Olla of gray steatite, 298.4 mm. diameter, 254 mm. high; orifice 142.8 mm,
diameter. Rim merely rounded. Concavity 231.7 mm. diameter. Bottom
flattish over an area 177.8 mm. diameter. (Pl. 10, f.)

Olla of gray steatite, 263.5 mm. diameter, 158.7 mm. high; orifice 157.1 mma.
Rim squared 12.7 mm. wide, a groove running around 4.7 mm. below the rim.
Coneavity 138.1 mm. deep. Bottom flattish. The specimen was found in
fragments and is plentifully pieced together with plaster of Paris.

STEATITE BOWLS

The bowls of steatite which resulted from the excavation, although
few in number, are handsome in workmanship. The veining and

86 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND (ETH. ANN, 44

mottling in some of the specimens is especially fine. The steatite
bowls, in distinction to the globular and small-mouthed ollas or
cooking pots, are described below.

Bowl of gray steatite, built up of eight or more fragments found in scat-
tered position; 174.6 mm. diameter, 98.4 mm. high; orifice 155.5 mm. diameter.
Rim squared and 6.8 mm. wide. Concavity 80.9 mm. deep. Bottom rounded.
Some of the fragments show traces of soot.

Bowl of black steatite, 165.1 mm. diameter, 76.2 mm. high; orifice 147.6 mm.
diameter. Rim squared, 11.1 mm. wide, a groove running around the bowl
4.7 mm. below the rim. Conecavity 69.8 mm, deep. The bottom is rounding
and is ornamented by a double-lined cross pricked into its surface. The dots
are some of them 3.1 mm. diameter, and the lines are approximately 25.4 mm.
apart. The bowl is somewhat blackened with soot.

Bowl of black steatite with beautiful crinkly veins of gray color; found
in widely scattered fragments; 301.6 mm. diameter, 133.8 mm. high. The rim
is nicely squared and is 15.8 mm. diameter. Both inside and outside surfaces
are beveled, beginning 6.3 mm. from the rim. The concavity is 120.6 mm. diam-
eter. The bottom is rounded. The bowl evidently broke in two and was
mended by the Indians, as is indicated by the four pairs of holes which were
drilled along the crack or break, for the purpose of lashing the halves together.
These holes are about 20.6 mm. diameter and average about 25.4 mm. apart;
that is, they are drilled about 12.7 distant from the fracture. (PI. 10, ¢.)

Bowl of blackish gray steatite. This bowl and the two next to be described
below were found nested together; 104.7 mm. diameter, 79.3 mm. high; orifice
88.9 mm. diameter. Rim rounded. Concavity, 73 mm. deep. Bottom flat and
76.2 mm. diameter.

Bowl of slate-gray steatite, very clean and new in appearance, 82.5 mm.
diameter, 60.8 mm. high. Rim rounded, 4.7 mm. wide, a groove running around
the bowl 4.7 mm. below the rim. Concavity 55.5 mm, deep. Bottom perfectly
flat, 53.9 mm. diameter. This was the middle-sized bowl of the nesting of
three bowls described above.

Bowl of black steatite, 41.2 mm. diameter, 25.4 mm. high; orifice 31.7 mm.
diameter. Rim rounded. Conecayity, 20.6 mm. deep. Bottom rounded. The
bowl is somewhat lopsided and the rim is very uneven. Found as the smallest
bowl of the group of three nested bowls.

Bowl of gray steatite with pretty black veining, found in several fragments ;
183.8 mm. diameter, 92 mm. high; orifice 114.83 mm. diameter. Rim squared,
6.3 mm. wide, little of the rim being intact. Conecavity, 85.7 mm. deep. Bottom
rather flat, 63.56 mm. diameter.

CANOE-SHAPED VESSELS OF SANDSTONE AND STEATITE

An end fragment of a unique and evidently large-sized canoe-
shaped vessel of sandstone was recovered; also two canoe-shaped
vessels cut from steatite. One of these latter was an unusually large
canoe, fragmentary, and with the fragments widely scattered. For-
tunately, both ends, which furnish practically all the information
that we need to know about the shape of the vessel, were recovered.
From them the entire craft can be easily reconstructed, except that
we do not know the exact length. The specimen appears to be by
far the largest steatite canoe ever reported from a California site,

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 87

and exceeded in size only perhaps by our sandstone specimen. The
other steatite canoe, smaller and more symmetrical, was found intact
and is one of the handsomest specimens on record.

An important and very unique specimen is the end fragment of a canoe-
shaped vessel of gray sandstone, which has the appearance of having been in
the fire. It fortunately preserves the shape of the end of the rim of this
vessel, which must have been more than a foot in length. The fragment has a
maximum diameter of 140.5 mm. The top of the rim is squared and 10 mm.
wide, making a right angle where it bends at the end of the vessel; 61.5 mm.
of the rim remains on one side, 39 mm. on the other side. The end of the
vessel forms a vertical edge 51 mm. long; the thickness of the bottom of the
vessel is 27 mm. It is unfortunate that no further fragments of this interesting
sandstone dish were recovered. (Pl. 11, a.)

Canoe-shaped vessel of somewhat sparkling slate-colored gray steatite. Re
eovered from scattered fragments. It was possible to piece these fragments
together so as to reconstruct both ends of the canoe, but three fragments from
the central portion neither fit together with each other nor are adjacent to the
end fragments. Therefore, the length of the canoe can not be determined
with accuracy, but is estimated after careful study to have been about 431.8 mm.
As reconstructed in Plate 11, 6, it is 451 mm. long. The canoe may have been
considerably shorter, but if so it was irregularly proportioned and had poorly
curved lines. Even if the ends which we pieced out are placed touching each
other, which would be an absurd reconstruction, the structure is over a foot
long. The specimen is, therefore, as far as I am able to learn, the largest
steatite canoe taken from Indian graves in southern California. The recon-
structed length of the sandstone canoe just described above, only one tip of
which is taken, is conjectural.

The large end of the canoe measures as follows: 212.7 mm. long, 106.3 mm.
wide, 98.4 mm. high. The keel is flat, 50.8 mm. wide, 11.1 mm. thick. The
end of the gunwale projects beyond the end of the keel 53.9 mm.

The smaller end measures 120.6 mm. long, 92 mm. wide, 95.2 mm. high. The
keel is flat, as in the larger end fragment, 34.9 mm. wide, 22.2 mm. thick. The
end of the gunwale projects beyond the end of the keel 50.8 mm.

The gunwale is squared, 7.9 mm. wide, and a neat groove runs about the
canoe about 8 mm. below it. In other words, the gunwale is shaped in the same
manner as the rim of many steatite ollas and bowls. (PI. 11, b.)

Entire and unbroken canoe-shaped vessel of gray steatite, neatly made and
very symmetrical; 211.1 mm. long, 77.7 mm. wide. The height of the ends of
the canoe is 63.5 mm., of the middle of the canoe 57.1 mm. The gunwale is
squared, 7.9 mm. wide, but no groove runs below it. The bottom is rounding,
not flat as it is in the large steatite canoe. The central part of the bottom is
only 7.9 mm. thick.

STEATITE COMALS

The comal or steatite slab was a familiar article at the Channel
Indian household. The hole in the small end was for the purpose of
inserting the poker stick for handling when heated. It was also the
hot-water bottle of the Indians; it was heated and laid against the
paining part. In addition to the fine specimens listed below, we
obtained many fragments of comals.

88 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Comal of slate gray steatite color, which differs from the other comal speci-
mens in having a raised ridge about 22.2 mm. wide around the entire margin of
both obverse and reverse sides. The height of this ridge is 4.7 mm. or even
6.3 mm, in places, 273 mm. long, 247.6 mm. wide, 139.7 mm. wide at the upper
end. Thickness varies from 30.1 mm. to 34.9mm. A hole 17.4 mm, daimeter is
located 38.1 mm. from the smaller end. (Pl. 12, e.)

Comal of slate gray steatite, lopsided. Edges squared. 298.4 mm. long, 254
mm. wide; 193.6 mm. wide at lower end, 153.9 mm. wide at upper end. Thick-
ness varies from 22.2 mm. to 25.4 mm. A hole 14.2 mm. diameter is located 42.8
mm. from the smaller end. (Pl. 12, f.)

Comal of grayish steatite, unusually square cornered. 273 mm. long, lower
edge 241.8 mm. wide, upper edge 152.4 mm. wide. Thickness varies from 25.4
mm. to 31.7 mm. The upper edge has an incurve of 9.5 mm. Hole 22.2 mm.
diameter, 34.9 mm. from the upper edge. (PI. 12, c.)

Comal of grayish steatite, differing from the other comals in not having
concave surfaces; this specimen is thickest in the center and thinner toward
the edges, which are squared; 280.9 mm. long, 187.8 mm. wide, lower edge 127
mm. wide, upper edge 82.5 mm. wide. There is a hole 15.8 mm. diameter
located 36.5 mm. from the upper edge. (PI. 12, d.)

Comal of slate gray steatite, found in broken condition; 206.8 mm. long.,
174.6 mm. wide, lower edge 168.2 mm. wide, upper edge 638.5 mm. wide. Thick-
ness varies from 17.4 mm. to 15.8 mm. Hole 12.7 mm. diameter, 22.2 mm.
from the upper edge.

Comal of light slate gray color, full of bright sparkle, found in broken con-
dition. The specimen is Somewhat lopsided. 247.6 mm. long, 215.9 mm. wide,
lower edge about 177.8 mm. wide, upper edge 133.8 mm. wide; thickness varies
from 22.2 mm. to 23.8 mm. Hole 15.8 mm. diameter is located 44.4 mm. from
the upper edge.

Comal of gray steatite, 225.4 mm. long, 230.1 mm. wide, upper edge 88.9 mm.
wide; thickness varies from 15.8 mm. to 23.8 mm. Hole 15.8 mm. diameter,
30.1 mm. from the upper edge. The lower right-hand corner is broken off with
a fracture 538.9 mm. long. (Pl. 12, a.)

Comal of light slate gray color, 246 mm, iong, 209.5 mm. wide, lower edge
203.2 mm. wide, upper edge 107.9 mm. wide, thickness varies from 22.2 mm. to
23.8 mm. Hole 15.8 mm, diameter is located 49.2 mm. from the upper edge.
(BIRD 69)

STEATITE PIPES

The pipes of the Channel Indians were worked from gray or black
steatite, more rarely from other stone. The usual form is a straight
conical tube, with the result that the Indian when smoking had to
tip the bowl of his pipe upward in order to keep the contents from
falling out. The boring was usually done from both ends and is
often slender in the central portion of the pipe. A stem of bird bone,
for instance the limb bone of a pelican, has been found inserted in the
small end of the pipe in a considerable number of southern California
specimens, made fast by sticking with asphalt. Some specimens that
do not have the mouthpiece of bone show traces of the asphalt adhe-
sive. A pipe from Santa Barbara, collected by Mr. Stephen Bowers

SLILVALS
JO 1TSSSSA GSdVHS-SONVO 3O SLNAWDVYS ‘a “ANOLSGNWS 4AO 135SSSA GSadVHS-SONVO 40 LNAWSVYS “2

LL ALVId 1LYOd3ayY IWANNV HLYNOS-ALYOS ADOIONHILA NVOIYAWY SO NVvaung

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

FORTY-FOURTH

ANNUAL REPORT PLATE

STEATITE

12

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 89

and in the National Museum, has a bend of about 20 degrees in the
middle and is provided with bone mouthpiece; this specimen is
figured by C. C. Abbott on page 130 of the Putnam Report.’*

Five of these steatite pipes were recovered from the Burton Mound,
one of them being a fragment. They are all of medium size and
ordinary type, such as are figured by Putnam, Plate VIII. The
longer type (Putnam, Pl. VII), the short type (Heye,” Pl. XX VII,
a), and anomalous types also occur on the channel.

Fragment of pipe of gray steatite, 57 mm. long, 32 mm. wide, 22 mm. thick.
The hole is 18 mm. diameter at the larger end and 10 mm. diameter at the
smaller end, but this does not represent the original diameter. (Pl. 13, e.)

Pipe of gray steatite, intact except for lack of mouthpiece; 120 mm. long.
33 mm. diameter at large end, 24 and 19 mm. diameter at small end. The small
end has two borings. One of these has broken through the wall of the pipe,
making a gap in the edge of the small end 2.5 mm. diameter, besides leaving
the edge of almost paperlike thinness. At the large end the edge is squared and
3 mm. wide. The boring is 24.5 mm. diameter at the large end; the borings at
the small end are 21 mm. maximum diameter, 12 mm. lesser diameter.
(zal 187%)

Pipe of gray steatite, mouthpiece lacking. 99.5 mm. long, 21 mm. maximum
diameter, 23.5 mm. diameter at larger end, 13 mm. diameter at smaller end.
Edge of larger end sharp, not squared, with a groove 2 mm. back from the edge.
Edge of smaller end also rather sharp. The boring is 17 mm. diameter at the
larger end, tapering to the smaller end, where it is 10 mm. diameter. The
boring was done from both ends and is only 6.4 mm. diam. where these two
borings meet in the interior of the pipe. (Pl. 13, a.)

Pipe of bluish gray steatite, intact except for loss of mouthpiece. Very neatly
made. 120 mm. long, 27.5 mm. diameter at larger end, 17 mm. diameter at
smaller end, the extreme end being broken off, but not very much of it since
some of the asphalt which was used for sticking the bird bone mouthpiece
on is still intact. The edge of the larger end is squared, 5 mm. diameter and
has an outward bulge, rounded in shape, extending some 4 mm. down the out-
side wall of the pipe. The boring is from both ends and is 19 mm. diameter
at the larger end, 8 mm. diameter at the smaller end. (PI. 13, b.)

Perfect and entire pipe of dark gray steatite with mouthpiece intact. The
body of the pipe is 92 mm. long, including the mouthpiece the pipe is 114 mm.
long. The larger end is 31.5 mm. diameter, the smaller end is 16.5 mm. diameter.
The edge of the larger end is rather thin and rounded; there is no bulge toward
the outside as there is in the specimen last described, but a groove runs neatly
around the pipe 4 mm. back from the end. The bird bone mouthpiece is 8
mm. diameter. The end of the mouthpiece is squared straight across. The
mouthpiece is inserted in the smaller end of the pipe and fastened in place very
neatly and symmetrically with strong black asphalt. The pipe is bored from
both ends, the diameter of the boring at the large end being almost that of the
end of the pipe, which is 31.5 mm. (PI. 13, d.)

* Putnam, F. W., Reports upon Archeological and Ethnological Collections, United
erates Geographical Surveys West of the 100th Meridian, Vol. VII, Washington, D, C.,
1879.

“ Heye, George G., op. cit.
55231 °—28——_7

90 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PTH. ANN, 44

SPHEROIDAL SINKERS OF SANDSTONE

Sinkers of sandstone, apparently used as weights on primitive fishlines, have

as their characteristic shape in the specimens obtained an elongate spheroid
form, around the longest axis of which passes a shallow groove for the

attachment of the cord. In some specimens this groove is made only at the
sharper turns, and does not extend across the flatter sides. The size varies
from that of a hen’s egg to that of a baseball. Only typical specimens are
described below.

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable, 73 mm. long, 57.1 mm. wide, 44.4 mm.
thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and runs around the greatest diameter.
(Pl. 18, f.)

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable, 68.2 mm. long, 57.1 mm. wide, 57.1 mm.
thick. The groove is peculiarly narrow, only 3.1 mm. wide, and runs around the
greatest diameter. (PI. 13, g.)

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable, 128.5 mm. long, 104.7 mm. wide, 95.2 mm.
thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and runs around the greatest diameter.
(PI. 13, h.)

Sinker of gray sandstone, friable, 127 mm. long, 117.4 mm. wide, 76.2 mm.
thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and is in the plane of the greatest diam-
eter, but extends for 57.1 mm. at one end and consists of a mere abraided
patch at the other end, while there is no trace of a groove along the sides of
the specimen. (PI. 18, 7.)

Sinker of greenish gray sandstone, fine textured and hard, 88.9 mm, long, 79.3
mm. wide, 60.38 mm. thick. The groove is 19 mm. wide, and is pecked as usual
around the long axis of the specimen, passing around the greatest diameter.

Sinker of brownish gray sandstone, 123.8 mm. long, 107.9 mm. wide, 88.9 mm.
thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide, and passes around the greatest diameter.
The groove can not be traced on the reverse side of the specimen, though it is
carefully cut on the obverse side and around the two ends.

Sinker of light gray sandstone, unusually coarse in texture, 73 mm. long,
66.6 mm. wide, 58.7 mm. thick. Almost a perfect sphere. Groove 12.7 mm.
diameter passes around the greatest diameter.

Median fragment of sinker of brownish gray sandstone, 77.7 mm. long,
68.2 mm. wide, 39.6 mm. thick. The groove is 12.7 mm. wide and passes as
usual around the longest diameter. The greater part of the obverse surface is
broken away.

SPHERICAL STONES

Several worked spherical stones were found in the mound. They
may have been used fer several purposes. We figure a typical
specimen.

Stone ball of smooth textured gray sandstone. 44 mm. diameter. (Pl. 14, bd.)
TWO-LOBED STONES

A larger specimen than that described below was obtained by Mr.
Francis Fige-Hoblyn, of Santa Barbara, at the grading operations
at the mound in 1901.

Oylindrical stone with neck at center and rounded ends. Coarse gray sand-
stone. 58 mm. long, 26 mm. diameter, 23 mm. diameter at neck. Purchased

from Mr. José Ortega, who obtained it from Burton Mound in 1901. (PI.
14, c.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13

a-d, STEATITE SMOKING PIPES. e, FRAGMENT OF STEATITE
PIPE. fi, SPHEROIDAL SINKERS OF SANDSTONE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 14

6, BALL OF SAND-

ec, TWO-LOBED STONE. d, FRAGMENT OF RING-
f-h, TARRED STONES

INCISED SLAB OF PAPER SHALE.

a,

STONE.
STONE. e, BARREL-SHAPED STONE.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 15

RUBBING STONES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 16

a, GILSONITE PENCIL. b6-d, QUARTZ CRYSTALS. e-h, IRON-
STONE CONCRETION CUPS. i, CAKE OF HEMATITE

HARRINGTON | DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS Ol

FRAGMENT OF RINGSTONE

Fragment of a ringstone, about a quarter section, made of hard calcareous
sandstone. This is the only ringstone specimen taken from the mound. The
material is smooth textured, the fractures old. Fragment 68 mm. long, 41
mm. wide, 22 mm. thick. The original was perhaps 110 mm. diameter. (PI.
14) ad.)

BARREL-SHAPED STONES

Cylindrical stone with bulging center and rounded ends. Coarse gray sand-
stone. 108 mm. long, 50 mm. diameter at the center, ends 26 mm. diameter,
bulge of ends 7 mm. Purchased from Mr. José Ortega, who obtained it from
Burton Mound in 1901. (PI. 14, e.)

INCISED SLAB OF PAPER SHALE

Slab of shale with scratchings on both surfaces. The shale ig almost fine
enough to be called slate. The surface is blackish but takes on an orange color
almost like a lichenous layer in places on both sides. The scratches are not
deep but one can feel them with the finger. The scratches are intended to give
a cross-hatching pattern but are very irregularly executed. The edges of the
slab are squared with straight fractures, making the fragment four-sided in
shape. 101.5 mm. long, 82 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick. (Pl. 14, a.)

TARRED STONES

Unworked sandstone or andesite pebbles of pestle-like shape with
asphalt on one or both ends were found especially at plot e. Typical
specimens may be described as follows:

Tarred stone, of gray sandstone, unworked. 136.5 mm. long, 53.9 mm. wide,
50.8 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to the upper end of the stone as figured.
(PI. 14, f.)

.Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked ; 127 mm. long, 26.9 mm. diameter.
Asphalt adheres to the upper end as figured. (PI. 14, h.)

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 88.9 mm. long, 30.1 mm. wide,
4.7 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to the upper end as figured. (PI. 14, g.)

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 196.8 mm. long, 69.8 wide, 25.4
mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 111.1 mm. long, 50.8 mm. wide,
11.1 mm. thick, Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 139.7 mm, long, 57.1 mm. wide,
28.5 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 155.5 mm. long, 46 mm. wide,
7.9 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 155.5 mm. long, 55.5 mm, wide,
88.1 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of gray asphalt sandstone, unworked ; 157.1 mm. long, 53.9 mm.
wide, 38.1 mm, thick. Asphalt adheres to both ends.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 125.4 mm. long, 53.9 mm. wide,
25.4 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to both ends.

Tarred stone of gray sandstone, unworked; 155.5 mm. long, 77.7 mm. wide,
30.1 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

Tarred stone of reddish gray sandstone, very coarse, unworked; 142.8 mm.
long, 71.4 mm, wide, 31.7 mm. thick. Asphalt adheres to one end.

92 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN, 44

RUBBING STONES

The rubbing slabs of coarse sandstone, of which we found several
good examples, were evidently obtained at the Santa Barbara mesa,
west of the Burton Mound, where the formation occurs in quantities.
They were useful for grinding shell, bone, and stone, but there is
no way of proving what objects were ground on these particular
specimens.

Rubbing stone of coarse gray sandstone, friable and gritty; 363.5 mm, long,
127 mm. wide, 34.9 mm. thick. All edges rounded. The obverse shows espe-
cially a broad longitudinal depression varying in width from 95.2 mm. to 1383.3
mm. the deepest part of this groove being 9.5 mm. in depth. The groove
exhibits in part a more buff color than the remainder of the surface, owing to
its penetrating a different formation. The obverse shows two narrower longi-
tudinal grooves of similar appearance. This is the largest rubbing stone.

Rubbing stone of greenish gray sandstone, not very coarse but friable ; 139.7
mm. long, 106.3 mm. wide, 25.4 mm. thick. Both ends are fractures. The long
edges are rounded. The obverse surface presents a wide longitudinal depression
and has numerous flecks of asphalt.

Rubbing stone of gray sandstone, very fine textured; 130.1 mm, long, 79.3
mm. wide, 50.8 mm. thick. The edges are square fractures. Obverse and
reverse surfaces present natural longitudinal ridges and depressions.

Rubbing stone of gray, fine-textured sandstone, quite hard; 180.9 mm. long,
158.7 mm. wide, 88.9 mm. thick. The edges are rounded with the exception
of the diagonal edge, which seems to be a more recent break. A natural
groove 69.8 mm. wide and 36.5 mm. deep runs longitudinally along the obverse
surface. The reverse surface is flat. (Pl. 15, a.)

Rubbing stone of very coarse, somewhat greenish gray friable sandstone;
307.9 mm. long, 234.9 mm. wide, 92 mm. thick. A depression varying in width
from 127 mm. to 165.1 mm runs across the middle of the slab. The surface of
this depression shows coarse irregular diagonal scatches. The reverse has:a
prominent longitudinal ridge and shows no sign of use. The edges are mostly
fractures. (PI. 15, ¢.)

Rubbing stone of smooth textured gray sandstone, 196.8 mm. long, 142.8 mm
wide, 41.2 mm. thick. A depression 101.6 mm. wide runs longitudinally across
the obverse. The ends are square fractures, the side edges are naturally
rounded. The reverse is flat. (Pl. 15, 0.)

FRAGMENT OF GILSONITE “ PENCIL”

Worked cylindrical piece of white material identified as gilsonite; 18 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Unbored. The small end seems to have an older break
than the larger end. Mr. F. W. Hodge, of the Museum of the American Indian,
who happened to see the specimen, says that it suggests to him the medicine
pencils used by the Zunis for rubbing paining parts. (Pl. 16, a.)

QUARTZ CRYSTALS

Quartz crystals of various sizes were used by the Indians for sur-
mounting ceremonial wands of bone or as pendants, asphalt being
applied to one end of the crystal for attachment. Several of these
crystals were found in the excavations. The crystals are of what is

FIARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 93

known as impure quartz and the source of supply has not been
determined. Most of them have a pretty hexagonal cleavage at one
end, which was, of course, the end displayed by the Indians.

Quartz crystal. 29.5 mm. long, 15 mm. wide, 12 mm. thick. Six well-formed
faces at one end. Not glass clear. (Pl. 16, c.)

Small quartz crystal with somewhat marred cleavage. 15 mm. diameter.
(PI. 16, 0.)

Irregular shaped crystal of quartz. Pretty and very clear. Cleavage lop
sided. 26 mm. long, 23.5 mm. diameter. (Pl. 16, d.)

Quartz crystal with curious minute fractures throughout. The tip end has
symmetrical cleavage, the butt is nicely shaped. 27 mm. long, 17.5 mm.
diameter.

Beautiful but minute quartz crystal with very symmetrical cleavages at one
end. The quartz at the other end is more coludy. 14.25 mm. long, 8 mm.
diameter.

Quartz crystal, clear as diamond, having well-formed faces at one,end. 21
mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 9.5 mm. thick.

Irregular fragment of quartz crystal, with broken hexagonal cleavages at
one end. 63 mm. long, 31 mm. wide, 15 mm, thick.

TRONSTONE CONCRETION CUPS

The shells of ironstone concretion had a wide use among the south-
ern California Indians as cups and for like purposes. -The concre-
tions are usually of a brownish color and resemble a hollow sphere
filled with sand. Concretions or fragments of concretions worn to
shape by rubbing on a gritty stone make neat little cups. The size
varies greatly, the largest listed below measuring 80.5 mm. in
diameter.

Fragment of ironstone concretion cup which was used as a small paint bowl.
Has two curious projections on the lip. Edge partly worked, partly fractures.
Blackish chocolate color. This specimen may have been through fire; it looks
as if the surface has been fluxed down a bit on the outside and there are many
vesicles visible. 80.5 mm. diameter, 35 mm. high, walls about 8 mm. thick.
Concavity 28 mm. (Pl. 16, h.)

Ironstone concretion cup. Lip ground off square. 22 mm. diameter, 10 mm.
high; concavity 7.5 mm. deep. Symmetrical and prettily made.

Ironside concretion cup. Lip ground off square. 32 mm. diameter, 10 mm.
high; concavity only 5 mm. deep. The rim is about 3 mm. wide. (PI. 16, f.)

Ironstone concretion cup, the rim of which consists of an unworked square
fracture. 28 mm. diameter, 12 mm. high; concavity 6 mm. deep.

Fragment of ironstone concretion cup, consisting of nearly half of original
specimen; 61 mm. diameter, 20 mm. high; rim squared and 13 mm. diameter.
The bottom of the fragment tapers to a thin edge. There are traces of red
paint on the inside of the cup fragment. (Pl. 16, e.)

Ironstone concretion cup, identified as impure lamanite; 48 mm. diameter,
15.5 mm. high; concavity 9.5 mm. deep. The rim is ground more or less
squared.

Ironstone concretion cup, 28 mm. diameter, 10 mm. high; concavity 7 mm.
deep. Rim squared. About one-third of the rim is broken off with a straight

94 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44

fracture 22 mm. long. There are scratches running in several directions on the
surface of the concavity.

Ironstone concretion, 32 mm. diameter, 11 mm. high; concavity 7.5 mm.
deep. The rim is squared. The inside of the concavity shows scratches from
former use. (PI. 16, g.)

Ironstone concretion cup, 28 mm. diameter, 19 mm. high, coneavity 15 mm.
deep. Rim neatly squared.

Ironstone concretion cup, 22 mm. diameter, 10 mm. high, concavity 7 mm.
deep.

Ironstone concretion cup, 82 mm. diameter, 28 mm. high, 13.5 mm. deep.
Shaped and sized like a deep-cupped rock oyster shell. Rim. rounded and un-
even.

ARROWHEADS, SPEARHEADS, DRILLS, AND KNIFE BLADES

A large number of flint points of this description were taken, many
of them in a fragmentary condition. These instruments can be
classified according to (1) use, (2) shape, (3) material. All three
of these classifications are difficult. We also took quantities of flakes
or fragments of the same materials as those used in the manufacture
of the chipped implements.

As regards use, it is clear that the great majority of the objects are
arrowheads. Those too large or heavy to be arrowheads may have
been spearheads or may have been used mounted or unmounted for
several other purposes. A class of points triangular in section may
have been drills, but may also have been used on arrows. Only when
showing traces of handles or of the tarring for handles can blades,
although of the right shape and size, be accepted as knife blades.
The knives do not necessarily have both edges sharp. (Cp. Wilson,'*
1eiG Sil.)

The most elaborate classification of arrowheads according to shape
is that offered by Wilson.'* This classification we reproduce here,
suggesting in brackets certain abbreviations by the use of which
the shape of arrowheads can be expressed with some degree of
satisfaction.

I, Lear SHaArep [L]

This division includes all kinds: elliptical, oval, oblong or lanceo-
late forms bearing any relation to the shape of a leaf, and without
stem, shoulder or barb.

pointed at both ends [ambipointed, a].
General shape_-} oval [o].
hong and narrow, parallel edges [slender, sl].
convex [ex].
Base see sees straight [truncate, st].
coneave [cv].

14Thomas Wilson, Arrowheads, Spearheads, and Knives of Prehistoric Times, Annual
Report of United States National Museum for 1897, Washington, 1899, pp. 811-988;
classification, pp. 887-946, especially pp. 890-891.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 95
II. TriancuLar [T]

This division includes all specimens which, according to geometri-
cal nomenclature, are in the form of a triangle, whether the bases or
edges be convex, straight or concave. They are without stems and
consequently without shoulders, though in some of the specimens the
extreme concavity of the base produces barbs when the arrowshaft
is attached.

convex [cx].
Base Meee ee. 2 straight | truncate, st].
concave [ev].

Ill. StemMMeED [S]

This subdivision includes all varieties of
straight [parallel edges, p].
pointed [contracting, c].
Sten = sae See, expanding [e].
round [r].
flat [f].
except those with certain peculiarities and included in Division IV
| Irregular]; and whether the bases or edges are convex, straight, or
concave.
lozenge-shaped, not shouldered or barbed [un-
shouldered, u; diamond-shaped, rhomboid, d].
jo ae but not barbed [shouldered, sh].
shouldered and barbed [barbed, b].

General shape_-_-

IV. Pecutrar Forms [IrrREcuLaAR, I]

This division includes all forms not belonging to the other divi-
sions, and provides for those having peculiarities, or the specimens
of which are restricted in number and locality.

1. Beveled edges.

2. Serrated edges.

3. Bifurcated edges.

4. Long barbs, square at ends. Peculiar to England, Ireland, and
Georgia, United States.

5. Triangular in section.

6. Broadest at cutting end, trenchant transversal. Peculiar to
western Europe.

7. Polished slate.

8. Asymmetric.

9. Curious forms.

10. Perforators.

In our present collection the leaf-shaped points are the most nu-
merous; then follow the stemmed varieties and a very few triangular

96 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

arrowheads. As a fourth class we must regard the points that are
triangular in section, which are clearly to be distinguished from all
others and are chiefly of the coffee-colored material (see below).
With these triangular-sectioned points are probably to be grouped a
number of more irregular or poorly made specimens. A first guess
would be that the points triangular in section are drills, but none of
them show triations or wear such as might be produced by actual use
in boring.

As regards nomenclature for the various kinds of rock employed in
making the chipped implements, it is convenient to adopt a descrip-
tive scheme based on color, classing all varieties of flaking stone
loosely as “ flint,” just as the Spanish Californians speak of them as
“pedernal.” As regards the provenance of the stone, the Channel
region abounds in pedernal of various colors and qualities. It is
found scattered in fragments and in ledges or deposits. Even the
beach furnishes abundant specimens. We have therefore adopted
the following provisional scheme for classifying our chipped points.

1. Clear obsidian. Black volcanic glass with few or no bubbles,
quite translucent.

2. Bubbly obsidian. Black volcanic glass full of minute bubbles.

3. Blackish. Blackish opaque obsidian, of grayish black color,
never coal-black. Very few specimens have a pure texture, the
majority showing whitish flecks. In some specimens a slight banding
can be seen, but specimens at all noticeably banded have been as-
signed to separate classes. _

4. Blackish, slightly banded. The same as subdivision 3 but
slightly banded with whitish or gray lines.

5. Blackish banded. The same as subdivision 3 but prominently
banded with whitish or gray lines, the light colored lines being as
prominent as the blackish lines. The whole at a little distance gives
a pleasing gray effect.

6. Blackish with whitish flecks. The same as subdivision 3 with
whitish or gray dots or flecks.

7. Gray. The same as subdivision 3 but moderately dark gray
color. Some specimens are banded or flecked.

8. Dark gray. The same as subdivision 7 but darker, approaching
the blackish type, but not so dark. Some specimens are banded or
flecked, or have a brownish cast.

9. Whitish gray. The same as subdivision 7 but very light. Of
quite uniform texture.

10. Reddish gray. The same as subdivision 7 but reddish gray.
Distinct from the flesh-colored material. The color of some of the
specimens might be termed raw sienna.

11. Greenish gray. The same as subdivision 7 but greenish gray.
Several specimens have traces of red banding.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17

a-r, ARROWHEADS, DRILLS, KNIFE BLADES. s-t, REAMERS
OF SANDSTONE. u, FLINT IMPLEMENT WITH ONE EDGE
COARSELY TOOTHED

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 97

12. Coffee colored. Most specimens show whitish impurities in
layers or flecks. Some specimens are very translucent. This group
differs from the flesh colored only in being of a different shade. A
few specimens show impurities of blackish, pink, and especially whit-
ish color in blotches.

13. Flesh colored. There is considerable variation in color and the
impurities are in the form of blotches of whitish color. Evidently a
variety of the coffee-colored material. In some places the rock has
dark yellow streaks. In two specimens there is more white impurity
than flesh-colored body.

14. Flesh colored, banded with darker flesh color.

15. Dark yellow. <A very yellow variety of the coffee colored or
flesh colored.

16. Red jasper. The red color tends in some specimens to be
brownish. Others have green or coffee colored mottlings. A few
specimens have white veins. In some specimens the red is quite
bright.

17. Green jasper. Some specimens have red or coffee colored
mottlings.

18. Whitish, almost pure white.

19. Whitish but of a more gray cast.

20. Whitish but with traces of pinkish hue.

21. Whitish with a bluish cast.

Entire arrowhead. Clear obsidian. Stemmed, straight, truncate base, shoul-
dered. Double convex in section. 25 mm. long, 15.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead or drill, possibly a mere flake. Flesh colored. Truncate
base. Triangular in section. 45 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick.
(BIg)

Tip fragment of arrowhead. Coffee colored. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Double convex in section. 46 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick.

Apparently entire arrowhead. Red jasper. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Double convex in section. 41 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. (Pl. 17, c.)

Base fragment consisting almost entirely of the stem of an arrowhead. Clear
obsidian. Stem contracting. Double convex in section. 19 mm, long, 15 mm.
wide, 7.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray. Irregular, truncate, apparently fractured,
base. Squarish in section. 39.5 mm. long, 11 mm, wide, 11 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Green jasper. Stemmed, contracting, shouldered. Double
convex in section. 83 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Coffee colored, with much gray impurity. Leaf-shaped.
truneate base. Double convex in section. 389 mm, long, 18 mm. wide, 9.5 mm.
thick.

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray. Leaf-shaped, truncate base. Crooked plane.
Double convex in section. 43 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray. Leaf-shaped, both ends rounded and having
equally sharp blade. Slightly twisting plane. Double conyex in section. 30
mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.

98 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PTH. ANN. 44

Tip fragment of arrowhead. Dark gray with blackish bandings. One edge
finely serrated. Double convex in section. 32.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm, wide, 5.5
mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead, the butt of which may be a more recent fracture. Dark
gray, with many flecks. Leaf-shaped, truncate base. Double convex in section.
32.5 mm, long, 18 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of arrowhead. Clear obsidian. Double conyex in section.
20 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of arrowhead or drill. Gray, with minute black particles
throughout. Triangular in section. 82.5 mm, long, 12 mm. wide, 12 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish banded, of purple cast. Stemmed, contracting,
shouldered. Double convex in section. 46 mm. long, 34 mm. wide, 7.5 mm. thick.
(PL 1%, kK.)

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray. Leaf-shaped, convex base. All edges sharp
and finely serrated. 34 mm. long, 9 mm, wide, 5 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of arrowhead. Flesh color, translucent. Apparently leaf-
shaped. Flat convex in section. 50 mm. long, 19.5 mm. wide, 8 mm. thick.

Tip fragment or possibly entire arrowhead; the base appears to be a more
recent fracture. Whitish. Leaf-shaped, narrow type, truncate or fractured
base. Squarish in section. 44 mm, long, 14.5 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead, except that the base appears to consist of three more re-
cent breaks. Blackish banded. Leaf-shaped, diagonal truncate or fractured
base. Double convex in section. 57 mm. long, 24 mm. wide, 14 mm. thick.

Perfect and entire knife blade, with the asphalt for attaching it to the handle
still intact. Dark yellow color. Stemmed, contracting, rounding base, shoul-
dered. Double convex in section. Neatly made stem. Edges sharp. 54 mm.
long, 36 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. The asphalt shows the imprint of the longi-
tudinal grain of the wood, and where the former end’ of the handle came there
is a wide bulge of asphalt still adhering on both obverse and reverse surfaces.

Entire arrowhead. Gray. The two ends are much alike and it is impossible
to determine which is to be considered the tip. Triangular in section. Sym-
metrical. 65 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 10.5 mm. thick. (PI. 17, e.)

Entire arrowhead. Flesh colored. Stemmed, diamond shaped, slanting trun-
cate base. Tar extends 16.5 mm. up from the base. Symmetrical. Double
convex in section. 49 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Whitish gray. Triangular, concave base. Symmetrical
and beautifully made. Double convex in section. 20 mm. long, 18 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of arrowhead. Brownish gray. Narrow with straight
sides. Double convex in section. 28 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Entire arowhead. Black. Triangular, concave base. All edges sharp.
Double convex in section. 19 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. One of the
most neatly made of the arrowheads recovered.

Entire arrowhead or drill, neatly made. Coffee color. Pointed at both ends,
but one end slightly fractured. Triangular in section. 67.5 mm. long, 11 mm.
wide, 9 mm. thick. (Pl. 17, d.)

Entire arrowhead. Somewhat lopsided. Stemmed, straight, shouldered.
Blackish. Double convex in section. 47 mm. long, 19 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick,
stem 8.5 mm. wide.

Entire arrowhead. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, truncate base. Dark gray.
Double convex in section. Some of the asphalt of the attachment still adheres
to the base. 384.5 mm. long, 16 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 99

Central fragment of arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed, diamond-shaped. Part
of stem and shoulders intact. Double convex in section. 44 mm. long, 25 mm.
wide, 12 mm. thick. It appears that the tip has been broken off but this may
be the original condition.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh colored. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base,
slightly shouldered. Double convex in section. 58 mm. long, 26 mm, wide, 8.5
mm. thick. (Pl. 17, p.)

Entire arrowhead. Stemmed, diamond-shaped. Dark gray. Double convex
in section. 21 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Base fragment of arrowhead. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base, shoul-
dered. Green jasper. Double convex in section. 55 mm. long, 21 mm. wide,
9 mm. thick, stem 6 mm. wide. Estimated length of original 7 mm. longer than
the present specimen.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base, should-
ered. Double convex in section. 31 mm. long, 15 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick, stem
4 mm. wide, 1.5 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed with short stem, truncate,
apparently broken, base, shouldered. Double convex in section. 33 mm. long,
28 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Stemmed, diamond shaped, both points
much alike. Double convex in section. All edges sharp. 380 mm. long, 12 mm.
wide, 6 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of arrowhead. Blackish banded. Stemmed, contracting,
shouldered, almost barbed. Double convex in section. 33.5 mm. long, 26 mm.
wide, 6 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Red jasper. Leaf-shaped, concave base. Double convex
in section. 30 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. (PI. 17, h.)

Entire arrowhead. Flesh color. Triangular, concave base. Double convex
in section. 385 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Bubbly obsidian. Triangular, concave base. Double
convex in section, 30 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 3 mm, thick. (PI. 17, i.)

Base fragment of arrowhead. Dark gray. Apparently the stem of diamond-
shaped arrow-head, truncate base. Double convex in section. 24 mm. long, 19
mm. wide, 10 mm. thick. Stem 8 mm. wide.

Entire arrowhead. Red jasper. Stemmed, contracting, truncate base, shoul-
dered at one side. Double convex in section. 51 mm. long, 19 mm. wide,
9 mm. thick, stem 8 mm. wide.

Tip fragment of arrowhead. Dark gray. Double convex in section. 9.5 mm.
long, 12 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Green jasper. Triangular, concave base. Double convex
in section. 29 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 3.5 mm, thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, truncate base.
Double convex in section. 47 mm. long, 20 mm. wide, 8 mm. thick, stem 6.5 mm.
wide.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh color. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, convex base.
Double convex in section. Entire edge sharp. 53 mm, long, 23 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick, stem about 7 mm. wide. (PI. 17, q.)

Entire arrowhead. Stemmed, contracting, rounding base, shouldered. Clear
obsidian. Double convex in section. 82 mm. long, 31.5 mm. wide, 8.5 mm.
thick. (Pl. 17, 7.)

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Leaf-shaped, convex base. Double con-
vex in section. All edges sharp. The plane twists almost an eighth turn.
29 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.

100 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PTH. ANN, 44

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Leaf-shaped, truneate base. Double con-
vex in section. All edges sharp. 28.5 mm. long, 11.5 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Coffee color. Stemmed, diamond-shaped, truncate base,
symmetrical. Double convex in section. 60 mm. long, 24 mm. wide, 9 mm.
thick, stem 8 mm. wide. (Pl. 17, m.)

Base fragment of arrowhead. Flesh color. Stemmed, contracting, irregularly
shouldered. The stem seems to show a discoloration from tar or hafting.
Double convex in section. 49.5 mm. long, 32.5 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick, stem
15 mm. wide.

Entire arrowhead. Whitish. Triangular, concave base. Double convex in
section. All edges sharp. 19.5 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Irregular shaped, sharpish at both ends.
Somewhat triangular in section. 68 mm. long, 20 mm. wide, 17 mm. thick.
(Pl. 17, 0.)

Entire arrowhead. Flesh colored. lLeaf-shaped, convex base. Irregularly
double convex in section. 48 mi. long, 17 mm. wide, 12 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Gray. Leaf-shaped, truncate base. Double convex in
section. 32 mm. long, 11 mm. diameter, 6 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh colored. Leaf-shaped, convex base. Double cen-
vex in section. 27 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Green jasper. Leaf-shaped, convex base. Double convex
in section. 28 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Gray, somewhat bluish. Stemmed, diamond-shaped,
small fracture off each end. Double convex in section. 47 mm. long, 24 mm.
wide, 8 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Whitish with pink cast. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Flat convex in section. 34 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh colored. Truncate base. Triangular in section.
83.5 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Black. Stemmed, straight, truncate base, shouldered.
Double convex in section. 38.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Whitish, milky quartz-like material. Triangular, con-
cave base. Double convex in section. 22.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick, ;

Entire arrowhead. Dark gray, practically dull black. Leaf-shaped, truncate
base. Double convex in section. 387 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Greenish gray. Triangular, concave base. Symmetrical.
Double convex in section. 18 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. (Pl. 17 g.)

Entire arrowhead. Bubbly obsidian. Stemmed, slightly contracting, truncate
base, shouldered. Double convex in section. 35 mm. long, 16 mm. wide, 5.5
mm. thick. (Pl. 17, j.)

Apparently entire arrowhead, with possible fracture off base. Dark gray.
Stemmed, straight, concave base, shouldered. Double convex in section. 28
mm. long, 17 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.

Base fragment of arrowhead. Gray, one side typical whitish. Stemmed,
contracting diamond-shaped. Double convex in section. 384 mm. long, 17 mm.
wide, 5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of arrowhead or drill. Dark gray. Triangular in section,
with sharp edges. 35 mm. long, 14 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of knife blade. Greenish gray. Stemmed, truncate fractured
base, shouldered, fracture off one shoulder. Double convex in section. The
shoulders are well formed and 18 mm. from the tip. 35.5 mm. long, 29 mm,
wide, 5 mm. thick.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 101

Entire arrowhead or knife blade. Blackish. Leaf-shaped, truncate base.
Symmetrical. Edges sharp with exception of the base, which is neatly
squared. 93 mm. long, 27 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. (Pl. 17, a.)

Almost entire arrowhead or knife blade, the base being apparently a frac-
ture. Bubbly obsidian. Stemmed, truncate base, shouldered. Double convex
in section. 41 mm. long, 27 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Red jasper, of dark vermillion color. Triangular, convex
base. Double convex in section. Incurved butt. 23.5 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Blackish. Lopsided or curved, truncate base. Blunt
point. Double convex in section. 27.5 mm, long, 10 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick.

Entire knife blade. Blackish banded. Double convex in section. 64 mm.
long, 31 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick. (PI. 17, 6b.)

HPntire arrowhead. Blackish banded. Leaf-shaped, convex base. All edges
sharp. Double convex in section. 34 mm. long, 27 mm. wide, 12.5 mm. thick.

Entire arrowhead. Flesh color and quite translucent. Stemmed, diamond-
shaped, truncate base, somewhat lopsided. 38 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 8 mm.
thick, (21S 5772)

FLINT IMPLEMENT WITH ONE EDGE COARSELY TOOTHED

Just one specimen was recovered, but a typical one, of the imple-
ments coarsely toothed along one edge but having the other edge
rounding, such as are figured by Wilson from San Miguel Island,
Plate 40, Nos. 8, 11, and 14. These implements resemble a leaf-
shaped arrowhead with a few roundish bits taken out of one side.
Our specimen is of the typical whitish flint (chert) of which many
of the arrowheads are made and comes from the screenings of Pit z.
It represents a definite type of artifact but of unknown application.
35 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. (PI. 17, w.)

SANDSTONE REAMERS

Two easily identified reamers were found, both of the well-known
type.

Reamer of coarse and gritty gray sandstone, 39 mm. long, 20 mm. diameter
11 mm. diameter at point. The point is blunt and rounding, and its neck
shows abrasion from use as a reamer for enlarging bored holes. (Pl. 17, 8.)

Reamer of coarse gray sandstone, 40 mm. long, 16 mm. diameter, 8 mm. diame-
ter at the tip. The neck shows abrasion from use aS a reamer. (Pl. 17, t.)

SLATE POINTS

Slender and carefully shaped points of the rather fragile grayish
slate rock that occurs in the region may have been used as arrow-
heads. The specimens vary in size and in having bases either
rounded or squared.

Entire slate point. Gray. 42 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Beth
ends sharp.

Entire slate point. Gray. 45 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Truncate
base.

102 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN, 44

Entire slate point. Gray. 133 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The base
is bluntly rounded. (PI. 21, 0.)

Entire slate point. Gray. 68 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Both
ends bluntly rounded. (PI. 21, p.)

Base fragment of slate point. Gray. 34 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.

Base fragment of slate point. Gray. 60 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
Truncate base.

Entire slate point. Gray. 36 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Truncate
base.

Entire slate point. Gray. 54 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Base
bluntly rounded.

PAINTS

Indian pigments yielded up by the excavations consist of cakes
or fragments of cakes of rather bright red hematite (Fe,O,), frag-
ments of cakes and also natural fragments of chrome yellow limon-
ite (Fe(OH).), and pieces of white earth or chalk (kaolin). The
sources of all these substances occur in the vicnity. The cakes nearly
enough intact to judge their former shape resemble the oblong cakes
figured by Putnam.'** The paints, red, yellow, and white, were
used both for body painting and for painting the surfaces of
wood, shell, and rock. As far as is known, the white earth was never
made into cakes. The principal finds are listed below. There were
also irregular masses and stains of hematite in several of the graves.

Lump of bright red hematite, 18 mm. long. This lump appears to be a frag-
ment of a larger cake.

Half a cake of bright red hematite, 65 mm, maximum diameter. The old
surface is smooth and neatly rounded.

Lump of darker colored, coarser, and somewhat hard-textured red hematite.
This lump has a maximum diameter of 58 mm. and its surface presents irregular
cleavages everywhere.

Half of a eake of very bright red hematite paint. Maximum diameter 61.5
mm. About half the original cake is intact.

Almost entire cake of the darker colored red hematite paint, unusually gritty.
A molded cake the original surface of which is still intact except where the
ends are broken off. Squarish in section, the cake in its original.form was
largest in the middle and tapered toward the ends. 102.5 mm. long, 45 mm.
diameter. When moistened it stains a profuse brownish red color. (PI. 16, 7.)

Half of a cake of very bright red hematite paint, 51 mm. maximum diameter.

Fragment of a cake of very brownish red hematite paint which has a burnt
appearance. Part of the original surface of the lump can be traced. 51.5 mm.
maximum diameter:

Lump of red hematite paint, of burnt appearance; 30 mm. long. A small
part of the original surface is intact.

Lump of hard red hematite paint, irregular in shape and dark in appearance ;
59 mm. long. When wet it makes a very red stain.

Fragment of the darker red hematite paint, 54 mm. greatest diameter. It
shows considerable of the former surface of the cake from which it has been
broken.

18a Putnam, op. cit., p. 261.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 103

Fragment of a cake of bright red hematite paint, 36.5 mm. greatest diameter.
The curvature of the old surface is still intact. ;

Fragment of hard bright red hematitle paint not showing any of the former
surface of a cake, 43 mm. long.

Lump of bright red hematite paint, 32 mm. maximum diameter, there being
no proof that it is part of a molded cake.

Lump of chrome yellow limonite, 53 mm. long, about half the surface of the
specimen being the old surface of the cake.

Piece of yellowish stone identified as limonite marl or clay, very impure; 34.9
mm. long.

Lump of yellow limonite. Part of its surface is possibly the former surface
of a cake.

Lump of not very yellow, rather buff-colored paint. Soft. The surface
shows small scratches as if it had been rubbed. 45 mm. long.

Lump of chrome yellow limonite paint. Not a molded lump but apparently
a natural rock. The pigment has a somewhat dirty yellow color but shows up
well on the skin. 79 mm. maximum diameter.

Lumps of white earth, evidently used as paint.

PENDANTS OF STONE

Fragmentary pendant of slightly greenish gray and very hard stone, round
in section. 42.5 mm. long, 13 mm. diameter at the larger and fractured end;
10 mm. diameter at the smaller end. Hole 5 mm. diameter 3 mm. from the
smaller end. (Pl. 23, d.)

Pendant of smooth light-gray stone, very symmetrical and neatly made, round
in section. 54 mm. long, 11 mm. diameter. Hole 4 mm. diameter. (PI. 23, c.)

BEADS OF STONE

STEATITE Disk BEADS

Very few specimens of dark gray or blackish disk beads of steatite,
neatly made, were found, and may be described as follows: An
example is shown in Plate 26, a.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 5 mm. diameter, 1.75 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Blackish. 5.5 mm. diameter, 1.5 mm. thick. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 9 mm. diameter, 1.5 mm. thick. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 5 mm. diameter, 1 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 4.5 mm. diameter, 1 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 4 mm. diameter, 2 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter. ~

Steatite disk bead. Black. 6 mm. diameter, 1.5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter. .

Steatite disk bead. Black. 6 mm. diameter, 1 mm. thick. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Gray. 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Steatite disk bead. Black. 6.5 mm. diameter, 1 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

104 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44
STEATITE DIsks

These are distinguished from the steatite disk beads by their larger
size.

Disk of gray steatite, 15.5 mm. diameter, 3 mm. thick. Hole 1 mm. diameter,
not exactly at the center.

Curious flat disk of gray, almost flesh-colored steatite; 12 mm. diameter, 1
mm. thick. Unbored.

CYLINDRICAL BEADS OF STEATITE

Steatite beads of cylindrical shape which would not come under
the above classes are:

Bead of blackish steatite, 11 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Bead of blackish steatite, 11.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Bead of gray steatitie, 11.5 mm. long, 5 mm, diameter. Hole 1 mm, diameter.

Twelve beads of gray steatite, very neat in uniform. One measures 9.5 mm.
long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Bead of slate-colored steatite, 17 mm, long, 6.25 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Lopsided bead of dark gray steatite, 17 mm. long, 31 mm. diameter. Hole
7.5 mm. diameter.

Blank of black steatite for bead. Finished except that the boring is not com-
pleted. 15 mm. long, 11 mm. diameter.

Bead of gray steatite of excellent workmanship, 34 mm. long, 13 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 9 mm. diameter.

Fragment of gray steatite bead. 7 mm. long, 12 mm. diameter.

Bead of gray steatite, 10 mm, long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

BeEaDs OF AMETHYST

Several beads made of amethyst were also found.

Amethyst bead, 16 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter.
Amethyst bead, 7 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter.
Amethyst bead, 14.75 mm. long, 18 mm. diameter.
Amethyst bead, 7.5 mm, long, 9 mm. diameter.

MISCELLANEOUS STONE BEADS

Cy.indrical bead of sandstone. Gray. 36.5 mm. long, 12 mm, diameter. One
end seems to be a recent break.

Bead of reddish stone, almost like steatite. 18 mm. long, 18 mm. diam. The
boring is from both ends and consists of two conecavities of conical shape which
barely meet together at the center of the bead.

Bead of gray smooth textured stone, 37 mm. long, 22 mm. diameter.

Bead of dark gray stone, 10.5 mm. long, 14 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diam-
eter. Ends squared.

Curious long bead or two of yellowish marly stone. The ends are nicely
squared, the outer surface is chipped off in irregular faces. 76.5 mm, long, 15.5
mm. diameter. The wall varies greatly in thickness, measuring at the ends
from 2 mm. to 3.56 mm,

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 105

Bead of reddish very fine textured sandstone, giobular in form; 9.5 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.
Bead of brownish stone, 2.25 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter,

Oxpsects or ASPHALT

These consisted of molded cakes, apparently made and set aside
so as to have always ready a supply of adhesive bitumen, and of
small fragments broken from pluggings and cementings and the like ;
also of fragments apparently broken from the coating of a basketry
water jug, and many apparently natural pieces. The beach was
strewn with pieces of soft asphalt, and La Brea canyon, east of El
Toro, the asphalt mine at the Lucian Higgings ranch at Carpinteria,
More’s Landing, and the asphalt mine at Goleta Point offered fur-
ther sources of supply.

Asphalt was also found adhering to the bases of arrowheads and
knife blades.

Asphalt was also found as a ring on the rim of hopper mortars,
as an adhesive for mending broken pestles, on the tarred stones, as an
adhesive for stemming pipes with mouthpieces of bone, at the bases
of arrowheads, knife blades, and bone points, as the setting for inlay
of various kinds, and as a filling for incisions or scratchings so as to
bring out incised designs in black.

LUMPS OF ASPHALT

The collection of molded lumps of asphalt is the largest that has
ever been taken from a Channel site. Most of these have the shape
of a spheroid or of an elongated spheroid, but there are many irregu-
larities of shape.

Lump of asphalt, carefully molded. The surface is checked with minute
eracks. 11.1 mm. long, 85.7 mm. wide, 38.1 mm. thick. (PI. 18, b.)

Lump of asphalt, 98.4 mm. long, 88.9 mm. wide, 41.2 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, 95.2 mm. long, 69.8 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. thick. One end has
been broken away a little.

Lump of asphalt of somewhat triangular shape, 84.1 mm. long, 66.6 mm. wide,
31.7 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, a perfect spheroid of carefully molded asphalt. 50.8 mm.
long, 47.6 mm. wide, 31.7 mm. thick. (PI. 18, a.)

Lump of asphalt, 149.2 mm. long, 123.8 mm. wide, 38.1 mm, thick. The surface
is much checked and somewhat rough. (PI. 18, c.)

Lump of asphalt, 104.7 mm. long, 95.2 mm. wide, 28.5 mm. thick. Surface
rather rough.

Lump of asphalt, 133.3 mm. long, 127 mm. wide, 57.1 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, 108 mm. long, 95.2 mm. wide, 41.2 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, probably in fragmentary condition, the edges consisting of
one rounded edge and two cleavages. 76.2 mm. long, 41.2 mm. wide, 34.9 mm.
thick.

55231 °—28—_8

106 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [DPH. ANN, 4

Lump of asphalt. The edges are fractured a little. The reverse side shows
a large bubble. 92 mm. long, 79.8 mm. wide, 44.4 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, 114.8 mm. long, 92 mm. wide, 57.1 mm. thick.

Lump of asphalt, 82.5 mm. long, 69.8 mm. wide, 53.9 mm. thick. This lump
has serpula holes in it and is beach worn.

ASPHALT FRAGMENTS WITH TWINED BASKETRY IMPRINT

The twined water bottles of the Indians were frequently coated
with asphalt. Two fragments of such asphalt coating were
recovered. The basket to which they adhered may have rotted in the
ground.

Piece of asphalt with imprint of twined basketry, possibly that of an Indian
water bottle. 25 mm. long, 17 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

Piece of asphalt with imprint very similar to that of the fragment described
above, 26 mm. long, 25 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.

UNEXPLAINED OBJECTS OF ASPHALT

Object of black asphalt, 40.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. The tip
is bluntly rounded. The butt has a hole in it which runs in 16 mm. The
asphalt is soft and crumbly from long contact with the earth. The hole does
not have the appearance of having an irregular surface.

A second specimen of black asphalt object similar to the last described, but

only half the length. 22 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7.5 mm. thick. Entire and
unbroken, the tip sharper than any other specimen, the hole in the butt extend-
ing into the specimen 12 mm. and showing no sign of the former insertion of
a shaft.

Opsects oF Bone or ANTLER

These have been our most difficult objects for the following rea-
sons: (1) We have not yet been able to get them identified zoolog-
ically; (2) many of the specimens consist of base, tip, or central
fragments; (3) we can not be sure of the use of but few of the
specimens—aside from a few obvious needles, basketry awls, and
points of composite fishhooks, we have before us a collection of
question marks, and it does little good to refer to these objects as
many authors do by a large miscellany of names unless the objects
can be checked with direct knowledge as to use.

The bone and antler material found was most of it in a peculiarly
fragmentary and distinteerated condition.

ENTIRE BONE AWLS

Probably entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 113 mm. long, 16 mm. wide, 5
mm. thick. Entirely unworked except the tip, the left edge being ground off
for 14 mm. from the tip, the right edge for 16 mm., the reverse for 14 mm., the
obverse not at all. This primitive awl is apparently in its original condition,
the edges and butt having always consisted of fractures. (PI. 19, a, 1.)

Probably entire bone awl of the same type as the last specimen described.
Obverse outside. 94 mm. long, 15.5 mm. wide, 5 mm, thick. Entirely unworked
except the tip, the left edge being ground off for 33 mm. from the tip, the right

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 18

LUMPS OF ASPHALT

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 19

a, a’, BONE AWLS. 6, SEA-LION RIB IMPLEMENTS; SEA-LION RADIUS

HARRINGTON | DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 107

edge for 35 mm., the obverse and reverse sides scarcely at all. There is no
reason to suppose that we do not have the entire artifact. (Pl. 19, a, 2.)

Entire bone awl or pin. Obverse outside. 164 mm, long, 15 mm. wide, 7 mm,
thick. Fresh and strong bone. The edges are worked throughout, being well
rounded, the left edge much thinner than the right. The butt is a recent frac-
ture but the natural end of the bone evidently extended only a few millimeters
beyond it. The obverse and reverse begin to taper only 14 mm. from the tip.
The extreme tip is broken off. There is also an irregular fracture off the left
edge near the tip. (PI. 19, a, 3.)

Butt fragment of bone awl or pin. Obverse outside. 94 mm. long, 16.5 mm.
wide, 3 mm. thick. The original butt is partly intact but a large flake is
broken off its central portion on the obyerse side. The edges are nicely rounded
and perfectly straight, but start to taper more abruptly in the immediate
vicinity of the tip fracture. The specimen was evidently very similar to the one
last described, but more neatly made. (Pl. 19, a, 4.)

Entire bone awl with asphalt handle still intact. Made of tubular long bone.
55.5 mm, long, 23 mm. wide, 18.5 mm. thick. The asphalt handle extends from
the butt for 24.5 mm. A little of the end of the bone sticks through the asphalt
at the butt. The asphalt is black and smooth surfaced. The beveling com-
mences 27 mm. from the tip. The taper of the left edge commences 25 mm.
from the tip. The edges are straight, the tip sharp. This and the other awls
shown in Plate 19 are such as were used in basket making. (PI. 19, a’, 1.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 72.5 mm. long, 7 mm, wide, 5 mm. thick.
The shaft and butt are entirely unworked and the butt is the joint end of a
long bone. The tip tapers from all sides beginning 17 mm. back and is sharp
and symmetrical. The specimen is somewhat triangular in section, the reverse
consisting of the interior trough of the bone. (PI. 19, a’, 2.)

Entire bone awl except that perhaps 3 mm. of the tip is missing. Obverse
outside. 94 mm. long, 23 mm, wide, 11 mm. thick. The butt is the old joint
end of the bone. The tip starts to taper from all sides commencing 40 mm. back,
almost half,the length of the specimen. The extreme tip is round in section.
(PI. 19, a’, 3.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 72.5 mm. long, 16 mm. wide, 11 mm.
thick. The butt is formed by the old joint end. The beveling of the tip begins
12 mm. back. There are some transverse hackings on the lower part of the
obverse. The extreme tip is broken off, perhaps a couple of millimeters being
lacking. (PI. 19, a’, 4.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 75 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm.
thick. The reverse consists of a prominent furrow. The tip is beveled from
all sides from 30 to 35 mm. Extreme tip broken off. (Pl. 19, a’, 5.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 58 mm. long, 15 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick.
The extreme two or three millimeters of the tip are broken off. The left edge
is quite sharp in its central portion. The entire specimen tapers toward the
point but the sharper taper of the edges sets in only 15 mm. back.
(Pl. 19, a’ 6.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 48 mm. Jong, 11.5 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. The butt is the old articulation. The reverse surface shows much
sponginess The beveling to the tip starts 17 mm. back. Extreme tip broken
Off.) SCE 195 a". 7.)

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 83 mm. long, 20.5 mm. wide, 10 mm.
thick. The butt is the old joint. The tip tapers more sharply, starting 15
mm. back. The reverse consists of a single furrow from the old inside of
the long bone, Tip intact. (PI. 19, a’, 8.)

108 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. Made of light and porous bone. Extreme
tip broken off. 42 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick. The butt fracture
extends almost half way up the obverse side.

Entire bone awl. Obverse outside. 72.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. The butt is an old break but is undoubtedly the original condition. The
edges taper from about 45 mm. more sharply from about 12 mm. The extreme
tip is broken off. The reverse side in the vicinity of the butt end is spongy.

SEA-LION RIB IMPLEMENTS

Of similar implements Heye says:'® “ Still other curved bone imple-
ments are exhibited in Pl. L, all made from the ribs of deer or sea-
lion. The butt end has been left in its natural state, while the other
end, in the examples shown in a and d, is ground to a point. The
smaller ends of } and c, although blunt, likewise show evidence of
working. These latter two objects would have made ideal tools for
chipping stone, the natural curve of the rib fitting the hand in such
a way as to afford a firm grip.”

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, mellowed color, quite brown. 35.5
mm. long, 11.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The end is beveled to the flat side of
the rib from about 10 mm. from the tip. The extreme tip is broken off, as
if it had not been cut wholly through at the time of making.

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 23 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 8 mm.
thick. The tip is beveled to the flat side from 5 mm. back from the tip. The
beveled surface shows an outcropping of the spongy interior of the bone near
the extremity. The specimen may have been through fire. (PI. 19, b, 1.)

Entire sea-lion rib implement, showing the original form. 98 mm. long,
10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. The beveling to the flat side starts 10 mm. from
the extremity. This beveling discloses no hole or sponginess. The butt is
unbroken, but is concave and rough surfaced, being the natural articulation of
the rib. The specimen is flesh colored, lighter than that of most of these rib
implements. (Pl. 19, b, 2.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 37 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 10 mm.
thick. The beveling to the flat side starts 9 mm. from the tip. The rib is
solide) (PlLet980; 35)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 39 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 10 mm.
thick. The beveling to the flat side tapers from only 7 mm. from the extremity.
The beveling exposes sponginess of the interior of the rib. The obverse sur-
face has a transverse notch 138 mm. below the tip. (Pl. 19, b, 4.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 28 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick. Beveled to the flat side from 7 mm. from the tip. (Pl. 19, }, 5.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 48 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 6.75 mm.
thick. The beveling to the flat side starts 8 mm. from the tip. (Pl. 19, b, 6.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 38.5 mm, long, 18 mm. wide, 9 mm.
thick. The point is beveled off to the flat side from 8 mm. back from the tip.
(Pl. 19, 6, 7.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, but possibly representing the origi-
nal condition of the specimen, although the butt end is broken off. 91.5 mm.
long, 10 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. This specimen is more curved than the others.

12 Heye, op. cit., pp. 81-82.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 109

The beveling to the flat side starts 8 mm. from the end. Only part of the
specimen is shown in the plate. (PI. 19, b, 8.)

Tip fragment of sea-lion rib implement, 48 mm. long, § mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick. The beveling to the flat side starts 9 mm. from the tip and exposes the
interior hollow of the rib, which is very straight.

SEA-LION RADIT

Altogether nine of these bones were found in the graves, all but
one tip fragments, and none of them showing signs of having been
used. The sturdiness of the bone and the hardness of the point
would suggest that they would make good flakers for chipping flint.
A sea-lion radius is figured by Putnam.’

Entire unworked California sea-lion radius bone possibly used as an imple-
ment. 131 mm. long, 36 mm. wide, 23 mm. thick. The only entire specimen
obtained. (PI. 19, b, 9.)

BROAD BONE POINTS, WEDGE-SHAPED BONE IMPLEMENTS

Tip fragment of bone point, 47 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Inside surface has a deep furrow in its lower half. The extreme
tip is broken off.

Central fragment of bone point, 44 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
inside surface is much troughed. Edges rounded. The tip is broken off, leaving
a stub 3.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of bone point, 35 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Inside
surface much troughed. Edges rounded. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 37.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
White all through, though the surface is whiter. Edges rounded.

Central fragment of bone point, 49 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Left edge rounded, right edge squared. Stout enough to have been an awl.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside surface consists of a deep furrow, the
only place worked being the edges of this furrow and the extreme tip; 52
mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 9 mm, thick. Very strong. Can be classed as an awl
fragment.

Tip fragment of bone point, possibly to be regarded as entire bone awl, the
butt of which was originally a fracture. Inside surface furrowed, 65 mm.
long, 2 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges squared but become quite right rounding
20 mm. from the tip, while the awl becomes round in section 10 mm. from
the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 3.75 mm. thick. The
inside surface has a large furrow. Edges rounded. A fracture extends 12 mm.
up the right edge.

Central fragment of bone point, 43 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Edges
rounded. The specimen has no taper.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
surface of the inside is somewhat spongy. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point, 24 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick, Extreme
tip broken off. The inside surface consists largely of the natural furrow.

2 Putnam, op. cit., Pl. XI, 23.

110 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

Tip fragment of bone point, 36.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
Edges rounded, the left edge forming quite a sharp corner with the obverse.
The inside surface consists largely of a furrow. The tip bends to the right.
The extreme tip is broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 44 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. This
is a splinter of a bone point, only the original tip remaining intact. All other
surfaces except the outside are fractures.

Central fragment of bone point, 55 mm, long, 7 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick.
Perhaps a half inch of the tip is missing.

Tip fragment of bone point, 34 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick.
There is a slanting flake off the inside surface of the point.

Entire bone point or awl, 67 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 2.75 mm. thick. The
butt end is worked somewhat rounding and a browner color extends about
a third of the way up the inside surface. The specimen is very strong. The
extreme tip is broken off.

Apparently butt fragment of bone point, 63 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 6.5 mm.
thick. Both edges are old breaks worn smooth by use but not worked. The
lower third of the specimen is quite black. The tapers on the inside from
15 mm., on the inside surface from 25 mm.

Tip fragment of or perhaps entire bone point. Inside surface flat and
shows longitudinal corrugations. 64.5 mm, long, 8.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Both edges are squared. The butt is a fracture but is considerably worn.
There are flecks of coquina material stuck on the surface near the butt.

Tip fragment of bone point, 18 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
surface is blackened in places. The inside surface consists of a furrow. The
outside is beveled from 4 mm., the inside hardly at all. Edges rounded. A
mere tip fragment.

Central fragment of bone point. Inside surface shows longitudinal groove.
33 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded, the left edge being
thicker than the right. The beveling off the tip starts about 7 mm. from the
tip fracture.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
inside surface is spongy and irregularly bulging and seems like a fracture.
The left edge is quite sharp, the right rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point, 54 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. The
extreme tip has been broken off. The left edge is the original surface of the
bone. The specimen starts to taper 283 mm. from the tip.

Central fragment of bone point, 38.56 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
The outside consists of a single fracture. The right edge is also formed of the
old inside surface of the bone. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 55 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.
Dark coffee color. Tip charred. Tip tapers from 13 mm. on obverse and
reverse sides. Butt broken diagonally.

Tip fragment of bone point, 24 mm. long, 29 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Out-
side consists of a shallow furrow. ‘Tip is ground off square, leaving a stub
3 mm. wide and 1.75 mm. thick. Though the edges are somewhat rounded, a
section of the specimen is rectangular.

Tip fragment of bone point, 87 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of bone point, 37 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 9.5 mm. thick. The
butt consists of a natural articulation of the bone, but has been somewhat
ground off. The edges have been worked rounding. Evidently a fragment of
an awl.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 111

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside furrowed. 52 mm. long, 14 mm. wide,
3.5 mm. thick. Obverse tapers from 4 mm., outside from 5.5 mm. Tip intact.
Working of the left edge near the tip is especially noticeable.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Inside
is spongy, but shows no hollow. Broken-off stub of tip 3 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick. Edges rounded.

Central fragment of bone point. Inside has longitudinal furrow. 62.5 mm.
long, 10 mm. wide, 5 mm, thick. The entire obverse left and right edges show
diagonal rasping. Edges nicely rounded. A central section of a well-made
hairpin or the like.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The outside is not as flat as the inside. Tip intact. Outside tapers
from 2 mm., inside from 5 mm. Some earthy material is stuck to the lower
part of the obverse.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Ellipti-
eal in section. Right edge is sharper than left edge. The inside shows two
furrows. The extreme tip is broken off diagonally.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28 mm. long, 10 mm, wide, 5 mm. thick. The
fragment shows signs of being burnt and is also coated somewhat with earthy
material. The tip is quite sharp. The outside and inside are beveled only from
5mm. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point, 86 mm, long, 10 mm, wide, 6 mm, thick. Edges
rounded. The tip bends a trifle to the right. The outside tapers from 16 mm.
The lower part of the specimen is coated over with sandy asphalt.

Tip fragment of bone point, 27 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Tip
intact. The fragment is much calcined. e.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside surface consists largely of the furrow.
39 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded and start to taper
from the middle of the specimen. Extreme tip broken off. Some ashlike mate-
rial adheres to the inside surface.

Central fragment of bone point, 31 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded and start to taper about 15 mm. from the tip. Tip bends to
right. Extreme tip broken off,

Tip fragment of bone point. Edges squared. 41 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 3
mm. thick. Very glassy and mellowed color. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 45 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
edges are square fractures. The only working of this specimen is the beveling
off of the outside from 7 mm. and the working of the right edge for a distance
of 16 mm. from the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 48 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Alk
edges are fractures except about 13 mm. near the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 29 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. A
sharper taper of the right edge starts 10 mm. from the butt fracture. The
fragment is roundish in section near the tip. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point, 34 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The
edges are squared. The left edge makes a jog 9.5 mm, from the tip as if an
original point had been broken and the splintered stub sharpened. The slender
point is round in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. The specimen is unique in the collection, since
it consists of a tubular long bone the end of which is beveled off slanting. 43.5
mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. The bone is mellowed in color but hard and strong.

112 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

The edges are rounded and at the extreme tip the wall of the bone is beveled a
little on the outside and inside surfaces. (PI. 20, a, 1.)

Tip fragment of bone point, 40 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. All
edges are fractures, yet were probably purposely broken so as to shape the
implement. The tip is the full thickness of the specimen, the edges only taper-
ing in to form the point. (PI. 20, a, 2.)

Tip fragment of bone implement made of the cannon bone of the deer, 78 mm.
long, 21.5 mm. wide. The wall of the bone averages perhaps 6 mm. in thick-
ness. The only working is the beveling of the bone to a point, which continues
throughout the fragment. The entire specimen was presumably similar in
shape to the next specimen described below. The butt is an old fracture. The
implement was evidently large and strong. The extreme tip is beveled a little
from both sides. (Pl. 20, a, 3.)

Entire bone implement made of the cannon bone of the deer, 104 mm. long,
29 mm. wide, 14 mm. thick. The wall of the bone averages perhaps 6 mm. in
diameter. The beveling starts 45 mm. from the tip but there is a fracture off
both edges so as to make the tip narrower than it originally was. (PI. 20, a, 4.)

MISCELLANEOUS BONE POINTS

Tip fragment of bone point, 32 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. The entire inside
is a fracture. This is a splinter from the edge or corner of a worked bone
implement. There are transverse raspings all along the left half of the obverse
surface.

Tip fragment of bone point, 29 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The butt
is a fracture. The tip is blunt and there is an adjacent fracture on the left
edge. The specimen is made of the wall of the large long bone. The left edge
consists largely of a fracture. The point was originally sharper and it is
evidently a fragment of a bone awl or like implement.

Fragment of a bone implement, 24 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. All
surfaces except the outside are fractures.

Central fragment of bone implement, probably a bone point, 48 mm. long,
10.5 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. Inside has some white discoloration.

Central fragment of bone implement, 27 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm, thick.
Perhaps a section of a bone point. The specimen has so little taper that one
ean not be certain which was the former tip end. The obverse has a natural
groove running down its center.

Tip fragment of bone point, 43.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. diameter. The reverse
is flattish. The outside and one edge are the former surface of the bone. The
other surfaces are very rough, abraided and dirty. The specimen is somewhat
triangular in section. J

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 386.5 mm. long,
15 mm. wide, 11 mm, thick. A most curious fragment, different from anything
else in the collection. The bone is solid and hard and has been thought by some
to be that of some fossilized animal. The surface shows fine checks or faults
that run in irregular direction. One surface is flat, but is not a former outside
surface of bone. The point is blunt and shows no sign of use. The reverse
surface has some larger transverse faults near the butt fracture. The specimen
was determined by Mr. Earl VY. Shannon, of the Division of Geology, U. S.
National Museum, to be bone.

Central fragment of bone point; outside can not be determined. 29.5 mm.
long, 8 mm, wide, 2 mm. thick. Almost round in section. Evidently a fragment
of a bone pin or like implement.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 113

Central fragment of bone implement. Reverse consists of the former inside
surface. 43 mm. long, 14.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The edges are squared.
Outside and inside surfaces are apparently unworked.

Tip fragment of bone point, 24 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Hlliptical
in section. Edges rounded. The lower part of the left edge is broken away.
Tip abraided but evidently extended no farther formerly. Inside shows a
natural furrow. Tip bends to the left.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 15 mm. long,
5 mm. diameter. Jet black in color. Tip taper starts 7.5 mm. back and tapers
equally from all sides. Elliptical in section. Butt broken off diagonally.

Fragment of bone implement, 42 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
right edge is a fracture, the left edge is natural surface.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long,
4 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The point bends to the right and twists in clockwise
direction. The obverse is flat, the reverse has two faces, making the specimen
triangular in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined, since obverse
and reverse surfaces are fractures. 50 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
The upper end is worked to a tip in the usual manner. The breaks are old and
the color of the bone is mellowed.

Central fragment of bone implement, 44 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick.
Rather fresh looking. Triangular in section. Cracked longitudinally. There
are several transverse scorings on the right half of the upper inside.

Central fragment of bone implement, 32.5 mm. long, 15 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. Both edges are square fractures, as if by chance. The top is broken
off. A transverse groove has been cut in the specimen and the tip fracture is
just beyond this groove.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Black and glassy, one of the most mineralized of
the specimens. The butt fracture reveals a spongy interior. The point is
shaped very blunt, taper starting only two or three millimeters from the end.
The specimen is nearly round in section and its surface presents several longi-
tudinal grooves.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 37.5 mm. long,
6.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The extreme thinness and the flatness of the
obverse make this specimen unique. The edges are rounded, and there is a
well-made eibow in the left edge 10 mm. from the butt fracture. The thinness
of the specimen would preclude its use for any purpose for which strength is
required.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 23 mm. long,
5.5 mm. wide, 2.6 mm. thick. Dark mellowed color. Flattish in section.

Central fragment of bone implement. Outside can not be determined. 53 mm.
long, 5.5 mm. diameter. The specimen is somewhat crooked and twisted.

Central fragment of bone implement. Outside can not be determined and a
little of the original surface is left. 35 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.
Both ends are sharp as the result of old fractures. Mellowed color, glassy.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 38 mm.
long, 6 mm. diameter. Round in section. Ashy gray color, verging toward
fiesh color. Made of spongy bone.

Tip fragment of bone implement, 27 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
outside consists of a fracture. Dark earth-colored substance is stuck on more
or less all over the specimen. Both edges tend to be quite sharp.

114 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Tip fragment of bone point, 31 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Dark mel-
lowed, glassy. The inside consists of three fractures. Left edge sharp. The
tip is beveled from 7 mm. with a straight bevel.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24 mm. long,
4 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The obverse and right edge is the former surface
of an artifact; all other surfaces are fractures and exhibit five different cleav-
ages. The tip is formed by these cleavages and shows no workings. A mere
splinter off a bone artifact.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 31 mm. long,
3mm. diameter. The lower end is square, as if rubbed to this shape. Round in
section. Old mellowed color, blackened except at the tip.

Butt fragment of bone implement, 33.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick.
The smaller end is evidently the butt and is neatly squared. Hlliptical in sec-
tion. The other end is broken with an old fracture. Coffee color, of more or
less mineralized appearance.

Central fragment of bone implement. Outside can not be determined. 50 mm.
long, 9 mm. wide, 8 mm. thick. On the obverse surface at the tip there is a flat
beveling which extends two-thirds of the way through the specimen. The lower
part of the observe surface is broken away. Mellowed color, glassy.

Tip fragment of bone point, 23 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 2.56 mm. thick. The
left edge is rounded. Outside and inside are original surfaces. The upper
right edge which forms the point is a fracture, but was probably made
intentionally. :

Tip fragment of bone point, 47.5 mm, long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.
Reverse has broad longitudinal furrow. All edges nicely rounded. The upper
right edge slants to form the tip, presenting a straight edge 18.5 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside shows a furrow. 24 mm. long, 5 mm.
wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Squarish in section. Crudely made of the wall of a long
bone.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 3 mm, thick. The surfaces consist mostly of fractures, which
makes the specimen triangular in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 31 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. The left edge is the old surface of the
artifact, all other surfaces are fractures.

Central fragment of bone point, 32.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
The reverse has a wide furrow. Both edges are fractures. Outside and inside
surfaces taper from 8 mm. The point consists of a broad rounding edge.

Central fragment of bone point, 34.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick.
A furrow is seen in the lower half of the inside surface. Blackish color.

Central fragment of bone implement. . Outside can not be determined. 35
mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. All surfaces are smooth. Obverse and
reverse are natural surfaces and the left edge is the unworked corner between
them. The right edge has two worked corners with a wide furrow, making
the specimen triangular in section.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 88 mm.
long, 7 mm. diameter. The right edge is a fracture except for a section 4 mm.
in the central portion of the specimen. Blackish and glassy.

Central fragment of bone point, 53 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Very
irregular shape owing to surface fractures. The right edge is rounded and
shows hair like transverse raspings throughout its length. The reverse is a
natural inside surface of the bone. The left edge consists of two fractures,
the upper one of which hits the top of the specimen, taking the original tip

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 115

with it. The lower central part of the outside surface shows a blood vessel
foramen.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 82 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 4.75 mm. thick. Shape somewhat like a tooth but artificially
worked. Blliptical in section. The size increased from the broken butt up to
7 mm. from the tip, where it starts to taper to the point, tapering most abruptly
on the right edge. The lower part of the butt curves to the right.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 29 mm. long,
8.5 mm. diameter. The surface is discolored white in the region about the tip.
The inside is porous but has no hole. Elliptical in section. The tip is bluntly
rounded and tapers from all sides beginning about 10 mm. back.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 39 mm.
long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The edges are almost square but nicely worked.
The specimen shows no taper, but is evidently a section of a bone point.

Curious object of bone, apparently unfinished ; 52.5 mm. long, 11 mm. wide,
7 mm. thick. Whitish flesh color. Has working only at the two ends, which
are beveled from all sides, commencing about 5 mm, from the end. This
beveling does not come to a point, but was whittled to neck about 4 mm. in
diameter, which was then broken.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 48 mm. long,
8 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The surface shows many longi-
tudinal ridges due to disintegration in the ground. The specimen has a well-
defined neck 5.5 mm, wide, commencing 10 mm. from the tip, extending com-
pletely around the specimen. The tip is sharp. There are also two large
irregular hackings below the neck on the obverse surface.

Butt fragment of bone point. Obverse can not be determined. 72.5 mm.
long, 6.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The butt and shaft of a neatly made bone
point, highly polished. The butt is rounded, with several faces. The reverse
presents a furrow which can be traced entire length of the specimen and
which renders it somewhat crescent shape in section. Very dark coffee, almost
black, with glassy fracture.

FRAGMENTARY BONE POINTS

Tip fragment of bone point. Obverse inside. 25 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick. Edges rounded. Edge taper starts 20 mm. from tip. Obverse and re-
verse taper starts 10 mm. from tip. The extreme tip is broken. Dark mellowed
color.

Central fragment of bone point. The inside has a natural furrow which
extends the whole length of the fragment. 25 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm.
thick. The left edge consists of a straight taper. Evidently a fragment of a
point of considerable size. Dark mellowed color.

Tip fragment of rather fresh looking bone point. 39 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. The taper is gradual and extends throughout the specimen.
The inside is flat toward the butt. The tip is intact and sharp. The butt
fracture has two cleavages meeting in the middle.

Tip fragment of bone point. The inside has a narrow natural longitudinal
groove from the old inner surface of the bone. Black and glossy. Diamond
shape in section. The tip was probably longer originally but is reduced by a -
chip off the reverse surface. 21 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of bone point. The outside can not be determined. 21.5 mm.
long, 4 mm. wide, 2.25 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Extreme tip broken
off slanting, leaving a fracture 1.5 mm, wide, and .75 mm, thick.

116 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN, 44

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside is an old furrow. 56 mm. long, 5 mm.
wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The reverse is the former outside and is flat. Hdges nicely
rounded. Mellowed color. Well made and sharp. Obverse and reverse taper
from 8 mm.

Central fragment of bone point. Inside has a narrow furrow. 30.5 mm. long,
6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The tip scarcely begins to taper
before it is broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. One surface is flat and may be the former
inside of the bone wall. 438 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick. The out-
side and inside bevelings begin about 8 mm. from the tip. The butt is broken
and a sliver is off the right edge for 16 mm. from the butt. The tip is intact,
blunt, and strong.

Tip fragment of bone point, 23 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Sides
somewhat flat, edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long,
4 mm, wide, 4 mm. thick. Rounded in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Dull white chalk color. 23.5 mm. long, 8 mm.
wide, 4 mm. thick. The edges are well rounded, the tip quite sharp.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick. The
specimen tapers throughout. A long splinter has broken off the right side.
There are two transverse hackings on the outside near the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 36 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4 mm, thick. The
surface is grayish but the interior black. The tip has been broken off somewhat.

Tip fragment of bone point, elliptical in section. Blotches of grayish sub-
stance stuck to its surface. Extreme tip broken off outside can not be deter-
mined since none of the original surfaces are left. The edges are nicely
rounded. 29 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 22.5 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Only the mere tip is missing from the small
end. Elliptical in section. The reverse has a trace of a longitudinal furrow.

Tip fragment of charred bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24 mm.
long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The bone is soft and friable and is spongy
throughout. Elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point, 31 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Edges taper from 12 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21.5 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. White. Round in section.

Tip fragment of bone point, 18 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
inside is flat and its surface is the former inside wall of the bone.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 17 mm. long,
4 mm. diameter. White throughout. Round in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. 28 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Round in section.
The more acute taper starts about midway of the specimen. The butt break
seems recent.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 23.5 mm. long,
5 mm. diameter. Glassy fracture. Round in section. The reverse especially
has charred surface blotches. The extreme tip is broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside has a trace of a furrow. 26 mm. long,
5 mm. diameter. Irregularly roundish in section. The outside is chipped off
somewhat.

Tip fragment of bone point, 18 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. The edges are
sharp. The outside is intact; most of the reverse is splintered off. The tip is
neatly double convex in section.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS Holey

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 10 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Practically round in section. A mere tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 13 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Bllip-
tical in section. Mellowed and glassy. Reverse has a natural furrow.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25.5 mm. long,
6.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Bluish gray color. Edges rounded. Obverse and
reverse flat. Tapers from all sides.

Tip fragment of bone point. Reverse is a fracture. 26 mm. long, 6.5 mm.
wide, 5 mm. thick. The outside and one edge are old surfaces and form a
sharp corner where they join. The tip of this specimen is not the old point,
but may be from near it.

Tip fragment of bone point. The inside has a narrow furrow. 26.5 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. A splinter 17 mm. long is broken off the right edge.
Obverse tapers from 5 mm., reverse from 9 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point, 39.5 mm. long, 6.75 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Very dark, rich color. Elliptical in section. The tip is beveled equally from
all sides.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
4mm. diameter. Quite round in section. There is a slight longitudinal natural
furrow in the left edge.

Tip fragment of bone point, 22.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. 5 mm. thick. The
left edge is a fracture. Although a break at the upper right reaches the tip,
the tip evidently originally extended no farther.

Tip fragment of bone point, 27 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The sur-
face is white but the interior black. Extreme tip broken off. Elliptical in
section. The limit of the beveling is hard to judge.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined with certainty.
8.5 mm. long, 3.6 mm, diameter. White but has blackish core. Round in see-
tion. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 29 mm. long,
8 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Dark gray color. Butt break shows solid texture of
the bone.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long,
4mm. diameter. Round in section. The specimen shows some minute diagonal
raspings on its surface at various places. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25 mm. long,
4 mm. diameter. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Almost round in section. The tip is chipped off a
little at the left edge.

Tip fragment of bone point, 21 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. There is a splinter
9 mm. long off one edge at the point. The furrow near the butt fracture in-
dicates the former inside wall.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 15 mm. long,
3 mm. diameter. Round in section. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 18 mm. long,
6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Reverse flattish. Tip in-
tact.

Tip fragment of bone point, 17.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
obverse is flat, almost troughed. The inside has a natural furrow. The edges
are rounded. The tip bends to the left.

118 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside is flat. 33 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5.5 mm. thick. The inside has a natural furrow which extends nearly to the
tip. Edges rounded. The obverse tapers starting 9.5 mm. from the top.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 19.5 mm.
long, 7 mm. diameter. Light grayish color with blackish blotches on obverse
surface. Round in section. Point bluntly rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside has a lengthwise furrow. 40 mm. long,
7.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Triangular in section. The right edge and obverse
are natural surfaces and form a right-angled corner. The tip is formed by
beveling the right and left corners of the obverse from 15 mm. back, the outside
and inside are not doubled at all. Old bone color, almost blackish.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined and no former
surface is intact. 22 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in
section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 16 mm. long,
6 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Tip curves to the left.

Central fragment of bone point. Inside consists of a furrow. 383 mm, long,
7 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. White throughout. Edges rounded. Tip and butt
broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24.5 mm. long,
5 mm. diameter. Whitish surface but blackish inside. Round in section. Tip
curves slightly to the reverse. A longitudinal crack does not extend through
the specimen. /

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 88 mm. long,
7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Dark brown color. The en-
tire specimen, including the butt fracture, is gummed over with gray colored
material, with exception of the tip which is bare and smooth. The extreme tip
is broken off and the butt fracture extends 11 mm. up the right edge.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 22 mm. long,
83 mm. diameter. Round in section, evidently the end of a slender implement.
Tip intact and sharp.

Tip fragment of bone point, 29 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Point
intact and very sharp. There is a fracture in two cleavages off the inside sur-
face extending to 11.5 mm. from the tip. Color almost black.

Tip fragment of bone point. Former outside surface of the bone extends
down the center. 40.5 mm, long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm, thick. One edge tapers
pronouncedly, starting 6 mm. from the tip. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. Elliptical in
section, 25.5 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3.25 mm. thick. Tip intact. Tip curves
to the right.

Central fragment of bone point, 33 mm. long, 5 mm, wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The
outside has a slender natural groove running around lengthwise. Edges
rounded. The upper end is slenderer and was evidently near the former tip.

Tip fragment of bone point, 41.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Inside
tapers for 21 mm. from tip, outside tapers 15 mm, from tip. The tip is blacker
than the rest of the specimen, having a charred appearance. The edges are
rounded and show several faces.

Tip fragment of bone point. 17 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 22.5 mm. long,
4 mm. diameter. Rather square in section but with rounding corners. Tip
intact.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 119
i

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 19.5 mm.
long, 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. A little tar adheres
to the surface of the corner of one edge.

Tip fragment of bone point, 18.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Dark
mellowed color, glassy. Edges rounded. Inside convex, outside somewhat
coneave.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25 mm.
long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Blackish and glassy. Round in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Natural furrow extends to within 10 mm, from
the tip of the inside. 29 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 15 mm. long,
4.5 mm. diameter. Dark mellowed color with more or less of a whitish thin
coating on the surface. A section of the tapering portion of a somewhat stout
bone point.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 26 mm.
long, 4 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Practically round in section. Tar stains on
the lower half of the left edge and on the reverse side. The bone is rather soft
and friable.

Central fragment of bone point. 35 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
One edge is the former surface. The inside consists of a single fracture which
extends to the tip. A mere fragment. The butt is an old cut, not a split or
break.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 22 mm. long,
1.6 mm, wide, 4 mm. thick. Obverse and reverse absolutely flat. Edges rounded
with several faces, somewhat squarely. Extreme tip broken off. Dark flesh
color,

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside is somewhat troughed. 14 mm. long, 9.5
mm. wide, 8 mm. thick. The obverse tapers from 7 mm. Edges rounded,
elliptical in section,

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 26 mm. long,
6 mm. diameter. The specimen tapers equally from all sides. Round in sec-
tion. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point, 19 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Inside flatish and grooved. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Obverse can not be determined. 24 mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Dark mellowed color, almost blackish. Elliptical
in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside has furrow. 42 mm. long, 9 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. Outside and inside have tip tapered from 7 mm. There is more
or less asphalt still adhering, showing that there was formerly asphalt over the
entire surface of the specimen. Edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point, 32 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. <A large furrow occupies most of the inside surface. The surface
has blackish blotches. Dark mellowed color and glassy.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Bllip-
tical in section with a little depression in the inside surface. The tip is intact
and is peculiarly blunt.

Tip fragment of bone point, 26 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. The observe
shows traces of a furrow. There are fractures off both edges, but the tip is
intact. Inside and outside taper from about 8 mm.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside has a-natural furrow extending its
whole length. 36 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. The tip has been broken
off, but is an old break, showing worn surfaces. The butt break is newer. It
appears that the original tip was broken off and resharpened.

120 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 15.5 mm. long,
4 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Both sides flat. The obverse side is smooth, the
reverse side rough with diagonal raspings. Edges squared. Tip quite sharp.

Tip fragment of bone point, 18 mm. long. 5 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Sponginess extends to the very tip, which is intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 16 mm. long,
4.5 mm. diameter. Extreme tip is broken off diagonally. The whole fragment
tapers.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 389 mm. long.
5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Round in section. The beveling starts 12 mm. from
the tip on the obverse, 15 mm, from the tip on the reverse side.

Tip fragment of bone point, 28 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The
specimen is charred, especially at the butt. Outside surface and one edge are
intact. The edge is squared. The present tip is formed by a fracture off the
left edge.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 39 mm. long,
8.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Blackish color. The surface is gummed over with
dirt. The left edge is sharper than the right. The extreme tip is broken off.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Black, charred, especially at the tip. Round in section.
Glassy. Obverse starts to taper 7 mm. from the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 18 mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide, 2.75 mm. thick. The. reverse surface is hard and flattish. The
obverse surface is spongy, indicating that it may be the inside of the bone.
Blliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 32.5 mm,
long, 4 mm. diameter. Round in section. All sides taper steadily. A little
tar-like material adheres to the reverse side near the butt.

Tip fragment of bone point, 16 mm. long, 64 mm. wide, 6 mm, thick.
Elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 80 mm. long,
9 mm. wide, 8 mm. thick. Perfectly elliptical in section. Solid hard bone of
mellowed color, blackish at the core. Probably has been through fire.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 18.5 mm.
long, 5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Extreme tip broken off. Elliptical in
section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long,
5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Obverse and reverse flat, edges rounded.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside has a furrow its entire length. 18 mm.
long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Outside tapers from 4.5 mm.
inside scarcely at all. Patches of the surface are lighter owing to the darker
discoloration being worn off in places.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside furrowed. 23 mm, long, 7 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. There is a chip off the inside near the point.
The outside tapers from 3.5 mm. from the tip, producing a tip of the broad
type. Mellowed color, glassy.

Central fragment of bone point. Blackish color. Surface stuck with ashlike
material. 18.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The outside and inside
are flattish, edges squarish. Round in section at the tip break.

Tip fragment of bone point, 27 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. White
outside, dark mellowed color at the core, the white layer being only about 0.75
mm. thick. Round in section. The inside has a narrow natural groove. Out-
side and inside taper from about 10 mm. Tip very Sharp.

HARRINGTON J DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 121

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm.
long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Blackish.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 18 mm. long,
6 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in section.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 15 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Tip intact. Elliptical in section. The reverse is
flattish.

Tip fragment of bone point. 3.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Ellipti-
cal in section. The inside has a natural furrow. The edges taper from 20 mm.,
the outside from 2 mm., the inside from 5 mm. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24.5 mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The specimen tapers equally
from all sides. Tip intact.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 24.5 mm. long,
4.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. Extreme tip broken off.
The tip bends a little to the reverse. The right edge starts to taper pro-
nouncedly from 14 mm. Round in section toward the tip.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. The tip is more slender than it originally
was because of a slanting fracture 5.5 mm. long off the right edge.

Central fragment of bone point, 18.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.
Mellowed color and glassy, somewhat blackened toward the tip. Elliptical in
section, except that the outside is very flat.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 43 mm. long,
11 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. The fracture of the butt is straight and glassy.
The right edge is sharp, the left edge flat. The tapering is from all sides.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 37 mm. long,
3 mm. diameter. The reverse has a large furrow. A splinter 20 mm. long is
broken off the right edge. Obverse and reverse taper from about 9 mm.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 28.5 mm.
long, 2.5 mm, diameter. There is a large chip off the base of the reverse.
Edges rounded. The obverse tapers from 5 mm., the reverse from 4 mm. The
extreme tip curves a little to the left.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long,
3 mm. diameter. Almost round in section. Point intact and neatly made.
Specimen bulges to the left.

Butt fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long,
5 mm, diameter. Round in section. The butt is somewhat squared off at the
end. Very symmetrical and neatly made.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 37 mm. long,
3 mm. diameter. The diameter is greatest two-thirds of the distance back from
the point. The upper portion is black as if from fire. A little asphalt is stuck
on the left edge. The tip bends to the right.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 28.5 mm.
long, 2.6 mm. diameter. Beautifully made of solid wall of bone, perfectly round
in section. The butt end is just a little larger than the tip.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 20 mm.
long, 3 mm. diameter. Round in section. Blackish and glassy.

Tip fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 35.7 mm. long,
2.5 Imm. diameter. Round in section. The extreme tip is broken off a little
op the left side. The butt end is a little larger than the tip. Blackish.

Entire bone point, 33.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick. A shallew
groove 5 mm. broad lies across the obverse surface, cutting well into the edges

55231 °—28. 9

122 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PTH. ANN. 44

but not extending to the inside surface. The butt is neatly squared. The tip
is bluntly pointed, tapering from about 7 mm. from all sides except the inside.
The point is evidently made for a definite purpose.

A larger specimen of entire bone point of the same kind as the preceding,
37 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. The transverse groove is 6 mm. broad
and 15 mm. from the tip. The butt is neatly squared, the tip bluntly pointed
and tapers from 7 mm. In neither of these specimens is there any trace of
grooving of tar. The use remains problematical.

Tip fragment of bone point. Inside consists of the former flattish surface
of the inside of the bone. 25.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The tip
curves to the right and is very blunt.

Central fragment of bone point, 37 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
tip curves markedly to the right as in the preceding specimen. The left edge
has an elbow 5 mm. from the butt fracture. The use of these two specimens
is problematical.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 25.5 mm.
long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The edges are more or less squared. The
specimen is too small to judge from what artifact it is derived.

Central fragment of bone point. Outside can not be determined. 13 mm.
long., 3.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm, thick. Both edges squared neatly. Sides flat.
A mere fragment.

COMPOSITE FISHHOOK POINTS

Fishhooks were made of two worked bones, known technically as
the shank and the point, lashed together so as to form an acute
angle. Such hooks are described by Stephen Bowers as follows: *!
“The true fishhook of what may be termed the Santa Barbara
Indians, has never, to my knowledge, been figured. . . . These hooks
were made of two slightly curved pieces of bone pointed at each end,
and firmly tied together at the lower end and cemented with
asphaltum.” Although no complete specimen with shank and point
lashed together was found, we obtained abundant specimens of the
bone points of this kind ef hook, some showing the imprint in the
asphaltum from the former apparently sinew lashing that held the
hook together. Some of these points have squared base, some sharp
or rounded base. They varied in size even more than the one-piece
fishhooks of bone or abalone.

ENTIRE COMPOSITE FISHHOOK POINTS WITH SQUARED OR BLUNT BASES

Entire point, 55.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The left edge has an elbow 20 mm. from the butt. The right edge has several
transverse grooves for wrapping in the vicinity of the butt. The extreme
bottom end shows eresion. Tip curves to the left.

Entire point, 36.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
left edge has an elbow 23 mm. from the butt. The lower part of the right edge
has asphalt stuck on and three transverse depressions in it from the old
wrapping. The obverse has a natural furrow. The butt is a rounded point.
The tip curves to the left.

21 Bowers, Stephen, Fisbhooks from Southern California. In Science, vol. 1, Cambridge,
Mass., 1883, p. 575.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 123

Entire point. Obverse outside. 88 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. The
edges are rounded. The left edge has an elbow 23 mm. from the butt. The
right edge has transverse scorings for wrapping from its central portion to the
butt. The butt is neatly squared. The tip curves to the left. (Pl. 20, b, 1.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 22 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3 mm thick. The
left edge is somewhat squared, the right sharpened. The butt is rounded.
Close examination shows that this specimen is to be classed with the barbs and
iillustrated extreme variation in form. (Pl. 20, b, 2.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 35 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
White in color throughout, but strong bone. Edges squared toward the butt,
rounded toward the tip. The left edge has a shoulder 7 mm. from the butt.
There are faint transverse scorings for wrapping on the lower part of the right
edge at its greatest incurving. Tip curves to the left. (Pl. 20, 6, 3.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 37 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Edges rounded.
Butt rounded. No trace of tar wrapping. Tip curves to right. The specimen
has no shoulder. (PI. 20, 6, 4.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 41.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The left edge has a shoulder 16 mm. from the butt. The right
has no asphalt or grooving. Tip bends to the left. Butt rounded. (PI. 20, b, 5.)

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 33 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5 mm. thick. White colored and somewhat soft bone with blackish blotchings.
on the obverse side. Edges rounded. There is no shoulder. Butt squared, but
only 2.5 mm. diameter. Point blunt, but may have been sharper. (Pl. 20, b, 6.)

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 50 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4
mm. thick. Edges rounded. The left edge has a shoulder or bend 35 mm,
from the butt. Butt squared and 2 mm. diameter. Tip bends to the right.
(BIE 205 Ga)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 53.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
The general shape resembles that of the last-described specimen. Edges
rounded. The butt is bluntly rounded. No trace of scoring or asphalt. The
tip turns gracefully to the right. (Pl. 20, b, 8.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 52.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The butt is squared and 2 mm. diameter. The butt and the
adjacent base of the specimen are covered with asphalt, but no trace of wrap-
ping depressions can be detected. The tip curves to the right. (PI. 20, b, 9.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 58 mm. long, 6 mm, wide, 4 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The left edge has a, shoulder 8 mm. from the butt. The left
edge has a number of transverse scorings just above this shoulder, although
one would expect to find them on the right edge opposite, judging from analogy
with the other specimens. A fleck of asphalt adheres to the specimen on the
reverse Side 15 mm. from the butt; this fleck is 9 mm. long and nearly as wide.
The tip curves to the left. Butt squared and 2 mm. diameter. (Pl. 20, b, 10.)

Entire point, 61 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Round in section. Butt nicely
squared and 5 mm. diameter. Point rather blunt but intact. Tip curves to
the right. No shoulder. No trace of asphalt or grooving.

Entire point, 45 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Round in section. Butt squared
and 2 mm. diameter. The surface is not smoothly rounded but consists of
long narrow faces, as if produced by scraping. Tip curves slightly to the
right.

Entire point, 34.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
Butt squared and 4 mm. diameter. Tip bends slightly to the left.

Entire point. Obverse outside. 46 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 8.5 mm. thick. A
nicely made specimen, Butt very square and 10 mm. diameter. The lower half

124 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44

of the right edge has a number of hairlike transverse scorings for the wrap-
ping. The left edge has its sharpest bend 20 mm. from the butt. The tip curves
to the left with a peculiarly sharp bend. (PI. 20, b, 11.)

Entire point. Obverse inside and the porousness can be seen in the picture.
28 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Edges rounded. The bend of the left edge is
about 12 mm. from the butt. Butt squared and 5mm. diameter. The tip curves
slightly to the left. (PI. 20, b, 12.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 66 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 6.75 mm. thick.
Edges neatly rounded. Butt 4 mm. diameter and intended to be squared,
though slightly bulging. The tip swings to the left from about 15 mm. The
specimen is jet black, beautifully made and very strong. The left edge has a
shoulder 10 mm. from the butt and between the shoulder and the butt exhibits
four transverse scratchings. Whether these were holding the original wrapping
is doubtful, since judging from the other specimens we would expect the scorings
higher up and on the opposite edge. (PI. 20, b, 13.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 49.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick.
Hdges rounded. The lower two-thirds of the specimen is covered with strong
black asphalt and the right edge in its central portion shows twenty or more
depressions from the wrapping. Butt squared and 3 mm. diameter. The
maximum diameter of the specimen is 25 mm. from the butt. The tip curves
slightly to the right. (PI. 20, b, 14.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 39 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
Whitish gray color. Edges rounded. <A thin coating of asphalt adheres to the
lower half of the specimen. The left edge has its greatest bend 18 mm. from
the butt. The right edge shows a number of transverse impressions from the
wrapping from 5 to 10 mm. from the butt. Butt squared and 5 mm. diameter.
The tip bends to the left. (Pl. 20, b, 15.)

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 81 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.
Edges rounded. Obverse fiat, reverse is more rounded. Extreme bend of left
edge is 8 mm. from the butt. The right edge has a number of transverse scor-
ings and minute specks of asphalt extending from almost at the butt for a
space of 10 mm. up the edge. On the left edge also are minute specks of asphalt.
Butt squared and 4 mm. diameter. The tip bends slightly to the left. (PI.
20, b, 16.)

Entire point. Observe outside. 40 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Edges
rounded, making the specimen almost round in section. Butt squared and 2.75
mm. diameter. The left edge shows a number of fine transverse groovings
commencing 10 mm. from the butt and extending up the edge for 8 mm. The
maximum diameter is approximately at the middle of the specimen. The speci-
men bulges slightly to the left, making the point swing to the right. (PI. 20,
b, 17.)

Entire point. Obverse inside and the entire obverse surface is spongy. Edges
rounded. The maximum diameter of the specimen is 10 mm, from the butt, the
left edge forming a sort of shoulder. Butt squared and 4 mm. diameter. The
right edge has a number of we-l-made transverse grooves, which can be seen
in the photograph, beginning 4 mm. from the butt and extending 13 mm. The
tip bends very slightly to the right. (Pl. 20, b, 18.)

Entire point. Observe outside. 53 mm. long, 6 mm, wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
Edges rounded. The right edge has a peculiar shoulder 16 mm. from the butt.
The butt is rounded and 3.5 mm. diameter. The specimen exhibits several
dark blotches on its surface, evidently from asphalt, but there are no scorings
on the right edge. (Pl. 20, b, 19.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 20

a, BROAD BONE POINTS, WEDGE-SHAPED BONE IMPLEMENTS.
b, COMPOSITE FISHHOOK PARTS

FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 21

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

ra

:

F

b,c, BIRD BONE WHISTLES.
d, WOODEN AWL. e, k, AWL-SHAPED ARTIFACTS OF BIRD
BONE. ?f-h, TUBULAR BEADS OF DEER BONE. i, j, NEEDLES
OF THE SPLINT BONES OF THE CALIFORNIA MULE DEER.
1, m,n, WEDGES OF DEER ANTLER. 2, p, SLATE POINTS

a, COMPOSITE FISHHOOK PART.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 125

Entire point. Obverse outside. 33.5 mm. long, + mm. diameter. Edges
rounded. Chalk-white color throughout. Practically round in séction. The
butt is intended to be squared but is in reality a blunt point. The maximum
diameter of the specimen is 15 mm. from the butt. The tip bends slightly to
the right. (Pl. 20, b, 20.)

Entire point. Obverse outside. 33 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Edges
rounded. Butt squared and 2 mm. diameter. There is no trace of asphalt or
grooving. The left edge makes an abrupt bend 6 mm. from the tip. The tip
bends to the right and is blunt. There is a tiny splinter off the observe side
of the tip extending down the side 3.5mm. (PI. 20, 6, 21.)

Entire point, 72.6 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Hdges rounded. The
maximum diameter is 30 mm. from the butt. Traces of asphalt are gummed
especially to the inside surface from the butt extending up the specimen 17 mm.,
but no trace of wrapping depressions can be detected on the right edge. The
specimen twists almost a quarter turn in clockwise direction. The inside is
troughed to within 30 mm. of the tip. The butt is squared and is 2.5 mm.
diam. The tip curves to the right. A strong and well-made specimen.

Entire point. 55.5 mm. long, 12 mm. maximum diameter, curve of tip 7 mm.
Perfectly shaped and symmetrical. Dark in color. The porous interior of the
bone shows at two places on the inside surface. The tip seems to be some-
what charred. The butt is rounded, the tip quite sharp. No trace of asphalt
adhering at the base. (PI. 21, a.)

ENTIRE CoMPOSITE FISHHOOK POINTS, SHARP AT BotH ENDS

Entire point. 73.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm, wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The butt consists of a rather sharp point, tapering from 20 mm. There is a
natural foramen 13 mm. from the butt on the inside. No trace of asphalt or
grooving,

Entire point, 42.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Hdges rounded.
Butt tapers to a sharp point from only about 3 mm. Tip curves to right. Ex-
treme tip broken off. The tip also twists considerably toward the obverse.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4
mm. thick. Edges rounded. The butt is sharp and tapers from 10 mm. Bx-
treme tip broken off.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 29.5 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2.5
mm. thick. The butt is as sharp and slender as the tip, the maximum diameter
of the specimen being in the middle. Elliptical in section. The barb bulges
toward the left edge.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 56 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide,
4.5 mm. thick. The butt is as sharp as the tip, tapering from about 17 mm.
Edges rounded. The tip tapers steadily from 35 mm., bending to the right.

Entire point, 35.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Elliptical in section.
There is considerable spongy surface on the inside. There are irregular shaped
blotches of asphalt on the central and lower portions of the specimen, but no
trace of wrapping. The tip bends slightly to the right.

Entire point, 63.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The edges rounded.
The butt is as sharp as the tip and tapers from 25 mm. ‘Tip straight.

Entire point, 35 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Porous-
ness of the bone crops out along the upper left edge. The lower right edge
has about fifteen transverse groovings of threadlike thickness. The greatest
diameter is at the center of the specimen.

126 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PrH. ANN, 44

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 388.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The butt consists of a blunt point. Maximum
diameter at the middle of the specimen. Tip straight and darker than the rest
of the barb.

Entire point, 43.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The butt is sharp but much blunter than the point. Both the left and right
edges have transverse groovings beginning about 3 mm. from the butt and
extending for about 5mm. It is usual in such specimens to find the grooving
only on the lower right edge. The upper part of the inside has a natural
furrow. The tip curves rather sharply to the right.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 40 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diam-
eter. Edges rounded. The butt is even sharper than the tip, but this is caused
by a small splinter off the lower left edge.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 30.5 mm, long, 7 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. The obverse surface consists of four fractures. The reverse
surface is also largely a fracture. The right edge is somewhat squared. Tip
intact.

Entire point, 48.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The butt is as
sharp as the tip, and the two ends were doubtless used indifferently in such a
specimen. The maximum diameter is at the center of the specimen.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 39 mm. long, 5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The ends are equally sharp.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 35.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The ends are equally sharp. The tip bends to
the right.

Entire point, 837 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm, thick. Edges rounded. The
ends are equally sharp. The specimen has a few black flecks on its surface as
if from asphalt.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 22.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide
3.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Ends equally sharp.

Entire point, 65 mm. long, 5.5 mm, wide, 3 mm, thick. The ends are equally
sharp. One edge forms an elbow 40 mm. from the butt. There are traces of
asphalt at the center of the specimen extending 33 mm. on the outside and
20 mm. on the inside. The left edge has depressions from wrapping extend-
ing from 12 mm, at its greatest incurve. The tip bends to the right.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 41 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter.
Round in section. Equally sharp at both ends. The entire central portion
is gummed over with a thick coating of asphalt and there are depressions of
wrapping extending for 4 mm. at the center of the right edge.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 57 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The ends are equally sharp and equally
eurved to the right. The central part of the specimen, extending from 28
mm., is covered with asphalt which bulges to the left, making a prominent
elbow 28 mm. from the butt. The asphalt is 6 mm. thick at the elbow.
Extending along the right edge for a space of 22 mm. at the center of the
specimen are transverse depressions from the former wrapping. The speci-
men and the adhering asphalt are unusually well preserved.

ComerosireE FIsHHOOK POINTS WITH FLATTENED INNER WALL OF INCURVE,
ANOMALOUS PoINTS, AWL-LIKE PoINTS

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 55 mm. long, 8 mm. wide,
6 mm, thick. The left edge has a shoulder 17 mm. from the butt. Beyond
the shoulder the edge is neatly squared, while the right edge is nicely rounded

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS P47

throughout its extent. From the butt to a little beyond the vicinity of the
shoulder the specimen is coated with black asphalt which is especially thick
at the shoulder and presents a rounded bulging surface. The right edge of
this asphalt shows depressions from former wrapping extending for a distance
of 13 mm. along the edge, commencing almost flush with the butt. The butt
is neatly squared and is 8 mm. diameter. The tip curves to the left.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 38 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5.5 mm. thick. The left edge has a shoulder 22 mm. from the butt. Beyond
the shoulder the left edge is squared. The lower left edge and entire right
edge are rounded. The lower right edge has depressions from wrapping
starting 3 mm. from the butt and extending 15 mm. The butt is squared and
7 mm, diameter. Tip curves to the left.

Entire point, 47 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The left edge has a
shoulder 26 mm. from the butt. Beyond the shoulder the left edge is squared.
The lower part of one edge and entire other edge are rounded. The edge has
depressions of wrapping starting 5 mm. from the butt and extending 17 mm.
The butt is rounded and 5 mm. diameter. The tip curves sidewise.

Entire point, 54.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The left edge has a
shoulder 20 mm. from the butt and is squared beyond the shoulder. One lower
edge and entire other are rounded. The lower edge has no trace of wrapping.
The butt is rounded and 5.5 mm. diameter. The tip curves to the left.

Entire point, 39 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. The left edge has a
shoulder 23 mm. from the butt and is squared beyond the shoulder. One lower
edge and entire other edge are rounded. Edge has transverse scorings for
wrappings starting practically at the butt and extending 22 mm. The butt is
7 mm. diameter and nicely squared. The tip curves sidewise.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 44.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. The left edge has a shoulder 24 mm. from the butt and is squared
beyond the shoulder. One lower edge and entire other edge are rounded.
There is a splinter 17 mm. long off the upper central portion of rounded edge.
The butt is bluntly rounded. The tip is straight and its extreme portion is
round in section.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 33.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide,
4mm. thick. White color but strong. The maximum diameter is at the middle
of the specimen. Both edges rounded. The upper central portion of the speci-
men is coated with asphalt for a distance of 18 mm. The right edge has two
transverse grooves for wrapping, 2.5 mm. broad and about 1 mm. deep. The
center of the first of these grooves is 10 mm. from the butt, that of the second
groove is 15 mm. from the butt. The butt is squared and is 3 mm. diameter.
The tip is rather blunt and straight.

Entire point, 84 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Edges rounded. Neatly cut from
the wall of a long bone. The reverse surface consists of a long furrow and
shows considerable sponginess. Edges rounded. The butt forms a blunt point
and there are two transverse hackings on the outside just above the butt end.
The tip starts to taper from 25 mm. and forms a sharp point, one edge being
broken off a little at the extreme tip.

Entire point, 71.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Strongly made. Edges
rounded. Asphalt adheres to the specimen starting 5 mm. from the butt and
extending 25 mm. One edge shows depressions in asphalt from wrapping for
a distance 0f 20 mm. The butt is a fracture but that is very likely the original
condition of the specimen. The tip curves gracefully to the left. The bone is
of unusually clean and fresh appearance. The inside shows a narrow longi-

128 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH, ANN. 44

tudinal furrow in the lower half of the specimen. This point is evidently a
barb.

Entire point, 59.5 mm, long, 8 mm. wide, 4.5 mm, thick. Edges rounded.
Both outside and inside have longitudinal furrows extending from the butt to
beyond the central portion of the specimen. The butt consists of a diagonal
eut. The tip is straight. There is no asphalt or grooving. The bone has a
fresh appearance.

Entire point, 69 mm, long, 7 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
butt is a fracture, but is probably the original condition. There is a chip off
the inside extending 18 mm. from the butt. One edge tapers from 26 mm., the
other edge from 16 mm. The extreme tip is broken off. A splinter projects
into the left edge just above where it starts to taper.

Entire point. Outside can not be determined. 51 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide,
3.5 mum. thick. Edges rounded. The butt consists of two fractures. There is
a sort of transverse hacking on the left edge 15 mm. from the butt. The tip
tapers from 12 mm. There is no trace of asphalt or grooving.

Entire point. Obverse outside. 53.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
EKoges rounded. The butt is a fracture, but probably the original condition.
One edge tapers from 22 mm., the other edge from 30 mm. The extreme tip is
broken off. The outside is the inside surface of the bone and has a furrow in
its center. The bone has a bleached appearance.

Entire point, 65 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. A
splinter extends 44 mm. up the right edge. The butt is a fracture. Tip intact.

Entire point, 79 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Triangular in section.
The butt is a fracture. The tip tapers from 40 mm. The upper portion of the
tip has a much abraded surface and the extreme tip is broken off.

Pntire point, 85.5 mm. long. Edges rounded. Butt squared and 2 mm. diam-
eter. One edge tapers to tip from 30 mm., the other edge from 20 mm.
Grooves in lower edges are accidental.

Entire point, 66 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
outside has two surfaces from the former inside wall of the bone. Butt
rounded irregularly and 7 mm. diameter. Extreme tip broken off a little.

FRAGMENTARY COMPOSITE FISHHOOK POINTS

Almost entire point. Obverse can not be determined. 31.5 mm. long, 5 mm.
diameter. Round in section. The butt is bluntly rounded. Extreme tip broken
off. Tip bends to right.

Almost entire point, 36 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. The inside consists of
two fractures which almost meet at the center of the specimen. The lower of
these fractures splits the butt of the specimen in half. It is therefore impos-
sible to determine whether the butt was pointed or squared, but it appears
from the general contour of the specimen to have been of the pointed variety.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 21 mm. long, 5.5
mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Dark mellowed color, glassy. Tip intact, curves to
the right.

Tip fragment of point, 88 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The butt is
broken off diagonally. The extreme tip is also broken off.

Butt fragment of point, 31.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The in-
side has a longitudinal furrow commencing 5 mm. from the butt. The butt is
squared and 2 mm. diameter. The specimen is broken off in its central portion.

Tip fragment of point, 28 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The inside
consists of a broad furrow. The tip curves to the right.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 129

Almost entire point. Outside can not be determined. 33 mm. long, 4.5 mm.
wide, 4 mm. thick. Almost round in section. The butt is bluntly rounded.
The thickest portion of the specimen is 14 mm. from the butt, giving the point
a toothlike shape. The tip bends to the right and its extreme point is broken
off.

Tip fragment of point, 45 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 6.5 mm. thick. Hdges
nicely rounded. The inside has a broad furrow. Tip curves to right.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 381 mm. long, 5 mm.
diameter. Round in section. The maximum diameter is 17 mm. from the tip
and was evidently about the middle of the entire specimen. The butt is broken
off diagonally and analogy with other specimens would indicate that it was of
the sharp variety. The tip curves slightly to the right.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 36.5 mm. long, 5.5
mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Whitish, with dark gray mottlings on the surface.
The left edge forms an elbow 20 mm. from the tip. The butt is broken off but
was probably of the sharp variety.

Tip fragment of point. Inside shows furrow in its lower half. 25 mm. long,
7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Tip bends to right.

Tip fragment of point, 36 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The left edge
has groovings extending from the butt for a distance of 12 mm., indicating the
former presence of wrapping. The butt is a square fracture. The tip bends to
the right.

Butt fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long, 6.5
mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Tip starts to curve to the right before
it is broken off. Perhaps 5 mm. of the former tip is missing. The butt fracture
is very straight.

Tip fragment of point. Inside shows a broad furrow. 59.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm,
wide, 5 mm, thick. Edges nicely rounded. Butt broken off diagonally.

Tip fragment of point, 33.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The entire
outside is a fracture. The tip curves a little to the right.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long, 4 mm.
wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The surface is light ash-gray color but
dirty gray color inside. Tip straight and rather blunt.

Central fragment of point, 26.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Maximum width 14 mm. from the tip fracture. Both butt and tip are
broken off. The specimen may have been bipointed.

Tip fragment of point. 25.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Hdges
rounded. The butt fracture runs up the obverse for 12 mm. Tip bends to the
right. A few small flecks of asphalt still adhere to the left edge.

Tip fragment of point, 37 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges nicely
rounded. Tip curves gracefully to the right.

Tip fragment of point, probably a barb. Inside consists of a shallow furrow
which extends to 6 mm. from the tip. 37.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick.
A fracture extends 14 mm. up one edge. Tip curves sidewise.

Tip fragment of point. Inside shows somewhat spongy surface with traces
of a longitudinal furrow. 40.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Hdges
nicely rounded. Maximum diameter is at the center of the specimen.

Almost entire point, probably a barb of the bipointed type. All surfaces
are so worked that it is impossible to determine which is the former outside of
the bone. 37.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Maximum
diameter at the center of the specimen. The butt is a sharp point. The ex-
treme tip is broken off.

130 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [PTH. ANN, 44

Tip fragment of point, evidently a mere tip fragment of a point of consider-
able size. Outside can not be determined. 27 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick. Edges rounded. A few flecks of ashy material adheres to the obverse
and reverse sides.

Almost entire point of unusually slender type. Outside can not be deter-
mined. 37.5 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Almost round in section.
Maximum diameter at the middle of the specimen. Butt broken off, leaving
a stub of 1.5 mm. diameter, but evidently originally tapered to as sharp a point
as the tip. No trace of asphalt or grooving. Blackish color, somewhat lighter
toward the butt end.

Tip fragment of point, probably of composite hook. Outside can not be de-
termined. 33 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 38 mm. thick. Edges rounded. Left edge
forms a shoulder 12 mm. from the butt fracture. Tip curves to the left.

Almost entire barb, 39.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. One edge
forms a shoulder 18 mm. from the butt. The butt is a blunt point. All edges
rounded, but the left edge becomes a little squarish in the vicinity of the
shoulder. The tip is broken off, leaving a fracture 3.25 mm. diameter. There
is no trace of asphalt or wrapping.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 22 mm. long, 4.5 mm.
diameter. The surface is much disintegrated but the obverse surface is so
spongy as to suggest that it is the old inside of the bone. Edges rounded. The
tip bends somewhat to the right.

Tip fragment of point, 45.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The surface
is whitened in places but the interior is flesh colored. Edges nicely rounded.
The maximum width is at about the center of the specimen. The point leans
to the right.

Central fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 20 mm. long,
3.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. Tip curves to right. The right edge has
a little stain of red paint near its center .

Central fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 20 mm. long,
3.5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Almost round insection. Very similar to the
fragment last described, but white as chalk throughout. The butt fracture
extends half way up one face.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 30 mm. long, 4.5 mm.
diameter. Round in section. White as chalk throughout. The tip is rather
blunt and tapers only 5mm. The tip bends to recurve to the left.

Tip fragment of point. Outside very flat. 27.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4
mm. thick. Edges rounded. The inside shows a furrow in its lower half.
Tip sharp and strong.

Central fragment of point, 16 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The tip curves sidewise.

Central fragment of point, 21.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. White as chalk throughout. Tip curves sidewise.

Tip fragment of point, 49 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
Tip curves to right. The obverse is discolored, evidently from asphalt, but
there is no trace of wrapping. A little ashy material adheres near the center
of the obverse side.

Tip fragment of point. 19.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. A mere tip fragment of a point of considerable size. Tip curves side-
wise.

Almost entire point. Outside can not be determined 42 mm. long, § mm. wide,
6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The butt is a fracture which runs up both ob-

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 131

verse and reverse surfaces. There is also a splinter off the central part of one
edge and another splinter off the same edge near the point.

Tip fragment of point, 52 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The tip is charred and there is a blood vessel opening on the obverse side 10
mm. from the tip. The extreme tip is broken off.

Tip fragment of point, 49 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The right edge has transverse grooving beginning at the butt frac-
ture and extending 12 mm. The outside shows two small flecks of asphalt
near the butt fracture. The inside consists almost entirely of the former
furrow of the bone. The tip curves sidewise and starts to taper from 15 mm.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 26 mm. long, 5 mm.
diameter. White as chalk throughout. Edges rounded. The tip starts to taper
from 20 mm. and curves to the right.

Tip fragment of point, 41.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Inside consists almost entirely of a shallow furrow.

Almost entire point, evidently a barb. Inside surface very spongy. 34.5 mm.
long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The butt is squared and 3 mm. diameter. There
is a fracture off the lower portion of the outside. The tip extends to the right.
Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 32 mm. long, 4.5 mm.
wide, 3 mm. thick. The tip curves to the left and the taper extends through-
out the specimen.

Almost entire point, 36 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 3.25 mm. thick. Edges rounded.
The butt is as sharp as the tip. The maximum diameter of the specimen is
about one-third of the distance from the butt. The extreme tip is broken off.

Butt fragment of point, 56 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The butt is squared and is 3.5 mm. wide. A diagonal fracture has
earried away the tip part of the specimen, leaving a butt fragment perhaps
half the length of the original. There is some discoloring of the surface near
the butt, as if from asphalt, but no trace of wrapping.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 35 mm. long, 3.5
mm. diameter. Round in section. The maximum diameter is at the center of
the specimen. The tip starts to taper from 10 mm., curves to the right, and is
quite blunt. A splinter 6 mm. long is off the reverse side of the tip but the
obverse half of the tip is intact.

Almost entire point, evidently a bipointed barb. Outside can not be deter-
mined. 388 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Round in section. White as chalk
throughout. Both tips are broken off a little and were probably sharp. The
specimen bulges to the left and its greatest diameter is at the center.

Butt fragment of point. 43.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The outside consists of the furrow of the bone. Butt squared and
3 mm. diameter. The tip is broken off a little beyond the center of the specimen,
leaving a stub 6 mm. wide.

Tip fragment of barb, 34 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The left edge forms a shoulder 19 mm. from the butt fracture. Tip
bends to left.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 40.5 mm. long, 4.5
mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Roundish in section. The tip bends a little sidewise.

Tip fragment of point, 45 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Tip bends sidewise.

Tip fragment of point, 44.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. A furrow extends 15 mm. from the butt fracture up the obverse side,

(xtreme tip broken off.

132 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

Tip fragment of point. 44 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Considerable ashy material adheres to the inside near the butt.
Tip curves to left.

Tip fragment of point, probably a fishhook part. 45 mm. long, 8 mm. wide,
5 mm. thick. Edges rounded. .A natural furrow extends two-thirds of the
way up the reverse side. AsShy material adheres to the obverse near the butt.
Tip bends to left.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 34.5 mm. long, 5 mm.
wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Practically round in section. White as chalk throughout.
The butt is a recent break.

Almost entire point, 28 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Greatest diameter at the center of the specimen. Butt squared and 2 mm.
diameter.

Almost entire point. Outside can not be determined. 32 mm. long, 4 mm.
wide, 2 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The butt has crumbled off and leaves
a fracture consisting of two planes. Greatest diameter at the center of the
specimen. The tip curves somewhat to the right. Extreme tip broken off.

Tip fragment of point. 384 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The tip is somewhat blunt, owing to the abrasion of its extreme
portion.

Practically entire point, 43.5 mm. long, 10.5 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. The greatest width is at the center of the specimen. The butt con-
sists mostly of a slanting fracture but a bit of the original squared butt 3.5
mm. by 2 mm. is still intact at the right-hand side. The left edge has seven
transverse grooves starting 8 mm. from the butt and extending 10 mm. One
edge has sixteen transverse grooves beginning 3 mm. from the butt and
extending 15 mm. The tip is strong and deflects somewhat sidewise.

Tip fragment of point. Outside can not be determined. 40 mm. long, 5 mm.
diameter. Round in section. The tip tapers from 30 mm. The specimen is
coated with asphalt extending 15 mm. from the butt. The right edge shows
transverse depressions from wrapping throughout the extent of the asphalt.
The tip is sharp.

Tip fragment of point, 82 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in
section. There is a fracture off the left edge extending 29 mm. from the butt.

Tip fragment of point, 69.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. Elliptical
in section. Thére is a splinter off the left edge extending 45 mm. from the
butt. The taper is more abrupt than in the specimen last described, while
otherwise very similar.

Tip fragment of point. Tubular bone with hollow interior. 67 mm, long,
11.5 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The tip tapers commencing
30 mm. back. The interior hollow of the bone is exposed at one edge near the
tip. The tip and evidently the bone from which the specimen was made curves.

Tip fragment of point. Tubular bone with hollow interior. 67 mm. long,
11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Elliptical in section. The interior hollow of the
bone is exposed for a space of 19.5 mm. at the right edge adjacent to the tip.
This specimen is very similar to the last one described above; they are evidently
rmaade of ribs.

Tip fragment of point, 54.5 mm. long, 11.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Edges
rounded. Tip starts to taper from about 283 mm. A quantity of ashy material
adheres below the center of the obverse. A fracture 28 mm. long runs from the
butt up the right edge.

Tip fragment of point, 48 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The greatest
width is at the center of the specimen. Edges rounded. The butt is a fracture

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 133

which extends 17 mm. up the right edge. Asphalt adheres in irregular patches
to the upper outside and inside surfaces, but there is no trace of wrapping.

Entire point, 47 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
lower half of the specimen was originally covered with asphalt, which has
been broken off, leaying the bare surface of the bone. No trace of wrapping.
The butt is not a fracture but is ground off diagonally.

Entire point, 47 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Edges rounded. The
lower half of the specimen was originally coated with asphalt, but this has
broken away, leaving only irregular patches. The butt is squared and is.
5 mm. in width. The tip is unusually rounding.

ONE-PIECE FISHHOOKS OF BONE

These have the same shapes as the one-piece shell fishhooks and
are included among them (p. 139).

BIRD BONE WHISTLES

The bird bone whistles were of the familiar type.

Entire and intact bone whistle, made from the slender long bone of a bird.
57 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. The notch starts 29 mm. from the
mouth end, which is carefully squared. Asphalt traces are visible in this
notch, it having been partly filled with asphalt. The lower end is closed with
a piece of asphalt which forms a knob-like protuberance beyond the bone and
runs back into the whistle 6.5 mm. (Pl. 21, b.)

Bird bone whistle, intact except for the loss of the asphalt 60.5 mm. long,
9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. The hole in the side is unusually large, being 13.5
mm. long and so deep as to cut through nearly two-thirds of the bone. This
hole starts only 14 mm. from the mouth end of the whistle. (PI. 21, c¢.)

Fragment of bird bone whistle, 27 mm. long, 6.25 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. The
slanting side of the side notch of the whistle is intact, the fracture occurring just
beyond it. This notch commences 23.5 mm. from the squared butt end of the
whistle.

AWL-SHAPED ARTIFACTS OF BIRD BONE

Butt fragment of awl-shaped artifact of bird bone with asphalt knob intact.
60 mm. long, diameter of shaft 6 mm., length of head 18 mm., diameter of head
17 mm. (PI. 21, e.)

Entire awl-shaped artifact of bird bone, 170 mm. long, diameter of shaft 6
mm., diameter of head 8 mm. This consists of the former articulation of the
bone. The working of the tip commences 10 mm. back. (PI. 21, k.)

SPLINT-BONE NEEDLES FROM THE MULE DEER

The California mule deer carries in what corresponds to our palm
two splint bones which need only to be supplied with eyes and per-
haps sharpened a little to make them into needles. These are the
two lateral metacarpals and lie, point upward, behind the lower end
of the cannon bones. The splint bones of the hind leg of the mule
deer are too short to be used for this purpose.

Splint-bone needle, 34 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.

diameter. Unworked except the head and the tip. A bit of the extreme tip is
broken off. The concave side is obverse.

134 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [WPH. ANN, 44

Tip fragment of splint-bone needle, 87 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick.
The tip appears to be unworked, but may have been rubbed a little to make it
sharper. The surfaces are about equally convex. The specimen bulges toward
the reverse.

Splint-bone needle, the largest in the collection. 61 mm. long, 7 mm. wide,
5 mm. thick. The hole is only 1 mm. in diameter smaller than in any other
specimen. The head and 10 mm. of the tip have been worked, but the rest of
the specimen has the original shape. The middle of the specimen bulges to the
reverse.

Splint-bone needle, 49 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm, thick, with eye a little
more than 1 mm. diameter. The head is worked, also the tip, the grinding off
extending 16 mm. up the left edge, 24 mm. up right edge. The specimen bulges
toward the reverse. All edges are rounded; toward the tip they are sharper.
(B21 75)

Splint-bone needle, 51 mm. long, 5.5-mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter. Only the head of this specimen appears to be worked. The tip is
lopsided and as far as can be detected seems to be natural. The specimen
bulges toward the reverse. (Pl. 21, i.)

Butt fragment of splint-bone needle. The break is recent but the tip portion
could not be found. 52.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The hole is
1.5 mm. diameter. The obverse surface has several transverse hackings, which
ure of recent origin. The specimen bulges towird the reverse.

WHALEBONE SLABS USED FOR LINING GRAVES

The present specimens consist of worked ribs and unworked scap-
ule. The crosscuts of the rib specimens are trimmed smooth and
straight with native tools. These specimens are considered very
unique by Mr. George G. Heye.

Tn addition to the specimens listed below, there are many fragments
of similar slabs and scapulee which could not be pieced together to
make slabs. The nature of the fragments was, however, evident from
the working on the edges.

Whalebone slab with neatly squared ends, 51.3 cm. long, 31.1 em. wide, 2.5
em. thick. The side edges are rounded and thin. (PI. 22, a.)

Whalebone slab with neatly squared ends, 68.5 cm. long, 22.8 em. wide, 3.1
em. thick. (Pl. 22, b.)

Whalebone slab with neatly squared ends, 87.6 cm. long, 2.7 em. wide, 3.8
em. thick. This is the longest slab.

Fragmentary whalebone slab with neatly squared end, 35.5 em. long, 33.3
em. wide, 4.1 cm. thick.

Fragmentary whalebone slab with neatly squared end and sides, 33.3 em.
long, 30.4 em. wide, 2.5 em. thick.

Entire scapula of whale, 104.1 em. long, 62.8 cm. wide. The articulation is
31.7 em. long, 10.1 cm. wide.

Entire scapula of whale, 139.7 cm. long, 7.8 cm. wide. The articulation is
38.7 em. long, 14.6 em. wide. This is the largest whale scapula recovered.
(Pl. 22, ¢.) Mr, C. EH. Asher is shown standing beside it.

SHAVYD DONINIT YOA GASN SEVIS ANOSGAIVHM

° q D

@ ALVId LYOdaY IVANNVY HLYNOsS-ALYOS ADOIONHLA NVOIYAWY 40 NVAdNa

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 23

a, PENDANT OF SEA-LION TOOTH. 6, TUBULAR BEAD OF DEER
BONE. c,d, PENDANTS OF STONE. e-k, BONES REMAINING
FROM BIRD CLAW PENDANTS. i-4, ONE-PIECE FISHHOOKS

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 135
WEDGES OF DEER ANTLER

Only three deer antler wedges were found, all of them in a fair
state of preservation. The burr of the antler forms the head of the
wedge. The bevel has been ground so as to leave a rounding point.

Wedge of deer antler, old and with disintegrated surface; 104.5 mm. long,
32 mm. diameter. The bevel starts 50 mm. back from the point. The knob
at the butt of the wedge is formed by the proximal bulge of the antler. (PI.
Pole “/h))

Wedge of deer antler, 87 mm. long, 29 mm. diameter. The bevel starts 50 mm.
back from the tip, exactly the same distance as in the specimen just described
above. The butt of the specimen is rounded. There is a curious shallow
groove 12 mm. wide around the shaft of the specimen, 36 mm. from the butt
end, the use of which can not be easily conjectured. (Pl. 21, m.)

Wedge of deer antler, the tip of which has been broken off somewhat; 81 mm.
long, 26 mm. wide, 23 mm. diameter at the butt. The bevel starts 48 mm. from
the tip fracture and cuts into the porous inside of the antler, which has pro-
duced a depression. The spur seen to the left in the photograph is from a
natural bend of the surface of the antler. (PI. 21, 7.)

FRAGMENTS OF DEER ANTLER

Tip fragment of deer antler, not hollow but has a spongy core; 28 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler with spongy interior, 32 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler, solid; 39 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler, interior spongy, round in section. 30.5 mm.
long,

Large tip fragment of deer antler of rather recent appearance. The reverse
side has a number of transverse scorings, evidently made by the Indians, pos-
sibly accidentally in trying to sever the horn from the head. Apparently a
young horn and not a tine. Interior is hollow. 64 mm. long.

Central fragment of deer antler, round in section. 32.5 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler, 32 mm. long.

Tip fragment of deer antler which has an almost charred appearance. The
hollow extended to the butt fracture of this fragment. 30 mm. long.

FISHBONES

With the exception of a large shark vertebra the natural concavity
of which had been used as a paint cup (p. 136), the numerous fishbones
collected are apparently all unworked and unused. They have been
studied in part by Mr. E. D. Reid, of the National Museum’s division
of fishes, and will be reported on at a later date. Although fishbones
were used as perforators and awls by the Indians, we found no such
specimens. Nor do the tooth plates of the eagle-ray, figured by
Heye,*? of which we took many specimens, show any sign of use, nor

= Heye, op. cit., p. 111.

136 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

the large tip fragment of the swordfish. Nor had any of the numer-
ous fish vertbree been drilled, although some in their present condi-
tion showed natural longitudinal perforations.

SHARK VERTEBRA PAINT CUP

Paint cup made of a large shark vertebra. The vertebra was broken in two
in the middle, the fracture forming the rough base of the cup. A fragment is
broken out of the rim. 54 mm. diameter, 42 mm. deep. The inside surface is
entirely coated with bright red paint made from hematite.

EXXCRESCENCES FROM THE SCAPULA OF THE HORSE MACKEREL

Thick bony masses from the anterior lower end of the scapula of the Caranr
hippos or horse mackerel (Span. caballo). At least this is the tentative iden-
tification made by Mr. Barton A. Bean and Mr. E. D. Reid of the division of
fishes of the United States National Museum, who have spared no pains in
trying to determine the provenance of these curious excrescences found in the
Indian graves and clearly from some local fish species. The specimens are six
in number and are triangular in section. The two smaller surfaces were evi-
dently articulated to the scapula of the horse mackerel if the identification is
correct. The larger surface is bulging. The interior is very porous and all
of the specimens are of a dark-brown color and somewhat mineralized appear-
ance. The measurements of the specimens are as follows: 33.5 mm. long, 13
mm. wide, 10 mm. thick; 28 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick; 25.5 mm. long,
8 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick; 36 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick; 35 mm.
long, 12 mm. wide, 9.5 mm. thick; 20 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 8 mm. thick.

BONE PENDANTS
Bones REMAINING FROM Brirp-CLAW PENDANTS

It is well known that the Channel Indians used on their necklaces
the transversely perforated claws of eagles and various hawks as well
as of the bear, etc. None of them showed traces of the claw or of

29

asphalt coating at the drilled end. Putnam ?** shows a specimen
with claw still intact; Heye *? shows a specimen with asphalt still
adhering to the butt. The unperforated claw bones obtained resem-
ble the perforated ones, except that they lack the drilling.

Bird-claw pendant, 63 mm. long, 28 mm. wide, 16.5 mm. thick. Round hole
drilled from both sides runs transversely through the butt, about 5 mm. from
the base. (PI. 28, g.)

Bird-claw pendant, 25 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 4 mm, thick. A hole 1.25 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 37 mm. long, 9 mm, wide, 6 mm. thick. Perforated at butt.

Bird-claw pendant. 25.5 mm, long, 6.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Hole 5 mm.
diameter through butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 28 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm thick. Perforated at
butt.

=a Putnam, op. cit., Pl. XI. ~b Heye, op. cit., fig. 14.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 137

Bird-claw pendant, 32 mm, long, 7.5 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Perforated at
butt.

Bird-claw pendant, the extreme tip of which is broken off; 31 mm. long. Hole
8 mm. diameter through the butt. (Pi. 28, e.)

Bird-claw pendant, 23 mm. long. Hole 2.25 mm. diameter through the butt.
(Pl: 23; f.)

Bird-claw pendant, 24 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 6 mm, thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 23 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 5.5 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 26 mm. iong, 11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 57 mm. long, 24 mm. wide, 14.5 mm. thick. Hole 13 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 25 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 50 mm, long, 22.5 mm. wide, 16.5 mm. thick. Hole 3.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 51 mm. long, 19.5 mm. wide, 15 mm. thick. Hole 3.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 37 mm. long (the tip is broken off), 19 mm. wide, 16 mm.
thick. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 41 mm. long (the tip is broken off), 26.5 mm. wide, 15 mm.
thick. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw pendant, 31 mm. long, 22 mm. wide, 14 mm. thick. Hole 3.5 mm.
diameter through the butt.

Bird-claw bone, 26 mm, long, 6.5 mm, wide, 5 mm. thick. Unperforated,

Bird-claw bone, 47 mm. long, 19 mm, wide, 11 mm. thick. Unperforated.
(Pl. 238, h.)

Bird-claw pendant, 24.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter 1.5 mm. from the base.

Bird-claw bone, 23 mm. long, 13.5 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Unperforated.

Bird-claw pendant, 27 mm. long, 16 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. Perforated at
base.

PENDANT OF SEA-LION TooTH

Curved ivory pendant of sea-lion tooth, 63 mm. long, 11 mm. diameter. A
neatly drilled hole 8 mm. diameter is located 2 mm. from the butt end. (Pl.
23, a.)

BONE BEADS

TUBULAR BEADS OF DEER BONE

Bone tubes, plain, pitted, incised or inlaid, and frequently with a
groove cut around near each end, or reamed out at the ends, were
apparently used as beads. Of seven specimens recovered, three have
inlay, adhering only in part, and four had apparently always been
undecorated. Similar tubes to those found are figured by Heye.**
Similar tubes were made of steatite and of other stone.

Inlaid bone bead, a tubular section of a long bone, 88 mm. long, 21 mm.
diameter. Ends nicely squared, the wall of the bone being about 4 mm. thick.

*8 Heye, op. cit., Pl, LXXII, b and e.
55231°—28——_10

138 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [WrEH. ANN. 44

A pateh of inlay still remains at one place on the surface. The inlay consists
of olivella disk beads neatly arranged in parallel rows, imbedded in a very
thin layer of black asphalt so that the beads rest on the surface of the bone.
Some of the beads are discolored, others whiter, in the present condition with
the specimen. The patch intact is 34 mm. long, 11 mm. wide. The remainder
of the surface of the bone is free from asphalt, but was apparently covered with
inlay over its entire surface. This specimen has no grooves near the ends.
(Geb, 2a ya)

Median fragment of inlaid bone bead, a tubular section of a long bone, 76.5
mm. long, 19.5 mm. diameter. Ends squared. A groove runs around 3 mm.
back from the ends. The thickness of the wall of the bone is about 4 mm.
The median half of this bone is broken away, but this does not show in the
illustration. Portions of the original inlay, executed in the same manner as
that of the specimen above described, remain intact at two places on the sur-
face, the beads being arranged in neat rows. (Pl. 21, g.)

Median fragment of inlaid bone bead, tubular section of a long bone, 44.5
mm. long, 22 mm. diameter. Ends nicely squared, the wall of the bone being
about 5 mm. thick. A groove runs around 4 mm. from the ends. The inlay
was the same as in the two other specimens from this pit and adheres in one
locality only. (PI. 21, h.)

Bead of deer bone, 41.5 mm. long, 14 mm. diameter, walls 2.5 mm. thick.
(El 235705)

Median half of a thin-walled tubular bead of deer bone, 38 mm. long, 8 mm.
diameter, wall 2.5 mm. thick.

Bead of deer bone, 40 mm. long, 15 mm. diameter, walls 1.5 mm. thick.

Bead of deer bone, 42.5 mm. long, 21.5 mm. diameter, walls 2.5 mm. diameter.

TuBUuLAR BEADS OF Birp BoNE

In addition to the inlaid deer-bone tubes just described, a number
of bird-bone beads were found. They consisted of sections cut from
the long bones of birds. One of these has asphalt adhering to the
outside surface which may have borne an inlay. Some of these beads
may be listed as follows:

3ead of bird bone with neatly squared ends, 17.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter.

Bead of bird bone, 14 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.

Bead of bird bone, 18 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter.

Bead of bird bone, 11 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter.

Oxssrcts OF SHELL
ONE-PIECE FISHHOOKS

The Channel Indian fishhook is as effective as it is curious in
appearance. In making a hook the Indian took a shell or the wall
of a long bone of the deer or some such mammal. First the outline
was cut and ground true, and then perforation was drilled and en-
larged to have the form of a narrow-mouthed opening, even in some
of the larger specimens less than 5 mm. across.**

*t Compare, e. g., the specimen illustrated by Putnam, op. cit., Pl. XI, 3.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 139

There are two principal patterns of butts: (1) Knobbed with a
groove around it; in many specimens the knob is elongated to form
a straight shank around which the groove passes longitudinally.”
(2) Knobless butt having a series of distinct notches.?° There are also
intermediate types, and some specimens have adhesive still adher-
ing to the butt. There are two patterns of point, the barbed and the
unbarbed. Some points describe the are of a circle, others are con-
siderably incurved.

The material of the one-piece hooks of our present collection is
the shell of the black abalone, red abalone, or mussel, and apparently
deer bone. There are in Polynesia one-piece fishhooks of shell, bone,
and stone, but none of the last-named substance have been found in

southern California.
ENTIRE FISHHOOKS

Entire fishhooks of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 34 mm. long, 20 mm.
wide; shaft 6 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. The outer edge at the butt contains
two notches with centers 3 mm. and 7.5 mm. from the butt. (Pl. 23, 7.)

Entire fishhook of red abalone. Obverse ventral. 86 mm. long, 32 min. wide,
shaft 11 mm. wide, 3 mm, thick. Shank 30 mm, long. The ends of the shank
are grooved but the groove does not extend along the sides of the shank.

Entire fishhook of black abalone, 28 mm. long, 26 mm. wide, shaft, 7 mm.
wide, 3.5 mm. thick. Shank 24 mm. long, with well-made groove extending
entirely around it. (Pl. 28, k.)

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse ventral. 29 mm, long, 22.5 mm.
wide, shaft 8 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Shank 22 mm. long. A rather poorly
made groove runs completely around the shank. The extereme tip is broken off.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 38 mm. long, 26 mm. wide,
shaft 8 mm. wide, 3 mm, thick. Shank 30 mm. long. A groove passes entirely
around the shank.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 35 mm. long, 26 mm. wide,
shaft 9 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Shank 8 mm. long. A narrow groove runs
around the shank,

Entire fishhook of bone. Obverse outside. 42 mm. long, 28 mm, wide, shaft
9 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. Shank 31 mm. long, with well-made groove passing
entirely around it.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 27 mm. long, 22 mm. wide,
shaft 6 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Shank 24 mm. long. A well-made groove
passes entirely around the shank. (PI. 23, 1.)

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse dorsal. 28 mm. long, 20 mm. wide,
shaft 7 mm. wide. Shank 22 mm. long. A narrow groove runs entirely around
the shank.

Entire fishhook of black abalone. Obverse outside. 16 mm, long, 11 mm. wide,
shaft 2.6 mm. wide, 1.75 mm. thick. Shank 7.5 mm long. A well-made groove
runs neatly around the shank. (PI. 23, j.)

FISHHOOK FRAGMENTS

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 29 mm, long, 4 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. Outer edge at butt contains three notches with center 1 mm., 3.5 mm.,
and 7 mm. from end of butt. Strong and well made. Dark slate color.

* KE. g., Putnam, op. cit., Pl. XXIII, j, k, 1. 2K. g., ibid., Pl, XXIII, ¢.

140 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN, 44

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, having 8 mm. of nicely grooved
shank intact. 24 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. Inner edge neatly
squared.

Central fragment of red abalone fishhook, 21.5 mm. long, 7.56 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick, but it appears that it was originally thicker and that lamina have peeled
off of both surfaces. Originally a large and strong hook.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook. Obverse ventral. 385 mm. long, 6.5
mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick. Outer edge at butt contains three notches with center
1.5 mm., 6 mm., and 11 mm. from butt end. Inner edge somewhat squared.

Butt fragment of fishhook. Flesh colored but from a black abalone shell.
Dorsal surface can not be determined. 13 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 2.25 mm.
thick. The shank is 6 mm. long, and its groove extends along obverse and
reverse surfaces only, but does not pass around the ends of the shank. This
yas one of the more delicate hooks, used for fish as small as the smelt and the
like.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, gray in color and having en-
crusted surface. 19 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The fragment con-
sists of the portion of the hook toward the butt end.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 24 mm. long, 5 mm, wide, 3 mm.
thick. Outer edge at butt contains three notches, their centers being 3.5 mm.,
6 mm., and 8 mm. from the butt end, respectively. The fishhook shows
blotches of mother of pearl from the inside surface of the shell on its obverse
face. The inside edge is somewhat squared.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 22.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3
mm. thick. Evidently very little is missing from the butt extremity.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 12 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1 mm.
thick. A small fragment, the curve of which shows it to be from near the tip
of the hook, evidently from one of the slenderer hooks.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. The outer edge is neatly rounded, the inner edge squared. The tip is
very sharp. Perhaps about two-thirds of the hook is present. The fragment
is blackish gray colored throughout.

Fragment of what is possibly a fishhook of black abalone in the process of
making. The unbroken edges are neatly cut and rounded and the hole, 15 mm.
diam., has been left as it was when first bored, not having been enlarged
so as to conform to the outer edge of the hook as is done in the finished
hook. Maximum length of fragment, 39.5 mm. long, 35 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
The inside surface has flecks of mother of pearl.

Central fragment of a black abalone fishhook, 12 mm. long, 2 mm. wide,
1.5 mm. thick. The fragment is from a slender hook of the smallest size and
comes from the middle portion of the hook.

Central fragment of a very large black abalone fishhook showing purplish and
yellowish flesh color tint. The fragment comes from the middle of the hook
and shows an unusually sharp elbow, 26 mm. long, 8 mm, wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The fragment comes from the
middle part of the hook and shows a rather sharp shoulder formed by the outer
edge. 16 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The fragment comes from the
part of the hook adjacent to the butt, and may in fact be regarded as a butt
fragment. The elbow is quite pronounced and more than half the hook is
present.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, strong and well made, the point
being very sharp and slender and exhibiting a natural furrow near the outer

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 141
edge of this surface in the vicinity of the butt. 33 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3.5
mm. thick. The hook must have been large to show so gentle a curve.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm, long, 4 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick. The middle portion of a medium sized hook.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 20 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, ~ mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, only the extreme butt and tip
being missing. 21 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The outer edge in the
vicinity of the butt may have originally had three notches, as is the case in
certain other hooks of similar shape. The hook shows only a tendency to
an elbow.

Butt fragment of a black abalone fishhook important for its extreme slender-
ness and small size. It is impossible to determine the dorsal surface. The
specimen is very black in color and carefully made. There is a single notch
in the outer edge near the butt end, which terminates without the formation of
a head. Such a hook was used for catching smelts and smaller fish.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 24.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide.
2 mm. thick. Perhaps about a third of the shank is intact and has a neatly
made groove for the attachment of the cord.

Central fragment of a curious but apparently finished black abalone fishhook
with unusually pronounced and wide shank, apparently a butt fragment. This
specimen probably belongs to a distinct type of fishhook. Obverse dorsal.
35 mm. long, 13.5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. All edges are squared. Only the
extreme point is missing from the butt end.

Central fragment of black abalone flshhook. Obverse dorsal. Inside squared.
22 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of red abalone fishhook. The ventral side is orange, the
dorsal white. Inner edge is squared, apparently from the original boring, the
perforation not having been enlarged or altered. The specimen exhibits an
elbow and comes from the middle portion of the original hook. 14 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. Possibly a reject of a hook that was spoiled in the
process of manufacture.

Butt fragment of abalone fishhook showing the characteristic three notches
in the outer edge, which are respectively 4 mm., 7 mm., and 11 mm. from the
butt end. The outer edge is unusually thin. The fragment is 22 mm. long,
5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of bone fishhook. The butt tapers to a sharp point. The
elbow almost forms a rectangle. The inside edge is neatly squared, the outer
edge is rounded. 28 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The specimen is
more or less coated with a dark sticky substance.

Central fragment of an unfinished black abalone fishhook which looks as if it
has been through fire. 28.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. The hole is
9 mm. in diameter.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. Only ihe most extreme tip is
missing. The hook was very round in type. 20 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 20.5 mm. long, 4 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. Evidently from the butt section of the hook.

Almost entire black abalone fishhook, only some 3 mm. of the tip having
been broken off. The ventral side has considerable nacre adhering to its
surface. 24 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The shank is 22.5 mm.
long, and on tke obverse side the groove extends only two-thirds of the way
across, while on the reverse side it extends entirely across the shank. The
specimen is neatly made and must have had a very narrow opening.

142 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [eTH. ANN, 44

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, found with and similar to the
one last described. This specimen has perhaps a third of the shank broken
off and also the greater part of the tip is missing. It was originally a stout
hook. Obverse ventral and wholly covered with brigkt nacre. The reverse
surface is quite black. 29.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The inner
is squared, the outer edge rounded. The portion of the shank which is still
extant is 15 mm. long. The shank has no trace of a groove on its obverse
surface, while a well-made groove extends across the reverse.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook showing well-made elbow.
Very black, evidently a fragment of a large hook. 21 mm. long, 10 mm. wide,
at the elbow, 5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The specimen is of a grayish
color and yet is probably from the black abalone. 18 mm. long, 5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. Inner edge squared. Only a little of the tip is missing.

Tip fragment of red abalone fishhook, yellowish in color. 26 mm. long,
7 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick. The point is undamaged, the inner edge somewhat
squared, the outer edge rounded. Evidently about half the fishhook is
present.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, slender and well made, with nicely
grooved shank. About a third of the fishhook is missing. The specimen is very
black in color. 18.5 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The shank is 7 mm.
long, and the groove extends completely around it. The inner edge is more or
less squared. :

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, only the tip third being missing;
21.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm. thick. The outer edge has six or more
minute transverse scorings extending from 2 mm. from the butt end to 7.5 mm.
from that end.

3utt fragment of probably red abalone fishhook, now bleached to whitish
eolor. There are flesh-colored patches on the surface. The specimen is in
friable condition. 14 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The inner edge is
squared; the outer end is rounded. The shank is 6 mm. long, and a neatly cut
groove extends entirely around it.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 14 mm. long, 1.5 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick. The butt has a knoblike shank 4 mm. long, with a depression running
around it for the attachment of the cord.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 22 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The gentle curve would indicate that this was a specimen of some size.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 18 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The fragment comes from the middle section of the hook.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, grayish in color and showing
well-made shoulder; 12 mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 24 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The curve shows it to have been a specimen of medium size.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 19 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 2.5
mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook showing round boring unaltered
and very prominent elbow; evidently a fragment of an unfinished specimen.
17 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, at the elbow, 2 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark gray color. Obverse and re-
verse sides are worn off somewhat by rubbing as if by action of sand or wear
so that they have a purplsh slate-gray color while the rest of the specimen is

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 143

blackish. 27 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick. The shank is 9 mm. long, and
has a groove extending completely around it. All edges are rounded and the
curve at the elbow is quite pronounced.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, cream colored, purplish on the
obverse side; 29 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The specimen consists
chiefly of the shank, which had a well-made groove extending completely around
it, but the upper end of it is broken off.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 19 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. The inner edge is apparently the original boring.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 21.5 mm. long, 6.75 mm. wide,
4 mm. thick. The inner edge is somewhat squared.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, only the tip being missing. This
specimen has a purple color almost like that of the beads made from the hinge
of the rock oyster. Ventral surface shows blotches of nacre. 23 mm, long,
5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The inside edge is square and the outside edge is
rounded. The shank is 16.5 mm. long, and a groove runs completely around
it except for a small distance at the middle of the obverse side.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook. The ventral surface shows flecks
of nacre. 22 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The inside edge is squared,
the outside edge rounded. Only the tip is missing from the specimen. The
shank is only 9 mm. long, and a well-made groove runs completely around it.

Butt fragment of an interesting black abalone fishhook, slender and well
made, quite purplish in color. 16 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The
shank consists of a round knob 38 mm. diameter around which runs a broad and
symmetrical groove.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, the surface of which is con-
siderably encrusted with calcareous deposits from the earth. Obverse ventral.
19 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. What remains of the shank is 6 mm.
long, and neatly grooved; perhaps half of it is broken away.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, slate gray color; 17 mm. long,
4mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The inner edge is squared, the outer edge somewhat
rounded.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 32 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm.
thick. There is a single smooth notch in the outer edge 10 mm. from the butt
fracture. Probably only a little of the butt end is broken off.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook of the slender and small variety.
Nacre adheres in two places to the ventral surface. 15 mm. long, 2 mm. wide,
2 mm. thick. The shank is 5.5 mm. long, and the groove extends entirely
around it. The inner is squared, the outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, consisting of the greater part
of the butt of a hook larger than medium size. The elbow or bend is quite
sharp.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 18 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 2.75
mm. thick. Inner edge squared, outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of probably red abalone fishhook, but now whitish; 21 mm.
long, 6 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of red abalone fishhook. The specimen is yellowish gray
in color. 19 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, somewhat translucent in places;
21.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The specimen shows an almost
right-angled elbow.

Central fragment of an unfinished red abalone fishhook. Ventral surface is
coated with nacre and shows considerable concavity. 24 mm. long, 15 mm.

144 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BLH, ANN, 44

wide, 2 mm. thick. The outside edge is ground off and the hole, which was
bored, is 8.5 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of red abalone fishhook, somewhat disintegrated; 28 mm. long,
9 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 14 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. Elbow can be distinguished.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13.5 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2.5
mm. thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 35.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick. The butt end is intact and the outer edge has no grooves. The inner
edge is squared, the outer edge rounded. The elbow is fairly sharp.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark slate gray color. Ventral
surface is quite concave. 27 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The speci-
men is broken off just at the elbow.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of bone fishhook, 21 mm. long, 8.25 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick.
The inner edge is neatly squared off, the outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 28 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 2.25 thick.
The shank is 9 mm. long and its butt is broken off somewhat. <A groove extends
around the shank. The inner edge is squared.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 12 mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide,
2 mm. thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 25 mm. long, 5 mm wide, 2.75 mm.
thick. There is a single notch less than 1 mm. deep, having a center 5 mm.
from the butt end.

3utt fragment of red abalone fishhook, 28 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
The shank is 138 mm. long and a considerable part of its extremity is broken
off. The groove is only on the obyerse side, there being no trace of a groove on
the reverse surface of the shank. The specimen is flesh colored but has been
identified as coming from the red abalone.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. 24 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 31 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm.
thick. The inner edge is squared, the outer edge quite sharp. A notch 1 mm.
deep begins 1.5 mm. from the butt end and extends along the outer edge about
4mm. The extreme butt end appears to have been broken off a little.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The edges are more or less
beveled and rounded, and the elbow is distinguishable. 20.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm.
wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook, 22.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, evidently an unfinished hook or
one unusually wide for the size of the boring. Obverse ventral. 21 mm. long,
9 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 30 mm. long, 8 mm, wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 19 mm. long, 7.5 wide, 2 mm.
thick. From near the tip of the hook.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 145

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 16 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 2.3
mm. thick.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook. Slender and well made. 12 mm.
long, 2.5 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 18 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 28.5 mm. long, 5.56 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. The shank is 11 mm. long, and its extremity has been broken off. A neat
groove runs around the shank. The inner edge is square, the outer edge
rounded. Note the unsual thickness of the specimen.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 20 mm. long, 4.5 mm. wide, 3
mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. Dorsal surface can not be de-
termined. 15 mm. long, 3.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

‘Butt frament of black abalone fishhook, 20 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2.5 mm.
thick. The inside edge is squared, the outside edge more or less rounded.
The elbow is well pronounced and only the tip is lacking from the specimen.
The butt has no grooves.

Tip fragment of black abalone fishhook similar in type to the one last
described and found with it; 13.5 mm. long, 3 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. The tip
is slender and beautifully formed. The specimen is very black in color. The
elbow is prominent, the inner edge squared, the outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 20 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 13 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1.5
mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 23.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide,
3.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 12 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, slate colored; 24 mm. long, 8.5
mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 32.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide,
3 mm. thick. The middle portion of a very large and strong hook.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. Obverse dorsal. Fragments of
nacre adhere to the reverse surface. 15 mm. long, 3 mm, wide, 1 mm. thick.
A mere fragment of the shank remains. The hook is unusually thin, yet
well made.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, the surface of which is much
encrusted ; 16.5 mm, long, 4 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, Obverse ventral. 14 mm. long,
3.5 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick.

Central fragment of red abalone fishhook, 19 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 21 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 34 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4 mm.
thick. The lower part of the inside edge is somewhat squared. The hook has
a well-defined elbow. There is no trace of grooving at the butt.

146 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook of the most slender yariety, 11
mm. long, 2.5 mm. wide, 1 mm. thick. Very black color.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark slate color, well preserved ;
25 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 2.6 mm. thick. The inner edge squared, the outer
edge rounded. The shank is 17 mm. long, and shows no trace of a groove
either on the obverse or reverse side, merely a notch cut at each end. This is
the only example of this kind of shank in the collection.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook, 18 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick. The shank is 5 mm. long, and a shallow groove runs completely around
it.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark yellowish color in places,
blackish in places; 25 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3 mm. thick. The inner edge is
squared, the outer edge rounded. Perhaps about equal portions of butt and
tip are missing.

3utt fragment of black abalone fishhook, dark slate color; 25 mm. long, 7
mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. The inner edge is squared, but the specimen is
peculiar in haying not only the outer edge but also the edge of the shank sharp.
The shank is 16 mm. long, and the groove is absent from the central part of
each surface.

Central fragment of bone fishhook, 14 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 4.5 mm. thick.
The inner edge is square, the outer edge rounded.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook. The surface is much encrusted,
the interior of a specimen is gray colored. 17 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 5 mm,
thick. The inner edge is squared, the outer edge rounded.

Butt fragment of black abalone fishhook. This fragment consists of the
shank only, which is 10.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3.5 mm. thick. A groove ex-
tends completely around the shank.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhook, 17 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. The specimen has quite an elbow and a notch in the outer edge 2.5 mm..
from the broken butt. Judging from the shape, it may originally have had
three notches.

Central section of red abalone fishhook, 12 mm. long, 2 mm. wide, 2.56 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of black abalone fishhock, 12 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 2.5
mm. thick.

DISHES OF ABALONE SHELL

Dishes of abalone shell, of either the black or red variety, with the
siphonal openings neatly plugged with asphalt, were perhaps the
commonest small vessel of the Indians. Some well-preserved speci-
mens were taken from the mound. Heye*’ figures such a vessel,
calling it a haliotis shell scoop. “ Dish ” would probably be a better
term, for they were primarily receptacles or containers, although
used also on occasion as scoops, dippers, bailers and spades.

Black abalone shell dish. Holes plugged with asphalt. Only the hole near-
est the rim of the shell has the plug missing. The entire inside and outside
of the shell are smeared with red paint. 147.6 mm. long, 115.8 mm. wide, 41.2
mm. high.

Black abalone shell of very greenish color, found half filled with fine-textured

asphalt. The shell is deformed, having no siphonal openings. 93.6 mm, long,
69.8 mm. wide, 28.5 mm. high. (Pl. 24, d.)

*7 Heye, op. cit., p. 118.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 147

Black shell dish. The holes have a trace of former plugging seen on the back
of the shell. 190.5 mm, long.

Fragment of black abalone shell dish. Fragment 1386.5 mm, long, and shows
four holes still plugged with asphalt and one from which the plugging has
cropped out.

Black abalone shell dish, 161.9 mm. long, 136.5 mm. wide, 47.6 mm. high.
Fifty-six transverse incisions have been cut as ornamentation along the rim.
Of the four holes occurring in the shell in its present fragmentary condition,
only two still have the asphalt plugging intact. (PI. 24, 6.)

Fragmentary black abalone shell dish, 120.6 mm. long, 101.6 mm. wide, 44.4
mm. high. Seven holes occur in the specimen, only one of which is still plugged
with asphalt.

Fragmentary black abalone dish. Fragment 98.4 mm. long, 52.3 mm. wide.
One hole plugged with asphalt occurs in the fragment.

Beautiful red abalone shell dish, 225.4 mm, long, 187.8 mm. wide, 57.1 mm.
high. The back of the shell is partly ground off and shows pretty veining.
There are five holes. The two nearest apex and rim are still plugged with

asphalt.
Black abalone shell dish. 114.3 mm. long, 88.9 mm. wide, 25.4 mm, high.
The plugging has fallen out of the siphonal holes.

SHELLS USED AS PAINT CUPS

In addition to stone mortars or bowls, limestone cups, ironstone
concretions, and fish vertebrae, the Indians employed shells of va-
rious kinds as containers for pigment. Typical paint cups, the use
of which was unmistakable, may be listed as follows:

Rock oyster shell which was used as a paint cup. The central part of the
cupping shows a bright stain of red hematite. SS mm. long, 18 mm. diameter.

Owl limpet shell found filled with red hematite paint; 79 mm. long, 57 mm.
wide, 16 mm. diameter. The paint varies in color from blackish gray to bright
red, and is fine textured and like asphalt in hardness. (Pl. 24, c.)

BEADS, PENDANTS, AND ORNAMENTS

The favorite material for Indian jewelry was shell, and among
the various shells employed the abalone, Pismo clam, olivella and
rock-oyster had, perhaps, the preference. These shells were treated
in almost every conceivable way in the manufacture of Indian finery.
No known substance is more handsome than mother-of-pearl, and the
Indian ornaments, when new and properly strung or otherwise at-
tached, made a beautiful and showy appearance.

European beads were introduced in quantities very early and at the
time of the American occupation were about the only ones worn by
the Mission Indians.

The small beads especially escaped being broken, and many of
them survived the action of the soil almost perfectly. The method
of stringing, however, which is of ethnological importance, can never
be to any extent recovered. Bone and stone beads were also used in
surprising variety.

148 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44
SHELLS FOR STRINGING

Several species of shell were found perforated for stringing entire.
Conspicuous among these is the small species of olivella with spire
ground off by rubbing on a rock so that a string can be inserted.
(Pl. 26,7.) A few specimens of the large olivella were found pre-
pared in the same way. Cowrie shells were found with the back
broken through, apparently for stringing.

The dentalum is a natural tube and does not have to be per-
forated for stringing. It was rare on the Channel, occurring only
in the deeper waters, but was known to the Indians and a number
of specimens were taken. Sections of dentalium were used as bush-
ings for the ends of cylindrical and other types of beads.

Two specimens of clamshell were found which had been bored
near the hinge, apparently for the purpose of stringing. The holes
are about 3 mm. diameter. The maximum diameter of the shells is
about 43 mm.

RiM PONDANTS OF ABALONE

These are cut from the inner lip of the abalone shell, from the red
abalone in the specimens obtained. An ornamentation of zigzag or
transverse incisions is found on some rim pendants.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 44 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 4 mm. thick.
Hole 2 mm. diameter, 2 mm. from butt end. The outside edge is ornamented
with transverse incisions cut about 1 mm. apart.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 36 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick, Hole 1.5 mm. diameter bored 8 mm. from the butt end.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 47 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.
Hole 1.5 mm. diameter bored 2 mm. from the butt end.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 52 mm. long, 14.5 mm. wide, 5 mm.
thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter 3 mm. from butt end.

Entire abalone rim pendant, 125 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 2.75 mm. thick.
Hole 2 mm. diameter, 2.5 mm. from the butt end. From the butt extending to
13 mm. from the tip, the outer edge is ornamented with zigzag incisions.
(Pl. 25, @:)

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 51 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. The fragment contains no perforation. The outer edge has remains of
transverse incisions, 1.25 apart; these incisions have been partly worn off.

Entire abalone rim pendant, 41 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.75 mm. thick. Hole
1.5 mm. diameter, 3 mm. from the butt.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 52.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide, 3 min.
thick.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 47.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick. In quite decayed condition.

Fragment of abalone rim pendant, 27.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick.
The entire outer edge is incised with transverse scorings.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 76 mm. long, 6 mm. wide, 3.5 mm.
thick. The hole is 2 mm. diameter and the end of the specimen beyond the
hole has been broken away. Traces of transverse incisions are still visible
along the lower portion of the outer edge.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 24

a, CACHE OF CLAMSHELL DISKS AND LONG BEADS IN AN
ABALONE DISH. 6, ABALONE DISH WITH TRANSVERSELY
INCISED RIM. ce, OWL LIMPET SHELL USED AS A PAINT
CUP. d, ABALONE SHELL USED AS A PAINT CUP

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25

a, ABALONE RIM PENDANT. 6, TRIANGULAR PENDANTS OF
ABALONE. c, COL.UMELLA PENDANT. 4d, f, 9, OBLONG PEN-
DANTS OF ABALONE. e, LEAF-SHAPED PENDANT OF CLAM-
SHELL. hk, i, CIRCULAR PENDANTS OF ABALONE. j, k&, DISKS
OF CLAMSHELL. !, SQUARE PENDANT OF ABALONE. m, LIM-
PET RING. 2, RING-SHAPED ORNAMENT OF ABALONE.

0, ABALONE GORGET

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 149

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 97 mm. long, 7 mm. wide, 5 mm. thick.
Hole 2.5 mm. diameter. Half the hole is extent, the end of the specimen being
broken off.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, 85.5 mm. long, 11 mm. wide, 3 mm.
thick. Hole 1 mm. diameter, 0.75 mm. from the butt. The specimen is so disin-
tegrated that one can not be sure of any trace of incisions on the outer edge.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 38 mm. long, 5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick. There are transverse incisions along the entire outer edge.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, 46.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. wide, 1.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 62.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 2 mm.
thick. The entire outer edge has zigzag incisions.

Butt fragment of abalone rim pendant, 30.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide, 3.5 mm.
thick. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter, 2 mm. from butt.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 40.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 3.5 mm.
thick.

Central fragment of abalone rim pendant, 46 mm. long, 7 mm wide, 2 mm.
thick. :

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, 91 mm. long, 12.5 mm. wide, 6.5 mm.
thick.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, 26 mm. long., 6 mm. wide, 5 mm, thick.

Tip fragment of abalone rim pendant, 42 mm. long, 8 mm. wide, 2.5 mm. thick.

OBLONG PENDANTS OF CLAMSHELL

One of the specimens measures 22 mm. long, 4 mm. wide, 2 mm. thick. A hole
0.75 mm. diameter is bored near one end. One edge is serrated. The serra-
tions appear to be artificial. It appears that the marginal region of one side
was transversely incised, giving a serrated edge, although it was thought at
first that the corrugated surface or serrated ventral margin of some bivalve
had been used to produce this effect. (Pl. 26, m.)

COLUMELLA PENDANTS

Only three pendants made from columella with spiral groove
were obtained and they may be described as follows:

Butt fragment of columella pendant, 17.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter.
Hole 1 mm. diameter, 1 mm. from butt.

Columella pendant, 33.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter,
2 mm. from butt.

Columella pendant, 39 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter, 1.5
mm. from butt. (Pl. 25, c.)

TRIANGULAR PENDANTS or ABALONE

Triangular abalone pendants have a variety of forms. The edge
of the pendant was frequently ornamented by incision and a single
hole was bored near one corner after the manner of the hole of a
comal. Typical specimens are shown. (PI. 25, 6.)

Triangular pendant, 16.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Triangular pendant, 19 mm. long, 11.5 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter

at apex.
Triangular pendant, 24.5 mm. long, 21 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter
at apex.

Triangular pendant, 21 mm. long, 15 mm. wide. Hole 1.25 mm. diameter.

150 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

Fragment of triangular pendant, 61.5 mm. long, 33.5 mm. wide. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Fragment of triangular pendant, 22 mm. long, 8 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Triangular pendant, 22 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter,
3 mm. from the edge of the middle of one of the sides.

Somewhat disintegrated triangular pendant, 18 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Triangular pendant, 17.5 mm. long, 21 mm. wide. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 21 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Beautifully preserved triangular pendant, 25.5 mm. long, 24 mm. wide. Hole
1 mm. diameter. Entire edge incised with crosswise scorings.

Butt fragment of triangular pendant, 17.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide. Hole 3
mm. diameter. This fragment is as thin as paper, being the last remnant.

Triangular pendant, 18.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 35.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. Hole 1.75 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 23 mm. long, 25 mm, wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Entire edge incised with crosswise scorings.

Triangular pendant, 17.5 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 38 mm. long, 16 mm. wide. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Triangular pendant, 33.5 mm. long, 7 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter at
the obtuse angle.

Triangular pendant, one corner of which is broken off. Original computed to
have been 37 mm. long, 14 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

LEAF-SHAPED PENDANTS OF CLAMSHELL

An example is shown in Plate 25, e.

Pendant of clamshell, 17 mm. long, 6 mm, wide. Hole 1 mm, diameter.
Pendant of clamshell, 10 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Pendant of clamshell, 15 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Pendant of clamshell, 17 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. Hole 1 mm, diameter.

CIRCULAR AND SQUARISH PENDANTS OF ABALONE

These have one or two perforations. Specimens are shown in
Plate 25, A, 7, and JZ.

Abalone pendant, 12 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 1.25 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 14 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm, diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1.75 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 14.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 17 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 12.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 13.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter not exactly at
the center.

Abalone pendant, 30 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter at center,

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter not exactly at the
center.

Abalone pendant, 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter. A very thin
lamina,

Abalone pendant, 33 mm. diameter. Hole 4 mm. diameter at center. Edge
incised.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 151

Abalone pendant, 12 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 13 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 13.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.75 mm. diameter.

Blank for squarish abalone pendant, 11.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant 26 mm. diameter. Two holes 3 mm. diameter. Hdge in-
cised.

Abalone pendant. Square. 75 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 18 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 28.5 mm. diameter. Two holes 4 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 27 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 17 mm. diameter. Hole 5.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant. Square. 15 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 18 mm. diameter. Two holes 3 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 8.5 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter at center. A mere
lamina.

Abalone pendant, 12 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter at center. Entire
edge incised.

Abalone pendant, 14.5 mm. diameter. Two holes 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter 1 mm. from the
edge.

Abalone pendant, 16 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter at
center.

Abalone pendant, 14 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter near center.

Abalone pendant, 19 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter near center.

Abalone pendant, 11 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter at center.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Two holes 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 23 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter. Edge incised.

Abalone pendant, 38.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 2 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 8.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter. A mere
lamina.

Fragmentary abalone disk or gorget, 36 mm. diameter. Two holes, 3 mm.
diameter, 7.5 mm. apart.

Abalone pendant, 17 mm. diameter. Hole 1.75 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 20 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.75 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 6.25 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Oblong. 18 mm. long, 8 mm. wide. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 24.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter at
center.

Abalone pendant 16.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for abalone pendant, 12 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant, 19.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 diameter.

Abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter at center.

Blank for abalone pendant, 21.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 10.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 15 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square. 8 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter. -

Abalone pendant, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.75 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, Square. 8 mm, diameter, Hole 2.25 mm, diameter.

152 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN, 44

Abalone pendant, 17 mm. diameter. Hole 1.25 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 11 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant. Oblong. 10 mm. long, 0.75 mm. wide. Two holes, 1 mm.
diameter.

Abalone pendant. Oblong. 9.5 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. Two holes, 1 mm.
diameter.

Abalone pendant. Square, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter. A mere lamina.

Abalone pendant, 14.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.25 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, i3 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.75 mm. diameter

Blank for abalone pendant, 15.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Abalone pendant. Oblong with bulging sides. 10.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide.
Hole 5 mm, diameter at center. Very thin.

Abalone pendant. Oblong. 11 mm. long, 9 mm. wide. Two holes, 2 mm.
diameter. :

Abalone pendant, 16 mm long. Hole 1 mm. diameter. To one side of center.

3lank for abalone pendant, 21.5 mm. long, 13 mm. wide. Unbored.

Blank for abalone pendant, 19 mm. long, 15 mm. wide. Unbored.

Fragment of abalone pendant. Representing about half the original speci-
men. 23.5 mm. long, 12 mm. wide. Two holes, 2.5 mm. diameter.

*Blank for abalone pendant, 9 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Blank for abalone pendant, 44 mm. diameter. Unbored.

Blank for abalone pendant, 44 mm. long, 18.5 mm. wide. Unbored.

Abalone pendant, 19.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 15 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 15 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1 mm. diameter.

Abalone pendant, 32 mm. diameter. Two holes, 3.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for abalone pendant. 15.5 mm, diameter. Unbored.

Blank for abalone pendant, 24.5 mm. diameter. Unbored.

ABALONE GORGETS

Distinguished from the pendants just described only by size are
the gorgets of abalone shell, worn at the throat or on the breast of
the Indian. These were made of black or red abalone. The best
specimens are as follows. A specimen is shown in Plate 25, 0.

Gorget made of young red abalone shell. One side partly broken off. 89 mm.
long, 108.5 mm. wide. The breathing holes do not go through the shell. Two
holes, 5.5 mm. diameter. The entire edge is ornamented with incisions about
1.5 mm. apart.

Gorget of abalone, 81 mm. long, 62 mm. wide. Two holes, 4 mm. diameter.
Part of the edge of the specimen is broken away.

Gorget of abalone, 78 mm. long, 67 mm. wide. Two holes, 3 mm. diameter.
The entire edge was incised.

Fragment of abalone gorget, 39 mm. diameter. The fragment shows one hole,
5 mm. diameter. :

Fragment of abalone gorget, 59 mm. long. The fragment shows parts of two
holes which had a diameter of about 2.5 mm.

Abalone gorget, 62.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 1.5 mm. diameter. The entire
edge is incised, or rather toothed, with projections 2.5 mm. apart.

Abalone gorget, 49.5 mm. diameter. Two holes, 5 mm. diameter somewhat
lopsidedly placed.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS as

Fragment of abalone gorget, 59 mm. long. The fragment shows two holes
which were 5 mm. or more in diameter, and is unusually flat. The edge is
incised.

Abalone gorget in fragmentary condition, 58 mm. long. Two holes, 3 mm.
diameter. This gorget has two larger holes, which were some 14 mm. diameter ;
these were plugged with asphalt, the surface of which was inlaid with shell
beads. The plugging of one hole is still intact and two shell beads adhere to the
outer surface, also two to the inner surface. The plugging of the other hole
has fallen out and the hole is partly broken away.

Fragment of abalone gorget, representing about half the original specimen,
44 mm, long. The specimen shows one hole 4 mm. diameter, but there were
doubtless two holes.

Disks oF CLAMSHELL

Examples of disks from the Pismo clamshell are shown. (PI. 25,
jand &.) Their size varies from that of a dime to that of a dollar.

A cache of these, together with cylindrical beads, is shown in Plate
24, a.

Disk of clamshell, 51.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 50.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 50.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 47 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of eglamshell, 49 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter. Part of the
edges broken away.
Disk of clamshell, 46 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 37 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 836 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 35 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Disk of clamshell, 41.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

OBLONG PENDANTS OF ABALONE

Examples of oblong pendants of abalone are shown in Plate 25,
d, fy 9.

Pendant of black abalone, 26 mm. long, 8.5 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 34 mm. long, 4 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 19.5 mm. long, 8 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 17.5 mm. long, 5 mm wide. A hole at each end.
The holes are partly broken away.

Pendant of black abalone. Oblong but with rounded ends. 20.5 mm. long,
6 mm. wide. A hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone. A trace of a hole can still be seen at one end.
The other end seems to have been squared and to have had no hole. 25 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone. The hole is intact at one end. The other end is
so crumbled away that. one can not tell whether it also had a boring. 26.5
mm. long, 7 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone. The hole at one end is partly broken away, 29
mm. long, 15.5 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone. Oblong with large curved notches out of each of
the longer sides. 25.5 mm. long, 18 mm. wide. Two holes at each end.

55231°—28——11

154 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44

Pendant of black abalone. There is a large curved notch out of the central
part of one side. The ornament is almost square. 25 mm. diameter.

Pendant of black abalone, 41 mm. long, 12 mm. wide. Hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 45.5 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. Hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 29 mm. long, 6 mm. wide. Hole at each end.

Pendant of black abalone. This is possibly a fragment, having a hole in one
end only. 23.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone, 22 mm. long, 4 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

Pendant of black abalone, Wider in the middle and tapering toward the
ends, 33.5 mm. long, 5 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

Pendant of black abalone. This has no holes and is possibly a central frag-
ment. 25 mm. long, 4.75 mm. wide.

Pendant of black abalone, 22.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

Pendant of black abalone, 24.5 mm, long, 4 mm. wide. Hole in each end.

RING-SHAPED ORNAMENTS OF ABALONE

An example of the abalone ring pendants is shown in Plate 25, n.

Ring-shaped ornament from which a section 14 mm. in length has been
broken out, 35 mm. diameter, width of band 9.5 mm.

Fragment of ring-shaped ornament. Outer edge decorated with incisions,
27.5 mm. long, width of band 8 mm.

Ring-shaped ornament, 44 mm. diameter; width of band 14 mm.

Fragment of ring-shaped ornament. The outer decorated with incisions.
31.5 mm. long; width of band 14.5 mm.

Ring-shaped ornament. 16.5 mm. diameter width of band 6 mm.

Ornament consisting of a ring with attached shaft. Diameter of ring 13.5
mm.; width of band 5 mm. Length of entire ornament, 33 mm. There was
evidently a hole near the end of the shaft, but this has been mostly broken away.

LimrPet RINGS

The edge of the siphonal opening of the great keyhole-limpet was
made into an elongated ring by grinding away the rest of the shell.
The ends of most of our specimens are squared. An example is
figured in Plate 25, m.

Limpet ring, 16 mm. long, 18 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 7 mm. long, 5.5 wide. Ends not squared.

Extra wide banded limpet ring, 29 mm. long, 20 mm. wide, band 7 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 22 mm. long, 14.5 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 22 mm. long, 15.5 wide.

Limpet ring, 22 mm. wide, 19 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 19.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 18 mm. long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring. Ends not squared. <A curious projection, 2 mm. long, sticks
out from one end. 25.5 mm. long, 18 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 17 mm, long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 19.5 mm. long, 14 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 30 mm. long, 21.5 mm. wide. Ends not squared. This is the
largest specimen in the collection.

Limpet ring, 12 mm. long, 10 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 26 mm. long, 14 mm. wide. Ends not squared.

HARRINGTON ] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 155

Limpet ring, 16 mm. long, 10 mm. wide. Squared at one end only.
Limpet ring, 16 mm. long, 8 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 18 mm. Jong, 10 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 10 mm. long, 6 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 24 mm. long, 16 mm. wide.

Limpet ring, 19 mm. long, 10 mm. wide.

LONG BEADS
CYLINDRICAL BEADS

White cylindrical beads were made from the thick part of the shell
of the Pismoclam. They differ considerably in size and shape, also in
the diameter of the boring, which was made from both ends. Many
of the specimens taken have the surface much disintegrated. Typical
specimens are shown in Plate 26, 7, %, and J.

Blanks, broken and rubbed, from the Pismo clamshell, for making
these beads were also found.

End fragment of cylindrical bead, 16 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 5 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 44 mm. long, 20.5 mm. wide, 11 mm. thick.
Square in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 27 mm. long, 9 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. Round in
section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 5 mm, diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 55 mm. long, 18 mm, wide, 10.5 mm. thick. Squar-
ish in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 25.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 20 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead with flutings at each end, 28 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.
Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead. 23 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 36.5 mm. long, 9.5 mm. diameter. Square in
section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 44 mm. long, 8.5 mm. diameter. Square in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
with bushings at each end.

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm, long, 8 mm. diameter, with bushings at each
end.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diam-
eter, with bushings at each end.

Entire cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5 mm. diam-
eter. The bushings have fallen out. The walls at the ends of the bead are
very thin.

Entire cylindrical bead, 49 mm, long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diam-
eter, with bushings at the ends.

Entire cylindrical bead, 30.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
with bushings.

156 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [rH. ANN. 44

Entire cylindrical bead, 36 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,
with bushings.

Entire cylindrical bead, 37.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter, Hole 3 mm, diameter,
with bushings.

Entire cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire eylindrical bead, 28.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 43 mm, long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of unbored cylindrical bead, 22.5 mm. long, 4 mm, diameter.

End fragment of cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.75
mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter,

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 5.5 mm, diameter. Hole 3 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 26 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 67 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 66 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 47 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 44 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 50.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 40 mm. long, 10 mm. diameter. Square in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 50.5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Square in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 33.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole less than
1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 48.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 15.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 80 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 8 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 39 mm. long, 13 mm. wide, 6 mm. thick. Oblong
in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 45 mm. long, 17 mm. wide, 9 mm. thick. Oblong
in section. ;

Entire cylindrical bead, 19.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 33 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 42 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Square in section.

A hole has been bored 1 mm. into one end and 2 mm. into the other end.
These holes are about 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, much decomposed, 14 mm. long.

Entire cylindireal bead, 13.5 mm. long, 4mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 12 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter,
with black wampum bushing in each end.

Entire cylindrical bead, 23.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 36.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole less than
1 mm. diameter,

to
B
B

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 157

Blank for cylindrical bead, 40 mm. long, 12 mm. wide, 10 mm. thick. Squarish
in section. ;

Entire cylindrical bead, 48.5 mm, long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 49 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Round in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 65 mm, long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 23.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 25 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Round in
section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 17.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 43 mm. long, 4 mm, diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 24.5 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Round in section.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 48.5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Round in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 30.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 836 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Entirely finished except that it lacks the boring.

Entire cylindrical bead, 36 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 34 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm, diameter,
with bushings at the ends.

Entire cylindrical bead, 29 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter,

Entire cylindrical bead, 41 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 49 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter,

Entire cylindrical bead, 37 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 57 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diam-
eter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 21.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter.Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 28.5 mm. long, 5.75 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 25 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 41 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 51.5 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 1.25 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 54 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 29.5 mm. long, 6.25 mm. diameter. Square in
Section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 23 mm. long, 5. 5 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 51 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Round in section.
Complete except for the boring.

Entire cylindrical bead, 23.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 34 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27.5 mm. long, 5.25 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 21 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

158 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN, 44

End fragment of cylindrical bead, 17 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 45.5 mm. long, 20 mm. wide, 10 mm. thick. Ob-
long in section. The sides consist clearly of the original surfaces of a large
clamshell.

Entire cylindrical bead, 30 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.75 mm. diam-
eter, with bushing at both ends.

Entire cylindrical bead, 32 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

End fragment of cylindrical bead, 14 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole
0.75 mm. diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 50 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Round in sec-
tion. Finished except for the boring.

Entire cylindrical bead, 17 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3.25 mm.
diameter, with bushings in the ends.

Entire cylindrical bead, 37 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm.
diameter.

Blank for cylindrical bead, 45 mm, long, 12 mm. wide, 7 mm. thick. Square
in section.

Entire cylindrical bead, 48.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 18.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 27.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Entire cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

COLUMELLA BEADS

Long, tapering white columella beads, with a spiral groove wind-
ing about the surface, were made in part from the columella of the
Top-shell, the large, straight-sided univalve that is still seen
occasionally tossed out on the beaches of the vicinity. Specimens
illustrating all stages of the process of manufacture were obtained.
Typical specimens are shown in Plate 26, and o.

Butt fragment of columella bead, 53 mm, long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5
mm. diameter at butt.

Columella bead, 77 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 3.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, 61 mm. long, 14.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, finished except that it is unbored, 100 mm. long,
9.5 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 28 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5
mm. diameter. The hole is bored crooked, breaking a groove through the side
of the bead at the tip 6.5 mm. long.

Blank for columella bead, finished except that it is unbored, 62 mm. long,
7 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 71 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 70.5 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 50 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 61 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm, diameter.

Columella bead, 30 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 67 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 159

Columella bead, 63.5 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm, diameter.

Columella bead, 39 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 22.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 61 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole
2.5 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 20 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Columella bead, 55 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 45 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 24 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 62 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 3
mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 20.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 91.5 mm. long, 10 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 14 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter

Columella bead, 54 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter, with a
bushing of white dentalium at the small end.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 55 m. long,
diameter.

Columella bead, 37 mm, long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hoie 2 mm. diameter, with
bexagonal bushing at each end.

Columella bead, 45.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 25 mm. long, 5 mm, diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Columella bead, 83.5 mm. long, 8.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter,

Central fragment of columella bead, 28 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5
mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 98.5 mm, long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 5 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 88 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 4 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 73 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 88 mm, long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 78.5 mm. long, 7.5 mm, diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 67 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 64.5 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 63 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm, diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead. 59 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5
mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead. 41 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole
2.5 mm. diameter,

Central fragment of columella bead, 45 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5
mm. diameter.

Tip fragment of columella bead, 30 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 41 mm. long, 8 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 82 mm. long, 7.5 mm. diameter. Hole 4 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of columella bead, 51 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 2
mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 67 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Columella bead, 70 mm, long, 7 mm. diameter, Hole 3 mm. diameter.

7 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.

160

Central fragment of columella bead, 69.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter.

3 mm. diameter.
Tip fragment of columella bead,
diameter.

Columella bead, 44.5 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter.
Columella bead, 42 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter.
Columella bead, 89.5 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter.

EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND

(ETH. ANN, 44
Hole
30 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Hole 2.25 mm. diameter.
Hole 4.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, finished except that it is unbored, 81 mm. long,

7 mm. diameter.
Columella bead, 74.5 mm. long, 4.

Butt fragment of columella bead,

diameter.
Blank for columella bead, 65 mm
Blank for columella bead, 64 mm
Blank for columella bead, 40 mm

Blank for columella bead, 63 mm.

Hole 3 mm. diameter.
29 mm. long, 9 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.

5 mm. diameter.

. long, 18 mm. diameter.
. long, 18.5 mm. diameter.
. long, 15 mm. diameter.
long, 35 mm. diameter.

Blank for columella bead, 74 mm. long, 30 mm. diameter.
Blank for columella bead, 61 mm. long, 37 mm. diameter.
Blank for columbella bead, finished except that it is unbored. 57 mm. long,
8 mm. diameter.
HINGE BEaAps

The beads made from the straight edge of the hinge of the rock-
oyster shell can be recognized not only by their purple color but by
the transverse groove across the middle of the bead which remains
from the ligamental notch at the center of the hinge. These beads are
usually barrel-shaped. The size varies materially. A specimen with
profile of the natural center groove is shown in Plate 26, m. Typical
specimens may be listed as follows:

Hinge bead, 42 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 26 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Hinge bead, 20.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter .
Hinge bead, 25 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 25 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 30.5 mm. long, 5.75 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 32 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 23.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 36.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 29 mm. long, 5.6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 28 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Hinge bead, 31 mm. long, 4.25 mm. diameter. Hole less than 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 21.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Hinge bead, 41 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Hinge bead, 35.5 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.
Hinge bead, 38 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Hinge bead, 32 mm. long, 7 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Hinge bead, 25 mm. long, 45 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Hinge bead, 18 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter,

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 161

Tip fragment of hinge bead, 29 mm. long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.
Rock-OyYSTER CYLINDRICAL BEADS

In addition to the hinge beads just described there is another
type of bead cut from the rock-oyster shell which does not have the
transverse notch, but which appears to imitate as nearly as possible
the white cylindrical bead, size and shape being of course restricted
by the comparative thinness of the rock-oyster shell in contradis-
tinction tc that of the Pismo clamshell. These beads have been
termed cylindrical beads of rock-oyster shell. Many of them have
an almost scarlet color and must have made handsome necklaces
when new.

End fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 21 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 35 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 24 mm. long, 6.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 34.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 8.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 21 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 15 mm, long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 14 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5
mm. diameter. :

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 34 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17.5 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with bushing at both ends; 20.5 mm. long,
4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Central or possibly tip fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 19 mm.
long, 6 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 16 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 2 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 15 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 9 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 18.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 13 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17.5 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1.25 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 20 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

162 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [ETH. ANN. 44

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 21.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

End fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 31 mm, long. 4.5 mm. diameter.
Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 20 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 23 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 24.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole less than
1 mm. diameter. ,

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing at both ends; 33 mm.
long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 34.5 mm. long, 5.56 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5
mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 15.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 37 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing at one end. The bush-
ing has probably fallen out of the other end. 26 mm. long, 4.75 mm. diameter.
Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends;
14 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Central fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 12 mm. long. 6.5 mm, diam-
eter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends;
20 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 0.75 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends;
23 mm. long, 3 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing intact at both ends;
24 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 32 mm. long, 5.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Central fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 28 mm. long, 6 mm. diam-
eter. Hole 0.75 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 27.5 mm. long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 1.5 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 31 mm. long, 4.5 mm, diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 14.5 mm, long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 18 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 18 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 14 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 12.5 mm. long, 2.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 13 mm. long, 4 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter,

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 163

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 14.5 mm, long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 12 mm. long, 3.5 mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm.
diameter.

Much decomposed fragment of rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 17 mm. long, 5
mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, 22.5 mm. long, 4.5 mm. diameter. Hole 3 mm.
diameter.

Rock-oyster cylindrical bead, with dentalium bushing at both ends; 30.5 mm.
long, 5 mm. diameter. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

DISK BEADS AND OTHER SMALL BEADS
OLIVELLA Disk BEADS

The common olivella abalorio of the Channel was about 4 mm.
diameter, somewhat curved in plane, with edge trimmed round and a
central hole averaging perhaps 1.75 mm. diameter. These disks were
prepared from the shell of the olivella and were manufactured in
enormous quantities. The specimens taken vary in size from 3 mm.
diameter up to 8 mm. diameter. (PI. 26, 2.)

OLIVELLA Lip BEADS

These are made of the entire lip portion of the last whorl of the
olivella. They also vary greatly in size. (Pl. 26, ¢.)

MINUTE OLIVELLA Disk BEADS

Ring-shaped olivella disk beads, with relatively large hole, because
of their size, and neatly trimmed outer edge, were also found widely
scattered. The diameter is only about 2 or 2.25 mm. (PI. 26, A.)

PINK Disk BEADS

These resemble the common disk beads but are prepared from the
rock-oyster. They measure about 4.5 mm. diameter.

Brack Disk Braps

Disk beads prepared from the mussel shell vary in diameter from
3to6mm. They have the typical shape.

ABALONE Disk BEADS

Abalone disk beads 4.5 mm. diameter, resembling the ordinary disk
beads in every other way, were found very sparsely.

THIN CLAMSHELL Disk BEADS

Disks of clamshell of button-like appearance were also a scarce
article in the diggings and screenings. These varied in diameter from
3.5 to 10 mm. An example is shown in Plate 26, a.

164 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44
THIcK CLAMSHELL Disk BEADS

Thick disks of white clamshell may be enumerated as follows.
Examples are shown in Plate 26, 6, c.

Blank for thick disk bead, 13 mm. diameter, 12.5 mm. thick.

Thick disk bead, 9.5 mm. diameter, 2.5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 4.25 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Blank for thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 7 mm. thick. Unbored.

Thick dise bead, 8.5 mm. diameter, 3 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Thick disk bead, 9 mm. diameter, 5 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Thick disk bead, 13 mm. diameter, 4 mm. thick. Hole 2.5 mm. diameter.

Thick disk bead, 9.5 mm. diameter, 6 mm. thick. Hole 1.5 mm. diameter.

Thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 8 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Thick disk bead, 9.5 mm. diameter, 4 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm. diameter.

Blank for thick disk bead, 11.5 mm. diameter, 7 mm. thick. Unbored.

Blank for thick disk bead, 11 mm. diameter, 6 mm. thick. Hole 2 mm.
diameter. '

Thick disk bead, 6 mm. diameter, 6.5 mm. thick. Hole 3 mm. diameter.

Blank for thick dise bead, 14 mm. diameter, 11 mm. thick. Unbored.

Blank for thick disk bead, 10 mm. diameter, 9 mm. thick. Unbored.

Blank for thick disk bead, 12 mm. diameter, 8.5 mm. thick. Unbored.

QGtopuLaR Braps or CLAMSHELL

A few globular beads of white clamshell were found. They have
the shape of globular glass beads. An average specimen measures 6
mm. diameter. Hole 1 mm. diameter. An example is shown in
Plate 26, f.

SMALL CYLINDRICAL BEADS OF CLAMSHELL

The average measurements of these white cylinders of clamshell
are 4 mm. diameter, 4 mm. long, hole 1 mm. diameter. Examples
are shown in Plate 26, g.

SQUARE BEADS OF ABALONE

Square plates cut from abalone shell, about 6 mm. diameter and
with a hole at the center about 2 mm. diameter, were infrequently
met with. An example is shown in Plate 26, e.

TRIANGULAR BEADS OF CLAMSHELL

A plate cut from clamshell and forming a neat triangle in outline
was found. It is the only bead of its kind and has a maximum
diameter of 10 mm. with a hole 2 mm. diameter at the center. (PI.
26, d.)

ABALONE BLIsTER PEARL BEAD

The most valuable bead of the collection is one made from a large
blister pearl taken from an abalone. The pearl has taken on the
shape of an elongated spheroid and is quite symmetrical. The bead

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 26

a, THIN CLAMSHELL DISK BEAD. 8}, ¢, THICK CLAMSHELL DISK
BEADS. d, TRIANGULAR BEAD OF CLAMSHELL. e, SQUARE
BEAD OF ABALONE. /f, GLOBULAR BEAD OF CLAMSHELL.
g, SMALL CYLINDRICAL BEADS OF CLAMSHELL. hk, MINUTE
OLIVELLA DISK BEADS. i, COMMON OLIVELLA DISK BEADS.
j,k, 1, CYLINDRICAL BEADS. m, OBLONG PENDANT OF CLAM-
SHELL. 7,0, COLUMELLA BEADS. p, ABALONE BLISTER PEARL
BEAD. gq, OLIVELLALIP BEADS. r,SPIRE-LOPPED SHELLS FOR
STRINGING, SMALLER SPECIES OF OLIVELLA

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27

a, BASE OF CANDLESTICK OF BRASS. 6, ¢, GLASS BOTTLES.
d, SPANISH FLOOR TILE. e, MARLINE PIN

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 165

is 13 mm. long, 9.5 mm. maximum diameter, 5.5 mm. minimum diam-
eter. The hole is 2 mm. diameter. There is a hexagonal dentalium
bushing in one end of the hole, but the other end of the hole never
had any bushing. (Pl. 26, p.)

Oxssects OF VEGETAL MATERIAL

Although special care was taken in the excavation of the graves
for the detection of the remains of the stumps of grave posts which
no doubt originally existed at the cemetery site, no such traces were
discovered. The only wooden object recovered in the entire work
of the expedition was a wooden awl (pl. 21, d). The asphalt of
certain arrowheads and that adhering to one of the flint knives indi-
cate that the wooden portions were intact at the time of burial. For
evidence of twined basketry in asphalt imprint see page 106.

WOODEN AWL

Unique and alone in its class is a specimen of awl of a species of
wood not yet identified, which through a freak of fate survived in
the ground and was taken from the trench which followed the north
wall of the Burton adobe house. Such awls of wood are known to
have been used by the Indians and it was therefore gratifying to
recover this specimen.

The awl is entire and measures 82 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide, 8 mm.
thick. The tip is slender and sharp, the butt rounding, it being
largely formed by a diagonal cut. The side of the awl exhibits two
natural longitudinal grooves. Such awls were used in basketry in
much the same way as the bone awls of similar size and shape.
(PI. 21, d.)

Ossects or Mopern MANUFACTURE

We found many fragments of Spanish tile, apparently from the
floor and roof of the early adobe house, also some important Spanish
objects of brass, interesting lead bullets of an early type, two early
hand-blown greenish glass bottles, modern pottery fragments and
glass beads. The most typical of these articles are described below.

SPANISH FLOOR TILES

Almost entire Spanish floor tile, 51.8 cm. square, 47.6 mm. thick.
Many other fragments of floor tiles were recovered. The obverse is
the smoother surface and shows signs of wear. (Pl. 27, d.)

FRAGMENTARY SPANISH ROOF TILES

A considerable quantity of fragments of roof tiles was recovered.

166 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44
SPANISH CANDLESTICK OF BRASS

Base of probably Spanish candlesticks of brass. 136.5 mm. diam-
eter. (PI. 27, a.)
IRON MARLINE PIN

Iron marline pin. 304.8 mm. long, 28.5 mm. diameter. Found at the Burton
house excavations. (Pl. 27, e.)

GLASS BOTTLES

Bottle of hand-blown dark green glass. 277.8 mm. long, 101.6 mm, maximum
diameter. Concavity of bottom 31.7 mm. Mr. Coulter, who kindly examined
the bottles, believes that this bottle is from about 1830, perhaps earlier. (PI.
27, b.)

Bottle of hand-blown dark green glass. 225.4 mm. long, 55.5 mm. maximum
diameter. Concavity of bottom 26.9 mm. Mr. Coulter places this bottle much
earlier than the other specimen, possibly from the beginning of the nineteenth
century. (PI. 27, c.)

BELL CLAPPER OF BRASS
Bell clapper of brass, probably of Spanish manufacture; 30.1 mm. long.
THIMBLE OF BRASS

Thimble of brass, 17 mm. long, 15 mm, diameter. Apparently of the kind
made in Germany.
LEAD BULLETS

Lead bullet, 12 mm. diameter. This is a big buckshot, very crude and looks
as if it had been whittled out of a piece of lead.

Lead bullet, 5.5 mm. diameter. Spherical, of modern appearance.

Lead bullet, 16.5 mm. diameter. The surface is rough, and it has the appear-
ance of being a large and crude buckshot from early times.

SPANISH BRASS BUTTONS

Brass buttons of Spanish manufacture. Average dimensions; 17.5 mm, diam-
eter, shank 8.5 mm. long. The buttons had evidently been strung together with
glass beads, probably as a necklace, a bit of the thread remaining intact with
a bead each side of the hole of the shank of the button.

IRON BLADES
A much rusted iron blade of knife or sword. Fragment 228.6 mm. long,
22.2 mm. wide, 6.38 mm. thick.
A much rusted blade of iron, 88.9 mm. long, 33.8 mm. wide, 6.8 mm. thick.
PEWTER SPOON
Fragment of a pewter spoon, much disintegrated, 78.5 mm. long, 6 mm. thick.

‘The handle had apparently a width of only 7 mm, The bowl of the spoon can
be estimated from what remains of it to have been about 20 mm. wide.

HARRINGTON] DESCRIPTION OF THE ARTIFACTS 167

BROOCHES

A little silver brooch of very modern appearance, 24.5 mm. long.
Brooch of black enameled metal with raised figures of a bird and plant.
Elliptical in shape, 29 mm. long, 9.5 mm. wide. Probably Japanese manufacture.

MEXICAN POTTERY FRAGMENTS

Fragments of Mexican pottery bowls and crocks were identified by
Mr. William L. Calver as follows:

Fragment of probably Mexican pottery, 49 mm. long, 5 mm, thick. The out-
side surface is coated with a black glaze.

Fragment of probably Mexican pottery. 32 mm. long, 7 mm. thick. Inside
surface dark buff, outside surface brick red.

Central fragment of pottery, of Mexican or possibly American manufacture,
18.5 mm. long, 7 mm. thick. The outside surface has a brown glaze.

Fragment of probably Mexican pottery, 35 mm. long, 6.5 mm. thick. Reddish
on both outside and inside surfaces, darker color in the interior.

Fragment of Mexican pottery. Surface not glazed. Reddish on outside and
inside surfaces, dark gray interior. 42 mm. long, 8 mm. thick.

Another fragment of the same vessel from which the piece last described was
taken, 34 mm. long. 8 mm. thick.

MODERN CHINAWARE AND PORCELAIN

The large number of modern chinaware and porcelain fragments
taken were mostly from the excavations in the vicinity of the Burton
adobe house, as might be expected. ‘These fragments also were
studied by Mr. Calver, who found pieces dating as early as 1820
and as recent as from the hotel.

A chinaware pitcher bearing a “transfer” design is from 1850,
more probably from 1840. The fragment bearing the trade name
“Spode ” is old. Spode quit making pottery some sixty years ago.
The piece marked “Japan” is from 1850. The piece with the
“tapeworm ” design is from 1840. The “tapeworm” runs entirely
around the vessel. The fragments with green leaves and red berries
are quite early, from the twenty’s or thirty’s of the past century.
The orange-colored fragments are probably American and not
Mexican ware.

GLASS BEADS

A very satisfactory group of glass-bead material was taken in the
excavations. It includes practically every kind of European bead
that has been reported from the Channel region.

One of the omnipresent types was the red bead with blackish
inside lining. These were found in several sizes, the most frequent
sizes being about 4 mm. diameter.

A few translucent red globular beads were found.

168 EXPLORATION OF BURTON MOUND [BTH. ANN. 44

We recovered 10 pink-colored glass beads, triangular in section,
which had been much disintegrated while in contact with the damp
ground.

Barrel-shaped red glass beads.

Blue globular beads were found in several sizes and in three colors,
which can be distinguished as blue, indigo, and bluish black. The
last mentioned have an almost burnished appearance and show
gleams of metallic luster.

Green beads also occur in four or five sizes, the commonest being
about 3 mm. diameter. They are a light green color.

European beads of black color are rare but a few specimens were
found. They are globular and 4.5 mm. diameter.

A few globular European beads were found of a purple or maroon
color resembling that of grape jelly. One of these measures 3.75
mm. diameter, another 8.5 mm. diameter.

European beads of globular shape made of clear transparent glass
were also encountered, and in several different sizes. They must
have reminded the Indians of their own quartz crystals.

Glass beads of a lemon yellow color were also represented in the
graves.

European beads of white color were among the commonest, per-
haps next in frequency after the red, blue, and green. The 4 mm.
diameter size was the commonest.

“Venetian ” beads with dotted or striated surfaces were well rep-
resented. They occurred in globular and cylindrical form. One
cache had these the size of marbles, the interior being blue and the
surface ornamented with longitudinal white stripes.

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND
USAGES OF THE CHICKASAW INDIANS

By JOHN R. SWANTON

169

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CONTENTS

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INtPOGUCtLON = oes eae ee ee ae ee 173
Oripingmler ends S225 seewera ss le ee ee Sa ee 174
Terms oterelati onshipss—- =. Sates BE ee ee te 180
Birth erelationshipses se = = sae = see ne oe 2 ee 180
Manna sogrelntionshi pssst se ssee rece eee 182
Further notes on the terms used by a woman_______-_____-___ 183
Supplementary stermSese= eae ee ee ee ee ee 183
IPETRGR ATE nam CS eae eee ne ee a ee 187
Social Rorzamiza tina = see ee ete eee ee ee eee 190
GoveImMent tees ae are eee ee ae eee eee eS 213
Property? Tigh tas. ssa ee OU a re ee eee A 216
@rimetandspunishmen te eee aes ee we ee ee ee eee eS 216
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SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND USAGES
OF THE CHICKASAW INDIANS

By Joun R. Swanton

INTRODUCTION

In the Forty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American
Ethnology I treated the social, religious, and medical usages of the
Indians of the Creek Confederation, and the present paper is an
attempt to perform an identical service for the Chickasaw. The same
general system has been followed, but the tribe now under discussion
constituted a much smaller and much more homogeneous group,
occupied less territory, and attracted less attention from early writers.
Moreover, the publication of the Creek material has rendered un-
necessary an equally elaborate account of a tribe resembling the
Creeks as closely as did the Chickasaw.

The outstanding character of the work of the English trader James
Adair required the constant use of his narrative as a basis in con-
sidering Creek culture, but the greater part of his information ap-
plies more immediately to the Chickasaw, and hence, in the present
volume, it has been necessary to repeat much of the material fur-
nished by him. A short sketch of the early history of this tribe is
contained in Bulletin 73. Their later fortunes have been traced by
James H. Malone in “ The Chickasaw Nation,” and in various articles
in the Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society. A rela-
tively recent paper by Prof. Frank G. Speck constitutes an invaluable
contribution to the subject. From living Indians I have been able
to add a certain amount of material, particularly on the side of
Chickasaw social organization, but there are surprisingly few who
can furnish reliable information. The material culture of all the
southeastern Indians was so much alike, and so few of the local
peculiarities, which undoubtedly did exist, have been preserved that
this subject is best considered for the region taken as a whole. Some-
thing has been said regarding it in my small paper on “ The Culture
of the Southeast ” in the Forty-second Annual Report, but an ade-
quate presentation of the subject is still awaited.

173

ORIGIN LEGENDS

Like other Muskhogean tribes, the Chickasaw had a well-defined
legend of a former home somewhere in the west, beyond the Missis-
sippi River. The earliest versions of this are given by Adair, who
alludes to it several times. In one place he says, “they, and the
Choktah, and also the Chokchooma, who in process of time were
forced by war to settle between the two former nations, came to-
gether from the west as one family ”*; and in another, “the Indians
have on old tradition, that when they left their own native land,
they brought with them a sanctified rod by order of an oracle, which
they fixed every night in the ground; and were to remove from place
to place on the continent towards the sun-rising, till it budded in
one night’s time; that they obeyed the sacred mandate, and the mir-
acle took place after they arrived to this side of the Missisippi, on
the present land they possess.” It is added that Yaneka, “the most
southern old town,” was the one which they first settled after reach-
ing the country later occupied by them.? Again he remarks: “The
old waste towns of the Chikkasah lie to the west and southwest, from
where they have lived since the time we first opened a trade with
them; on which course they formerly went to war over the Missi-
sippi, because they knew it best, and had disputes with the natives
of those parts, when they first came from thence.”* Some items re-
garding this migration, such as the fact that they brought horses
with them, and on the way despoiled a caravan laden with gold and
silver, may be dismissed as late embellishments by the Indians or by
Adair.

As among the Choctaw, however, we find along with the above
stories a tradition that the people had come out from under the earth,
and Adair cites the case of “one of their politicians,” who per-
suaded them that the cave from which they had ascended was “in
the Nanne Hamgeh old town, inhabited by the Mississippi-Nachee
Indians, which is one of the most western parts of their old-inhab-
ited country.” This seer undertook to reopen communication with
the brethren who had remained in their subterranean world, but
was shut in by the Indians so that he might be purified.© It is a

1 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 352. *Ibid., p. 196.
*Tbid., p. 162, note. ®Ibid., pp. 195-196,
*Ibid., p. 66.

174

SWANTON] ORIGIN LEGENDS 175

little surprising to find a place selected by this seer on the eastern
side of the Mississippi when the tradition points to some region
beyond it, but it happened to suit his own purposes, which were to
act as an intermediary between the underworld and above-world
people with profit to himself.

Romans (1771) says the Chickasaw “have a tradition that they
were a colony from another nation in the West, and that they first
set themselves down near the Ofdo, but soon removed to their present
Site.” ©

The next migration legend of the Chickasaw is recorded by School-
craft, who obtained it through the medium of the United States
Indian agent located among them after their removal west of the
Mississippi. It is said to have been obtained “from the most au-
thentic sources,” meaning, of course, the native informants supposed
to be best versed in tribal lore.

By tradition, they say they came from the West; a part of their tribe
remained in the West. When about to start eastward, they were provided with
ua large dog as a guard, and a pole as a guide; the dog would give them notice
whenever an enemy was near at hand, and thus enable them to make their
arrangements to receive them. The pole they would lant in the ground
every night, and the next morning they would look at it, and go in the direc-
tion it leaned. They continued their journey in this way until they crossed
the great Mississippi River; and, on the waters of the Alabama River, arrived
in the country about where Huntsville, Ala., now is. There the pole was
unsettled for several days, but finally it settled, and pointed in a southwest
direction. They then started on that course, planting the pole every night
until they got to what is called the Chickasaw Old Fields, where the pole
stood perfectly erect. All then came to the conclusion that that was the
“Promised Land,” and there they accordingly remained until they emigrated
west of the State of Arkansas, in the years 1837 and 1838.

While the pole was in an unsettled situation, a part of their tribe moved on
East, and got with the Creek Indians, but as soon as the majority of the tribe
settled at the Old Fields, they sent for the party that had gone on East, who
answered that they were very tired, and would rest where they were a while.
This clan was called Cush-eh-tah. They have never joined the parent tribe,
but they always remained as friends until they had intercourse with the
whites ; then they became a separate nation.

The great dog was lost in the Mississippi, and they always believed that the
dog had got into a large sink hole, and there remained; the Chickasaws said
they could hear the dog howl just before the evening came. Whenever any of
their warriors get scalps, they give them to the boys to go and throw them into
the sink where the dog was. After throwing the scalps, the boys would run off
in great fright, and if one should fall, in running off, the Chickasaws were
certain he would be killed or taken prisoner by their enemies. Some of the
half-breeds, and nearly all of the full bloods, now believe it.

In travelling from the west to the east, they have no recollection of crossing
any large water-course except the Mississippi River. When they were travelling
from the West to the Promised Land in the East, they had enemies on all sides,

® Romans, E. and W. Fla., p. 69.

176 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW (ETH. ANN. 44

and had to fight their way through, but they can not give the names of the
people they fought with while travelling.

They were informed, when they left the West, that they might look for whites ;
that they would come from the East; and they were to be on their guard, and
to avoid the whites, lest they should bring all manner of vice among them.

This is of course an accretion. It differs from the narratives quoted
by Adair in carrying the Chickasaw migration east of their later set-
tlements before their final location in Mississippi. Whatever truth
there may be in this there is every reason to believe that at one time
a considerable portion of the nation did live at the Chickasaw Old -
Fields on the north bank of the Tennessee River in Madison County,
Ala. It is interesting to compare the way in which the Chickasaw
here express their friendship for the Kasihta with the way in which
in the migration legends of the Creeks the Kasihta express their
friendship for the Chickasaw. The Chickasaw represent the Kasihta
as an offshoot from themselves, while the Kasihta introduce the
Chickasaw as one of the original tribes from which the Creeks were
descended and associate them with three tribes which, so far as we
know, always have been Creek.

In a speech made by the Kasihta chief Tussekiah Mico in the
Coweta Square, October 28, 1797, he says that the Kasihta, Coweta,
and Chickasaw were all of one fire, and he calls the last mentioned
“vounger brothers” of all the other Creeks, including the Abihka.*®

Almost the only late versions of this legend are the ones given by
Warren and are as follows:

Molly Gunn, a Chickasaw woman, grandmother of Cyrus Harris, who became
Governor of the Chickasaws, in the Indian Territory, related to him the
Chickasaw tradition of that tribe’s journeying to Mississippi. Mr. Harris gave
the author a manuscript copy of this tradition, translated from the language
of Molly Gunn. He wrote that “she talked all Chickasaw.” It reads as follows:

“The Chickasaws started east carrying with them a long pole, and at night
the pole was stuck in the ground, erect. Next morning the pole would be
found leaning towards the east, which they considered their guide. and would,
from day to day, follow, or travel in the direction that the pole lent. Each
morning this was continued until they reached the place that is known as the
‘Chickasaw Old Fields... By some it was called ‘Old Town.’ When they
reached that place, at night, as usual, the pole was stuck in the ground as erect
as they could possibly put it. On the following morning the leader of the
party rose early as usual (the Chickasaws were early risers in those days). On
examining the pole he found it standing in the exact position that it was left
[in] the night before. He proclaimed to the party that they had reached their
future home, and the party settled down and made that place their home.
After this, the Creek Indians occasionally made war against the Chickasaws,
but were always repulsed and driven away. They were after this encroached
upon by the French, . . . and several battles were fought; but the Chickasaws
had a very large war dog that always gave them warning when the enemy
was approaching, and, in the heat of battle kept ahead of the Chickasaws, mak-

7 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, pp. 265-268. 8 Ga. Hist. Soc. Colls., vol, 1x, p. 213.

EWANTONT ORIGIN LEGENDS 177

ing heavy attacks on the enemy. By this assistance, the French generally got
the worst of the fight. ...The Chickasaw Old Town, or ‘Old Fields,’ is
somewhere not far from Ripley or Tupelo. The road leading from Pontotoc to
Tuscumbia, Ala., formerly ran through those ‘ Old Fields.’ 2

Rey. F. Patton, who wrote some reminiscences of the Chickasaws and who
acted as amanuensis of Rey. T. C. Stewart, one of the early American teachers
to the Chickasaws, relates the tradition somewhat differently. Tradition says
that the Chickasaws and Choctaws were once one tribe and lived in the West,
where they had powerful enemies who kept them in alarm. In a council they
determined to seek a land of life, as they termed it. They divided into two
parties, under the head of Chickasaw and Choctaw, two brothers. The brothers,
after crossing the Mississippi River, separated, but settled in contiguous terri-
tory; the two parties (the Chickasaws and Choctaws) remained distinct, and
in time became hostile to each other. Before they commenced their journey,
they sought guidance of the Great Spirit. A pole was set up, and the war dance
danced till late at night. They then retired. Next morning they found that
the pole bent eastwardly. They took this as a Divine sign, and journeyed in
the direction the pole leaned. As they marched on they observed a like ceremony
every night, and, with the same result. As they went over the country which
they afterwards inhabited, the pole appeared to be nearly erect; but as it
was considered to be not exactly perpendicular, they continued to move east-
wardly. Two tales are told as to the end of their journey, one, that they took a
northwesterly course until they reached the Tennessee River and that there the
pole pointed in an opposite direction, [upon which] they retraced their steps
until they reached what was afterwards known as the “ Chickasaw Old Fields”
(in Lee County [Miss.]) where the pole stood erect. They rested at that place,
built a town, cleared the forest, and cultivated maize. The “Old Fields”
became the metropolis of the Chickasaw Nation as well as its center. The
other tradition is that they followed a more southern direction after crossing
the Mississippi, and reached the Alabama River. When the war dance was
renewed around the pole, and after they had reposed, they learned that their
course was westwardly. They left the Alabama River for the “ Chickasaw
Oil Fields.” °

Malone states that he has obtained a long version of the migration
legend from Hon. Charles D. Carter, but he gives only the closing
section of it, which runs thus:

They camped for the night on the banks of the great river [Mississippi],
and since the leader’s pole still leaned toward the east the young men began
to make rafts and canoes for crossing the river and proceeding on their journey.
When the crossing was finally attempted, the little white dog which had so
faithfully kept his course toward the rising sun was drowned, and upon reach-
ing the opposite bank of the river the sacred pole, after wobbling around and
pointing in many directions finally stood erect, and the medicine men inter-
preted this as an omen that the promised land had been reached.

Scouting expeditions were sent out by nearly all the clans in search of game
and other food and to ascertain the exact character of country to which the
Great Spirit had led them. Finally the headman of a certain clan, the members
of which were described as taller and of fairer skin than the rest of the tribe,
appeared before the general council and asserted that, according to his best
information and judgment, the promised land had not yet been reached; that

* Warren in Pubs, Miss. Hist. Soc., vol. vim, pp. 546-548,

178 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

a much better country, more productive in soil, more bountiful in game, fruit,
and fish, lay somewhat to the north and still farther toward the rising sun.
After debating the question for many hours a vote was taken as to whether
the move should be made, and it was decided by a large majority that the
desired place had been reached and that no further move was necessary. Upon
hearing the vote, the leader of the taller and fairer clan rose up and, striding
majestically out of the council, dramatically uttered the following words:

“All those who believe the promised land is farther towards the rising sun
follow me.”

His entire clan arose and went with him, but few others. Upon seeing this
the Choctaw warriors and some of their headmen grabbed their spears, toma-
hawks, and bows and arrows as if to restrain this clan by force. But the old
head minko arose, extended his hand above his head, palm out, and exclaimed:

“ Hamonockma, ikia ahnishke, chickasha!” (Halt, follow them not; they are
rebels !)**

Thus the division of the Choctaws and Chickasaws into two separate tribes
came about, and on account of the old chief’s reference to them as “rebels”
this taller and fairer tribe were ever thereafter known as “ Chickasha.” *°

Many of the living Chickasaw remember the story, but in a very
fragmentary form. The name given to the mythic pole is simply
kohta “ pole ” or kohta falaha, “long pole.” By a few the dog is alse
remembered. They believe that they started from the Rocky Moun-
tains and traveled east guided by this pole, as one Indian expressed it,
“in search of the center of the world.” It stood upright after they
had crossed the Mississippi River (Sakti la"fa, “boundary bank ”
river). As the place from which they started is sometimes called
“the navel of the world,” it is interesting to note that the Chickasaw
called the large mounds in their country “ navels.” “They thought,”
says Schoolcraft’s informant, “that the Mississippi was the center of
the earth, and those mounds were as the navel of a man in the center
of his body.” 7"

Besides the above facts, I have one longer version written down
in Chickasaw by my interpreter, Mr, Zeno McCurtain, which, includ-
ing some necessary alterations and simplifications, may be rendered in
English as follows:

This is the story of how the Indian people came to this country. Their
earlier home was in the continent of Asia, but after a time they got tired of
living there and wanted to move to some place where they could live in com-
fort, have a country of their own, and be independent. They called a meeting
to decide what course to take, and it was determined to move. It was then that
their trials and hardships began.

They depended upon the Creator for their guidance, and it was revealed to

them that they must move toward the Hast; so they set out in that direction.
They had a dog who guarded their camp every night and kept the wild animals

°°. Hamonockma ikia ahnishke. (‘ Let no one think of going!”) The supposed mean-
ing of “ chickasha ” I have been unable to establish.

10Malone, James H.: The Chickasaw Nation: A Short Sketch of a Noble People.
Louisville, Ky., John P. Morton & Co., 1922, pp. 22-23.

11 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol, 1, p. 311.

SWANTON] ORIGIN LEGENDS 179

away. During the night he walked in advance to direct them. The name of
this dog was Panti? He led them out of all difficulties and kept them from
getting into places from which they might not be able to extricate themselves.
If anyone fell sick, they would stop for several days and treat him by means
of an herb steeped in water. If one was bitten by a snake, the dog would lick the
place and the person would get well.

The tribe kept moving eastward in this manner until they came to a big
body of water which they called Ok-hata icto (“ Big Ocean”), and the original
narrator of this story thought that the Okhotsk Sea must have derived its name
from this term. When they could go no farther they camped on the shore of
this big water for several days. At that place they were able to see the land on
the other side. (The place was identified with Bering Strait by the story
teller.) So they determined to cross to the other side and held councils to work
out a plan by which the passage might be accomplished. Finally they decided
that they must construct a raft. They went to work at once, but after they had
finished it discovered that they could cross only at certain times when the
water moved back (i. e., when the tide ebbed). At last they got safely to
North America, but it was so cold there that they started on again southward
until they came to the neighborhood of Montana, where they remained a long
time.

At the end of that period they held a council and some wanted to move on
again, while others preferred to remain. Therefore they divided. Those that
wished to emigrate took the dog Panti with them. They loved him dearly, tor
he was a great help to them. Moving on eastward they came to a prairie
country where were numerous wild animals, some of which Panti killed for
them to eat, while he drove the rest away. There were at that time plenty of
deer, prairie chickens, turkeys, squirrels, fish, and many other creatures good
to eat. There were also some dangerous animals, like panthers and wolves,
but they moved along cautiously so that these creatures could not get at them.
There were several kinds of poisonous snakes, and they also avoided them
carefully. In case anyone did get bitten they had a good remedy to apply.

Whenever they wanted to move forward they began several days in advance
to prepare breadstuffs like blue or shuck bread (banaha) and cold flour (tam-
bota). They put up so much of this that they had plenty to eat for several
days.

When they reached the Mississippi River they camped upon its banks for
some time, uncertain how they could get to the other side. Finally they de-
cided to construct another raft and they did so, but during the passage their
raft came to pieces and they lost their faithful dog.

After this sad event they did not at first know what to do, but finally they
decided to use a wooden pole (kohta) as their guide. Every night, when they
made camp, they stuck this pole into the ground, and in the morning it would be
found leaning in a certain direction. This was the direction in which they were
to march. They kept on, guided thus, for many days, until finally the pole
was found standing perfectly erect, and they said “This must be the place for
which we are looking.” So they began a settlement and continued there for
a long time, living by hunting and fishing.

This is all of the story that really concerns us, although the manu-
script devotes considerable additional space to detailing subsequent
relations between the Chickasaw and the whites.

= Panti means “ cat-tail,”’ at least in Choctaw.

180 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [PTH. ANN. 44

Only dim memories are preserved of the numerous wars waged by
the ancestors of the present Chickasaw when they were living in Mis-
sissippi. There is a belief that they were then fighting all of the
surrounding peoples. They remember their last war with the Creeks,
which took place in the last decade of the eighteenth century and
resulted in a brilliant victory for the Chickasaw. The story has it
that about 100 Chickasaw beat off 2,000 hostile Creeks, and this is not
far from the truth, the Creeks having been seized by a panic. The
native story also states that the Cherokee had vainly endeavored to
dissuade the Creeks from entering upon this contest.

When they were fighting another tribe, they were guarded by two
dogs, one white and one yellow, which were invisible to themselves
but visible to the enemy. These would run among the latter and
knock them over so that the Chickasaw could kill them more readily.
When the Chickasaw started out to fight, they could hear the noise
made by these dogs, which was like that of a thunderstorm, but they
could not see them. It is thought that they might have lived in the
ground.

On another occasion seven Chickasaw were surrounded in a small
cave by a large body of Osage (Wacaci). By some magic means the
latter were caused to fall asleep and the Chickasaw killed them all.

They say that they used to trade at a town of the whites called Bal-
bancha situated on a river which they would descend in bark canoes.
Balbancha appears to have been the old name of New Orleans; the
Mississippi River was known as Sakti Ja"fa okéna (“ Chickasaw bluff

watercourse”). It is improbable that they ever used bark canoes to
any extent; they ordinarily employed dugouts.

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

The Chickasaw and Choctaw terms of relationship cover, for the
most part, the same categories as the corresponding terms in Mus-
kogee,!® but there are some notable differences. In the following
discussion the Muskogee terms, as given in the Forty-second Annual
Report, are constantly referred to, but the application of the Chicka-
saw terms is sufficiently indicated in the two tables.

Brrra RevatioNsHies

1. afo (grandfather) is very nearly equivalent in use to the Mus-
kogee potca. When applied to the father’s sister’s husband, how-
ever, and the husbands of his female descendants, it takes the
diminutive suffix -osi. Since Choctaw and Chickasaw do not, like
Muskogee, categorize all of the father’s sister’s male and female
descendants together, the use of this term varies correspondingly.

18 See 42d Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethu., pp. 80-86.

SWANTON] TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP | 181

A varying application is also found in that this term is used by a
woman in speaking to her father-in-law.

2. posi (Chickasaw), pokni (Choctaw) (grandmother) correspond
to Muskogee posi, and they are used in the same manner in their
primary applications to the grandmother, and the women of her
generation and preceding generations. However, in a manner anal-
ogous to the term preceding, they are bestowed by a woman upon
her husband’s mother. The Chickasaw, like the Muskogee, employed
posi also for the father’s sister, but bestowed it only upon those of
her female descendants connected through the females. The Choc-
taw, on the other hand, introduced a new term, hukni, used for the
father’s sister and, as in Chickasaw, for her descendants through
females. It is probable that this word is etymologically connected
with pokni.

3. ki (father) and kosi (little father). These are equivalent in
nearly all particulars to Muskogee Iki, except that they are applied
mainly to the descendants of the father’s sister through females.

4. cki (mother) and ckosi (little mother). Used like Muskogee
tcki, with the limitation on the father’s side already several times
mentioned. There is also one striking difference in the fact that
they are used for the maternal uncle’s wife, and, presumably, for the
wives of all of those called by the same term as the maternal uncle.
The Choctaw, however, call the mother’s brother’s wife haiya (q. v.).

5. moci (maternal uncle). This seems to be absolutely identical
in use with Muskogee pawa.

6. tikba (Chickasaw), anni (Choctaw) (elder brother, m. sp.; elder
sister, w. sp.). These apparently vary little from Muskogee taha.

7. nakfie (younger brother), almost identical in use with Muskogee
teusi. However, the term is also applied, according to Morgan, to
some of the children of the men on the father’s side called by the same
term as the father. Presumably this would also hold good for the
daughters when a woman is speaking.

8. tek (sister, m. sp.). The equivalent of Muskogee wanwa but
bestowed also upon daughters of those male relatives on the father’s
side called by the same term as the father.

9 and 10. so (Chickasaw and Choctaw) (child, son, daughter),
tcipota (Chickasaw) (child), ala (Choctaw) (son). As used by a
man these are equivalent to the Muskogee terms kputci and ttcusti
taken together. The daughter is distinguished if necessary by the
addition of the feminine sign tek, as so tek, ala tek. The stepson
is called so toba, and the stepdaughter so tek toba or so tek pila.

11. baiyi (nephew, or, more exactly, sister’s son). The counterpart
of Muskogee hopwiwa.

12. bitek (niece). Corresponds to Muskogee hakpade, but is prob:
ably a contraction of baiyi plus the feminine sign tek.

182 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

13. pok (grandchild). The equivalent of Muskogee osuswa. Mas-
culine and feminine are differentiated by suffixing the male and fe-
male terms nakni and tek, but it is rather surprising that in Morgan’s
lists it is the male who is normally distinguished from the female in
this manner and not the reverse. This would suggest that the original
term applied rather to women than to men. It has the same general
application as the Muskogee equivalent. One peculiar usage, however,
by both sexes, is to designate by it the son’s wife, the sister’s son’s
wife, and the brother’s son’s wife. In this situation it takes the
feminine sign tek, which may perhaps account for the fact that this
does not ordinarily appear in its more general usage. Byington says
that the term was extended to the son-in-law. The application of
the terms for “son” and “daughter ” and “brother ” and “sister”
being so widely extended it was only natural that this one should
cover a still broader field. Thus Cushman very well says: “ Every
grandson and granddaughter became the grandson and granddaugh-
ter of the whole tribe, since all the [paternal] uncles of a given person
were considered as his fathers also; and all the mother’s sisters were
mothers; the cousins, as brothers and sisters; the nieces [through
parents of the same sex as the speaker], as daughters; and the
nephews [under the same circumstances] as sons.” *#

MarriaGe Re_atioNsHirs

14. waya or iho (Chickasaw), taketci (Choctaw) (wife). Corre-
sponding to Muskogee hewa.

15 and 16. potci (father-in-law), potci ohoyo (mother-in-law).
These correspond to Muskogee mahe and hoktalwa, respectively,
differing in that they are founded on one stem, and also in being
applied only by males. Like mahe and hoktalwa they are also ex-
tended to the brothers, sisters, and antecedents of the parents-in-law.

17. alok (brother-in-law). This was bestowed by a man or woman
upon the sister’s husband. With the diminutive ending, in the form
alokosi, it was also used for the wife’s or husband’s brother, and, with
the feminine sign ohoyo, for the wife’s or husband’s sister. In Choc-
taw, however, a woman calls her husband’s brother ombalaha. This
corresponds most closely to Muskogee kaputci, the functions of which
are, however, covered in part by haiya and kanohmi.

18. kanohmi, “my relative” (Chickasaw). Applied by a man to
his wife’s sister’s husband and his wife’s brother’s wife, and by a
woman to her husband’s sister’s husband and his brother’s wife. I
have no examples of the use of this term in Choctaw. The nearest
Muskogee correspondents are hatcawa and ehiwa.

14 Cushntan, Hist. Choc., Chic., and Natchez Inds., p. 528.

SWANTON] TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 183

19. haiya (sister-in-law). Applied by individuals of both sexes to
the brother’s wife. It is the Choctaw term for the mother’s brother’s
wife. It corresponds in part to Muskogee tcukowaki.

20. yup (son-in-law). Applied by persons of both sexes to the
daughter’s husband and by derivation to the husbands of all those
whom the speaker calls “daughters”; also by persons of both sexes
to the sister’s daughter’s husband and by a woman to her brother’s
daughter’s husband. It corresponds in part to Muskogee hatisi, but
while the latter is also used for the daughter-in-law, Chickasaw and
Choctaw, as stated above, cover the latter relation by the use of the
term for grandchild plus the feminine sign.

Furtruer Nores oN THE Terms Usep py 4 WoMAN

The terms used by a woman are the same as those employed by a
man except as already indicated and in the following additional
points. Mention has already been made of the employment of tikba
(or anni) and nakfic for the elder and younger brothers of a man and
the elder and younger sisters of a woman.

21. nakfi (brother) is applied by a woman to her brothers, and is
the equivalent of Muskogee tcilwa.

22. Differently from Muskogee, the terms used by a Chickasaw or
Choctaw woman for her child are identical with those which a man
employs.

Like Muskogee, a Chickasaw or Choctaw woman anciently called
her brother’s children “grandsons” and “ granddaughters,” but in
later years these appellations seem to have given place to a descriptive
term, nakfi uci, “ brother’s child.”

23. hatak, “man,” or laueli, “the one who leads” (husband).
These are the Chickasaw and Choctaw equivalents of Muskogee he.

SuprLeMENTARY TERMS

24. itibapicili, “ those who suck together,” corresponds in a way to
Muskogee itetcaketa. It appears to have been used on occasion by
persons of either sex for their brothers or sisters collectively, but inas-
much as men had another collective term for their sisters and women
one for their brothers it would naturally be an especially convenient
word for a man to employ when he wished to speak of all of his
brothers or for a woman when she wished to speak of all of her
sisters. Otherwise they would be obliged to say “ my elder brothers
and my younger brothers,” or “my elder sisters and my younger
sisters.” This is perhaps why Morgan’s three authorities unite in
giving itibapicili as the term which a man applied to his brethers

184 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF ‘CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

collectively, and his Chickasaw informant and one Choctaw informant
give it as the term which a woman applied to her sisters collectively,
while substitute terms appear in three cases when it is a question of
the use of a collective term by a man for his sisters and a woman for
her brothers. In the more extended applications we find a still
greater tendency to employ itibapicili for persons of the same sex.
According to this the term was used by a Chickasaw man for the
father’s brother’s sons (older or younger), the mother’s sister’s sons,
the father’s sister’s sons’s sons, and the elder of the father’s father’s
brother’s son’s sons, and by a Chickasaw woman for the father’s
brother’s daughters (older or younger), the mother’s sister’s daugh-
ters, and the father’s sister’s son’s daughters. If we are to trust the
same list the employment of this term was not so general in Choctaw,
since it was not used for the mother’s sister’s children by individuals
of either sex, nor for the father’s father’s brother’s sons’s sons, or the
father’s sister’s son’s sons, while but one of Morgan’s Choctaw in-
formants gives it for the father’s brother’s children and the father’s
sister’s son’s daughters.

apopik is said to have been.an old Choctaw term applied by a
woman to her husband’s brothers, uncles, and nephews.

haloka, “sacred,” “beloved,” was used in Choctaw for the son-in-
law, father-in-law, and mother-in-law.

kamassa, “strong,” “ripe in years,” was a name given by a man or
woman to his or her father-in-law and mother-in-law. They would
call their son-in-law tOpaca, or, if he had children, tcipota ink,
“the children’s father,” while they called their daughter-in-law
sipok tek, “my granddaughter.” Parents-in-law and children-in-
law would never jest with each other. Sons-in-law and daughters-
in-law would not even enter a house in which sat a parent of the
wife or husband. If it was necessary for them to get anything out
of that house, they would throw into it a stick of wood or a corncob,
whereupon the tabooed persons would go out and give them a chance
to enter. All of the other relatives could jest freely together,
especially brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law.

Following is a tabulation of the Chickasaw system; the Choctaw
variants can readily be introduced by the reader.

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 185

SWANTON]

(dnd) (3393 yod) (dn)
(dnd) (40 yod) pueqsny OyEM pueqsny (yo yod)
pueqsny OTA. Sdejqsnep Jajysnep s,uos 0s Sdajyysnep Jaiqsnep ayia S,uos 0s
§,J9j4ysnep—iejysnep s,uos = uos S10}SIS = S,JO}SIS $,10]SIS = S,10]STS §.10q{01q =S,1oqj01q Ss, 194}01q =s,1a yoiq

(Tayoury) (Tu1youe >) (oAoqo
OjIM (1soyoye) pueqsny TSOHOTR) (oYI 10 (oT) (vAteyq)
§.10q}01q = Jayyouq §,10]S1S J94S1S “BATM) (yearn) pueqsny OyT AN
S,OJIM = S,aJTA S,aJIM = S,aJTA IA = jlas Jo}sIS = s,10]S1S Jayjoiq =s,194401q

Ce

(oXoyo tajyod) (1030d)
AVB[-Ul-10JOU—M B]-UT-Joy yey

(vod) prtqopuei3

(yod)
PITyopuess s,190}s1s (1sod) (soy)
(223 JoJYsNVp S.19}43NVp uos s,19a}43nep
(02 yod 4 %10d10} 10 (ej0d19- (Jod) prryapuvad §,Jeqyoiq, §,1a4SIS S1oy4ey S10]SIS $104} BY
‘mye yod “ur) (31011q) (1ATeq) 4a} Os) 40 0s)
pryopuess Jeyqsnep nos Joyysnep wos
§,J0y901q §,194sIs §,10}SIS | J (3194
S,10q our | 10d 104 10 (ry 10
“424. Os) (v40d10} os) (729) “qordeqiyt)
Jeyyanep wos Jajysnep s,u0s UOS S,uOoS
§,d9q}01q S,caqqo1q S1O}SIS SOY YB] S,1A4STS §,.10Y]}R]
(dn4) (tsoye) (tsoyo)
pueqsny (724 os) (0) yod) (os) pueqsny (tsod) (ty) OFAN
SJoqysnep | Jeyysnep 9JLA s,m0s wos (oyyeu) (eqyty) S.deqysnep | Jeyqyanep mos S,u0os
Sdeqioiq | s,18qy401q S.oqyo1q | S,10q}01q (403) (oyeur Joqj01q, Jaq 101q §,10]SIS $,10]SIS $,18}SIS S,199SIS
SJeqjour = s,Jeqjour S,Joqjom =s,1eqyjour 19)SIS yas dozunod Japya S.10448} = s,10q4ey §,10Y Vey = s,10y 7B}
(tsoyo) (1sox]) (soya) (tsoye)
OTA (1001) pueqsny (tsoxy) OjIM (tsod) puegsny
Seqjoiq | sayjoaq 8,19} SIS I04sIs (rp) Joqyo1q, S,10q}01q — Toqsts §,10]SIS
§,J04j0ul = s,10y40u1 $,10q0ur — $,J9q00L Joyjour = seyyey SAoyjB] = Sdeyyey s,Jeyiey = s,10yyRy

(1sod) (1soye Jo ‘oye) (tsod) (Tsoje 10 ‘oye)
JoYjJOUIpueIs [eUIeyyuT= Joy} ej pueis [euseyeUr JoyjourpuB.d Teusojed =10y) 8 puvss peuszeyed

GIVW AtTas
dIHSNOILVIAY «ZO SWUA YT, MVSV MOIHY)

55231 °—28——13

[BTH. ANN. 44

(dns) (403 yod) (dnd) (303 yod)
pueqsny OyTAL pueqsny OFA (dnt) (403 Hod)
§,Joyysnep roy snep $,uos wos s,da}qanep zoyqanep $,u0s mos puegsny oy
$,JoqjoIg = §,10yj01q s,oyjoiq == s,10y}O1q, $,J0qysIS == S,d0]SIS $,Jo}sIS = S,J0}SIS s,Joyysnep = Joyysnep suos = 0s
(Taryouey) (oAoyqo IsoHO[e
Ja}SIS ‘isoMOTe )
> (eAreq) (yoTe) (qjoneyT ) 4O JatyyJoIq 104SIS
OFT pueqsny Jo ¥ByeY s,pueqsny 0 Jey}O1q
4 sqdeqjoiq = Joq.0Iq So}sis = Jo4SIS = purqsny jo esnods = ree
< _—————
M (tsod) (tsoye)
= oy your Ioyyey
isa] (eaisioa jane sred) s,pueqsny = s,purqsny
ay yod ‘tayeu ¥
S ueipttyopuvis
fy
°
n (yey yod (oq Hod (sod) (1803) (jordequyt)
rca] ‘Tuyeu yod) ‘tayeu 40d) rey qsnep mos royysnep (qpyeu)
1) Tesprrgopueis (8 30d10 ‘ Yo} os ‘os) (eqyodt104 ‘yoy (jon YyeU) s,doyqsnep sJeqysnep $,u0s mos S,u0S
=a $,49401q erp os fos) pro $,10]SIS $,1a4sIs $,40]SIS $,0qSIS
eB §,cotjouL seat warprrta a ie $,1ayyey §,oqyey Erie $,1oq} BF
a (403 Hod
Zz ‘mayeu yod) | (463 yod ‘yod- (1sojB) (1s0H9)
<j waIpTTyo ‘Tayeu yod aa pueqsny, (1sod) (4) oyLA
Dn $,19q}01q prima (ogyeu) (eqy1}) s,Joyysnep Joyysnep mos $,m0S
oa S,Joq Jour $,10q}01q JoqSTs 104818 (o]euLes) (gyeu) $,104STS $,104S1S 3§,104sSIS S,J0qS1s
S jososnods = §,Joyyour qosun0& Jape Jyes Jaqyo1q SJoyV} = S.dou}ey s,1oqyey = s,1oq ye}
S| |____
fa (18030) (180%) (1809) (1soye)
Byancy (toour) pueqsny (soo) (1s0¥) OyIM (tsod) pueqsny
$,10t401q, qayyOIq $,104S1S IosIs (Ty) (aD) r9q01q, $,10q}01q Jo4SIS $,404SIS
soyjour = s,J0q}0UL s,Joyjom = s,1oy}0UL Jeyjour = Jaye $,10qj}e} = S,1oyzey ssoqyey = s,loyyey

(qsod) JoqjourpueIs [eUIEZeUL

186

(oye) JoyyeJpUvIs [eUIE}eUL

(jsod) soyjourpuris (oye) soqyeypuei3 yeus0yed

yeusayed

@IVNGdA ATES

dIHSNOILVIAY AO SWUAT, MVSYVSMOIH()

SWANTON] PERSONAL NAMES 187
PERSONAL NAMES

Adair’s remarks on the naming system of the Chickasaw have
been quoted in my report on the social organization of the Creeks,
but it will be best to reinsert them, along with some supplementary
material gathered from other parts of his work.

“They give their children names expressive of their tempers, outward appear-
ances, and other various circumstances; a male child they will call Choola,
‘the fox’; and a female Pakahle, ‘the blossom or flower.’ The father and
mother of the former are called Choollinggé and Choollishke, ‘the father and
mother of the fox’; in like manner those of the latter, Pakahlingge and
Pakahlishke, for Ingge signifies the father and Jshke the mother. In private
life they are so termed till that child dies, but after that period they are called
by the name of their next surviving child, or, if they have none, by their own
name; and it is not known that they ever mention the name of the child x
is extinct. They only faintly allude to it, saying ‘the one that is dead,’
prevent new grief, as they had before mourned the appointed time. They cate
have no children of their own adopt others and assume their names in the
manner already mentioned.”

“When the Indians distinguish themselves in war their names are always
compounded—drawn from certain roots suitable to their intention and ex-
pressive of the characters of the persons, so that their names, joined together,
often convey a clear and distinct idea of several—as of the time and place,
where the battle was fought, of the number and rank of their captives, and
the slain. The following is a specimen: One initiating in war titles is called
Tannip-Abe,® ‘a killer of the enemy’; he who kills a person carrying a kettle
is crowned Soonak-A be-Tuska;™ the first word signifies a kettle and the last a
warrior; Minggdshtdbe™ signifies ‘one who killed a very great chieftain,’
compounded of Mingo, Ash, and Abe. Pae-Mdshtdbe”™ is one in the way of war
gradation or below tbe highest in rank, Pae signifying ‘far off. Tishu
Mashtabe”* is the name of a warrior who kills the war chieftain’s waiter carry-
ing the beloved ark.” *

Adair adds a wrong analysis of the name Shulashummastabe,” “ Red shoe
killer,” known to the whites as Red-shoes. He gives also the names Chetehkabe
or Chetehkabeshto,* “ You are weary killer,” or “ You are very weary killer”;
Noabe,” “ one who kills a rambling enemy”; Pas’pharaabe,” “a killer of a long-
haired person,” i. e., of a Choctaw; and Yanasabe,” “the buffalo-killer,” given
to one who has killed a distinguished enemy.” He says that the name of the
turtle dove (i. e., the mourning dove) was also applied to a female child.”

%®© Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 191.

1 Tanap, “enemy”; ibi, “to kill.”

7 Asonak, “kettle’’; abi, “to kill’; tacka, ‘“ warrior.”

8 Mirko, “ chief’; atsha, “to have” “to keep”; t, “and”; abi, “ to kill.”

1” Pae from Creek hopai or Chickasaw popakl, see p. 249; ima"sha, ‘“‘to have or keep
something”; t, “and”; abi, “to kill.”

* Tishu, “ the war-chief’s waiter’; mashtabe as above.

1 Adair, op. cit., p. 193.

™Culuc, “shoe”; humma, “red’’; (ma)stabe=mashtabe,

73 Tei-, “you”; tikabi, ‘““weary”; icto, “big,” “very.”

* Nowa, “to walk,” “to ramble”; abi, “to kill.”

* Parci, ‘hair of head”; falaya, “long”; abi, ‘to kill.’

*®Yanasa, “ buffalo”; abi, ‘to kill.”

™ Adair, op. cit., pp. 192-193.

28 Tbid., p. 26.

188 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

Speck has the following regarding the bestowal of names:

On the third day after birth the father consults among his clansmen for a
name for the child. When someone has suggested one from memory of former
names in the clan, he reports it to his wife, and she puts a handkerchief, ribbon,
or beads about the child’s neck in token of it.”

From this it seems probable that the custom was the same as among
the Creeks, when the men of a clan selected names for the children
born to the clan, children who themselves necessarily belonged to
other clans. In later life these gave way to, or were supplemented by,
war titles, as we know from Adair. The kinds of names were very
similar to those in use among the Choctaw.

According to information obtained by myself, any boy was called
kabi and any girl kit’ until their families were ready to name them.
At that time boys were said to be named after their grandfathers or
fathers and girls after their grandmothers, great-grandmothers, or
other female antecedents. There was no naming ceremony at this
time; none until war names were bestowed. The mention of the
bestowal of the father’s name upon a boy is probably incorrect, or.
at least, it is probable that the word is intended in the sense of male
ancestor.

The following personal names were obtained by the writer from
two informants, Atchison Anowatabi and George Wilson:

Marte War Names

Abinitabi, “he sat by and killed.” Ayahotabi, “he searched for him and
Abitanta, “he killed and lived.” killed him.”

Abito"hika, “he stood on after killing.” Ayaka"bi, (7).
Ahétankabi, “he killed him on the Ayakatabi, “he (?) and killed.”

other side, out of sight.” Binilabi, (2).
Ahotinabi, “he counted and killed.’ Falamictabi, “ he called him back and
Aiapi’habi, “he went along with and killed him.”

killed.” Filitatabi, “he turned round and
Aipa’tabi, “he shook hands’ and killed.”

killed.” Hagalintabi, “he (?) and killed.”
Aitfintabi, “he went and killed.” Haitotabi, “lying close to (but not
Anhitabi, “he (?) and killed.” touching) he killed.”
Anowatabi, “he came and killed.” Haiyuctitibi, (7).
Antiktcitabi, “he (?) and killed.” Hakaloteabi, (7).
Apatantabi, “he went by his side and MHallatlitabi, “he held and kiJed.”

killed.” Hikabi, “the one he killed stood up.”
Apattintabi, “he (?) and killed.” Hikatabi, “he stood up and killed.”:
Apilatabi, “he (?) and killed.” Hikiyabi, “he killed him standing.”
Acalatibi, “he crawled up and killed.’ Himonaléctabi, “he killed him imme-
Atcakata"bi, (7). diately.”
Atcakantabi, “he killed him over.” Hopak’ictabi, “he took him far off and
Atcanatabi, “he (?) and killed.” - killed him.”
Ayahokatabi, “he (?) and killed.’ Hopaitabi, “he prophesied and killed.”

2 Speck, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 57.

SWANTON ]

Ibahota"bi, (?).

Ibahoyatabi, “he had to find him to
kill him.”

Ibamihabi, (?).

Ibaonatabi, “he went with him and
killed.”

Ipata"bi, “he (?) and killed.”

Ikaiyikamoktabi, “he did not go far
to kill.”

Ikaiyikamotabi,
going far.”

Ilahotabi, “he hunted for and killed
him.”

Tlapabi, (?).

Tlaponabi, “ he killed by himself.”

Tlapotabi, ‘he killed him himself.”

Ilati"batabi, “he killed him first.”

Tlomatabi, “he hid from the enemy
and killed him.”

Imaiya‘nitabi, “he (7) and killed.”

Imatpistabi, “he (?) and killed.”

Imilatabi, “he (?) and killed.”

“he killed without

Imiteabi, “something having been
taken away, he killed him.”

Imohotaidji, (7).

Imolasabi, “he let his enemy come

close and killed him.”

Imo’nabi, “an enemy came to his
house and he killed him.”

Impatabi, “he whooped and killed.”

Iepatabi, “he (?) and killed.”

Teti"falamatabi, “he went back and
killed.”

IctikaiyOkitabi, (?).

Ictonabi, (7).

Itihotabi, “several got together and
killed.”

Itilawitabi, “he evened (accounts) by
killing.”

Kaisatabi, ‘““he (?) and killed.”

Kanahotabi, “hunting someone to
kill.”

Kanantcitabi, (?).

Lomhetabi, “he hid the enemy and

killed.”

Lakofintabi, “he got away (from the
same person or another) and killed
him.”

Lid’htabi, “he ran after him and
killed him.

Mihaci"tabi, “the same man killed.”

PERSONAL

NAMES 189

Micatcitabi, “he was some distance
from the enemy and kil.ed him.”

Micontambi’, “he will go over yonder
and kill.” .

Micfintabi, “he (?) and killed.”

Naganiteabi, (?).

Nibatecukwatabi, “he went in on him
and killed him.”

Ninaka"bi, “he killed
night.”

Nikwayikeugitabi, “he had courage
and killed.”

Okfyambi, “ among them he killed.”

Okola‘ninabi, (7).

Ok6lohactabi, “he (?) and killed.”

Oktea"tabi, “he killed him alive.”

Okul6"habi, “he (?) and killed.”

Otaiitci’, (7).

Onnahabi, “he killed after daylight.”

Onnahintabi, “he killed his enemy
early in the morning.”

Onahoteabi, (7).

Onatabi, (2)

Ontciyabi, (2)

Ontiatabi, “he passed and killed him.”

Ontikanotabi, “he (7?) and killed.”

Opiasabi, “late in the evening he killed
him.”

Opiyactabi, “it was evening and he
killed.”

Oca"bi, (?).

Pisahotabi, “he saw him and killed
him.”

Pisa’magentabi, “he killed
soon as he saw him.”

Pisamontabi, “he killed him at first
sight.”

Pisatabi, “he saw and killed.”

Pistiktea"bi, “he (7?) and
(oktca=“ awake’’).

Pisttiktea"tabi, “he (7?) and killed.”

Sakitabi, “he followed, overtook, and
killed.”

Sakabi, (7).

Teafatabi, “he killed one of them.”

Teakata"bi, (?).

Teali, the English word Charlie.

Tahiyabi, “he (7) and killed.”

Tayactabi, “he (?) and killed.”

Tukoloctibi, “he killed two men.”

Unta‘yabi, (7).

him in the

him as

killed ”

190 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

These names are thought to have varied in accordance with the
house group, but in few cases did my informants remember to what
house group the owner of a name belonged. L[lati*batabi, Aitintabi,
Aipa’tabi, and Falamictabi were brothers belonging to one of the
house groups called Intiliho, and Anowatabi belonged to the I"holihta
ipa. Ibamihabi, Ilapabi, Imohotaidji, Teali, and Ikaiyikamotabi
belonged to Tcukillissa and Olatitei’ and Imilatabi to Tcuka falaha,
but I do not know the house groups. For some reason one of my
informants remembered the names of the house groups to which
female names belonged better than the allocation of male names, but
the signification of almost all such feminine names seems to have been

lost.
WoMEN’s NAMES

Name House group Name House group
Akoyukes =) = "ss Impitea teaha. IPOyeu = scan ae Inteufak.
Ateayl=s2- sare f Calica’=--.

Mintiye_=22 tte Imatole. Candya =o eee Imatonoha.
Homaho'ti’ Capayope’___-____ Impitea teaha.
Homaiyictea’_____ Capihoyi_==———— —-
Ictahoyati’?_______ T'saktika. : Cahloke =
Ictapaiye’_______- Takisa. Cimhoyi====2=——=

Ictapaiythtca____-_ Cimahaye’____----
Icticahoye’_=—_-.—— Intiliho (Skunk). GCimonati._-- = Imaboha icto.
Ictimake‘tca______ Cimpalihtea’_____-

aii oe a eee ee Intaboka. Cita yer ona ae Intofala.

TCG i ee wees Inteuka bitea. Coci’ (English

Koihke___ Impitea tcaha. Susie)j2-=2 ===

Koyariti 2-2 2= Gomaliyitss se

KGyoke/ eee @omhohke===2==== Intokalba.
hatehtcase=—=22== Intiliho (Skunk). Teoneya?———=— —-=—
Mahoma’ti’_______ Imokakinafa’. Tackayoki________ Iyatkaea.

Nachi\ 4-4 22. - Sees Mohnktiy= = see
Nantikpani_______ Wictonaye_______- Intiliho (Wildcat).
Qnahaye'——- ==—=—— VWiitaikes. 2 see Intiliho (Skunk).
Ohaikil Sas

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The ancient social organization of the Chickasaw is now so com-
pletely discarded that practically all of the younger people know
nothing about it, and even the older ones can furnish only frag-
mentary information on the subject. If a careful study of this
organization could have been made when it was in its prime it
would have been of the greatest value to all students of primitive
society. However, enough has been preserved to give us a fair idea
of its general character and its probable position among the social
systems of the Southeast.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 191

Our earlier data regarding the moiety and clan divisions consists
of a short but important sketch prepared for Henry R. School-
craft by a United States Indian agent from information obtained
from several old Chickasaw chiefs shortly after the period of their
emigration from Mississippi,’° a list of Chickasaw clans and
phratries collected by the Rey. Charles C. Copeland, missionary
among the Chickasaw, incorporated into Lewis H. Morgan’s Ancient
Society,** and a second contained in a manuscript note to George
Gibbs’s Chickasaw vocabulary, collected for the Bureau of American
Kthnology. This last, along with a reproduction of Morgan’s list,
was published by Dr. A. S. Gatschet in his Migration Legend of
the Creek Indians.**

The most important modern contribution to this subject has been
made by Prof. Frank G. Speck in a short article entitled “ Notes on
Chickasaw Ethnology and Folk-Lore,” published in the Journal of
American Folk-Lore.** This embraces information obtained prin-
cipally from a Chickasaw named Ca’bitci encountered by Professor
Speck while engaged in ethnological work among the Yuchi in 1904
and 1905. It contains valuable material which it seems impossible to
duplicate out of the memories of the Chickasaw now living.

As it will be necessary to piece together all of this data and that
which I collected myself in 1915, 1919, and 1924, it will be best to
incorporate these original narratives entire so that they may be
constantly before the reader for consultation.

Following is the account furnished by Schoolcraft’s informant :

The government of the Chickasaws, until they moved to the west of the
Mississippi, had a king, whom they called Minko, and there is a clan or family
by that name, that the king is taken from. The king is hereditary through
the female side. They then had chiefs*out of different families or clans.

The highest clan next to the Minko is the Sho-wa. The next chief to the
king is out of their clan. The next is Co-ish-to, second chief out of this clan.
The next is Oush-peh-ne. The next is Min-ne; and the lowest clan is called
Hus-con-na. Runners and waiters are taken from this family. When the
chiefs thought it necessary to hold a council, they went to the king, and
requested him to call a council. He would then send one of his runners out
to inform the people that a council would be held at such a time and place.
When they convened the king would take his seat. The runners then placed
each chief in his proper place. All the talking and business was done by the
chiefs. If they passed a law they informed the king of it. If he consented
to it it was a law; if he refused, the chiefs could make it a law if every chief
was in favor of it. If one chief refused to give his consent the law was lost.

%° Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. 1, p. 311.

* Ancient Society, New York, 1878, p. 163.
* Philadelphia, 1884, vol. 1, p. 97.

88 Jour. Am, Folk-Lore, vol. xx, pp. 50-58.

192 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

The table of phratries and clans furnished Morgan by Copeland
is as follows:
I. PANTHER PHRAtTRY (Kor) “

1. Wildcat 2. Bird 3. Fish 4. Deer
(Ko-in-chush ) ( Hii-tiik-fu-shi) (Nun-ni) (Is-si)

II. SPANISH PuRATRY (ISH-PAN-EE)

1. Raccoon — 2. Spanish 3. Royal 4. Hush-ko-ni
(Shii-u-ee ) (Ish-piin-ee) (Ming-ko)
5. Squirrel 6. Alligator 7. Wolf 8. Blackbird
(Tun-ni) ( Ho-chon- ( Na-sho-la ) (Chuh-hli )
chab-ba)

Next comes Gibbs’s list, as copied by Gatschet, and verified by the
writer:

Spine or Spanish gens; mingos or chiefs could be chosen from this gens
only, and were hereditary in the female line; sha-6 or raccoon gens; second
chiefs or headmen were selected from it; kuishto or tiger gens; ko-intchtsh
or catamount gens; nani or fish gens; issi or deer gens; hal6ba or ? gens;
foshé or bird gens; hu"shkoné or skunk gens, the least respected of them all.

Dr. Speck’s treatment of Chickasaw social organization is naturally
more elaborate. He says:

Clans are arranged in two groups, each of which has its own religious
ceremony of a shamanistic nature. The tribe is thus broken up into two
distinet parts with quite different interests.

The groups are named Jmosaktca”, ‘‘their hickory chopping,’ and Jntcuk-
watipa, ‘“‘ Their worn-out place.”’ The former is the superior group, as its men
were warriors inhabiting substantial lodges, while the latter were known as
inferior people who lived mostly under trees in the woods. From the leading
clan of each group a shaman, or prophet (hopdye), was chosen for life, who
held communion with the gods in its behalf. In connection with sickness, war,
or migration his services were required before action was taken. He was also
consulted before the celebration of the Picofa ceremony.

This prophet, in former times exercising his powerful leadership, is said to
have followed the Milky Way (ofitSéxube ihinna), and other supernatural
manifestations such as the direction in which an upright pole leaned at certain
times, or the direction indicated by the shape of some bear’s excrement.

Facial painting indicated the group of the wearer, but was only used on
oceasion of war. The Imosaktcad”™ group painted across and above the cheek
bones, while the Intcukwaztipa decorated only below the cheek bones.

When the tribe was called to assemble, the various clans had assigned places
of encampment on each side of an imaginary line running north and south,
forming altogether a square which corresponded in general to the camp circle
of the prairie tribes.

The clans of the Imosaktca” group, with the remarks of informants, are as
follows:

(1) Insaktara”fa, ‘their bank of the river boundary.” It is the highest clan
of this group, from which the prophet is chosen. They are said to be the

* The Chickasaw equivalents are given separately in a footnote in the original. Hii-tiik,
man, is properly no part of the name of the Bird clan; it is employed to designate
so-and-so as a member of the clan in question. Tun-ni is evidently a misprint for Fun-ni
and Nii-sho-la for Nii-sho-ba.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 193

brightest and bravest of the Chickasaw. Their name refers to the Mississippi
River, which is called saktatd"fa. In the tribal camp their place is at the centre
of the north side, east of the dividing line between the groups.

(2) Imosaktea”, “their hickory chopping.” This clan stands in very high
esteem, the men being known as great fighters. They are said to have walked
from Mississippi to Indian Territory during the removal.

(3) Inkobukee, “their hump,” referring to the hump of a large game animal.
They are great hunters.

(4) Hataqanani®, “fish person.’ They are expert fishermen and trade in
fish.

(5) Inteukapdata, “ their neighborhood.”

Incaktcakdafa, “ they are crawfish.” They are very bright and active people.

Inpitea"hatedha, “their cornerib high.” They are signally industrious in
agriculture.

The clans of the Intecukwalipa group are as follows:

(1) Inkini, “they are skunks.” They are the leading clan of this group,
having the position opposite the Insaktaté"fa at the north side of the camp
square. They are hunters and eat skunks.

(2) I*yatkacdé, “they are dung people.”” From this clan the prophet of the
group is chosen.

(8) Inteicawdaya, “their post oak bends.”” They were known by their habit
of living under the trees.

Intcikakolofa, “ their house cut off,” meaning that they lived only in broken
houses or parts of houses.

Inteiskilikkobdfa, “their blackjack (oak) broken off,” meaning that they
dwelt under blackjack oaks.

Intcikwazipa, “their house worn out.’”’ These last three are the meanest of all.

The accompanying sketch [fig. 3] shows arrangement of camp square.

. .. The list given above does not assume to be complete, nor is the order
of precedence very strictly recognized to-day, after the first three names in each
group. Matters of this sort are rapidly disintegrating among the Chickasaw.
The clans of each group are in close alliance with each other, being, however,
exogamic without regard to their group.

The agreements and disagreements in these lists are largely ex-
plained by the fact that three different sorts of associations existed
in Chickasaw society: (1) A dual division, (2) totemic subdivisions
or clans, and (3) a great number of cantonal or local groups, usually
bearing names descriptive of some natural object or feature. The
towns were distinct from all of these.

The dual division is recognized by Copeland and Speck, but School-
craft’s informant and Gibbs seem to have missed it. It is clearly
remembered by some of the living Chickasaw, however, and there can
be no question regarding it. It is a curious fact that Copeland,
Speck, and the writer each obtained a different set of names for the
two moieties. The terms used by Copeland, “ Panther Phratry ”
and “Spanish Phratry,” are derived from clans on the respective
sides; those obtained by Speck (Imosaktca" and Inteukwaxipa) are
taken in a similar manner from local or house groups; while those
which I secured, Tcukilissa, “ empty or abandoned house,” and Tcuka

194 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH, ANN. 44

GROUP GROUP

IntcukwaHpa Imosaktca®

Council Fire

1. Inkini 1. Insaktalifa

2. [yatkaca® 2. Imosaktcaa
3. Intcicawdya 3 Inkobukcé
Intciskilfkkobafa 4. Hataganani¢
Intctikakoldfa 5. Intcukapdta
Intcikwatipa Incaktcakéfa
Impitc4*hatcdha

Fie, 3.—Chickasaw camp square. (From Speck.)

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 195

falaha,** “long house,” prove to be names of two of the ancient
Chickasaw towns. If each moiety was exogamous, as has usually
been assumed, a town could not have been occupied exclusively by
representatives of either of them and we should have to suggest that
one moiety was particularly prominent in one town and the other
in the second. However, more recent investigations, to which refer-
ence will be made presently, render it evident that these moieties were
prevailingly endogamous like the town moieties of the Creeks. The
uncertainty and diversity in naming these groups strengthens their
resemblance to the Creek moieties and at the same time differentiates
them from those of the Choctaw which seem to have borne distinct,
universally understood titles. As members of these moieties were
probably opposed in the ball games, they perhaps ordinarily used
such terms as “ own side ” and “ opposite side ” and required nothing
further, the name of a house group, clan, or town prominently asso-
ciated with each being a mere temporary designation. The moieties
resembled those of the Creeks once more m the attitude of suspicion
which they maintained toward each other. Thus Speck says that
malevolent conjuration resulting in sickness was “believed, with a
certain degree of hostility, to come from the opposite group.” ** And
again: “It is considered a grave offense, frequently punishable by
death, for a member of one group to be present at the Picdfa of the
other group, as his presence would nullify the good effect of the
ceremony.” *7

Chickasaw moieties disagree with those of the Creeks in the fact
that, for the most part, clans (as well as house groups) were divided
by moiety lines. However, there are said to have been some excep-
tions. The Raccoon clan, in particular, is said to have married
indifferently into both moieties, while there was a house group on
each side called Intiliho, which may have had a common origin.

The little that I learned of the supposed peculiarities of the moieties
is in agreement with Speck’s data. Thus I was told that the Teuka
falaha were warlike and lived on a flat or prairie country, while the
Tcukilissa were peaceful people living in the timber.

Mr. Zeno McCurtain, my interpreter, recorded, from the mouths
of some of the older men, the following beliefs regarding a Chickasaw
people, who were in the habit of living in timbered country. As
there is no house group in my list bearing a similar name, it is
probable that these were the Tcukilissa.

% One of my informants called this moiety, ‘“‘ Tashka,’ “ warrior,’ but this seems to
have been due to a supposed association of the side in question with warlike occupations.

36 Speck, Frank G., Journ, Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 54.

87 [bid., p. 56.

196 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN, 44

THE TIMBER PEOPLE

These people had ways of their own but it is difficult to tell in what these
consisted. They lived in forested country, minded their own business, and did
not bother others. What they liked best was to hunt and feast on wild game.
That was why they were fond of forests. They made dwellings out of logs and
wore skins of wild animals such as bear, deer, fox, skunk, raccoon, and panther.
They tanned the hides of these animals and made clothing out of some while
they exchanged others for the clothing used by whites. They loved one an-
other and when one of them got into trouble of any kind, the others would
help him out. But if they found that he had been stealing or committing some
other depredation outside of their group they would not assist him. If it was
proven that such an one, whether a man or a woman, was guilty, that person
would have to suffer the death penalty. That was how they got rid of violators
of law among them. Sometimes a person would be accused of something and
it would be proved that he was innocent. The accusing witness would then be
branded as a liar and people would never believe him afterwards. When a
member of this group was found guilty of something not worthy of death, he
was whipped and then liberated.

One may doubt whether the superiority of one particular moiety
was unanimously admitted by members of both as stated by Speck’s
informant. He himself belonged to that which he asserted to be su-
perior. But there appears to be no doubt that certain local groups
were considered inferior to the rest. I have no information regard-
ing the camp square other than that which Speck gives. In any
case the custom must have applied rather to certain sections of the
Nation than to the entire people, who could have been accommodated
with difficulty in a temporary camping place. The tradition of such
a custom possibly reflects some memory of the grouping of towns in
the old country which formed three sides of a hollow square.

The clan was called iksa, and the names of 15 iksa have been re-
corded: Minko (Chief), Sfani or Spani (Spanish), Cawi (Raccoon),
Ko icto (Panther), Ko inteus (Wildcat), Nani (Fish), Isi (Deer),
Foci (Bird), Koni or Hockoni (Skunk), Fani (Squirrel), Hatctin-
tctba (Alligator), Nacoba (Wolf), Tcata (or Oktcata) (Blackbird),
Fox (Tcula) or Red Fox (Tcula homa), Haloba (?).%% Haloba is
given by Gibbs alone, while the Alligator, Wolf, and Blackbird ap-
pear only in the list collected for Morgan. It is possible that the
word for squirrel (fani) has been confounded with that meaning
Spanish (Sfani or Spani), although one of my informants claimed to
know of a Squirrel clan. I have no explanation of the others which
may have become extinct. It is unfortunate, however, that their ex-
istence is vouched for by but one authority. I learned of the Fox

% Adair (Hist. Am. Inds., p. 31) seems to imply the existence of Eagle and Buffalo
clans, but he probably had in mind clans among the Creek Indians. He also speaks of a
Chickasaw war leader called “the Torrepine Chieftain” or ‘the leader of the land-
tortoise family,” implying that there was a clan of that name, but I think his deduction
was erroneous. (Adair- p. 290.)

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 197

or Red Fox clan myself and all that is known about it is given
below.*® The others are mentioned by at least two authorities and
must have had an actual existence. The Spanish, Raccoon, and
Skunk clans are mentioned by all three and are known to living In-
dians.*? If, as appears certain, “ Min-ne” in Schoolcraft is a mis-
print for Nun-ne the Fish clan also appears in all lists. The Panther
and Wildeat are also known to living Indians, but they seem to have
been classed together or sometimes confounded, and this will explain
the fact that Schoolcraft mentions only the Panther, while Copeland
gives the Panther as the name of a “phratry” and Wildcat as the
name of a clan under that phratry. The Bird and Deer appear in the
lists of Gibbs and Copeland and are well known to living Indians:
but are wanting from the statement in Schoolcraft. Finally, the
Minko or Chief clan occupies a distinct place in Schoolcraft and
Copeland but by Gibbs appears to be combined with the Spanish clan.
My own inquiries elicited no information whatever regarding the
former existence of such a clan, and it may have been merged into
the Spanish clan in later times just as the Panther seems to have dis-
appeared in the Wildcat. Doctor Speck, or his informant, con-
founded local groups and clans, so that only one of the latter is men-
tioned, the Hataqanani‘, from hatak, man, and nani, fish. The “ In-
ktini” just below, although called by the name of their totem animal,
are properly a house group.

The gradation in rank which Speck attributes to the house groups
applied also to the clans as appears from Schoolcraft and Gibbs.
The following comparison of the lists furnished by them shows that
such a gradation actually existed and that the relative order of some
clans was maintained over a considerable period, though with others
changes seem to have taken place.

| Schooleraft Gibbs
1 Chief (Minko) 2 == = === Spanish.
2 IRS CCOOns eee ek eee Raccoon.
3 Panthers Sse0s _ td alias apei eee Panther.
4 Spamishte! =. 9-7-2. 4-epooe 5 Wildcat.
5 Fish (given as Min-ne)___~_--- Fish.
6 Satins ae est aaa Deer.
if) {\|Sa8. 2k os ee ree Haloba.
Sue een eres FE eae Ps Ser Bird.
he Cts See R eC Be es ie aS ee Skunk.

In both lists the Raccoon is second, the Panther third, the Fish
fifth, and the Skunk last. Since the Panther and Wildcat were con-

% Pp. 201-202.
40 The first, “‘ Sphfni,” is mentioned by Adair. (Op. cit.)

198 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

stantly counted together, the only discrepancies between these lists
are in the apparent elevation of the Spanish clan to the first position
in Gibbs's time and the insertion by him of three clans between the
Fish and Skunk. From the wording of the description of clans in
Schoolcraft, however, it is not certain that his informant pretends
to give a complete clan list.

Speck says that those clans which had totemic names had no taboo
against eating the flesh of the animal after which they were named,
and this is indicated also by the statement of his informant that the
men of the Hataqananie “ are expert fishermen, and trade in fish.” *
He also says: “ The totemic clans assign a mythical origin to them-
selves from the animal whose name they bear, such as fish, skunk,
and crawfish,” and he cites as “a good instance” the origin story
of the “ cognate Choctaw crawfish clan.” *? This, however, is not a
good instance because the supposed crawfish clan is in reality an
incorporated tribe. Were the data preserved, I believe we should
find that, as in the case of the Creek Indians, while descent from the
totem animal is frequently asserted in general terms, specific stories
bearing upon the subject accounted for the totemic name by some
early association of individuals of the clan and the clan animal not
involving blood relationship between the two. Speck is on firmer
ground in stating that “the totem of the clan is also the guardian
spirit of the men of that clan, who hold their totem animal and his
earthly representatives as guides, kinsmen, and spiritual overseers.”
“ Hence,” he adds, “it was and is customary for them to maintain
jealously the honor of their totemic animal. Numerous tales, de-
scriptive of his wonderful exploits, are told by each clan. Also
myth elements from negro sources have been introduced, where such
fall in well with the character of the exploit and cast credit upon
some particular totem.” *® The fact is that, again as in the case of
the Creeks, the association of an animal name with a body of people
has brought about an association of everything connected with that
animal and the aforesaid body. The honor of the group is in some
way bound up with due respect to the animal whose name the group
bears, and a kind of proprietary right is extended over tales in
which the totem animal is conspicuous, although it is probable that
very few of these were composed or repeated primarily as “ clan
tales.”

Stories about the Raccoon, Panther, Wildcat, Bird, and Red Fox
clans were written down for me by a native Chickasaw, but these
consist of bits of gossip and the relation of certain customs and habits
which may not have been peculiar to them. Some of these clans are
represented as endogamous. Probably, however, in the breakdown

4 Journ. Am, Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 52. #2 [bid. 48 Tbid, p. 54.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 199

of Chickasaw institutions, there has been a confusion between clan
and moiety endogamy, each clan having been endogamous merely as
regards some of the other clans. In the case of the Raccoon it is said
that it would not intermarry with other clans, yet I was told specifi-
eally that it was exceptional in that it married into both moieties.
It seems pretty clear that clans and house groups were ordinarily
exogamous and moieties endogamous. It is also clear that marriage
with blood relations was studiously avoided. Certain of my inform-
ants likened the clan institution to masonry, something for mutual
aid. The antiquity of certain of the beliefs regarding clans given in
these stories is questionable, but they at least furnish an interesting
study in the association of ideas. With sundry unessential parts
eliminated, the stories are as follows:

STORY OF THE RACCOON CLAN (CAWI IKSA)

These people dressed differently from others but in most of their customs
they were similar. They had a certain habit, however, in which they were
unique and that was that they would kill one another. Their taste in the matter
of food was also peculiar. They liked to dance as well as any other people and
would rather dance the Raccoon dance than eat. When they were going to
have a dance they would send out a messenger to announce the fact, and after-
ward the old men and old women would dance all night. When they were
preparing for a dance they would boil certain roots to make a kind of tea which
they considered stimulating. They could dance all night without feeling any
ill effects. The foods of which they were fondest were fish and all kinds of
fruits such as grapes. When fruit was plentiful they liked that best which
ripens early in the winter. In the spring they ate every kind of thing that was
eatable. In the fall they hung bunches of grapes up to dry and then stored
them away for winter’s use. In summer they dried green corn for the winter.
Some made shuck (or blue) bread, some made cold flour, and some laid away
meal out of which porridge is made. Such foods would last as long as they
desired.

These people were very cunning. They knew just what to do and how to do
it and could not be cheated by others, except for the younger people, who were
easily deceived. They would not undertake anything of which they were not
sure in advance. They would not let other clans intermarry with theirs.

They had clever ways of finding out what they wanted to know, and they
depended very much upon a conjurer (apoloma’), who could excel in the game
of hiding-the-bullet, in horse racing, and in the ball game. Sometimes the
conjurer was called a wizard (icta holo’). They had great faith in him and
he was not afraid of undertaking any task assigned to him, yet he was not as
good as a doctor (alektci). He could imitate any sort of animal or bird, but
he could work only among his own people, or near his own side, fearing lest
the opponents would kill him. The others did not know what he might do.
Whatever the conjurer chose to do was considered right, but some conjurers
were afraid to do as they ought by their own side lest the opponents should
injure them afterwards. The conjurer foretold what was going to happen to
the ball players and those that heeded his advice did not get into trouble,
but some would forget and suffer injuries and be sorry that they had not been

200 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [PTH. ANN. 44

obedient. When the people heeded the conjurer’s warning they usually won,
i. e., if their conjurer was better than that on the side of the opponents [ !].

These people had great faith in their leaders and most of them would heed
their advice, but there were a few who would not listen to the advice of the
older people, and through these in course of time all went to the bad. Some
would not visit the sick or have anything to do with them though they were
under oath to assist them. They were too proud. They became utterly incom-
petent because they would listen neither to the conjurer nor the old people.
Sometimes, too, the conjurer told them lies and they found it out and for that
reason would not listen to him.

STORY OF THE PANTHER CLAN (KOI ICTO IKSA)

The people of this clan knew how to make use of the terror inspired by the
name of their totem animal to accomplish their desires.

The Wildeat and Panther clans appear to have been related to each other
but, owing to a certain law, they were not allowed to intermarry. In those
days people were law-abiding and stuck to their old customs. If one wanted to
do a thing he asked advice of the old people.

These people lived principally on wild animals and would not touch anything
unless it were clean. They lived usually in the hills and mountains, not far
from water but not too close to it because they were afraid of it. They had
plenty of horses and other property. They were quick to learn.

Once they made a feast and invited all of the neighboring people to come to
it. They had a great celebration but in the course of it some began quarreling
and a fight followed in which many persons were killed. [This last episode is
probably introduced to show that they shared the bellicose characteristics of
their totem animal.]

STORY OF THE WILDCAT CLAN

This clan differs from other clans principally in what its members eat. They
seldom go out in the daytime but roam about at night in search of food. They
do not, however, try to steal. They are swift of foot and when an accident
happens to them they depend on their swiftness to escape. They care very
little about women, but when they want anything they generally get it. They
think more of their feet than of any other parts of their bodies and their eyes
are so keen that they can see anyone before he detects them. When one of
them wants a wife he gets his parents to obtain one. They do not select any
kind of woman but are careful in choosing. The younger always get a woman
first. These generally sleep in the daytime. If they do not have good luck at
night their rest is disturbed but if they have good luck they sleep through most
of the day.

Once a number of men belonging to this clan went hunting and camped a
considerable distance from home. Afterward they scattered to see what they
could find but remained within call of one another, having made an agreement
that if anything happended to one of them he should shout for help. But one
of them ventured farther than he was aware and got a long distance off. Pres-
ently he got tired and sat down to rest, but while he was there a to"fa“ came
up and said, “ What are you doing here? You are intruding upon my land
and had better get up and return to your own place.’ But the Indian believed
himself to be strong enough for any situation, so he sat still without speaking.
Presently the to"fa ordered him off again and added, “If you do not get up
and go away I will tie you up and earry you to my place.” “You may do so

“Ho fa means “skinned.” The being was thought to have long hair like an animal.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 201

if you can,” the man replied, and upon this the to"fa seized him. At first it
seemed as if the man were the stronger of the two and he was able to throw
the lo"fa down, but the latter smelled so bad that it was too much for his
antagonist, and the to"fa overcame him, hung him up in a tree and went away.

The man hung there all night, and when he did not make his appearance at
camp the other hunters began a search for him and, when they found him, cut
the grapevine by which he was fastened so that he fell to the ground. They
asked him what had treated him in this manner but he would not speak and they
thought he might have seen a ghost or something of that sort. Some time
later, however, he came to himself and related what had happened. After-
ward, although he was very fond of hunting and knew that he would be suc-
cessful, he would not venture out unless someone were with him,

STORY OF THE BIRD CLAN

This clan was not very numerous. Their origin was not known for some
time, but finally it was discovered. There were some people living on two
neighboring hills, but for a long time it was not thought that these had inhab-
itants because other people did not see how they could get down from them to
hunt. When they found that they actually were inhabited they thought that
the occupants must have wings, and so they called them Birds. They were
people who were up and off before day. They did not have many peculiar
customs. They were like real birds in that they would not bother anybody.
They usually had many wives, and they had a good custom of not marrying
anyone outside of their clan or those belonging to another house group. A
woman might belong to the very same clan as a man, but if her house name
was different from his he would not marry her. The reason was that they
did not want to mix their blood with that of other people. They kept to the
ways of their ancestors without disturbing anyone else. They were satisfied
with what had been handed down to them. The people of this clan have
different sorts of minds, just as there are different species of birds. Some
have the minds of woodpeckers, others of crows, others of pigeons, eagles,
chicken hawks, horned owls, common owls, buzzards, screech owls, day hawks,
prairie hawks, field larks, red-tailed hawks, red birds, wrens, humming-birds,
speckled woodpeckers, cranes, bluebirds, blackbirds, turkeys, chickens, quails,
tcowe’’cak (birds found only in winter and looking like martins), yellow
hammers, whip-poor-wills, and like all other kinds of birds. Some have homes
and some have not, as is the case with birds. It seems as though the best
people of the Bird clan were wiser than any others. They do not work at all,
but have an easy time going through life and go anywhere they want to.
They have many offspring, as birds have. They do whatever they desire, and
when anything happens to them they depend on persons of their own house
group without calling in strangers. This is the end of the story of the Birds,
although much more might be written about them.

STORY OF THE RED FOX CLAN

Red Fox (Tcula)** was once found in a cave asleep by a hunter. The hunter
crept up to him and saw that it was Tcula. As he lay there asleep he looked
red all over, and in consequence the hunter called him Red Fox. From that
time on his descendants have been known as the Red Fox clan.

Some time after this Red Fox took up with a woman belonging to the Wildcat
elan, Their descendants were known as Teula homa iksa, and they lived only

4a Tcula simply means ‘ fox,” but this is the way it was given.
55231°—28——14

202 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

in the woods. They made a living by stealing from other people, and that
was why they wanted to live in the timber continually. If this clan had
been handed down through the women, it would have been numerous to-day ;
but since it depended on the father’s side it did not last long. They kept on
stealing until about 1880, when the other people got tired of them and killed
nearly all, so that there are now only a few remaining among the Choctaw
and Chickasaw.”

A person of the Red Fox clan did whatever he liked. Once a man of this
clan went hunting. He did not return that day nor on the day after. In
fact he was gone for several days, and presently the people thought something
had happened to him and chose three men to send in search of him. These’
men at length reached a place where they expected to find him, but when they
got close to it he was not there. They discovered that he had taken up with
a woman of the Bird clan; that was why he had not returned home. When
they at length came to the place where he was living, he told them that he
did not think it was harmful to take any woman, whether she was of the same
clan or not. Therefore, when he met this woman and found that he liked her
and that she liked him, they lived together. The men told him that it was
against the will of his people and contrary to their customs, but he could not
be persuaded and after a while they left him. Before he left his people he
had already been married. Afterwards he wanted to go back to live with
them as he had before, but they would not listen to him.

It was the belief of the people of the Red Fox clan that one should not
marry outside, and it was their law that if one did so they would not have
anything to do with him. They would not help him in any way, but he who
obeyed their customs was held in respect among them. They believed that
things moved on as was intended by the Creator, but some people did not have
any regard for this and did not care what happended to them.

The customs and habits of the Red Fox clan are different from those of any
other, and the same was true of those of the Double Mountain people. Anyone
who wanted to learn their ways must marry one of their women [which, judg-
ing by what was said in the last paragraph in the case of the Red Foxes, would
seem to have been difficult].

When winter was approaching and these people wanted to go on a hunt, they
began their preparations a considerable time in advance. Some of them would
get together and decide how many were to go and how long they would be
gone. Then these persons would fast for four days and meanwhile the women
would cook food for them to take, enough to last for the time determined upon.
They made sacks into which to put cold flour (banaha). While the men were
fasting they would not sleep with their wives, for if one did he thought that
luck would abandon him and he would kill no deer. Some would not observe
these rules and in consequence they were usually excluded from the party.
If such a person were permitted to go, the deer would see him first and run
off. But those who obeyed the regulations would have good luck and kill many
deer and bear to bring home. When they killed a deer they dried the meat
to last them through the winter. When they went after bear they hunted
about until they discovered his lair and then one of the hunters went into it
bearing a pine torch.

The descendants of a Wildcat woman would ordinarily have been reckoned as of the
Wildeat clan. If an exception had been made in the first instance and the children had
been called *‘ Red Fox clan” the clan could have been perpetuated through the female
children alone. An attempt to perpetuate it by reversing the ordinary Chickasaw laws
of descent would undoubtedly have failed. ‘Therefore this story can not be taken seriously.
Still there was a clan of this name which has almost died out.

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 203

The following story refers to a clan, or supposed clan, of which
I have absolutely no other information. It may have been in reality
a house group, but the word iksa is ordinarily bestowed upon a clan
or larger division. Perhaps this may refer to some low-caste, wan-
dering element in the population similar to one mentioned in an old
French narrative dealing with the Choctaw.*®

STORY OF THE WANDERING IKSA (NO HOME IKSA)

People used to wonder about the origin of this iksa and how they got their
name. They were with the Chickasaw and Choctaw when they came to this
country. They were shiftless people who did not want to own anything, but
wandered from one place to another, and so were called Wandering Iksa.
There are still such people among the Indians. They are rightly named, for
they do not do anything for themselves, nor do they want to do anything for
anyone else. Some pitied them and some did not, but it appeared that they
were satisfied with the way they lived. They are healthy looking, strong
people, for they did not do anything to run themselves down, but they did
not move about like others. They moved very slowly, except about something
that concerned their own welfare, when they were quick enough. They thought
they were going to live forever. They did not care how they dressed or ap-
peared. Their women did not take care of their hair like women of other
elans, but let it hang down uncombed. Though some of the women were good
looking they would not make good wives. Sometimes they wore dirty dresses.
They wanted people to give them food for nothing, and when they could not
get anyone to do so they would work, but they would not do any hard work.

The local groups or “house names” (intcuka hotcifo’), as the
Chickasaw called them, were very numerous. I have about 50 in
my lists, and the Indians believe that, during the smallpox epidemics,
many were entirely wiped out. The interests of a man or woman
centered more in the local group than in the larger divisions already
mentioned. Indeed, one of my informants asserted emphatically
that the totems were of importance only in international relations, as
in dealings with the Creeks, when they determined the position in
which visiting Chickasaw and Creeks stood to one another. Those
belonging to totemic groups having the same animal names then con-
sidered themselves relatives, and hospitalities were exchanged. Each
local group had its own set of personal names, which appear to have
been passed down from one generation to another much as was the
custom among the Creek Indians. According to native tradition the
house names were established just after the Chickasaw had crossed
the Mississippi from the west and occupied their historic seats. The
prophet under whose guidance they had conducted their journey
then visited the different camps and named each from some peculiar-
ity he observed connected with the camp or its surroundings. Until
then they had been fighting with all of their neighbors, and so they
were given their war names at the same time. Of course this js

4#® Memoirs Am. Anthrop. Asso., vol. v, pt. 2, p. 72.

[ETH. ANN. 44

204

BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW

merely an attempt to simplify and represent by one concrete story
a process that covered a long period and probably continued even
after white contact, new groups being introduced and older ones
dying out. It was an old saying among the Chickasaw that each

person must know his own house name and his own clan name.

In the following table are contained all of the names of these local
groups of which I have been able to learn, classified as far as pos-
sible under the proper dual and totemic divisions:

TCUKA FALAHA

(This embraced the Fish, Deer, Bird,
Panther, and Wildcat clans.)

“Anecheir” (Fish clan), so given in
writing by one informant.

Imaieksaka.

Imaboha icto’, or Imabo icto’
elan), “big house.”

Imbihi wa icto’ (Bird clan), “ big ripe
mulberry.”

Imitakcic (Deer clan), “a root barely

(Bird

projecting above the ground” (or
“a tree lying down”).

Immaboha (Wildcat clan), “their
house.”

Immokakina’fa’ (Fish clan), “hole
dug for clay in plastering a
house.” **

Imok’waca’ (Deer clan) (waca’ means
SO Siib es)

Imosaktea’a’ (Fish clan),
tree chopped to pieces.” “

Impitea teaha (Bird elan),
corncrib.”

Inkafalteaba’ (Wildcat clan), ‘ sassa-
fras footlog.” ”

“hickory

“high

Inkobukeé, “their hump” (from
Speck).
Innanih tciya’ (Bird clan), “double

hill.”
Insakti ta*fa, “their bank of the river
boundary” (from Speck).
Inteiskilik kdba’fa’ (Deer
“broken blackjack.” ™

Intcica koba’fa’ (Deer clan), “ broken
post oak.”

Inteica waya’ (Deer clan), ‘their post
oak bends over.”

Inteufak’ (Wildcat elan), “ having a
fork in a tree.”

clan),

Footnotes are on page 205,

Inteuka abatca’ (Bird clan), “to learn
something new” or “to practice
something at home.”

Inteuka homa’ (Panther clan), having
a “red house.”

Inteuka’ patha (Wildcat clan?), “* wide
house.”

Intcuka takassa’ (Wildcat clan),
“house with a flat roof.” ™
Intaboka.

Intiliho (part) (Wildeat clan), name
of a kind of weed.”

Intofoka (Bird clan).

T*hina kotea.

T"holihta tipa’ (Bird clan), ‘‘a rotten
rail fence.”

I"kasbikeo (or I°kasbi ikeo) (Wildcat
clan), “having no yard.”

T'kactaca’, “ having fleas.”

I’koa’aca’ (Wildcat clan), “cat
place.” ™
TIeaktei akafa’ (Fish clan), “ craw-

fish dragged along.”
T’cintuk (Fish clan), “a little round
hillock.”
Teyalkaca (Wildcat
dung about it.”
Ko icto (Panther clan), ‘ panther.”

clan), ‘having

TCUKILISSA

(This embraced the Raccoon, Span-
ish, and skunk clans; perhaps an-
ciently also the Squirrel and a clan
ealled Mi'ko.)

Ibattcoka (or Thatteoka).

Imata’po’, a kind of tent.

Imoktakali (Spanish clan).

Imiti kobo’pa’, “a hollow tree” (beaten
on as a kind of drum).”

Imosak api (Skunk clan).

Imotak tealaka.**

SWANTON]

(or Inteuka istoko-
“house cut

Intcuka_ kolofa
lofa) (Raccoon clan),
off” or “low house.”

Inteuka lipa, “their house worn out”
(given by Speck).

Intabana (Raccoon clan).

Intakon lahpa (Raccoon clan), ‘a
number (of people) eating peaches.”

TIntanak coha.

Inta*hicié (Spanish clan), ‘corn husks.”

Intiliho (part) (Skunk clan), name
of a kind of weed.”

“ce

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

205

Intdkalba’ (Raccoon clan), ‘‘ old waste
field,” or “a lot of weeds in the crop.”

Intonink koba’fa’ (Spanish clan), hay-
ing “ broken posts.”

T*haci kotea’ka’ (Spanish clan), “sun-
rise,“ east.2? 7

T"hacok teuka (Skunk clan), having
a “grass house.”

I"koni’ (Skunk clan), “skunk.”

I’nkonoma’, or I°koni homa
clan), “red skunk.”

I’cinuk teaha (teaha=“ high ”’).

(Skunk

The following local groups remain unclassified :

TImat6li, “ ball ground.”

Imatonoha’, “rolling” people.

Imbihi toma’, “ under the mulberry tree.”

Imiti kolofa, “a block cut out of a tree,” or “a bucket.”

Imoktak teailaca, name of a kind of weed (oktak, “ prairie’).

Imomboha falaha, “their house long.”

Imontecaba icto’, “big hill.”

Imosa foloma’, (meaning ?).

Impasaktealas, ‘* button snakeroot.’’

Impitca’ kolofa’, “low corncrib.””

Imusatiiia, any species of climbing vine.”

TInogota, a word used when a thing is carried along and put into the water.

Intcica kano*ka, “small post oaks.”

Inteuka ati, “his own house.”

Inteuka teaha, “tall house.” ”

Inteukutci, “ little house.”

Intiacaikas’, ‘behind a tree.”

Intofala’, “a grown-over field,” ‘‘an old field.”

I*bicktin, a plant used as medicine which grew in little patches near camping
places,

T*sakti falaha, ‘‘long bank.”’

47 By one informant placed in the Tcukilissa moiety.

48 These are said to have been people of wealth. One of my informants assigned this
group to the Spanish clan, but Speck confirms the classification here made.

49 The name is said to have been derived from the circumstance that a family of this
group formerly lived on both sides of a creek spanned by a footlog of sassafras.

According to one informant, instead of farming like other house groups, the male
portion of this community hunted and fished while the women collected wild fruits and
roots. They are said to have been the first Chickasaw to play the game of “hiding the
bullet,” i. e., ‘the moccasin game.”

51 According to the story, a runaway woman was found under a broken blackjack tree
and from that circumstance the name was given to her and her descendants,

5S21t is said that a man of this group was too lazy to build a good house and so. his
wives were obliged to put up a low, flat-roofed house of some nondescript pattern.

53Tt is not known whether the two house groups called Intiliho had entirely independ-
ent origins or whether they represented one house group which became separated in
course of time. One informant placed the Intiliho belonging to the Tcukilissa moiety in
the Spanish clan instead of the Skunk clan,

5 Said by another informant to have belonged to the Skunk clan.

% One informant thought that this belonged to the Panther clan, in which case it
should be in the other moiety.

58 Placed by one informant in the Bird clan and hence in the Tcuka falaha moiety,

57 By others this is said to have belonged to the Skunk clan.

58 Another informant thought that this belonged to the Spanish clan.

8° Given by but one informant.

© This is probably identical with the ‘‘ Emisha taluyah” which Cushman gives as the
name of the house group to which Governor Cyrus Harris belonged.

206 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

I’saktika, “having a fork in the creek.”

T’sa"kona, (meaning ?).

T"yakni chula (original orthography Ayaknee chuelah), “Fox land,’ said
by the native who furnished this name to belong to the Fox clan."

Calakalak, ‘‘ geese.”

Cawiha"ka’, “shouting to the racoon.”’ (?).

The reader should be on his guard against assuming that this list
represents an absolutely accurate classification. While most of my in-
formants agreed among themselves, there were, as indicated in the
footnotes, discrepancies in their testimony. More important are the
discrepancies between my list and that of Doctor Speck. It is true
that the side that he calls Imosaktca" agrees in its make up, so far as
material is available, with that I have called Tcuka falaha, but three
of the clans listed by him on the opposite side were placed by my
informants among the Tcuka falaha also—the I"yatkaca, from which
the prophet of the side is said to have been taken, the Intcica waya’,
and the Intciskilik koba’fa’. Only the I*koni, Intcuka kolofa, and
perhaps the Intcuka lipa are with the Tcukilissa where we should
expect to find them. The rapid fading of native knowledge regard-
ing such things sufficiently accounts for the discrepancies, although
the occurrence of two branches of the Intiliho on opposite sides in-
dicates that the position of many of the local groups may not have
been as rigid as would at first be supposed. The following items
regarding house group usages are taken from a native text:

If any accident befell a man married into a house group from outside or
adopted in any other manner, the people of that group would care for him
as if he were one of themselves, but if they found a man among them for
some other purpose they would send him away. Sometimes people of suspicious
character came to live among them but then they would not have anything to
do with them or help them in any manner and not infrequently such persons
died in consequence. But if one of their own people fell ill the members of
the group cared for him faithfully.

These people usually trusted in their prophets, doctors, and leading men,
followed their advice, and were themselves respected in consequence, but the
ignorant among them did not have any respect for the law or themselves and
would move about from one place to another thinking to better their condition.
They could not find any place to suit them, however, because others distrusted
them and they suffered accordingly. Some of these people had families. At
times such a person would go to an Indian whom he believed to be a friend and
stay with him for a while but the latter would soon get tired of him, and he
would have to move away. If they had been properly brought up they would
have managed differently, but they did not know how to behave, would take
things that did not belong to them, and finally ceased to care what they did.
After the others had stood this for a while they generally took them out and
whipped them. If they did not then move out of the way, they would whip
them again, and if they still hung about they would kill them. After a man
had been whipped once he was an outcast and was not allowed to take part
in any collective undertakings. He could not be restored to favor among his own
people but he might go to some other group where he was not known, and if

%a Information from a single informant.

—

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 207

he now lived as he ought he would be accepted as a respectable man. But if
it was found that he had been whipped once or twice, they would treat him
as his first neighbors had. After they had been whipped some of these people
reformed but others did still worse until they provoked their neighbors to kill
them.

The following stories regarding several of the house groups are
from the same source as the clan stories already given and of the
same general character. Similar allowances must be made for the
assertions of endogamy.

CUSTOMS OF THE DOUBLE MOUNTAIN HOUSE GROUP (INNANTH TCIYA’)

It was the endeavor of these people to raise their children in the right way so
that they would not depart from it after they were grown up. In order to
make their boys strong and healthy they compelled them to dive into the water
four times for four mornings, once every month, throughout the winter. If
they were brought up this way they would be early risers and strong and would
not be lazy. Whatever they set out to do they worked at with all their
might. But anyone could tell those who had not been well brought up by their
appearance.

A girl was taught how to cook, sew, patch clothing, and pound up corn.
This training was continued until she was grown up when, if she married, she
knew how to keep house. She would be a respectable woman who loved her
husband and children and of whom everyone was fond.

STORY OF THE BENDING-POST-OAK HOUSE GROUP (INTCICA WAYA’)

These people were not numerous. They received their name from the fact
that they usually lived in the woods near some bending-post-oak tree. When
they got tired of one place they moved to another and they seemed to seek
a place to camp where there was a bending-post-oak. They were not very
energetic, but they loved to dance. It is natural for people to look sad when
anything serious happens, but it was particularly conspicuous in the case of
these people. They often met to discuss what they would do in case they should
lose their hunting grounds. They taught their children that, whatever hap-
pened, they must not abandon their customs but keep them up carefully. They
were not people of foresight, however, and depended much on others for advice.
They were early risers. They made many mistakes, but usually through
ignorance. They did not care much whom they married, whether outside of
the group or not—at least this was the case with the men; but the women were
different. The women would marry no one unless he were a good hunter, and
if a man were not it was hard for him to get one of these women. One time a
poor hunter wanted to get a woman of this house group, so he got another man
to kill a deer for him and carried the same deer past the woman’s house several
days in succession, in fact until it spoiled. And after all he was unsuccessful.

STORY OF THE HIGH CORNCRIB HOUSE GROUP (IMPITCA TCAHA)

These people were not much esteemed by others but they thought a great deal
of themselves. They were very industrious and raised big crops every year,
for which they put up high corncribs. When other people saw what they were
doing and how high their corncribs were they called them the High Corncrib
people. They did not hunt much and therefore bartered corn for venison,
bear fat, or bear meat. In this way they made their living and so they were
a very wise people. They were people of one mind and would not let any of

208 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

their members marry outside if they could prevent it. They were truthful
people, and they knew a great deal about the weather. They could tell what
sort of weather was to be expected when the bear hunting season arrived.
They could tell whether it would be wet or dry, and therefore they would wait
for dry weather before going on a hunt.

Their beliefs were like those of other people. They thought that God was
ruling somewhere in the universe, but they did not know where He lived.
Some worshipped Him but others did not believe there was any God. Some did
not care what others thought of them; some did not care how they lived.
They loved horse races, to dance, play ball, and play the game of hide-the-bul-
let. After a time they knew that they must give up their peculiar customs and
habits and began to plan how they should live among others. .. .

These people of the High Corncrib will live until the end of time.

STORY OF THE RED SKUNK HOUSE GROUP (INKONI HOMA)

The Red Skunk people had ways different from others. They iived in dugouts
underground and hence seldom saw the sun rise. They fitted up these holes on
the inside so that they were suitable as habitations, but they seldom permitted
others to come to live with them. The underground dwellings varied in size
in accordance with the size of the family, and they were arranged in such a
manner that their enemies could not get at them. They lived on a low flat at
one time, and while they were there were nearly destroyed by a flood, upon
which the survivors moved away and lived in the mountains.

One winter a man went off hunting. He travelled every day, camping at
night, until he came to Smoky Mountain (ontcaba coboli). He did not know
anything about this mountain, but camped near it intending to hunt
for several days. He hunted morning after morning until he had
accumulated a quantity of venison and bear meat, when he began to
think of returning. On the very morning of his departure the mountain began
to smoke. He started off but after a time returned to the spot he had left and
this happened repeatedly. He continued his attempts for several days. At
last he lay down to sleep. Before sleep came to him, however, a creature look-
ing like a human being approached, but he did not speak to it nor did
the strange being address him. Finally it went away. Then the dog he had
brought along told him that if he remained there all that night he would surely
die. He debated how he might escape from the creature he had seen which
he already suspected was not a human being and he asked his dog what he
should do. “If you follow my instructions implicitly, you will escape,” said the
dog, and the man agreed to do so. Then the dog said, ‘‘ When that being comes
back you must rise, take your bow and arrows, and shoot an arrow a great
distance away. The being will pursue it and while he is gone get up and
run off and be ready for him when he returns.” As the dog had said, the
strange being presently returned. Then the man shot an arrow to a distance
and while the creature was in pursuit of it he and the dog began to run.
After the being had gotten the arrow, he pursued them and when he came up
the man shot off another arrow. After he had discharged his last arrow, the
dog said, “ Let us enter this hollow tree.” They did so and afterwards the
dog licked at the opening with his tongue until he had licked it together.
When the being returned he could not get in to them and presently went off,
and next morning the dog began licking at the hole until it was again open.

The dog and his master crawled out and started toward home, but just
before they reached it the dog said, ‘“ Your wife will have the soup ready.
You must let me eat some first and then you can eat.” They found it to be
as the dog had said and the dog’s master allowed him to eat of the soup

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 209

first, whereupon he walked out to the yard, lay down, and died. This proved
how much the dog loved his master because, if the man had eaten first, he
would have been the one to perish. After the people learned what had hap-
pened to this hunter, they selected certain men to investigate and they went
to the place where the man had camped, but could learn nothing.

Another time two men made arrangements to go on a hunting trip. They
set out and travelled for several days before making a permanent camp. After
they had been there for some time the actions of one of them excited sus-
picions in the other. He would go out hunting and not come back until late
at night and sometimes he would not return until next day. At last his com-
panion inquired of him the reason for this but, getting no satisfactory reply,
he meditated how he should discover what was wrong. So one morning, when
his companion started out, he followed him stealthily and saw him enter a cave
in the side of a mountain. He followed him through this and discovered that
beyond it, under a water hole near some rocks, lived two young women, with
one of whom the first hunter had taken up. The second hunter wanted to
speak to the other woman but could not get a chance and therefore returned
to his camp. When the first man returned, the other asked him a second time
about his doings, and now the man related everything because he knew what
his friend had learned. He also told him he could get the second girl if he
wanted her. The man answered that he would do anything to accomplish if,
and so his comrade directed him to go into the cave and wait there. Several
terrible creatures would come toward him, but he must not run away. The
man obeyed these instructions and stood his ground against the fearsome be-
ings who presented themselves until something which seemed to be Thunder
came when he became terrified and ran out. If he had remained, the woman
would have come last of all. In this way he lost his chance of getting her and
after a time wished to return home. His companion, however, was unwilling to
leave his wife, so the two stayed on together for a longer period, indeed for
about a year. At the end of that time the unmarried Indian said, “I am going
home to my own country,” but still the other would not consent to leave and
the first man remained with him. At last some of their relatives set out to
search for them and came to the place where they were living. They asked
why the hunters had not returned and were told that it was because one of
them had taken a certain woman. They would not believe the story at first
until they had been shown the woman living under the water-hole by the
rocks, after which they returned home.

STORY OF THE ROLLING PEOPLE (IMATONOHA’)

There was a peculiar people whose house name was Imatondha’ (“to them
rolling’). They were a peculiar people, indeed, different from all others.
Their customs and habits were such that they did not ordinarily want others
to know anything about them, but when their property was in danger they
did not care, so the other people thought they would see what would happen
if they were molested.

These people had a prophet on whom they depended for advice, and they be-
lieved, if they took it, their property would be protected from their enemies,
while those who were disobedient would lose it. When they were first told
that plans were being made to get rid of them, they forgot about their prophet
and began to make preparations for their safety without regard to him. But
presently one among them remembered the prophet and they sent for him. He
understood what they wanted to know and informed them, and they were saved
by taking his advice. But some would not believe him and had their property
destroyed. G

210 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

When their enemies wanted to get rid of them they thought they would haye
no trouble for they lived in holes in their yards, out of which they thought
these people could not emerge without being shot. Their prophet, however,
knowing when the enemies would come, told them to remain in their houses
until some time afterward. They were careful about showing themselves for
several days. Those who would not take their prophet’s advice, kept going out
as usual and were killed.

When these people got their minds set upon anything, it was not easy to
change them. They were wise managers and were able to get along with com-
paratively little work. They reared their girls and boys in accordance with
their own ideas, and on account of this training their boys had little difficulty
in earning a living after they had grown up. Such a person also had no diffi-
culty in getting a wife, because it had been arranged by his parents. The boys
were obedient to their parents while they were growing up and afterwards to
the end of their lives, and they were well thought of by others. People also
observed that they were of a peaceable disposition.

They would not marry or have dealings with any except their own clan and
house relations. A boy would not marry a woman belonging to other peoples.
The parents of the youth, who understood who were and who were not of the
same clan and house group, would arrange this marriage with the parents of
the girl, and when the couple were old enough they were married. They had
been so carefully brought up that they knew exactly how to make a living and
went to keeping house at once. But some of the same people brought their
children up in such a way that they did not know anything and had a hard
time getting along.

They brought up their girls in the same careful manner, though they were
not as hard upon them. Sometimes a girl committed adultery, and when that
happened they considered her an outeast. But occasionally a man outside of
her clan would take a fancy to her and ask her parents to let him have her,
and if they were willing he would marry her. This is the way these people
brought up their children.

They found that their manner of life worked satisfactorily and were very
much pleased with it; from time to time they changed it slightly when they
found such changes were for the better. By and by, however, they added a
new element, but this did not work as they had expected and was the begin-
ning of their ruin. This consisted in permitting certain doctors to practice
witcheraft. These persons were proud of their abilities, but the people ob-
served that something was threatening the ruin of the tribe, and they set them-
selves to find out the cause. They again thought of their prophet and sent for
him. Then the prophet told them that things would run smoothly as before
if they would do away with all of those who indulged in witchcraft. He said
that those who had practiced it must repent of their own accord or suffer the
consequences. Some wizards did not hear about the order and kept on as they
had been doing, and the people had pity on them because they did not know
the order; but there were others who knew of the order and, without saying
anything, continued their practices. The people, having determined to put the
order against wizardry into effect, sent spies about to find who was guilty of it,
and they discovered that many had been overawed by them. But when the
wizards discovered that they had been doing wrong they offered to bear the
blame, for when persons of this clan got into difficulties all would come to-
gether and adjust it because they all loved one another.

There are a few members of this house group still in existence, but nothing
to compare with the numbers of their ancestors. Their ways were so peculiar
that unless one were a member of the house group or married into it he could

SWANTON] SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 211

know nothing about it. Those people love more to think of their house group
and to talk about it than anything else. They would not practice their regu-
lations merely from choice but it was a law among them. A few of them
married their own near relatives.

The people of this house group had beliefs distinct from those of others.
They believed there was a Creator of all things but did not know what it was.
They did not know whether it was the Sun or the Moon or anything in this
world. Though they did not worship the Sun or the Moon like some people,
they believed there was something that had a right to do what was best for
the people of this world. For that reason they were afraid to do anything
wrong. They loved to talk about their beliefs. Whenever anything went wrong
they relied for help more on this heavenly being, whatever it was, than they
formerly had on their prophet. When they found out that would benefit them
they were glad. They thought they were wiser and stronger than any other
people and therefore they were proud of themselves. They all occupied the
same territory.

Just before their downfall began the people ceased to live as they had for-
merly, i. e., they ceased to love one another. They lost confidence in one
another, and thought of their old ways too late to save themselves. Some had
no respect for others besides themselves and, not having been brought up right,
were distinguished from the rest by the way in which they dressed.

The working of this rather complicated social system would be much
plainer if the ancient marriage regulations had been preserved, but
to-day the marriages shed comparatively little light on the question
and, in fact, few of the young people know to what clan or what house
group they belong.

The following marriages between local groups are known to have
occurred. The numbers indicate the moiety where that is known.

Husband Wife
imitakere (Meer) (iis_ een = e T*cintuk (Fish) (1).
Intiliho (Wildeat or Skunk) (1 or 2)_______| Intdfala’.
Intcuka’ patha (Wildcat?) (1)__--______- Intdfoka (Bird) (1).
Intcuka/abates? (Bird))(@)=_5- 2-2-2 Imitakcic (Deer) (1).
Wcaktermakatas(Pish)"(1)iees se 2) se Imosaktea’a’ (Fish) (1).
izholihtatipsis (Bird) (ips 2. =) eee. ee Inkafalteaba’ (Wildcat) (1).
LW aGNOTT HURT: oes Cee ee op ne ae ee Calakalak.
Takonomara (skunks) (2) eo = ee Intiliho (Wildcat or Skunk) (1 or 2).
ima bomcbora (Encl) i) ses see ss see Inteuka li.
Intcuka’ patha (Wildcat?) (1)___________- Intiacakaé.
Intcuka’ patha (Wildcat?) (1)___________- I*koni’ (Skunk) (2).
izkonomaia(Skumion(2) see 2 ee ee eee Okla falaya (Choctaw tribe).
Fokonombars(Sktumlo)\i(2)is= 20 2 ey a ee Impitea teaha (Bird) (1).

Of the above cases there are only two, or perhaps three, in which
marriage occurred between groups of opposite sides, and at least four
in which they were of the same side, while in one case the individuals
even belonged to the same totemic clan.

212 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH, ANN. 44

Cushman speaks of three Chickasaw districts in existence in Missis-
sippi before the removal, but these must have represented either a
late reflection of the tribal division of the Choctaw or a transitory
condition. He says:

Up to the time the Chickasaws moved west ... their country was divided
into three districts, viz: Tishomingo, Sealy, and McGilvery. At the time
of their exodus west to their present places of abode, Tishomingo (properly
Tishu miko, chief officer or guard of the king) was the chief of the Tishu Miko
district; Samuel Sealy, of the Sealy district, and William McGilvery, of the
McGilvery district.®*

Five lists of Chickasaw towns are known, two from English and
three from French sources, made within about 70 years of each other.
These agree in part, and it is probable that in certain of the remaining
cases the same town is indicated under different names, though there
is now no way of identifying these. These lists are given in the
following table with the more probable identifications :

Iberville ! (1702) Adair? (1720) | De Batz# (1737) | Frenef Memoir’ | Romans § (171)
Atvanrracaes sears a eee | Wanekas sens see 2a eee? 2 jo. Atyanaquas--s52=5
Ghatatazs-2--232% 2222 Shatara..-=24--- .=|(Tehitehatala- == -2-|-* 2 =e eee Chatelaw.
Thoucaliga_- dk@ hookheereso= 22-2" 22 7 = 22 ea |e eee Se Chucalissa.
Ayéheguiya- _.| Hykehah__- 7bequing —_==-~ == - Hikihaw.
Tascaouilo __ --| Tuskawillao__--_.-| Taskaouilo-___--__- Tasca oullou __-_--
Tolatchaose=-=—-=- =-— = Phalacheho_-__--_--| Falatchao_..._---_- Falateh6é==<-= ~~ =
Thouquoa fola_________ Chookka Phardéah_| Tchoukafala___-__| Coucqua fala _____ Chukafalaya.
Sante eee Amoalahtaz.-=-2--.|),Amalata..-=2--- 22/555. - 5 Soe oe oe Melattaw.
Sebafone) (?)'--2==2 == boa eee eee EA DEOL V2—s=s eee Apeonné
eens nae ae \ee oe S| | WA chonkouma=——= Achouque ouma__| Ashuck hooma.

Goulatchitou_____- |
= Outanquatle___._-
Coiii loussa_ -__-_-

Tuckahaw.

Apile faplimengo-__
Gouytolas ===> sess
Tanyachilea-=-_----.-54
Onthaba atchosa__
Thanbolo__--_---
Ayebisto (a fenced vil-
lage).
Alsoute 2-4 pe<= ee
Oucahata____-
Oucthambolo___-------
Chinica Sas seae- eee

1“ Documents concernant l’histoire des Indiens de la Région orientale de la Louisiane,” par le Baron
Mare de Villiers. (Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Paris, n. s., vol. X1v, pp. 138-140.)

2 Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 352-354. The date is that to which Adair’s information applies, not the date
of writing.

3 Note sur deux Cartes dessinées par les Chickachas en 1737, par le Baron Marc de Villiers. (Journal de
la Société des Américanistes de Paris, n. s., vol. xm, 1921, Plate I.)

4 Anonymous French Mémoire. (Ayer Library of American Ethnology and Archaeology, in Newberry
Library, Chicago, M1.)

5 A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida, p. 63.

“1 Hist. of the Choe., Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 496.

SWANTON] GOVERNMENT Pills

The placing of some of these names, such as Ayarraca, Thoucaliga,
Tolatchao, Thouquoa fola, Sebafone, Coucqua fala, and Goulatchitou,
assumes mistakes in copying or printing. Adair gives an interpreta-
tion of only one of them, the seventh, which is plainly enough “ the
long house,” and by derivation “the long town” as Romans has it.
Romans says that Chatelaw signifies “ copper town,” but the word
probably applied to some ornament or object made of copper. The
word chuka appears again in Chucalissa, which Romans interprets
“oreat house.” Ishto is the word for “ great,” however, and the
second part of this compound would rather appear to be ilissa, “ to
abandon, surrender, or give up,” the whole meaning “abandoned
house.” The name of the fourth town is correctly interpreted by
Romans “ stand still,” from the native word hikia. He is also plainly
right in his translation of the name of the tenth as “red grass”
(hashuk, “grass;” homa, “red”). Tuckahaw he gives as the
name of “a certain weed,” and Melattaw “hat and feather,” but I
can not certify as to the correctness of these. The name of the
eleventh town means “ big people” if De Batz’s spelling is correct;
and that of the thirteenth “black panther.” From the use of the
word “mengo” in the name of a town given by Iberville it would
seem that it was named from some chief. Gouytola appears to mean
“the place of the panther,” perhaps referring rather to the clan than
the animal. Possibly the name given as Oucthambolo by Iberville
may be Ok’champuli, “sweet water.” From the use of Choctaw
chito for Chickasaw ishto, “big,” and Choctaw falaya, instead of
Chickasaw falaha, “long,” it would seem that all of these lists except
that of Adair, and possibly that of Iberville, were taken down in
Choctaw or the Mobilian trade language.

GOV ERNMENT

The best, indeed almost the only, account of the ancient govern-
ment of the Chickasaw tribe is that printed by Schoolcraft and
already quoted, which has, as we have seen, been partially confirmed
by Gibbs. From this it appears that each totemic iksa or clan had
a chief and that they differed in rank in accordance with a differ-
ence in the ranking of the clans. The leader of the clan highest in
rank was chief or “ king” of the entire Chickasaw nation. To com-
plete our knowledge of this subject we ought to be informed in what
manner the chiefs of the totemic iksas were selected, whether these
chieftainships were prerogatives of certain local groups, with or
without the suffrages of the others having the same totem, and

214 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

whether the local groups themselves had chiefs. A little light is
shed upon these questions by Speck, who says:

Hach clan was under the leadership of a chief (minko), chosen by the council
of clan elders for life in the old days, but at present only for a term of years.
He was sometimes called by the name of capitani. A clan could take the
warpath under the leadership of the minko.”*

The “ present ” to which he refers is already past, and the unfor-
tunate confusion in Speck’s material between the totemic iksa and
the local groups prevents us from knowing with certainty to which
kind of group the above information applies. However, it is a
probable inference that each local group was organized something
like the various local bodies of Creek clans, the “ uncle” who was
esteemed to combine years and wisdom in the highest degree being
recognized as leader, common protector, and general advisor to the
youth of the clan. It may be inferred that one of these was selected
to represent the totemic iksa, but how this choice was effected it
would now be impossible even to guess.

Cushman says:

The Chickasaw ruler was styled king instead of chief; and his chief officer
was called Tishu Miko.

Ishtehotohpih was the reigning king at the time they left their ancient
places of abode east of the Mississippi River for those west. He died in
1840. He was the last of the Chickasaw rulers who bore the title, king.
After his death the monarchial form of government, which was hereditary,
as I was informed by Goy. Cyrus Harris, was abolished, and the form of
republicanism adopted. The power of their kings was very circumscribed,
being only about equal to that of their present governor. The king’s wife
was called queen, but clothed with no authority whatever, and regarded only
as other Chickasaw women.

[That] Tishu Miko was a wise counselor and brave warrior among the
Chickasaws is about all that has escaped oblivion, as little has been preserved
of his life by tradition or otherwise. He was the acting Tishu Miko of
Ishtehotohpih at the time of the removal of his people to the west. He died
in 1839, the year before his royal master. He was appointed during life as
one of the chief counselors to Ishtehotohpih; and when he advised the king
upon aby mooted question, so great was his influence over the other coun-
selors, as Governor Harris stated, that they at once unanimously acquiesced
to his propositions, but invariably with the reiterated exclamation, ‘“'That’s
just what I thought! That's just what I thought!” while the king said but
little, but generally adopted the suggestions of Tishu Miko.” n

Whether one translates the word Mitko “chief” or “king” and
calls his wife “chief’s wife” or “queen” is a matter of indifference
if the connotation of the terms is not suffered to mislead. As Cush-
man himself says, the power of their kings was very closely circum-
scribed. The constitution put in force in 1840 was more democratic
than the older unwritten laws of the tribe, not so much in taking

Sta Jour. Amer, Folk-Lore, vol. xx, pp. 52, 54.
G2 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 496.

Swanton] GOVERNMENT PALS)

away power from the Mirko as in taking it from the whole body
of chiefs and in making them all elective. When the Chickasaw first
moved west they agreed to come under the Choctaw laws in accord-
ance with which a chief was elected every four years and captains
every two years, the judges being elected by the general council.°* In
1856 the Chickasaw were separated from the Choctaw and established
an independent government on the same model.

Romans introduces the following commentary regarding qualifi-
cations for chieftainship under the ancient system and the preroga-
tives which went with it:

Their grand chief is called Opaya Mataha, and it is said he has killed his
man upwards of forty times, for which great feats he has been raised to this
nominal dignity, which by all savages is as much regarded, aS among us
a titular nobleman would be if he should be obliged to be a journeyman
taylor for his maintenance.” :

Of course regard for the above-mentioned “journeyman taylor,”
or his equivalent, is considerably greater in our time than in the time
of Romans. He wrote just previous to the American Revolution.

In what Cushman says of the Tishu Mitko he has woven together
statements applying to an institution and statements applicable only
to a particular bearer of the title Tishu Mi*ko. This functionary,
“the servant chief,” or “assistant chief,’ was evidently the same as
the Tishu Mitko of the Choctaw, and almost the same as the Yatika,
or “interpreter,” of the Creeks, who combined the functions of
speaker for the chief with that of chairman of the committee of ar-
rangements when any ceremony took place.

According to Speck each moiety had one leading prophet
(hopaye)® who attended to its spiritual interests (see p. 192), but one
of these evidently had precedence of the other and acted for the tribe
on occasion. So, at least, we must interpret Adair’s words when he
says, “The title of the old beloved men, or archi-magi, is still heredi-
tary in the panther, or tyger family.”®* The “panther or tyger
family” would be the K6 icto. The prophet of one of Speck’s two
moieties came from the Iyalkaca of the Wildcat totem group which
was Closely associated with the Panther, and it is possible that the
Insakti ta"fa, from whom the other prophet was taken, was also
Panther or Wildcat, since my informants place both of these on the
same side. From Adair’s narrative it is evident that this tribal
prophet corresponded very closely to the Hilis ha*ya or “medicine
maker ” with whom every Creek town big enough to conduct a busk
was provided.

*3 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, p. 312.

* Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 64.

® Hopaye is also a name used for a war leader, so that there may be some confusion
here.

© Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 31.

216 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

The general interest in their governmental affairs on the part of
the mass of Chickasaw people is vouched for by Adair, who says:
“When any national affair is in debate, you may hear every father
of a family speaking in his house on the subject, with rapid, bold
language, and the utmost freedom that a people can use. Their
voices, to a man, have due weight in every public affair, as it concerns
their welfare alike.”

PROPERTY RIGHTS

As with the Creeks, the lands of the Chickasaw appear to have
been held in common except for the use ownership of those who
built houses or cleared fields in certain places. The town gardens
were also cultivated in much the same manner as those of the Creeks,
but—partly owing to their wars—they did not produce as much of
their own food as did the Choctaw, to whom Romans says they
applied annually for corn and beans."

Such of the personal property of the deceased as was not de-
stroyed or buried with the body went to the brothers, sisters, or
sisters’ children, that is, it was inherited in the clan.

CRIME AND PUNISHMENT

This subject may best be introduced by quoting some passages from
my report on the Creek Indians, including several paragraphs from

Adair:

The word haksi was used by Chickasaw of Adair’s time “ to convey the idea
of a person’s being a criminal in any thing whatsoever,” and “ such unfortunate
persons as are mad, deaf, dumb, or blind, are called by no other name.” The
original meaning of this word is “deaf,” but it has come to signify drunken,
roguish, wicked, sinful, ete.

Institutional killing will be treated under its proper head. It was based on
the principle of retaliation, or, as more popularly expressed, “ getting even,” and
was considered necessary in order to placate the souls of the departed. I have
already remarked that the victim was sometimes devoted to death in advance,
and Bartram mentions a case [among the Creeks] in which he was selected by
lot. The following quotation from Adair shows what happened when murder
was committed within the tribe, as well as the Indian attitude toward man
killing generally:

“[The Indians] transmit from father to son the memory of the loss of their
relation, or of one of their own tribe or family, though it were an old woman,
if she was either killed by the enemy or by any of their own people. If, indeed,
the murder be committed by a kinsman, the eldest can redeem; however, if the
circumstances attending the facts be peculiar and shocking to nature, the mur-

7 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 428,

°S Romans, Nat. Hist. BE. and W. Fla., p. 62.

8 Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., vol. vil, p. 552; Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez
Inds., p. 495.

7 Adair, Hist. Am, Inds., p. 157, footnote.

SWANTON] CRIME AND PUNISHMENT 217

derer is condemned to die the death of a sinner, ‘ without anyone to mourn for
him,’ as in the case of suicide, contrary to their usage toward the rest of their
dead. ...

“There never was any set of people who pursued the Mosaic law of retaliation
with such a fixt eagerness as these Americans. They are so determined in
this point that formerly a little boy shooting birds in the high and thick corn-
fields unfortunately chanced slightly to wound another with his childish
arrow; the young vindictive fox was excited by custom to watch his ways with
the utmost earnestness till the wound was returned in as equal a manner as
could be expected. Then ‘all was straight,’ according to their phrase. Their
hearts were at rest by having executed that strong law of nature, and they
sported together as before. ... They forgive all crimes at the annual atone-
ment of sins, except murder, which is always punished with death. The
Indians constantly upbraid us in their bacchanals for inattention to this
maxim of theirs; they say that all nations of people who are not utterly sunk
in cowardice take revenge of blood before they can have rest, cost what it will.
The Indian Americans are more eager to revenge blood than any other people
on the whole face of the earth... .

“T have known the Indians to go a thousand miles for the purpose of revenge,
in pathless woods, over hills and mountains, through large cane swamps full
of grapevines and briars, over broad lakes, rapid rivers, and deep creeks; and
all the way endangered by poisonous snakes, if not with the rambling and lurk-
ing enemy, while at the same time they were exposed to the extremities of heat
and cold, the vicissitude of the seasons, to hunger and thirst, both by chance
and their religious scanty method of living when at war, to fatigues, and other
difficulties. Such is their overboiling revengeful temper that they utterly con-
demn all those things as imaginary trifles, if they are so happy as to get the
scalp of the murderer or enemy to satisfy the supposed craving ghosts of
their deceased relations. Though they imagine the report of guns will send
off the ghosts of their kindred that died at home to their quiet place, yet they
firmly believe that the spirits of those who are killed by the enemy, without
equal revenge of blood, find no rest, and at night haunt the houses of the tribe
to which they belonged; but when that kindred duty of retaliation is justly
executed they immediately get ease and power to fly away. This opinion, and
their method of burying and mourning for the dead, of which we shall speak
presently, occasion them to retaliate in so earnest and fierce a manner... .
When any casual thing draws them into a war it grows every year more spite-
ful, till it advances to a bitter enmity so as to excite them to an implacable
hatred to one another’s very national names. Then they must go abroad to
spill the enemy’s blood and to revenge crying blood. We must also consider
it is by scalps they get all their war titles which distinguish them among the
brave; and these they hold in as high esteem as the most ambitious Roman
general ever did a great triumph.” ™

The law of retaliation in cases of murder is thus concisely stated
by Warren on the authority of Cyrus Harris:

If a man or woman killed another, he or she was killed by the relatives of
the slain. If the murderer could not be found, it was lawful to put to death

the brother of the one who had done the killing, which made an end of the
difficulty.”

% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 148-151. ™ Pubs. Miss. Hist. Soc., vol. vit, pp. 552-553.
55231 °—28—_15

218 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH, ANN. 44

Cushman, who seems to depend on the same source of information,
states that a man was killed for a man and a woman for a woman.
His account is much longer and runs as follows:

The law of murder .. . placed the slayer wholly and exclusively in the hands
of the oldest brother of the slain, who never failed to execute the law whose
claims were thus entrusted to his care and keeping, the standard verdict of
which was “An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth’”—death. In case the
deceased had no brother or brothers, then one of the next nearest and oldest
male relatives became the self-appointed executioner of the violated law

Nor did anyone, not even the nearest relations of the slayer, interfere
in the matter in any way whatever—either to assist or oppose. If the slayer
fled, which was very seldom if ever the case, his oldest brother, and if he had
no brother, then the next nearest and oldest relative in the male line was
slain in his place; after which he could return in safety and without fear
of molestation, but to be ostracized and forever stigmatized as a coward
wherever he went, a punishment more to be dreaded by all North American
Indians than a hundred deaths. In all such cases a woman was never slain
in the place of a man. On account of this rigid and inexorable custom of
dealing with him who had slain his fellowman, murders were very few and
far between, as the slayer well knew the inevitable consequence that would
follow unless he fled to parts unknown, which would be attended with eternal
disgrace to himself, family, and kindred, at the sacrifice also of his brother's
life or next nearest male relative.”

A suspected witch or wizard was usually killed with the greatest
promptitude.
Adair thus describes the Chickasaw punishment for adultery:

The middle aged people of a place, which lies about halfway to Mobille and
the Illinois [from Carolina], assure us that they remember when adultery was
punished among them with death, by shooting the offender with barbed ar-
rows, as there are no stones there. But that with the losses of their people at
war with the French and their savage confederates, and the constitutional wan-
tonness of their young men and women, they have through a political desire of
continuing, or increasing their numbers, moderated the severity of that law, and
reduced it to the present standard of punishment, which is in the following
manner: If a married woman is detected in adultery by one person, the evi-
dence is deemed good in judgment against her; the evidence of a well-grown
boy or girl they even reckon sufficient, because of the heinousness of the crime
and the difficulty of discovering it in their thick forests.... When the
crime is proved against the woman, the enraged husband, accompanied by some
of his relations, surprises and beats her most barbarously, and then cuts off her
hair and nose, or one of her lips. There are many of that sort of disfigured
females among the Chikkasah, and they are commonly the best featured, and
the most tempting of any of their countrywomen, which exposed them to the
snares of young men. But their fellow criminals, who probably first tempted
them, are partially exempted from any kind of corporal punishment.” .. .

They observe, however, a graduation of punishment, according to the crimi-
nality of the adulteress. For the first breach of the marriage faith they crop

73 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., p. 495.

™ At this point Adair introduces an account of the custom among the Creeks and
returns to discuss Chickasaw usages so abruptly that it is only by the context that it is
evident that he has that tribe principally in mind.

SWANTON] CRIME AND PUNISHMENT 219

her ears and hair, if the husband is spiteful; either of those badges proclaim
her to be a whore, or Hakse Kaneha, ... for the hair of their head is their
ornament; when loose it completely reaches below their back and when tied
it stands below the crown of the head, about 4 inches long, and 2 broad. As
the offender cuts a comical figure among the rest of the women, by being
trimmed so sharp, she always keeps her dark winter hot house, till by keeping
the hair moistened with grease, it grows so long as to bear tying. Then she
accustoms herself to the light by degrees; and soon some worthless fellow,
according to their standard, buys her for his And; which term hath been already
explained.

The adulterer’s ears are flashed off close to his head, for the first act of
adultery, because he is the chief in fault.“* If the criminal repeat the crime
with any other married persons, their noses and upper lips are cut off. But
the third crime of the like nature, is attended with more danger; for the law
says, that for public heinous crimes, satisfaction should be made visible to the
people, and adequate to the injuries of the virtuous—to set their aggrieved
hearts at ease, and preyent others from following such a dangerous crooked
copy. As they will not comply with their mitigated law of adultery nor be
terrified, nor shamed from their ill course of life; that the one may not frighten
und abuse their wives, nor the other seduce their husbands and be a lasting
plague and shame to the whole society, they are ordered by their ruling magi
and war chieftains, to be shot to death, which is accordingly executed; but
this seldom happens.

When I asked the Chikkasah the reason of the inequality of their marriage
law, in punishing the weaker passive party, and exempting the stronger, con-
trary to reason and justice, they told me, it had been so a considerable time—
because their land being a continual seat of war, and the lurking enemy for-
ever pelting them without, and the women decoying them within, if they put
such old cross laws of marriage in force, all their beloved brisk warriors would
soon be spoiled, and their habitations turned to a wild waste.” ...

Romans says:

This [Chickasaw] nation is the most imperious in their carriage towards
their women, of any I have met with; they are very jealous of their wives,
and adultery in them is punished by the loss of the tip of the nose, which they
sometimes cut, but more generally bite off, but this does not deter them, for they
are a very salacious race and the mark is pretty general.”

The same writer adds:

They are horribly given to sodomy, committing that crime even on the dead
bodies of their enemies, thereby (as they say) degrading them into women.”

The punishment for minor offenses, such as horse stealing, was
whipping. Cushman says that afterward “ the culprit was reinstated
to favor without any disgrace being attached to his name for his
offense or punishment. He had violated the law, but had paid the
penalty thereunto attached. The claims of the law were satisfied and
therefore it was a thing of the past, to be mentioned no more, and
it never was.” 78

“4a The punishment of the adulterer is to be understood as enforced only by the Creeks.
7 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 142-148, 144-145.

7 Romans, Nat. Hist. B. and W. Fla., p. 64,

™Tbid:, ‘p 70:

7 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez, p. 495.

220 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW (PTH. ANN, 44

While, in its application to young people, this was an old punish-
ment it is doubtful to what extent it was employed against adult
offenders until a comparatively late period.”

Adair expresses a high opinion of this tribe, but Romans, perhaps
owing to one particularly unhappy experience with them, held them
in slight esteem. He says:

The morals of this nation are more corrupt than those of any of their neigh-
bours; the Choctaws are said to be thieves, but I can assure the reader that
the Chickasaws are a thousand times more so; I have had ample proof of it by
losing incomparably more in one day at the Chickasaw town than I did in two
months going through seventy-four Choctaw towns, notwithstanding I had been
warned, and was on my guard against the Chickasaws; my razors and a case of
instruments, and other trifles of no real use to them, besides every horse I had
with me, vanished in one day among these deceitful people. Their discourse is
really intolerable, nothing but filth is heard from them.”

Adair speaks of the nonobservance of the separation of a woman
during her menstrual periods as a crime on a par with murder and
adultery. “Should any of the Indian women violate this law of
purity,” he says, “they would be censured, and suffer for any sudden
sickness, or death that might happen among the people.” **

Adair, again, is the only writer to say anything about oaths used in
adjuring a witness to give true evidence. The Chickasaw and Choc-
taw oath he gives as Chicklooska ke-e-w Chua,” which he interprets
“Do not you lie? Do you not, of a certain truth?” And the answer
is Aklooska Ke-e-u-que-Ho, “1 do not lie; I do not, of a certain
truth.” ** Regarding epithets he says, “the sharpest and most last-
ing affront, the most opprobrious, indelible epithet, with which one
Indian can possibly brand another, is to call him in public company,
Hoobuk Waske, Eunuchus, praeputio detecto.” **

REGULATIONS REGARDING WOMEN

Adair has the following to say on this subject :

. .. They oblige their women in their lunar retreats, to build small huts, at
as considerable a distance from their dwelling-houses, as they imagine may be
out of the enemies reach; where, during the space of that period, they are
obliged to stay at the risque of their lives. Should they be known to violate
that ancient law, they must answer for every misfortune that befalls any of
the people, as a certain effect of the divine fire; though the lurking enemy
sometimes kills them in their religious retirement. Notwithstanding they
reckon it conveys a most horrid and dangerous pollution to those who touch

7 See Speck in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 54.

80 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 61-62.

81 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 124.

= Lushka is a Chickasaw word meaning ‘to lie’’; chiklushko signifies ‘“ you do not
lie”; ke-e-w (or keyu) is the negative. The form used here is a strengthened one,

83 Adair, Hist. Am, Inds., p. 51, See also p. 221 following.

4 Tbid., p. 136.

SWANTON] CHILDBIRTH AND EDUCATION OF CHILDREN DPA

or go near them, or walk anywhere within the circle of their retreats; and are
in fear of thereby spoiling the supposed purity and power of their holy ark,
which they always carry to war; yet the enemy believe they can so cleanse
themselves with the consecrated herbs, roots, ete., which the chieftain carries in
the beloved war-ark, as to secure them in this point from bodily danger, because
it was done against their enemies.

The nonobservance of this separation, a breach of the marriage law, and
murder, they esteem the most capital crimes. When the time of the women’s
separation is ended, they always purify themselves in deep running water, return
home, dress, and anoint themselves. They ascribe these monthly periods to the
female structure, not to the anger of Ishtohoollo Aba.*

Romans has the following:

These savages are the only ones I ever heard of who make their females
observe a separation at the time of their menses (some ancient almost extirpated
tribes to the northward only excepted, and these used to avoid their own dwell-
ing houses). The women then retire into a small hut set apart for that purpose,
of which there are from two to six round each habitation, and by them called
“moon houses.” ©

Romans is correct as to the custom, but, of course, in error in
considering it so nearly confined to the Chickasaw. It was, as has
been abundantly proved elsewhere, a custom common to both the
Creeks and the Choctaw.

A young girl’s first menstrual experiences (hiilabe) [says Speck] are not

accompanied by any ceremony or shamanistic rites, but she is not allowed to
ride a horse or come in contact with any male children.“

Regarding the subsequent menstrual periods, he says:

During her periods of menstruation the Chickasaw woman is strictly segre-
gated from her family, remaining for three days in a brush shelter near the
house. Her husband also refrains from mingling freely with his friends at these
times, in the hunt or in social gatherings.”

My own informants stated that, at the time of their monthly
periods, women were confined in small houses apart and could not
leave them until their clothes had been thoroughly washed. This
purification took about a week. In the meantime men would not
go anywhere near them lest they suffer misfortune in hunting, war,
and so on. The procedure at the time of the first menstrual period
was in no way different from that on subsequent occasions.

CHILDBIRTH AND EDUCATION OF CHILDREN

Our earliest authority is, as usual, Adair, who gives the following
details : ,

Correspondent to the Mosaic law of women’s purification after travail, the
Indian women absent themselves from their husbands and all public company

§ Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 123-124.

86 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 64.

87 Speck in Jour. Am, Folk-Lore Soc., vol. xx, p. 57.
§8Tpid., pp. 56—57.

999, BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

for a considerable time—The Muskéhge women are separate for three moons,
exclusive of that moon in which they are delivered. .. .

Should any of the Indian women violate this law of purity, they would be
censured and suffer for any sudden sickness or death that might happen among
the people, as the necessary effect of the divine anger for their polluting sin,
contrary to their old traditional law of female purity. Like the greater part
of the Israelites, it is the fear of the temporal evils and the prospect of temporal
good that makes them so tenacious and observant of their laws. At the stated
period the Indian women’s impurity is finished by ablution and they are again
admitted to social and holy privileges.”

At the birth of a child [says Speck] the mother must be kept from public
view for the space of two months, generally residing in the menstrual lodge.
She eats no fresh meat. The father is not allowed to engage in work for
about a month, and he is looked upon by his townsmen as an undesirable com-
panion on the hunt and elsewhere. The navel cord is first corded, and after a
short time is clipped and placed in a secret place until the prophet of the
child’s group can examine it to determine the future prospects of the infant.

Similarly to the Choctaw, Natchez, and other tribes of the southeastern area,
the Chickasaw practiced head flattening of both sexes by artificial compression.
The custom, however, has been obsolete for many generations. Soon after
birth, and every night for six months, a wooden block thickly padded with
buckskin was placed upon the infant’s frontal bone and bound in place. The
process was continued during later childhood by hand pressure. Deformation
of this sort was believed to develop the most admirable qualities and was a sign
ef high social rank.

Twin children are considered as supernatural manifestations and are brought
before the prophet to have their futures foretold also. Should one of them be
a boy, he is likely to become the miko of his clan, being called Itapétka,
“ double.” *

The following note by the same writer should be added in this
connection :

They never allowed children to make use of anything that was double for
food, such as double strawberries, fruit, or chicken gizzard, and when a young
man killed his first game of any sort he did not eat it himself, but distributed
the meat among his clansfolk.”

If this last regulation were not observed it was thought that the
youth would not kill any more game.

Adair has the following to say regarding the sympathetic magic
practiced on Chickasaw babies in order to insure them good fortune:

Their male children they chuse to raise on the skins of panthers, on ac-
count of the communicative principle, which they reckon all nature is possessed
of, in conveying qualities according to the regimen that is followed; and as
the panther is endued with many qualities beyond any of his fellow animals
in the American woods, as smelling, stréngth, cunning, and a prodigious spring,
they reckon such a bed is the first rudiments of war. But it is worthy of
notice they change the regimen in nurturing their young females; these they
lay on the skins of fawns or buffalo calves because they are shy and timorous:

89 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 124. %Tbid., p. 54.
90 Speck in Jour, Am, lolk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 57.

SWANTON] CHILDBIRTH AND EDUCATION OF CHILDREN 223

and if the mother be indisposed by sickness, her nearest female relation suckles
the child, but only until she recovers.”

According to my own notes, when a woman was about to be con-
fined, she entered a special house of a more permanent character than
the one used by menstruant women. This house, called aniinka,
seems, from the description, to have been identical with the ancient
winter house. It is described as “ like an Indian potato house,” made
of logs and daubed inside and out with clay. It was larger than the
common dwelling house and was often used for dances. The door
was the only opening and a fire in the center kept it warm day and
night. During the woman’s confinement she was waited upon by
women, not even her husband being allowed to approach her. The
men merely brought firewood as far as the door. The woman could
eat only venison, chicken, and bacon, but no vegetables. She could
not leave this house until she had been purified, about a month after
her child was born.

Children were nursed for a very long time. They would not let
them sleep with old people; probably from the same fear as that
experienced by the Creeks that they would be bewitched.

Cushman enlarges as follows on the education of Chickasaw
children :

The greatest care was bestowed upon their children by the Chickasaw
mothers, whom they never allowed to be placed upon their feet before the
strength of their limbs would safely permit; and the child had free access to
the maternal breast as long as it desired, unless the mother’s health forbade its
continuance. Children were never whipped by the parents, but, if guilty of any
misdemeanor, were sent to their uncle for punishment (the same as the
Choctaws), who only inflicted a severe rebuke or imposed upon them some
little penance, or, what was more frequent, made appeals to their feelings of
honor or shame. When the boys arrived at the age of proper discrimination—so
considered when arrived at the age of 12 or 15 years—they were committed to
the instructions of the old and wise men of the village, who, at various inter-
vals, instructed them in all the necessary knowledge and desired qualifications
to constitute them successful hunters and accomplished warriors. As introduc-
tory lessons they were instructed in the arts of swimming, running, jumping,
wrestling, using the bow and arrow; also, receiving from these venerable tutors
those precepts of morality which should regulate their conduct when arrived at
manhood. 'The most profound respect (a noted characteristic of the North
American Indians) was paid everywhere to the oldest person in every family,
whether male or female, whose decisions upon all disputed points were
supreme and final, and were received with cheerful and implicit obedience. No
matter how distant their blood relations might be, all the members of a family
addressed its head as father or mother, as the case might be; and whenever
they meant to speak of him (their natural father), they said, ‘“ My real father,”
in contradistinction to that of father applied to the chief or head of the family.”

In this narrative the paternal and maternal uncles have been con-
founded. The leading man of a person’s own clan was called uncle,

® Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 420-421.
* Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 488-489.

224 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW (ETH. ANN. 44

never father, and the term used was restricted to males related
through his mother. It was he who lectured and advised the way-
ward. The leading man of the father’s clan was no doubt held in
high honor, but he would offer no advice regarding children of
another clan unless especially asked to do so. The following quota-
tion from Adair shows that correction sometimes went beyond mere
reproof:

It ought to be remarked that they are careful of their youth and fail not to
punish them when they transgress. Anno 1766, I saw an old head man, called the
Dog-King (from the nature of his office), correct several young persons—some
for supposed faults and others by way of prevention. He began with a lusty
young fellow who was charged with being more effeminate than became a
warrior and with acting contrary to their old religious rites and customs, par-
ticularly because he lived nearer than any of the rest to an opulent and help-
less German, by whom they supposed he might have been corrupted. He bas-
tinadoed the young sinner severely with a thick whip about a foot and a half
long composed of plaited silk grass and the fibres of the button snake-root
stalks, tapering to the point, which was secured with a knot. He reasoned
with him as he corrected him; he told him that he was Chehakse Kanéha-He
[tcihaksi kania he], literally, “you are as one who is wicked, and almost
lost.” ... The grey-hair’d corrector said, he entreated him in that manner
according to ancient custom, through an effect of love, to induce him to shun
vice, and to imitate the virtues of his illustrious forefathers, which he endeay-
oured to enumerate largely; when the young sinner had received his supposed
due he went off seemingly well pleased.

This Indian correction lessens gradually in its severity according to the age
of the pupils. While the Dog-King was catechising the little ones, he said Che
Haksinna [teihaksina], “do not become vicious.” And when they wept, he
said Che-Abela Awa [tciabila awa], “I shall not kill you.” ™

In another place the same writer remarks that in his time children
who killed the pigs and poultry of the traders were merely given
“ill names ” by their parents, whereas “the mischievous and thievish
were formerly sure to be dry-scratched.” *

Probably the “ Dog-King ” was the maternal uncle of the children
he was correcting, though the reference to his title indicates a possi-
bility that he had some more general function.

In order to make boys strong they gave them herbs and afterwards
made them plunge into water, no matter what time of the year it
happened to be. This bath was taken before day each morning and
was continued through life. They were more careful to take it in
winter than in summer, and especially on cold frosty mornings, and
they believed it would help them to withstand cold weather, give
them health, and enable them to live to a good old age. Adair says
of this:

However, they practice it (bathing) as a religious duty, unless in very hot

weather, which they find by experience to be prejudicial to their health, when
they observe the law of mercy, rather than that of sacrifice. In the coldest

° Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 156-157. % Tbid., p. 413.

SWANTON] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 225

weather, and when the ground is covered with snow, against their bodily ease
and pleasure, men and women turn out of their warm houses or stoves, reeking
with sweat, singing their usual sacred notes, Yo, Yo, etc., at the dawn of day...
and thus they skip along, echoing praises, till they get to the river, when they
instantaneously plunge into it. If the water is frozen, they break the ice with
a religious impatience: After bathing, they return home, rejoicing as they run
for having so well performed their religious duty, and thus purged away the
impurities of the preceding day by ablution. The neglect of this bath hath been
deemed so heinous a crime that they have raked the legs and arms of the
delinquent with snake’s teeth, not allowing warm water to relax the stiffened
skin. ”

He adds that the women were less rigid in the performance of this
duty, “for they only purify themselves as their discretion directs
them.” %

Boys were more desired than girls and were more carefully edu-
cated. They were not allowed to run about freely as they de to-day,
and it is claimed that they were not permitted to marry until they
were about 30, though this is certainly a considerable exaggeration.
Nevertheless they were usually affianced in childhood. Children of
opposite sexes were not allowed to play together after they had at-
tained the age of three or four years, and a girl could not go any-
where by herself until after she was married.

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS

As in the case of so many other customs, we can not introduce
this subject better than by inserting what Adair has to say
regarding it:

It is usual for an elderly man to take a girl, or sometimes a child to be his
wife, because she is capable of receiving good impressions in that tender state:
frequently, a moon elapses after the contract is made, and the value received,
before the bridegroom sleeps with the bride, and on the marriage day, he does
not appear before her till night introduces him, and then without tapers ., .

The Indians also are so fond of variety, that they ridicule the white people,
as a tribe of narrow-hearted, and dull constitutioned animals, for having only
one wife at a time; and being bound to live with and support her, though num-
berless circumstances might require a contrary conduct. When a young warrior
can not dress a la mode America, he strikes up one of those matches for a few
moons, which they term Toopsa Tdwah,” “a make haste marriage,’ because it
wants the usual ceremonies, and duration of their other kind of marriages. .. .

When an Indian makes his first address to the young woman he intends to
marry, she is obliged by ancient custom to sit by him till he hath done eating
and drinking, whether she likes or dislikes him; but afterward, she is at
her own choice whether to stay or retire. When the bridegroom marries the
bride, after the usual prelude, he takes a choice ear of corn, and divides it
in two before witnesses, gives her one half in her hand, and keeps the other

© Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p, 120.
7 Thid:; p; 121:
* This should be tushpa itauaya, from tushpa, in haste, and itawaya, to marry.

226 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

half to himself: or otherwise, he gives her a deer’s foot, as an emblem of
the readiness with which she ought to serve him; in return, she presents him
with some cakes of bread, thereby declaring her domestic care and gratitude in
return for the offals; for the men feast by themselves and the women eat the
remains. When this short ceremony is ended, they go to bed like an honest
couple.

Formerly, this was an universal custom among the native Americans ; but this,
like every other usage of theirs, is wearing out apace. The West Floridans, in
order to keep their women subject to the law of adultery, bring some venison or
buffalo’s flesh to the house of their nominal wives, at the end of every winter’s
hunt: that is reckoned a sufficient annual tye of their former marriages,
although the husbands do not cohabit with them. The Muskéhge men, if newly
matried, are obliged by ancient custom, to get their own relations to hoe out
the cornfields of each of their wives, that their marriages may be confirmed,
and the more jealous repeat the custom every year to make their wives subject
to the laws against adultery. But the Indians in general reckon that before
the bridegroom can presume to any legal power over the bride, he is, after the
former ceremonies, or others something similar, obliged to go into the woods to
kill a deer, bring home the careass of venison, and lay it down at her house
wrapt up in its skin, and if she opens the pack, carries it into the house, and
then dresses and gives him some of it to eat with cakes before witnesses, she
becomes his lawful wife, and obnoxious to all the penalties of an adul-
teress. : E

When the Indians would express a proper marriage, they have a word adapted
according to their various dialects, to give them a suitable idea of it; but when
they are speaking of their sensual marriage bargains, they always term it
“buying a woman”; for example, they say with regard to the former, Che-
Awalas, “I shall marry you,” . . . Che-Awala Awa, “I shall not marry you.”
But the name of their market marriages is Otoolpha.” [They say] Eho
Achumbaras, Saookchda,’ “in the spring I shall buy a woman, if I am alive.”
Or Eho Achumbara Awa, “I shall not buy a woman,” Sdlbasa toogat,’ “for in-
deed I am poor.” ...

They sometimes marry by deputation or proxy. The intended bridegroom
sends so much in value to the nearest relations of the intended bride, as he
thinks she is worth: if they are accepted, it is a good sign that her relations
approve of the match, but she is not bound by their contract alone; her consent
must likewise be obtained, but persuasions most commonly prevail with them.
However, if the price is reckoned too small, or the goods too few, the law obliges
them to return the whole, either to himself, or some of his nearest kindred. If
they love the goods, as they term it . . . the loving couple may in a short
time bed together upon trial, and continue or discontinue their love according
as their fancy directs them. If they like each other, they become an honest
married couple when the nuptial ceremony is performed, as already described.
When one of their chieftains is married, several of his kinsmen help to kill deer
and buffalos, to make a rejoicing marriage feast, to which their relations and
neighbors are invited: there the young warriors sing with their two chief
musicians, who beat on their wet deer skin tied over the mouth of a large clay
pot, and raise their voices, singing Yo Yo, ete. When they are tired with feast-

*® Probably from itola, “to lie down.”

1 Ohoyo, ‘‘ woman”; atcumpalas, “I buy ’’; saoktcaha, “I hoe up land.”

2 Ohoyo atcumpala awa.

* Sailbasha, ‘‘I am poor”; tuk, sign of recent past time; at, demonstrative article.

SWANTON] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS 227

ing, dancing, and singing the Epithalamium, they depart with friendly glad
hearts, from the house of praise.*

The following account was obtained by Warren in the year 1881
from Cyrus Harris, at one time governor of the Chickasaw Nation.

When a man found a girl that suited his fancy, he would send his mother or
sister with perhaps calico enough to make one or more dresses, tied up in a
shawl or handkerchief, with instructions to ask the father and mother of the girl
to give their approval of the intention of the sender. If they gave their consent,
the bundle was handed to the girl. If she took the bundle, it was considered
a bargain made. The mother or sister brings back news of her errand.
The man then hunts up his clothes and dresses himself from head to foot, paints
his face with vermilion and other paints, and starts for the residence of his
intended. On reaching the place he is invited to take a seat on a cowhide or
the hide of any “varmint” generally used for seats in those days. After the
general topics of the day are talked over, supper is announced. The visitor
and the intended father-in-law, in the absence of any other visitor, take supper,
unaccompanied by the intended wife or her mother. Some time after supper,
a bed commonly occupied by the girl is prepared for their accommodation, the
girl getting in bed first; previous to the man’s entering the bedroom. The man
comes in and occupies the front side of the bed. This makes them man and
wife, and at any time, either one of them getting dissatisfied with the other, by
jealousy or otherwise, they separate mutually. This, sir, was ancient marriage
ceremony among the Chickasaws.5

Cushman was personally acquainted with Cyrus Harris and may
have derived part of his information from the same source. As
usual his description is unnecessarily embellished; it runs as follows:

The ancient manner of Chickasaw courtship was not very taxing upon
the sensitiveness of the bashful, prospective groom; since, when he wished to
make known to any young lady of his tribe the emotions of his heart in regard
to her, he had but to send a small bundle of clothing carefully tied up in a large
cotton handkerchief (similar in dimensions to a medium-sized table cloth, very
common in.those primitive days of ignorant bliss, when fashion and folly were
unknown) by his mother or sister to the girl he desired to make his wife. This
treasure of acknowledged love was immediately taken possession of by the
mother of the wished-for bride and kept for a few days before presenting it to
her daughter; and when presented, if accepted, it was a bona fide acknowledg-
ment on her part of her willingness to accept him as her husband, of which
confession he was at once duly notified; if otherwise, the subject was there
and then forever dropped, and the disappointed and disconsolate swain found
consolation in the privilege extended to all such cases, that of presenting an-
other bundle of clothes wrapped in a similar mantle of cotton to some other
forest beauty in which his country so profusely abounded. Best of all, the
swain, whether bold or timid, was always spared that fearful and dreadful
ordeal of soliciting the “yes” of the “old folks,” as his mother took that
imperative and obnoxious duty upon herself, and was almost always successful
in the accomplishment of the desired object. The coast being clear of all
breakers, the elated lover painted his face in exact conformity to the latest
and most approved style, donned his best suit, and sought the home of his

4 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 138-141. 5 Pubs. Miss. Hist, Soc., vol. vir, p. 551,

228 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

betrothed with fluttering heart, who, strictly on the lookout, met him a few
rods from the door and proudly and heroically escorted him into the house,
where they themseives, in the presence of friends and relatives, performed the
mImarriage ceremony by the man presenting the woman with a ham of venison
or a part of some other eatable animal of the chase, she at the same time pre-
senting him with an ear of corn or sack of potatoes, all of which betokened the
man should provide the household with meat and the woman with bread. Thus
they were made man and wife and so considered by all.’

Speck says:

There is no regular marriage ceremony recognized by the Chickasaw. When
a man has made a choice of a maiden he tells his best friend about it, who
communicates with her parents. He may choose one or more from the same
family, the family of the girl naming the price, usually in horses. The man,
before he can marry, must be a good hunter and own a log house. A person
may marry in any band but his own, but becomes subject to the regulations of
his wife’s clan. He still, however, retains his original clan identity.‘

As has been remarked elsewhere, my own informants stated that
children were betrothed when they were very young. When they
were old enough to marry a day was fixed upon and the relatives of
each of the contracting parties brought the bridegroom or bride as
the case might be to the place agreed to. The pair would shake hands
and afterwards they would live together for a time with the parents
of one or the other before acquiring a house of their own.

DIVISION OF LABOR BETWEEN THE SEXES

Romans has the following passages bearing on this subject :

The vanity of being accounted great hunters and warriors has the better of
every consideration, and rather than condescend to cultivate the earth (which
they think beneath them) they sit and toy with their women; or if they send
them to labour, they play on an awkward kind of flute made of a cane,
lolling thus their time away with great indifference, which obliges them yearly
to apply for corn and pulse to the Choctaws.

These [women] labour vastly hard, either in the field for cultivation of corn,
or fetching nuts, firewood and water, which they chiefly carry on their backs;
the two first articles generally two or three miles, and the last often a mile.
Their burthens would amaze a stranger, being rather fit for asses than women
to carry.”

But as Romans entertained no love for this particular tribe, it is
probable that he has not presented their usages in the most favorable
light. While there is evidence that the constant warfare of the
Chickasaw reacted unfavorably on the social position of women, it
probably differed little from their position among the Creeks, where
the cultivation of the town fields was a male as well as a female obli-

© Cushman, Hist. Choe., Chick., and Natchez, p. 498.
7 Speck in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore,, vol. xx, p. 57,

8 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 62.

°Tbid., p. 64.

SWANTON] BURIAL CUSTOMS 229

gation. The men also seem to have had most to do with house build-
ing and the making of implements for war, the chase, and games,
and practically entire charge of hunting, war, and the ball game.
Women again had a relatively small part in ceremonies. In the busk
described by Adair only four old women had parts of consequence,
and, indeed, Adair says that in their own town houses the women
were separated from the warriors, and were merely allowed to sit at
each side of the entrance “as if they were only casual spectators.” *°

BURIAL CUSTOMS

After stating that the bones of those who had died at a distance
from home were gathered and brought back and that in burying
they separated them carefully from the remains of other people—
by which he probably means not only other tribes but other clans of
the same tribe—Adair continues to enlarge on this subject as follows:

When any of them die at a distance, if the company be not driven and pur-
sued by the enemy they place the corpse on a scaffold, covered with notched
logs to secure it from being torn by wild beasts or fowl of prey; when they
imagine the flesh is consumed and the bones are thoroughly dried they return
to the place, bring them home, and inter them in a very solemn manner. They
will not associate with us when we are burying any of our people who die in
their land, and they are unwilling we should join them while they are per-
forming this kindred duty to theirs. Upon which account, though I have lived
among them in the raging time of the smallpox, even of the confluent sort, L
never saw but one buried, who was a great favorite of the Hnglish, and chief-
tain of Ooeasa as formerly described.

The Indians use the same ceremonies to the bones of their dead as if they
were covered with their former skin, flesh, and ligaments. It is but a few days
since I saw some return with the bones of nine of their people who had been
two months before killed by the enemy. They were tied in white deer skins,
separately, and when carried by the door of one of the houses of their family
they were laid down opposite to it till the female relations convened, with
flowing hair, and wept over them about half an hour. Then they carried them
home to their friendly magazines of mortality, wept over them again, and then
buried them with the usual solemnities, putting their valuable effects and, as
I am informed, other convenient things in along with them, to be of service to
them in the next state. The chieftain carried 12 short sticks tied together in
the form of a quadrangle, so that each square consisted of 3. The sticks were
only peeled, without any paintings, but there were swans’ feathers tied to each
corner, and they called that frame Tereekpe tobeh,* “a white circle,’ and
placed it over the door, while the women were weeping over the bones. ... ™*

When a warrior dies a natural death (which seldom happens) the war drums,
musical instruments, and all other kinds of diversion, are laid aside for the
space of three days and nights.“” . . . [And whether the deceased is a warrior
or not] they wash and anoint the corpse, and soon bring it out of doors for

2% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 121.

4 Byington gives tilikpi as an ancient word meaning “shield” and distinct from the
word circle. Tohbi is ‘‘ white.”

ua Adair, op. cit., p. 180.

ub Tbid., p. 18.

230 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

fear of pollution; then they place it opposite to the door, on the skins of wild
beasts, in a sitting posture, as looking into the door of the winter house, west-
ward, sufficiently supported with all his movable goods; after a short eulogium,
and space of mourning, they carry him three times around the house in which
he is to be interred, stopping half a minute each time, at the place where they
began the circle, while the religious man of the deceased person's family, who
goes before the hearse, says each time, Yah, short with a bass voice, and then
invokes in a tenor key, Yo, which at the same time is likewise sung by all the
procession, as long as one breath allows. Again, he strikes up, on a sharp
treble key, the feeminine note, He, which in like manner, is taken up and con-
tinued by the rest: then all of them suddenly strike off the solemn chorus and
sacred invocation by saying in a low key, Wah. ... This is the method in
which they performed the funeral rites of the chieftain before referred to;
during which time, a great many of the traders were present, as our company
was agreeable at the interment of our declared patron and friend. .. .

When they celebrated these funeral rites of the above chieftain they laid the
corpse in his tomb, in a sitting posture, with his face towards the east,” his
head anointed with bear’s oil, and his face painted red, but not streaked with
black, because that is a constant emblem of war and death; he was drest in
his finest apparel, having his gun and pouch, and trusty hiccory bow, with a
young panther’s skin, full of arrows, alongside of him, and every other useful
thing he had been possessed of—that when he rises again they may serve him
in that tract of land which pleased -him best before he went to take his long
sleep. His tomb was firm and clean inside. They covered it with thick logs,
so as to bear several tiers of cypress bark, and such a quantity of clay as would
confine the putrid smell and be on a level with the rest of the floor. They often
sleep over those tombs; which, with the loud wailing of the women at the dusk
of the evening, and dawn of the day, on benches close by the tombs, must awake
the memory of their relations very often; and if they were killed by an enemy,
it helps to irritate and set on such revengeful tempers to retaliate blood for
blood... .

These rude Americans . . . imagine if any of us were buried in the domestic
tombs of their kindred, without being adopted, it would be very criminal in
them to allow it; and that our spirits would haunt the eaves of the houses at
night and cause several misfortunes to their family... .

To perpetuate the memory of any remarkable warriors killed in the woods, I
must here observe that every Indian traveler as he passes that way throws a
stone on the place, according as he likes or dislikes the occasion, or manner of
the death of the deceased.

In the woods we often see innumerable heaps of small stones in those places,
where, according to tradition, some of their distinguished people were either
killed or buried, till the bones could be gathered; there they add Pelion to
Ossa, still increasing each heap, as a lasting monument, and honor to them,
and an incentive to great actions. . . .

The Indians place those heaps of stones where there are no dividings of the
roads, nor the least trace of any road. And they then observe no kind of
religious ceremony, but raise those heaps merely to do honor to their dead, and
incite the living to the pursuit of virtue... .**

To prevent pollution, when the sick person is past hope of recovery, they
dig a grave, prepare the tomb, anoint his hair, and paint his face; and when

“Jn later times, when the body was buried at full length on the back, the head was
consequently toward the west. This seems to have been the custom of most of the
Southeastern Indians in later times,

2a Adair, op, cit., pp. 181-185.

swanton] BURIAL CUSTOMS 231

his breath ceases they hasten the remaining funeral preparations, and soon
bury the corpse. One of a different family will never, or very rarely, pollute
himself for a stranger; though, when living, he would cheerfully hazard his
life for his safety ; the relations, who become unclean by performing the funeral
duties, must live apart from the clean for several days, and be cleansed by
some of their religious order, who chiefly apply the button snakeroot for their
purification, as formerly described, when they purify themselves by ablution.
After three days the funeral assistants may convene at the townhouse and fol-
low their usual diversions. But the relations live recluse for a long time
mourning the dead. ...”

The modern Indians bury all their removable riches, according to the custom
of the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans, in so much that the grave is heir
of alles.

Notwithstanding ... they never give them the least disturbance; even a
blood-thirsty enemy will not despoil nor disturb the dead. The graves prove
an asylum and a sure place of rest to the sleeping person, till, at some time,
according to their opinion, he rises again to inherit his favorite place—unless
the covetous or curious hand of some foreigner should break through his sacred
bounds.”

Adair cites an instance of reform, however, in the case of Malahche,
chief of Coweta, and a long-standing friend of the whites, who left
all of his property to his relations instead of allowing it to be buried
with his corpse.

In another place Adair says that—* When any of their relations
die, they immediately fire off several guns, by one, two, and three at
a time, for fear of being plagued with the last troublesome neighbors
[the souls of the departed]; all the adjacent towns also on the oe-
casion whoop and halloo at night; for they reckon this offensive
noise sends off the ghosts to their proper fixed place till they return
at some certain time to repossess their beloved tract of land and
enjoy their terrestrial paradise.” *°

In still another place he notes that when a person had died the
father or a brother of the deceased took a live firebrand, brandished
it two or three times about his head with lamenting words, dipped it
into the water with his right hand, and let it sink down."®

Besides the above we have items of information on this subject
from several other sources. Romans says:

They bury their dead almost the moment the breath is out of the body in the
yery spot under the couch on which the deceased died, and the nearest relations
mourn over it, but the men do it in silence, taking great care not to be seen
any more than heard at this business; the mourning continues about a year,
which they know by counting the moons; they are every morning and evening,
at first throughout the day at different times, employed in the exercise of this
last duty.”

2b Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 125-126. 16 Tbid., p. 36,
Ibid. p. Lts, 6 Thid., p. 405.
“4 Tpid., p. 178. 17 Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla,, p. 71.

232 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW (ETH. ANN. 44

The following is from Cushman:

The ancient Chickasaws, unlike the Choctaws, buried their dead soon after
life became extinct; placing in the graye with the corpse, if a man, his clothes,
war, and hunting implements, pipe and tobacco, and a few provisions; if a
woman or child, the clothes and other little articles the deceased may have
prized in life and a few proyisions. A Chickasaw widow mourned 12 full moons
for her deceased husband, while the other relatives prolonged their mourning
only three, at the close of which a special cry was appointed at night, which was
kept up until the break of day; then the end of the hair of the mourners was
clipped and a string handed to them, with which they tied up their hair, which
had been permitted to hang loose over their shoulders from the death of their
kindred to the end of the three moons, the appointed time for mourning.

Suicide was sometimes committed by the ancient Chickasaws, but very seldom.
When it was it was invariably done with their favorite instrument of death,
the rifle.”

The ancient Chickasaws, like the Choctaws, had their specified cries over the
graves of their dead. At the day appointed, the relatives, friends, and neighbors
assembled and one little group after another took their seats on the ground in
e circle around the grave, then drew their shawls and blankets over their heads
and commenced their doleful lamentations, which must be seen and heard to
torm any just idea of the scene. The “cry” continued for several days and
nights, then terminated with a feast; after which the name of the deceased was
pronounced no more. The dead are with the past; for them how fruitless our
despair, was their final and just conclusion.”

While Cushman says nothing about burials in the house, Romans’s
statement to that effect is confirmed by the personal experience of
Hodgson, which he narrates as follows:

I was told that they bury their dead in their houses. While getting a cup of
coffee at Amubee’s, a full-blooded Chickasaw, a little negro girl, the only person
about the house who could speak English, said, ‘‘ Master’s wife is lying behind
you.” On looking round I saw nothing but a bed; when the little girl told me
to look under it. When she observed that I was disappointed on perceiving
nothing, she said: “ Mistress is buried there; but don’t speak loud, or master will
ChYyswee

To this may be added the experience of another traveler. One
day in the year 1834, while journeying through the Chickasaw Nation
Edwin G. Thomas heard a wailing noise about sundown in a south-
easterly direction. ‘“ None of the crowd [who accompanied him|
knew what it was, but a negro told us it was the Indians mourning
for their dead. The Indians also came in[to] the house and
mourned. We were told that they were buried in the house.” *!

The memory of this form of burial was preserved down to modern
times. Doctor Speck was told by his informants that—

At the death of a member of the tribe all personal belongings were buried
with the body beneath the floor of the house, the family continuing to live there.

18 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 496-497.

Thid., p. 502.

70 Hodgson, Jour. through N. A., p. 284.

21 Narrative of Edwin G. Thomas, May 10, 1880, as quoted by Harry Warren in Publs.
Miss. Hist. Soc., vol. vi11, p. 552.

SWANTON] BURIAL CUSTOMS 233

Husband and wife were interred together. A chief was honored at death by a
salute of guns, and a horse, saddled and bridled, was shot above his grave.
The women of the village came to the bereaved household, stopping before it to
ery for about half an hour before they offered any words of consolation or
praise of the deceased. Relatives visit the graves every day to cry for an
hour or so. Log structures are erected over the spot in most cases, at the
present day, since burial beneath the floor has been discontinued.”

Schooleraft’s Chickasaw informants said only:

When one of the Chickasaw dies they put the finest clothing they have on him;
also all their jewelry, beads, ete.; this, they say, is to make a good appearance
so soon as they die. The sick are frequently dressed before they die.”

Like the writers who have been quoted, I learned that the body of
a dead person was formerly buried inside of the house in which his
family lived. The head was always placed toward the west, for
otherwise it was thought the soul would lose its way. If one died
during the night, a gun was discharged four times as a signal to the
relatives, all of whom would then assemble to attend to the interment.
The fire was also extinguished, all the ashes removed from the house,
and a new fire started.”

After the loss of husband or wife the survivor wept over the grave
morning and evening for a month, just before sunup and sundown.
A widow stayed in a part of the house separated from the rest for
a month, was waited upon by others, allowed her hair to go un-
combed, and ate no food containing salt. They also cut off a little of
her hair in front. At the end of that time her relatives combed her
hair and dressed her up and she was allowed to go about as before.
A widower was treated in the same way, except that he wore a belt
of a peculiar pattern plaited out of a kind of wool; they also cut his
hair a little in front.

According to one informant a widow had to eat apart from the
rest of the family for an entire month, but a widower only until
the moon changed, and meanwhile either had to abstain from food
containing salt. A widow had to remain single for from two to three
years while a widower could remarry as soon as he desired.

On this subject I will again quote from Adair:

All the Indian widows, by an established strict penal law, mourn for the
loss of their deceased husbands; and among some tribes for the space of three
or four years....

The Muskohge widows are obliged to live a chaste, single life for the tedious
space of four years; and the Chikkasah women for the term of three, at the

* Speck in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, pp. 57-58.

°3 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, p. 310.

* But without any death having taken place, it was customary to put out the fire and
start a new one every four days. The base stick employed in fire making was taken
from a large vine found hanging to trees and called cohko’le; the other was of a soft
white wood called loktobaape’, perhaps what is called ‘“‘matchwood” by the whites. A
kind of tree fungus was used as punk. They also made fire by means of a flint and a
piece of iron called kasiltci, articles always carried in their bags,

55231 °—28——16

234 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

risque of the law of adultery being executed against the recusants. Every
evening, and at the very dawn of day, for the first year of her widowhood,
she is obliged, through the fear of shame, to lament her loss in very intense
audible strains. . .

Their law compels the widow, through the long term of her weeds, to refrain
all public company and diversions at the penalty of an adulteress; and like-
wise to go with flowing hair, without the privilege of oil to anoint it. The
nearest kinsmen of the deceased husband keep a very watchful eye over her
conduct in this respect. The place of interment is also calculated to wake
the widow’s grief, for he is intombed in the house under her bed. And, if he
was a war leader, she is obliged for the first moon to sit in the day-time under
his mourning war-pole,” which is decked with all his martial trophies, and
must be heard to ery with bewailing notes. But none of them are fond of
that month’s supposed religious duty; it chills or sweats and wastes them so
exceedingly, for they are allowed no shade or shelter. This sharp, rigid custom
excites the women to honour the marriage-state, and keeps them obliging to
their husbands by anticipating the visible, sharp difficulties which they must
undergo for so great a loss. The three or four years monastic life which she
lives after his death makes it her interest to strive by every means to keep
in his lamp of life, be it ever so dull and worthless; if she is able to shed
tears on such an occasion, they often proceed from self-love. We can generally
distinguish between the widow’s natural mourning voice and her tuneful,
laboured strain. She doth not so much bewail his death as her own recluse
life and hateful state of celibacy, which to many of them is as uneligible as
it was to the Hebrew ladies. . . .

The Choktah Indians hire mourners to magnify the merit and loss of their
dead, and if their tears can not be seen to flow their shrill voices will be
heard to cry, which answers the solemn chorus a great deal better. However,
they are no way churlish of their tears, for I have seen them on the occasion
pour them cut like fountains of water; but after having thus tired themselves,
they might with equal propriety have asked bystanders in the matter of the
native Irish, Ara ci fuar bass—‘And who is dead?”

They formerly dressed their head with black moss on those solemn occasicns,
and the ground adjacent to the place of interment they now beat with laurel
bushes, the women having their hair disheveled. .. .

The [Chickasaw] Indian women mourn three moons for the death of any
female of their own family or tribe. During that time they are not to anoint
or tie up their hair; neither is the husband of the deceased allowed, when the
offices of nature do not call him, to go out of the house, much less to join any
company; and in that time of mourning he often lies among the ashes. The
time being expired, the female mourners meet in the evening of the beginning
of the fourth moon, at the house where their female relation is intombed, and
stay there till morning, when the nearest surviving old kinswoman crops their
forelocks pretty short. This they call Hhé Intandah,” “the women have
mourned the appointed time.” . . . When they have eaten and drank
together, they return home by sunrise, and thus finish their solemn Yah-ah.

Although a widow is bound, by a strict penal law, to mourn the death of her
husband for the space of three or four years; yet, if she be known to lament

* The war-pole is a small peeled tree painted red, the top and boughs cut off short; it
is fixt in the ground opposite to his door, and all his implements of war are hung on the
short boughs of it till they rot.—Adair.

The use of this war-pole was not shared by the Indians of the Creek confederacy.,

*0 Bho=ohoyo, “ woman”; intandah, probably from tani, “to rise up from a prostrate
position.”

SWANTON] WAR CUSTOMS 230

her loss with a sincere heart, for the space of a year, and her circumstances
of living are so strait as to need a change of her station—and the elder brother
of her deceased husband lies with her—she is thereby exempted from the law
of mourning, has a liberty to tie up her hair, anoint and paint herself. . . .

The warm-constitutioned young widows keep their eye so intent on this mild
beneficent law, that they frequently treat their elder brother-in-law with
spirituous liquors till they intoxicate them, and thereby decoy them to make
free, and so put themselves out of the reach of the mortifying law. If they
are disappointed, as it sometimes happens, they fall on the men, calling them
Hoobuk Wakse, or Skoobdle, Hassé kroopha, ‘‘Wunuchus praeputio detecto, et
pene breyi”; the most degrading of epithets.”

WAR CUSTOMS

The best account of war customs among the southeastern Indians
is that of Adair, which is reprinted in the Forty-second Annual Re-
port of this Bureau. ** It is so extensive that I will not repeat it here
in its entirety but give only Adair’s description of the ceremonies
actually witnessed by him after the return of a Chickasaw war party
from the Illinois territory.

In the year 1765, when the Chikkasah returned with two French scalps, from
the Illinois (while the British troops were on the Mississippi, about 170 leagues
below the Illinois), as my trading house was near the Chikkasah leader, I had
a good opportunity of observing his conduct, as far as it was exposed to public
view.

Within a day’s march of home, he sent a runner ahead with the glad tidings—
and to order his dark winter house to be swept out very clean, for fear of
pollution. By ancient custom, when the outstanding party set off for war,
the women are so afraid of the power of their holy things, and of prophaning
them, that they sweep the house and earth quite clean, place the sweepings
in a heap behind the door, leaving it there undisturbed till Opde, who carries
the ark, orders them by a faithful messenger to remove it. He likewise orders
them to carry out every utensil which the women had used during his absence
for fear of incurring evil by pollution. The party appeared next day painted
red and black, their heads covered all over with swan-down, and a tuft of long
white feathers fixt to the crown of their heads. Thus they approached, carry-
ing each of the scalps on a branch of the ever-green pine, singing the awful
death song, with a solemn striking air, and sometimes Yo He Wah; now and ©
then sounding the shrill death Whé0 Whoop Whoop. When they arrived, the
leader went ahead of his company, round his winter hothouse contrary to the
course of the sun, singing the monosyllable Yo, for about the space of five
seconds on a tenor key; again, He He short, on a bass key; then Wah Wah,
three times, gutturally on the treble, very shrill, but not so short as the bass
note. In this manner they repeated those sacred“ notes, Yo, He He, Wah Wah,
three times, while they were finishing the circle,

The leader’s Hetissu, or “ waiter,’ placed a couple of new blocks of wood
near the war pole, opposite to the door of the circular hothouse in the middle of

7 Adair, Hist. Am, Inds., pp. 186-190.

27a Worty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer, Etthn., pp. 407-424.

* Adair calls them ‘‘ sacred’ because he believed the Indians to be descended from the
Hebrews and these meaningless syllables to be an attempt at the name Jehovah.

236 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [PTH. ANN, 44

which the fireplace stood, and on these blocks he rested the supposed sacred
ark, so that it and the holy fire faced each other. The party were silent a
considerable time. At length the chieftain bade them sit down, and then
enquired whether his house was prepared for the solemn occasion, according
to his order the day before; being answered in the affirmative, they soon rose
up, sounded the death whoop, and walked round the war pole, during which they
invoked and sung three times Yo, He, He, Wah, Wah, in the manner already
described. Then they went with their holy things in regular order into the
hothouse, where they continued, exclusive of the first broken day, three days
and nights apart from the rest of the people, purifying themselves with warm
lotions and aspersions of the emblematical button-snakeroot, without any other
subsistence between the rising and the setting of the sun.

During the other part of the time the female relations of each of the company,
after having bathed, anointed, and dressed themselves in their finest, stood
in two rows, one on each side of the door, facing each other, from the evening
till the morning, singing Ha Ha, Ha He, with a soft shrill voice and a solemn
moving air for more than a minute, and then paused about ten minutes, before
they renewed their triumphal song. While they sung they gave their legs a
small motion by the strong working of their muscles, without seeming to bend
their joints. When they had no occasion to retire, they have stood erect in the
same place, a long, frosty night, and except when singing observed a most pro-
found silence the whole time. During that period they have no intercourse
with their husbands, and they avoid. several other supposed pollutions, as not to
eat or touch salt, and the like.

The leader, once in two or three hours, came out at the head of his com-
pany and, raising the death whoop, made one circle round the red-painted war
pole, holding up in their right hands the small boughs of pine with the scalps
fixed to them, singing as above, waving them to and fro, and then returned
again. This religious order they strictly observed the whole time they were
purifying themselves, and singing the song of safety and victory to the goodness
and power of the divine essence. When the time of their purification and
thanksgiving expired, the men and women went and bathed themselves, re-
turned in the same manner, and anointed again, according to their usual custom.

They joined soon after in a solemn procession, to fix the scalps on the tops
of the houses of their relations who had been killed without revenge of blood.
The war chieftain went first—his religious attendant followed him; the waz-
riors next, according to their rising merit; and the songstresses brought up the
rear. In this order they went round the leader’s winter house from the east to
the north, the men striking up the death whoop and singing the death song;
and then Yo, He He, Wah Wah, as described, the women also warbling Ha Ha,
Ha He, so that one might have said, according to the sacred text, “great was
the company of the women, who sung the song of triumph.” ” Then they fixed
on the top of the house a twig of the pine they had brought with them, with
a small piece of one of the scalps fastened to it, and this order they observed
from house to house, till in their opinion they had appeased the ghosts of their
dead. They went and bathed again, and thus ended their purification and
triumphal solemnity—only the leader and his religious waiter kept apart three
days longer, purifying themselves. I afterward asked the reason of this;
they replied they were Ishtohoollo.”

Last year I heard the Choktah women, in those towns which lie next to New Orleans,
sing a regular anthem and dirge, in the dusk of the evenings, while their kinsmen were
gone to war against the Muskohge.—Note by Adair.

80 Adair, Hist, Am. Inds., pp. 164-167.

SWANTON] WAR CUSTOMS 2am

In other words, these men were temporarily of the same class as the
priests, of whom he says elsewhere:

The Indian Jshtohoollo “holy men” [ishto, “great” holo, “holy’’] are by
their function absolutely forbidden to slay, notwithstanding their propensity
thereto even for small injuries. They will not allow the greatest warrior to
officiate when the yearly grand sacrifice of expiation is offered up, or on
any other religious occasion, except the leader. All must be performed by their
beloved men who are clean of every stain of blood and have their foreheads
circled with streaks of white clay.”

The following information may be added. Says Romans:

In their war parties they have generally one who has done most mischief to
the enemy for their leader ;- but he is so far from having a command that an
attempt to do more than proposing whether such or such an undertaking would
not be most advisable, or at most persuading them to it, would at least be
followed by a total desertion.

They are very ceremonious in their preparations for war, and their fondness
for witchcraft makes them look for omens of futurity.

They and all other savages have the greatest share of patience imaginable;
when a scalp or prisoner is in question they will travel hundreds of miles in
the deserts with amazing precaution, enduring hunger, and often thirst, at a
great rate; nay, if their provisions fail before they strike the blow, they have
been known to return to hunt for more in some safe place, and, without going
home, to make a second or third attempt.

They make war by stratagem, surprise, or ambush, despising us as fools for
exposing ourselves to be shot at like marks. A man’s valour with them con-
sists in their cunning, and he is deemed the greatest hero who employs most
art in surprising his enemy; they never strike a blow unless they think them-
selves sure of a retreat, and the loss of many men is an infamous crime laid
to the charge of the party.”

Cushman’s account runs thus:

When preparing for war the Chickasaws, like their entire race, of whom I have
read or personally known, painted their faces in such a manner (known only
to the North American Indians) as to give the face an expression of fierceness
that must be seen to be justly comprehended. A few days before going upon
the warpath a day was solemnly appointed for a great feast, consisting of all
the varieties of food that could be obtained; but every night previous to the
day of the feast those contemplating going upon the warpath engaged in the
war dance during the greater part of the nights, dressed in all the parapher-
nalia of Indian warfare. The warriors also came to the prepared feast fully
equipped with every necessary appertaining to the warpath, but with no super-
fluous articles whatever that might have a tendency to impede their actions.
Before they partook of the waiting repast some celebrated old chief or noted
old warrior, with the war pipe in his hand, who from the decrepitude of age
had been placed upon the “ retired list” among the seers and prophets of the
nation, delivered a speech to the war-going company, in which he rehearsed his
own exploits, not in the spirit of self-adulation but as an honest exhortation
to them to emulate his deeds of heroic valor; then encouraged them to go in
trusting confidence; to be great in manly courage and strong in heart; to be

Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 152. = Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 70.

238 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

watchful, keen in sight, and fleet in foot; to be attentive in ear and unfailing
in endurance; to be cunning as the fox, sleepless as the wolf, and agile as the
panther; not to be eager beyond prudence; and when wisdom so dictates to
flee as the swift antelope, as your lives are of great worth to your nation, and
even one life necessarily or unnecessarily sacrificed will bring sorrow to the
hearts of your people. But to the appreciation of which no outward manifesta-
tion whatever was made, as an Indian warrior is ever silent upon any and all
emotions of his heart, yet the aged orator plainly read its significance in each
silent and attentive face and was satisfied. Then he filled the war pipe with
prepared sumac leaves and tobacco, lighted it, drew a few whiffs, then passed
it to the war chief, the leader of the forthgoing war party, who also drew a
few puffs, and from him it went the rounds of the entire party, each in pro-
found silence drawing a whiff or two and then passing it to the next in turn.
After this impressive ceremony they turned to the prepared feast and did ample
justice thereto, after which the “ war post,’ painted red, was set up, at which
the chief of the war party rushed and struck with his tomahawk with all his
strength, as if one of the enemy. Then followed his warriors in regular order,
each doing the same.

Then followed again the war dance, the finale of the war ceremonies, which
continued two or three consecutive nights, during the intervening days of which
their relatives and friends observed a strict fast and engaged in solemn and
supplicating prayer to the Great Spirit for their success against their enemies
and their safe return.”

At night, whether on a war expedition or traveling for any other
purpose, they guided themselves by means of “the seven stars” (the
Great Dipper). I was told by an old woman who had seen the war
dances of both the Chickasaw and Choctaw at the time of the Civil
War that they were entirely different from each other and that the
songs differed also.

Adair gives two accounts of ceremonies gone through in reestab-
lishing peace. The first is as follows:

When two nations of Indians are making or renewing peace with each other,
the ceremonies and solemnities they use, carry the face of great antiquity, and
are very striking to a curious spectator, which I shall here relate, so far as it
suits the present subject. When strangers of note arrive near the place where
they design to contract new friendship or confirm their old amity, they send a
messenger ahead to inform the people of their amicable intention. He carries
a swan’s wing in his hand, painted all over with streaks of white clay, as an
expressive emblem of their embassy. The next day, when they have made their
friendly parade, with firing off their guns and whooping, and have entered the
beloved square, their chieftain, who is ahead of the rest, is met by one of the
old beloved men, or magi, of the place. He and the visitant approach one
another, in a bowing posture. The former says, Y0, ish la chu Anggénna?™ ...
The other replies, Yah—Arahre-O, Angonna.” The magus then grasps the stranger
with both hands, around the wrist of his right hand, which holds some green
branches—again, about the elbow—then around the arm, close to his shoulder,
as a near approach to the heart. Then his immediately waving the eagle tails
over the head of the stranger is the strongest pledge of good faith.”

3 Cushman, Hist. Choc., Chick., and Natchez Inds., pp. 492-493.

* Yo, imp.; ishla, thou hast come; cho, sign of interrogation ; a"kana, my friend.
% Yau, yes; alali, I am come; O, strengthening particle; a"kana, my friend.

% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p, 60,

SWANTON] WAR CUSTOMS 239

The later statement runs thus:

I can not, however, conclude this argument without a few remarks concerning
the Indian methods of making peace and of renewing their old friendship. They
first smoke out of the friend pipe and eat together; then they drink of the
Cussena, using such invocations as have been mentioned, and proceed to wave
their large fans of eagles’ tails, concluding with a dance. The persons visited
appoint half a dozen of their most active and expert young warriors to perform
their religious duty, who have had their own temples adorned with the swan-
feather cap. They paint their bodies with white clay and cover their heads
with swan down; then approaching the chief representative of the strangers,
who by way of honour and strong assurance of friendship is seated on the
central white or holy seat, “the beloved cabin” (which is about 9 feet long
and 7 feet broad), they wave the eagles’ tails backward and forward over his
head.” Immediately they begin the solemn song with an awful air; and pres-
ently they dance in a bowing posture; then they raise themselves so erect that
their faces look partly upwards, waving the eagles’ tails with the right hand
toward heaven, sometimes with a slow, at others with a quick motion; at the
same time they touch their breast with their small calabash and pebbles fas-
tened to a stick about a foot long which they hold in their left hand, keeping
time with the motion of the eagles’ tails; during the dance they repeat the
usual divine notes, Yo, ete., and wave the eagles’ tails now and then over the
stranger’s head, not moving above two yards backward or forward before him.
They are so surprisingly expert in their supposed religious office and observe
time so exactly with their particular gestures and notes that there is not the
least discernible discord... .

The Indians can not show greater honor to the greatest potentate on earth
than to place him in the white seat—inyoke Yo He Wah while he is drinking the
Cussena and dance before him with the eagles’ tails. When two chieftains are
renewing or perpetuating friendship with each other they are treated with the
Same ceremonies. And in their circular friendly dances, when they honour
their guests and pledge themselves to keep good faith with them, they some-
times sing their divine notes with a very awful air, pointing their right hand
towards the sky. Some years ago I saw the Koosahte Indians (200 miles up
Mobile River) perform this rite with much solemnity, as if invoking the deity
with their notes and gestures, to enable them to show good will to their
fellow creatures, and to bear witness of their faithful vows and conduct.*

A peace-making ambassador, besides carrying the swans’ wings,
was provided with eagles’ tails, white beads, white pipes, and
tobacco.*® When Adair visited the Choctaw for the purpose of con-
cluding peace with them, they tied strings of beads about his neck,
arms, and legs, and in return he presented to them silver arm plates,
gorgets, wrist plates, earbobs, and so on.*°

* When they are disaffected, or intend to declare war, they will not allow any of the
party against whom they have hostile views, to approach the white seat; as their holy
men, and holy places, are considered firmly bound to keep good faith and give sure
refuge.— Adair.

% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 167—169.

# These things are numerated by Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 269-270, and 316.

“Tbid., p. 331.

240 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH, ANN, 44
HUNTING

In contradistinction to the Choctaw, who were more inclined
toward agriculture, the Chickasaw were very fond of hunting. In
this particular they resembled the Creeks, and both tribes had very
wide hunting grounds, those of the Chickasaw extending to the Ten-
nessee River and as far down that stream as its junction with the
Ohio. On the south the Oktibbeha separated their territories from
those of the Choctaw, but Romans states that “these two nations are
by no means jealous of each other in this respect, and hunt in each
others’ grounds without let or hindrance from either side.” He adds
that “although their country abounds in beaver, they kill none, leav-
ing that to the white men; they think this kind of hunting beneath
them, saying anybody can kill beaver, but men only deer; this is
exactly the reverse of the northern Indians.” He then proceeds to
describe the well-known method of stalking deer by the use of a
prepared deer’s head.*t Unlike most of the Choctaw, this author
reports that they were all good swimmers, “notwithstanding they
live so far from waters, but they learn [!] their children to swim in
clay holes, that are filled in wet seasons by rain.” *

Romans has the following to say about their skill as trackers:

They are the most expert of any perhaps in America in tracking what they
are in pursuit of, and they will follow their flying enemy on a long gallop over
any kind of ground without mistaking.

Since I am on this subject, I can not forbear taking notice of one thing related
by many writers on America, which is the knowledge the savages have by the
track of what kind of people they pursue. This is very true, and this sagacious
particular deserved admiration, but the wonder must cease when I tell my
reader that I have found in it much of a juggle, for instead of knowing it by
the footsteps (which they pretend to measure very ceremoniously with their
hands) they know it by the strokes of the hatchets in the trees and branches
as they go along, which no two savage nations agree in, be it in the height
from the ground or in the slope of the cut. They can also distinguish the
different ways of making camps and fires; for instance, a Choctaw war camp
is circular, with a fire in the center, and each man has a crutched branch at his
head to hang his powder and shot upon and to set his gun against, and the feet
of all to the fire; a Cherokee war camp is a long line of fire, against which they
also lay their feet; a Choctaw makes his camp in traveling in form of a sugar
loaf; a Chickasaw makes it in form of our arbors; a Creek like to our sheds,
or piazzas, to a timber house. In this manner every nation has some distin-
guishing way.”

T was told personally that when a party intended to go hunting
they camped by themselves and took medicine for four days under
the supervision of a doctor, who also went with them. The medicine
was made by this doctor and after they had taken it, he made them

“ Romans, Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., p. 66.
“Tbid., pp. 64-65.
48Tbid., p. 65.

SWANTON] HUNTING 241

jump into the water and throw up all they had swallowed. Red
willow (hahtok), the miko hoyanidja of the Creeks, was sometimes
used for this purpose. Some Indians carried along a certain root
with which to charm the game. It was used solely by hunters and
bears an Indian name meaning “ deer tail.” The plant from which
these roots come bears a white flower and grows in the territory of
the old Chickasaw Nation in Oklahoma. The medicine was carried
in a pocket or pouch on the right side, supported by a strap over
the left shoulder.

When they camped they laid their fire logs north and south and
none of them was allowed to sit on the ends of these. Sometimes
hunters took their families along to do the cooking, and in such cases
the man got up long before day, awoke the rest, and would not allow
any of them to lie down again, claiming it would spoil the luck
if they did so. If there was a stump or prostrate log near the fire,
no one could sit upon it. If the hunter were a good one and there
happened to be plenty of game near his camp, he would frequently
go to a distance after large deer, leaving the smaller ones about his
camp to grow up. The large deer were more in demand for the
manufacture of moccasins, leggings, and other articles of clothing.
Trousers made from deer hides would not wear out, but they threw
them away from time to time to replace them with new ones. When
the soles of their moccasins wore out they replaced them with hog
skin. At an earlier day it may be suspected that bison hide was used
for this purpose. Adair and his contemporaries say practically
nothing about the hunting of bison and the small number of refer-
ences to this animal in the Gulf region during this period lends
color to an assertion by Claiborne that they left the country early
in the eighteenth century, owing to an excessive drought. Even in
De Soto’s time, however, they do not appear to have been common,
though the explorers obtained a “ cow-hide” from some place north
of the Tennessee River and horns, undoubtedly those of bison,
adorned the heads of warriors whom he encountered in the “ Prov-
ince of Alibamo,” west of the Chickasaw country, while “shields of
raw cow-hide” were found in a town just beyond the Mississippi
River.

The following data regarding bear hunting were written down
for me by Zeno McCurtain from native informants:

Bear hunters would wait until toward the middle of winter before starting
out. When the bear hide it is usually in some cave, and experienced bear
hunters were needed to find them. Before they set out they took medicines
and fasted four days. Some hunters would also remain away from their wives.
They had to provide themselves with torches, and when they set out they would

seek the highest mountains. After they had found the bear cave, they selected
certain persons to go inside with torches. When these saw the shining eyes of

242 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

the bear they would kill him. Sometimes the bear would start out toward
them before they were ready to shoot, whereupon they would lie down on their
bellies and let the bear walk over them out of the cave, when the men left there
would dispatch him. If he did not try to go out, those inside killed him and
dragged his body outside.

GAMES

The men’s ball game (toli) was played in the same manner as by
the neighboring tribes. It is said that the Choctaw doctor employed
to conjure for a game had a big loggerhead turtle (alligator turtle?)
brought to him and he made a ball out of that. Scratching was not
performed on the Chickasaw and Choctaw players as on the Creeks
but they danced nearly until day the night before.

Following is Adair’s description of the game as played in his time:

The Indians are much addicted to gaming and will often stake everything
they possess. Ballplaying is their chief and most favourite game and is such
severe exercise as to show it was originally calculated for a hardy and expert
race of people like themselves and the ancient Spartans. The ball is made of a
piece of scraped deerskin, moistened and stuffed hard with deer’s hair and
strongly sewed with deer’s sinews. The ball sticks are about 2 feet long, the
lower end somewhat resembling the palm of a hand, and which are worked with
deerskin thongs. Between these they catch the ball and throw it a great dis-
tance when not prevented by some of the opposite party, who fly to intercept
them. The goal is about 500 yards in length; at each end of it they fix two long,
bending poles into the ground 3 yards apart below, but slanting a considerable
way outward. The party that happens to throw the ball over these counts one ;
but if it be thrown underneath, it is cast back and played for as usual. The game-
sters are equal in number on each side, and at the beginning of every course of
the ball they throw it up high in the center of the ground and in a direct line
between the two goals. When the crowd of players prevents the one who catched
the ball from throwing it off with a long direction, he commonly sends it the
right course by an artful sharp twirl. They are so exceedingly expert in this
manly exercise that between the goals the ball is mostly flying the different
ways, by the force of the playing sticks, without falling to the ground, for they
are not allowed to catch it with their hands. It is surprising to see how
swiftly they fly when closely chased by a nimble-footed pursuer; when they are
intercepted by one of the opposite party, his fear of being cut by the ball sticks
commonly gives them an opportunity of throwing it perhaps 100 yards; but
the antagonist sometimes runs up behind and by a sudden stroke dashes down
the ball. It is a very unusual thing to see them act spitefully in any sort of
game, not even in this severe and tempting exercise.

Onee, indeed, I saw some break the legs and arms of their opponents by
hurling them down when on a descent and running at full speed. But I after-
wards understood there was a family dispute of long continuance between them ;
that might have raised their spleen as much as the high bets they had then at
stake, which was almost all they were worth. The Choktah are exceedingly
addicted to gaming, and frequently on the slightest and most hazardous occa-
sions will lay their all and as much as their credit can procure.

By education, precept, and custom, as well as strong example, they have
learned to show an external acquiescence in every thing that befalls them,
either as to life or death. By this means, they reckon it a scandal to the char-

SWANTON] GAMES 243

acter of a steady warrior to let his temper be ruffled by any accidents—their
virtue, they say, should prevent it.... To move the deity to enable them to
conquer the party they are to play against, they mortify themselves in a sur-
prising manner; and, except a small intermission, their female relations dance
out of doors all the preceding night, chanting religious notes with their shrill
voices, to move Yo He Wah ** to be favorable to their kindred party on the
morrow. The men fast and wake from sunset, till the ball play is over the next
day, which is about 1 or 2 o’clock in the afternoon. During the whole night,
they are to forbear sleeping under the penalty of reproaches and shame; which
would sit very sharp upon them, if their party chanced to lose the game, as it
would be aseribed to that unmanly and vicious conduct. They turn out to the
ball ground in a long row, painted white, whooping, as if Pluto’s prisoners were
all broke loose; when that enthusiastic emotion is over, the leader of the com-
pany begins a religious invocation by saying Yah, short; then Yo, long, which
the rest of the train repeat with a short accent and on a low key like the
leader; and thus they proceed with such acclamations and invocations, as have
been already noticed, on other occasions. Bach party are desirous to gain the
twentieth ball, which they esteem a favourite divine gift. As it is in the time
of laying by the corn, in the very heat of summer, they use this severe exercise,
a stranger would wonder to see them hold it so long at full speed, and under
the scorching sun, hungry also, and faint with the excessive use of such sharp
physic as the button snakeroot, the want of natural rest, and of every kind of
nourishment. But their constancy, which they gain by custom, and their love
of virtue, as the sure means of success, enable them to perform all their exer-
cises without failing in the least, be they ever so severe in the pursuit.”

The single-pole game is as old as the time of Adair, but there is no
lengthy description of it dating from an early period.*®

Another ancient and popular game, yet one apparently devoid of
the social significance of the two-goal ball game, was known to the
traders as the chunkey game. I again quote from Adair:

The warriors have another favorite game, called Chungke; which, with pro-
priety of language, may be called “ Running hard labor.” They have near their
state house a square piece of ground well cleaned, and fine sand is carefully
strewed over it, when requisite, to promote a swifter motion to what they
throw along the surface. Only one or two on a side play at this ancient game.
They have a stone about two fingers broad at the edge and two spans round;
each party has a pole of about 8 feet long, smooth, and tapering at each end,
the points flat. They set off abreast of each other at 6 yards from the end of
the playground; then one of them hurls the stone on its edge, in as direct a
line as he can, a considerable distance toward the middle of the other end of the
square ; when they have run a few yards each darts his pole anointed with bear’s
oil, with a proper force, as near as he can guess in proportion to the motion of
the stone, that the end may lie close to the stone—when this is the case, the
person counts two of the game, and, in proportion to the nearness of the poles
to the mark, one is counted, unless by measuring, both are found to be at an
equal distance from the stone. In this manner, the players will keep running
most part of the day, at half speed, under the violent heat of the sun, staking
their silver ornaments, their nose, finger, and ear rings; their breast, arm, and
wrist plates, and even all their wearing apparel, except that which barely covers

44 Adair is reverting again to his favorite theory that these meaningless syllables had
reference to the Jehovah of the Hebrews.

4° Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 399-401.

“Tbid., pp. 113-114; see also, p. 263 of this article.

244 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

their middle. All the American Indians are much addicted to this game, which
to us appears to be a task of stupid drudgery; it seems, however, to be of early
origin, when their forefathers used diversions as simple as their manners. The
hurling stones they use at present were time immemorial rubbed smooth on
the rocks, and with prodigious labour; they are kept with the strictest religious
care, from one generation to another and are exempted from being buried with
the dead. They belong to the town where they are used and are carefully
preserved.”

Akabatle was the name of a game in which the men and women
opposed each other. There was a goal on each side made of posts
about 3 feet tall and placed 2 feet apart. They used a ball about
the size of a baseball which they propelled along the ground by means
of bent sticks. They played for 12 points and the games continued
four days, after which they had a feast.

Towacto-coli, “ carrying the big ball,” was like the above, except
that the ball used was larger, something like a football, and no
sticks were used in driving it. The men kicked it and were not
allowed to use their hands, while the women could use both hands
and feet. As in the case of the other game, they played for 12
points, had a feast afterwards, and sometimes followed it with a
dance. While the game was in progress there would be a man out
after venison, which would be cooked for the men while the women
were served another dish. Each, however, shared his or her dish
with members of the opposite sex.

The game of hiding the bullet was played by men only, and not
very often even by them. A time was set for this in advance, some-
times during the day, but more often at night, and usually in winter.
They built a big fire for the occasion and wagered horses, cows,
saddles, guns, money, and all sorts of things. There were two sides
and one from each side played in turn. One of these would take a
bullet and try to hide it so skillfully under one of four socks or
gloves that his opponent could not guess where it was. He passed
his hand under all of them in the process of concealing it. The
socks and gloves were made of wool and woven by themselves. If
the one who was to guess found the bullet when he turned a sock
over, he struck his breast with his hand and his side scored four; if
he found it on the second guess they scored two. If he then failed to
guess the location of the bullet, his opponent concealed it again and
a second man guessed. The one who found the bullet was the one
who hid it next. They decided in advance how many points should
constitute a game and used counters made of slivers of cane about
the size of a match, which passed from side to side as points were
won or lost. If one side won all of the property from the other, they
would give the latter a chance to recover it, and in this way they kept
the game going all day and all night.

47 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 401-402.

SWANTON] BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW 245
MEASURES AND INTERCOMMUNICATION

Adair says of the Chickasaw:

They count the day also by the three sensible differences of the sun, like the
Hebrews—sunrise they term Hassé kootcha meente [haci kutca minti], “the
sun’s coming out’’; noon, or midday, T'abookore [tabokoli] ; and sunset, Hassé
Oobea [haci abia], literally, ‘the sun is dead”; likewise, Hasse Ookka’ tora
[haci okatula]; that is, “the sun is fallen into the water’’; the last word is
compounded of Ookka [oka], water, and Htora [itola], to fall; it signifies also
“to swim,” as instinct would direct those to do who fell into the water. And
they call dark, Ookklille [oktili], derived from Ookka [oka], water, and Illeh
[illi], dead ;* which shows their opinions of the sun’s disappearance according
to the ancients, who said the sun slept every night in the western ocean. They
subdivide the day by any of the aforesaid three standards—as halfway between
the sun’s coming out of the water, and in like manner by midnight or cock-
crowing, ete.”

On the subject of seasons I will quote the following from an earlier
paper:

Adair says that the Indians divided the year into four seasons—spring, sum-
mer, autumn, and winter—and numbered the years by any one of them. He
gives the names of these periods in the Cherokee and Chickasaw languages.
The last are “ Otoolpha, Téme palle, AshtOraméona, Ashtdra.”’® He derives
Otoolpha from ‘ oolpha, the name of a bud, or to shoot out,’ but I am unable to
identify the word in Choctaw unless it is alba, ‘vegetation, herbs, plants,
weeds,’ and it may be a Chickasaw term. Tome palle signifies ‘ bright and warm’
or ‘warm brightness.’ Palle, or palli, is a Chickasaw word, and it would seem
from Byington’s dictionary ™ that it was later used by itself to signify ‘ summer,’
The next name would be in Choctaw hactula hiniona or hactulammona, ‘ the be-
ginning of winter,’ and the last hactula. Hadctula means ‘ winter’ in Choctaw as
well as Chickasaw, but autumn is hactulahpi, ‘the beginning of winter,’ the
significance being about the same. The Choctaw, however, use tofa for sum-
mer and tofahpi for spring.

Adair says of the Indians of his acquaintance: “They pay great regard
to the first appearance of every new moon, and, on the occasion, always repeat
some joyful sounds, and stretch out their hands toward her—but at such times
they offer no public sacrifice.” And in another place he remarks that they
“annually observed their festivals . . . at a prefixed time of a certain moon.” ™

The names of the months were probably nearly identical with
those used by the Choctaw. All that I know regarding the latter
has been given under the head of “ hashi” in Byington’s “ Dictionary
of the Choctaw Language.” **

In the eighteenth century they figured out mercantile transactions
on the ground, calling this system “ yaka-ne Tlapha,” © or “scoring on

4SThe etymology is probably altogether wrong.
49 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 76.

50 Tbid., p. 74.

% Bull. 46, Bur. Amer, Ethn.

52 Adair, op. cit., p. 76.

°3Tbid., pp. 99-100.

% Bull. 46, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 146-147,

5 Yakni tapa, “ground spread out.”

246 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [PTH ANN. 44

the ground.” ‘They made single straight marks for units and crosses
for tens, which Adair believed to have been adopted from the whites,
but this is by no means certain.*®

As among the Creeks, the number of days which were to elapse
before a ceremonial or other community enterprise was registered by
means of bundles of small sticks, called “the broken days.” The
person in charge of this bundle threw away one every morning and
when one was left all knew that the day agreed upon had arrived.
Adair tells us that, instead of bundles of sticks, they sometimes used
sticks with a definite number of notches in each, one of which was
cut out every day. But sometimes, especially when the anticipated
date was indefinite, notches were made daily.°* More interesting, on
account of its resemblance to the famous quipu of Peru, was the
employment of knotted cords. The time of an event was sometimes
fixed by tying as many knots as there were days intervening, one to
be untied for each period of daylight. Or days might be marked
by tying in knots. The important point for us, however, is con-
tained in the following statement of Adair: “ They count certain
very remarkable things, by knots of various colours and make, after
the manner of the South American Aborigines.” °* According to
Milfort, the Creeks had similar records composed of strings of
beads.°°

The following from Adair contains nearly all that we know of a
shell:currency :

Before we supplied them with our European beads they had great quantities
of wampum (the Buccinum of the ancients) made out of conch-shell, by
rubbing them on hard stones, and so they form them according to their liking.
With these they bought and sold at a stated current rate, without the least
variation for circumstances either of time or place; and now they will hear
nothing patiently of loss or gain, or allow us to heighten the price of our goods,
be our reasons ever so strong, or though the exigencies and changes of time
may require it. Formerly four deerskins was the price of a large conch-shell
bead, about the length and thickness of a man’s forefinger, which they fixed to
the crown of their head as an ornament—so greatly they valued them.”

There is reason to believe that, although it had an aboriginal base,
the use of shell money was much stimulated by white contact.

Communication between tribes or bands was maintained by means
of runners, smoke signals, and by variously intoned whoops, such as
the death whoop, the whoop of the successful warrior when he
arrived within hearing of the village, the whoop of friendship, the
whoop of defiance, and the news whoop." Judging by the following

®6 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 77.

8’ TIbid., p. 75.

58 Tbid., p. 75.

‘9 Milfort, Mémoire, pp. 47-48.

© Adair, op. cit., p. 170. Cf. also Lawson, Hist. Car., pp. 315-317.

% Adair, op. cit., pp. 165, 166, 254, 273, 276, 277, 301, 318, 323, 326.

SWANTON] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL QAT

quotation from Adair there must have been some sort of sign lan-
guage:

The present American aborigines seem to be as skilful pantomimi as ever
were those of ancient Greece or Rome or the modern Turkish mutes, who
describe the meanest things spoken by gesture, action, and the passions of the
face. Two far-distant Indian nations, who understand not a word of each
other’s language, will intelligbly converse together and contract engagements
without an interpreter in such a surprising manner as is scarcely credible.”

He has the following on travel:

When the Indians are traveling in their own country they inquire for a house
of their own tribe [i. e., clan]; and if there be any, they go to it, and are
kindly received, though they never saw the persons before—they eat, drink, and
regale themselves with as much freedom as at their own tables, which is the
solid ground covered with a bearskin. It is their usual custom to carry nothing
along with them in their journies but a looking-glass and red paint hung to
their back—their gun and shot pouch—or bow and quiver full of barbed arrows;
and frequently both gun and bow; for, as they are generally in a state of war
against each other, they are obliged as soon as able to carry those arms of de-
fence. Every town has a state-house, or synedrion, as the Jewish sanhedrin
[i.e., the tcokofa] where almost every night the headmen convene about public
business or the town’s-people to feast, sing, dance, and rejoice, . . . as will fully
be described hereafter. And if a stranger calls there, he is treated with the great-
est civility and hearty kindness—he is sure to find plenty of their simple home
fare and a large cane-bed covered with the softened skins of bears or buffaloes
to sleep on. But when his lineage is known to the people (by a stated custom
they are slow in greeting one another), his relation, if he has any there, ad-
dresses him in a familiar way, invites him home, and treats him as his
kinsman.”

The usual Chickasaw form of salutation when one person came to
visit another was as follows: The householder would say Icla teo?
(“ Are you come?”) and the guest would reply Alali-o (“I am
come.”’) .°4

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL

The Chickasaw have not even the tradition of a time when they
were without belief in one supreme being whom they call Ababinili,
“ Sitting-above,” or “ Dwelling-above,” a being who “guided them
and told them what to do.” He is now spoken of at times as Aba-
inki, “ Father-above,” evidently under Christian influence, and under
the same influence human beings came to be named aba hatak,
“ Men-from-above.”

In spite of the Christian accretions, it seems fairly clear that there
was anciently belief in a supreme, but hardly a sole, deity associated
with the sky or sun. A multiplicity of celestial powers is suggested
by the Chickasaw who told John Wesley that they regarded “ four

® Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 79. ®3 Tbid., pp. 17-18. *Tbid., p. 60.

248 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

Beloved Things above; the clouds, the sun, the clear sky, and He
that lives in the clear sky.” ° Adair’s references to Ababinili all
indicate solar or celestial associations. He calls him ‘“ Loak-Ishto-
hoollo-Aba,” “the great holy fire above,” and says that he “resides
(as they think) above the clouds, and on earth also with unpolluted
people. He is with them the sole author of warmth, light, and of
all animal and vegetable life.”°® In another place he remarks,
“they worship God, in a smoke and cloud, believing him to reside
above the clouds, and in the element of the, supposed, holy annual
fire.” °? And, again: “ Though they believe the upper heavens to
be inhabited by Ishtohoollo Aba, and a great multitude of inferior
good spirits, yet they are firmly persuaded that the divine omni-
present Spirit of fire and light resides on the earth, in their annual
sacred fire while it is unpolluted; and that he kindly accepts their
lawful offerings, if their own conduct is agreeable to the old divine
law, which was delivered to their forefathers.” **

To this point the excerpts merely suggest a solar deity, but else-
where the same author quotes a Chickasaw seer to the effect that “ he
very well knew, the giver of virtue to nature resided on earth in the
unpolluted holy fire, and likewise above the clouds and the sun,
in the shape of a fine fiery substance, attended by a great many
beloved people.” °° Here the supreme being is differentiated from
the sun, and perhaps we are to understand by the “fine fiery sub-
stance” the shining, overarching sky. This view is strengthened
by the unimpressive idea of the solar body which the Chickasaw
high priest in Adair’s time entertained. “It might possibly,” he
said, “be as broad and round as his winter-house; but he thought
it could not well exceed it.” °

In the absence of proof that the Chickasaw had a busk ceremonial
or anything corresponding to it, I hardly know how to interpret the
references to the ceremonial fire, though they have applicability in
the case of the Creeks. Sacred fires were so common in the South-
east, however, that it is probable the Chickasaw kindled them at
times.

Tn one place Adair calls the supreme being “ Ishtohoollo Aba Eloa ”
(the big holy one above who thunders) ,** and he says that the power
of distributing rain at his pleasure “belonged only to the great be-
loved thundering Chieftain, who dwells far above the clouds, in the

& Jones, Hist. of Savaunah, p, 85.

6 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 19.

® Tbid., p. 35.

68 Tbid., p. 116.

% Tbid., pp. 92-93.

Thid., p. 19.

™ See Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur, Amer, Ethn., pp. 33-74; 546-613.
72 Adair, op. cit., p. 94.

SWANTON] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL 249

new year’s unpolluted holy fire.’“* On this subject he enlarges
elsewhere as follows:

The Indians call the lightning and thunder Hloha [Hiloha is thunder},
and its rumbling noise, Rowah, ... and the Indians believe . . . that Minggo
Ishto Eloha Alkaiasto, “the great chieftain of the thunder, is very cross or
angry when it thunders,” and have heard them say, when it rained, thundered,
and blew sharp, for a considerable time, that the beloved, or holy people, were
at war above the clouds. And they believe that the war at such times is
moderate, or hot, in proportion to the noise and violence of the storm.

I have seen them in these storms fire off their guns, pointed toward the sky;
some in contempt of heaven and others through religion—the former to show
that they were warriors and not afraid to die in any shape; much less afraid
of that threatening, troublesome noise, and the latter because their hearts
directed them to assist Ishtohoolo Eloha.**

From the above quotations we learn that the supreme spirit was
accompanied by a number of subordinate spirits. Adair states that
the Chickasaw called these “ Hottuk Ishtohoollo ” [Hatak ishto holo,
holy great persons]|.” With them he contrasts the “ Hottuk ook-
proose” [Hatak okpulosi], or “ Nana ookproose” [Nana okpulosi],
“very bad men,” or “very bad people,” who, he says, were supposed
to inhabit the dark regions of the west.7° Further on will be found
a reference to a Thunder being who seemingly had no connection
with the Sky God.

The respect entertained for fire in general is thus enlarged upon
by the same writer when he has occasion to describe native methods
of deadening the trees and clearing fields:

With these trees they always kept up their annual holy fire; and they reckon
it unlawful, and productive of many temporal evils, to extinguish even the
culinary fire with water. In the time of a storm, when I have done it, the
kindly women were in pain for me, through fear of the ill consequences attend-
ing so criminal an act. I never saw them to damp the fire, only when they
hung up a brand in the appointed place, with a twisted grape-vine, as a
threatening symbol of torture and death to the enemy; or when their kinsman
dies. In the last case, a father or brother of the deceased takes a firebrand,
and brandishing it two or three times round his head, with lamenting words,
he with his right hand dips it into the water and lets it sink down.”

In the woods certain beings were supposed to live which had the
appearance of men 10 feet or more in height and with long arms but
small heads. They carried off women, but most Indians thought
they seldom attacked men. However, one informant claimed that
they sometimes killed and flayed men, and from this circumstance
derived their name to"fa, which means “to skin.” They could run
very fast. Some were stronger than men; some not so strong. They

7 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 92. %Tbid., p. 36.
74 Tbid., p. 65. 7 Tbid., p. 405.

55231°—28. 17

250 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BTH. ANN. 44

were seen by doctors and sometimes by hunters, as elsewhere de-
scribed.”

The iyaginasha“ were little people, only about 3 feet tall. They
were also seen at times by doctors and hunters. They carried some
people off and made doctors of them, and they taught others how to
get deer, since they were experts in pursuing game. In this they
were quite different from the lo"fas, who would drive deer away
from the hunters and hide them. Still, the Chickasaw would soon
move away from a place if they thought there were iyaganasha
about. The following information regarding them was obtained for
me by Zeno McCurtain:

STORY OF THE INVISIBLE LITTLE PEOPLE (TYAGANACA)

These little people lived at a certain time, but everyone could not see them.
They did not live in all places, but sometimes under high banks or along a
branch which had such high banks. It was necessary for their preservation
that most other people should not be able to see them. They, on their part,
could see everybody, but they showed themselves to few. When they saw
a person whom they liked, a man in good health, dreaming good dreams, they
would make a doctor out of him. Having selected him, they would lead him
off into the woods where others could not find him. People might be in search
of him and close to the place where he was, but they would not see him.
After a certain time, however, the little people would conduct him to a place
near his home and tell him to return to his family. Sometimes, when a child
disappeared, the people knew that the little people had carried him off and
they would not trouble to look for him for several days, knowing who had him
and that they would bring him back.

When a person who had been carried off in this manner returned he would
not tell his friends where he had been or whom he had been with, for the
little people warned him against divulging anything. The little people told
him that if he related what he had seen, or told where he had been he would
fall sick, forget all he had learned, and never become a doctor, but otherwise
he would’ become whatever the little people had trained him for. He generally
bceame a good doctor.

The little people were believed to be powerful, though some denied that
they had any existence. They had their own way of living, like other crea-
tures, but no one could tell what it was except the persons who had been
made doctors by them. It was said that when they were travelling along
and came to the bank of a large creek they would jump across it as if it
were a small branch. If a human being happened to be with them, and found
that he was unable to cross, one of the little people would leap back, take
him by the arm, and swing him over. But when they came to a little branch
the little people could not spring over and the man would assist them across
in the same way. The worst enemy of these pygmies was the wasp. When
they found a wasp’s nest anywhere they made elaborate preparations to
attack it. If a wasp stung one of them he would surely die. A human being

™ See pp. 200-201.
7™This word seems to be compounded of yakni, ‘“ earth,’ and a®ca, “to sit,” or ‘to
dwell.”

SWANTON] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL 251

who might be with them would go to the nest and knock it down with a stick,
and the little people would then think that he could perform miracles.

Whenever they took a man away in order to instruct him, they would first
test him to see whether he would divulge anything. If they found that he
was easily excited and would let things slip out, they would not teach him
anything, but if they discovered that he was strong minded they would teach
him because that was the kind of man they wanted. One way they had of
testing a man was to leave him all alone in the evening when they camped and
then send some one back to attempt to scare him. If he withstood all such
tests he was selected as one who could be trusted.

If a person had been made a doctor by the little people, the fact was betrayed
by his actions, but if one who had been with them told anything about them
he would become of little use to himself or anybody else, because the power
that they had given him would be taken away.

When a person got lost and these little people found him, they usually led
him along to a place which was familiar to him. When they took a child away
and instructed him, the child would not begin to follow their instructions until
he had grown up.

Some doctors like to talk about the little people and describe their doings,
but those are not good doctors. When a doctor was not careful about what he
had been taught, talked of what he could do, and tried to do it, he was some-
times looked upon as a wizard and sometimes they wanted to kill him. Witch
doctors owe their origin to the little people, and at times many innocent people
suffer because of them. They are in the habit of lying in order to increase
their pay while real doctors generally tell what is true.

A third being of the forest was called tiboli. It was about the size
of a man and had an arm shaped like a club, with which it pounded
on trees. ‘These creatures did so only in winter, and my informant
claimed to have heard the noise made by them very often.

A horned snake called sint-holo (“sacred snake”) lived along big
creeks or in caves. Not all persons could see these snakes, but some-
times a boy would get near one of them or even see him, and when
this happened people said the snake would cause him to be wiser
than other people. These snakes often moved from one stream to
another, and it was claimed that they would make it rain in order to
raise the rivers so that they could leave their hiding places with more
facility. Such snakes harmed neither people nor cattle. The sint-
holo is said to have made a noise like thunder. Once a hunter dis-
covered a sint-holo fighting with the Thunder. Each of the con-
testants begged for help, and finally he decided in favor of the
Thunder and shot the snake. The Thunder told him to run as soon
as he had done this, and as he did so he heard thunder behind him and
saw lightning flashing about. He climbed a hill, when water from
the creek rushed after him and nearly caught him, but he escaped.
My informants knew nothing about the thunder-bird, nor any story
bearing on the rainbow. The galaxy was called ofi’ to‘bi ihina,
“the white dog’s road,” but no story about it was remembered.

252 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

Another big snake was called nickin-fitcik (‘* eye-star”) because it
had a single eye in the middle of its forehead. If anything passed in
front of its lair the snake would catch it, but none have been seen in
the western country.

There were formerly many tie-snakes, some with bodies half a foot
through. If one of these came upon the trail of a hunter, it followed
him, making a great noise. If a person were caught, as happened
in at least one instance, the snake would wrap itself about his body
and crush him to death; but one could escape from this snake by run-
ning a short distance and turning back on the same track, running
on and repeating the operation, meantime shouting for the ‘other
hunters to assemble and dispatch his pursuer.

My informants had not heard of the water panther or the sharp-
breasted snake, beings which figure in Creek mythology.

When an Indian killed a snake he would say, “ Well, I helped you
all I could, but the One-above (or Father-above) has come and killed
you and I throw you away.” Anciently fear of snakes seems to have
been very much greater, Adair remarking that misfortune was pre-
dicted because he once killed a rattlesnake.”

When Chickasaw Indians heard the screech owl they thought that
witches were about, and they went quickly to the doorway and laid
their moccasins there turned upside down.

The use of charms in the Southeast was so general that it extended
to many of the white traders. Adair says that he “took the foot of a
guinea deer” out of the shot pouch of one of these men “ and another
from my own partner, which they had very safely sewed in the corner
of each of their otter-skin-pouches, to enable them, according to the
Indian creed, to kill deer, bear, buffaloe, beaver, and other wild beasts
in plenty.” *° He also tells us that a beaded string of buffalo hair
was tied by the women around their legs as “a great ornament, as
well as a preservative against miscarriages, hard labor, and other
evils.” §

Sacrifices and taboos were very much interwoven, and the following
observances partake of both:

They sacrifice in the woods, the milt, or a large fat piece of the first buck
they kill, both in their summer and winter hunt; and frequently the whole
earcass. This they offer up, either as a thanksgiving for the recovery of health
and for their former success in hunting; or that the divine care and goodness
may be still continued to them. ... Formerly, every hunter observed the very
same religious economy, but now it is practiced only by those who are the
most retentive of their old religious mysteries. .. .

The common sort of Indians, in these corrupt times, only sacrifice a small
piece of unsalted fat meat, when they are rejoicing in their divine presence,

®” Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 272-273. §1Tbid., p. 169.
50 Ibid., p. 239.

SWANTON] RELIGIOUS BELIEFS IN GENERAL 253

singing Yo Yo, ete. for their success and safety [ in case they have lost none
of their companions | : but... both the war-leader and his religious assistant
go into the woods as soon as they are purified, and there sacrifice the first deer
they kill. ...

They who sacrifice in the woods, do it only on the particular occasions now
mentioned ; unless incited by a dream, which they esteem a monitory lesson of
the Deity.”

Elsewhere he states that “when in the woods the Indians cut a
small piece out of the lower part of the thighs of the deer they kill,
lengthways and pretty deep. Among the great number of venison
hams they bring to our trading houses, I do not remember to have
observed one without it.”** Again, “the Indian women always
throw a small piece of the fattest of the meat into the fire when they
are eating, and frequently before they begin to eat. Sometimes they
view it with a pleasing attention, and pretend to draw omens from
it. They firmly believe such a method to be a great means of pro-
ducing temporal good things and of averting those that are evil.”
He was informed by those whites who had become used to living in
the Indian manner “that the Indian men observe the daily sacrifice
both at home and in the woods with new-killed venison, but that
otherwise they decline it.” °*

The remainder of the material on this subject has already been
given in my report on the Creek Indians, but it is drawn entirely
from Adair and is at least as true of the Chickasaw as of the Creeks.
It may therefore be repeated:

They believe that nature is possessed of such a property as to transfuse into
men and animals the qualities either of the food they use or of those objects
that are presented to their senses. He who feeds on venison is, according to
their physical system, swifter and more sagacious than the man who lives on
the flesh of the clumsy bear or helpless dunghill fowls, the slow-footed tame
cattle, or the heavy wallowing swine. This is the reason that several of their
old men recommend and say that formerly their greatest chieftains observed a
constant rule in their diet and seldom ate of any animal of a gross quality or
heavy motion of body, fancying it conveyed a dullness through the whole system
and disabled them from exerting themselves with proper vigor in their martial,
civil, and religious duties.”

A little farther on he tells us that it was customary in all the Indian tribes
to eat the heart of a slain enemy “in order to inspire them with courage.” He
had seen some of their warriors drink out of a human skull in order to “ imbibe
the good qualities it formerly contained.”

This idea is one of the cardinal principles on which their medicine is built
and was shared by every tribe in America that has been investigated. Adair
introduces it in order to draw a parallel between the taboos of the Israelites
and those of the Indians. but most of the Indian instances which he cites are
to be accounted for in the way explained by him above or because it was

® Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 117-119. Tbid., p. 133.
8sTbid., pp. 137-138. 8 Tbhid., p. 135.
“Ibid. p. 115.

254 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [PTH. ANN. 44

believed that the animal in question would bring on a certain disease, a matter
10 be elaborated presently. Nevertheless it is worth while to take note of the
things from which they abstained in his time, even though we fail to discover
in that traces of a Jewish origin. He says that they refused to eat all birds of
prey and birds of night, and a little further on he mentions specifically eagles,
ravens, crows, buzzards, swallows, bats, and every species of owl. He also adds
flies, mosquitoes, and gnats. They did not eat carnivorous animals or such as
lived on nasty food, as hogs, wolves, panthers, foxes, cats, mice, rats. All beasts
of prey except the bear were “unhallowed”’; also all amphibious quadrupeds,
horses, fowls, moles, the opossum, and all kinds of reptiles.“ He says that the
old traders could remember when they first began to eat beaver.*

Hogs and domestic fowls were probably tabooed at first because strange to
the Indians and in the case of the hog because it is a heavy, awkward looking
animal and might communicate such properties to the eater.

“When swine were first brought among them, they deemed it such a horrid
abomination in any of their people to eat that filthy and impure food, that they
excluded the criminal from all religious communion in their circular town-
house, or in their quadrangular holy ground at the annual expiation of sins,
equally as if he had eaten unsanctified fruits. After the yearly atonement was
made at the temple, he was indeed readmitted to his usual privileges.” ©

From want of any independent information on this point this must be left
without comment. Of course, Adair is anxious to make the most of such a
taboo in his desire to establish a Hebrew origin for his red friends, and this is
naturally extended to the opossum, after which the Indians named the hog.
Still, what he says may be true, that ‘‘several of the old Indians assure us,
they formerly reckoned it as filthy uneatable an animal, as a hog.”” The
instances which Adair gives in proof of the existence of these taboos all tend
to prove that they abstained from them generally for fear of some disease or
limitation which the animal might communicate. He says that they abstained
from swallowing flies, mosquitoes, or gnats because they believed that they
bred sickness or worms, “according to the quantity that goes into them.” ”*
Upon one oceasion Adair shot a small fat hawk which he strongly importuned
an old woman to take and dress, but although there was no meat of any kind
in camp, “she, as earnestly refused it for fear of contracting pollution, which
she called the ‘accursed sickness,’ supposing disease would be the necessary
effect of such an impurity.”"’ Again he says that “they abhor moles so ex-
ceedingly that they will not allow their children even to touch them for fear
of hurting their eyesight ; reckoning it contagious.” ™

Other food taboos mentioned by Adair are against eating an animal that had
died of itself, a young animal newly weaned, and blood. The first of these
may be commended as a taboo of real medicinal value and the reason given by
themselves, that the animal might have died of a contagious disease, is just
as valid to-day. Adair has the following to say regarding this taboo.

“None of them will eat any animal whatsoever if they either know or suspect
that it died of itself. I lately asked one of the women the reason of throwing
a dung-hill fowl out of doors on the cornhouse; she said that she was afraid,
Oophe Abecka Hakset Illeh, ‘it died with the distemper of the mad dogs,’ and
that if she had eaten it it would have affected her in the very same manner.
I said, if so, she did well to save herself from danger, but at the same time it
seemed she had forgotten the cats. She replied, ‘that such impure animals

st Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 16, 130-134. %Tpid., p. 131.
8 Tbid., p. 132. 2 Tbid., pp. 130-131.
0 Tbid., p. 133. 8 Tbid., p. 133.

Tbhid., p. 16.

SWANTON] THE FATE OF SOULS 255

would not contract the accursed sickness on account of any evil thing they eat,
but that the people who ate of the flesh of the swine that fed on such polluting
food, would certainly become mad.’ ”

“Tn the year 1766 a madness seized the wild beasts in the remote woods of
West Florida, and about the same time the domestic dogs were attacked with
the like distemper; the deer were equally infected. The Indians in their win-
ter’s hunt, found several lying dead, some in a helpless condition, and others
fierce and mad. But though they are all fond of increasing their number of
deerskins, both from emulation and for profit, yet none of them durst venture
to flay them, lest they should pollute themselves and thereby incur bodily evils.
The headman of the camp told me he cautioned one of the Hottuk Hakse, who
had resided a long time at Savannah, from touching such deer, saying to him
Chehaksimma, “Do not become vicious and mad,” for Isse Hakset Illehtahah,
‘the deer were mad and are dead’; adding that if he acted the part of
Hakse he would cause both himself and the rest of the hunting camp to be
spoiled; nevertheless he shut his ears against his honest speech and brought
those dangerous deerskins to camp. But the people would not afterward asso-
ciate with him, and he soon paid dear for being Hakse by a sharp-splintered
root of a cane running almost through his foot, near the very place where he
first polluted himself; and he was afraid some worse ill was in wait for him.” *

Adair is also very insistent regarding the blood taboo, and cites the case of
a woman who believed “she had Abeeka Ookproo, ‘the accursed sickness,’ be-
cause she had eaten a great many fowls after the manner of the white people
with the Jssish Ookproo, ‘accursed blood, in them.’ Afterwards she would
never eat fowls unless they had been bled to death.” This must also be left
unverified. While there was probably truth in it, it is doubtful whether it had
the importance attributed to it by Adair, who is again anxious to make a point
for his Hebrew theory. The taboo against eating a newly weaned animal is
probably correct, since one kind of disease was traced to such an animal in
later times. .. Adair says that the old men not merely refrained from eating
it but thought “ they would suffer damage even by the bare contact.” ™

He also cites instances of Indians refusing to eat with the traders for fear of
pollution,” but this was less on account of the whites themselves than what
might be contained in their dishes. Taboos were so numerous with the old-time
Indians that parallels with the taboos of any other nation could be found
without a great deal of difficulty.

An interesting statement was made to me in connection with
dreams. It was said that only those dreams were prophetic which

impressed the sleeper so profoundly that he did not forget them or
did not forget them readily; other dreams were of no consequence.

THE FATE OF SOULS

Creek and Chickasaw beliefs regarding a post-mortem state of
existence seem to have been practically the same, and therefore I
will again quote from the sections of my Creek report dealing with
this subject, the authorities there used having been equally familiar
with the usages of the two peoples.

™ Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 131-132. 'Tbid.,, Dp; 136.
Tbid., p. 135. Tbid., pp. 133-134.

256 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

Adair is probably correct in attributing fatalistic beliefs to the southern
Indians as to the time when each man’s life was to come to an end. He says
that they had a common proverb “ Neetak Intdhdh [Ni‘tak intaha], ‘The days
appointed, or allowed him, were finished’ [the days finished for him]. And
this is their firm belief; for they affirm, that there is a fixt time, and place,
when, and where, every one must die, without any possibility of averting it.
They frequently say, ‘Such a one was weighed on the path, and made to be
light.’ ”

He also says that many believed marriages to be equally fated.”

We learn from Adair, in places already quoted, that the Chicksaw discharged
guns and whooped in order to drive the ghost of a dead man to his fixed
abode, but that it was believed that if he had been slain in war his soul would
haunt the eaves of the house until equal blood had been shed for him.* All
accounts agree that after the soul had been induced to leave the neighborhood
of his living relatives he traveled westward, passed under the sky and pro-
ceeded upward upon it to the land of The One Above or the Breath Holder.
The name “ spirits’ road” given to the milky way shows that this was regarded
as the trail upon which souls ascended.

The last-mentioned writer says that the good spirits of the world above attend
and favor the virtuous while the bad spirits in the west accompany and have
power over the vicious,’ but this probably gives a somewhat distorted view of
the actual native belief. It is probable that the good spirits of which he
speaks included most of those who became human helpers, whether in the sky
or in other parts of the universe, while the bad spirits were the ghosts of the
dead, or at any rate spirits associated with the western world, through which
the soul first passed. This is suggested by what he tells us immediately after-
wards. ‘On which account, when any of their relations die, they immediately
fire off several guns, by one, two, and three at a time, for fear of being plagued
with the last troublesome neighbors [i. e., the evil spirits of the west]: all
the adjacent towns also on the occasion, whoop and halloo at night; for they
reckon this offensive noise sends off the ghosts to their proper fixed places till
they return at some certain time, to repossess their beloved tract of land, and
enjoy their terrestrial paradise.” The good spirits could be attached to indi-
viduals somewhat like the personal manitous of the Algonkian Tribes. This
is made evident in the case of the Chickasaw by Adair, who says: “ Several
warriors have told me that their Nana Ishtohoollo, ‘concomitant holy spirits,’
or angels, have forewarned them, as by intuition, of a dangerous ambuscade,
which must have been attended with certain death, when they were alone, and
seemingly out of danger; and by virtue of the impulse they immediately darted
off, and with extreme difficulty escaped the crafty pursuing enemy.” *

Adair is our only early authority for the expected ultimate return of souls
to earth,’ but there apepars to be no good reason to doubt that such an idea
prevailed with certain Indians, and he is confirmed by the Chickasaw inter-
viewed on Schoolecraft’s behalf during the middle of last century. “They
believe,” he says, “that the spirits of all the Chickasaws will go back to
Mississippi and join the spirits of those that have died there; and then all
the spirits will return to the west before the world is destroyed by fire.” °

*8 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 33. 8 Ibid.
S'Tbid.; ip: 26: 4Tbid., p. 37.
1 Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. 1, p. 310. 5Ibid., pp. 178, 182, 397.

? Adair, op. cit., p. 36. ® Schoolcraft, op. cit., p. 310.

SWANTON] BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW 257
DANCES

The following dances are remembered :

Akanka, hita’, ‘‘ chicken dance,”’ having four songs.

Bala’ hilta’, ‘‘ bean dance,’’ with five songs.

Fala hita’, “ crow dance,” with four songs.

Foteo hita’, * duck dance,” with four songs.

Hatecfintefiba’ hila’, “ alligator dance,” with three songs.

IckObo tokolo’ hita’, “ double-headed dance,” with one song.

Iso"e homa hita’, “ red ant dance,” with three songs.

Tti*sanali hita’, “‘ dance in which they danced against each other,’
songs.

Kofe hita’, “ quail dance,” with four songs.

Liksi hita’, “turtle dance,” with five songs.

Nani kalo hila’, ‘‘garfish dance,’’ with three songs.

Nitak cobdli hita’, ‘‘beating-on-a-bearskin-hide dance,’’ with six songs.

Nita hita’, “bear dance.” *

Ofe’ hilta’, “‘dog dance,” with five songs.

Okaicko’ hila’, “ drunken man’s dance,’ with ten songs.

Sinti’ hita’, “snake dance,” with three songs.

Sipokni hia’, “‘ old dance,” with one song.

Soba hita’, “ horse dance,” with four songs.

Catani hita’, “‘tick dance,’’ with eight songs repeated four times.

Cawi hita’, “raccoon dance,” with four songs.

Tealok loka’ hita’, “ turkey dance,’ with three songs.

Teukfi hita’, ‘rabbit dance.” *

Takha hita’, “catfish dance,’”’ with three songs.

Tantci hita’, “‘corn dance,”’ with three songs.

Yanac hita’, “buffalo dance,’’ with four songs.

’ with four

The dancing was usually at night, and they began with the
“ drunken man’s dance ” and ended with the “old dance,’ which was
sometimes gone through after sunup. In the first the men and women
would form two opposing lines. The women would then dance forward
until close to the men and dance back, the men following, and they
would alternately move forward and back as long as the dance lasted.
The men and women sang together in this dance and the women also
sang in the chicken, tick, and bean dances, but not in the others.
Like the Creek women, they wore terrapin-shell rattles on their
calves, but no other rattles are said to have been used at their dances,
though there was always a drum.

In the corn dance men and women were in two opposing lines and
when the lines approached the women were privileged to snatch
handkerchiefs or other objects from the men or to pull their hair,
and no resistance could be offered. When they danced in a circle,
they usually went sinistrally. In the snake dance they went round
first in sinistral circuit and then in dextral circuit. The bean dance

7 Mentioned by Speck in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 55.

258 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN, 44

was one of those in which they passed entirely round the fire and the
house. These three dances and the bison dance were among the ones
used in the Pishofa. The Pishofa dances alone were kept up in later
years, the others having been abandoned about 1882, except for some
sporadic attempts to revive them by some of the young people, who,
however, did not know how to execute them properly.

THE PISHOFA CEREMONY

The most important ceremony known to the Chickasaw, in later
times at least, was the Pishofa dance.s The earliest mention of this
is in the following excerpt from Schoolcraft :

When they are sick they send for a doctor (they have several among them) ;
after looking at the sick awhile, the family leave him and the sick alone. He
then commences singing and shaking a gourd over the patient. This is done,
not to cure, but to find out what is the matter, or disease; as the doctor sings
several songs he watches closely the patient, and finds out which song pleased ;
then he determines what the disease is; he then uses herbs, roots, steaming,
and conjuring; the doctor frequently recommends to have a large feast (which
they call Tonsh-pa-shoo-phah) ; if the Indian is tolerably well off, and is sick
for two or three weeks, they may have two or three Tonsh-pa-shoo-phahs. They
eat, dance, and sing at a great rate at these feasts; the doctors say that it
raises the spirits of the sick and weakens the evil spirit.”

The doctor who presided at a Pishofa dance is said by Speck to
have been chosen by the prophet of the sick man’s moiety.t° The
ceremony proper did not begin until the last day of the treatment,
which is reported sometimes to have been the third day and some-
times the fourth.

It took place ordinarily in the yard of the patient, which, like
every other Chickasaw house yard, was kept clear of grass, weeds,
and similar small growths. The door of the house normally faced
east, and if it happened to be directed toward any other quarter the
ceremony took place elsewhere in a house with eastern outlook. Dur-
ing the entire time of the ceremony, until the evening of the last
day, a fire was kept burning in front of the door, usually at the
edge of the yard, but nearer if the doctor so ordered. One informant
spoke as if it were occasionally in the northeastern corner of the
yard, and instead of occupying one spot it was sometimes extended
along a line parallel with the front of the house. Again there might
be two fires, one in the northeastern corner of the yard and one in
the southeastern corner. The fire was kept supplied with fuel by
the doctor’s tishu or assistant.

8The name is abbreviated from Ta"ci at picofa, “the corn is hulled.” Speck (Jour.
Am, Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 54) is thus in error in translating it ‘a fast”; in fact, there
was no fasting. It was a feast and dance,

®* Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vol. 1, p. 310.

10 Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 54.

SWANTON] THE PISHOFA CEREMONY 259

Between the door and the fires, by the direction of the doctor, certain
objects were placed, supposed to be of great assistance in combating
the disease. These were usually wands of prescribed number, size,
pattern, and disposition, and there were infinite varieties, depending
on the system of the doctor who had been employed and the nature
of the sickness. At times the wands appear to have been halfway
between the door and the fire, but more often they were about the
fire—or about the fires in case there were two. The wands were
usually painted, sometimes all over, sometimes only at the upper
ends, and ribbons were frequently attached to the tops. One in-
formant mentioned two wands painted red at the tips, one having
a red ribbon tied to it at the upper end and one a black ribbon.
Another saw three wands in use, a longer pole close to the fire, capped
with eagle feathers, and in the line marked out by this pole, the
fire, and the door, two shorter wands. ‘At the top of the one nearest
the long pole was tied a blue ribbon and a feather; at the top of the
other a blue ribbon and a red ribbon. In certain sicknesses they
put up four poles, about 4 feet in length, painted in different colors,
and ornamented with variously colored ribbons. Again they might
erect a single tall pole in the very center of the open space. Instead
of ribbons, the wings of owls were at times fastened to the poles,
and the species of trees from which the wands were taken also varied.
The single tall pole, as employed on one occasion at least, was willow.
The shorter wands might be of willow, cedar, persimmon, or cther
wood. At times a human figure about 6 inches long, carved out of
wood and with the face painted red and black, was substituted for
the poles. Four men, called tishu, were appointed guardians of the
yard, to see that no human being, themselves excepted, or any animal
passed between the fire and the house door.

The patient was seated just inside the door facing out and the
doctor took his station immediately behind him. The medicine,
consisting of various roots and barks steeped in water, was in an
earthen bowl close at hand. The doctor blew into this through a
reed, sang the song which went with that particular remedy, and then
drew some of the medicine into his mouth and blew it upon the
patient. This was repeated four times, and afterwards, Speck states,
the dregs were heaped upon the sufferer’s head. Speck also says
that one of the doctor’s helpers stood near the medicine armed with
a small bow and arrows which latter he discharged into the medicine
at intervals, whenever he suspected that unfavorable spirits were near
who might detract from its power.’? He also says that an emetic
was administered before giving the medicine proper.* In treating
the “hot sickness” the doctor accompanied his song with a gourd
rattle.

n Op. cit., p. 55. » Tbid. 18 Thid,

260 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [PTH. ANN. 44

A treatment was given early in the morning and it was repeated
later in the forenoon and twice in the afternoon. Four is the magic
number throughout most of the Southeast and therefore there were
probably but four treatments in all, though one of my informants
thought there might be six. Four treatments were also given on the
second day and four on the third.

At noon on the last day of the ceremony those who were to take
part in the dance—according to Speck, those who belonged to the
clan, or rather the house group, of the patient’s moiety—assembled
and feasted until night. The food was usually prepared by two
women, especially appointed for the purpose, at a second fire near
the southeast corner of the yard and directly south of the ceremonial
fire. The feasters sat in two rows, one on each side of the line be-
tween the fire and the door, the women on one side and the men on the
other. A split log was laid down for each and the food was placed
on the ground in front of them. At sundown the fire was built up
higher and the dance began, continuing all night. The fire was not
maintained all night, however, unless the weather was cold; other-
wise they let it die out and continued dancing by the light of the
moon. In the middle of the open space or by the fire sat a man with
a drum made of a keg with a deerskin stretched over the open end.
The women seldom sang but they wore on their calves rattles made
of terrapin shells containing pebbles and covered with bison hide.
The dance leader was called tikba héka. Some doctors specified
that the dance must begin in the middle of the open space; others
had it start at the door, the women coming round from one side
and the men from the other. Dancing was confined for the most part
to the space between the house and the fire, but as the night wore on
the participants would vary it by completely encircling the fire and
even the house, as in the bean dance.

Speck has the following to say regarding these dances:

The order is single file, with the leader at the head, all the rest stepping in
unison with their bodies inclined forward. The leader wears a feather or
some symbol to indicate the animal to which the dance is addressed. He sings
the song of that dance, for the most part composed of meaningless syllables, a
sort of chorus being taken up by the other dancers in response to the first
trophy. The dances are propitiatory and are also performed as prayers to the
various animal deities and totems for the relief of the afflicted person. The
first dance of the Picéfa is named from the animal that is believed to be
responsible for the patient’s trouble. This is to strengthen the medicine... .
Dancers paint their cheeks and forehead red; the chief shaman, however, is
usually unadorned.

The dancing is continued until sunrise, then the shaman’s assistant and
three or four others take an emetic, but must have finished with it before the
sun appears. They then take a bath, and the ceremony is concluded. It is
considered a grave offense, frequently punishable by death, for a member of

SWANTON] THE PISHOFA CEREMONY 261

one group [or moiety] to be present at the Picdéfa of the other group, as his
presence would nullify the good effect of the ceremony.”

The vigorous actions of the dancers were supposed to communi-
cate strength to their kinsman, and every effort was made to have
him sit up so as to receive the full benefit of it and assist it by the
exertion of his own powers. When the dancers scattered at the end
of the ceremony it was believed that the disease would tend to become
scattered also, each participant taking a part of it with him. It is
furthermore said that the doctor sometimes transferred the disease
to a piece of meat in the stew served to the feasters, this meat being
taken from the bird whose feathers were used on the wands, and
that whoever got that piece would carry the disease off with him.
When the dance broke up, or, according to some, after the fourth
dance, the doctor’s waiters (tishu) ran to the wands or other sacred
objects about the fire and seized them. They then ran with them to
the ceremonial fire, jumped over it, and carried them 20 or 30 paces
beyond it or as much farther as the doctor had directed, and there
threw them away. This action was also supposed to remove the
disease from the patient. For three days after this dance the sick
man must not expose himself to the public gaze. :

Evidently the doctors had regard to possible fatal consequences
for themselves should the patient die, for it is said that if he were
very low no one could be gotten to treat him.

Some say that the Choctaw formerly had dances like these, but I
think their own ancient ceremonies differed, though they may some-
times have imitated Chickasaw rites.

Adair thus records a dance supposed to be efficacious in keeping
away evil spirits and wizards:

In the summer season of the year 1746 I chanced to see the Indians playing
at a house of the former Missisippi-Nachee, on one of their old sacred musical
instruments. It pretty much resembled the Negroe-Banger in shape but far
exceeded it in dimensions, for it was about five feet long and a foot wide on
the head-part of the board, with eight strings made out of the sinews of a
large buffalo. But they were so unskillful in acting the part of the Lyrick
that the Loache, or prophet, who held the instrument between his feet and
alongside of his chin, took one end of the bow, whilst a lusty fellow held the
other; by sweating labour they scraped out such harsh, jarring sounds as
might have been reasonably expected by a soft ear to have been sufficient to
drive out the devil if he lay anywhere hid in the house. When I afterward
asked him the name and the reason of such a strange method of diversion, he
told me the dance was called Keetla Ishto Hoollo, “a dance to or before the
great holy one”;*” that it kept off evil spirits, witches, and wizards from the
red people and enabled them to ordain elderly men to officiate in holy things,
as the exigency of the times required.

“4 Speck, op. cit., pp. 55-56.
16 Hita ishto holo, “ dance of the spirit or spirits’; hita, ‘“‘dance’’; ishto, ‘* big”; holo,
what is “ holy,” “sacred,” or “ supernatural.”

262 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [WEH, ANN. 44

He who danced to it kept his place and posture in a very exact manner, with-
out the least perceivable variation, yet by the prodigious working of his muscles
and nerves he in about half an hour foamed in a very extraordinary manner,
and discontinued it proportionally till he recovered himself.”

Under the heading of ceremonies Speck gives the following:

Another ceremony of a less formal nature is cognate to the elaborate town
ceremonies of the Creek and Yuchi held in connection with harvesting the first
green corn of the season. When the Chickasaw community is ready to gather
the first corn, broken sticks are sent throughout the region to each family,
indicating the number of days to pass before the ceremony is to occur. Each
morning a stick is thrown away until only one remains. This is the day of
the event. On this day every one fasts until high noon. Then each member of
the household drinks an emetic made of the red root (hiakcie himima, root red),
concluding with a feast of the fresh roasting ears.

At certain times during the summer communities gather together to secure
quantities of fish, which they do by throwing vegetable poisons into the water
and shooting the stupefied fish with bows and arrows. Such gatherings are
frequently the occasions of dancing and gaming.”

To what extent the Creek busk was adopted by the Chickasaw is a
difficult question. Certainly Adair gives a description of a busk
ceremony which seems to have been quite elaborate, and as the native
ewords he cites in connection with this are Chickasaw, the natural
inference is that he is describing a Chickasaw ceremony.'® However,
it is strange that there is no other mention of such a ceremony except
the brief note by Speck. The ceremony described by Adair may
have been in that Chickasaw town which was established among the
Upper Creeks in the eighteenth century. It would seem as if the
ceremony must have been adopted from the Creeks and subsequently
dropped.

Adair also describes the ceremony of the black drink as if it were
in vogue among the Chickasaw.'® In another place he refers to social
dances similar to those noted among the Creeks, though he places
them in the spring of the year. He says:

Every spring season, one town or more of the Missisippi Floridians, keep a
great solemn feast of love, to renew their old friendship. They call this annual
feast, Hottuk Aimpa, Heettla, Tania [hatak aiimpa, hita, tanaa], “the people
eat, dance, and walk as twined together.”* The short name of their yearly
feast of love is Hottuk Impania, ‘eating by a strong religious, or social
principle.” oar

They assemble three nights previous to their annual feast of love; on the

fourth night they eat together. During the intermediate space, the young men
and women dance in circles from the evening till morning. The men masque

1% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 175.

7 Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, vol. xx, p. 56.

18 Adair, op. cit., pp. 96-111; copied in Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.,
pp. 590-601, 606-607.

” Adair, op. cit., pp. 46-48; copied in Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer, Ethn.,
pp. 589-540.

*°Tana means to knit, weave, or plait.

*1 There seems to be no special religious connotation in these words.

SWANTON] DOCTORING AND MEDICINES 263

their faces with large pieces of gourds of different shapes and hieroglyphic
paintings. Some of them fix a pair of young buffalo horns to their head; others
the tail, behind. When the dance and their time is expired, the men turn out a
hunting, and bring in a sufficient quantity of venison, for the feast of renewing
their love, and confirming their friendship with each other. The women dress it,
and bring the best they have along with it; which a few springs past, was only a
variety of Esau’s small red acorn pottage, as their crops had failed. When
they have eaten together, they fix in the ground a large pole with a bush tied
at the top, over which they throw a ball. Till the corn is in, they meet there
almost every day, and play for venison and cakes, the men against the women ;
which the old people say they have observed for time out of mind.”

DOCTORING AND MEDICINES

The doctors mentioned in connection with the Pishofa ceremony
seem to have had official positions in the clan or house group similar
to that enjoyed by the priestly class among the Creeks. This is
plainly indicated by the subjoined quotation from Adair:

Ishtohoollo is the name of all their priestly order, and their pontifical office
descends by inheritance to the eldest: those friend-towns, which are firmly con-
federated in their exercises and plays, never have more than one Archi-magus
at a time. ... They, who have the least knowledge of Indian affairs, know,
that the martial virtues of the savages, obtains them titles of distinction; but
yet their old men, who could searcely correct their transgressing wives, much
less go to war, and perform those difficult exercises, that are esentially needful
in an active warrior, are often promoted to the pontifical dignity, and have great
power over the people, by the pretended sanctity of the office.”

Elsewhere he speaks of a national high priest. “The title of the
old beloved men, or archimagi, is still hereditary in the panther or
tyger family.’** Tt would seem that these priests were forced to
undergo a special fast and purification before taking their posts.

The Indian priests and prophets are initiated by unction. The Chikkasah
some time ago set apart some of their old men of the religious order. They first
obliged them to sweat themselves for the space of three days and nights, in a
small green hut, made on purpose, at a considerable distance from any dvell-
ing; through a scrupulous fear of contracting pollution by contact, or from the
efiluyia of polluted people—and a strong desire of secreting their religious
mysteries. During that interval, they are allowed to eat nothing but green
tobacco, nor to drink anything except warm water, highly imbittered with the
button snakeroot, to cleanse their bodies, and prepare them to serve in their
holy, or beloved office, before the divine essence, whom during this preparation
they constantly invoke by his essential name, as before described. After which,
their priestly garments and ornaments, mentioned under a former argument,
page 84, are put on, and then bear’s oil is poured upon their head.”

Regarding the practice of Chickasaw doctors in general, the same
writer says:

When the Indian physicians visit their supposed irreligious patients they
approach them in a bending posture, with their rattling calabash, preferring

= Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 113-114. “ Tbid., p. 31.
“Tbid., p. 81. = Ibid., p. 122.

264 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

that sort to the North American gourds; and in that bent posture of body they
run two or three times round the sick person, contrary to the course of the sun,
invoking God as already exprest. Then they invoke the raven, and mimic his
ecroaking voice. ... They also place a basin of cold water with some pebbles in
it on the ground near the patient ; then they invoke the fish, because of its cool
element, to cool the heat of the fever. Again, they invoke the eagle (Oodle) ;
they solicit him, as he soars in the heavens, to bring down refreshing things for
their sick and not to delay them, as he can dart down upon the wing quick as
a flash of lightning. They are so tedious on this subject that it would be a task
to repeat it; however, it may be needful to observe that they chuse the eagle
because of its supposed communicative virtues; and that it is according to its
Indian name, a cherubimical emblem, and the king of birds, of prodigious
strength, swiftness of wing, majestic stature, and loving its young ones so
tenderly as to carry them on its back and teach them to fly.”

Adair furnishes us with some further information on medical treat-
ment showing a mixture of the practical and the superstitious in
methods of approach. It was natural that the former should pre-
dominate in disturbances of such obvious origination as wounds.
Adair thus describes the procedure :

The Indians .. . build a small hut at a considerable distance from the houses
of the village for every one of their warriors wounded in war and confine them
there ... for the space of four moons, including that moon in which they
were wounded, as in the case of their women after travail; and they keep
them strictly separate, lest the impurity of the one should prevent the cure
of the other. The reputed prophet, or divine physician, daily pays them a due
attendance, always invoking Yo He Wah to bless the means they apply on the
sad occasion, which is chiefly mountain allum and medicinal herbs, always
injoyning a very abstemious life, prohibiting them women and salt in particu-
lar during the time of the cure, or sanctifying the reputed sinners. Like the
Israelites, they firmly believe that safety or wounds, ete., immediately proceed
from the pleased or angry deity for their virtuous or vicious conduct in obsery-
ing or violating the divine law.

In this long space of purification each patient is allowed only a superannuated
woman to attend him, who is past the temptations of sinning with men, lest
the introduction of a young one should either seduce him to folly ; or she, having
committed it with others—or by not observing her appointed time of living
apart from the rest, might thereby defile the place and totally prevent the cure.
But what is yet more surprising in their physical, or rather theological regi-
men, is that the physician is so religiously cautious of not admitting polluted
persons to visit any of his patients, lest the defilement should retard the cure
or spoil the warriors, that before he introduces any man, even any of their
priests, who are married according to the law, he obliges him to assert either by
a double affirmative or by two negatives that he has not known even his own
wife in the space of the last natural day.”

The native method of treating bites of venomous serpents also
attracted his attention.

I do not remember to have seen or heard of an Indian dying by the bite of a
snake when out at war or a hunting, although they are often bitten by the most
dangerous shakes; everyone carr’es in his shot pouch a piece of the best snake-

26 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 173-174. * Tbid., pp. 124-125.

SWANTON] DOCTORING AND MEDICINES 265

root, such as the Seneeka, or fern snakeroot, or the wild horehound, wild
plantain, St. Andrew’s cross, and a variety of other herbs and roots, which are
plenty and well known to those who range the American woods and are exposed
to such dangers, and will effect a thorough and speedy cure if timely applied.
When an Indian perceives he is struck by a snake he immediately chews some
of the root, and, having swallowed a sufficient quantity of it, he applies some to
the wound, which he repeats as occasion requires and in proportion to the
poison the snake has infused into the wound. For a short space of time there
is a terrible conflict through all the body by the jarring qualities of the burning
poison and the strong antidote, but the poison is soon repelled through the same
channels it entered, and the patient is cured.”

Elsewhere he says that the button-snakeroot was used asa remedy *°
and upon one occasion he “saw the Chikkasah Archi-magus chew
some snakeroot, blow it on his hands, and then take up a rattlesnake
without damage,” though it is not clear whether this medicine was
identical with one of the remedies used in cases of actual bites or had
purely magical efficacy.

He speaks of an aquatic plant, probably a species of yellow-flowered
water lily (Vymphaea), the seeds of which were used as food, and
adds: “It is... reckoned a speedy cure for burning maladies,
either outward or inward—for the former, by an outward application
of the leaf, and for the latter by a decoction of it drank plentifully.” °°

Ginseng, mentioned by him as employed on religious occasions,"
was also a valued remedy. He speaks of the old year’s fire as “a
most dangerous polution,” *? and the north wind as “ very evil and
accursed,” ** though it does not appear in the case of the latter
whether it was because it brought cold weather or some sort of disease.

The black drink (//ex vomitoria) is often mentioned by Adair, but
it is difficult to tell to what extent he is referring to Chickasaw usages
and to what extent to those of the Creeks.**

Adair gives us also an account of the origin and naming of a new
disease. He says:

In 1767 the Indians were struck with a disease which they were unacquainted
with before. It began with sharp pains in the head at the lower part of each of
the ears, and swelled the face and throat in a very extraordinary manner, and also
the testicles. It continued about a fortnight, and in the like space of time went
off gradually, without any dangerous consequence or use of outward or inward
remedies; they called it Wahka Abeeka, “the cattle’s distemper” or sickness.
Some of their young men had by stealth killed and eaten a few of the cattle
which the traders had brought up, and they imagined they had thus polluted
themselves and were smitten in that strange manner, by having their heads,
necks, ete., magnified like the same parts of a sick bull. They first concluded

either to kill all the cattle or send them immediately off their land, to prevent
the like mischief or greater ills from befalling the beloved people—for their

* Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 235-236. =Tbid., p. 22,
* Ibid., p. 1038. % Tbid.
© Ibid., p. 410. *4Tbid., p. 361.

"= Ibid., p. 362.
59231°—28—__18

266 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [WTH. ANN. 44

cunning old physicians or prophets would not undertake to cure them, in order
to inflame the people to execute the former resolution; being jealous of
encroachments and afraid the cattle would spoil their open cornfields; upon
which account, the traders’ arguments had no weight with these red Hebrew
philosophers. But fortunately one of their head warriors had a few cattle soon
presented to him to keep off the wolf; and his reasoning proved so weighty as
to alter their resolution and produce in them a contrary belief.“

My principal informant on the subject of medicine, himself a
doctor, was acquainted with the following diseases and the remedies
used for them:

Sinti abcha, “ snake sickness.” Symptoms: The patient’s stomach
is out of order, he has fever, and his legs are unusually warm up as
far as the knees. Remedy: There was a single herb used in curing
this disease, and it was effective with no other, but my informant
knew no name for it in Chickasaw or English.

Ofe abcka, “ dog disease.” Symptoms: The patient vomits con-
tinually, is unable to keep anything on his stomach. Remedy: An
herb growing on the prairie having a yellow flower, for which the
doctor knew no name.

Tsi abéha, “deer disease.” Symptoms: The jaws and adjacent
parts of the face swell up and sometimes there is toothache. Rem-
edy: A third herb with unknown name, or failing that, a certain
bush.

Sinté homa abéka, “red snake disease.” Symptoms: The legs,
arms, or other parts of the body draw up, sometimes to the extent
of breaking the back. Remedy: “A vine called sarsaparilla,”
growing along creeks and having yellow flowers.

Tyaganaca abcka, “Little people’s disease.” Symptoms: The
patient is out of his head, talks incoherently, and sometimes falls to
the ground like an epileptic. Remedy: The root of the huckleberry
(osik’Oktci).

Holabi abcha,* head sickness.” *°* Symptoms: Headache and some-
times nosebleed. Remedy: The roots of the red willow (hahtok), and
if that can not be found, the roots of the black locust (kate tsa).

Nacoba abéka, “wolf disease.” Symptoms: A pain on the left
side which moves upward into the chest and causes the patient to
vomit. Remedy: A weed called Nita nacodba (bear-wolf) which
grows on the prairie.

Nita abéha, * bear sickness.” Symptoms: Pains in the abdomen,
sometimes extending through the entire body, and loose bowels.
Remedy: The bark of a tree called foshapa (“which birds eat”).
While there are a few of these trees near Red River, there are not
many in the Chickasaw Nation as a whole, but it is plentiful in the
Choctaw Nation.

% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 132.
sa There seems to have been some mistake here. J/dlabi means ‘“ to lie,” or “a lie’;
head is nushkobo.

SWANTON] DOCTORING AND MEDICINES 267

Koni abéka, “skunk sickness.” Symptoms: The bowels move con-
tinually as in dysentery, and may ultimately cause piles. Remedy:
The bark of a tree called iti koni (skunk tree).

Cokha icto abéka, “big hog sickness.” Symptoms: There is a
pain in the breast, the bowels move too freely, and the patient can
scarcely stand erect. Specific: The roots of a plant about 3 feet
high, growing along the banks of streams and bearing numerous
white flowers. It is called hici’ lipa (leaves worn out).

Fani homa abéha, “ved squirrel disease.” Symptoms: Toothache
or swollen jaws and sometimes nosebleed. Specific: Fani cakha
(squirrel’s flag), which is mistletoe.

Fanti abéka, “ squirrel sickness.” Symptoms: Cramp in the neck
which is drawn together, pains being felt all over it. Remedy:
Rotted leaves in the drift on a creek. Another remedy for this
disease was yarrow.

Pale’ abéka, “ heat sickness.” Symptoms: Continuous fever, espe-
cially at night. The Pishhofa dance, described elsewhere, is resorted
to in sickness of this kind. ‘The medicine used consisted of the fol-
lowing plants: Colop titéli (ghost driver), sinti itholonksa’ (“ snake
wind,” so called from its disagreeable odor), hakcie falakto ’ (forked
root—which is sweet anise), pasaktcala’, or in English “ flag,’ and
young cottonwood trees (acomali). These are placed in a pot
with cold water and the whole warmed. When the doctor sang the
song belonging with this remedy he accompanied himself with a
gourd rattle.

Kinta@ abcha,“ beaver sickness.” Symptoms: Dysentery. Remedy:
Acdmala hakcie (cottonwood root) and tanaco (willow (root) ) boiled
together and taken internally.

Ocin abéka, “otter sickness.” Symptoms: Pain in the breast and
through the back, causing the patient to vomit bile; water passed by
him is yellow. This disease is apparently jaundice. Remedy: Ocan
ithi*e (otter medicine), which, from a specimen shown, appears to
be common dock. This was the only remedy for this disease of which
my informant knew.

Vithun abcka, “ mole disease.” Symptoms: Pain in the lower part
of the abdomen and some blood passed with the urine. Remedy:
Black watermelon seeds mashed up, boiled, and taken internally.

O"s?’ abéka,“ eagle disease.” Symptoms: A severe headache which
prevents the patient from exerting himself in any manner; the eyes
are affected and there is a cramp in the back of the head and neck.
Remedy: The ends of cedar limbs (tcowa"hala’) and the elder
(baco"ktci), warmed together in water and placed upon the patient’s
head,

b)

268 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN, 44

Opa abcka, “owl disease.” Symptoms: The eyes are affected and
the patient feels sleepy long before noon. Remedy: Roots of a bush
called caktci imiti’ (crawfish tree), in English “ willow button,”
warmed and placed on the head. They also used colop tikeli, a plant
of the mint family resembling Oswego tea.

Sinti imdma abéka, “ ground rattlesnake disease.” Symptoms:
The joints in the hands and feet swell up and there are very acute
pains there. Remedy: A plant bearing only one leaf, and hence called
hici teafa (one leaf).

Sinti oktcamale: abéka, “blue snake disease.” Symptoms: Itching
which gets worse and is followed by sores when the place is scratched.
Remedy: Take an old rotten corncob lying about in a pen where hogs
are being fattened, burn it, and hold the affected part over the smoke.

Colop anantitci abéka, “ burning ghost disease.” Symptoms: The
feet swell up and big blisters develop upon them. Remedy: Take dirt
from the top of an old grave and heat it in a pan over the fire until
it is absolutely dry. Then apply this dirt to the sores.

Ofonlo abéka, “ screech ow] disease.” Symptoms: The eyes water,
preventing one from seeing well, and they also itch. Remedy: Colop
tiléli iskano “ little ghost driver,” which is pennyroyal, is allowed to
soak in water for a while and is then placed on the forehead.

When not otherwise specified it is to be understood that the part
of the medicinal plant used was the roots which were heated in water.
The doctor also sang a song each time he treated a person. There was
a different song for each disease and the songs of the doctors them-
selves differed from one another.

The red willow, the famous miko hoyanidja of the Creeks, is known
to the Chickasaw as hahtok. It was generally taken toward morning,
after a dance, and then vomited out in order to make one feel strong
and healthy.

The only story of the origin of medicines is that they were believed
to have been given by The One Above in very ancient times.

Regarding rain makers I may as well quote from what I said on
this subject in my report on the Creeks: °°

Some interesting particulars regarding rain makers are also given us by Adair.
According to him, these persons obtained rain by interceding through their con-
jurations with “the bountiful holy Spirit of Fire,” by which he supposes they
refer to the supreme deity of the southern Indians, although in fact it may
lave been the particular being presiding over thunder.” This power of inter-
cession had been established in ancient times and was not exercised merely at
the option of its possessor, but was a duty which he owed to the community
and which the community could demand from him. If he failed he was likely

to be shot dead, because it was supposed that he really had the power but
refused to exercise it and was thus an enemy to the state. However, he fre-

*6 Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer, Ethn., pp. 630-631.
7 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., p. 85.

SWANTON] DOCTORING AND MEDICINES 269

quently saved himself by laying the blame upon lay infractions of the sacred
regulations or taboos—among them the payments which they owed to him—
which rendered his best endeavors unavailing. If the drought were prolonged
as much as two years, a council was held at which they did not fail to discover
that the trouble was due to persistent violations of the taboos by certain indi-
viduals, who were then promptly dispatched. Too much rain might work as
much to the harm of the rain maker as too little, Adair instancing a case of a
Creek rain maker who was shot because the river overflowed their fields to a
great height in the middle of August.“ These men had a transparent stone “ of
supposed great power in assisting to bring down the rain when it is put in a
basin of water,” and this power was supposed to have been passed down to this
one from a stone to which the power had originally been committed. As usual,
this stone could not be exposed to the gaze of the vulgar without losing mightily
in efficacy.” The control of the rain maker extended only to the summer rains
and not to those which fell in winter, and it was believed that this was also of
supernatural ordination. The summer rain had to be sought for; the winter
rain was given unsought. If the seasons were good, the rain maker was paid a
certain proportion of each kind of food. It is amusing to note that, like the
apologist for obsolescent institutions at the present day, the Chickasaw rain
maker with whom Adair conversed took the ground “that though the former
beloved speech had a long time subsided, it was very reasonable that they
should still continue this their old beloved custom; especially as it was both
profitable in supporting many of their helpless old beloved men, and very pro-
ductive of virtue, by awing their young people from violating the ancient laws.” “

Adair thus comments upon the belief in witchcraft among the
Chickasaw of his period:

There are no greater bigots in Europe, nor persons more superstitious, than
the Indians (especially the women), concerning the power of witches, wizards,
and eyil spirits. It is the chief feature of their idle winter nights’ chat; and
both they, and several of our traders, report very incredible and shocking stories.
They will affirm that they have seen, and distinctiy, most surprising appari-
tions, and heard horrid shrieking noises.“

He has preserved for us the following interesting account of an
exorcism to protect the house from evil influences:

In the year 1765, an old physician, or prophet, almost drunk with spirituous
liquors, came to pay me a friendly visit; his situation made him more com-
municative than he would have been if quite sober. When he came to the door,
he bowed himself half bent, with his arms extended north and south, con-
tinuing so perhaps for the space of a minute. Then raising himself erect, with
his arms in the same position, he looked in a wild frightful manner, from the
southwest toward the north, and sung on a low bass key Yo Yo Yo Yo, almost
a minute, then He He He He, for perhaps the same space of time, and Wa Wa
Wa Wa, in like manner; and then transposed and accented those sacred notes
several different ways, in a most rapid guttural manner. Now and then he
looked upwards, with his head considerably bent backward; his song continued
about a quarter of an hour. As my door which was then opened stood east,
his face of course looked toward the west; but whether the natives thus usually
invoke the deity, I can not determine; yet as all their winter houses have their

% Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp. 85-86. 49 Tbid., pp, 84-94.
* Ibid., pp. 86-87, “ Ibid., p. 36.

270 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [BYH. ANN. 44

doors toward the east, had he used the like solemn invocations there, his face
would have consequently looked the same way, contrary to the usage of the
heathens. After his song, he stepped in. I saluted him, saying, “Are you come
my beloved old friend?” He replied, Arahre-O, “I am come in the name of
Oea.” I told him I was glad to see, that in this mad age, he still retained the
old Chikkasah virtues. He said, that as he came with a glad heart to see
me his old friend, he imagined he could not do me a more kind service than
to secure my house from the power of the evil spirits of the north, south, and
west—and from witches and wizards who go about in dark nights in the shape
of bears, hogs, and wolves, to spoil people. “The very month before,” added
he, “we killed an old witch for having used destructive charms.” Because a
child was suddenly taken il and died, on the physician’s false evidence, the
father went to the poor helpless old woman who was sitting innocent and un-
suspecting, and sunk his tomohawk into her head without the least fear of being
ealled to an account. They call witches and wizards, Ishtabe, and Hoolabe,
“man-killers,” and “spoilers of things sacred.” My prophetic friend desired
me to think myself secure from those dangerous enemies of darkness, for (said
he) Tarooa Ishtohoollo-Antarooare, “i have sung the song of the great holy
one.”’* The Indians are so tenacious of concealing their religious mysteries,
that I never before observed such an invocation on the like occasion—adjuring
evil spirits, witches, ete. by the awful name of the deity.*

This exorcism probably gives a clue to one of the reasons why the
doors of the winter houses opened eastward.

The following material on this subject is a translation of some in-
formation originally written down in Chickasaw by a native infor-
mant, Zeno McCurtain:

The procedures of the conjurer and the wizard were slightly different, but
the ignorant did not know in what this difference consisted. The conjuror had
to employ his arts in horse races, in shooting at corn stalks, and in the game of
akabatle, between men and women. This was not an easy thing for him,
because when a game was to be played he had to begin his preparations several
days ahead. He had to fast for a certain number of days and drink medi-
cine made out of particular herbs, nor was he allowed to sleep during a con-
siderable period. When his side won, he was always well paid, but if it lost
he received nothing and if he was suspected of helping the opponents he would
be killed. Whenever the people played, their conjurer—for each house group
generally employed the same one all of the time—had to work faithfully for
them. After the game was over he usually felt sick or indisposed for several
days on account of the sleep he had lost and the medicines he had taken.
The players also had to take some of this medicine, which was supposed to
clear out their systems and make them feel light and fit.

There was another kind of wizard whose methods were somewhat different.
He had magic power to injure or kill persons at a distance, but he could do
nothing else and so was not a true wizard. Yet he was called by the same
name. (One of the functions of a doctor was to suck the witch arrow from
a patient.) These wizards sometimes killed children. It is claimed that a
well-educated Choctaw at Antlers, a minister in the Cumberland Presbyterian
Chureh named Solomon Hotema, killed two children by witchcraft and was

#JTshto, big; Abi, to kill; holo, what is sacred; abi, to kill.
43 Taloa, song; ishto, big; holo, sacred; ontaloali, or intaloali, I have sung to them.
44 Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., pp, 176-177.

SWANTON] DOCTORING AND MEDICINES 271

in consequence shot by their father. The doctor is supposed to hold himself
entirely apart from either conjurers or wizards. The wizards claimed that
there were certain times in the year when they were obliged to practice. A
lizard worked in the bodies of each, putting him into a state of intense misery
until he killed some one. He might exercise his evil genius at other times by
choice, but at these special seasons the deed was practically forced upon him.
When it was learned that anyone was practicing witchcraft, people went to
him and ordered him to desist, and if he refused to listen they killed him.
That sort of wizard claimed he could turn himself into a dog, a bird, or any
creature he chose when he went to carry out his evil intentions. Usually he
chose the form of a night hawk, an owl, or some other creature that goes about
after dark and to which not much attention is paid. It was said that, before
making the transformation, he would go to some secluded spot, take out his
stomach and other internal organs, and leave a knife, a pair of shoes, or some
object to guard them. Usually the wizard left after all had gone to sleep, and
he planned to get back before daylight. Sometimes while he was off exercising
his arts, an animal would come along and eat his entrails, thus killing him.

When a man heard that a wizard was operating against him, he would often
go to him and pay him to stop. If this were the time of the year when the
wizard was under compulsion, the reward might have no effect ; otherwise it was
usually sufficient.

There was another sort of wizard called Yucpakima or juggler, whose spe-
cialty was sleight-of-hand performances. Jugglers and conjurers were alike
afraid of the true wizards; doctors were the only persons who were not.
Doctors claimed that they continually took some sort of medicine which pre-
vented the devices of the wizards from having any effect upon them.

At times a person who had a grudge against another would go to a wizard
and pay him a good price to injure his enemy. Certain persons cluimed to be
wizards, but were not. That caused much trouble among the Indians, for the
object was usually to extort money, and if such an one were found out he was
killed. Some claimed that they could do things in violation of the law and
escape punishment by the use of medicines. My interpreter once met such a
man, who gave him a little piece of the root which he chewed for this purpose.
When chewed in a court room, for instance, the scent would penetrate all parts
of it like a perfume and alter the mind of judge and jury toward the prisoners.

These wizards, conjurers, doctors, etce., were watched closely all the time,
and if they did not boast overmuch they were left alone; but if they became
too boastful they were killed, but not until people felt sure that they were
doing wrong.

Wizards would not disclose the specific things they could do, for they claimed
that this would cause them to lose their power. It was easier to bewitch
human beings than cattle and easier to work upon the aged and children than
upon others.

It was claimed that wizards shot people with salt, sugar, or hair, and when
a doctor was called in he professed to be afraid of the wizards and would not
help unless he received a considerable rewird, fixed in accordance with the
known resources of the patient. At that time the people were not civilized,
and when they became civilized they did away with most of these practices,
finding that they were all superstitions, yet many still believe in and practice
them.

In ancient times the Indians thought more of their children than of the
adults, and when they fell ill would do almost anything to effect their cure.

272 BELIEFS AND USAGES OF CHICKASAW [ETH. ANN. 44

They would have a doctor for three days and hold a Pishofa dance. If the
first treatment proved ineffective, they would try a second; and, if the case
proved obstinate, a third; but they stopped there. The third time, owl, buzzard,
or eagle feathers were hung on sticks near the fire, each doctor making use of
but one kind of bird, and it is Claimed that he would put a little piece of the
flesh of that bird into the Pishofa food and that whoever ate that would take
the sick person’s disease in his stead.”

Even in olden times some people did not believe in wizards. One such per-
son was so worked upon by them with salt and sugar as to be entirely con-
verted. If one discovered that a wizard had been operating against him and
consulted a doctor before the salt and sugar had melted, the doctor could
remove it and effect a cure; but if it had had time to melt into his system he
would be in danger of death.

When anyone died and it was thought a certain wizard had killed him, the
relatives of the deceased were sure to destroy that person. Knowing this the
Indian doctor frequently refused to tell who was causing the sickness. But,
as in the case of wizards, there were some doctors who were only quacks, and
these caused the death of many innocent people by falsely accusing them of
witchcraft. Most Indians believed in witchcraft, but some did not, and these
saved many persons from punishment. Sometimes they interfered to prevent
them from being burned to death, an ancient means of punishing wizards.

In early times the Chickasaw were of one mind and purpose, and hence
other tribes could not make head against them, but when they began to practice
abuses such as witchcraft it was the beginning of their downfall.

When I [i. e., McCurtain] was about 14 or 15 a woman died of some sickness
and a man named John Brown, generally believed to be a wizard, was thought
to have caused her death. So 8 or 10 people went to his house, set his chimney
on fire,“ so as to induce him to come out, and then shot him.

One evening an Indian named Wall Cass, on his way home from a hunting
trip, saw a bear standing beside the road, in a region where no bears were
supposed to live. He shot at the animal and the latter grunted and ran off
into the woods. Next morning news came that a woman who had gone to bed
perfectly well the night before had been found dead. Now, it was believed
that however badly a witch or wizard had been wounded she or he would
return home before dying. The man who had shot the bear therefore resolved
to go to look at the woman, and when he returned he said, ‘I told you I
thought it was that woman. She had been shot through the side, and I
believe she was the bear at which I fired.’ This is a “true story,’ and the
events happened when I was a boy.

Sometimes a light was seen floating through the air toward a house until
it got within 150 or 200 yards of the place, when it disappeared. It was thought
that a wizard was the cause of it.

4° See pp. 258-261.
4° \ chimney made of crossed sticks and daubed with clay on the inside. The outside
of such a chimney was inflammable.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Apair, JAMES. The History of the American Indians. London, 1775,

(Anonymous FrencH Memorr.) Ms. in Ayer Library of American Ethnology
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CuarporneE, J. F. H. Mississippi as a Province, Territory, and State; vol. 1
(only volume printed). Jackson, 1880.

CusHMAN, H. B. History of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Natchez Indians.
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De Vitiiers, LE Baron Marc. Documents concernant l’histoire des Indiens de
la région orientale de la Louisiane. Journal de la Société des Américanistes
de Paris, n. s., vol. xtv, pp. 127-140, [Paris] 1922.

Note sur deux cartes dessinées par les Chikachas en 1737. Ibid., vol.
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GatscHeET, ALBERT S. A migration legend of the Creek Indians; vol. 1, Phila.,
1884 (Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature, no. 4) ; vol. 0,
St. Louis, 1888 (Trans. Acad. Sci., St. Louis, vol. v, nos. 1 and 2).

HAwkKINs, BENJAMIN. Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796-1806. Georgia Hist.
Soe. Colls., vol. m1, Savannah, 1848.

Hopeson, ADAM. Remarks during a journey through North America in the
years 1819, 1820, and 1821. New York, 1823.

Jones, Cuas. C. History of Savannah, Ga., from its settlement to the close of
the Highteenth Century. Syracuse, N. Y., 1890.

Matong, JAMES H. The Chickasaw Indians. Louisville, 1922.

Mississipp1 Historical Society. Publications. Oxford, Miss.

Morean, Lewis H. Ancient society or researches in the lines of human progress
from savagery through barbarism to civilization. New York, 1877.

RoMANS, Bernarp. A concise natural history of East and West Florida, vol.
I (vol. m unpublished). New York, 1775.

ScHootcraFrt, Henry A. Historical and statistical information, respecting the
history, condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States.
Parts t-vi. Phila., 1851-1857.

Speck, FranK G. Notes on Chickasaw Ethnology and Folk-Lore. Journal of
American Folk-Lore, vol. xx, pp. 50-58, Boston and New York, 1907.

Swanton, JoHN R. An early account of the Choctaw Indians. Memoirs of the
American Anthropological Association, vol. v, no. 2, pp. 51-72, Lancaster, Pa.,
1918.

Social organization and social usages of the Indians of the Creek
Confederacy. Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.

Religious beliefs and medical practices of the Creek Indians. Forty-
second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.

273

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USES OF PLANTS BY THE
CHIPPEWA INDIANS

By FRANCES DENSMORE

c

CONTENTS

ORO WO 10 oe ee ae ee seas.
BER COLIMATILS eee SO ee Se ee eee Se se ee eee eee eee
PhonetiGsss= = oe we fall Se Lo RE se oh nin pnd yey ene es re
Introduction

List of plants arranged according to botanical name_________------~~-~-
List of plants arranged according to common name__-—--___-__----~-------
List of plants arranged according to native name_____________________--
Medicinal properties of plants used by the Chippewa____-------_--------

Principal active medicinal constituents of plants used by the Chippewa_-
Plante se OO eae oes ee ee SSE We ee eee eh ee eee

histrorpluntsusedsas!:to0d=s = - a= ee
Wialkain ovenrep lee Sug ate ae ee a Se eee See
Gathering swald rices=24_- =. #252 oe oa eee a ea sceessee
Ibeverkcesa = fe Fe. oe ates nt Sas ee
Seasonings somo see iis 100 Pets Pai os ene skeacacaetaesse
Cerealsiis.2.& tee Sees 2228 ees ee 5 A Se ESRI Se ee
WSS ENON ee ae
Miruitistan GWpenriesS meso. a= e ee ee ane eee eee eeee
Rlantseastmedicines =: 4 sere oN Lo Re SOON net eee
Mreatment by means Of plantsa— 5-222 22 sane ee See
Substances other than vegetable used as remedies_-—__-___-________-
Medi calita ppliancesmea=: cae teene = 20 =. ee ae ee
Sureicalitirentmentaandtappliances= sees. eee eee ae eee
ential SUES sae eee re ee eee ae eee
Classificationofmdiseasesandiinjuries=-———— = == 2
istrofamedicalsplantsfandsthelrnses se = ae = ae a ee
Works containing lists of plants used medicinally_____________-____~
IPIAntsaisedeinyd yess Sit See ee ee 2 ek eee se
Processiof dyeing aaa ee ae ee a ae _ a ee eee
Tisiots plants usedsinidyes=— = = eee ae ee A ee
Mineral sabstaneesiused) ini diyesi=="——— = ee oe ee
Formulae for dyes.
Piantskusedwastcharms-=-- 5.46 a5 See ee
List of plants used in charms
Plantswused) ini msefulsand) decorative: artSe2=--==— == = = ee
Mhistvofyplants=a-=5 52see5 2.5 seen sen Fie, Se Sn
Miami n Gt O fast SC sae oe 8 ee ee ee See
Legend of Winabojo and the birch tree________-_-__-_______________ ae
hegendsom Wanabojo andi the cedar tree----------§ === =
Ganherineshinchapanrke an dycedan’ Danke. a5 ae ee
Ariiclstmaderofabirchibarks===26. 522. Sense = oa es oS ee ae
OT al sarees en re eh eee

217

541

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Java regeim taint
hrnial Yun esses Jo ana ine ag
oh “Madd fad dfote Wy mom Yo a i
ete holy tH Gindl Tae aS
See roel ith nn
, ae eee 100 ea

° aye 1h att nme grapes t

weedy e foasiat ee ue wo Spee
on coheed lh MA ALINEIO,
iy ee ¥a ty y prenet

ee RNY Ae Meer Mee teh
wish HY pratt wo Winns Ht Tegan ee age
wits fy we nhl
More Yes pom a y

rt hots it’ 1 i
is iy) tort . ‘
t i. ‘ ty Henig dainty Vn rey
of walle Live yi whee MA 8h is
ia ve ow Arvin fay iereed wc it To ai ta
1? ch tyewayy J feeufery Inal wot
fy Wiper! 1 , \ cretion fags uly
’ . _ inh ‘ aed ane en
1) vidp. Tey aneinidy. Wo Yall ab
din Wire: Brreghayy
colt hit ginaiiege. 0 |
- wy pineal ;
i
Gs
riet Gite wiles Ad
‘ "WLS! Bere woe eh
vioutt Go Ihe =
we Pale init) Purfle an ims, j
a yieayhintaped Lied ee

a f atin eee
‘ainpersat = a

= Oe " ofedtinn TE Vii.b
eee ee me
Suit taller: toe See, dee a

ae :

or Ot Ol
or

Ol
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ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

Group. of birch trees; Whitewwantn Minne so ee eae ee
. a, Pine and balsam trees, White Earth, Minn.; 6, Trees at Cass Lake ;

c.uNorway,. pinestatCasstlhake Ss ses=- es ec tee Se ee

. a, Cass Lake, Minn.; b, Stream, White Harth, Minn________________
. Frame of lodge in which maple sap was boiled, and storage lodge for

TIE TAS LSI Cl CS CEI) ) eee ere ee area lc eR ee

. a, Storage lodge (open); 6, Birch-bark containers; e, Birch-bark

Coney GIShy ANG N SPOONS ae. Se a ee ee ee eee a ee

. a, Boiling maple sap; 6, Maple trees tapped_____--__________---__-
. Granulating trough, stirring paddle, granulating ladles, and makuk

OeTAnnated maple: SUPA 8 ee = oe ads ee

. a, Cakes of maple sugar and makuk filled with same; b, Stacked

dishes and empty cones, the latter to be filled with sugar___-____~

. a, Waist worn when tying rice (back view); b, Woman in boat,

SY RRC ee oe an ae a PR PE ele ey. dees

ee Niedericeyw and) Tee pOO p= == = See ee BS 2
MTSTOGESS HO bat Vill Py TCC aaa ee ee ee ee See ee
I Ried nice showing: stares) of preparation’ ———— ===
. a, Rice field; b, Poling boat through rice; c, Harvesting rice________
. ad, Rice spread to dry; b, Parching rice; c, Mortar formerly used

INBPGUN Cin Seri Cea aa = See er eS Se ee ae eee

. &@, Winnowing rice; b, Pounding rice; c, Treading rice__-____________
. a, Prepared medicinal substances tied in cloth; b, Packet wrapped in

thin birch bark; c, Packets of leaves and twigs, ready for use; d,
IP ekets;oreark, VeCAd Ol Use = =e. ae eee eee ee ee ee

. a, Mrs. Brunett; 6, Mrs. Gagewin; c, Mrs. Louisa Martin_____________
. Bag in which medicines have been kept___---------_------___----_-
aiSureicallp appliancés=*= 2-20. 42k 2 a ne Be
. a, Taking basswood bark from water; 6b, Coils of basswood fiber____
. a, Rush mat in frame; 0, Woman carrying pack of birch bark; ¢,

Storageysheds openoosa=ee. 2a a ee eee eee Se

. Sweet grass and materials smoked in pipe in natural and prepared

Te tnKis= Peed A ov ee Sir cee EP ee ee eee topes 2-8 Ss

. a, Headbands of leaves and birch bark; b, Doll made of leaves______~
. a, Toys made of cat-tails; b, Dolls made of pine needles____________
. a, “Coaster” made of slippery elm bark; 6, Birch bark showing

“picture of thunderbird”; c, Figures cut from birch bark__~~~-~~

. a, Cutting birch bark preparatory to removing; b, Removing birch

bark from tree; c, Making a container from birch bark___________

mVentabac-sopen.andiclosed=-5.2. 42) 322s de ane ane St
) Mansmnade of birch bark and feathers---=—-----=- === == == ==
PeniPunesciietrom DitCn DATK == 2-2 eee ene ee eee
Patterns geubettom. birch barks 22 s—- a. en eee Re Ee
58.
MSinch=pankentansparenciesse ek SOT peop tee pc J eee
IMBinch-VarkattanspaveCuGlesec ei. = eae o eae ee ene see ee =
AP lesielNe Sele Sie OS (ene e ei Se eee
Pilainyeeopwdie jars opis Nes) ad ee i
PED INCH-DAN EEDA SANE Clas oe ee 2 SS ee Fe ee

Leaves in which patterns have been bitten________________________

279

3808

308
308

314
314

314
314
314
314
314

314
314

314
324
324
332
380

380

380
380
380

380

390
390
2390
390
390
390 -
394
394
394
894
394

on

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wert i
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ow alalf om 5 Z
j f } F ‘ i ety y vthiwat i A>.
tint H 1 ait fie fupeutd wii dade “A He
Ly 7) at Podaloetwy Ta :
lif i if uu Wy to" eit.
on Opn b thebly
f j mi | f ut ovr ' ary 2 ae
vel 4 a
a l ty tft alt? 72
julie oe ve at 2 aa
oy ir yo tel, i
by ; -ayh ie Leh eae
Sen i Al a ri fos ie rs ae !
ttc hse imulbioneg “at,
ity y siiihueeiet 0 rake eiweal vi io tb
7 1 Mealy rAdertere [aed mag Of Yao" & Bb 7
r , }: Ww \ ytd, Sf i tort ab}
; ; i nt? 4 ry aie do ot iy ae
imide vos ~ ra /Moniwal | ie ao hh
1 wv nal aomtotivoas pitcher a} att
; ‘ eo sal yetanthapegine footie 2 Ob 7
wll Prarrdemasdl "bey ei) al coat Brent stn ( hauwidnted gab 4 me
iveytat 7 by plete ait ud a ,an any att te a h Mb
nr ur | ’
» Vid Lor bat ‘ ob (radia v oka vi “rr mf me
A ae “a
ret Yo abana TE A) ator arg: ton y wee 1 We ee re
rat potty shana ats: (Ai AME A AAT
a aCet stntit ok Vain ie ae fae O% an),
wa bin yr @ raya 4 a4 ‘tetia ¥ wtlhioly

ul nel yal hits Museby oun eT nan dint aidtliv ae

4ef perry’ (\ 0d iiee wh yan ae ‘a? wet mets A

- seq est pee pion Be Pi aad

i , a. nie ton shat ier hua + act on

= , — Zahn A ate ud col) 4h eet *

: — i rad atin \! Mn pe “i vie vi

. vid cot enid erveiiiy cole OL oer “a

- — eke aa i

ip ites sonar ae
> fen ep nied al ion

ae vont 7 tsar
yf = Be bunt >

FOREWORD

The varied uses of plants by the Chippewa indicate the large extent
to which they understood and utilized the natural resources of their
environment. The present study is related, in two of its phases, to
the study of Chippewa music which preceded it." Herbs were used
in the treatment of the sick and in the working of charms, and songs
were sung to make the treatment and the charms effective. Songs of
these classes having been recorded, the Indians were willing to bring
specimens of the herbs and to explain the manner of their use. A ma-
jority of the informants on this subject were women and they became
interested in describing the former methods of preparing vegetable
foods. Both men and women related the uses of plants in medicine,
economic life, and the useful and decorative arts. Plants and data
were obtained on the White Earth, Red Lake, Cass Lake, Leech Lake,
and Mille Lac Reservations in Minnesota, the Lac Court Oreilles
Reservation in Wisconsin, and the Manitou Rapids Reserve in
Ontario, Canada, the work continuing until 1925.

The writer gratefully acknowledges the assistance of those who
have contributed to the result of the present undertaking. The
specimens of plants were identified and their common names supplied
by Mr. Paul C. Standley, of the United States National Museum.
The reports on the recognized medicinal properties of the plants used
by the Chippewa and on their active medical constituents were pre-
pared by Dr. W. W. Stockberger, physiologist in charge of drug,
poisonous, and oil plant investigations, Bureau of Plant Industry,
United States Department of Agriculture, and valuable assistance in
the classification of diseases and injuries treated by the Chippewa was
given by Dr. D. S. Lamb, who at the time was pathologist at the
Army Medical Museum, Washington, D. C. Assistance has also.
been received from members of the staff of the Bureau of American
Ethnology and the United States National Museum in their special
fields of research.

The work on the Manitou Rapids Reserve in Ontario was made
possible by the courtesy of John P. Wright, Indian agent of the
Canadian Government at Fort Frances, Ontario.

The collection of the material herewith presented would have been
impossible without the cooperation of members of the Chippewa
tribe. Their assistance is gratefully acknowledged, especially that of
the principal interpreter, Mrs. Mary Warren English, of White
Earth, Minn., which began in 1907 and continued about 15 years.

Frances Drensmore.

1 Chippewa Music, Bull. 45, 1910, and Chippewa Music IJ, Buli. 53, Bur. Amer, Ethn.,
1913.

55231°—28——_19 281

INFORMANTS?

WHITE EARTH, MINN.

Mrs) Mary Razer= === Papa’gine’. (Grasshopper.)

Mrs. Louisa Martin___--_-___-_ A’jawac’. (Wafted across.)

No’ dintns' 2222 ose — ao cman aaa Little wind.

Gage wintsee ose eee Everlasting mist.

MrsaGacelwin 222s senias: 2s Niséd’nagan’ob. (Nised, corruption of the

French Lizett, or Elizabeth; Naganob, name
of her father, who was chief at Fond du Lac,

Minn.)

Mrs. Wa’ wiékOm’ig #_________-_ Na/waji’bigo’kwe. (Central rock woman.)

Mrsi/Star’Bad! Boy22===822 222" Nenaka’wibi’/kwe. (Woman who is sitting
with every other one.)

Wase(yat- 266 eee 0 rele Light.

Mrs: Brunett225 2 =- =e Cai’yagose’. (Shaken loose.)

Mrss Annies Davis =e Ca/yabwtb’. (Sitting through.)

Mrss Sharret Sie s= see Ca’/nodéns. (Diminutive of Charlotte by
slightly changing word and adding ens.)

Mrs. Sophia Agness.----------- Memacka’/wanamo’kwe. (Woman with a

powerful respiration.)
Mrs. Margaret White.
Mrs. Roy.
Mrs. Mary Warren English.’
Mrs. Julia Warren Spears.’
Mrs. Sophia Warren.
Mrs. Charles Mee.

Albert Little Wolf ®_____------- Main’gans.

Ofdini gine a == 2 a2 ee ea Shoulder.

Hindddsogi gig eee eee ee Every day.

Rev. Clement H. Beaulieu "____ Ka’waéns (diminutive of his father’s name

Ka wa, which was the Chippewa mispronun-
ciation of Clement).

PONSFORD, MINN. (WHITE EARTH RESERVATION)
Mrs. Fineday.

Mir Rock tii tas sie 22 ee A’sini/oktim/ig. (Stony ground.)
ING Vajitn: see ene ees Point of land.

DVkénss =.= 252.5... =P See Diminutive of English “‘ Dick.”
Wezaiwange.-42824- 2p eeeeres Yellow wing.

1 The purpose of this list is to identify the persons who chiefly contributed to the material herewith
presented. The name given first is therefore the name by which the person is generally known.

2 Died October 23, 1919. 8 Died June 21, 1925.
3 Died September 16, 1923. § Died April 6, 1927.
4 Died April 4, 1921. 10 Died October 24, 1926.
5 Died April 29, 1926. 11 Died July 4, 1926.
6 Died April 14, 1925. 12 Died January 21, 1920.

7 Died August 15, 1925.
282

INFORMANTS

RED LAKE, MINN.

Mrs; ..Defoeteoa=--o2a5— 1-2-2522 Meya’wigobiwik’. (Standing strongly.)
Mires Wiatdeeweann = 22 = 2) ee Ni’gida’wananik’.

Mrs: Jokernsses 2s see eS Bewa’becodenisik’.

Mrs. Rovere ee eee Zo'zéd (corruption of Josette).

Mrs. Roy (daughter of above)__ Ma/gidins (diminutive of Margaret).
Mrs. Lawrence.

Mrs. Gurneau.

Mrs. John English.

Mrs. Ca/wanokfim’igisktin’_____ Gi’ wita/wisék’. (Walking around.)

MILLE LAC, MINN.

“Rom S kath iw ye Manido’bijiki. (Spirit buffalo, or cattle.)
Mrs. Tom Skinaway__--------- Na/cine’kwe.

CASS LAKE, MINN.

William M. Rogers_-_---------- Bin’digegi’jig. (In the sky.)
Mrs. William M. Rogers- ------ Bin’dige’ose’/kwe. (Walking woman.)

LAC COURT OREILLES, WIS.
Mrs. John Quaderer_ __--_-_---_- Ogima’binési’kwe. (Chief bird woman.)
MANITOU RAPIDS RESERVE, ONTARIO, CANADA

Mrs. Wilson.
Mrs. Lewis.

83

PHONETICS
ALPHABET

The vowels and consonants employed in this work do not repre-
sent every sound that occurs in the Chippewa language. Thus an
obscure sound resembling / in the English alphabet sometimes occurs
in the middle of a word and is not indicated. No attempt has been
made to indicate a slight nasal sound that frequently occurs at the end
of a word. Prolonged vowels are also not indicated. The following
letters are used:

V owels.—a, pronounced as in father; e, as in they; € as in met, @
as in marine; 7, as in mint; 0, as in note, w, as in rue; v, as in but;
w,as in wan; y, asin yet. If two consecutive vowels are pronounced
separately, two dots are placed above the second vowel.

Diphthong.—ai pronounced as in aisle.

Consonants —b, d, 7, k, m,n, p, 8, t, v, have the ordinary English
sounds. s is always pronounced as in sense, g as in get, and z as in
zine. e represents the sound of sh, 7 the sound of zh, fe the sound of
te in watch, and dj the sound of j in judge.

284

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28

GROUP OF BIRCH TREES, WHITE EARTH, MINN.

“NNIW “HLYva
3yNV1 SSVO LV SANId AVMHUON ‘2 SyV1 ssvo Ly SSSau.-@ SLIHM ‘SASuL WVSIVa GNV ANId ‘2

wi

62 ALVId LYOdSYH IVANNVY HLYNOs-ALYOS ADOTONHLA NVOIYAWYV 4O NVAuNd

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS
By Frances DensMorn

INTRODUCTION

A majority of the plants to be described in this paper were ob-
tained on the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota. Specimens
were also collected on the Red Lake, Cass Lake, Leech Lake, and
Mille Lac Reservations in Minnesota, the Lac Court Oreilles Reser-
vation in Wisconsin, and the Manitou Rapids Reserve in Ontario,
Canada. Many of these were duplicates of plants obtained at White
Earth but others were peculiar to the locality in which they were
obtained.

The White Earth Reservation is located somewhat west of north-
central Minnesota, on the border of the prairie that extends west-
ward and forms part of the Great Plains. It also contains the lakes
and pine forests that characterize northern Minnesota and extend
into Canada. This produces an unusual variety of vegetation, so
that the Chippewa living on other reservations are accustomed to
go or send to White Earth for many of their medicinal herbs. Birch
trees are found in abundance, either standing in groups (pl. 28),
covering a hillside, or bordering a quiet lake. There are large tracts
of sugar maples and forests of pine, cedar, balsam, and spruce. (PI.
29.) Many of the lakes contain rice fields, and there are pretty,
pebbly streams winding their way among overhanging trees. (PI.
30.) Toward the west the prairie is dotted with little lakes or
ponds, shining like mirrors. In June the air is sweet with wild roses
and in midsummer the fields are beautiful with red lilies, bluebells,
and a marvelous variety of color. In autumn the sumac flings its
scarlet across the landscape and in winter there are miles of white,
untrodden snow. The northern woodland is a beautiful country,
and knowing it in all its changing seasons, one can not wonder at the
poetry that is so inherent a part of Chippewa thought.

285

[ ETH. ANN, 44

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

286

‘sod “avg “ydow
peg ‘eou0g-eyqeMg ‘040 ‘1aAaJ

“192d ‘19
‘Ting ‘xnorg ‘ammgoeviy ig, *d
“ava Wdou peg “070 ‘TaAay
“SIL
‘d“q ‘vy ‘ad ‘sdou peg ‘pooy

“god “qv
‘ydey peg “oie ‘qdnod ‘19Aa}

‘pel ad “avd dey
peg ‘odBqouurM “039 ‘AUIT[OMS

“Tayo
‘(ar0s 8 07 pattdde os[e *poo[q
eq} Joy Apoeutel) geuToTpeur
*(MIBYD IO} OSTR :ppoo
s,Aquq B ‘ayor pray ‘eqoviee
‘noneyidied 4ieey) ouldIpeur

---~---------- (ysn09) suToTpeur
~---=-—= (UOLySedIpUl) euTOTpeUT

ges (stsAyeaed) aurorpour
*pooy ‘(meTI0 AL Jo
sastastp ‘A1eyUeSAP) SUTOTpeTI
“aAp
‘(MaTIOA JO SasBasIp) PULOTPeUL
Spe Ea” eee (oljaute) eUOIpeuT
(Sp[o9) duloTpeut

(ureids) euloIpeur
*(qsaqa

ul ured pue ysno0d) euloIpeut

*(U9UIOM JO SasBasIp) VULDTPOUT

----=-----(gyqoepeey) euloIpeur

ae eae AqiN ‘pooy
~~----"-== (gqoepBey) sUTDIpeuT

Ss 4ood JIGQR4
“4001 syTe.yUe IRAq

« 010} PUB
a1 PUNOJ StI ‘oor eaq, ,

ma: pene oleid [Burs
Se ee eee emia SIOMOY

ge ae ee east poom AuI104g4

~-->-=-queld yunys erresd

hae >> ,,dn s¥or}s 41,
ae ~7>>->-=~querd MoT[aé

~~~ ~qued 10 4001 SUTMBIp
a rs ar eanedind Avy

ey as ce AIG Ifpo,soquar

“HIG IPO 919,RU0A Bur
j>>. > > TUBA HIG, BSBS

~ > UISIS,BYIGI[poxour,2qoq
o> sarge souey,epoxyonur
ic roomed UnASIG,BA

~--fun A BABUTMIOH ,LASIZNG

~~~ funMes Bats
ra fun BsBs10,epoyonUur

eae a UW19jsen[q

panne Aulsepiaae Apvad

Pisce ces UISISL,YBpByNp,aq |----~-~~queyd-eyjerquin
aoe OMyonuUNM,BzaM |--~~-~~-- ~~ dossAy yuerd
Sone HIG I[pisoo,IM |~~~~~ ~~~" Adaqeueq pot
ee ungtsoq e{Isoyonur

ae ae ae ponsnq ea

ee ee eee jUQHIA |7--------------snueTBo
os ous omepr[p,e |~---7-7-7 "7" -~-axorreA
- 22222 2---------- 3y),Butu,8 |---~-------eydeur esns
morseercnneona= Alepuvuyu,e |--~~~-- ~~ ~~~ -1y Urespeq

eb ag ae a T SI[NBOIPNA BILBIY

“ry uMTpOJluraBsoIpuB UNUADOd y
Can Soe Ga eee ds umusoody

eel [yn] snyeommy uosxodoipuy

“HY
“a (1) voovyiesieor steqdeuy

“OIpsTL
(J) sisuepeurd Jaryouspoury

"=== youooy ("]) vuvour snuTy
~----------- WY UMdII0NIY WIN V
------------ Joy wIN4yBI os MINTY

in Se. XJ. VOUISEIOAU BIDOYTY
“U0qTN

(WINN) B1Oporqjeue oyoeysesy

~~" PITAL (94V) Bigns BaR{aV

5g ee ‘TJ SNUIB[BO SnIODY

fi ie ee TT WANyTOJATTIUH vaTTIGOV
en YSsIByAL MnIeyooes 1a
a THA (1) vouresteg sarqy

1 Sequy
Jay40 Aq asn 0} ddUAaIEJAxY

esq

sulaBeyy

OUIBU BATJBN

eUIvU WOULUIO

omred [BoluBjOg

AWYN ‘IVOINVLOG OL DNIGIODOW

CaDNVUYW SLINVIg JO

Isr]

LIST OF PLANTS 287

DENSMORB]

“9 °d ‘go "TIN ‘eaeddry 9 ‘arU0y

“eel da “Vv “a “ydey pes ‘pooy

‘veld “a ‘v a
‘dey pee ‘eqno1y yovu104ys
“#9 ‘d ‘co [Ing ‘BMoaT ‘uoTjsad
-Ipul ‘sgt “d “gq ‘vy ‘g “9deu
peg ‘Seqi4y Jeary Tnosstyy
‘TeuToIpeut [esloued ‘6¢z “d ‘19
Ting ‘xnorg ‘eqorpeey *F9
‘d ‘eg ‘ying ‘waoddiy) ‘oru04

“per d
“a 'V a ‘yew pee “je ‘si9aoy

"201d “a Va 3doy

peg ‘adid ul pexyouls soavey
gerd

“GV ‘ad ‘ydeu pee ‘Astineyd

*19}1IM Juoseid 9q] Aq “Uy4G ‘1OUTY ‘Ing ‘19 pue ge ‘sTING pure ‘o/9-c¢9 “dd ‘ayy ‘rey “ng ‘4deYy ‘uMy puodas-AjI0,7 ‘sUBIpUT YaedIQ
OY} JO SoolqoBIg [BOIPETAL PUB SJaT[o_ SNOBTeYy ‘Ww ugoL ‘UojUBMY UqIG JULY “Ing ‘co "[[Ng ‘suLIpUy BAA, OYA JO AULJOgoUIT ‘ooowepl-o1oly Pus ‘uojZuWIB AY ‘suIqqoy /uyIq
‘lemry “ing “ydey “Udy plIyy-AQIYL ‘WOsoY IJOATY Mossipy oY} JO suvlpuy ey} Aq sjuL[q Jo sos ‘Ydjopuvy UIA[ePY ‘e1OUI[I :SHIOM SULMOT[OJ OY} 0} epeUr ST ddUEIEJOY 1

~--(qoRul0js UL UTed) euTOIpeTI

~~~ (aut Jo exevddojs) eulotpeut |

*(spunoA W101 sosByIOMIEY

pue suoIs[nAuod) esuToIpeur
sO, se BRGY oe op-----
Goria eas oe muBya
ree (aba JO osvesIp) ouToIpout
2a ea ee pooy

“mIBya ‘pooy

‘(MTOM JO SOSBASIP) OUIOIPeUT

ato Baa ae Stet euIOIpeut
“AVI

*pooy ‘(UOI{sesIpul) 9uloIpeur

weyo ‘ajopijue

*(,,8}0D
-que,, pue ‘oro, ‘aaeqss0
-Mey ‘SUOISTNAUOD) 9UuTOIpeuT

Ree (‘03a ‘AioquasAp) surorpeur
A iilidaiiadee Makes (ureids) eurorpeur
“urreyd ‘Aq
‘pooy ‘(eqoeprey) eulorIpeur
sin Aqyun ‘(qsn0o) emtorpeur
eee (seAe 9108) euToIpeur

eee AqyN ‘(ysn0d) eujorpeur

|

[vot ade aap ears 9194 ‘Aqu1p
ee Jeol Woasinys

« OXL-UBUL,,
RRO RSS SSS SUIMIUILAS

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“ysing seplo[noundeip wistaiayry
pret 4 ‘JT WINIGQUISeB BISTUEIIY
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(7J) [sun-van so[Aydeysojory
See quleg snuim winyo1y
MOL ('T) wnyAqduy enovsiy

'T vsomeovl vipery

[ETH. ANN. 44

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

288

‘g01 ad OV

‘ydey pee ‘edid ul peyours

ord “av a
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segue mv ae

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oi ac
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seqi4
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~-adp ‘Aquign ‘(sada) euToIpour
Pieler ea poyous

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pue efqnoi suny) eutorpour
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pues eqnoi Bunz) eurlolpeut
*(MaTMOA\ JO SasBasIp

pues Wsieuineyi) oulorpeur

perre=ty (qynour 910s) auTOTpeuT

Fico ee ag (180 JO aSBOSTP) OULOLIPauUL
es Seta (pasjqesou) eulorpeur
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eee ea (saqIq) eulorpout
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ocr Tae eo me] BSOsNI snulop
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recite J°7T BlOyTasey[e snUI0D
PeAaP ca qsties (TT) BIfosl43 s1ydop

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Bee gee aaa Tt setoeds MINIS
Leni sicher ‘T BTelNoeU BYNoID
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pene de = 'T suepuBds snijsBlapD

fern paren Jsaq snyeao snqyouvay)
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(J) seprorjoryegy wanyAqdorneD

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tee weer ae Ty spysnyed eqyeo

uoy Wg (‘7[) sl0ysed-vsang BsIng,

giatcm 3 aid ~“O'O ‘a Bld vysra0g
“mg

CT) wnueruyssra wnqosyog

aes 7 ysivyy BioytAded e[njog

as

Suluveyy

QUIBU GATYBNT

OULBU WOUTULO,)

almeU [BOTUB OG

penuyuoyj—ANWVN IVOINVLOG OL SNIGNOONDY GIONVANY SINVIqd AO LST]

LIST OF PLANTS 289

DENSMORD]

“Lord

‘VY ‘ad ‘Id0ou pes ‘sTIOg

"Ter 'd “a “V “a “‘3dow pes ‘pooy

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ennai LLULGTO,
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(0104) euToIpeuT

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~~ pooj ‘(qynour o10s) euLOTpourT

~~~ AYO ‘(ora0}) eurorpeut
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~(aisXyd) eutorpeut
--5=--- (qseyo UT UTed) autoTpeut

(stjeq Ju1ueq)4001}s) euToIpeur

(suo1jdnia) sulorpour
*(WaNIOA JO SasBasIp

‘yorulojs Ul ured) eUlorpeur

feta wmnce has oe OL Oe) ae Ayn
(asIniq) eulorpeur
ee ee (aqoBpvay) autorpeut

fae «> eee (o1sAqd) eutorpent
>> (9[qn014 YoRuIOys) oUTOTpeuE
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Po SaEs = (atoeTy4004) auTOTpeur

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SOSBOSIP) OUTOIPOUT ‘AqITT9N ‘pooy
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paca ce nei «PUNOIST4I,,
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ae SSSR Gtk pIs,nurue
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aaa eae jeunq viqeos sisdoray
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oe eee oe asa ceed soloads snuIxely

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~-------------- pesMeig
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presssseres poo asoout
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sooo ="="Jeddt[SApByl

~~ auseqond BUBIOIZIIA BIiesBl
Rae Se aaa snjeunldde semioy
ha ezquny (‘T) BSOuI0D ByBOTR YT
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ae T mingerjojied ummwoyedng

rece a JT WNye[NoeW uIMIOjRdnG
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Baia ed ‘J sisuapeuro Wolds
a eee Jey unqvevid ungesmboy
aa aie ae ta ‘Ty e[Bulery UINgesmnbay
lg ies TJ WNToysnsue wINIqo[Id |
qpA¥y (Ysing) ByNFI8 sI[[BoourAIC,

al edie alee hares T suuysnyed wosiq
Et =o TIAL BrdOTMOT VI [TALeT
pane JON 9q Tuvefuog manu
rag TOA tanynsirg wmrtpediud4é +)
paces ae ea T oded wyrqinony
~---auseyond BuIXeUr ByIqInoNDO

dea = ae sajeds sngonqyeip
Saeeaaaanee = qTV BIBAYSOA SN[AIOD
Pasa EM BUROTIOUIB Sn[AIOD

[BYH. ANN, 44

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

290

“eer dd
“ava ‘ydoy peg ‘AsequesAp

*(qvorqy
eios puB sieo[n) dauloIpeut

* (SMO pus
‘suinq ‘suoydnio) 9sulorpent

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wnen==- (a[qno1} Suny) eurorpeur

engemoage (aq eYRUS) EUTOTpeuT
Soe (o1shyd) ourorpeut
bocceec pooy ‘(steo[N) auolpout
“trey ‘pooy
‘(spunoA TOIJ oseyIIOMEy
pus suoIs[nAUOd) eUTOIpeur
Veananeea Aqyuyn ‘(suanq) eurorpeur
eee (S}IGM) BUTOTPeuTT

~(os10Y 9] JO Sasvastp) OUTOTPoUT
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Saskasip PUB SI8AeJ) AUTOTpeuT

iqeen mane! seqoueiq pe[suey

[Seen cae ange: Je9y [LPYS-9TI 41
PESSRAATIVT Te Jeoy 4e9-9[491T
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pao SS 4001 19941q
ease pa, yeo, dues

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pao ee ay SuqLSugsts TUL

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~—"4q0N (1) vorurgira vrpueydaT
~---JapaQ UINoIpuvyuseIs UNpe'T

Sarnenace [GNI snsouea snisq3e'T
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pe ‘] sisuopeuvo vonjoeT
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““TNORIN (""T) VURITTSITA BITTeOy

Saxs5grheasris Agygn ‘eutorpout |-------------=- --poom pod |77 77777777777 7B, BA YSTUT |--------------awpao pat |---------, 7] BUBIOIZITA sniedtune
TEI SSAESAtE SrA Eg Py Aq |------7------>---aatgdooep |-->-~-----pIsisep,aweaes,ea |----------------sedtunf |----------/y stunuruioo snuedrunr
TEISSSETI SI Ssssesr esses sR OADih| cng aa smn ae aaa ee Rae S| a SSE all Te LLG I 1h > eta TRU CTD ULO SLUT OTL:
SeGaaaae~ ei (COM TNOG) OULD POUL Paar sa armen cca ees | Numa enn ake eeaaraS cme ges | MEE aaa SE TTOLN Clie | eee eaten TT AOpOdIsI9A StIy
pets (9£a WO A4s) BULOTpau |>~-----~---~-~-y1eq-fadummbs |~-~--~>----oueA ,ourepi{p,B |--------- ~~ ]req-feammbs |------------/T wanyeqnl umnepi0oH
*(ayoR
-peey) euldIpeur pue Ayn ers POOMEA OM, | conn nmammm oe Pej icte ede.) Uy W080 SSSR Sian = Ssoyory |------- mow (T) Bq[e Bio
*69z 'd “(9X0 JO Sasa
‘19 ‘[INq ‘xnoIg ‘A1ejUaSAp | -sIp pu UOT\SasIput) auloIpeuT |--~~------77~>=---~ qimay amos |77~77~ fon VBAVUTWTApeMID |~--~> ==> >= MOOXs TIAL] Gil naam ysing epridsiq vioqoney
soquy
Joy40 Aq asn 04 eduar9Joyy easy sulueayy oUIRU OATIBN ouIeu WOUIMIORD omen [BalUBJOg
penuljyuoyj—aNVN TVOINVLOG OL DNIGUOOOY GADNVHUY SLNVIqd dO LSI'T

LIST OF PLANTS 291

DENS MORE]

‘ig'd°q vy a ideu pee
‘Sqn puv ‘eurorpant ‘pooy

“oF dl “og
‘Ting ‘eMapy ‘meyshs Areoqin

“pg ‘d ‘go [Ing “eaeddryy ‘oy707
‘ctr d “a ‘Vv “a ‘3deu pee

‘gouog-eyRuIg ‘1ajuI{ds yno

ABIP 0} UOTROT[dde ue se pasn

‘99d ‘eg "[[ng ‘waa ‘AqTWN

‘COL 'd “a “Vv ‘a “ydoy PEE ‘pooy

“pooy ‘(039
‘saqqnol} @AtjsestIp) sUToIpeur

--pooy ‘(quRqoayUTSTp) euJorpauA

~----=*(a9[qnol} 4Avoy) OUTOTPOUL

op-----
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~(WanIOM JO sasBasIp) BUTDIpeuT
PSS (80.14) 910s) auToIpeuT
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| «(memIOM Jo sesBastp) oulo!peur
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ee ea op-----
~~~ (yavuI04s UT Ured) euloIpeut
ee eA (aqoepeay) autoIpaut
leer umeyd (0100) auToTpeut
|
| PRESSSE ORS S taeess Sst acces wea
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*peqqIMIqns jou eJaM suatttoads JI YSIIE}Se Ue YIM PoxIVON ose SyUeIT ,

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at: uyunt Ifo

Toomeennne === BN TTY NU,O
eee ROR ALE Oe yon Mg ud

osu

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wena r oan pinangiseq

pe apap aa | [eeqjtes
pee eee jO01-dyeusa[}je1
fia fae Soe ylojanburo

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paca }O0.eyxBUS BOBUAg

Sonoma awe urequeld
Seasoeman ae aurd 31 AA
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==>=="=== I9AO]O-O1IBId
ASS SE a Sta euTqpooM
Pg oe oe aa Arsaqueio

*poom
-uoll ‘ivequioy dog

‘J BUBIUISZIIA snuonig
| eae eg qyiqgd euroies snunig

PRESAISS YsiB]y BUREN snunig
~--({njqnop sataads) snunig
aera aA JT slues[naA epeunig
ges ae ae ‘JT Bq[e seqjuenoIg
Pesan '[ SIsuoljadsuour eT[M4Uuey0g

ea doas (J) stysnyed y[iyueyog

XO Soploynuresy snjndog

geea Sea Ty Biajimmesreq snjndog
pean lla tanyejound umuos4 [og
fie 'T vlieorsied urnuosA[og
“HId CSP
“YW) WINyByNUIUIOD UINJBUOSA[OT
isdeadaant mast a arene 'T Bdoues BpesA[og

eseeresereeceny ‘JT Jofem ofvjueq
----------------- 'T snqoljs snug
--------------- qty Bsoulsol snulg
maa— an sid (toyNd) vaqns vooIg

“ (IN) sisuopeuro wool
oe [ vAqouysojdoy vursagg

preeSS ULL], SIUNUIUIOD saqIuIseIYy
“qPAu

(qu9,) snoindind wou1e\so[e}aq
“auary)

("'7) erpoyonburnb snsstoouseyq4ie.7
<S19q

(4ty) sndivao1seur snd000AxO

--qooy (‘TIHAL) BURIUTaITA v61480

(ETH. ANN. 44

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

292

‘eh aa Va 9doy pee ‘Aggn | AqITIIN ‘(uoTysesrpuy) euTo!pout

66d Vv a dey

peg ‘aAp osye ‘030
*(9301300})

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cud “a Vv ‘a ‘3douy pee ‘pooy

~--pooy ‘(uorysestput) euroypeur

(suondnie) eutorpeut
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pus wolysadtpur) eulorpeut
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examen pooj ‘([aav14) euTOTpeuT

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-----=pooj ‘(spunoa\) 9UIOTpouL
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eqs (AraquasAp) suloIpeur |

alas oS yeay esoour
----4001 MOTTOA
Carr von Eee jueld axid
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Dre alae wa JR9T 87371] ‘uns |

pa eae «, BU1I094B0S ST 41,, |

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fener See MOTTA
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aap pee Aiiaqdsei par

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wonennn-- Jomoy-anbsed
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saroads x1Tey
fro eae PUPAL BITOWIVT BITeIAIaRS

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LIST OF PLANTS 293

DENSMORB]

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[BTH. ANN, 44

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

294

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DENS MORE]

LIST OF PLANTS

295

List of PLANTS ARRANGED ACCORDING TO COMMON NAME

Common name!

Botanical name

|

Common name

Botanical name

Alum-root___-

Alum-root___-

Arborvitae (white
cedar).

Artichoke, Jerusalem

Arrowhead__-

Arrow wood

Ash, black_
Ash, prickly_________

Baneberry, red é
Basswood __-_-
Bearberny.=-2 eo

Birch, blacks
Birch, white-_--_----
Bittersweet ___---_--
Blackberry
Blazing-star

Blood roetan— = sncee
Bluebell, (Scotch
harebell).
Blueberry--
Blueflag-..--.-----_-
Blnestema= aa

Bunchberry_-__-_-___
Birdocksess ses)

Catnip_
Cat-tail__ el
Cedar, red_
Cedar, white (arbor-
vitae).

Cherry, wild_-------
Chickweed_..---.--<
Chokecherry ~ -_----
Cicely, sweet __
Cinduefoil_

ties and that, in some instances, a plant is known by more than one common name.
presented contains the names by which the plants are most widely known.

Alnus incana (L.) Moench.
Heuchera (species doubtful).
Heuchera hispida Pursh.
Thuja occidentalis L.

Helianthus tuberosus L.

Sagittaria latifolia Willd.

Viburnum acerifolium L.

Fraxinus species.

Fraxinus nigra Marsh.

Zanthoxylum americanum
Mill.

Populus tremuloides Michx.

Aster (species doubtful).

Aster nemoralis Ait.

Aster novae-angliae L.

Aster puniceus L

Geum canadense Jacq.

Actaea rubra (Ait.) Willd.

Tilia americana L.

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.)
Spreng.

Betula nigra L.

Betula papyrifera Marsh.

Celastrus scandens L.

Rubus frondosus Bigel. (?)

Lacinaria scariosa (L.)
Kuntze.

Sanguinaria canadensis L.

Campanula rotundifolia L.

Vaccinium angustifolium Ait.
Tris versicolor L.
Andropogon furcatus Muhl.
Eupatorium perfoliatum L.
Lycopus asper Greene.
Scirpus validus Vahl.
Cornus canadensis L.
Arctium minus Bernh.
Juglans cinerea L.

Acorus calamus L.

Smilax herbacea L.

Nepeta cataria L.

Typha latifolia L.
Juniperus virginiana L.*
Thuja occidentalis L.

Prunus serotina Ehrh.

Stellaria media (L.) Cyrill.

Prunus virginiana L.

Osmorrhiza claytoni Michx.

Potentilla monspeliensis L.

Clintonia borealis Ait. (Ca-
nadian specimen).

Caulophyllium thalictroides
(L.) Michx.

Rudbeckia laciniata L.

Zea mays L.

Caltha palustris L.

Oxyeoecus macrocarpus
(Ait.) Pers.*

Cranberry, highland_
Culver’s-root___-----

Cup-plant
Currant, red_-
Currant, wild_------
Currant, wild__-__--
Dandelion__---
Dock, bitter
Dock, yellow_-
Dogbane----

Dogbane-_--------.-

Dogwood __-_
Dogwood, red-osier__
Elm, slippery -------
False Solomonseal _ _

Fern} lady22=2-222: 2

| Fern, rattlesnake____

Wir; balsam 222": 2"
Fireweed___-
Five-finger_-

Fungus, shelf____-_-
Geranium, wild_-_-_-
Ginger, wild_---_-_-_-
Goldenrod=2s22---——

Goldenrod----------
Goldenrod__ ~
Goldenrod _--_-------
Goldenrod--_--------
Goldenrod _-__------
Goldenrod -_-__------

Ground-pine--_--___-
Ground-plum

|| Harebell (Scotch

bluebell).

Hemlock, poison ___-
Hepatica:_=-)=-s-22-
Hepaticaz=2esses" 22)
Hickory-<+=-.- 32282
Honeysuckle_-____-_-

Honeysuckle, bush__
1 Attention is directed to the fact that the common name of a plant frequently differs in different locali-

* Plants are marked with an asterisk if specimens were not submitted.

Viburnum pauciflorum
Pylaie.

Leptandra virginica (L.)
Nutt.

Silphium perfoliatum L.

Ribes triste Pall.

Ribes species.

Ribes glandulosum Gauer.

Taraxacum officinale Weber.

Rumex obtusifolius L.

Rumex crispus L.

Apocynum species.

Apocynum androsaemifoli-
um L.

Cornus alternifolia L. f.

Cornus rugosa Lam.

Cornus stolonifera Michx.

Ulmus fulva Michx.

Vagnera racemosa (L.) Mo-
rong.

Athyrium filix-foemina (L.)
Roth.

Botrychium
(L.) Sw.

Abies balsamea (L.) Mill.

Epilobium angustifolium L.

Drymocallis arguta (Pursh)
Rydb.

Fomes applanatus.

Geranium maculatum L.

Asarum canadense L.

Euthamia graminifolia (L.)
Nutt.

Solidago altissima L.

Solidago flexicaulis L.

Solidago juncea Ait.

Solidago rigida L.

Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.

Solidago species.

Coptis trifolia (L.) Salisb.

Grossularia oxyacanthoides
(L.) Mill.

Vitis cordifolia Michx.

Onosmodium hispidissimum
Mackenzie.

Lycopodium obscurum L.

Astragalus crassicarpus
Nutt.

Campanula rotundifolia L.

virginianum

Corylus americana Walt.
Corylus rostrata Ait.
Stachys palustris L.

Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr.
Cicuta maculata L.
Hepatica americana Ker.
Hepatica triloba L.

Hicoria alba (L.) Britton.
Lonicera species.

Diervilla lonicera Mill.

The list herewith

296

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH, ANN, 44

List oF PLANTS ARRANGED ACCORDING TO CoMMON NAME—Continued

Common name

Botanical name

Common name

Botanical name

Hornbeam, hop
(ironwood).
Horsemint-_--_------
Horseweed_-_-
Hyssop, giant___----

Ironwood (hop
hornbeam).
Jack-in-the-pulpit___

Joe Pye weed_-_----
June berry (shad-
bush).

Lettuce, wild_______
Lily. <=. 2433* 2.4
Lily, white water___

Milkweed, common_

Milkweed, swamp_.
Mint, mountain___-
Moosewood __

Mustard, wormseed_
Nettles s22- = s2--- 55

Parsnip, cow--------
Parsnip, meadow - --

Pasque-flower_-__-_-

Rea, wilds
Peanut, hog_-_--.-__
Pearly everlasting__-

Rinesred Saas nae
Pine, white_-
Pipsissewa_-_-_------

Pitcher-plant______-
Plantain 222 ee seen
Plumswildeaasseres
Poplar, balsam
Prairie-clover______-

Prairie smoke_______

Psoraleas.t22) 98!

Ostrya virginiana (Mill.)
Koch.
Monarda mollis L.

Erigeron canadensis L.
Agastache anethiodora
(Nutt.) Britton.
Ostrya virginiana

Koch.
Arisaema triphyllum
Torr.
Eupatorium maculatum L.
Amelanchier canadensis (L.)
Medic.
Juniperus communis L.
Cypripedium hirsutum Mill.
Allium tricoccum Ait.
Lactuca canadensis L.
Lilium canadense L.
Castalia odorata
Woodv. & Wood.
Phryma leptostachya L.
Acer saccharum Marsh.
Potentilla palustris (L.) Seop.
Asclepias syriaca L.
Asclepias incarnata L.

(Mill.)

(L.)

(Ait.)

Koellia virginiana (L.)MacM

Direa palustris L.

Artemisia dracunculoides
Pursh.

Artemisia gnaphalodes Nutt.

Erysimum cheiranthoides L.

Urtica gracilis Ait.

Urticastrum divaricatum
(L.) Kuntze.

Quercus species.

Quercus macrocarpa Muhl.

Quercus rubra L.

Allium stellatum Ker.

Heliopsis scabra Dunal.

Castilleja coccinea
Spreng.

Heracleum lanatum Michx.

Thaspium barbinode
(Michx.) Nutt.

Pulsatilla hirsutissima
(Pursh.) Britton.

Lathyrus venosus Muhl,

Falcata comosa (L.) Kuntze.

Anaphalis margaritacea (L.)
B.& H.

Pinus resinosa Ait.

Pinus strobus L.

Chimaphila umbellata (L.)
Nutt.

Sarracenia purpurea L.

Plantago major L.

Prunus americana Marsh.

Populus balsamifera L.

Petalostemon purpureus
(Vent.) Rydb.

Sieversia ciliata (Pursh)
Rydb.

Psoralea argophylla Pursh.

(L.)

Puccoon] sees see

Pumpkin
Raspberry, black____
Raspberry, red______
Rattlesnake-root____

Rose, wild______-_--
Sage, prairie_______

Sarsaparilla, wild_
Scouring-rush_______
Scouring-rush_______
Selfheal. Sasa

Shepherd’s-purse____

Smartweed_-_______--
Smartweed_-______-__
Snakeroot, bur______
Snakeroot, Seneca___
Snowberry-_--_____-

Snowberry, creep-
ing.
Solomonseal -_______-

Squirrel-tail_________
Strawberry, wild____

Sumac, staghorn____
Sweetgrass __

Tea, New Jersey --_--
Thistle 22-222

‘Twisted-stalk_
Umbrella-plant_
Vervain®=2s0 tS

Willow, spotted_____
Wintergreen__
Woodbine

Lithospermum carolinense
(Walt.) MacM.

Calvatia craniiformis Schw.

Cucurbita pepo L.

Rubus occidentalis L.

Rubus strigosus Michx.

Prenanthes alba L.

Phragmites communis Trin.

Zizania palustris L.

Rosa species.

Rosa arkansana Porter.

Artemisia frigida Willd.

Aralia nudicaulis L.

Equisetum hiemale L.

Equisetum praealtum Raf.

Prunella vulgaris L.

Amelanchier canadensis (L.)
Medie.

Bursa bursa-pastoris
Britton.

Polygonum persicaria L.

Polygonum punctatum Ell.

Sanicula canadensis L.

Polygala senega L.

Symphoricarpos albus (L.)
Blake.

Chiogenes hispidula (L.) T.
«&QG.

Polygonatum commutatum.

Sphagnum species.

Aralia racemosa L.

Picea rubra (Du Roi) Dietr.

Picea canadensis (Mill.) B.
Ish deh

Cucurbita maxima Du-
chesne.

Hordeum jubatum L.

(L.)

Fragaria virginiana Du-
chesne.
Rhus glabra L.

Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw.

‘Torresia odorata(L.) Hitche.

Larix laricina(Du Roi) Koch.

Tanacetum vulgare L.

Ledum groenlandicum
Oeder.

Ceanothus ovatus Desf.

Cirsium species.

Crataegus species.

Streptopus roseus Michx,

Allionia nyctaginea Michx.

Verbena hastata L.

Trillium grandiflorum
(Michx.) Salisb.

Salix species.

Salix species.

Gaultheria procumbens L.

Parthenocissus quinquefolia
(L.) Greene.

Dicranum bonjeanii De Not.

Artemisia absinthium L.

Achillea millefolium L.

Taxus canadensis Marsh.

DENSMORE] LIST OF PLANTS 297

There is no exact terminology of Chippewa plants, although there
are some generally accepted designations of common plants and trees.
In obtaining the names of plants it was found that the same name is
often given to several plants, and that one plant may have several
names. Individuals often had their own names for the plants which
they used as remedies. It was also customary for a medicine man,
when teaching the use of a plant, to show a specimen of the plant
without giving it any name. Thus the identity of the plant was
transmitted with more secrecy than would have been possible if a
name had been assigned to it. The names by which plants are desig-
nated by the Chippewa are usually compound nouns indicating the
appearance of the plant, the place where it grows, a characteristic
property of the plant, or its principal use. To this is often added a
termination indicating the part of the plant which is utilized, as
root or leaf.

Examples of these classes of plant names are as follows:

Name indicating appearance of the plant: Be’cigodji’bigik (blue cohosh),
becig, one; djibiguk, root; the plant having a tap root.

Name indicating place where the plant grows: Mt’ckigwa’tig (tamarack),
muckig, swamp; atig, termination indicating wood.

Name indicating a characteristic property of the plant: Dado’cabodji’bik
(dandelion), dadocabo, liquid, or milk; odjibik, root.

Name indicating characteristic use of plant: A’gimak’
shoe; ak, termination signifying wood.

(ash), agim, snow-

List or PLANTS* ARRANGED ACCORDING TO NATIVE NAME

Native name Common name Native name Common name
Abo djigin®= = sees. eesas Reed. A’sisiwe’minaga’wunj--| Chokecherry.
A‘djidamo’wano---_____ Yarrow, squirrel- tail, || Aya’ bidjidji’bikagi’sin-_| Spikenard.
goldenrod.!
A‘gimak’._ eee Ash. Mugwort, prairie clover.
Ago’ bisowin= 22222402 - Ladyslipper. Mugwort.
Agong’osimintn’_ False Solomonseal. Beba’mokodjibika’gisin_| Dogbane.
Agwin’gusibtig’ --_- Twisted-stalk. Be’ cigodji’ bigak_________ Blue cohosh, wild gera-
Cup-plant. nium.
Bulrush. Be’dukadak’igisin_-_____- Umbrella plant.
Hedge-nettle. Bepadji’ckanakiz’/it ma’-| Nettle.
Honeysuckle, bugle- zana’tig.
weed. Bi’ bigwe’wunuck_-__-___| Cow parsnip.
Arrowwood. Bibi/gwanukuk’ __ Horsemint.
Goldenrod. Bi’jikiwi’bugesan’_______ Ground-plum.
Cranberry. Bi'jikiwi’ginig___.______- Wild rose.
Bi'jikiwin’gick Prairie sage.
Anidji/minibiig’ - Bijikiwtiek(. 2222. ase Seneca snakeroot,
A’ninandak’ - Balsam fir. Bima’kwid___.__...---- Bittersweet.
A/nina’tig____ Sugar maple. Bine’ btig____ Marsh locks.
A’‘nimu’sid__ Hepatica. Bd’gesana’tig Wild plum.
Aptik’we_____ Cat-tail. Bui‘ giso"wine?._ 2 sss Mugwort, swamp milk-
Asaidie5 Aspen. weed, Joe Pye weed.
Asanimig = eee W ood-moss, sphagnum. Bugwidj/miskodi’simin_| Hog peanut.
A! sawan nos eo Lady fern. Busidji’bikigik________- Meadow parsnip.
As'kibwar't=: 222 Jerusalem artichoke. | Cabo’minaga/winj_____- Gooseberry.

1 It will be noted that one name is frequently given to several plants and that one plant is frequently

called by several names.

55231 °—28——20

298

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN, 44

List oF PLANTS ARRANGED ACCORDING TO NATIVE NAME—Continued

Native name

Common name

Native name

Common name

|
Caca’gomin _-_-_-
Cigagwa’tigon_
@lngobl- 225. 3-2 -<25- 332
Ciwade’imin’ibug-_-
Ciwade’iminaga’wunj___
Dado’ cabodji’ bik -____-_-

iDjibe/gtibAbesaste- ees)
Gababi’kwina’tig_______
Gabisan’ikeiig’____-____- |
Gaga’gimic___
Ga/gawan’dagisid -__
Ga’ gige’bug-__-
Ga’jugéns’ibig
Gawa’komic
Gijib’iniskon’ __--_____-
Gijikan(dtige2--2--==-—-
Gine’bigwuack_______----
Ginoje’wikin-_-_--______- |
Gi’teiode’iminidji’ bik ___
Gi’ziso’ bigons’_.-___--_-

Gi’ziso’mucki’‘ki-----__-
Gi’zuswe’ bigwa’nis-___-
Gogeda’djibig--------_-
Giizigwa’kominaga’wanj|
Vckode’big__-___-------
V’ckode’wadji’bik -_____-
Dicwe'mie==2-2-2-=-

Ini‘ niwtnj--
Ininiwin’dibige’gun
Jingwak!22e2 2. seas oa
Jin’gwakwan’dug--_____- |
Jo’minaga’ wtinj---------
Main’gamuna’tig--_-__-
Ma‘kibtig-* sere ee
Ma’kodji’bik___--__--__-
Ma’kwona’gic obji’ bik __
Ma/nanons’--_---------.

Manoimins=-- eee
Ma’zana’tig
Me’skwana’kuk
Micidji’minaga’winj____
Mi'giséns’ibiig_-_____-
Minaga’/winj--.---_-_--
Mine’saga’winj---_------
Mi’nisino’wiick ---_---_-
Mis’kodji’ bik -----_---_-
Mis’kwabi’mic_-
Mis’kominaga’winj__-_-
Miskwa’wak-_ s
Mitigo’mic_- ae
Mitigo’mizine_ ted
Mi’tigwabak’__..-------
Mickig’obig_-_-------_-

Mid’ckigwa’tig--...--_--

Bunch berry.

Red currant.

Spruce.

Alum-root.

Alum-root.

Rattlesnake-root, dande-
lion.

Moosewood.

Horseweed.

Hepatica.

| Hemlock.
_| Juniper.

Pipsissewa.

Catnip.

Slippery elm, prickly ash.

Scouring rush,

Arbor vite.

Plantain.

Yellow dock.

Five-finger.

Ox-eye, psoralea,
flower.

Goldenrod.

cone

| Cone flower.
| Pasque flower.

Shadbush,
Mugwort.
Shepherd’s purse.
Wild cherry.
Common milkweed.
Wake-robin.

Red pine, white pine.
Mugwort.

Grape.

Snowberry.

Sumac.

Carrion flower.
Dogbane.

Hop hornbeam.
Balsam poplar.
Corn.

Woodbine.

Wild rice.

.| Nettle, thistle.
.| Joe-Pye-weed.

Wild currant.
False gromwell.
Blueberry.
Thornapple.
Wild pea.
Bloodroot.
Red-osier dogwood.
Red raspberry.
Red cedar.
Bur oak.

Oak.

Hickory.
Labrador tea.
Tamarack,

Muckode’cigaga’winj__-
Muckode’kanés--__-----
MU’ ckosija’bosigtin _-__-
M4j’omij-----_-
Mij‘ota’bak
Miuakide’widji’ bik -_--__
Muse’odji’bik -____---_--
Ne’bagandag’___--.--__.
Na’bugogwis’simaiin’ _ __
Na’bugiick’ ___
Name’gosibug’
Name’ pin-_-__-_
Name’wickons- ------_-

Ne’baneya’nek weiig’____
Niya/wibakak’-___
Nokwe'jigiin___-..-._-_-
O/ckinigi’kweini’bie____
Oda’tagago’minaga’winj

Ode’iminidji’ bik - -______
Odiga’dimanido’ -_______
Odjiibikens2-2-----) ==
Odji’biknamtn’
Odjiei’gomin____--___-_-
O’gima’wiieks.-:-2_-2--2
Ogini’minaga’wunj______

Ofgite bigs. ----------2-
Ogwis’simatin’ -_-_______
Ojaicidjiibik----——=-———
Ojig’imin’____

O/makiki wida’sin
O’mucko’zowa’no_____-_-
O’saga’tigom-__..------.-
O’zawa’bigwun- --______

Oza’ widji’bik..-_-------
Ozi’sigo’ bimic

Saga’komin’agun)’-
Sasa’ bikwan_---__-

Wabino’wtck___--------
Wabos’odji’ bik_-_-_-----

Wabos’obigons’ -_-_-___-
Weza’wuntickwik’______
Wicko’ bimiicko’si_-_--__-
Wi‘cosidji‘bik-_----_-_--
Wigub’imij--__-
Wi'gwasa’tig___
Wikén’

Winabojo’bikwu

Wild onion.

Bluestem.

Calamus,

Dogwood.

Arrowhead.

Bur snake root.

Wormwood.

Yew.

Squash.

Calamus.

Aster.

Wild ginger.

Mountain mint
selfheal).

Prairie smoke.

Boneset.

White mugwort.

Tansy.

Blackberry (also black
raspberry).

Wild strawberry.

New Jersey tea.

Golderrod.

Puccoon.

Wild lettuce.

Mugwort.

Rose (term refers to the
rose-berry).

Cowslip.

Pumpkin.

Fireweed.

Smartweed.

Plantain.

Pitcher-plant.

(also

| Elk tail.

Sweet cicely.

Wormseed, mustard,
goldenrod.

Goldthread, bitter dock,
yellow dock.

Willow.

Bearberry.

Dogbane.

Wild leek.

Alder.

Pearly everlasting (and
other plants).

Horsemint.

Wild sarsaparilla (also
wild currant).

Creeping snowberry.

Giant hyssop.

Sweetgrass.

Red baneberry.

Basswood.

White birch.

Calamus.

Lily.

DENSMORE] MEDICINAL PROPERTIES OF PLANTS 299

List or PLANTS ARRANGED AccorDING TO Native NAME—Continued

Native name | Common name Native name Common name
— | =

Winabojo’ noko’mis | Painted-cup. ek cbc teed 8) 3 Te ee ae SE | Burdock.

wi'nizisin’. | | Wi'stgi’mitigo’mic______ Bitter oak.
Wi'nibidja’bibaga’no____| Chickweed. | Wi’sugidji’bik_______ _-| Culver’s root.
Wini’sibaigons’______ _| Wintergreen. ieZia(ed bee se ==— - __| False nettle.
Wini’stk6ns=- 0 o2- ee Aster. |) Zi’eini’ce--_- 2 - Harebell.

|

An investigation was made to determine whether the plants used
medicinally by the Chippewa have a recognized use by the white
race. Two reports on this subject were courteously prepared by Dr.
W. W. Stockberger, physiologist in charge of drug, poisonous and
oil plant investigations, Bureau of Plant Industry, United States
Department of Agriculture. The first report shows the medicinal
properties of such plants and the second report shows the principal
active medicinal constituents of these plants.

MEDICINAL PROPERTIES OF PLANTS USED BY THE
CHIPPEWA

The following 69 plants used by the Chippewa are regarded as
medicinal by white people, although opinion as to their therapeutic
value varies greatly. The few species now officially recognized in
the latest editions of the United States Pharmacopoeia and the Na-
tional Formulary are designated in the text by the abbreviations
U.S. P. IX and N. F. 4, respectively. Species recognized in the
eighth revision of the United States Pharmacopoeia but no longer
official are indicated by U. S. P. VIII.

The remaining species, some of which were recognized in the
earlier Pharmacopoeias, have long been used either in medicine as
practiced by certain physicians or as domestic remedies.

Abies balsamea (l.) Mill. Balsam. Pinacear. Pine family.

Canada balsam, a liquid oleoresin obtained from this tree, is stimulant,
diuretic, occasionally diaphoretic and externally rubefacient. U. 8S. P. VIII.
Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow, Milfoil. Compositrar. Composite family.

The plant is slightly astringent and has been used as an alterative, diuretic,
and as a stimulant tonic.

Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag, calamus. ARAcEAE. Arum family.

The rhizome has been employed as an aromatic stimulant and tonic. U.S. P.
VIII.

Actaea rubra (Ait.) Willd. Red baneberry. RANUNCULACEAE. Crowfoot family.

The rhizome is said to be emeto-purgative and parasiticide.

Alnus incana (.) Moench. Speckled alder. FAGAckEAr. Beech family.

The bark is alterative, astringent, and emetic.

300 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 44

Apocynum androsaemifolium L. Spreading dogbane. ApocyNACEAE. Dogbane
family.
The root is diuretic, sudorific, emetic, cathartic, and anthelmintic. U. 8. P.
VIII.
Aralia nudicaulis L. Wild sarsaparilla, ARALIACEAE, Ginseng family.
The roots have been used for their gently stimulant, diaphoretic, and alter-
ative action.
Aralia racemosa lL. Spikenard. ARALIACEAE. Ginseng family.
The root is alterative, stimulant, and diaphoretic.
Arctium minus Bernh. Burdock. CompostraAr. Composite family.
The root is diuretic, diaphoretic, and alterative. U. 8. P. VIII.
Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) Spreng. Bearberry. ErtcAckAr. Heath family.
The leaves have mild and slightly antiseptic diuretic properties. U.S. P. IX.
Arisaema triphyllum (.) Torr. Jack-in-the-pulpit. Aracear. Arum family.
Mentioned in unofficial part of United States and King’s Dispensatories.
Artemisia absinthium lL. Wormwood. Compostrar. Composite family.
The leaves and flowering tops are tonic, stomachic, stimulant, febrifuge, and
anthelmintic.
Artemisia dracunculoides Pursh. Fuzzy-weed. Compostrar. Composite family.
The plant acts as a topical irritant and diaphoretic.
Asarum canadense L. Wild ginger. ARISTOLOCHIACEAE. Birthwort family.
The rhizome and roots are used as a carminative agent and flavor. N. F. 4.
Asclepias incarnata L. Swamp milkweed. ASCLEPIADACEAE. Milkweed family.
The root is alterative, anthelmintic, cathartic, and emetic.
Asclepias syriacaL.. Milkweed. ASCLEPIADACEAE. Milkweed family.
The root is tonic, diuretic, alterative, emmenagogue, purgative, and emetic.
Athyrium filix-foemina (.) Roth. Lady fern. PotypoprackAr. Fern family.
Reputed tuenicide and formerly so used. é
Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britton. Shepherd’s Purse. Cructrerar. Mustard
family.
This plant was formerly thought to be antiscorbutic.
Caltha palustris L. Marsh marigold. RANUNCULACEAE. Crowfoot family.
The plant has been popularly used in the treatment of coughs.
Caulophyllim thalictroides (.) Michx. Blue Cohosh. BERBERIDACEAE. Bar-
bery family.
The rhizome and roots are said to be sedative, diuretic, and emmenagogue.
N. F. 4.
Celastrus scandens L. Bittersweet. CELASTRACEAE. Staff tree family.
The bark is said to be emetic, diaphoretic, and alterative.
Cirsium sp. CompostTan. Composite family.
The related species Cirsium arvense is said to be tonic, diuretic, and astrin-
gent.
Cornus alternifolia L. f. Blue or purple dogwood. CorNnAcEAr. Dogwood
family.
The bark of the root of the related species, Cornus florida, is a feeble, astrin-
gent tonic.
Cypripedium hirsutum Mill. Showy ladyslipper. Orcuipacear, Orchis family.

The rhizome and roots have been described as tonic, stimulant, and diapho-
retic. N. F. 4.

DENSMORB] MEDICINAL PROPERTIES OF PLANTS 301

Dirca palustris L. Wicopy. THYMELAEACEAE, Mezereum family.
The berries are said to be narcotic and poisonous. The bark is purgative and
emetic and when fresh vesicant.
Epilobium angustifolium L. Great willow-herb. ONAGRACEAE. Hvening prim-
rose family.
The plant is tonic, astringent, demulcent, and emollient.
Erigeron canadensis L. Horseweed. Compositar. Composite family.
The plant is diuretic, tonic, and astringent.
Eupatorium maculatum lL. Spotted boneset. Comrosrrar. Composite family.
The dried leaves and flowering tops are used to prepare a domestic diapho-
retic tea. N. F. 4.
Fragaria virginiana Duchesne. Wild strawberry. Rosackar. Rose family.
The leaves are slightly astringent ; the roots diuretic.
Gaultheria procumbens L. Wintergreen, Checkerberry. Erricacnar. Heath
family.
The leaves are aromatie and astringent.
Geranium maculatum L. Cranesbill. GrRANIACEAE. Geranium family.
The rhizome is an absolute intestinal astringent. N. F. 4.
Heracleum lanatum Michx. Cow parsnip, beaver root. UMBELLIFERAE. Pars-
ley family. ‘
The leaves and roots are rubefacient ; the root is said to be carminative and
stimulant.
Koeltia virginiana (L.) MacM. Virginia thyme. Lasraran. Mint family.
The plant is diaphoretic, carminative, and tonic.
Lactuca canadensis L. Wild lettuce. Composrrar. Composite family.
The juice of the plant is said to be mildly narcotic.
Larix laricina (DuRoi) Koch. Tamarack. Prnacear. Pine family.
The bark is said to be laxative, tonic, diuretic, and alterative.
Ledum groenlandicum Oeder. Labrador tea. Ericaceagr. Heath family.
The leaves are expectorant and tonic. They are said to have been employed
instead of tea leaves during the Revolutionary War.
Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt. Culver’s-root. ScHROPHULARIACEAE. Figwort
family.
The rhizome and roots are alterative, cholagogue, and cathartic. N. F. 4.
Nepeta cataria L. Catnip. Lasrararn. Mint family.
The leaves and flowering tops have long had a domestic use as a mild stimu-
lant and tonic and as an emmenagogue.
Nymphaea americana (Proy.) Miller & Standley. Pondlily. NyMPHAEACEAR.
Waterlily family.
The rhizome of the closely related species Nymphaea advena is astringent and
demulcent,
Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) Clarke. Sweet cicely. UMBELLIFERAE. Parsley
family.
The root of the closely related Osmorrhiza longistylis is aromatic, carmina-
tive, and stomachic.
Ostrya virginiana (Mill.) Koch. American hop hornbeam. BrTuLACEAE. Birch
family.
The bark and inner wood are antiperiodic, tonic, and alterative.

302 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ETH. ANN, 44

Plantago major L. Large plantain. PLANTAGINACEAE. Plantain family.
The roots and leaves are alterative, diuretic, and antiseptic.
Populus balsamifera L. Balsam poplar. Saricackar. Willow family.
The leaf buds are resinous, aromatic, and expectorant.
Populus tremuloides Michx. American aspen. SALicacear. Willow family.
The bark is tonic and febrifuge.
Potentilla palustris (.) Scop. Marsh five-finger. Rosacrear, Rose family.
The roots are bitter and astringent, but do not appear to have been used in
medicine.
Prunus serotina Bhrh. Wild black cherry. Rosaceae. Rose family.
The dried bark is tonic, sedative, pectoral, and astringent. U.S. P. IX.
Prunus virginiana L. Chokecherry. Rosacear. Rose family.
The fruit is very astringent.
Psoralea argophylla Pursh. LEGUMINOSAE. Pea family.
The root and leaves of several species of Psoralea appear to possess the
properties of a mild, stimulating, bitter tonic.
Pulsatilla hirsutissima (Pursh) Britton. Pasque flower. RANUNCULACEAE.
Crowfoot family.
The plant has been recommended as an alterative, sedative, and antispas-
modic. N. F. 4.
Quercus rubra L. Red oak. FAGACRAE. Beech family.
Oak bark is slightly tonic, powerfully astringent and antiseptic.
Rhus glabra L. Smooth sumac. ANACARDIACEAH. Cashew family.
The dried ripe fruits are astringent and refrigerant. N. F. 4.
Rubus strigosus Michx. Wild red raspberry. Rosacean. Rose family.
The juice of the ripe fruits is used for flavoring. N. F. 4.
Rudbeckia laciniata L. Composrrar. Composite family.
The herb is said to be diuretic, tonic, and balsamic.
Rumex crispus L. Yellow dock. PotyGonacear. Buckwheat family.
The root is astringent, slightly tonic and has been supposed to have alterative
properties. N. F. 4.
Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot. PAPAVERACEAE. Poppy family.
The rhizome and roots are irritant and narcotic, expectorant in small doses,
but in large doses nauseant and emetic. U.S. P. IX.
Sanicula canadensis L. Black snakeroot. UMBELLIFERAE. Parsley family.
The root is said to be astringent, antispasmodic, and antiperiodic.
Silphium perfoliatum L. Cup-plant. Composrrar. Composite family.
The plant is tonic, diaphoretic, and diuretic.
Solidago rigida L. Goldenrod. Compostrar. Composite family.
The herb is astringent and styptie.
Solidago rigidiuscula Porter. Goldenrod. Composirar. Composite family.
Supposed to have properties similar to the preceding species.
Stachys palustris L. Woundwort. Lasrarar. Mint family.
The herb is said to be expectorant and vulnerary.
Stellaria media (.) Cyrill. Common chickweed. CARYOPHYLLACEAE. Pink
family.
The leaves appear to be a cooling demulcent.

DENSMORD] MEDICINAL CONSTITUENTS OF PLANTS 303

Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake. Snowberry. CAprIFOLIACEAE. Honeysuckle
family.
The root is alterative and tonic.
Tanacetum vulgare L. Tansy. Compostrar. Composite family.
The leaves and tops are tonic, emmenagogue and diaphoretic.
Taraxacum officinale Weber. Dandelion. Composirar. Composite family.
The rhizome and roots are used as a bitter tonic and as a mild laxative.
WG Sh 125g BS
Thuja occidentalis L. Arborvitae. PINacEAr. Pine family.
An extract prepared from the leafy young twigs has been recommended as a
febrifuge, expectorant, and anthelmintic. N. F. 4.
Trillium grandifiorum (Michx.) Salisb. Litrackar. Lily family.
The rhizome has been used as an astringent and tonic expectorant.
Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Hemlock. Prnackar. Pine family.
Canada pitch obtained from this tree is a gentle rubefacient.
Urtica gracilis Ait. Nettle. Urricacran. Nettle family.
Several related species of nettle have been used in medicine as local irritants
and as diuretics.
Viburnum acerifolium lL. Arrow-wood. CAPRIFOLIACEAE. Honeysuckle family.
The bark was formerly used as an astringent.
Zanthorylum americanum Mill. Prickly ash. Rurackar. Rue family.
The bark is sialagogue, stimulant, alterative, and emetic. U.S. P. IX.

PRINCIPAL ACTIVE MEDICINAL CONSTITUENTS OF PLANTS USED
BY THE CHIPPEWA

Abies balsamea. Constituents: A true turpentine consisting of 24 parts essen-
tial oil and 60 parts resin. By fractional distillation the oil has been resolved
into bornyl or terpinyl acetate, pinene, and a fragrant oil resembling oil of
lemon.

Achillea millefolium. Constituents: A blue volatile oil containing cineol and a
bitter principle, achillein.

Acorus calamus. Constituents: The rhizome yields a volatile oil which has the
composition of a terpene.

Actaea rubra. Constituents: Two resins which have a physiological action
resembling that of the active principles of Cimicifuga and Helleborus.

Alnus incana. Constituents: Tannin, volatile oil, and resins.

Apocynum androsaemifolium. Constituents: Resins, caoutchouc, a volatile oil,
and a bitter principle consisting of the glucosides apocynamarin, apocynein,
androsin, and the glyceride androsterin.

Aralia nudicaulis. Constituents: An acrid resin, and araliin, a yellowish
glucoside.

Aralia racemosa. Constituents: Same as A. nudicaulis.

Arctium minus. Constituents: Inulin, sugar, volatile oil, and a bitter glucoside.

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi. Constituents: Tannic acid, gallic acid, gum, resin,
urson, arbutin, and ericolin.

Artemisia absinthium. Constituents: A volatile oil and absinthin, a bitter
principle.

Artemisia dracunculoides. Constituents: (7?)

Asarum canadense. Constituents: A phenol C,H..O:, pinene, a blue oil, a lactone,
palmitic acid, acetic acid, and a mixture of fatty acids and oleoresin.

304 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [sTH. ANN. 44

Asclepias incarnata. Constituents: A volatile oil, resins, and the glucoside
asclepiadin.

Asclepias syriaca. Constituents: Similar to those of A. incarnata and in addi-
tion asclepion.

Athyrium filix-foemina. Constituents: The active principle resembles filicic
acid.

Bursa bursa-pastoris. Constituents: A volatile oil identical with that of
mustard, and the alkaloid bursine.

Caltha palustris. Constituents: Berberin and an alkaloid similar to nicotine.

Caulophyllum thalictroides. Constituents: Resins, a substance similar to
saponin, and the glucoside leontin.

Celastrus scandens. Constituents: A volatile oil and celastrin.

Cirsium arvense. Constituents: A volatile alkaloid and the glucoside enicin.

Cornus alternifolia. Constituents: Cornine.

Cypripedium hirsutum. Constituents: A volatile oil and the glucosidal resinoid,
cypripedin.

Diervilla lonicera. Constituents: Alkaloid believed to be narceine; a glucoside
similar to fraxina in D. lutea.

Dirca palustris. Constituents: Undetermined.

Epilobium augustifolium. Constituents: Undetermined.

Brigeron canadensis, Constituents: A volatile oil.

Bupatorium maculatum. Constituents: Undetermined.

Fragaria virginiana. Constituents: The glucoside fragarianin.

Gaultheria procumbens. Constituents: A volatile oil containing the terpene
gaultherilene and methyl salicylate.

Geranium maculatum. Constituents: Tannin,

Heracleum lanatum. Constituents: A volatile oil.

Koellia virginiana. Constituents: (?)

Lactuca canadensis, Constituents: The bitter principle lactucin, lactucie acid,
lactucopicrin, lactucerin, and a volatile oil.

Lari« laricina, Constituents: A volatile oil which contains pinene, larixine, and
the ester bornylacetate.

Ledum groenlandicum. Constituents: The glucoside ericolin.

Leptandra virginica. Constituents: The glucoside leptandrin.

Nepeta cataria. Constituents: A volatile oil.

Nymphaea americana. Constituents: Undetermined.

Osmorrhiza claytoni. The related species QO. longistylis yields a volatile oil
composed chiefly of anethol.

Ostrya virginiana. Constituents: Undetermined.

Plantago major. Constituents: Not well known.

Populus balsamifera. Constituents: Chrysin, tetrochrysin, salicin, populin,
resin and a volatile oil.

Populus tremuloides. Constituents: See P. balsamifera.

Potentilla palustris. Constituents: A bitter principle, mucilage and tannins.

Prunus serotina. Constituents: A glucoside.

Prunus virginiana. Constituents: A glucoside.

Psoralea argophylla. Constituents: (7?)

Pulsatilla hirsutissima. Constituents: A volatile oil containing a camphor.

Quercus rubra. Constituents: Tannic acid, a terpene, resin and quercitrin.

Rhus glabra, Constituents: Tannic acid and gallic acid.

Rubus strigosus. Constituents of fruit: Citric and malic acids.

Rudbeckia laciniata. Constituents: (7?)

DENSMORD] MEDICINAL CONSTITUENTS OF PLANTS 305

Rumer crispus. Constituents: Tannin, albumen and iron.

Sanguinaria canadensis. Constituents: The alkaloid chelerythrine, sanguina-
rine, gamma-homochelidonine and protopine.

Sanicula canadensis. Constituents: A resin and an essential oil.

Silphium perfoliatum. Constituents: Undetermined.

Solidago rigida. Constituents: A volatile oil.

Solidago rigidiuscula. Constituents: A volatile oil.

Stachys palustris. Constituents: An aromatic substance and an alkaloid.

Stellaria media. Constituents: Saponin.

Symphoricarpos albus. Constituents: Invertin, a glucoside and emulsin.

Tanacetum vulgare. Constituents: The bitter principle tanacetin and a vola-
tile oil.

Tararacum officinale. Constituents: The bitter principles taraxicin taraxa-
cerin.

Thuja occidentalis. Constituents: The coloring matter thujin, the glucoside,
penipicrin, and a volatile oil containing dutro-pinene, laeyo-fenchone and
dextro-thujone.

Trillium grandiflorum. Constituents: Undetermined.

Tsuga canadensis. Constituents: Resin and a volatile oil which contains laevo-
pinene and laevo-bornylacetate.

Urtica gracilis. Constituents: A volatile oil.

Viburnum acerifolium. Constituents: Probably viburnin and valerianic acid.

Zanthoxrylum americanum. Constituents: Zanthoxylin and an alkaloid resem-
bling berberine.

PLANTS AS FOOD

The strength of the Chippewa in conquering the Sioux and estab-
lishing themselves in new territory indicates that they were well
nourished, that suitable food was available, and that it was prepared
in a proper manner. This was the work of the women, who were
very industrious and bestowed much care on the provisioning of
their households. <A staple article of food was wild rice, which was
seasoned with maple sugar or combined with broth made from ducks
or venison. An important food value was obtained from maple
sugar. Fish were extensively used, as the Chippewa, lacking horses,
lived along the lakes and watercourses as much as possible. It is
said that they had squash and pumpkins before the coming of the
white man, and the country abounded in berries and wild fruit of
many varieties. Thus it is seen that the Chippewa were a people
subsisting chiefly on vegetable products and fish, though they secured
deer and other animals by hunting. The making of gardens was an
important phase of the industrial year, and a portion of the food
thus obtained was stored in caches for winter use.

While the present chapter concerns the use of vegetable foods it
may be added that fish were stored by drying and by freezing; and
that meat was dried, after which it usually was pounded and mixed
with tallow for storage. The Chippewa cooked and ate all trapped
animals except the marten. Rabbits were caught in snares and
formed a valuable food during the winter months. Deer and moose
were available, and bear meat was liked because it was so fat. The
bear was an especially useful animal, as all parts of it were either
eaten or utilized. :

306

DENSMORD] PLANTS AS FOOD

List oF PLANTS USED AS Foop

Botanical name Common name

307

Part of plant used

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) Spreng_-_| Bearberry -- --------
Asarum canadense L__--_----------- iWaildjgingersas 2s =
ASCleplas SVTIaca tuee == =a ee Common milkweed__
Agterispecles eee eee
Chiogenes hispidula (L.) T. & G___---
@omusicanadensis Wes = 2 22222 2s aes

Corylus americana Walt________----- Pazelseiso84- SS e-3.3
Crataegus species_-___-__----------- Thornapple_______--
Cucurbita maxima Duchesne___-_~-~~-~- (StonurEIs) ot ates Se eee
Cucunbitaipepo ees 12 \vinayojiohn 2

Wild bean or ‘‘ Hog
peanut.”
Strawberry -_-__----
Wintergreen_____-_--
Jerusalem artichoke__
Mountain mint______
Labrador tea______--

Falcata comosa (L.) Kuntze_______ ~~

Fragaria virginiana Duchesne__-_-~-----
Gaultheria procumbens L
Helianthus tuberosus L__------------
Koellia virginiana (L.) MaeM____-_--
Ledum groenlandicum Oeder__-----_-

Lycopus asper Greene_______-------- Bugleweed __-------
Oxycoccus macrocarpus (Ait.) Pers___| Cranberry-____--__-_--
Parthenocissus quinquefolia (L.) | Woodbine (Virginia
Greene. creeper).

Populus tremuloides Michx__-_-_-_-~--_- Poplarey = Yan f. ..8u
Prunus americana Marsh_-______-__- Chokecherry-_-_------
Pronusiserotina Mhbrh== 22s 2 ee Wild cherry_._------
Pronusevinginiana du. —. See 2 ees 2 Chokecherry__------
Quercus macrocarpa Muhl__________- Buniosk =. 2) = eee

Ribesvbristeseal leas) ALCS) eee

IRIDESTRPECLESEs — Re! LUST pean SIC FST Wild currant_______»
Rubus frondosus Bigel. (?) -_-_------ iBlackbemy.==== ===
Rubus strigosus Michx--_-_-_-------- Red raspberry _--—--
Sagittaria latifolia Vahl_________-____ ATROWMeHON = = ===
Scirpus validtisn Vableee se Bulkushiees a=
Tilinpamericans ute. 2s. = 7 en iBasswoods —22 2-258
Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr______--_-_- Hemlock==s==—=— =
Vaccinium angustifolium Ait_________ iBluebernyy_== 2 === =— =
Viburnum pauciflorum Pylaie____--- Highland cranberry
Watisvcordifolia ichx==_ = (Grapers ee eu se
Deana syle tis. VEE. SEE Comte aera: 25s
AWaniapalustisyLes 4 1 s<e-b let Indisminicessenas—-2

Sap.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Root.
Flowers.
Leaves.
Leaves.
Fruit.
Nut.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Fruit.
Root.

Fruit.

Leaves.

Root.

Vlowersandbuds.

Leaves.

Root.

Fruit.

Stalk and sap
next the bark.

Sap.

Twigs.

Twigs.

Twigs.

Fruit (acorns).

Fruit.

Fruit.

Fruit.

Fruit.

Root.

Root.

Sap next the
bark.

Leaves.

Fruit.

Fruit.

Fruit.

Fruit.

Fruit.

308 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [rru. ANN. 44
Maxine Marre Svear2

The two most important vegetable foods were maple sugar and
wild rice. The obtaining of these commodities was attended with
much pleasure, though the temporary camps were busy and there
was work for young and old. Each family or group of two or
three families had its own sugar bush, as it also had its own part
of the rice field, and the people went there in the early spring to
make the year’s supply of sugar. Two structures remained in the
sugar camp from year to year. These were the birch-bark lodge in
which the utensils were stored, and the frame of the lodge in which
the sugar was made. (Pl. 31.) The former was generally round in
shape, but the one visited by the writer was constructed with a
“ridge pole” to give more room at the top. The latter was made
in a substantial manner and consisted of a stout framework of
poles covered with sheets of elm or cedar bark. Rolls of birch bark
might, if desired, be substituted for the heavier bark on the roof.
The size of the lodge varied with the number of families in the
camp. The lodge visited by the writer was of average size, the
length being 181% feet, the width 19 feet 3 inches, and the height at
the eaves 10 feet. There was an entrance at each end and a plat-
form extended the entire length at each side. These platforms were
about 5 feet wide, 12 to 18 inches high, and might be on one or both
sides of the lodge. They were intended primarily for sleeping, but
the edge next the fire was used for sitting and eating, after the
bedding had been rolled and placed next to the walls of the lodge.
If possible, the platform on one side was reserved for the sugar-
making utensils. In a small lodge the platform might be on only
one side, the utensils being placed on the ground at the opposite
side of the lodge.

The fire space extended the length of the lodge beneath the ridge
of the roof, and a large log of green wood was placed at each side
of it. A structure for holding the kettles was erected above the
fire space. This structure consisted of four heavy corner posts, 6 or
7 feet high, with crotches at the top. Between the crotches of the
posts, crosswise of the lodge, were laid stout poles, upon which were
poles laid lengthwise, and between these, over the fire, were placed
the horizontal bars from which the kettles were suspended. Thus
it was possible by moving the horizontal bars to place a kettle over
any part of the fire. The largest kettles were hung in the center

“It is said that “the primitive Indian method of making sugar before the introduction of
metal kettles was to throw red-hot stones in vessels of bark or wood, or again, to freeze
the syrup repeatedly in shallow basins and throw off the ice.’ Dr, V. Havard, U. S. A.,
“Drink plants of the North American Indians,’ Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club,
Lancaster, Pa., 1896, vol. 28, no. 2, pp. 42-43.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30

a, CASS LAKE, MINN.

6b, STREAM, WHITE EARTH, MINN.

(G4aso10) STISNSLN HOS 390071 aDVHOLS AGNV ‘qaniog SVM dvS 31dVW HOIHM NI 39007 sO AINVeS

ADOIONHLA NVOINAWYV JO Nvadng

l€ BLVId LYOdaY IVWANNV HLYNOs-ALYOS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 32

a, STORAGE LODGE (OPEN)

b, BIRCH-BARK CONTAINERS

c, BIRCH-BARK CONE, DISH, AND SPOONS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33

b, MAPLE TREES TAPPED

DENSMOBD] PLANTS AS FOOD 309

of the lodge. They were suspended by strips of green bark, later
by chains and iron hooks made by blacksmiths. The smaller kettles
were placed over the ends of the fire, and usually were hung on
wooden hooks made of tree crotches, ironwood being frequently used
for this purpose.

To add to the comfort of the lodge, a double shelf was fastened to
the side of the framework for holding small articles. This was
placed near the door, where it could conveniently be reached by the
mistress of the lodge.

The capacity or size of a sugar bush was not estimated by the
number of maple trees but by the number of “taps,” as it was not
unusual to make two or three taps in a large tree. Nine hundred taps
was an average size. The number of taps was reckoned by hundreds,
the larger camps being mentioned as having 1,200 or 2,000 taps.

The season of sugar making began about the middle of March and
lasted about a month. It is said that the best sugar was made when
the early part of the winter had been open, allowing the ground to
freeze deeper than usual, this being followed by deep snow. The
first run of sap was considered the best. A storm usually followed
the first warm weather, and afterwards the sap began to flow again.
This sap, however, grained less easily than the first and had a slightly
different flavor. Rain produced a change in the taste and a thunder-
storm is said to have destroyed the characteristic flavor of the sugar.

The procedure of moving to the sugar camp depended somewhat
upon the condition of the lodge. If repairs with sheets of heavy
bark were needed, it was customary for the men to go early to the
camp. The following account presupposes a lodge with birch-bark
rolls as its roof covering. If such a lodge were in use the women
went first to the camp, making their way on snowshoes through the
forest. On their backs they carried the rolls of birch bark for the
roof covering. These rolls were carried perpendicularly by a pack
strap across the forehead. They were not heavy, but towered high
above a woman’s head.

Arriving at the camp, the women shoveled the snow away from
the sugar lodge and soon made themselves comfortable. A ladder of
tree branches was among the articles stored during the winter, and
placing this against the framework of the lodge they ascended and
spread their rolls of birch bark on the roof. On the platforms in
the interior of the lodge they spread cedar boughs, if such were avail-
able, and on these were laid rush mats, over which were spread
blankets and warm furs. The storehouse was opened, the great rolls
of birch bark being turned back, one at a time, until beneath the
weather-worn coverings were seen the heaps of bark dishes, makuks,
and buckets, white outside and warm yellow within, others a soft
gray or dulled by age to a rich mahogany color. (Pl. 32, a.) The

310 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [BTH. ANN. 44

odor of balsam and dry sweet birch bark came from the lodge. There
was also a supply of birch bark for making new utensils (pl. 32,6, ¢),
if such were necessary. The material which the women brought
with them from the winter camps depended, of course, on their know!l-
edge of what had been left in the storing lodge the previous season.

Having opened this lodge, the women examined the utensils. The
bark dishes for gathering sap were tied in bundles of 10 and
placed upside down when stored. ‘They were about 12 inches long.
There were the makuks in which the sugar was stored, and utensils
somewhat similar in shape, but provided with handles, thus resem-
bling buckets. In these the sap was carried to the sugar lodge. The
makuk varied in size from those holding a small quantity of sugar to
those holding 100 pounds or more. Although birch bark was plenti-
ful it was not wasted. Bark utensils were washed and dried at the
close of each sugar making, and with this care could be used 5 or
even 10 years. The women looked them over and mended with balsam
gum any that needed repairing. The color of the sugar depended on
the whiteness and cleanness of the utensils. They also made new
utensils if necessary, using the supply of bark left in the lodge for
that purpose. In addition to the birch-bark utensils there were
troughs made of logs, basswood being commonly used for that pur-
pose. Outside one or both entrances to the sugar lodge there was
such a trough, into which the sap was poured from buckets. Some of
these troughs would hold several barrels of sap. They were covered
with sheets of birch bark to keep out twigs and bits of moss. A
trough was also used in the process of granulating the sugar. Cer-
tain utensils were commonly made of maple, among these being the
large wooden spoons used in dipping the sap, the paddles with which
the sirup was stirred, and the granulating ladles with the back of
which the heavy sirup was worked into sugar.

When all arrangements were completed the women returned to
the camp and prepared for the removal of their families and house-
hold equipment. These were carried on either toboggans or sleds,
drawn usually by dogs. Among the articles that were not stored
but carried each year to the camps were the large brass kettles for
boiling the sap. Small children or members of the family too feeble
to wall were placed comfortably on the sledges among the packs.
The women carried the smallest children on their backs, and the party
started for the annual sugar making.

On arriving at the sugar camp it was sometimes necessary to erect
a tipi for temporary use, while the men repaired the structure for
holding the kettles. Great care was taken to have this in perfect
condition, as the fall of a kettle would be a serious accident in a lodge.
The tapping of the trees was begun as soon as the people took up
their abode in the sugar lodge, provided the sap was running at that

DENSMORD] PLANTS AS FOOD 311

time. Tapping was done only by those who were expert in the use
of an ax, though women as well as men engaged in the task. (PI. 33,
6.) The trees were arranged in paths so that the collecting of the sap
could be conveniently done. A good worker could make 300 tappings
ina day. The tapping consisted in making a diagonal cut in a tree
about 344 inches long and about 3 feet from the ground. Below the
lower end of this cut the bark was removed in a perpendicular line for
a distance of about 4 inches. A wooden spile was inserted below this
point. The wooden spiles were commonly made of slippery elm and
were about 6 inches long, 2 inches wide, and curved on the under
surface. The distance of a spile below the cut in a maple tree
depended on the grain and hardness of the wood. If it were inserted
too near the cut there was danger that the wood might split. The
cut in which the spile was inserted could be made with an ax, or with
a tool resembling a curved chisel, which was pounded into the tree
and removed for the insertion of the wooden spile.

The sap dishes were distributed in the early morning, being placed
on the ground or the snow beneath the taps. If the weather were
cold the sap did not run during the night, and accordingly in the
late afternoon when it stopped running the people began to gather it,
pouring from the dishes into bark pails carried by the women, or large
buckets carried by the men. In the very large camps it was some-
times necessary to have barrels stationed at a distance from the sugar
lodge, and to fill them and haul them on sleds. A shoulder yoke
enabling a man to carry two buckets was used among the Chippewa
to some extent, but it is said that the use of the yoke was learned from
the French, and did not represent a native custom.

When the sap was taken to the camp it was put into the kettles or
poured into the troughs at the doors. The large kettles were at first
filled only partially, the sap being heated in the smaller kettles near
the ends of the fire and emptied from these into the large kettles,
in which the actual boiling was done. By this means the entire
quantity of sap was heated gradually. (PI. 33, a.)

All night the fires were kept burning and the kettles boiling, cer-
tain people taking turns in watching them. If a kettle boiled too
rapidly a branch of spruce attached to a stick was dipped into the
froth. The motion was little more than a brushing of the froth with
the spruce, but the bubbling at once subsided. By early morning
the sirup was slightly thickened and ready to strain. In the old days
a mat woven of narrow strips of basswood bark was placed over an
extra kettle, and the sirup was strained through this mat, being
dipped from the kettle with large wooden spoons. In more recent
times the sirup is slowly strained through a burlap, and it is said
that a clean threadbare white blanket was occasionally used for this

312 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS ([ETH. ANN, 44

purpose. Straining completed this stage of the process of sugar
making.

The “sugaring off” was postponed until a day when there was a
storm, or when the sap boiling was discontinued.

Before replacing the sap in the kettles they were thoroughly
cleaned, bunches of stiff rushes which commonly grow near sugar
bush being used, and the kettles polished with them. All the
utensils were washed and everything made ready for the final process,
which required special care. The sirup was replaced in the kettles
and slowly heated. When it became thick, small pieces of deer tallow
were put in it. This was said to make the sugar soft and not brittle.
A maple-wood paddle was used in stirring the sirup, and when it had
thickened to the proper consistency it was quickly transferred to the
granulating trough, where it was again stirred with a paddle, and at
the proper time “rubbed or worked” with the back of the granulat-
ing ladle, or in some instances pulverized by hand. This had to
be done very rapidly before the sugar cooled too much. The stirring
of the thick sirup and the granulating was a heavy task, and it was
not unusual for men to assist in the work. From the granulating
trough the warm sugar was poured into makuks. (PI. 34.)

Granulated sugar, however, was not the only form into which
maple sap was converted. When the reboiling for sugar was begun
it was customary to pour some of the thick sirup into small con-
tainers where it hardened solidly. (Pl. 35.) Little cones were made
of birch bark and fastened together with strips of basswood bark so
that the group resembled a cluster of berries. These cones filled
with sugar were a favorite delicacy among the children. The upper
mandible of a duckbill was similarly filled, several of these being
fastened together in a row by a little stick. Little birch-bark dishes
of the shape commonly used for all purposes were also filled, and
sugar cakes were made in fancy shapes, the molds being cut from
soft wood and greased before the sirup was put into them so that
it could easily be taken out. These molds were in shape of various
animals, also of men, and of the moon and stars, originality of design
being sought. A product called gum sugar was highly prized. This
was a sticky substance and was kept in packets of birch bark tied
with basswood bark. In making the latter delicacy the sirup was
taken from the kettle just before it was ready to grain. It was then
poured on snow and not stirred. When cold it was placed in the
birch-bark wrapping.

As already stated. the last run of sap had a different taste than
the first and grained less easily. This was boiled as thickly as pos-
sible and placed in makuks. Sometimes these makuks were buried in
the ground and covered with bark and boughs to keep the contents

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS FOOD 313

cool during the summer so that it would neither become sour nor
freeze. Makuks of this substance were often placed in the storing
lodge of a sugar camp where the women could get them at any time.
Tf left an entire year, the women, on returning to the sugar camp,
found it as fresh as when placed in storage.

The uses of maple sugar were many and varied. It was used in
seasoning fruits, vegetables, cereals, and fish. It was dissolved in
water as a cooling sammer drink and sometimes made into sirup in
which medicine was boiled for children. The granulated sugar and
the sugar cakes were commonly used as gifts, and a woman with a
goodly supply of maple sugar in its various forms was regarded as
a thrifty woman providing for the wants of her family.

A pleasing diversion of the young people was the making of birch-
bark transparencies, described on pages 390-396.

A Chippewa living in Canada where there are few maple trees
said that his people tap the white birch trees and boil the sap into
sirup. He said that the sap of these trees does not run as long as
maple sap.

GatHertne Witp Rice

Wild rice constitutes the chief cereal food of the Chippewa. It
abounds in certain lakes, ripening earliest in the shallow lakes fed by
streams and later in the lakes fed by springs. The soil of some lakes
seems to produce more rice and larger kernels than that of other lakes.
By a wise provision of nature the seed of the rice is carried by wild
ducks, which also afford food for the people at the season when the
rice is ripe.

In the old days each family or small group of families had a por-
tion of a rice field, as it had a “sugar bush” for making its maple
sugar. The portion of a rice field was outlined by stakes, and a
woman established her claim to it by going to the field about 10 days
before the rice was ripe and tying portions of it in small sheaves.
Basswood fiber is used without twisting for the tying of rice. One
length is tied to another, making a large hard ball that unwinds from
the middle. The ball is placed in a tray behind the woman as she
sits in the canoe. For this work she wears a special waist (pl. 36, a),
which, with the care of Chippewa women, is reenforced on the shoul-
der where the basswood fiber passes through a little birch-bark ring.
"This method of carrying the “ twine ” keeps it ready to her hand and
free from becoming tangled. (PI. 36,6.) She draws a little group of
rice stalks toward her with the “rice hoop” (pl. 37) and winds the
fiber around them, bending the tip of the sheaf or bundle down to
the stalks. The process in detail is shown in Plate 38. The rice is
left standing until ripe, when the sheaf is untied, the rice shaken out,

55231°—28——21

314 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS _ [£TH. ANN. 44

and kept separate from the rest of the crop. (PI. 39.) It has a
slightly different flavor than other rice and the kernels are said to be
heavier, requiring longer boiling.

When the time came for harvesting the rice a camp was established
on the shore of a lake where rice was abundant. (PI. 40, a.)

In this, as in the making of maple sugar, the unit was the family
or group of immediate relatives, all of whom assisted in the process.
Three rice camps were visited and photographed by the author dur-
ing the harvest season. The equipment for “ice-making ” com-
prised a canoe or boat with a propelling pole and two rice-beating
sticks, one or more birch-bark rolls, the same size as for a wigwam
cover, a kettle or tub for parching rice, and a peculiar paddle used
for stirring the rice in the kettle; also a barrel sunk in the ground for
the first pounding of the rice, and several pestles used for that pur-
pose, several “ winnowing trays” made of birch bark, and a small
barrel sunk in the ground and having two bars beside it, this portion
of the equipment being for “treading out ” the final chaff from the
rice. Receptacles for storing the rice were also provided, these in
the older days being bags woven of cedar or basswood bark.

The manner of going through the rice field was by means of a
canoe or boat pushed along by a pole forked at the end. (PI. 40, b.)
This was a heavy task and was usually performed by a man while a
woman sat in the stern of the boat and harvested the rice.

In the early morning the canoes started for the rice field and did
not return until about the middle of the afternoon, the time depend-
ing on the distance to be traveled. Sometimes the rice to be har-
vested was at the farther side of a lake, requiring considerable time
to reach the spot. A canoeful of rice was considered a day’s gather-
ing. The harvesting of the “free rice” (that which had not been
tied) was done by knocking the kernels off the stalk and allowing
them to fall into the canoe. Two “rice-sticks” were used for this
purpose. The stalks were bent down with one of them, and a sweep-
ing but gentle stroke with the other stick liberated the kernels.
(Pl. 40, c.) The rice at the right as well as the left of the boat was
harvested in this manner, a woman using one hand as easily as the
other in knocking off the kernels. It was considered a test of a good
rice gatherer to free the ripe rice kernels without dislodging those
which were unripe. Thus it was possible to go over the same part
of a rice field several times at intervals of a few days, allowing
time for more rice to ripen. It was not the intention, however, to
harvest all the rice, a portion being allowed to fall into the water,
or being sowed on the water as seed. The ideal weather for rice
gathering was warm and still, as wind or rain dislodged the kernels.

YVONS A1dVIAN
GSALVINNVYD 4O MNAVW GNV ‘Sa710V1 SNILVINNVYS ‘s4dq0vd DNIYYILS ‘HONOYUL ONILVINNVYS

uy WH)

vE ALVId LHYOd3SY IWANNV HLYNOS-ALYOS ADOIONHLA NVOIYAWY SO Nvs9nd

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35

a, CAKES OF MAPLE SUGAR AND MAKUK FILLED WITH SAME

b, STACKED DISHES AND EMPTY CONES, THE LATTER TO
BE FILLED WITH SUGAR

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 36

a, WAIST WORN WHEN TYING RICE (BACK VIEW)

CeCe |

b, WOMAN IN BOAT, TYING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37

TIED RICE AND RICE HOOP

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 38

PROCESS OF TYING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3!

TIED RICE, SHOWING STAGES OF PREPARATION

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40

ce, HARVESTING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41

ec, MORTAR FORMERLY USED IN POUNDING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 42

6, POUNDING RICE c, TREADING RICE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 43

a, PREPARED MEDICINAL b, PACKET WRAPPED IN
SUBSTANCES TIED IN THIN BIRCH BARK
CLOTH

c, PACKETS OF LEAVES AND d, PACKETS OF BARK
TWIGS READY FOR USE READY FOR USE

DENSMORBE] PLANTS AS FOOD 315

In some camps the parching and threshing of the rice was done in
the late afternoon and evening, and those who gathered the rice
assisted in this portion of the work, but in a large camp this part
of the process was carried on simultaneously with the gathering,
those who remained in the camp parching and threshing while the
rest were gathering.

When the canoes arrived the loads of rice were carried to the camp
and spread on sheets of birch bark. (PI. 41, a.) These had been
placed where the sun would shine upon them, but not with such direct-
ness as to heat the rice, which was frequently stirred so it would be
evenly dried. This was important, as at the season of rice gathering
the nights are frequently cold with very hot sun in the middle of the
day. About 24 hours was usually allowed for this preliminary dry-
ing, after which the rice was either parched in a kettle or dried over a
slow fire. The first was the more common process, the rice being
placed in a large kettle, or a metal tub, which was propped in a slant-
ing position over the fire so that a woman seated beside it could stir
the rice with a paddle. (Pl. 41,6.) The fire was carefully regulated
and considerable skill was required to parch the rice without burning
it. The quantity parched at a time was usually about a peck, and the
required time about an hour. This parching loosened the husk and
also imparted a flavor to the rice. The stirring paddle was slender
and different in shape from that used with a canoe. The second is
undoubtedly the oldest process, and produced what was known as
“hard rice.” This was greenish black in color, much darker than
parched rice and requiring longer to cook. This rice could be kept
indefinitely, and could be used for seed. In preparing “hard rice,” a
frame was made similar to that on which berries were dried. It was
covered by a layer of hay on which the rice, either on stalks or in the
husk, was spread to a depth of about 3 inches. A slow fire was kept
burning beneath the frame. In this manner the rice was dried as
vegetables or berries are dried.

The next process was the “pounding” of the rice. For this
process the rice is frequently put into a barrel, but the best container
for the purpose is a wooden mortar with sloping sides. (PI. 41, ¢.)
This was about the size of an ordinary barrel, and was made by the
Indians and kept for this purpose. With this were used wooden
pestles somewhat pointed at the end. In pounding the rice these
moved up and down near the edge of the mortar, the pointed ends
being adapted for this purpose. It is said these disturbed the kernels
with the least breaking of the kernels. (PI. 42, 6.) Another form
of a pestle was blunt at the end, nearly resembling a mallet. Both
varieties were about 514 feet long and in the correct pounding of
the rice they were not heavily forced downward but allowed to drop

?

316 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [nru. ann. 44

of their own weight. This process was supposed to loosen the husk
entirely without breaking the kernel. If the work was done carefully,
the rice kernel was entirely freed from the husk.

The rice was then winnowed, either by tossing it in a tray or by
pouring it slowly from a tray to birch bark put on the ground.
The place chosen for this work was a place where the breeze would
ussist the process by blowing away the chaff. (PI. 42, a.)

The final step in the process was the treading of the rice to dislodge
the last fragments of the husk. For this purpose a small wooden
receptacle, holding about a bushel, was partially sunk in the ground,
and on either side of it was placed a stout pole, one end of which
was fastened to a tree about 4 feet above the ground, the other
end resting on the ground. The treading was done by a man wear-
ing clean moccasins, and the poles were for him to rest his arms
upon during the process. (Pl. 42, ¢.) The sole of the foot was
peculiarly adapted to this work, as the husks having been removed,
the kernels would have been easily broken by wooden instruments.
In treading rice the action resembles that of dancing, the entire body
being in action, with the weight not heavily placed on the feet.
Leaning on the poles, straightening to full height, or moving his
body with undulating, sinuous grace, the treader accomplished his
part of the task. It is said that in old times a hole was dug in the
ground and lined with deerskin, the rice being placed in this instead
of a barrel. The chaff from this treading was usually kept and
cooked similarly to the rice, having much the flavor of the rice, and
being considered somewhat of a delicacy.

The stored rice was sewn in bags of various sizes, which were some-
what similar in use to the makuks in which maple sugar was stored.
On top of the rice was laid straw, and the bags, like the makuks, were
sewed across the top with basswood twine.

While rice making was an industry essential to the food supply,
it had, like the sugar camp, a pleasant social phase, which was ap-
preciated by old and young. Thus the writer in driving through
the rice country late one afternoon came upon a camp of three or four
tipis. The rice gatherers had returned from the fields, and the men
were sitting on rush mats and smoking while the younger women
stirred two parching kettles and an older woman tossed a winnowing
tray. At a fire one woman was preparing the evening meal and at
a distance another was seen chopping wood. Dogs and little chil-
dren were running about, and the scene with its background of pines
and shining lake was one of pleasure and activity.

An important part of the camp was its provisioning. Indians did
not carry many supplies with them, and it is probable that in the
old days many carried no provisions to a rice camp except maple

DENSMORB] PLANTS AS FOOD 317

sugar, which was used for seasoning all foods. At night the women
set their fish nets and in the morning they drew them in, thus
securing fish, some of which they dried. In one of the camps visited
by the writer the top branches of a young Norway pine had been
broken, and it was said that fish had been dried on these branches,
the splinters forming a convenient frame. If ducks were available
the hunters went out in the morning, and occasionally a deer was
secured for the camp. The principal food, however, was the fresh
rice, which was eaten either parched or boiled.

BEVERAGES

It is interesting to note that the Chippewa did not commonly drink
water encountered in traveling but boiled it, making some of the
following beverages from vegetable substances that were easily
available. Fresh leaves were tied in a packet with a thin strip of
basswood bark before being put in the water. (Pl. 48, ¢, at left.)
Dried leaves could be used if fresh leaves were not available. The
quantity was usually about a heaping handful to a quart of water.
Beverages were usually sweetened with maple sugar and drunk while
hot. ‘The botanical name, common name, and portion of plant used
are shown in the following list:

Ledum groenlandicum Oeder. Labrador tea. Leaves.

Chiogenes hispidula (.) T. C. G. Creeping snowberry. Leaves.
Gaultheria procumbens L. Wintergreen. Leaves.

Tsuga Canadensis (L.) Carr. Hemlock. Leaves.

Picea rubra (Du Roi) Dietr. Spruce. Leaves.

Rubus strigosus Michx. Red raspberry. Twigs.

Prwuws virginiana L. Chokecherry. Twigs.

Prunus serotina Ehrh. Wild cherry. Twigs.

In preparing this last beverage the twigs of the chokecherry and
wild cherry were tied in a little bundle by a strip of bark long
enough to permit the lifting of the bundle and dropping it into hot
water without burning the hand. The bundle of twigs for one
infusion was about 4 inches long and each packet was perhaps 1
inch in diameter. (PI. 43, ¢, at right.)

Maple sugar was dissolved in cold water and served as a drink in
hot weather. This was offered to the writer and found to be
pleasantly refreshing.

A Cass Lake informant said that his wife gathered all kinds of
flowers and dried them in a wire basket, beginning with the first
flowers in the spring and putting in a few of each variety as it
appeared. He said that by the first of July she had more than
twenty varieties. In the fall she pulverized them and stored them.
A winter drink was made in the following manner: A quart of water
was allowed to come to a boil and in it were placed a spoonful of

318 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [fTH. ANN. 44

the powdered flowers and a tiny bit of red pepper. The water was
then removed from the stove and the mixture allowed to steep a
short time.

SEASONINGS

Koellia virginiana (L.) MacM. Mountain mint.

The flowers and buds were used to season either meat or broth.
Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) Spreng. Bearberry.

The red berries of this plant were cooked with meat as a seasoning for the
broth. The leaves were smoked (see p. 337).

Asarum canadense L. Wild ginger.

The root of this plant was regarded as an “appetizer,” being put in any
food as it was being cooked. It was also used for indigestion (see p. 342).

The silk of corn (called “corn hair”) was dried before the fire and
put in broth to season it. The corn sillk was said to thicken the broth
slightly as well as to impart a pleasing flavor.

Pumpkin blossoms were dried and used to thicken broth.

A Canadian Chippewa said that in old times his people had no
salt and that more maple sugar was used as seasoning than the quan-
tity of salt now used by white people. In the early days the Minne-
sota Chippewa had no salt and some of the older Indians have not
yet acquired a taste for it. Ina treaty known as the “Salt Treaty,” ®
concluded at Leech Lake, August 21, 1847, with the Pillager Band
of Chippewa, there was a stipulation that the Indians should receive
5 barrels of salt annually for five years.

A sirup was sometimes made from the sap of the woodbine and
wild rice was boiled in it to give an agreeable flavor.

CEREALS
Zizania palustris L. Indian rice.

Wild rice was the principal cereal food of the Chippewa, being
cooked alone and also with meat or game. The manner of procuring
it and the first processes of its preparation have already been de-
scribed. The following are among the ways in which rice was cooked :

(a) Boiled in water and eaten with or without maple sugar.

(6) Boiled with meat.

(c) Grease was put in a kettle and the rice parched in the grease,
after which it was seasoned with maple sugar. Dried blueberries
were often combined with this, and the rice and berries stored for
use on journeys.

(dz) Rice (not parched) was stored with dried blueberries during
the winter and the two were cooked together in the spring.

* A compilation of all the treaties between the United States and the Indian tribes, now
in force as laws. Washington, 1873, p. 212.

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS FOOD 319

(e) Rice (parched when gathered) was prepared as follows: Boil-
ing broth, either of meat or fish, was poured over parched rice, which
was then covered and allowed to “steam” for a time until softened.

(7) The chaff from the treading of the rice was cooked similarly
to the rice and was considered a delicacy.

Zea mays L. Corn.

Corn was cultivated in gardens by the Chippewa and prepared for
use as follows:

(a) Fresh ears were roasted in the husks.

(6) The corn was cut before it was fully ripe. It was then
shelled and dried by spreading it on sheets of birch bark. This was
boiled and seasoned with maple sugar.

(c) The husks were turned back and the corn dried by suspending
the ears by the husks from the ceiling.

(Z) Corn was parched in a hot kettle, some of the kernels popping
open and others drying. The corn was then put in a leather bag,
laid on a flat stone, and pounded with another stone until it was like
meal. This was made into “parched corn soup,” to which deer
tallow or deer meat. either fresh or dried, was added.

(e) Corn was made into “hominy.” A lye was first made from
hardwood ashes. The corn was boiled in this, rinsed, and boiled in
clear water. Bones were sometimes boiled with it, and grease was
added as seasoning. In addition to using the corn, the water in
which it was boiled was considered very palatable.

VEGETABLES

Pumpkins and squashes were cultivated in gardens and either
eaten fresh or cut in pieces or in strips for drying. These were laid
on frames or were strung on long pieces of basswood cord and hung
above the fire where the drying was slowly accomplished. T hey were
stored in bags and sometimes kept for two years. Dried squash and
pumpkin were boiled with game, or boiled alone and seasoned with
maple sugar. The flowers of the latter were dried and used in broth
for seasoning and also for thickening.

Other vegetable foods were obtained without cultivation, among
them being the following:

Helianthus tuberosus L. (The original of the cultivated Jerusalem artichoke. )
The root of this plant was eaten raw like a radish.
Sagittaria latifolia Willd. Arrowhead.

This is commonly called the “ wild potato,” and grows in deep
mud. At the end of the tubular roots are the “ potatoes ” which are

320 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [eTH. Ann. 44

gathered in the fall, strung, and hung overhead in the wigwam to
dry. Later they are boiled for use.

Lycopus asper Greene. Bugleweed.

These were called “ crow potatoes ” and were dried and boiled.
Moss growing on white pine.

The moss was dried and stored. When used it was “ put in water
to freshen it up,” and it was then boiled and put in fish or meat
broth. It was said to be very nourishing.

Asclepias syriaca L. Common milkweed.

The flowers were cut up and stewed, being eaten like preserves.
Tt is said that this plant was sometimes eaten before a feast, so that
a man could consume more food.

Parthenocissus quinquefolia (L.) Greene. Woodbine.

The stalk was cut in short lengths and boiled, then peeled. Be-
tween the outer bark and the wood there was a sweetish substance
which was eaten somewhat after the manner of eating corn from the
cob. The water in which the woodbine had been boiled was then
boiled down to a sirup. If sugar were lacking, wild rice was boiled
in this sirup to season it.

Falcata comosa (LL) Kuntze. Wild bean and hog peanut.

The root of this plant was boiled and eaten. It also had a medici-

nal value (see p. 289).
Scirpus validus Vahl. Bulrush.
On the root of these rushes there is a small bulb occurring at the

turn of the root. If the rushes are pulled in midsummer this bulb
has a sweetish taste and may be eaten raw.

Aster (species doubtful). Aster.

This plant grows near Lake Superior. The leaves are boiled with
fish and eaten with the fish.

Populus tremuloides Michx. Aspen.

Tf the bark of the poplar is cut and turned back from the tree in
the early summer there is found between the bark and the wood a
sweetish sirup which can be put in birch bark and kept for a short
time. ‘This is especially liked by children and young people.

Quercus macrocarpa Muhl. Bur oak.

Sweet acorns (mitigo’ minim) were frequently gathered in the late
fall and buried for use in the winter or spring, or they could be
used as soon as they were gathered. They were cooked in three ways:
(1) They were boiled, split open, and eaten like a vegetable; (2)
roasted in the ashes; (8) boiled, mashed, and eaten with grease. They
were ‘said to be especially good with duck broth.

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS FOOD 321

Tilia americana L. Basswood.

The sap next the bark was used similarly to the woodbine sirup.

A Canadian Chippewa said that he peeled the outside bark from
the poplar and also the white birch, and scraped the inner bark,
obtaining a little sap which they put in a small makuk. He said
that it had a sweetish taste and “ would keep quite a while.”

Frurrs AND Brrrims

Crataegus (species doubtful). Thornapple.

These were prepared by squeezing them in the hands, after which
they were made into little cakes without cooking, dried on birch-
bark and stored to be cooked in winter.

Prunus virginiana L. Chokecherry.

These were pounded, stones and all, between two stones, and dried
similarly to the thornapples.

Vitis cordifolia Michx. Grape.
Eaten raw.

Cornus canadensis L. Bunchberry.
Berries eaten raw.
Fragaria virginiana Duchesne. Strawberry.
Berries eaten raw.
All the following berries were eaten raw as well as dried for
winter use.
Prunus serctina Ehrh, Wild cherry.
Ribes triste Pall. Red currant.
Ribes species. Wild currant.
Prunus americana Marsh. Chokecherry.
Rubus frondosus Bigel (?). Blackberry.
Rubus strigosus Michx. Red raspberry.
The berries were cooked without sugar, spread on birch bark in
little cakes and dried, the cakes then stored in a birch-bark makuk
for winter use.

Amelanchier canadensis (L.) Medic. Shadbush.

These are called “ Juneberries” by the Chippewa and are found
abundantly in their country. They are considered the simplest form
of refreshment. “Take some Juneberries with you,” is a common
saying among the Chippewa. A certain song contains the words
“ Juneberries I would take to eat on my journey if I were a
son-in-law.” 4
Oxycoccus macrocarpus (Ait.) Pers. Cranberry. Cooked, probably with sugar.
Vaccinium angustifolium Ait. Blueberry.

‘Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., song No. 169.

322 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [nrH. ann. 44

A Canadian Chippewa said that his people combined dried blue-
berries with moose fat and deer tallow.

All dried berries were boiled when used, and either seasoned with
maple sugar or combined with other foods.

PLANTS AS MEDICINE
TREATMENT BY Means or Puants

It must be conceded that the use of plants by the Indians was
based upon experiment and study. The Indians say that they “ re-
ceived this knowledge in dreams,” but the response of the physical
organism was the test of a plant as a remedy. As the physical or-
ganism is the same in both races it should not be a matter of surprise
that some of the remedies used by the Indians are found in the phar-
macopeia of the white race. An observer of the Cree Indians
writes: “Although the list of materia medica is a small one there is
remarkable judgment shown in the choice of remedies. Thus...
the bark of the juniper and Canada balsam tree are doubtless as
good an application to wounds as a people unversed in antiseptic
application and ignorant of the existence of bacteria could devise.
The use of Lobelia as an emetic and of Jris versicolor as a cholagogue
and purgative approaches closely to the practice of more civilized
nations.°

Health and long life represented the highest good to the mind
of the Chippewa, and he who had knowledge conducive to that end
was most highly esteemed among them. He who treated the sick,
by whatever means, claimed that his knowledge came from manido
(spirits), and those who saw a sick man restored to health by that
knowledge readily accepted its origin as supernatural.

Two methods of treating the sick were in use among the Chip-
pewa.° Both methods depended upon what was termed “ super-
natural aid,” but material remedies were used in one and not in the
other. The “doctors” who used material remedies were usually
members of the Midewiwin, and their remedies were among the se-
crets of that organization. He who treated the sick without material
means was called a djasakid (commonly translated “ juggler ”)*
His procedure included the apparent swallowing and regurgitating
of short tubular bones. (PI. 46, 7.)

Tt is a teaching of the Midewiwin that every tree, bush, and plant
has a use. A country of such bountiful vegetation as that of the
Chippewa presents a great amount of this material. Although the

5 Holmes, E. M. (F. L. S.), ‘“‘ Medicinal plants used by the Cree Indians, Hudson’s Bay
Territory,” The Pharmaceutical Journal and Transactions, 3d ser. vol. 15, pp. 303-3804.
London, 1884-85. See also Bur. Amer. Ethn, Bull. 61, p. 271.

®Cf. Bur, Amer. Ethn. Bull. 45, pp. 92-125; Bull. 61, pp. 244-278; Bull. 75, pp. 127-
141.

7See Bur, Amer. Ethn, Bull. 45, pp. 119-125,

DENSMORB] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 323

Midewiwin was a respository of knowledge of herbs it did not have
a pharmacopeeia accessible to every member. The remedies are
individual, not general, and an individual when questioned invariably
replies, “I can tell you about my own medicines. I do not know
about other peoples’ medicines nor their uses of the same plants.”
Thus it is frequently found that different people have different
names and uses for the same plant. Members of the Midewiwin were
not taught many remedies at once, except at the time of their initi-
ation. Their instruction at that time comprised what might be
termed a “ ground work in the practice of medicine,” with the identifi-
cation and use of a number of plants. The same sort of instruction
accompanied their advancement from one degree to another, and was
made more extensive as they went into the higher degrees. Aside
from these times of special instruction a man learned one or two
remedies at a time as he felt inclined to go to the old men and buy
the knowledge. Among the Chippewa, as among other tribes studied
by the writer, it is not common for one man to treat a large number
of diseases. A Sioux said:

“In the old days the Indians had few diseases, and so there was
not a demand for a large variety of medicines. A medicine man
usually treated one special disease and treated it successfully. He did
this in accordance with his dream. A medicine man would not try
to dream of all herbs and treat all diseases, for then he could not
expect to succeed in all nor to fulfill properly the dream of any one
herb or animal. He would depend on too many and fail in all.
That is one reason why our medicine men lost their power when so
many diseases came among us with the advent of the white man.”

While many remarkable cures were said to have been wrought by
the Mide remedies, it was said that if no improvement were seen
in a reasonable time the treatment was usually discontinued, it being
said that the medicine evidently would not “take hold” in that
particular case. From this it seems possible that they recognized a
self-limited, and also an incurable disease, and in such cases did not
wish to raise the hopes of the patient.

The men and women who at the present time (1918) treat the
sick by Mide remedies are well poised and keen eyed, with a manner
which indicates confidence in themselves, and which would inspire
confidence in the sick persons to whom they minister.

As already indicated, the medicinal use of herbs has been handed
down for many generations in the Midewiwin. It is said that mem-
bers of the Midewiwin “follow the bear path” in proceeding from
a lower to a higher degree in the society and that some of the
best Mide remedies were received from the bear. Thus one of the

7a Bull, 61, Bur, Amer, Ethn., pp. 244-245,

324 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [pru. ANN. 44

strongest medicines in the accompanying series (Apocynum sp.) is
known as a “bear medicine.” The roots of the “bear medicine”
were cut in pieces about 2 inches long and strung on a cord when
stored for use. Such a string of roots bore some resemblance to a
necklace of bear claws. In this connection we note that the bear was
highly esteemed by the Sioux medicine men, two of whom made
the following statements:

Two Shields said:

“The bear is the only animal which is dreamed of as offering to
give herbs for the healing of man. The bear is not afraid of either
animals or men and it is considered ill-tempered, and yet it is the
only animal which has shown us this kindness; therefore the medi-
cines received from the bear are supposed to be especially effective.”

In somewhat similar manner Siyaka said:

“The bear is quick-tempered and is fierce in many ways, and yet
he pays attention to herbs which no other animal notices at all. The
bear digs these for his own use. The bear is the only animal which
eats roots from the earth and is also especially fond of acorns, June
berries, and cherries. These three are frequently compounded with
other herbs in making medicine, and if a person is fond of cherries
we say he is like a bear. We consider the bear as chief of all animals
in regard to herb medicine, and therefore it is understood that if a
man dreams of a bear he will be expert in the use of herbs for curing
illness. The bear is regarded as an animal well acquainted with herbs
because no other animal has such good claws for digging roots.” §

The material in the following chapter was obtained from three
classes of informants: (1) Those who are active adherents of the
Mide but were willing to tell of its remedies in order that a record
of them might be preserved for posterity; (2) those who have re-
nounced the Mide but continue to use its remedies either personally
or in treating sick persons; and (3) those who have never been mem-
bers of the Mide but have received a knowledge of its remedies from
relatives who were members of the society. Among the principal
informants on this subject at White Earth were Mrs. Brunett, Mrs.
Gagewin, and Mrs. Louisa Martin. (PI. 44.)

In the old days a person would not transmit any facts concerning
medicines to even a member of his own family without compensation,
one reason for this restriction seeming to be a fear that the informa-
tion would not be treated with proper respect. So great was the
secrecy surrounding these remedies that names were seldom given
to plants, the person imparting the information showing the fresh
plant. It was difficult, if not impossible, to recognize a root after
it had been dried and rubbed into shreds, but medicine men frequently

8 Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 195.

FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 44

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

b, MRS. GAGEWIN ec, MRS. LOUISA MARTIN

a, MRS. BRUNETT

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 45

BAG IN WHICH MEDICINES HAVE BEEN KEPT

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 325

combined an aromatic herb with their medicines as a precaution
against their identification. The fact that persons were willing to
impart their knowledge of these ancient remedies for publication
indicates that the attitude of the Chippewa toward their old customs
is passing away.

There seems to have been something symbolic in the appearance of
certain medicinal roots. The writer showed a certain root to a
medicine woman and asked her if she knew what it was. She replied
that its use was familiar to her, but that she would have known it
was a medicinal root if she had never seen it before. On being ques-
tioned further she said it was evidently an old root which had sent
up a new stalk each year and had long roots extending downward.
The stalk and the small roots were gone, but the life canal: in the
root itself, and this would be the part used for medicine. A class of
plants highly valued as medicines are those having a divided tap root
supposed to resemble the legs of a man. An example of this is
spikenard. The medicine woman already quoted brought the writer
a plant which she said she had hesitated a long time before showing.
Her affection and admiration for the plant itself were evident as she
caressed its straight stalk, delicate leaves, and fine white roots,
reluctant at the last to part with it.

In some instances the fertile and sterile plants were considered
separately. It will be noted that a remedy for dysentery stipulates
that the flowering plant of Artemisia dracunculoides (mugwort) be
used, and that in a decoction for strengthening the hair it is stated
that a sterile plant of the same be used. The writer was informed
of a remedy in which both sorts of “rattlesnake root” were used,
but it was impossible at the time to secure specimens for identification.

Vegetable remedies were usually gathered in the late summer
or early fall, when the plants are fully developed. At that season
it was customary for the Chippewa to take journeys or to send to
other localities to obtain plants which grew in various soils.

An unfailing custom of the Mide in gathering plants for medicinal
use is to dig a little hole in the ground beside the plant and put
tobacco in the hole, speaking meanwhile to the plant. Gagewin,
who is a member of the Mide, said that when he dug a plant he spoke
somewhat thus: “ You were allowed to grow here for the benefit of
mankind, and I give you this tobacco to remind you of this, so that
you will do the best you can for me.” This, of course, is only rep-
resentative of part of such a speech. On one occasion the writer
saw the tobacco put beside a tree whose bark was to be used. The
medicine man was a member of the Otter Tail Band of Chippewa.
He said this was commanded by the manido, who gave all knowl-
edge of plants to the Chippewa. He seemed to require no other
authority or reason.

326 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [pru. ANN. 44

The part of the plant most commonly used was the root. In a ma-
jority of instances the whole root was used, but in some plants the
healing power was supposed to be strongest in a certain portion of the
root. Thus in dogbane the part preferred was the elbow of the root,
the plant having a root which descends straight downward for 15
to 18 inches and then turns sharply to one side. In other instances
the part used was the fine white roots depending from the larger root.

If stalks, leaves, or flowers were to be used as remedies they were
dried by hanging them with the top downward and kept as clean as
possible. After being dried, each variety was tied or wrapped sepa-
rately for storage. Bark was gathered when the sap was in the tree
but roots intended for future medicinal use were gathered before the
sap started in the spring or after it had gone down in the fall. An
informant at Cass Lake said that roots were not washed, the dirt be-
ing carefully shaken from them, but informants at White Earth said
the roots were washed. After drying, they were tied in packets and
stored in bags unless it was desired to have some special root ready
for immediate use. Such a root was pulverized and stored in that
form. Certain roots, when used, were broken in short pieces and
boiled or steeped, but a majority were prepared for use either by
pounding until they were in shreds or by pulverizing them in the
hands, the latter being always done if the roots were small. The most
common method of pulverizing roots was to place them in the palm
of the left hand and then to rub them either with the thick portion
of the right hand below the thumb or with the fingers of the right
hand. Some Chippewa used a small round stone for this purpose,
the stone having a shallow depression in which the medicine was
mixed by rubbing with the thumb. If several sorts of roots were to
be used in combination they were usually “pounded together” be-
fore they were stored, in order that they might be fully blended.
Mrs. English said that she was once in a lodge where the medicine
men were pounding their medicines on a stone and putting them in
little bags. A stuffed owl was placed beside them. After leaving
the lodge she asked about the owl and the reply was, “They always
have to have someone watch to see that they do it right.” ®

The detailed instructions given concerning medicines is shown by
the following example. An informant at Red Lake said that her
great-grandmother taught her the use of herbs. This informant de-
scribed one remedy for a certain injury and said that if it were not
effective she would use another plant which was about a foot high
and had no flowers. (A specimen was obtained but it was not perfect

® At a remote point north of Vermilion Lake, Minnesota, the writer visited the house
of a medicine man and saw two owls (or owlskins) swinging from the branches of trees,
suspended by a cord around their necks and drying. Several small animals were drying
in other trees,

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 327

enough for identification.) She said, “ The plant has a very long root
and the leaves come up from joints of the root, not from the knuckle
of the root which projects above the ground and is bare. I look for
the knuckle or knob of the root and then look about 3 or 4 inches away
for the leaves. The plant grows in soft ground, like that near a lake.”

Medicinal barks were so generally available that they were usually
gathered when they were needed. The barks of chokecherry and
wild cherry, in quantity for one decoction, are shown in Plate 43, d, as
they would be prepared for a patient.

As already stated, the roots and herbs were usually stored in bags.
Some men used the square bags woven of yarn; others preferred bags
woven of the inner bark of cedar. One old medicine man had a bag
peculiarly adapted for holding medicinal roots. It was made of
leather and was smaller at the top than at the bottom to preclude
the possibility of dampness. The prepared pulverized roots could
be kept in either birch bark or leather, the latter being preferred.
A bag used for this purpose is shown in Plate 45. A packet of
medicine tied in cloth ready to be delivered to a sick person is
shown in Plate 43, a This contains four vegetable substances
pounded together and was said to be a sufficient quantity to make
four liquid preparations of the remedy. This has no distinguishing
mark, the ingredients being known only to the medicine man who
prescribed the remedy. A medicine man, however, has various means
of marking his herbs. One man identifies his prepared herbs by the
knot in the string with which the packet is tied, the identification
and use of the herbs being known only to himself.**

The storing of roots in bags has already been noted and refers to
a man’s supply of roots and herbs for an entire season. Apart from
this stored supply a member of the Mide usually carried a large
number of medicines in his Mide bag. Sometimes he carried a
small quantity of some particularly strong medicine in a buckskin
bag, which was placed in the skull of the animal which formed his
Mide bag. Poisons were not infrequently carried by the Mide, and
they were instructed in their use. An instance was related of an
aged man, a member of the Mide, who came to a lodge one winter
night tired and cold. He said, “ Never mind, I have some medicine
which will soon warm me.” He then took a packet from the skull
of his Mide bag, put a little of the contents in water and drank it.
A few moments later he said, “I have taken the wrong medicine; I
shall die.” And in a few hours he was dead.

In addition to the vegetable substances believed to have an effect
when administered internally or externally there were herbs and
roots believed to act by their presence independent of actual contact.

% See Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Pl. 78, 0.

328 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [8ru. Ann. 44

These comprised substances which attracted (as love charms and the
hunting or fishing charms); also those which repelled (as those
which, carried on the person, were said to keep reptiles away) ; and
those which acted as an antidote to “bad medicine” carried by
another person. Among the latter is a certain plant the smoke of
which was supposed to counteract the effect of poison placed where
a person would step on it; also a combination of plants rubbed on
the limbs of a dancer to counteract the effect of medicine worn by
others with the intention of “ tiring him out.” Certain roots were
also chewed for the same purpose. In some instances it was said
that plants acted in both these ways, being worn as a protection, and
taken internally as a healing agency. Such were some of the medi-
cines carried by warriors. Certain remedies were used exclusively
for horses, and some were used for both men and horses.

In addition to the special knowledge of plants held by the Mide,
there was a general knowledge of the simpler remedies, each house-
hold having a supply of such herbs for common ailments. If these
failed and the illness appeared to be serious, they sent for the man
whom they believed to have the proper remedy.

The names of plants are of several sorts. Thus we note
(1) names which indicate the place where the plant grows, as
“ prairie sturgeon plant”; (2) names which describe the appearance
of the plant, as “squirrel tail” or “plump root”; (3) names which
describe their taste, as “bitter root”; and (4) names indicating the
part of the plant to be used, as “ crow leaf.” The names of the uses
of a plant, or a designation of the remedy is sometimes given as the
name of the plant itself, as (1) names indicating the use, as “ head
medicine ”; (2) names indicating the origin of the remedy, as “Wina-
bojo remedy ”; and (3) names denoting the power of the remedy,
as “chief medicine,” which is applied to several highly esteemed
plants. With such a system of nomenclature it is evident that plants
of different species will have the same name and that in many in-
stances a plant may be called by several different names. Thus the
purple mint was given three names by as many people.

The manner of preparing roots has already been described.
Stalks, leaves, and flowers were usually pulverized in a similar man-
ner, though in one remedy it was prescribed that eight stems be used
in 1 quart of water. If bark were to be used the outer skin was
removed and the “inner bark” scraped or removed in long thin
strips which were boiled, either with or without pulverizing. An
informant said that the only regulation concerning the scraping
was that the root of alder must be scraped toward the plant.

Vegetable substances were further prepared for use by combining
them with water. Some were boiled a few moments, others were
allowed to come to a boil, then removed from the fire, and others

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 329

were scalded or steeped. Some roots were boiled in a thin sirup
made of maple sugar, to give a pleasant flavor. Poultices and com-
presses were made by moistening the pounded fresh or dry roots or
herbs. The strength of a decoction varied with the nature of the
root and the age of the patient. A common proportion was a “ hand-
hollow-ful” of pulverized root to about a quart of water, but some
roots were exceedingly strong and required special direction. Thus
one root (calamus), although only about one-eighth of an inch in
diameter, was so strong that the quantity used was measured by the
length of the patient’s index finger, whether an infant or an adult.

Tt was the author’s intention to collect herbs which have medicinal
use when administered singly. This presented some difficulties, as
the Chippewa use combinations of herbs, sometimes as many as
20 vegetable substances being combined in one remedy. One
medicine woman who practices medicine widely for money at the
present time called special attention to the value of herbs in combi-
nations. She appeared to attach more importance to, combinations
than to specifics, except in instances of simple definite value. While
the tabulated lists (pp. 836-367) contain some combinations it will be
noted that almost without exception each herb is considered effica-
cious if used alone. In some instances the combination of the herbs
shows an interesting and intelligent purpose.

The quantity for a decoction and the size of a dose were difficult
to determine with any degree of accuracy. One medicine woman who
was particularly careful in her statements brought the pail in which
she usually prepared her remedies, and it was found to hold about
a pint. It appeared that she prepared smaller quantities than other
persons, as a majority said they prepared their medicines in a lard
pail, filling it to within 11% or 2 inches of the top. In the tabulated
list of remedies the quantity of water is given as a quart, except
in remedies prepared by the above-mentioned woman, for whose
preparations a smaller amount is designated. Decoctions were
usually boiled five or ten minutes. In only two instances (see pp.
339, 365) was there anything partaking of a ceremonial character in
the preparing of liquid medicines, it being said that “ the talking was
all done when the roots were dug.” In one of these instances there
was something resembling a divination, the doctor watching the
manner in which the powdered roots lay in the water and deciding
thereby whether the medicine would be effective. The person who
described this remedy was well versed in the ways of the Mide and
said she had never heard of this being done in the preparation of any
other remedy.

Liquid medicine was not measured when taken. A “large swal-
low” constituted an average dose, but a cupful was occasionally

55231 °—28——22

330 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 44

taken. The interval between the doses varied, as might be expected
among a people who in old times were without timepieces. If the
patient were in great suffering he was told to take the medicine
“at short intervals,” understood to be about half an hour. In
what was probably a majority of cases the patient took the medicine
“at frequent intervals,” or whenever he felt inclined. Sometimes
he was instructed to “drink it freely,” or drink some after an attack
of coughing. These directions were given by the person who pre-
pared the medicine, and who gave various other instructions, such
as rest after taking the medicine, or abstinence from food. In
a majority of cases it was expected that improvement, though per-
haps slight, would be evident after three or four doses had been
taken.

Remedies were administered externally in the following manner:

(1) Fresh roots or leaves were macerated and applied.

(2) Dried roots or leaves were pulverized, prepared in the form
of a decoction, and applied.

(3) Dried roots or leaves were pulverized, moistened, and applied
like a poultice.

(4) Dried roots or leaves were pulverized and strewn on hot
stones, the treatment being by the fumes.

(5) A decoction was sprinkled on hot stones, the treatment being
by steam.

(6) Herbs were boiled with grease for a salve.

(7) Dried and powdered roots were mixed with grease and used
as an emollient.

Remedies were administered internally in the following manner:

(1) Dried powdered roots or leaves were either boiled or steeped
in water.

(2) Dried powdered roots were used as snuff, or prepared with
lukewarm water.

(3) Fresh roots or herbs were chewed.

(4) Slight incisions were made with a bit of sharp glass or
flint, and dried, powdered roots placed over the incisions.

(5) Remedies were “ pricked into the skin” with a set of needles
used for that purpose.

(6) Pulverized roots were mixed with “red willow ” or tobacco
and smoked in a pipe.

(7) A decoction of herbs was administered as an enema.

Susstances Orner THAN VEGETABLE Usep As RemeEpIEs

(1) Deer tallow and bear grease were used as emollients, either
alone or mixed with vegetable substances.

(2) Bear’s gall, dried, was used in connection with cedar charcoal,
being “ pricked into the skin” with needles. (See p. 333.)

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 331

(3) Bumblebees, dried, were used with the root of alder. (See
p- 359.)

(4) Red pipestone was used as a remedy for scrofulous neck and
was said to cause the swelling to go down gradually without breaking
into an open sore. The directions were: “ Grate red pipestone to a
powder, take a teaspoonful dry, then drink water. ‘Take it once a
day, two or three times a week.”

(5) Clamshell was used as a remedy for ulcer, the directions being
as follows: “ Burn a clamshell, powder it finely in the hand, mix it
with bear’s grease or any soft grease, using only enough to hold it
together. The mixing is usually done in a clamshell. Apply to the
sore or ulcer.”

Mepicat APPLIANCES

(1) The lodge in which a sweat bath was taken has been
described in connection with customs of the Midewiwin.*? The
same procedure was used if a person were suffering from a very bad
cold and was feverish. No medicine was put in the water which was
sprinkled on the stones. After the bath the person was thoroughly
rubbed, warmly wrapped, and put to bed. This bath was taken by
hunters when they returned weary, or by anyone who wished to be
refreshed ; also by those inclined to rheumatism.

(2) Another method of steaming was used chiefly for rheumatic
limbs, and with the water they put any sort of medicine which was
supposed to be good for that ailment. In giving this treatment a hole
was dug in the ground the size of the kettle containing the hot decoc-
tion. They put the kettle into this hole and the person sat beside it,
covering his limbs closely with a blanket. A medicine frequently
used in this connection was identified as willow (species doubtful).
The prepared root was put in hot water and allowed to boil a short
time. It was usually cooled before using.

(3) Dry herbs were also placed on heated stones and the fumes
were inhaled, this treatment being used chiefly for headache. The
stones were somewhat smaller than those used in the sweat lodge,
being “about the size of a small bowl.” The patient covered his
head and shoulders with a blanket, inclosing the stones and inhaling
the fumes. A mixture of many varieties of flowers was said to be an
agreeable preparation for this use.

(4) A simple appliance was a strip of slippery elm bark which
was often used in place of an emetic, the soft inner bark being used
and inserted in the throat.

(5) Apparatus for enema. It is said that the early Chippewa
understood the administering of both nourishment and medicine by
means of enema. The apparatus for this consisted of a syringe, a
small birch-bark tray on which the syringe was laid, and two meas-

%> See Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 94,

332 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [®7TH. ANN. 44

ures for the medicine, a larger one for adults and a smaller one for
children. The syringe was composed of the bladder of the deer.
The proper amount of medicine was put into this bladder, then a
short piece of clean hollow rush was tied in the opening by means of
a strip of wet slippery elm, the rush projecting about an inch. This
was used only once and then burned. The principal medicines ad-
ministered in this manner were (a) the inner bark of the common
white birch. This was scraped and about a hand-hollow steeped in
water; (6) the wood of a tree identified as Fravinus. A hand-
hollow of this was steeped in water. A small spatula for powdered
herbs and a measure for liquid medicine are shown in Plate 46,
a and h.
SureicaL TREATMENT AND APPLIANCES

(1) The letting of blood was a remedial measure frequently used
among the Chippewa and was resorted to for numerous causes. The
principal instrument used in this treatment was a small pointed
blade set in a handle about 3 or 4 inches long. (Pl. 46.) By means
of this instrument blood was taken from the forearm or from the
ankle. In using this instrument the part to be cut was firmly stroked
downward, forcing the blood to the extremity; a bandage was then
applied above the point at which the incision was to be made. In
making the incision the instrument was held close to the flesh and
lightly snapped with the thumb and finger of the right hand, thus
inflicting a slight incision of the vein. If too much force were
applied, the result might be fatal; thus an instance was related in
which the vein was entirely severed and the man died. It is said
that about “half a basin” of blood was usually taken. A medicine
to check the bleeding was then applied and the upper bandage
removed. The root commonly used for this purpose was identified
as Drymocallis arguta (Pursh.) Rydb. The prepared root was either
used dry or was moistened with warm water, placed on soft duck
down, and laid over the incision. It was said by three informants
that this treatment was used especially for persons who had met with
an accident, as a fall or an injury to the back, and that the medicine
“ prevented the blood from settling in one place.” This treatment
was also used for “ persons who seemed to have too much blood.”

(2) A surgical treatment in common use consisted in cutting small
gashes from which a small amount of blood was removed. These
gashes were formerly made with a piece of sharp flint, but in later
times a piece of thick glass is carefully broken so as to leave a sharp
splinter, which is used for this purpose. ‘This is kept in a leather
shield or covering (pl. 46, c,d), and is used as a lancet according to
the general use of that instrument. These cuts might be made in
various parts of the body, The writer saw a woman whose elbow had

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DENSMORD] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 333

been cut with 15 or 20 gashes about a quarter of an inch long. This
treatment was given for a sprain, her elbow having swollen to twice
its natural size. The most common use of this treatment was for
headache, as described below, but it was used for any inflammation.
A remedy for the bite of a snake was administered in this manner,
the plant being identified as Plantago major L.

(3) In connection with the incisions above described there was a
small horn (pl. 46, e) if the treatment was for headache. In this
treatment about six very short, deep incisions were made on the
temples with the flint or glass, after which the doctor placed the
larger end of the horn over the incisions and applied his mouth to
the smaller end, sucking until the blood came to the surface. He
then quickly removed his lips from the horn, placed his finger over
the small end of the horn and lowered it so that the blood would
run into it. When enough had been removed he wiped the skin and
applied a healing medicine, as noted above, or some remedy for
headache, or he might place a moist compress or “ grease” over the
cuts. This cutting of the temples was also used for inflammation
of the eyes.

(4) An instrument for applying medicine beneath the skin consisted
of several needles fastened at the end of a wooden handle (pl. 46, /).
This was used in treating “dizzy headache,” neuralgia, or rheuma-
tism in any part of the body. In giving the treatment the medicine
was “worked in” with the needles. If only a small part were to be
“gone over” it was customary to hold a knife in the left hand and
to use the blade as a guide for the needles. These were “ worked up
and down ” close to the blade, “ which kept the medicine from spread-
ing.” The remedy used most often in this manner was made as
follows: Hazel stalks or cedar wood was burned to a charcoal and a
small quantity of the charcoal (or ash) was mixed with an equal
quantity of the dried gall of a bear. It was mixed well and placed
in a birch-bark dish. When used it was moistened a little with water
and stirred, after which a little was taken on the blade at the end
of the wooden instrument and laid on the affected part. It was then
“worked in” with the needles. The dark spots seen on the temples
of many Indians are left by the charcoal in this medicine. A remedy
for rheumatism was applied in a similar manner. The plant was
identified as Zrillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb., and it was used
in the form of a decoction.

(5) The use of a knife in amputation was mentioned by Main’gans,
whose limbs were amputated below the knee, the only instrument
used being a common knife. When he was a boy his feet and limbs
were badly frozen and in a hopeless condition. The pain was so
intense that he begged a man to amputate them in this manner, and

334 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [erH. ANN. 44

he did so. This was followed by a dressing of pounded bark (Prunus
serotina Ehrh.) appled dry and renewed as often as it became
damp—usually twice a day. Nothing else was used and the healing
was perfect.

(6) Another use of the knife in surgery was described by Weza-
wange, who said he had treated a case in which this became necessary.
Tt was a gangrenous wound, and he used the knife, not to remove,
but to “loosen” the affected flesh, which was taken out by the
medicine he applied. He said that in a case of this sort everything
must be very clean, care being taken especially that the knife or
remedies did not come in contact with rust. In this treatment he
said that he used a medicine which had been handed down by the
Mide and was particularly valued. It consisted of the inner bark
of the white pine, the wild plum, and the wild cherry, it being
necessary to take the first two from young trees. The writer saw
him cut a young pine tree for this purpose and place tobacco in
the ground close to the root before doing so. In preparing the
medicine he said that the stalk of the pine was cut in short sections
and boiled with the green inner: bark of the other two trees until
all the bark was soft. The water should be renewed when necessary,
and the last water saved for later use. The bark was then removed
from the pine stems and all the bark mashed with a heavy hammer
until it was a pulp. It was then dried, and when needed it was
moistened with the water which had been kept for that purpose. He
said this medicine was usually prepared when needed, as the materials
were so readily at hand. This wet pulp was applied to any wound
or to a fresh cut and was a healing remedy, but was especially used
for neglected wounds which had become gangrenous.

(7) Splints were placed on fractured limbs. The splints were
best when made of very thick birch bark similar to that used for
canoes. The birch bark was heated and bent to the proper shape,
after which it was as rigid as plaster of Paris. Splints were also
made of thin cedar. Tying the splint with basswood twine added
greatly to its rigidity.

The treatment of a fractured arm was described as follows: “ Wash
the arm with warm water and apply grease. Then apply a warm
poultice, cover with a cloth and bind with a thin cedar splint.” The
roots used for the poultice were Asarwm canadense L. (wild ginger)
and Aralia racemosa L. (spikenard).

These two were dried and mashed together in equal parts. The
directions added “ when poultice becomes dry it should be renewed,
or, if the arm is very tender, the poultice may be moistened with
warm water without removing it.”

(8) Old women whose limbs or knees were weak often made sup-
ports by taking wide strips of fresh basswood bark and binding it

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 335

around their limbs in a kind of splint. When dried it was very
hard and supported their limbs so that they could travel.

(9) The splinters from a tree struck by hghtning were always car-
ried by medicine men and used as lances, especially for lancing the
gums. If a man were suffering from toothache they cut the gum
with these splinters “so that the blood ran.”

DENTAL SURGERY

If a tooth were hollow the Chippewa sometimes heated an awl
or other metal instrument almost red hot and put it into the hollow
of the tooth.

If it were considered necessary to pull a tooth they struck it
forcibly to loosen it.

If a tooth were partly loosened they tied a sinew around the tooth,
close to the root, attached it to something solid and pulled the tooth
by jerking backward.

CLASSIFICATION OF DISEASES AND INJURIES ”

1. Nervous system: 6. Skin:
Convulsions. Inflammation.
Headache. Boils.
“ Craziness.” Sores.

2. Circulatory system: Hruptions.
Heart. Warts.
In the blood. Hair.

3. Respiratory system : 7. Wounds:
Cold. Tncised.
Cough. Internal.
Lung trouble. Bites of poisonous reptiles.
Hemorrhage from lungs. 8. Bruises.

4, Digestive system: 9. Burns.
Sore mouth. 10. Ulcers.
Toothache. 11. Fevers.
Sore throat. 12. Scrofula.
Indigestion, 13. Hemorrhages.
Pain. 14. Diseases of women.
Colie. 15. Diseases of the eye.
Cramps. 16. Diseases of the ear.
Dysentery. 17. Diseases of the joints, including
Physic (use of). rheumatism and sprains.
Hmeties (use of). 18. Baths.
Worms. 19. Tonies and stimulants.
Cholera infantum. 20. Hnemas.

5. Urinary system: 21. General remedies.
Kidney trouble. 22. Diseases of the horse.
Stoppage of urine.
Gravel.

Tn determining this basis of classification the author received the valued assistance
of Dr, D. S. Lamb, who at the time was pathologist at the Army Medical Museum,
Washington, D. C.

336

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN, 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
Nervous system____---- Convulsions- --------- Lathyrus venosus Muhl. (Wild | Root !_______---_-
pea.)

DOls ss2e5-2c5oseses| anne Gla A ee Lathyrus venosus Muhl_-_----_---|__-_- dope a ses 3
Apocynum androsaemifolium L.f |_--_- (6S ee

(Dogbane.)
1D) 0: a Soe | ee (6 Yay <p teh wie: Hepatica americana Ker. (He- |____- (Cee el

| patica.)

DOis..5--seneassssslbetes oss. sa teen eee Solidago juncea Ait. (Goldenrod) __|_____ do: = =
DD fo ie a a Se be (6 (cySepene w Sak Polygala senega L. (Seneca snake- |_____ do. 2-4 -2— =" 4
root.)

Artemisia frigida Willd. (Prairie |_____ do 8213-2
sage.)
Astragalus crassicarpus Nutt. |___-. dose. ee
(Ground plum.)
Rosa arkansana Porter, (Wild rose) _|_____ dO. = --eessea25
Doss sss ee leadache!=- ees Apocynum androsaemifolium L.f |____- do:32228- 222
(Dogbane.)
WOrsasecee sae esas [sees do £-2 == See Achillea millefolium L.t (Yar- | Leaves_-----.-----
row.)
Docs 25- sae ao tA. te (3 oF ee eee a ee Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) |_---- 0-22 -5225522e
Spreng.t (Bearberry.)
1 Do Sr a ore Ube 0S. een eee Polygonatum commutatum. (R. & | Root_--------------
8.) Dietr. (Solomonseal.)
DO: 2- sa nsse ose See Gt See Ss Pulsatilla hirsutissima (Pursh) | Leaves__-..-------

Britton.t (Pasque flower.)

1 Unless otherwise stated, it is understood that roots, leaves, flowers, and stalks are dried and rubbed

into powder or shreds before using.

(See p. 326.)

2 A decoction was boiled. Concerning the manner of making decoctions and the dosage see p.329. Certain
remedies were steeped instead of boiled, a distinction being made between the two modes of preparation.

DENSMORD]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

307

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

MecoctionAs 22202. 22-2222 = S22

Decoction; the first-named root
was so strong that the amount
used was measured from the
last joint to the tip of the little
finger. The amount ofthesec-
ond was about 1 foot of the root.

Decoction; 1 root to 1 quart of
water.

(1) Dried and pulverized ___-----

O\ese Sdg blaze, He
(Gan omer athe Git Oh
(4) Dried

(5) Decoction_
Decoction_-__-

Dried and pulverized

®* This root grows straight downward and then turns sharply.
value is at the elbow where the root turns.
7 Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia.

Internallyes22 eons 2S

If the convulsions were so
severe that only a little
of the decoction could be
forced into the patient’s
mouth the decoction was
sprinkled on the chest and
applied to the palms of
the hands and soles of the
feet.

Internally toes S-=- =.=.

4 pieces of dried root about
the size of a pea were pul-
verized and the dry pow-
der snuffed up the nostrils.

The powdered root was put
on hot stones. Patient
covered his head and in-
haled the fumes.

The powdered root was
moistened with lukewarm
water and applied to in-
cisions on the temples by
means of soft duck down.
(See p. 332.)

Chewed

Internally

Sprinkled on hot stones and
fumes inhaled.

Combined with tobacco or
red willow, smoked in a
pipe, and the smoke in-
haled.

Sprinkled on hot stones and
the smoke inhaled.

““Smelled- 2222 s-25-a esac

There were said to be 8 varieties of the
first plant which were equally good.
See hemorrhages and tonics.

Used chiefly for children.

See Hemorrhages; tonics and charms
(for the latter use the first-named
plant is used alone).

This herb was used not simply for a
pain in the head but for a serious
affection of the nerves of which the
headache was thesymptom. It was
given for “excessive nervousness as
when the mouth twitched, for dizzi-
ness, and with one herb added for in-
sanity.’’ Asaninstance ofits success-
ful use Gagawin said that a certain
woman said someone had threatened
to poison her. Gagawin told her to
steep this root, keep it ina bottle and
drink some occasionally, and if this
did not have the desired effect, he
would give her something else to take
withit. Thisremedy, however, was
sufficient, and she did not return.

See Nosebleed and charms.

See Eruptions, tonics, and remedies for

the horse.
See also Charms.

See Lung trouble.

The strongest medicinal

(See p. 299.)

308

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH, ANN, 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
Nervous system__-__--- Convulsions -_-_------ Hicoria alba. (Hickory.)--------- Small shoots_---_-
Dio. 2222-352 alheee Cs (epee Ae Thuja occidentalis L.t (Arbor | Wood-_-_-----------
vitae.)
Dovicau et s9s es _ Son aes do? =2--- = aes Corylus americana Walt. (Ha- | Stalk_____________
zel.)
DO.s2-s2-seo32 sone d|seees dO: 255-522-2552" Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. (Bal- | Gum_____-_______-
sam fir.)
Do Wecss2 sees eseee 06 ope eee ee Drymocallis arguta (Pursh) Rydb. | Root_-_-___-----_-
(Five-finger.)
Doxesessce-* ees <@raziness 72 sos--se = Vaccinium angustifolium Ait. | Flowers_..--..----
(Blueberry.)
Circulatory system __--- Heart = tt --pe-=--2- Petalostemon purpureus (Vent) | Leaves and flow-
Rydb. (Prairie clover.) ers.
IDOscs2s5~e ene seeeee |= see 6 |) eee ees Quercus macroearpa Muhl. (Bur | Inner bark____--_-
oak.)
Quercus rubri. L.t (Red oak) ----}-----
Populus tremuloides Michx. (As-
pen.)
Populus balsamifera L.f (Bal- | Equal amounts of
sam poplar.) root, bud and
blossom.
Polygsla senaga L. (Seneca | Root.---_---------
snakeroot.)
Doses. 2s 2222s Heart palpitation___-_-- Apocynum androsaemilifolium L, |_...----------------
(Dogbane.)
DOss-22 s2cesteess ae |eeeee Gosia Siesscesee Artemesia dracunculoidest Pursh. | (1) Leaves and
(flowering plant). (Mugwort.) flowers.
(2) Leaves--_------

7 Plants thus marked are mentioned in

the United States Pharmacopeia.

(See p. 299.)

DENSMORE]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

339

How prepared

How administered

.
Remarks and references

No preparation necessary -_---_-_-

Dried and pulverized______-_____

Decoction; handful of leaves and
flowers in 114 pints water.

Seraped and dried; equal parts
of this and two next following
were powdered in the hands.
This medicine was prepared
ceremonially. (See tonic rem-
edy similarly prepared, Bull.
63, p. 65.) A pail was made
ready containing about a pint
of water. A little of the mixed
bark was placed on the water
at the eastern side, the medi-
cine man saying ““Wa’ ban-
ong”’ (eastward); the same was
repeated at the south, west,
and north with similar words.
He then placed on the top
of these piles a smaller portion
of the powdered Polygala Sene-
gala root, saying the same
words. The medicine was
then allowed to steep. It was
said to be very powerful so that
care must be used not to take
too much of it. The dose was
measured in a small receptacle
made of birch bark (pl. 46, h)
and marked with a symbol of
the remedy, or “‘oneswallow”’
was taken, the dose being re-
peated in an hour.

“Take 4 pieces of the dried root,
about 2 inches long. Put in 1
quart of water. Letit come to
a boil, and boil about 2 min-
utes.”

Dried; a handful steeped in 114
pints of water.

Placed on hot stones and
fumes inhaled.

Combined with bear’s gall,
pricked into the temples
with needles.

Administered as above__-_-_-

| Placed on warm stone until

| it melts; fumes inhaled.
(1) Applied on incisions in
the temples (see p. 332).

(2) Moistened root inserted
in nostrils.

Placed on hot stones and
fumes inhaled.

Dose, 14 cup; repeat in half
hour if necessary.
imnternallive.seea<t 22. <so8

A “good drink”’ of the de-
coction was taken as often
as desired.

Administered when partly
cooled; dose, 14 cup, after
which the patient reclined;
dose repeated every half
hour until patient was re-
lieved.

Chewedlis=: cescetns cons

The shoots thus used were the very
small shoots that grow beside the
leaves.

The manner of administering this is
described on p. 333.

See Hair.

See Dysentery and hemorrhage.

This was said to be one of the remedies
given by Winabojo. These remedies
are the most highly regarded.

The root of this plant was said to grow
to a great length, and usually to be
found running north and south. A
weaker decoction was used as a rem-
edy for earache, and a very weak
decoction was said to be good for a
baby’s cold.

See Diseases of women, hemorrhages,
dysentery, tonics and remedies for
the hair.

340

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH, ANN. 44

System or part affected

.

Symptoms

Botanical name

Part of plant used

Circulatory system _-_-

Respiratory system _-_-

+ Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia.

“Humor in the blood”

Hemmorhages from

lungs.

Aralia nudicaulis L.t
saparilla.)
Acorus calamus L.t (Calamus.)__

(Wild sar-

Allium stellatam Ker.
onion.)
Caltha palustris L.f (Cowslip)

(Wild

Apocynum androsaemifolium L.
(Dogbane.)

Agastache anethiodora (Nutt.)
Britton. (Giant hyssop.)

Apocynum sp. (Dogbane)

.Aralia racemosa L.f (Spikenard) -
Arctium minus Bernh.f (Bur-
dock.)

Ceanothus ovatus Desf.
Jersey tea.)

(New

Ostrya virginiana (Mill.) Koch.t
Hop hornbeam (ironwood).

Thuja occidentalis L.f (Arbor
vitae.)

Caulophyllum thalictroides (L.)
Michx.t (Blue cohosh.)

Euthamia graminifolia (L.) Nutt_
(Goldenrod.)

Lonicera sp. (Honeysuckle)

Rubus frondosus Bigel.(?) (Black-
berry.)

Quercus macrocarpa Muhl.
oak.)

Silphium perfoliatum L.t
plant.)

(Bur

(Cup-

Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.t
(Goldenrod.)

Pulsatilla hirsutissima (Pursh)
Britton.t (Pasque-flower.)

Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.t

(Goldenrod.)

Prunus virginiana L. (Choke-
cherry.)

Corylus sp. (Hazel)
White oak (specimen not ob-
tained).

Ostrya virginiana (Mill.) Koch.

(Ironwood.)

RRoots=5=-2=2-25.2-

soma GOr see = 3k

Heart of the wood_

(See p. 299.)

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 8341

How prepared How administered Remarks and references

Decoction-_-------------- Initernallysees=esen-~-=-=—=—= See Diseases of women and nosebleed.

(@) Meolverizedi= = ee Snuffed up nostrils__________ lls ‘A :
(By Tarot hie eel Serporiciiieg, ce {See Toot ache, sore throat, and physic.

Decoction, sweetened___--------- | Used chiefly for children.

“Chop 2 roots, boil in scant tea- | Drink entire amount at | This use of the herb was said to be a
cup of water; remove from fire once. This was said to great secret. See also Scrofula and
whenit boils; strain and cool.” produce perspiration, diseases of women.

loosen phlegm, and act as
an emetic. Drink warm
water after medicine has
acted; repeat five days
later. This is usually suf-
ficient; it was said that
too much was an injury.

Very weak decoction of root-__-- Umnternall yvasse sont She see Used only for infants.

Steeped a= tes seat ec ee ee Nea otee ate et .- 23. This was used for an internal cold with
tendency to pneumonia, also for pain
in chest.

Dried and pulverized________---- Snuffed up nostrils____-___-- This was used for a heavy cold in the

head, and was said to cause sneezing
and relieve the head.

Decathlon 342 tee ones oe a Internalliysssee8$ ---=-----.!2 See Boils and fracture.

Infusion; made from a handful |_---- (9 ue a ee This was used for a hard dry cough and
of leaves and a teacup of boiling taken after a coughing spell.
water.

Decoction; made from 5 inches | Internally. Dose is 1 swal-
of root, grated, and 1 quart of low.
water.

These were used with other in-

gredients in making a cough |;Internally___---_---___------ See Kidney trouble.
sirup.
Decoction; made from 2 roots | Internally. Dose is 1 swal- | See Emetics.
and 1 quart water. low.
Decoction® 42% 223 Swaes eee s- Internal y2e22vS6 - 2 os32- This was said to be particularly good
for pain in the chest.
Decoction; with other ingre- |----- 00. = 2 a2eeeesesoten-aa==5

dients not designated.
IDY(ers\e aoe ane eS ee bea (iS eee o a sseschemecessee The second named was used for cramps.

Bete One ee sae ae nee aoa. |-aon Gb eer ers Saeees ae eeeee This was used for hemorrhage from the
lungs, also for pain in the back and
chest with tendency to consumption.

Decoction; made from a double |_---- (0 OS eS See sarees
handful of the pulverized roots
to 2 quarts of water.

Decoction; made from 1 root and | ‘‘Take it cold’”’___-__________ This remedy was used to check a sud-
a quart of water. den hemorrhage from the lungs. See

Pain in back, sprain, diseases of

women, and remedies for the hair.

Steeped together__._........____- Internally ssesees. = 22 ==--622

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 44

342

7 Plants thus marked are mentioned in

the United States Pharmacopeia.

System or part affected | Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
Digestive system_______ Sore mouth___-__----- Heuchera (species doubtful). | Root ___-__________
(Alum-root.) Blossom cut when
Rhus glabra L.f (Sumac)________ white bloom is |
on. |

DO. 5202 se eee ee Got cet oe BEM Castalia odorata (Ait.) Woodv. | Root____--_______-

& Wood. (White waterlily.)

1 D Xo ee eee Sa || dowro.. 2a Se Geranium maculatum L.t (Wild |----- doss2oees.- 2! |

geranium.) |

Dor 22 ea | Toothache--------___- Acorus calamus L.f (Calamus) __-}_---- doen sos ee

Doss ses bi s3200ss= -- 2-5 tee Cypripedium hirsutum Méill.f |--__- (0 (2 aeegse C)

(Ladyslipper.)

Doize-< 2525 -3oaeeee | eet os. 3-2 =. WSRA! Ae ae ret a Se Ee a Fungus; it is gath-
ered about mid-
dle of August.

DowscstSek ee Sore throat_____-----_- | Tanacetum vulgare L.f (Tansy)_| Root-------.------

Do=2-82- e252 |aseed Ol eee Heracleum lanatum Michx.t |----- GO Aes sae

(Cow parsnip.)
Doses 2 SSSR (Che a re Solidago flexicaulis L. (Goldenrod) |_--__ do. =
IDos=5 = 2-22 ee | ees (0(\0 ee eee Osmorrhiza claytoni Michx. |-----do_---_.-____-
(Sweet cicely.)

ID ones eos Tete #2 eee (lo) 5-15 sae Acorus calamus L.(f) (Calamus.)_|----.do__--.-______

ID Obst ss Se ee d03-= 222 ee Phryma leptostachya L. (Lopseed.)|_-__- do... Seeen= =o

IDoz1- 2-22 2=225=22-]===22 do =2=-2-22325% | Potentilla monspeliensis L. (Cin- | Root and stalk____

quefoil.)

DD [0 eee eee! Pa Cs (oe | Prunus virginiana L. ¢ (Choke- | Inner bark________

cherry.)

Doc2esse2- 2: Se Eee Ov 222 ==-s-s2=5-2 Zanthoxylum americanum Mill.¢ | Root--------__--_-

(Prickly ash.)
DOr ss eee atl eee 6 (ee er Ulmus fulva Michx. (Slippery | (1) Bark__________
elm.)
(2)) Root: -222-----

Dovedbties cot at! Indigestion______-_____ | Asarum canadense L. ¢ (Wild |____- do_sateeeet

ginger.)

DOt=22 22222 eee ee Pee doz. = .Ssess+- 2 Sieversia ciliata (Pursh) Rydb. |--_-- (3 (0 oe 2

(Prairie smoke.)
Heuchera (species doubtful). |----- dons s22===-28
(Alum-root.)
Dow .sg5- SSE RE se2 doses 225 cee Caulophyllum thalictroides (L.) |----- (G(s eee |
Michx.t (Blue cohosh.)
Rudbeckia laciniata L.f (Cone- |----- ores ceed
flower.)

1 DY eee a eee ( (eee le ae Sagittaria latifolia Willd. (Ar- |----- do-2 = ==--==-

rowhead.)

DOs -M -22cc eee sae G04 eaten ere Cypripedium hirsutum MiAll.f |----- dos. =sss=s==-8

(Ladyslipper.)

Dorit 262-Se5 ses bee ok nee = <5 5. ea Salix (species doubtful). (Wil- | Inner bark__----__

low.)

Do 28) 8. Selle Pain in stomach-__-__-_- Andropogon fureatus Muhl. | Root__----_-------

(Bluestem.)

1 D Ye ea eee eee (ee (3 Pe ete Betula nigra. (Black birch) -___-

DO:2-2=-c2ss2s=e2="|e2a58 ( ( eee eae Diervilla lonicera Mill. (Bush

honeysuckle.)

DOS. <= 222= 25 25 Seo ee eee dO} 2 ssscasosae Erigeron canadensis L.¢ (Horse- | Root and leaves___

weed.)

(See p. 299.)

DENSMORD]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

343

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

Decoction; made from one root
and one blossom in a teacup of
water, strained and cooled.

Dried and finely powdered__-..-

Dried and powdered

(1) Dried
(2) Decoction-_--_-----

Dried, powdered, and moistened_

The top is removed and the soft
interior substance dampened

“Put it on something soft
and wash the child’s
mouth.”

Chewed__-
Internally

Put on decayed teeth__--_-_

Used for toothache or put
inside a decayed tooth.

and used as a poultice.
(1) Decoction
(2) ried. fee ses2 <j c- £e
(1) Decoction
(2) Dried

Decoction, or chewed_

Decoction for children; chewed
root used by adults.
Decoction, or chewed

Combined with many other
herbs to increase their action.

A decoction was made from 4
roots of first named, 1 root of
second, and 1 quart of water.
The first-named root was also
used alone in decoction.

Equal parts of these 2 roots were
steeped in water.

Combined with bark of other
trees in decoction.

Decoction made from 1 root and
1 quart of water.

Decoction

Decoction made from 2 roots and
some leaves in 1 quart of water.

Internally, given in small
doses.
Internally

This was used for the sore mouth of a
child when teething, and was said to
heal the gums quickly. The first
named was used for dysentery. A
fungus growing on the latter plant
was also used for dysentery.

Used especially for children.

See Cold; physic and sore throat. This
was used for children. See stomach
trouble and inflammation of the skin.

|

It is said to be so strong that it some-
times draws out the nerve.

] Also used for fevers and for diseases of
J women.

las was used for ulcerated sore throat.
See Boils.

See ulcers.

This is said to be very astringent.
See Cramps and disinfectants.

This was used for quinzy and swelled
or ulcerated throat. See Tonics.

If food does not agree witha person, put
about an inch of this root in whatever
food is being cooked for him. See
tonics and inflammation.

‘This remedy was said to be very strong,
so it was taken only occasionally.
One preparation was enough to last
2 or 3 days. See Diseases of the
horse.

Diseases of the horse. Used also for

burns.

This was used if a ‘‘person’s food did
not agree with them.”
See Toothache and inflammation of
skin.
Do.

See Burns and retention of urine.

Used only in combinations.

344

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPFWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN, 44

System or part affected

Symptoms

Botanical name

Part of plant used

7 Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia.

Heuchera hispida Pursh.
root).

Polygonum persicaria L. (Smart-
weed.)

(Alum-

Polygonum punctatum Ell.
(Smart-weed.)

Rhus hirta(L.). Sudw. (Staghorn
sumac.)

Stachys palustris L.j (Hedge-
nettle.)

Thaspium barbinode (Michx.)
Nutt. (Meadow parsnip.)
Quercus macrocarpa Muhl.
oak.)

Viburnum acerifolium L.t (white
oak). (Arrowwood.)

Prunus virginiana L.+ (Choke-
cherry.)
Solidago.

(Bur

(Goldenrod) -----------

Caulophyllum thalictroides (L.)
Michx. (Blue cohosh.)

Sanguinaria canadensis L. (Blood-
root.)

Artemisia dracunculoides Pursh ¢
(flowering plant). (Mugwort.)

Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Brit-
ton.t (Shepherd’s purse.)

Urtica gracilis Ait.t (Nettle)_-_-

Salix (species doubtful). (Wil-
low.)

Drymocallis arguta (Pursh) Rydb.

(Five-finger.)

Heuchera (species doubtful).
(Alum-root.)

Amelanchier canadensis (L.)
Medic. (Shadbush.)

Potentilla palustris (L.) Scop.t
(Marshlocks.)
Rhus glabra L.t (Sumac)-_------

Rubus strigosus Michx. (Red
raspberry.)

Acorus calamus L.t (Calamus) --

Celastrus scandens L.
sweet.)

(Bitter-

lowers) <22--2-=4

Leaves fresh or dry.

The portion used
is a growth
which some-
times appears
on the tree.

(See p. 299.)

DENSMORE]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

345

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

“Chew the root and swal-

See Diseases of the eye.

Dried__

low the juice.’’

Decoction, strong medicine, yet | Intermally__----------------- Used alone and also in combinations.
1sprig not enough for a treat-
ment.
MecochloOnesesonnces eee ss a= — ns |aaee G0 sss a5. ona na seee nee a=a- Used only in combinations.
See! 1G ee ee Se ase eee a ae |S Ob eee mee nn
“Put leaves in hot water and |_____ 0 fe aes wee ene This is used for sudden colic.
drink it.”
Mecoctionee sassssseen=-=hane—===|-a see (00) = eee aoe ae eee This is a child’s remedy.
kwend ee ee ane aes) SS Midget hss 52a ao. d._. || See sbungitrouble,
aa 0 Se eee ae eens | ee CO ee een pe a==-5|| HOS WamMebic.
Bases (1G ee en ene | hee d0ee seen eo ----=--.| See) sore throat/and disinfectant.

Decoction made from 1 root and Do.

1 quart of water.
See Lung trouble.

Decoction made from equal | Internally__-.--.------------

amounts of the two roots.
pesee fo eo a eee pee Peer (OR meester eer Do.

Dried and steeped_--------------|----- Co Le opera 2 een er This was used for chronic dysentery.
See Diseases of women, hemorrhages,
and remedies for the hair.

Decochioneessoseee sees te seen eee! flop ie eee a) 3 5 i aoe sees This remedy was used for cramps.

Steeped= 2222 - = ses 2ee ee cone See Stoppage of urine.

Used alone and also in combi- See Indigestion and sweat lodge cus-

nation with other roots. toms.

Decoction; the first named root _
F For other uses of first-named root, see
was also used alone in de- |? -.-do__-.------------------- {
: Headache and hemorrhages.
coction.
Decoction made from this com- |__--- GO) Ee el See Diseases of women.
bined with roots of cherry and
young oak.
Decoction made of }4 root and |____- Co Sree ee ease ass 55
1 quart water.

Dried and pulverized; decoction__|-____ do =.- 5: Ree - a 25-55 This remedy was used for obstinate
dysentery. The blossom of same
plant was combined with alum root
and used as a remedy for the sore
mouth of a child when teething.
See p. 343.

Decoction

The measure for preparing this |-._-- ote 2a aaee see See Cold, toothache and sore throat.

root was according to the age of
the patient, the measure being
the length of the index finger,
whether an infant or an adult.
This quantity of the root was
scalded (not boiled), and taken
warm. Dose about a half cup-
ful. Same dosage for all
physies.

Decoction. Used especially for |_~-.do__-.--.------------——- See Eruptions.

babies.

§5231°—28——23

346

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN. 44

System or part affected

Symptoms

Botanical name

Part of plant used

Digestive system

Physic (use of)

Stoppage of urine

7 Plants thus marked ere mentioned in

Dirca palustris L.t (Moosewood) --|

Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt.t
(Culver’s-root.)

Falcata comosa (L.) Kuntze. (Hog
peanut.)

Prunella vulgaris L. (Selfheal)--__

Smilax herbacea L. (Carrion-
flower.)

Symphoricarpos (Snowberry)

Allium tricoceum Ait. (Wild leek)

Caulophyllum thalictroides (L.)
Michx.+ (Blue cohosh.)

Viburnum acerifolium L.f (Ar-
row wood.)

Alnus incana (L.) Moench.ft
(Alder.)

Viburnum acerifolium L.f (Ar-
rowwood.)

Prunus americana Marsh. (Wild
plum.)

Prunus serotina Ehrh.t (Wild
cherry.)

Monarda mollis L. (Horsemint) -

Prunus serotina Ehrh.t (Wild
cherry.)

Fragaria virginiana Duchesne.f
(Wild strawberry.)

Smilax herbacea L. (Carrion-

flower.)

Ostrya virginiana (Mill.)¢ Koch.
(Hop hornbeam.)

Urtica gracilis Ait.t (Nettle)

the United States Pharmacopeia.

Calkese ease

(See p. 299.)

|
\

DENS MORB]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

347

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

“Cut up the stalk and dry it,
pulverize, put about a table-
spoon in warm water, steep
but do not let it boil. Do not
eat after taking it. Green
stalk may be chewed.’’

Decoction made of 5 roots and
1 quart of water.

Decoction made of this com-
bined with other roots.

Decoction, combined with catnip

Decoction, combined with other
roots.

Decoction made of 2 inches of |
dried root in a little water.
Decoction, 1 root proper amount
for a dose; quick in its effect.
“Serape the root fine. Tie a
small quantity ina white cloth
and squeezeit in warm water.”

“Tn preparing these, scrape the
stalks carefully, removing only
the thin outer covering and
using the green part under-
neath. Put the scrapings of
this green bark from both trees
in boiling water to make decoc-
tion.” K,

“Break up the bark, put it ina
cloth and put the cloth in hot
water, squeeze it until the
waterisgreen. Letit cooland
take it with plenty of water.”

Decoction

“Boil a handful of the prepared
roots in about 1 pint of water.”

“Steep 2 or 3 roots in 1 quart
boiling water. Let the child
drink freely until the effect is
evident.”

Decoction

The wood at the “‘heart of the
branches’? was cut in small
bits and boiled, making a de-
coction.

Decoction

Internally

See use of root as a hair wash.

It was said that this physic also
“cleansed the blood.”’

See Kidney trouble.

This was said to be a very strong
remedy. See Stoppage of urine.

This is also used as a remedy for bil-
iousness and for hemorrhages from
the lungs.

See Cramps.

The first named was also used as a dis-
infectant wash. The second named
was used for ulcers, cholera infantum,
and scrofulous neck.

See uses of flowers and leaves for erup
tions and burns.

See Worms, ulcers, and scrofula; also
disinfectant wash.

This remedy was used also for pain in
the back. It is an old Mide remedy
and the root was always carried in a
bag made of bear paws. Such a bag
was used only by men holding a
high degree in the Midewiwin.
The native name means “Bear
root.’”

See Cough.

See Dysentery.

348

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN. 44

System or part affected

Symptoms

Urinary system__-__---

Stoppage of urine

} Plants thus marked are mentioned in

Botanical name Part of plant used

Athyrium filix-foemina (L.) | Root_____-________
Roth. ¢ (Lady fern.)

Urtica gracilis Ait. (Nettle)__----|---.-do__---------._

Celastrus scandens L.f (Bitter- |____- 0: = ===S2 22555
sweet.)

Solidago rigida L.t (Goldenrod) -_|_____ (0 (ee ee ee

-Andropogon furcatus Muh}. |___-- dO#t.. -gesse=3
(Bluestem.)

Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake.t |____- oisese< 3.222

(Snowberry.)
Caltha palustris L.t (Cowslip)__| Leaves’ and stalks-
Ribes sp. (Wild currant)

Ribes triste Pall. (Red currant)_| Root and stalk____

Plantago major L. +t (Plantain)_-| (1) Leaves________

(@ |sRioot- =-<==-2--
Plantago major: f--2--=---=------ Root
Asarum canadense L.f (Wild |----- do.
ginger.)
Eupatorium maculatum L.f |----- do... 4=s5eese"
(Joe-Pye-weed.)
Cypripedium hirsutum Mill.f |_---- ee em
(Ladyslipper.)
Solidago altissima L. (Golden- |----- dos ss-ss25- =
rod.)

the United States Pharmacopeia, (See p. 299.)

DENSMORB]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

349

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

“Cut the first-named root into
bits and take a small handful.
The root of the second named
has lobes on it. Take 4 of
these lobes with the first-
named root and boil them up
quickly. Use as soon as cool
enough to drink.”

Decoction

1 root was steeped with 34-pint
of water. Dose was ‘‘a swal-
low occasionally.’

Decoction; the first-named could
be also used alone.

| Decoction

Decoction made from 4 plants

to 1 quart of water. “‘Boiled
quite a while.”
Fresh leaves are best. Spread

any grease (bear’s grease is
best) on the surface of the
fresh leaves, apply to the in-
flamed part and as soon as the
leaves become dry or heated
renew them. If desired for
winter use the leaves should
be greased, packed in a pile,
and wrapped tightly.

Chop fresh roots, spread on a
fresh leaf, and apply as a
poultice.

[nit fresh roots, spread on fresh

plantain leaf, and apply as a
poultice.

Decoction used luke warm as a
wash for inflammation of the
joints.

Chop dried root or in emergency
use fresh root. Do not cook
but moisten it and apply as a
poultice to any inflammation.

Pulverized root was moistened
(not cooked), and applied as
a poultice.

Internally aston ea R8-

This is known as a “ Winabojo rem-
edy,’’ as it is supposed to have been
received from him.

‘This, like the preceding, is one of the
Winabojo remedies, the native name
being Winabojo onagic, meaning
“‘Winabojo’s intestines.’’ The leg-
end is that Winabojo was once walk
ing on the ice when he heard some-
thing rattling behind him. He
looked back and saw that his intes-
tines were dragging behind him and
part had become frozen to the ice.
He broke off part and threw them
over a tree, saying, ‘This shall be
for the good of my future relatives.’’

The first-named was also used for pain
in the stomach and burns.

The root of the first-named was also
used for colds, scrofula, and diseases
of women.

See use as a charm, also rheumatism
and bites.

These two were often chopped together
and kept in a wrapping of leather.

See stomach trouble and toothache.

The flowers of this plant were used
for burns.

350 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [81H ANN. 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
Skin 45-22-22 s= 5-25-38 Boils S52 Sere? ees Heracleum lanatum Michx.t | (1) Root__--------
(Cow parsnip.)
(2) Root and
flowers.
DO -2 2225325 n2 eee ee (eee eee Araliaracemosa L.t (Spikenard.) | Root--------------
D022 520-43- 2055-5 Sores.-3! 2. - 2 --2=-==- Aralia nudicaulis L. (Wild sarsa- |__-_- do--2=22-=2==5
parilla.)
Doe. -s--tecse34 ruptions=---2-----=-- Celastrus scandens L.ft (Bitter- | Stalk__..-__-_-__--
sweet.)
Dosccss=e- we salt sees dOnt: -=s2sescez2 Rumex obtusifolius L. (Bitter | Root_-------------
dock.)
D0: 2ee6 23-5255 -S2ue S88 G0shess 2 sbestssond Erysimum cheiranthoides L, |_---- dos sa8e= sees
(Wormseed mustard.)
DoOsces-5225-5-Sasn4|\ 2-28 dO sone 2 Fe sse2-=2 Achillea millefolium L.t (Yar- |__-__ dosss2- ees
row.)
DOLessti 23 scoters Josace QO vesese= setae eos Monarda mollis L. (Horsemint.)-| Flowers and
leaves.
Done eee ees (0 (yee Se Ee Rumex crispus L.t (GYelloywaj| Gloot==s=s2-=-e2-— 4
dock.)
D0 eee See eae | me (6 (sere ees Erysimum cheiranthoides L. |_---- do222-22-2 3
(Wormseed mustard.)
1 Bl: ee eee Wrarts:o24:-2- 3-52-4254 Lactuca canadensis L.t (Wild | Juice____--_----__-
lettuce.)
IDO: t22522s6-5s25e8 Hair: o=—- a255--- 2525-4 Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.¢ | Either root or
(Goldenrod.) Stalk.
IDOL. <2. Joes a- ce ee|boe 0: = = sce eS Abies balsamea (L.) Mill.t (Bal- | Gum____-__-----_-
sam fir.)
ID) OSea a jane aan onne| seen (6 (Soe a eee Artemisia dracunculoides Purshf | Root_-------------
(sterile plant). (Mugwort.)
Direa palustris L.f (Moose- |__--- GOs = 2 erases
wood.)
1) 0 Seer eee eee dO= a aeea eee ae Prunus virginiana L. (Choke- | Bark_-__-..-------
cherry.)
Wiounds'!sie=-essseeeee Cutsi 22 aeee eee Populus tremuloides Michx.f |_---- Ose. Soact --
(Aspen.)
DotSs ees Sosa eens |eeose dOSseen a eee Drymocallis arguta (Pursh) Rydb.} Root__----------_-
(Five-finger.)
D025. 6 << S eee |Past GO s2on se Fak Rumex crispus L.t (Yellow |_-__- Cs (oe ee eres
dock.)

j Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia. (See p. 299.)

DENSMORE]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

351

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

Boil root and use as a drawing
poultice.

Dried root and flowers were
pounded together and made
into a poultice without boiling.

Pounded in a cloth and applied
as a poultice.

The fresh root was mashed and
applied as a poultice.
Decoction Saees-aseseeen es

Steeped

Decoction made from one root to
1 quart of water.
MD EcoChOne see nesses seer sean

Steeped. “Bathe child with the
tea and then rub it with tallow,
venison tallow if possible.”

Dried and powdered root is
moistened, spread on a cloth
and applied as a poultice in
cases of great itching of the
skin and eruptions.

Decoction made from 1 root and
1 quart of water; 3 or 4 roots
may be used.

“Gather the white liquid which
oozes out when the stalk is
broken and rub this on the
wart.”

Combined with bear’s grease as
an ointment.

“Spit on the cut and draw the
edges together, then chew this
bark and apply thickly like a
poultice as soon as possible.
Dried root may be used in the
same manner.””

Moisten the dried and pulver-
ized root.

Dried and pounded---_-__.-------

ixternallyiaeeaeense see

{Used as wash to strengthen
J
| the hair and make it grow.

It was said that dried root could be
used without cooking. See Sore
throat.

This poultice was said to be healing as
well as ‘‘drawing.’’ See Cough and
fracture.

Used internally as a remedy for the
blood.

The root of this plant was used for stop-
page of urine.

Used especially for children.

3 or 4 roots may be used.

See stimulants, headache and diseases
of the horse.

Used especially for children. See
Worms, and burns.
Used especially for children. See Cuts.

This remedy is used only from the fresh
plant.

See Lung trouble, sprain and diseases
of women.
See Headache.

Concerning the first plant, see Heart
stimulant, dysentery, hemorrhages
from wounds, tonics and diseases of
women. The second plant was also
used as a physic.

See Diseases of women.

See Dysentery and headache.

This was used for a ‘‘clean cut.’”’ See

Eruptions and ulcers.

352

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN. 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
iWioundS=2- =s<-s2=2s-=2 Outsie-— at. 8 2c 2=k 2 Pinus strobus L. (White pine)__. Trunk of young
tree.
Prunus serotina Ehrh.t (Wild | Inner bark________
cherry.)
Prunus americana Marsh. (Wild | Inner bark of
plum.) young tree.
D0 sk asses sae donee ae Seer Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.t | Root_-_-----______
(Goldenrod.)
|
|
Do: See .--- === 2. Bites of poisonous | Lilium canadenseL. (Lily)------|--__. dota st SS!
reptiles. |
D0 oie ee Soe eee ae | ee 6 (ee ee ee Plantago major L.f (Plantain)---| Leaves and root__
DO nea eee eee |e Gees S PER eee Botrychium virginianum(L) Sw. | Root___.----.---__
(Rattlesnake fern.)
4
Bruise es<- <= 2-3 Sess ete ee Epilobium angustifolium L.f | Leaves_____-------
(Fireweed.)
IBUENS: 2-5 ee | ee Agastache anethiodora (Nutt.) | (1) Leaves__------
Britton. (Giant hyssop.)
(2) Leaves and
stalk.
DOi2s scoaccaadssece|eeeacccceceessene=ssasca Solidago altissima L. (Golden- | Flowers_----------
rod.)
Rudbeckia laciniata L.t (Cone- |_---- dos-asi2hee=: 5
flower.)
Agastache anethiodora (Nutt.) |----- dos soe =
Britton. (Giant hyssop.)
1D Yo er ee a PE ey Larix laricina (Du Roi) Koch.t | Inner bark_--_----

} Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia.

(Tamarack.)

(See p. 299.)

DENSMORE]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

353

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

“Cut the first named into sec-
tions and boil with the barks
until soft, strain, keeping the
decoction, pound the woody
material into a mash and dry;
when needed, soak the mash
thoroughly in the decoction
and apply; care should be
taken that the barks after boil-
ing do not come in contact
with rust or dirt.’’

Decoction made from 1 root and
1 quart of water. Taken cold.

Root used in decoction____-------

Fresh, chopped fine, and applied
to bite. This was sometimes
spread on a fresh leaf of the
plant.

A poultice of the fresh root,
mashed, was applied toa snake
bite.

Fresh or dried leaves were mois-
tened and made in a poultice.
Dried and powdered leaves mois-
tened with water and applied.

Chew the fresh leaves and stalk.
Apply as a poultice.

A “small sunflower’? was com-
bined with these, the flowers
being dried and used as a
poultice. When needed the
flowers were moistened, ap-
plied, and covered with a
bandage; when this became
dry it was not removed but
was moistened with cold
water.

Fresh or dried, chop fine and
apply to burn. Apply in
morning, wash off partially at
night, and renew.

Internal. 5_222223- =- === abees

xtennalligeneo se mene. one

i xternally. 2 ose e nase ane

The informant stated that he used this
successfully on a gunshot wound
after gangrene had set in. This
could be applied to any form of ‘‘rot-
ten flesh,” after which a knife was
used to cleanse the wound.

This remedy is used to check the
hemorrhage when a person has been
wounded and blood comes from the
mouth. See Lung trouble, and dis-
eases of Women.

This was also used ‘‘when a snake
blows on a person and causes a swell-
ing.”’

An incident of the use of this plant was
related. Mrs. Razer had a relative
who was bitten by a poisonous snake
while picking berries. Her husband
put a tight bandage around the arm
above the bite; then searched for the
plant. Before he could find it the
woman’s arm was badly swollen.
He cut little gashes in the arm, mois-
tened this root, appliedit, and the
woman's life was saved. See Rheu-
matism and inflammation.

“Tf a snake got into the wigwam a de-
coction of this root was sprinkled
around and the snake did not return.”

The same poultice might be used to re-
move a Sliver.

This was said to prevent blister and
take out the fire. See Colds and
charms.

The leaves of the last named were
used alone for a burn, being dried,
powdered, and applied as a poultice.
This combination of medicine was
very strong and was called Wabuno-
wuck (eastern medicine). It is said
that if a small handful of flowers of
the plants were steeped in a quart
of water and a person “washed
their hands” in this decoction they
could thrust their hands in boiling
water and not be scalded. The root
of the second plant was used for
indigestion. (Cf. Bull. 45, p. 103.)

354

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN, 44

Part of plant used

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name
2
Burns! . perce = + Ge | ea ene = eee Clintonia borealis (Ait.) Raf.
(Clintonia.)
Dos22208 e525) Sa | eee ee enc ae Monarda mollis L. (Horsemint) _
Uleers:.s2-- <= s-2 s2425--2 | been de ceaseesaseeese eee Solidago altissima L. (Golden-
rod.)
iD ee en See ee ee Prunus serotina Ehrh.f (Wild
cherry.)
Ledum groenlandicum Oeder.f
(Labrador tea.)
One, = so = ee es ee Prunus (species doubtful) ---------
ID Gzsantec. teks Peel bo Se eat. 35-22 Rumex crispus L. (Yellow dock)_
WG-25 =2s42s2ss0e-=n|-aoeeeo ees eee se Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.)
Britton. (Sweet cicely.)
Revers: < 528 Soe: ees bee. Se. woe Nepeta cataria L.t (Catnip) _----
D Orc sates aon ccncss|sceosaserenoscccnaccsaee Koellia virginiana (L.) Mac M.f
(Mountain mint.)
Nepeta cataria L. (Catnip) _____-
DOSS eee nee - nee pee eae ee enema Tanacetum vulgare L.t (Tansy) -
Nepeta cataria L.t (Catnip) --__-
DOL ecsscesscecwosas [ae cee e see peo e eee see Solidago (species doubtful).
(Goldenrod.)
Scrofulacs--2-ep=--ssese Sores! so ssssccccessco ss Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt.t
(Culver’s-root.)
Prunus virginiana L.t (Choke-
cherry.)
Donates t-8 oe S| eee Oe anes anos Prunus serotina Ehrh.j (Wild
cherry.)
DOs.- coud Ueadece| eats doers <=2--=-. 222 Caltha palustris L.t (Cowslip)-._-
ID 0-235 5252 -ssse oes |e (0 oe eee Clintonia borealis Ait. (Clintonia)

7 Plants thus marked are mentioned in

the United States Pharmacopeia.

Root or bark

Root.

Leaves
(See p. 299.)

DENSMORD]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

305

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

Dried, powdered in the hand,
moistened with water and
applied to burn.

Dried, moistened with cold
water.

Dried, powdered and mixed, but
not cooked. After this pow-
der has been on the flesh for a
time it becomes damp. It is
thenremoved, thesore washed,
and a fresh application made.

Decoction of dried root or
scraped and mashed fresh root.

Dried and pounded___-_________-

Dried and pounded, moistened
with warm water.

Decoctions- 425. 2.ss2se 25 nsec

Decoction made from equal parts
of leaves of 2 plants. Direc-
tions are as follows: “If a
person feels chilly he should
take 1 cup of this medicine as
hot as possible, repeating the
dose after a short time. He
should also wrap up and go to
bed; when the fever comes on
he should take the same decoc-
tion, but cold and whenever
desired.”’

Equal quantities of the leaves
of these plants were steeped
together.

Dried and a decoction made_____

Decoction made from 4 roots of
first, a large handful of bark
of second, and 1 pint of water.
Dose, 1 swallow taken before
breakfast and at frequent
intervals, usually before eat-
ing.

Use fresh roots mashed as a
poultice; or scrape the inner
bark, boil, and use water as a
wash.

Dried, powdered and moistened,
or fresh root mashed. “ Re-
new the application night and
morning.”

Decoction==2are o occ cco

See Cuts and eruptions.
Used especially for a running sore.

Externaliveest sc. .=--sa-=-4
Lace do__....-.---------------] Especially good for a scald.
oe a do:sstevas42 2... 5+... || See: Boils:
Applied to a severe burn or ulcer or any
condition in which the flesh is
do exposed. Concerning the _ first-
Mick hitiae SU a | named plant see Cholera infantum,
and scrofula.
emer! do_...-.--.--------------| See Diseases of women.

This remedy was used to produce a
profuse perspiration and break up a

fever.

The first root was used also

for sore throat and for diseases of
women.

Internally (used with the
external remedy which
follows).

Externally: 222s) - <2 8

The action of this remedy is a mild
eathartic intended to cleanse the
blood.

This remedy is especially for scrofulus
neck. See Ulcers and cholera infant-
um.

See Colds and diseases of women.

356 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [&TH. ANN. 44

System or part affected

Botanical name

Part of plant used

Hemorrhage-.-----------

From the nose

(6 (fae ee ee

Pain in back and fe-
male weakness.

Stoppage of periods_-_

Calvatia craniiformis Schw.
(Puffball.)

Aralia nudicaulis L.f (Wild sar-

saparilla.)
Verbena hastata (L.) Morong.
(Vervain.)

Apocynum androsaemifolium L.t

(Dogbane.)

Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr.t

(Hemlock.)

Lathyrus venosus Muhl. (Wild
pea.)

Quercus (species doubtful).
(Oak.)

Artemisia dracunculoides Pursh. ¢

(Mugwort.)

Rosa arkansana Porter. (Wild
rose.)

Artemisia frigida Willd. (Prairie
sage.)

‘Astragalus crassicarpus Nutt.
(Ground-plum.)

Silphium perfoliatum L. (Cup-
plant.)

Amelanchier canadensis (L.)
Medic. (Shadbush.)

Erigeron canadensis L. (Horse-

weed.)

Geum canadense Jacq. (Avens)-

Cirsium sp.t (Thistle)-----------

Populus balsamifera L.¢ (Bal-
sam poplar.)

Crataegus sp. (Thornapple) -----

Grossularia oxyacanthoides.
(Gooseberry.)

Ribes glandulosum. (Wild eur-
rant.)

Rubus occidentalis L. (Black rasp-
berry.)

Vagnera racemosa (L,) Morong.
(False Solomonseal.)

Artemesia dracunculoids Pursh f
(sterile plant). (Mugwort.)

Large part of root_

ee do==Aeseneeane

(1). Root... <= --

Artemisia dracunculoides Pursht-| (2) Leaves and

stalk.
(3) Leaves, stalk,
and root.

+ Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia. (See p. 299.)

DENSMORE]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

357

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

Use soft inner part to plug the
nostril, or apply it externally.
Dried and powdereG, or fresh root
chewed and inserted in nostril.

Dried and “‘snuffed’’___..----.--

Decoction made from 1 arm
length and a very little boil-
ing water.

Pulverized and applied dry.
This is also used in many com-
binations.

Boiled and used as a poultice.
Alsoina decoction taken inter-
nally.

Fresh root chewed, or poultice
made from dried root.

Fresh or dried, chewed and used
as poultice.

These three were combined
with the root of Polygala
senega L. in a decoction.

Dried; cut up and pounded; used
as a moist compress.

Decoction, in combination with
pin cherry, choke cherry, and
wild cherry.

Steeped___

Manner
stated.

Decoction made from equal por-
tions of 2 roots, a handful of the
roots being used with 1 quart
of water; boiled thoroughly.
“Take often and freely, about
a quart a day.”

of preparation not

Decoction, in combination_______

Decoction made from 8 roots to 1
quart water, all of which could
be taken in a day.

Another informant stated that
she used 4 dried chopped roots
in about 34 cup of water
These were not boiled but
steeped thoroughly, and the
tea taken at frequent intervals.

Decoction, varying in strength
according to cases.

MDecachion® -7accsesee. feataee ae

Stuff nostril with cotton
moistened with decoction
or in severe cases use the
mashed root as a plug.

Externally. -- === 25-8. --=-2-

Externally and internally_-_

See Diseases of women and humor in
the blood.

See Headache.

This decoction was said to act as an
emetic if blood from a wound had
accumulated inside patient.

For a fresh wound, let it bleed a little
before applying poultice.

See Tonics and diseases of women.

See Fits and tonics.

See Lung trouble and diseases of wo-
men.

The buds of second named were used
for sprains,

Same remedy was used for excessive
flowing. This root must be pulled
up, not dug. The informant stated
this was the only root which must be
pulled, not dug.

This remedy was considered so im-
portant that its native name is Ogima
wuck, meaning “‘chief medicine.’’

308

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ ETH. ANN, 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name

Stoppage of periods_--]} Koellia virginiana (L.) MacM. t
(Mountain mint.)

Diseases of women_-.--

1D Oana ean eee (OOS eee Sanicula canadensis L.f (Bur
snakeroot.)
D02=ssee-a500 eee eee dOs=:222-2-228225-2 Ribes triste Pall. (Red currant) -
Aralia racemosa L.t (Spikenard)_
Aralia nudicaulis L.f (Wild sar-
saparilla.)
D0i=22= 22 ae eee |S ( (eee Tanacetum vulgare L.t (Tansy)-
Ye ee emcee pee GOs asses Rubus frondosus Bigel. (Black-
berry.)
Dosteecereee: ose L aes GOs= = sas 28552 see Silphium perfoliatum L.f (Cup-
plant.)
A DY ie oe eee Excessive flowing ----- Actaea rubra (Ait.) Willd.t (Red
baneberry.)
BD) 08S ee ee ene | Eee (6 (0 ee ee Amelanchier canadensis (L.)
Medic. (Shadbush.)
WD 0f2 sa sane ee enn noe C0 tnt Populus tremuloides Michx.t
(Aspen.)
Populus balsamifera L.ft (Bal-
sam poplar.)
DD 0225 Sena ns eeaee Difficult labor_--.----- Solidago rigidiuscula_ Porter.
(Goldenrod.)
DD Olssscebensanessee|useee (0 (ee ee ee Alnus incana (L.) Moench.
(Alder.)

+ Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia.

Part of plant used

Root of plant
which has white
berries.

Seen C(O

(See p. 299.)

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 359

How prepared How administered Remarks and references

Decoction made from a handful | Internally
of the powdered root and 1
quart of water.

Decoction made from a handful |_____ dota. SIM oe seesseece
of the powdered root and 1
quart of water.

See Tonics and fevers.

Decoction; the third named was |-_---- OO z225 ses aoe ne eee=- This remedy was used if the difficulty
sometimes omitted from this threatened to lead to consumption.
combination. It could also be Concerning the first, see Stoppage of
used alone. urine, the second, see Boils, cough,

and fracture, and the third, ‘Hu-
mors in the blood.”

Mecoction|=s==—=-- nes —eeeen se | oe CS we eee seecones The native name of this plant means
young women’s drink. In old times
the medicines given to maidens were
different from those given to married
women. This was said to be a rare
remedy, and was used as a regulator

for young girls. See Fevers and
diseases of the ear and throat.
ey GO: ono Sao oe sea een os oe 3 5 Seoul et eker ti. ==. ==2==-| See: Lung trouble.

Decoction; this root was used |____- (6 oe ee See Hemorrhages and lung trouble.
alone and also as an ingredient
in many other remedies of this
sort.

DecoctionS=--= 222-2 2-2--=- =5-=-|5=-=4 (0 (0s Seem ee ge eee aa eee There was said to be another variety of
this plant which had red berries and
was used for diseases of men.

ES 05) ofeY be rs Se ee Pere (COM w eee Sener nn ae This was given to a pregnant woman
who had been injured, to prevent
miscarriage.

1 root of each is put in 1 quart of |__-__do__- This is used for excessive flowing during
water and is steeped, not confinement or to prevent premature
boiled. Drink about every birth. The bark of the first named
hour. was used for cuts and the buds of the

second for sprains.

1 root was steeped in 1 pint of |_____ 0 Ree Re sere Rne Seer | See Pain in the back, lung trouble,
water and taken in 3 doses sprain, and remedies for the hair.
about 2 hours apart.

In preparing this remedy the |____- lee yee ae aed The plant is also used for diseases of
root must be scraped upward. | . the eye.

A weak decoction is made from
a few inches of the root and a
pint of water. The following
ingredients are added to this:
4 bumblebees are caught and
put in a box to die of them-
selves. In catching the bees
they must be stunned but not
injured. It destroys the effi-
cacy if the bees are treated
otherwise. The bees are dried,
ground to a powder, and put
in a leather packet until need-
ed. Whenthe medicine is to be
used, a pinch of this powder is
put in a small half teacup of
the above decoction. The
dose is about a tablespoonful.
Two doses are usually suffici-
ent. A specimen of the bee
was obtained and identified as
a common bumblebee.

360 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [1TH. ANN. 44

7
System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
Diseases of women_____ | Confinement !________- Caltha palustris L.t (Cowslip)___| Root ---_.._-._____
Sanicula canadensis L.ft (Bur |____- dose ais. eS
snakeroot.)
ID On os = sa sen ere ee | noes fo eer e es eee Asclepias syriaca L.f (Common |__-_- dos ret ese
milkweed.)
Dos =t4s2 55 hee | ness ous et 2 eee Prenanthes alba L. (Rattlesnake |_____ ( G Seeerreee ees!
root.)
DOzo2-ts-shes eee | ee (Om ahr Ee Cirsium (species doubtful).t |_..-.do_____________
(Thistle.)
Taraxacum officinale Weber.t |-----do_-._...._____
(Dandelion.)
D0: AAR se ee Broken breast ____-___- Prunus (species doubtful). |____- do=s=
(Plum.)
Disease of eye___-.-____ Soreness)::.--=2-.=—. Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. |____- G02 eee
(Jack-in-the-pulpit.)
3 Do eS ee ee Se eee ees Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt. |__-_- dosatese2-2 222)
(Pipsissiwa.)
Dn a Senta ee nt Ee eee Ere Cornus alternifolia L.f. ¢ (Dog- |--_-- dosssx eee 2
wood.)
IDoLss-Fsane See ee | el Re eee se Se Cornus alternifera L. f.t----------- Soe Ore ene eens
Cornus stolonifera Michx., (Red- |____- dom. shee ee
osier dogwood.)
Alnus incana (L.) Moench. |----- dOi=-<2sseacee!
(Alder.)
Dose ese see sand ee eee) eee Fe Heuchera hispida Pursh, (Alum- }|____- dos.
root.)
Dozeessas- Ss eee Soreness==22_-2=-- = = Stellaria media (L.) Cyrill. f------ Leaves: -- Sato)
1D ees S| Cataract.=-2--2.-2-.24 Rosa (species doubtful). (Rose) --} Inner bark of root_
Rubus strigosus Michx. (Red |____- dose: See zeee
raspberry.)
DOscsesencsaccesee Sty or inflammation | Hordeum jubatum L. (Squirrel- | Root__---~-----___
of lid. tail.)
Dota ee eee Stysese- ese Streptopus roseus Michx. (Twist- |____- dost ===eaae=-
ed-stalk.)
Disease of ear__--_..--- Sorenesssers. 2-8 as e= Apocynum androsaemifolium L. |____- dotss~ ee S
(Dogbane).
DOrs5- = 8 ee do anocesseeentaaes Aster nemoralis Ait. (Aster)_--_|__--- dol 4-42. Scee=

1 A young Chippewa woman whose husband was unable to support a large family said that her mother
told her of an herb to prevent childbearing and that she took it. In this connection it is interesting to
note that a physician of more than 20 years’ experience in the Indian Service told the writer that on all
the reservations where he had been stationed he was aware that the Indian women used such an herb
and that he had not seen any injurious results from its use. ’

} Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia. (See p. 299.)

DENSMORE] PLANTS AS MEDICINE 361

How prepared How administered Remarks and references
The first-named root was used also for
json ea eee 2 = to Internally4s=_ = |) colds and scrofula and the leaves and
stalk for stoppage of urine.
Take 44 a root, break it up and |_____ (6 (0 ere a8 Sen This remedy was used to produce a
putit ina pint of boiling water, flow of milk.
let it stand and get cold.
Whenever the woman takes
any liquid food, put a table-
spoon of this medicine in the
food.
Driediand' powdered: | \Wias)puti |b=2-—---sone-- ae ee Do.
in the broth a woman drank.
Take 4 roots of each to one quart
of water, steep and use as a | Internally_.._________..______ Do.
|} drink.
The dried roots were used in | Externally_---...--..______- See Ulcers.

decoction or fresh roots were
scraped and mashed.
Decoction: ==. 2-2. 2... 2c ese PS 0 ae ee eee ed

pene O22 senaese=e=2a=--=------|| Drop:initheeye--=-.--.<s-—<

Scrape and steep the root, using | Bathe the eye and let some | See Charms.
a handful to about a pint and a of the liquid get into the
half of water. Let it cool and eye, or use it on a compress.
strain well.

,

Decoction made from equal parts } elaiwashtoricornress see {

of these roots.

The last named is used also for diseases
of women.

Decoction made from whole root_| Externally_.__-_____________ See Pain in stomach.

Put a handful of the leaves in | Externally (wash)__________
hot water, do not let it boil
long, let it stand and strain it.

These two remedies are used suc- |-.---..-.-..---------------.-- It was said that these would cure cata-
cessively, the first for removing ract unless too far advanced, and that
inflammation, and the second improvement would be shown
for healing the eye. They are quickly if the case could be materially
prepared in the same way, the helped.
second layer of the root being
scraped and put in a bit of
cloth. This is soaked in warm
water and squeezed over the
eye, letting some of the liquid
runintotheeye. This is done
3 times a day.

Dried, pounded, put in a cloth | Externally_______________.__ This remedy was so strong that one
which was moistened with root would have an effect.
warm Water and sopped on the
eye.

Steeped root was used as a pouk |_____ (Ee eee een aa a
tice.

Decoction made with about 1 | Pouredintoearfromaspoon_| See remedies for headache.
inch of the root

Decoction= S22 ss-5— ss -= 82. =.) Drop in ear or apply on
cloth; use lukewarm wa-
ter.

55231 °—28——24

362

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[PTH, ANN, 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
Disease of ear_____--___ Soreness) 222-22 === 2-2 - Campanula rotundifolia Tesi ROote—=2---s seco
(Harebell.)
Dot 22. ae oye Seat t t et Tanacetum vulgare L.t (Tansy) -|__-_- Oba est 23
MOic 22.2 eee see d0== = s2e==ee ced Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) | Inner bark of root_
Salisb.f (Wake-robin.)
Diseases of joints..____- Rheumatism_--___-_--- Abies balsamea (L.) Mill.t (Bal- | Root-.-----------_
sam fir.)
Dols ~- 25-22 s|L C (eee eee Anaphalis margaritacea (L.) B. & | Flowers_____.-----|
H. (Pearly everlasting.)
Dos a ee doa ee Castilleja coccinea (L.) Spreng. |____- doesn saan
(Painted-cup.)
Doe ele d0 = esse Juniperus virginiana L. (Red | Little twigs_______|
cedar.)
Taxus canadensis Marsh. (Yew) -|----- doe 253-25
-| Vitis cordifolia Michx. (Grape)-_-| Root-.------------
Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) |__--- ORE ee.
Salisb.t (Wake-robin.)
Do} =5=.222c2--Seee | SS ours Set _s= = 2 ==5 Plantago major L.f (Plantain)__.| Leaves__-__-__-.-
DOissss=sa5-ssse=s|-ene= ( (eee eee Any variety of evergreen-_-_------| T'wigs__-.__-.-----
1 DY ee ee ees) eet (6 (0 eee oe eee Lycopodium obscurum L. | Moss_-..--__-------
(Ground-pine.)
Picea canadensis (Mill.) B. S. P. | Twigs_------------|
(White spruce.)
Ostrya virginiana (Mill.) Koch. | Chips cut from
(Ironwood.) “heart”? of the
wood.
Do le=22-s22-2e 554 Sprain or strained | Artemisia absinthium L.j (Worm-| Entire <op of plant.
muscles. wood.)
1 Yo ee ies oe re a (ol: eae ee eee Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.t | Either stalk or
(Goldenrod.) root.
DO css a |S (0 (eee eee Populus balsamifera L.t (Balsam | Buds before they
poplar.) open.
Doi. 2s5e2222 eee 0s - ose eeececee=s Allionia nyctaginea Michx. | Root------.---_-__
(Umbrella-plant.)
D032 see esse es | ee ote2ae2= ee eee Aralia racemosa L.t---------------|----- (0 (eee
‘Baths*#:=-_\ .-{uceeeS8/ see ae: ee eee Artemisia dracunculoides Pursh. ¢ | Root, the best part
(Mugwort.) was the fine fi-
bers.

7 Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia.

(See p. 299.)

DENSMORE]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

363

J

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

Take1 root to one half cup of
water; steep and strain.

Weak decoction-----<-----_--=-—

Scrape the second layer of the
bark of the root, put in hot

water and boil.
Decoction

Prepared and applied as for in-
flammation.
Placed on hot stones__-----------

Decoction made from these three_

(1) Steeped and used as a poul-
tice. (2) Boiled in grease
(about a handful of buds to a
cup of grease), strained and
kept for use when needed.
Deer tallow is not good for this
purpose, but bear’s grease is
excellent.

Dried root in decoction or fresh
root pounded and applied as a
poultice.

Strong decoction___-

Use lukewarm water and
drop a very little in the
ear.

Dropped in ear lukewarm---

Dropped in the ear________-- |

Sprinkled on hot stones,
the decoction being very
hot. This was used to
“steam”” rheumatic
joints, especially of the
knees, the patient being
covered closely and letting
steam warm the knees.
See Headache and reme-
dies for the hair.

Used in combination with
wild mint, sprinkled on
hot stones, said to be good
for paralysis.

Used singly or in combina-
tion, said to be good for
paralysis; also good for a
cold.

Decoction sprinkled on hot
stones or taken internally.

Tnitemnallliy=essseeeee f= = ==

“Pricked in with needles.”’ |

(See p. 343.)
Extermally:2es22--5----=---

Used for steaming rheu-
matic joints.

Used for steaming stiff joints-

Strengthening bath for a
child, also used for ‘‘steam-
ing old people to make

them stronger.”

See Remedies for headache.

See Throat, fever and diseases of
women.

See Rheumatism.

The informant, a woman of advanced
age, said this remedy came from her
great-grandmother.

See Diabetes in general remedies.

See Diseases of the ear.

See Inflammation and bites.

This was used especially when aspr:.in
was followed by swelling. See Tonics
and remedies for the hair.

The root of this plant was used for the
diseases of women.

Various parts of this plant were used
for diseases of women, hemorrhages
from wounds, and dysentery; also
in tonics and a remedy for the hair.

364

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[BTH, ANN, 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used
‘Baths = 2225) Be ee ee ee Asclepias incarnata L.t (Swamp | Root__--_---------
milkweed.)
Ds ee a a | eee Oe ee Eupatorium maculatum L.f (Joe- |----- Gos Be 2588 2
Pye-weed.)
D625. 22ers Zanthoxylum americanum Mill.t_!-..-.do____---------
Tonies ‘and stimulants: |-2-----2---<---- seater Heliopsis scabra Dunal. (Ox-eye) -|..--do___-----------
IDO sa. Ss 22 aaa Le ceca eeesceneeeee Sieversia ciliata (Pursh) Rydb. |----- G | See eee
(Prairie-smoke.)
Polygala senega L. (Senecasnake- |____- do}: -=225
root.)
Artemesia frigida Willd. (Prairie |____- dos 22. aes
D sage.)
OlsSeeccaseneasiay | pscPenes san choomec ceca as Astragalus crassicarpus Nutt. |____- (+ (eee eee
(Ground-plum.)
Rosa arkansana Porter. (Wild |.---- dobizerne ssh
rose.)
BD [cee ere 4 eee nes eres Lathyrus venosus Muhl. (Wild |_---- (eee eee
pea.)
Dot ee Foe See Ae eee Fraxinus (species doubtful). | Inner bark_-------
(Ash.)
Doi. 2225205. Oe | es ee eed Solidago rigidiuscula Porter.t | Roots and stalks__
(Goldenrod.)
(Do: 2h. ee eae | Poe Se eee ee ee Achillea millefolium L.¢ (Yar- | Root___-.---------
row.)
JONGMAS oe se ee | pe ee eee Solidago rigida L.f (Goldenrod) _|____- do. 3% sees
DO scoot hee nee SEE So = ee Fraxinus (species doubtful). |___-- doy <eseee =
(Ash.)
ID0s- secre 252 sascee | Sasson eae ee Betula papyrifera Marsh. (White | Inner bark__------
birch.)
General remedies _______ Biliousness-__----_----- Artemisia frigida Willd. (Prairie | Leaves_-.---------
sage.)
Doli A eS Diabetes! 2-2-2. 22: Vitis cordifolia Michx. (Grape) -.| Root

j.Plants thus marked are mentioned in the United States Pharmacopeia.

(See p. 299.)

DENS MORB]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

365

How prepared

How administered

Remarks and references

Put 1 root whole in 1 quart of
water, steep, strain, and when
cool bathe the childinit. Also
good for grown people when
sick or tired. Soak feet in it
and lie down.

Decoction; some of which was
put in child’s bath.

IDE COCH OR a= a= eee eee

Decoction of dried root or the
fresh root chewed and spit on
the limbs.

Dried and chewed_--.-----------

Dried; the first named is pound-
ed and kept separately. Equal
parts of the last three are
pounded together until pow-
dered. This medicine is pre-
pared similiarly to that de-
scribed on page 339. A quart of
water is heated and about 44
of a teaspoon of the mixed in-
gredients is placed on the sur-
face of the water at the 4 sides
of the pail. A very little of
the first (principal ingredient)
is placed on top ofeach. The
ingredients soon dissolve. A
stronger decoction was secured
by boiling. The medicine was
taken 4 times a day, the dose
being small at first, and grad-
ually increased to about a
tablespoonful. A measure
made from birch bark was
used for this remedy.

Wecotiones san =e eee ee ee

Dried, chewed, and spit on the
limbs.

Decoction made from a handful
of the root.

Steeped i scese2e ae son senc nonce

{(@) Burned and vapors inhaled _-
|) Decoction

GL ernie tyes eee

Steepadrisss-sana se eeeesnmaees

If a child is fretful this will make it go
to sleep.

This bath was used to strengthen legs
and feet of a weakly child, especially
if the limbs were partly paralyzed.
See Tonics and sore throat.

This was used to strengthen the limbs.

These roots were chewed before feats of
endurance, acting as a strong stimu-
lant. See Indigestion and diseases
of the horse.

The first-named herb could also be
taken dry asa tonic. (See Bull. 53,
p. 64.)

One dose of this had no effect, results
being obtained only by considerable
quantity of the remedy.

See Enema.

See Lung trouble, sprains, diseases of
women, pain in back, and remedies
for the hair.

See Headache, eruptions, and diseases
of the horse.

See Stoppage of urine.

See Tonics.

See Rheumatism.

366

USES OF PLANTS BY

THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[ETH. ANN. 44

System or part affected Symptoms Botanical name Part of plant used

General remedies ~___-- REACtULGs=eaas====aeee Asarum canadense L.t (Wild | Root -_-__-----.---
ginger.)

Aralia racemosa L.t (Spikenard)-|----__ dO === esees=4

Diseases of the horse __-

Antidote for
medicine.”

“Bad

Equisetum hiemale L. (Scouring-

rush.)

Prunus americana Marsh. (Wild
plum.)

Artemisia frigida Willd. (Sage)__
Prunus virginiana L.f (Choke-

_ cherry*)

Amelanchier canadensis (L.)
Medic. (Shadbush.)

Prunus americana Marsh. (Wild
plum.)

Prunus serotina Ehrh.¢ (Wild
cherry.)

Artemisia gnaphalodes Nutt.
(White mugwort.)

Psoralea argophylla Pursh.t

(Psoralea.)
Aralia nudicaulis L.¢ (Wild sar-
saparilla.)

Rudbeckia laciniata L.t (Cone-
flower.)

Achillea millefolium L.t (Yar-
row.)

Laciniaria scariosa (L.) Kuntze.
(Blazing-star.)

Sieversia ciliata (Pursh) Rydb.
(Prairie-smoke.)

DENSMORD]

PLANTS AS MEDICINE

367

How prepared

How administered Remarks and references

Dried and equal parts used;
mashed and applied as a poul-
tice. If the arm is very sore
and the poultice has become
dry the poultice may be moist-
ened with warm water before
removing.

Mecoctlonesaa.sescennesesnsac—-4

Poultice; said to be very strong--

Poultice, less strong than pre-
ceding, but would cure a swell-
ing in one day if there were no
suppuration.

(1) Dried, crumbled, and placed
on a hot stone.

(2) Fresh leaves

Decaction==-=2226-25- =~ eee ssa

Dried and placed on coals --_-_-_-

Chopped and steeped with

other herbs.

WecoCtON ee. sea araes ease eaeenae

Decoction made from 1 root and
1 pint of water.

Dried and powdered--...--------

Externally The first named used also for indiges-
tion, inflammation, and for tonic and
food. The second named used for

boils ,cough, and diseases of women.

Hold the hands and head | The necessary quantity was said to be
over it so the fumes get:}| “‘about as muchas 4 willow leaves.””
thoroughly into the cloth- This was used frequently in cases of
ing. contagious disease, the smoke filling
the room.

This herb was thus used asa protection
by a person “‘ working over the dead.”

The first was used for gargle and
cramps; second, for dysentery and
diseases of women, the third for
worms, and the fourth for ulcers,
cholera infantum, scrofula, and
worms.

Fumes acted as antidote.

Stuffed in nostrils and held
in the mouth.

When a horse gives out and is ready to
drop, apply this decoction liberally
to chest and legs; the second-named
plant is used also for nosebleed,
humors in the blood and diseases
of women.

Do. (See Indigestion.)

Used as a stimulant. See Headache,
eruptions, and tonics.

This was given to a horse before a race,
and also sprinkled on his chest and
legs.

This was used before a race so the horse
would not get winded. See Indiges-
tion and tonics.

Externally and internally - _-

Put in a horse’s feed____--_--

Works Conrartntne Lists or Puants Usrep MepicinaLiy

Drensmork, FRANCES. Chippewa Music—II. Bull. 538, Bur. Amer. Dthn., 1913,

p. 64.

—. ‘Teton Sioux Music. Bull. 61, Bur. Amer, Ethn., 1918, p. 271.

Gi_MorE, Mervin R. Uses of plants by the Indians of the Missouri River
Region. Thirty-third Ann, Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1919, pp. 48-154.

HorrmMan, W. J. The Midewiwin or “ Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa.
Seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., 1891, pp. 197-201, 226, 241, 242.

Hunter, Joun D. Memoirs of a Captivity among the Indians of North
America. London, 1828. Chapter on “ Observations on the Materia Medica
of the Indians,” with numerous names of plants, pp. 401-447.

Moonry, JAMrs. The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees. Seventh Ann. Rept.
Bur, Ethn., 1891, pp. 824-328.

Rossins, W. W., HArrineton, J. P., and FREtRE-MaArRECcO, BARBARA. Ethno-
botany of the Tewa Indians. Bull, 55, Bur. Amer. Ethn., 1916.

SmirH, Huron H. Ethnobotany of the Menomini Indians. Bulletin Public
Museum of the City of Milwaukee, vol. 4, 1923.

Speck, Frank G. Medicine Practices of the Northeastern Algonquians. Pro-
ceedings Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists, Washington,
1917, pp. 303-821.

STEVENSON, MatinpA Coxe. The Zuni Indians. Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur.
Amer. Ethn., 1904, pp. 884-392. (No plant lists.)

Swanton, Joun R. Religious beliefs and medical practices of the Creek
Indians. Forty-second Ann, Rept. Bur. Amer. Bthn., 1927, pp. 689-670.

368

PLANTS USED IN DYES
Process or Dyrina

The general process of dyeing among the Chippewa consisted in
the use of a vegetable substance to secure a color and of a mineral
substance to “set” it. Porcupine quills were the articles most easily
dyed, and they retain their color longest. Rushes are the hardest
material to dye and often require several “dippings” before the
desired shade can be procured. Yarn and ravelings of blankets were
among the materials most frequently colored by the Chippewa
women. Wooden implements were colored by rubbing them with the
fresh root of the blood-root, producing an orange shade.

Both plants and tree products were used in dyes. The latter could
be obtained at any season of the year, and the trees used were com-
mon trees, so they were usually obtained when needed. An exception
is the butternut tree, which does not grow in all parts of the Chip-
pewa country. The inner bark of this is used for black dye, and
packets of it are taken from one locality to another and kept as care-
fully as medicinal roots. Whenever a woman sees a plant that she
may at some time need in making dye she gathers it, dries it, and
stores it for use.

List or Puants Usep 1n Dyrs

Botanical name Common name Part of plant used
Alnus ineana (L.) Moench__________- INGO) ae _.| Inner bark.
Betula papyrifera Marsh_-_____._____ White bireh______ Do.
Coptis trifolia (L.) Salisb__._..._.__- Goldthread ____ ~ ==| Root.
Cornus stolonifera Michx___________- Red-osier dogwood__| Inner bark.
Corylus americana Walt_____.....__- Hazela cassette. go8 he Green bur.
Juglans cinerea L.-_-_-.._.-_-- 5\ Butternite sees = o> Bark and root.
LAU, 2 Se eee Maple (any variety) _| Rotted wood.
Juniperusivireiniana l=. -...-.2....|| Cédar-.oo-2.-.._-- Inner bark.
Lithospermum carolinense (Walt) | Puecoon..--_______- Dried root.

MacM.
Prunus americana Marsh-_-__________- Chokecherry_-______] Inner bark.
Quercus macrocarpa Muhl_______ ____ Burloakeosstes 32. 222 Do.
Rbsiglabragiee 2 oo Sumscsoseoes se. oe Pulp of | stalk,
also inner bark.

Sanguinaria canadensis L____________ Bloodroot. 5. -55..-— Inner bark.
Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr__________| Hemlock________ 2 Do.

369

370 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 44

MINERAL SuBsTANCES Usep IN Dyes

The reddish substance that rose to the surface of certain springs
was collected, dried, and baked in the fire. It then “became hard
like stone.” This was powdered and the fine red powder kept in
buckskin. When mixed with grease it made a paint that was reddish
but not vermilion and was used on arrows and for painting faces and
bodies. The “scum ” contained iron oxide, and the powder is referred
to as ochre in the following formulae.

A black earth which “ bubbled up in certain springs” was used
in black dyes. The writer visited such a spring on the Manitou
Rapids Reserve in Ontario and was told that the Chippewa women
buried their rushes in the black earth for a few days and thus secured
a satisfactory black color. A specimen of this mud was obtained and
submitted to a chemist in Washington who stated that “it is full of
compounds of iron with organic acids.” He suggested that the
method of staining is the action of these irons on the tannin in the
wood, producing an ink.

It is said that the material used in earliest times to “set a color’
was obtained by putting a piece of “black oak ” in “dead water ” and
allowing it to remain for about two years. Thus it became so hard
that it could be used as a whetstone, and the dust from this whetstone
was combined with vegetable matter in dyes. At the present time
the substance commonly used to “set the color” is the dust from an
ordinary grindstone. A specimen of this dust was submitted to Dr.
G. P. Merrill, of the United States National Museum at Washington,
who pronounced it silt. On testing it with hydrochloric acid a
greenish color was produced, showing the presence of iron.

b)

b]

ForMULAE FoR Dyess +
RED DYE

First ForMULA

Betula papyrifera Marsh. White birch.

Cornus stolonifera Michx. Red-osier dogwood. Outer and inner bark.
Quercus species. Oak.

Ashes from cedar bark.

Hot water.

Directions—Boil the barks in the hot water. Prepare the ashes
by burning about an armful of scraps of cedar bark. This should
make about 2 cups of ashes, which is the correct quantity for about
2 gallons of dye. Sift the ashes through a piece of cheesecloth.
Put them into the dye after it has boiled a while, then let it boil up
again, and then put in the material to be colored. Do not let a man
or any outsider look into the dye.

1 Unless otherwise stated, the portion of the tree used in dye was the inner bark.

DENSMORE] PLANTS USED IN DYES 371

Seconp FoRMULA

Lithospermum carolinense (Walt) MacM. Puccoon. Nine inches of the
dried root or an equivalent amount of the pulverized root.

Hot water, 1 quart.

Ochre, 1 teaspoonful.

Directions —\f this is being used for dyeing porcupine quills,
let it boil up a little, then put in the quills, which have previously
stood for a while in hot water. Let the quills boil half an hour to
an hour, keeping the kettle covered, then remove from the fire and
let the quills stand in the dye for several hours. If they are not
bright enough they may be redyed, letting them stand in the dye as
before. The process is substantially the same in dyeing other

materials.
THIRD ForRMULA

This formula was used by Mrs. Razer in dyeing porcupine quills
for the writer, the result being a brilliant scarlet which closely re-
sembled analine dye. The quills were seen in the dye.

Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot. 2 handfuls. Root.
Prunus americana Marsh. Wild plum. 1 handful.

Cornus stolonifera Michx, Red-osier dogwood. 1 handful.
Alnus incana (L.) Moench. Alder. 1 handful.

Hot water, 1 quart.

The inner bark of the trees and the root of the bloodroot were
used, all being boiled before the quills were put in the dye.

FourtH ForMULA (Dark RED)

Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot. 1 handful. Root.
Prunus americana Marsh. Wild plum. 1 handful,
Hot water, 1 quart.

FirtH ForRMULA (MAHOGANY COLOR)

Tsuga canadensis (l.) Carr. Hemlock. Bark.
A little grindstone dust.
Hot water.

SrxtH FormvuLta (ManoGany CoLor)
Juniperus virginiana L. Red cedar.

The bark of this tree was used by Chippewa women in Ontario
for coloring the strips of cedar used in their mats. A decoction was
made of the dark red inner bark and the strips were boiled in it.

SEVENTH FORMULA

The following formula was used by Mrs. Razer in coloring pieces
of white blanket for the writer. The resultant color was a pretty

372 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [©ru. ANN. 44

light red. The piece of blanket was exposed to the weather for
several weeks and showed slight change of color.
Cornus stolonifera, Michx. Red-osier dogwood.

Alnus ineana (.) Moench. Alder.
Hot water.

The bark of these trees was used in equal parts.
BLACK DYE

The black rushes in the mat illustrated in Plate 48, a, were colored
with the first of these formulae. It was necessary to dip rushes every
day for about two weeks, boiling them a short time and then hang-
ing them up to dry. These rushes are a clear, heavy black. When
the process was completed and the black rushes were dry they were
rubbed thoroughly with a little lard “to make them shiny and
limber.”

First FoRMULA

Juglans cinerea, L. Butternut.
Corylus americana Walt. Hazel, green.

These two were boiled together.
SECOND FORMULA

Quercus macrocarpa Muhl. Bur oak.

Juglans cinerea LL. Butternut. Inner bark and a little of the root.
Black earth.

Ochre,

Hot water.

Directions —Boil the barks and root; after a while put in the
black earth and later add the ochre. The more it is “boiled down”
the blacker will be the dye. It can be kept in a kettle and heated
when used.

Tuirp FoRMULA

Alnus ineana (L.) Moench. Alder.
Cornus stolonifera Michx. Red-osier dogwood.
Quercus species. Oak.
Hither grindstone dust or black earth.
Hot water.
FourtH FoRMULA

Quercus macrocarpa Muhl. Bur oak.

Corylus americana Walt. Hazel. Green-burs.
Juglans cinerea L. Butternut.

Black earth.

Hot water.

Directions —Put the inner bark of the oak and the green hazel
burs in hot water and boil; add other ingredients later. Let it
stand a long time before using.

DENSMORB] PLANTS USED IN DYES 373
FirtaH ForRMULA

Juglans cinerea L. Butternut.
Grindstone dust.
Hot water.

SixtH ForRMULA
Black earth.
Grindstone dust.

SEVENTH FORMULA

The following formula was used in dyeing a piece of white blanket
for the writer. The result was not a heavy black, but this was said
to be due to the insufficient quantity of the dye.

Inner bark of oak.
Green hazel burs.
Grindstone dust.
A little ochre dust.
Hot water.
YELLOW DYE

The simplest Chippewa dye is in shades of yellow, as the materials
for these shades are easily available and often one substance is
sufficient.

First FoRMULA

Used in coloring yarn a light yellow, the process being seen by the
writer.

Alnus incana (L.) Moench. Alder.
Hot water.

Directions—It is best to use only the inner bark, though both
inner and outer bark can be used. Either green or dried bark can
be used. Pound the bark until it is in shreds and steep it, putting
in the material while the dye is hot and letting it boil up. Nothing
is needed to set the color.

Srconp FormMuLA (LigHtT YELLOW)

Rhus glabra L. Sumac. Pulp of the stalk.
Ochre dust (this may be omitted).
Hot water.

THirp ForMULA (DARK YELLOW)

Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot. Root.
Hot water.

Either the green or dried root is pounded and steeped. Nothing
is needed to set the color.

374 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [pru. nn. 44

FourtH FoRMULA (DARK YELLOW)

Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot. Double handful of shredded root.
Prunus americana Marsh. Wild plum. Single handful of shredded root.
Hot water.

Boil these together.
Firth ForMvuLa (BrichHt YELLOw)

Coptis trifolia (L) Salisb. Goldthread. Roots.
Hot water.
This plant has long slender roots and a great many were required.
As in other formulz, the material was boiled in the dye.

SixtH ForMvuLa

Rhus glabra L. Sumae. Inner bark.
Sanguinaria, canadensis L. Bloodroot. Root.
Prunus americana Marsh. Wild plum. Inner bark.
Hot water.
The inner bark of the plum was scraped, and it was said that this

was used “to set the color.”
SEVENTH FORMULA

The formula next following was used in coloring a piece of white
blanket for the writer, and produced an ecru or “khaki” color.
The piece of blanket was exposed to the weather for several weeks
and showed no change in color.

Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot.
Prunus americana Marsh. Wild plum.
Cornus stolonifera Michx. Alder.
Hot water.

PURPLE DYE

The material used to secure this color is rotten maple wood. It is
difficult to obtain, as the wood must be very old.
Rotten maple, double handful.
Grindstone dust, single handful.
Hot water.

The material is boiled in the dye, as in other colors.
GREEN DYE

The Chippewa in Minnesota do not color green with native dyes
but a birch-bark basket decorated with dried grass in a bright green
color was obtained in Ontario. The Chippewa woman who colored
it said that she used green dye, one plant ingredient in the dye being
obtained. It was impossible at that season of the year to obtain

the principal ingredient.

DENSMoRE] USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS 375
PLANTS USED AS CHARMS

It was the belief of the Chippewa that many herbs, as well as
other substances, possessed the power to act without material contact,
affecting the actions or conditions of human beings and animals.
In order to make these substances effective it was considered necessary
to “talk and pray” over them when they were used, and, in the case
of an herb, to “talk and pray ” when it was gathered. The Chippewa
refer to all such substances or combinations of substances as “ medi-
cine,” indicating a belief in their extraordinary power. Thus it is
said that a man “carries a great many medicines,” or “uses medicine
all the time,” meaning that he has in his possession a large number
of materials, probably in little buckskin packets, with which he can
produce such effects as safety on a journey, the loss or winning of a
race, or the finding of lost articles; or he can cause starvation in a
certain lodge, insanity in an individual, or enable a man to bewitch
another man’s wife. It is said that “the Chippewa were greater
medicine people than most of the Indians,” the knowledge and use
of such substances being transmitted in the Midewiwin together with
remedies for treating the sick.

The term “charm” used in this chapter has no Chippewa equiva-
lent. Songs were not used with the working of these charms, the
efficacy being secured, as indicated, by “talking and praying.” With
the “ Song of the fire charm” (Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 86) a
decoction of herbs was applied to the feet, enabling a man to walk in
fire without harm. A similar use of herbs, in the present work, is
classified as a remedy for burns on page 353.

Charms are considered in the following classes: Love charms,
charms to attract worldly goods, charms to insure safety and suc-
cess, charms to influence or attract animals, charms to work evil, and
protective charms. In some instances the charm was carried by the
individual working the magic, and in other instances the material
was applied to articles belonging to the person who was to be affected
by the charm. Herbs were used alone or together with substances
believed to increase their power.

Attention is directed to the use of certain plants as charms and
also as medicines. <A large proportion of the plants used as charms
had some value as either medicines or food, but the following are of
special interest as the condition supposed to be affected by the charm,
and the ailment for which the plant was administered, are alike
connected with a disturbance of the nervous system.

Dogbane was used as a protective charm against evil influence or
“bad medicine,” and also as a remedy for headache.

376

USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS

[BYH. ANN. 44

Wild pea was used as a charm to insure success, especially when the
person was in extreme anxiety concerning the outcome of circum-

stances.

Tt was also used as a remedy for convulsions.

Seneca snakeroot was used as a charm for safety on a journey,
which in the minds of the old Indians was attended with some
anxiety. It was also used as a stimulating tonic.

List oF Puants Usep In CHARMS

Botanical name

Part of plant used

Manner of use

Acorus calamus L_---------

Agastache anethiodora(Nutt.)
Britton.

Apocynum
lium L.

Aralia nudicaulis L__-----=-

androsaemifo-

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.)
Spreng.
Artemisia gnaphalodes Nutt_

Asclepias syriaca L_------_-

Aster novae-angliae L__-_----
Aster puniceus I= __--------
Cornus alternifolia L. f_-----
Eupatorium perfoliatum L_-
Hepatica triloba L__--------
Lathyrus venosus Muhl-_----
Onosmodium hispidissimum

Mackenzie.
Planta golmajor 1222 se aees

Polygala senega L_---------

Root combined with
Aralia nudicaulis L.

Root combined with
Acorus calamus.

Root combined with
root fibers of Eupa-
torium perfoli-
atum L.

Root fibers combined
with Asclepias syri-
aca L.

(1) Decoction made from
roots put on fish nets.
(2) Decoction used ‘‘to
rattle snakes away.”

Protection.

Chewed to
evil charms.

counteract

Smoked in pipe to attract
game.

Placed on coals; fumes as
antidote to bad medi-
cine.

Applied to whistle for call-
ing deer.

Smoked in pipe to attract
game.

Smoked with tobacco to
attract game.

Put on muskrat trap.

Applied to whistle for call-
ing deer.

Put on traps for fur-
bearing animals.

Carried on the person to
insure successful out-
come of difficulties.

Love charm; also to attract
money or worldly goods.

Carried on the person as
protection against snake
bites.

Carried on person for gen-
eral health and for safety
on a journey.

DENSMORH] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 377
PLANTS IN USEFUL AND DECORATIVE ARTS

The collection of every tree and plant that entered into the
economic life of the Chippewa is not necessary to the present under-
taking. The following list is representative, and the familiar quality
of many materials is suggestive of their use. Thus, the maple, oak,
ash, basswood, ironwood, and pine are so manifestly adapted for the
making of household articles, snowshoe frames, sleds, etc., that a
detailed account of their use is unnecessary. Brief notations are
therefore given concerning the more familiar trees and plants, espe-
cially noting the uses which are peculiar to the Indians.

List oF PLANTS IN USEFUL AND DECORATIVE ARTS

Botanical name Common name Use
Acer saccharum Marsh-_---~-- Maple______-___.__-_| Paddles for stirring maple
sap, ete.
Allium stellatum Ker__-_____ Wild onion________| Toys.
Arctium minus Bernh___---_-| Burdock ___-__-___ Leaves for head covering.
Arctostaphylos uva-ursi (L.) | Bearberry—_______ Smoking.
Spreng.
Betula papyrifera Marsh____| White birch_______| Utensils, coverings for dwell-

ings, patterns for work in
decorative art.

BowistagpilasbanduG! ye dee ee 2 ates ee eee Paint for the dead.

Cicuta maculata, b____.____ Poison hemlock___| Seeds mixed with tobacco
and smoked.
Clintonia borealis Ait______- Clintonia__________| Patterns bitten in leaves for
entertainment.
Cornus rugosa Lam_______- =|) Dopwoodes_ 22 =25- | Smoking.
Cornus stolonifera Michx____| Red-osier dogwood Do.
Corylus americana Walt_____ SEV Aly a= Soe oee | Drumming sticks, etc.
Corylus rostrata Ait_______- eens Do.
Crataequsispl. =23" 22 Se Thornapple_______ Thorns used as awls.
Dieranum bonjeanii De Not_| Woodmoss________} Absorbent.
Equisetum hiemale L______- Scouring rush_____ Scouring.
Rraxinusispee- ese ee tek Ash______-_-______| Making of snowshoe frames,
sleds, ete.
Fraxinus nigra Marsh ______ Biaclavash aes Bark used in covering wig-
wams.
Hicoria alba (L.) Britton____| Hickory____._____- Bows, ete.
Juniperus virginiana L______ Red! cedar 52 5 Mats, ete.
Larix laricina (Du Roi) | Tamarack________ Roots in weaving bags, ete.
Koch.
Lithospermum carolinense | Puccoon___________| Face paint.
(Walt) MacM. |
Ostrya virginiana (Mill.) | Ironwood__________| Frames for dwelling, ete.
Koch.
Picea rubra (Du Roi) Dietr_| Spruce____________| Gum used in making pitch,

J roots in sewing canoes, etc.
55231 °—28——_25

378 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [erH. Ann. 44

List oF PLANTS IN USEFUL AND DecorATIVE Arts—Continued

Botanical name Common name Use
Phragmites communis Trin__| Reed_--.--------- Woven frames for drying
berries.
Pintisisp- ee 2 she oe 4 WPin@ eta ees General utility.
Pinus resinosa Ait_.-...____| Red pine---_--__- General utility and toys.
Quercus’ spe eee ee On eee eee eee ee ANS Re LCs
Salix :s phi Torney Feress. 2 - 2) BWillow 235 22. ek Smoking and general utility.
Sarracenia purpurea L_-____- Pitcher plant_____ Toys.
Scirpus validus Vahl_-_-_-__- Bul shee ee Mats and toys.
Sphapnn es nee Moss.____.-----.__-|- Absorbent.
iligramericanavie === Basswood__________; Twine and general utility.
Torresia odorata (L.) Hitche_| Sweet grass______- | Ceremonial, economie and
pleasurable.
Typha latifolia L_-=--=----— Catalase Mats, baskets, ete.
Ulmus fulva Michx____-____| Slippery elm_-__-__- General utility.
Urticastrum divaricatum (L.) | False nettle_______ Twine.
Kuntze.
Grass] ee eToys:

Manner or Usr

Twine was one of the most important articles in the economic life
of the Chippewa. It was made chiefly from the inner bark (fiber)
of the basswood, though slippery elm bark was also used for this
purpose. The twine was used in the weaving of mats and the
tying of large and small packets. For some purposes the fiber was
used without twisting, the width of the fiber depending on the
strength required; thus a strip of fiber as soft and fine as cotton
string could be obtained, or a heavy fiber that would hold a consider-
able weight. The fiber was boiled to give additional toughness if this
was especially desired. In preparing the fiber it was customary to
cut the bark from the basswood tree in long strips, put it in the
water at the edge of a lake, among the rushes, for a few days, after
which the soft inner bark could be separated from the outer bark.
(PI. 47.) The fiber thus obtained was separated into strips less than
an inch wide and stored in large coils until needed. The twisting of
the fiber into twine could be done at any time. Twine was also made
from the dry stalks of the false nettle. This was used in sewing and,
in two grades of fineness, was used in making fish nets. It is said
that a cloth was once made of this fiber and used for women’s dresses.

The thorns of the thorn-apple tree were gathered by the women
and used as awls in their sewing. Awls were also made of oak.

Bulrush mats for the floor were woven on frames, the basswood
twine being passed “ over and under” the rushes. (Pl. 48, a.) Reeds

DENS MORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 379

were used in making the frames on which berries were dried, the stiff,
clean Phragmites communis being used for this purpose. It was
desirable that rushes, bark and similar materials be kept somewhat
moist, and a dark, cool shed was adapted to this purpose. PI. 48, c.)

The leaves of the bearberry and the inner bark of red-osier dog-
wood were smoked for pleasure. (PI. 49.) The plants smoked as
charms are noted in the section on that subject.

Coverings for dwellings were made of sheets of birch bark sewed
together with basswood twine, these being used on the dome-shaped
wigwam. Sheets of jack pine or of elm were used on the dwellings
shaped like the white man’s cabin. Cedar boughs were used for
bedding. The leaves of the burdock were sewed together or sewed
on a strip of birch bark as a head covering for those obliged to work
inthe hot sun. (PI. 50,a.) The juice of puccoon was used as a paint
for reddening the cheeks. A brown fungus (Bevista pila B. and C.)
was used in painting the faces and garments of the dead, preparatory
to their joining the dance of the spirits where the Northern Lights
are shining. The flaring lights in the north were said to be the
motion of the spirits in their dance, and a woman in a trance saw the
spirits paint their faces with this material.

Spruce gum was considered best for use in calking canoes and
birch-bark pails. It was prepared by boiling the gum in a wide-
meshed bag which retained the bits of wood and bark, allowing the
gum to pass into the water. It was skimmed from the surface and
stored until a convenient time when it was mixed with charcoal made
from cedar. Slippery elm bark was chewed and used occasionally
to calk small containers made of birch bark.

Tamarack roots were used in sewing the edges of canoes and in
making woven bags.

Rushes were tied in small bundles and used for scouring utensils,
the two varieties thus used being Hguisetum hiemale L. and Equi-
setum praealtum Rat.

Toys were made for children from many sorts of plants. The
children themselves cut the stems of the wild onion and made little
whistles. The stem, or “top,” was allowed to dry a little and a
sound hole was cut in the side, after which a sound was produced by
blowing across the end. The leaves of the pitcher plant were called
“ frog-leggings” and used as toys, or filled with ripe berries. Red
berries were strung and used as necklaces. Dolls were made from the
broad leaves of trees, the leaves being fastened in place with little
wooden splints and sometimes a collar of birchbark added.
(Pl. 50, 6.) Flat dolls were cut from the stiff inner bark of slippery
elm, or formed of twigs covered with the same sort of willow used
for baskets. Dolls were also made of grass. It is interesting to note

380 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [£TH. ANN. 44

the lengthened proportions of these dolls and the small bodies which
were well adapted to the grasp of a little hand. This was the more
advantageous among a people who moved frequently from one camp
to another. In these migrations it was necessary for a child to keep
possession of its own toys.

The outer covering of cat-tail rushes was formed into toys repre-
senting human beings and ducks. (Pl. 51, a.) The latter were
usually made in groups of five. They were placed on the surface of
smooth water, and the child agitated the water by blowing across
it, which caused the ducks to move in a lifelike manner.

Little figures were made of tufts of the needles of the red pine
or “ Norway pine,” by cutting across the needles at different lengths
to represent the arms and the hem of the dress. (Pl. 51,6.) These
little figures were placed upright on a sheet of birchbark or, better,
on a piece of tin, which was gently agitated in such a manner that
the figures appeared to dance. Considerable skill could be shown
in producing a motion of the figures.

Grass was used in the making of dolls, as noted, and also in the
making of a game implement. The purpose of the game was to toss
up the little bundle of grass and catch it on the pointed stick. In
the “ring and awl” game the ring was of wood. Numerous other
toys and game implements were made of wood.

A “coaster” was made of slippery elm bark (pl. 52, a), a stiff
piece of bark being selected, turned up at the end, and a piece of
stout twine attached to this portion. A child stood on this with one
foot, held the twine in its hand, and coasted down hills in winter.

The down of the cat-tail rushes was put around an infant in its
cradle board, and sometimes put inside a child’s moccasins for addi-
tional warmth in winter. Sometimes it was mixed with moss for
added warmth.

Three types of uses of sweet grass were noted among the Chip-
pewa—i. e., ceremonial, economic, and pleasurable.

An instance of the first use occurs in the narrative of a hunting in-
cident in which a party of men placed sweet grass on the fire when the
camp was in danger of starving and they were going again to hunt.
The use of incense is more characteristic of the Plains Indians than of
Algonquian tribes."

Medicine men kept sweet grass in the bag with their medicinal
roots and herbs.

Strands of sweet grass were made into “coiled basketry ” by means
of cotton thread. This took the form of bowls, oval and round, and
of flat mats. Birch bark was sometimes used as the center of such
articles, the coils of sweet grass being sewed around it.

10 See Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur, Amer, Ethn., pt. 1, p. 604.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 47

6, COILS OF BASSWOOD FIBER

)RT PLATE 48

FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REP¢

ETHNOLOGY

AMERICAN

OF

BUREAU ¢

(OPEN)

ce, STORAGE SHED

b, WOMAN CARRYING PACK OF

IN FRAME

a, RUSH MAT

BIRCH BARK

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 49

SWEET GRASS AND MATERIALS SMOKED IN PIPE, IN NATURAL
AND PREPARED FORMS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 50

6b, DOLL MADE OF LEAVES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 51

a, TOYS MADE OF CAT-TAILS

6,DOLLS MADE OF PINE NEEDLES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 52

a,““COASTER” MADE OF SLIPPERY ELM BARK

6, BIRCH BARK SHOWING “PICTURE OF THUNDERBIRD”

c, FIGURES CUT FROM BIRCH BARK

DENSMORB] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 38L

Young people, chiefly young men, carried a braid of sweet grass
and cut off 2 or 3 inches of it and burned it for perfume. (PI. 49.)
Young men braided sweet grass with their hair for the perfume.
Young men wore two braids of sweet grass around their necks, the
braids being joined in the back and falling on either side of the neck
like braids of hair.

The birch and the cedar were regarded as “sacred” by the Chip-
pewa. The two reasons for this “sacredness” are closely connected.
One is the great usefulness of these trees to the Chippewa and the
other is their connection with Winabojo, yet these two reasons are
really one, for everything that is a benefit to the tribe is traced to
Winabojo, the mythical character who, it is said, taught the Chip-
pewa to live in their natural environment and yet, by his apparently
witless actions, gave them an endless supply of humor. The amus-
ing stories of Winabojo are told and retold by the old people around
the winter fire. A misunderstanding of these humorous stories has
given to some students an impression that Winabojo was a fantastic
deity, but the old, thoughtful Indians understood him to be the source
and impersonation of the lives of all sentient things, human, faunal,
and floral. He endowed these sentient things with life, and taught
to each its peculiar ruse for deceiving its enemies and prolonging its
life. His “tricks” were chiefly exhibitions of his ability to outwit
the enemies of life. He was thus regarded as the master of ruses,
but he also possessed great wisdom in the prolonging of life. It
was he who gave the Indians their best remedies for treating the
sick, and who taught the animals the varied forms of protective
disguise by which their lives can be extended. His own inherent life
was so strong that, when apparently put to death, he reappeared in
the same or a different form. This character, under slightly differ-
ent names, appears in many Algonquian tribes, among the spellings
of his name being Nanabush, Minabozho, and Nenabozho."

The stories of Winabojo and the birch and cedar trees were told
by Mrs. Razer, whose ceremonial felling of a birch tree is described
on pages 386 and 387.

LEGEND OF WINABOJO AND THE BIRCH TREE

There was once an old woman living all alone on the shore of Lake
Superior. She had a little girl living with her whom she called her
daughter, though she did not know exactly where the child came
from. They were very poor and the little girl went into the woods
and dug wild potatoes or gathered rose berries for them to eat. The
little girl grew up to be a woman, but she kept on doing the same
work, getting potatoes and berries and picking up fish that were

4 See Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, pp. 19-23.

382 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [xerH. ann. 44

washed ashore. One day when doing this she had a strange feeling
as though the wind were blowing underneath her clothing. She
looked around her but saw no signs of anyone. After a while she
went home.

As soon as she entered the house her mother saw that she looked
troubled and bewildered. Her mother asked, ‘* Did you see anyone ?
Did anyone speak to you?” The girl replied, “I saw no one and
heard no one speak to me.” After a time the mother noticed that the
girl was pregnant and questioned her again but the girl replied as
before, that she had seen no one. The only thing strange to her was
the sensation of the wind blowing about her which she had described
to her mother. When the time came for her to be delivered there was
a sound as of an explosion and the girl disappeared, leaving abso-
lutely no trace. The old woman threw herself on the ground and
wailed because her daughter had disappeared. She searched every-
where but could find no trace of her. Finally, in looking among the
leaves, she saw a drop of blood on a leaf. She picked it up carefully
and put it beside her pillow. After a while, as she lay there, she
thought she heard some one shivering and breathing near her head.
She lay still, not knowing what to do. She heard the breathing near
her head constantly. As she lay there wondering what it could be
she heard a sound like that of a human being. She said, “I guess I
am going to be blessed.” * As she lay there a voice spoke and said,
“ Grandmother, get up and build a fire. I am freezing.” The old
woman arose and looked around, and there beside her lay a little boy.
She took him up and caressed him. She got up and made a fire to
warm him, and behold the child was Winabojo. All the spirits that
roam the earth were frightened at the birth of Winabojo, for they
knew his power. Throughout his human life he was a mysterious
being with miraculous powers. He grew rapidly in strength and
soon began to help his grandmother. He dug potatoes and brought
fish and berries for her.

One day, when he had grown to be almost a man, he asked his
erandmother what was the largest fish in the lake. She replied,
“Why do you ask? It is not good for you to know. There is a
large fish that lives over by that ledge of rock, but it is very powerful
and would do great harm to you.” Winabojo asked, “Could the
ereat fish be killed?” His grandmother replied, “No; for he lives
below the rocks and no one could get down there to kill him.”

Winabojo began to think about this and he made up his mind that
he would learn to fight so that he could kill the great fish. He got
some wood and began to make bows and arrows. Then he asked his

“This phrase is commonly used to designate a supernatural visitation or other direct
evidence of supernatural favor.

DENS MORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 383

grandmother if she knew of any bird whose feathers he could put on
the arrows to make them effective. The old woman replied “ No.
The only bird whose feathers would make the arrows effective is a
bird that lives in the sky, at the opening of the clouds. One would
have to go up there to get the feathers.” Winabojo began to think
how he could go up there and get the feathers that he was determined
to have. At last he said to himself, “There is a high cliff on the
edge of the lake. I will go up there and stay a while.”

When he reached the high cliff he wished that he might change into
a little rabbit. So he became a little rabbit and lived there. One
day he went on a very high part of the cliff and called to a big bird,
saying, “ Eagle, come here. J am a cunning little animal. I would
be a nice plaything for your children.” The bird flew down and
saw the little rabbit playing there. The rabbit was the cunningest
thing he had ever seen. The big bird was the thunderbird and he
alighted on the top of the high cliff, near the little rabbit. Finally
he took the little rabbit and flew up, up toward the opening in
the sky.

When the thunderbird came to his nest he called to his children,
“T have brought you something very cunning to play with.” His
wife spoke to him very crossly and said, “ Why did you bring that
rabbit up here? Have you not heard that Winabojo is on the earth?
There is no knowing what you have picked up.” But the little
rabbit was very meek and quiet, letting the children play with him
as they liked. The big birds were seldom at home as they went
away to get food for their children.

All at once, one day, Winabojo began to talk to himself and he
said, “ These children throw me around as though I was nothing.
Don’t they know I came here to get some of their feathers?” The
next time the old birds went away he changed into his human form,
took a club, killed the little thunderbirds and pulled off their feathers.
He hurried around and tied the feathers up in bundles for he was
sure the old birds would soon be home. When all was ready he
jumped off. He was not killed because he was a manido: (spirit)
and nothing could hurt him. He was unconscious for a time after
he fell on the earth but he was not hurt. Soon there was a great
roaring in the sky with flashes of lightning. The thunderbirds were
coming after him. Winabojo jumped up when he saw the flashes of
lightning and heard the thunder. The lightning was the flash of the
thunderbirds’ eyes and the roaring was their terrible voices. He
snatched up the bundles of feathers and ran for his life. Wherever
he went the flashes and the roaring followed him, but he held on to
the feathers. He had gotten what he wanted and he did not intend
to lose them. The thunderbirds kept after him and at last he felt

384 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ern. ann. 44

that they were tiring him out. He began to fear that he would be
killed after all. The thunderbirds came so close that they almost
grasped him with their claws. He was getting bewildered. They
were almost upon him when he saw an old, fallen birch tree that
was hollow. He crept into the hollow just in time to save his life.
As he got in the thunderbirds almost had their claws on him.

The thunderbirds said, “ Winabojo, you have chosen the right
protection. You have fled to a king-child.” There they stopped.
They could not touch him for the birch tree was their own child
and he had fled to it for protection. There he lay while the thunder
rolled away and the fiashes of the thunderbirds’ eyes grew less bright.
He was safe.

When the thunderbirds had gone away Winabojo came out of the
hollow birch tree and said, “As long as the world stands this tree
will be a protection and benefit to the human race. If they want to
preserve anything they must wrap it in birch bark and it will not
decay. The bark of this tree will be useful in many ways, and when
people want to take the bark from the tree they must offer tobacco
to express their gratitude.” So Winabojo blessed the birch tree to
the good of the human race. Then he went home, fixed his arrows
with the feathers of the little thunderbirds and killed the great fish.

Because of all this a birch tree is never struck by lightning and
people can safely stand under its branches during a storm. The bark
is the last part of the tree to decay, keeping its form after the wood
has disintegrated, as it did in the tree that sheltered Winabojo.

The little short marks on birch bark were made by Winabojo
but the “ pictures” on the bark are pictures of little thunderbirds.
(Pl. 52, 6.) It was said that the bark in some localities contains
more distinct pictures of the little thunderbirds than in others.’*

LEGEND OF WINABOJO AND THE CEDAR TREE

Many generations ago after Winabojo disappeared from the earth
he lived on an island toward the sunrise. The direction of the
sunset indicates death, but Winabojo was still alive and he lived in
the east toward the sunrise. He could not be destroyed because he
was manido, neither could he be permitted to roam at will as he had
done, so he was placed on this island to stay there as long as the
earth endures.

At that time there was a man who had only one daughter and she
died. He felt that he could not live without her and kept telling his
friends that he wanted to go to the spirit land and get his daughter.

18 A collection of stories regarding this hero may be found in Jones's Ojibwa Texts, ed.
Truman Michelson, vol. vu, Publications of the American Ethnological Society.. The
works of Schooleraft, Radin, De Jong, Skinner, and George E, Laidlaw should be men-
tioned in this connection,

DENSMORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 385

He was told that if he could find Winabojo he would learn the way
to the spirit land, for Winabojo was the only one who could tell him.
So he talked it over with the other Grand Medicine man, and five of
them said they would go to the spirit land with him if they could
first find the way to Winabojo. They went to the graves of their
friends and called to their spirits. Finally they got a response.
They asked, “Can we find Winabojo?” And the spirits of their
friends answered, “ Yes, for he is still on the earth.” Then the
spirits told them how to find him. They went until they came to
this island, far in the great lake (Superior). There they found
Winabojo. He was too old to travel, and on his head was a beautiful
cedar tree. Winabojo wore the cedar tree as an ornament and its
roots were all around him. Beside him was a great round stone.
One of the men asked if he could live always, as Winabojo was
doing. Winabojo replied, “No. You can only live your allotted
years. The only way you can become perpetual is by becoming a
stone.” The man said, “ Yes. I will do so.” Then the man became
a stone and remained with Winabojo. The others wanted to go to
the spirit land. Winabojo gave each of them a “snake chain” *** and
told them to be sure not to untie these chains from around their
waists. He said, “ You must stay only four days and four nights.
You will not see the spirits by day, but at night they have a dance
in the long wigwam.'* Go in quietly and sit down.” To the father
he said, “ Your daughter is there. Watch for her at the dance of the
spirits in the long wigwam. Perhaps she will come and you will see
her. Carry a bag with you. Put her in the bag and hold her tight.
This is the only way in which you can get her.”

The Grand Medicine men did as Winabojo told them to do. There
were only five remaining, as one had been turned into a stone. They
went to the land of the spirits and sat quietly, watching the dance of
the spirits in the long wigwam. All went well until the second day
when one of the men wanted to untie his “snake chain” and see
what would happen. He did this, and in a moment he became a.
spirit and his friends never saw him again. The remaining four
men went to the dance every night and the father watched for his
daughter. On the fourth night toward morning he saw her come
into the wigwam. Her head was covered by her blanket but he
recognized her, and when she came near he grasped her in his arms.
She struggled, but by the help of his friends he got her into the bag.
Then they all returned to Winabojo, and he told them how they could
get her back to the earth. He told them to start on their way, and
when night came they were to tie the bag in a safe place, then retrace

18a This is a plaited chain worn as a protection against reptiles or other harm.
4 This refers to the long dome-roofed structure in which the Midewiwin held its meet-
ings. Cf. beliefs concerning the northern lights, p. 379.

386 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ErH. ann. 45

their steps as far as a person’s voice could be heard and make their
camp. They were told to do this every night until they reached home.
They did as Winabojo had instructed them and reached home safely.
Winabojo had told them to make a sweat lodge and they made it.
He also said there must be no crying nor wailing. Inside the sweat
lodge he made a bed of cedar boughs and on it he laid the bag that he
had brought from the spirit land. He did everything as Winabojo
had commanded and sat down outside the lodge. After a while he
heard his daughter say, “ Come and let me out.” He went into the
lodge, untied the bag, and his daughter came out. He greeted her,
but there was no outery, as Winabojo had commanded. Then his
daughter was the same as before she went to the spirit land.

GATHERING BIRCH BARK AND CEDAR BARK

It was customary to gather as much bark as possible in June or
early in July as the bark is more easily removed at that season.
The gathering of birch and cedar bark was attended with a simple
ceremony, as both these trees are believed to be connected with Wina-
bojo. The foregoing legends concerning these trees have stated that
the birch is so powerful that Winabojo went to it for protection, and
the cedar is so beautiful that he wears it as an ornament. Many sorts
of birch bark were cut, the heaviest being used for canoes or similar
purposes, and the lighter for utensils and various containers, or for
roof coverings. Cedar was needed for parts of canoes and for numer-
ous other uses. In old times the procuring of birch and cedar bark
was an event in which all participated. A number of families went
to the vicinity of these trees and made a camp. A gathering was held,
at which a venerable man, speaking for the entire company, expressed
gratitude to the spirit of the trees and of the woods, saying they had
come to gather a supply which they needed, and asking permission
to do this together with protection and strength for their work.
He also asked the protection and good will of the thunderbirds so
that no harm would come from them. The reason he asked the
protection of the spirit of the woods was that sometimes people
were careless and cut trees thoughtlessly, and the trees fell and hurt
them. The speaker then offered tobacco to the cardinal points, the
sky, and the earth, murmuring petitions as he did so. He then put
the tobacco in the ground at the foot of the tree. Filling a pipe, he
offered it as he had offered the tobacco, again murmuring petitions.
He then lit and smoked the pipe while tobacco was distributed among
the company, who smoked for a time. This simple ceremony was
followed by a feast. The next day the company divided into small
groups and proceeded to cut the trees and remove the bark.

In order to observe the felling of a birch tree the writer asked
Mrs. Razer to cut down a tree. This she and her husband consented

DENSMORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 387

to do. Mrs. Razer habitually follows the old custom of placing
tobacco in the ground when gathering any of the products of nature,
so the old ceremony was performed in all sincerity. Considerable
care was bestowed on the selection of a suitable tree, and one was
at last found in the center of a large grove. It was a straight tree
with smooth bark, and, after felling, was found to be 38 feet long,
27 inches in circumference next the ground, and 18 inches in cir-
cumference at the top of the stump. Birch trees grow slowly, and it
was said this tree was probably 25 years old. Mrs. Razer offered
tobacco to the cardinal points and the zenith, murmuring petitions,
and buried it at the foot of the tree. She then wielded the ax and
cut the tree, the cut being 28 inches above the ground, after which
her husband completed the felling. It is the rule that all the chop-
ping of a birch tree shall be on one side so that the tree after felling
will rest on the stump. This prevents the bark being soiled by fall-
ing on the ground.

In removing the bark a vertical cut is made, the bark is turned back
with the left hand, passed under the trunk of the tree and removed
by the right hand. (Pl. 53, a, 6.) The width of the strips depends
on the intended use of the bark. An average width is about 24 inches.
The uppermost branches of a tree are observed with special care as
the bark on the upper branches is often clear and smooth, though
the trunk of the tree has been scarred, or has had its bark removed
at some previous time. The tree is permitted to remain as it falls,
and when thoroughly dry is used for fuel.

Utensils are often made as soon as a tree is cut. (PI. 53,¢.) The
sheets of bark for future use are tied in thick packs by means of strips
of freshly cut basswood trees that usually grow among the birches.
One hundred sheets usually constitute one of these packs. A pack
is carried on a woman’s back by a strap. (PI. 48,0). This is stored
at her home in the village, a larger supply being in a birch-bark store-
house at her maple sugar camp. The uses of birch bark are many
and various.

In the southern part of the White Earth Reservation the writer
witnessed the offering and burying of tobacco by a medicine man
who wished to cut pine bark for medicinal use. The remedy was
his own and he described several instances of its successful use.

ARTICLES MADE OF BIRCH BARK

Before entering upon a partial enumeration of articles made of
birch bark it seems fitting to note some of the properties of this sub-
stance, which formed so large a factor in the economic life of the
Chippewa. First, and most important, is its varied thickness.

388 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 44

The heaviest bark, from large trees, comprises six to nine distinct
layers and is so strong that it could be made into canoes carrying
many persons. ‘The thinnest birch bark is like tissue paper but
so tough that it was used in wrapping small packets tied with a thin
strand of basswood fiber, (Pl. 43, 6.) Between these extremes were
many grades of thickness into which the bark of moderate sized trees
could be split. A proficient woman worker could usually obtain the
quality she desired either from her supply in storage or by felling
a tree of suitable size. A peculiarity of birch bark is that it keeps
from decay whatever is stored in it. Edibles were stored in makuks,
even a gummy maple sirup being safely stored for a year in this
manner. Heavy birch bark was wrapped around the bodies of the
dead. Two contradictory qualities are interesting to observe. The
bark was highly inflammable, being used as tinder and for torches,
and yet it was possible to use freshly cut bark as a cooking utensil,
the inner surface being exposed to the fire.

Birch bark was commonly available and was used for hastily made
containers of various sorts. Thus a person gathering spruce gum or
a few berries would cut a piece of birch bark, fold it into a “scoop”
and use it temporarily. If birch bark articles split they were mended
with balsam gum. With this care a makuk or tray might be used
for 10 years.

It was said that when a woman was cutting birch bark she often
“ sharpened her knife” by drawing it across her hair.

Birch bark can be unrolled only by exposing it to the heat of a
fire. When heated it becomes pliable, and retains any form in which
it is placed when thus softened.

Makuks.—These were of various sorts, according to their use. The
most common makuk was that used for storing maple sugar. (PI.
34.) These makuks were sewed with split roots, and had a thin
piece of basswood bark around the top, sewed over and over with
split roots, like the top of a canoe. They ranged in size from makuks
holding about 1 pound of sugar to those holding 20 or 30 pounds.
A cover with slanting sides was sewed over the top. A similar
makuk of medium or rather large size was used as a bucket, the
seams being covered with pitch and a handle attached.

The makuks used for gathering and storing berries had straight
sides, and the storage makuks were frequently made with the rough
outer surface of the bark on the outside. A berry gathering makulk
had a loop of fiber attached to one side so it could be hung from a
woman’s belt as she worked. (PI. 32, 6.) These small makuks for
gathering fruit held about a quart, and the storage makuks or those
for carrying the berries frequently held 12 quarts or more. The
storage makuks had no binding around the top, and were frequently
made with one side higher than the other so it could be lapped over

DENSMORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 389

and tied. This sort of makuk was used for storing fish, over which
maple sugar was sprinkled. This preserved the dried berries or fish,
and it was easier to get at the contents in this type of makuk than
in the sort used for maple sugar.

Funnels or cones.—These varied in size from the tiny cones filled
with hard sugar and hung on a baby’s cradle board and the some-
what larger cones similarly filled for the delectation of children to
the large funnels made of heavy bark and sewed with split roots
that were used chiefly for pouring hot fat into bladders for storage.
Spoons made of bark were also used. (PI. 32, c.)

Dishes and trays—¥or temporary and household use the birch-bark
dishes were not always stiffened and bound at the top. The dishes
for common use were made of birch bark folded and fastened with
one or two stitches at each end. (Pl. 32, 6, at right-hand end.)
These were tied in bunches of 10 for packing or storage. The com-
mon size was about 10 inches long and 5 inches deep, though smaller
and larger ones were frequently made. The shallow trays are more
often seen with better finish, the superfluous bark being cut away
at the ends, the overlapping edges sewed with split roots and the
top finished with a stiff piece of bark, firmly sewed in place. Slip-
pery elm bark was sometimes chewed and applied lke gum to the
inside of the seams on birch-bark containers to make them water-
tight. The largest trays were those used for winnowing wild rice.
Somewhat smaller trays were used for various household purposes,
including the carrying of coils of basswood fiber for making into
twine. An old and rarely seen form of birch-bark dish was round,
about 9 inches in diameter and 3 inches deep. The bark was adjusted
in folds around the sides and the dish or tray was finished at the
upper edge with two rows of sweet grass.

Cooking utensils —It was possible to make a cooking utensil from
green bark in which meat could be cooked. A Canadian Chippewa
said that he had done this himself, making the container with either
side of the bark outward. He said that he filled it with water and
“put it right on the fire,” that the part above the water might burn
but the part below the water would last so long that the meat would
be cooked. He said that he had heard of the putting of hot stones
in the water in such a dish to heat the water, but he had not done
this himself.

Coverings for dwellings —Sheets of bark were sewn together with
basswood fiber (not twisted) and made into the “ birch-bark rolls ”
used as covers for dwellings, the sheets of bark being placed hori-
zontally. Sticks across the ends of the roll kept it from tearing.
These rolls were used most frequently on the tops of the wigwams,
or lodges with frames of bent poles, but were also used on the conical

390 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [B8TH. ANN. 44

tipis, and sometimes on the roof of the lodge in which maple sugar
was made, this lodge having a frame like that of a house.

Meat bag—TVhis was commonly made of birch bark covered with
soft tanned leather (pl. 54), but was also made of rawhide. It was
carried on a pack strap and was used for carrying dried meat or
other provisions needed on a journey. It was customary to open the
bag and allow the flap to become a sort of table, from which the
fragments of food were easily returned to the bag, a custom which
illustrates the lack of wastefulness among these people.

Fans.—These were made in the woods whenever needed, two pieces
of bark being sewed together and slipped into a cleft stick, which
served as a handle. (Pl. 55, 6.) A man might carry a fan orna-
mented with feathers, one specimen having the bark cut off squarely
and a row of stiff feathers forming the upper portion of the fan.
(PL. 55, ¢.) Plate 55, a, shows an owl-feather fan with handle of
birch bark. A woman never used an ornamented fan.

Torches and tinder.—V arious forms of torches were made by twist-
ing birch bark into cylinders, some of which would last an entire
night, and were used by travellers. Slender torches, which could be
stuck on the end of a stick that was upright in the ground, were used
by women when working around the camp. A woman kept a supply
of scraps of thin birch bark for use in kindling fires.

Figures.—A variety of figures were cut from birch bark. (Pls.
52, ce; 56.) Some appear to have been for pleasure, while others
represent dream symbols and totem marks (clan symbols).

Patterns —Kvery woman who did beadwork had patterns cut from
stiff birch bark which she laid on the material to be decorated. Mrs.
English said that she remembered when patterns were pricked with
a stiff fishbone around the outline and then cut with scissors. In this
way the pattern was evident to the eye before the cutting was begun.
With very few exceptions the cut patterns collected by the writer
show no trace of a marking implement, the appearance being that
the patterns are cut without tracing. (PI. 57.)

Transparencies—The most primitive form of Chippewa art is
that in which the only material is a broad leaf or thin piece of birch
bark and the only tools are human teeth and deft fingers. The leaf
or birch bark is folded and indented with the teeth, this process being
repeated according to the elaborateness of the design. The result
is a transparency, the surface of the leaf or bark forming the back-
ground and the tooth marks forming the pattern. The native word
for this is composed of two words, one meaning picture, and the
other he bites, or gnaws. The leaf and bark are not wholly opaque
and the tooth marks do not cut entirely through them, so the finished
work shows a heavier and a lighter density of material which is

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 53

c, MAKING CONTAINER FROM BIRCH BARK

qggso10 GNV Nado ‘Svd LVAW

S$ SLVId LYOdSY TWANNVY HLYNO4A-ALYOS ADSOIONHLA NVOIYAWYV 4O NVvadnd

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE

FANS MADE OF BIRCH BARK AND FEATHERS

55

BUREA AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 56

FIGURES CUT FROM BIRCH BARK

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 57

PATTERNS CUT FROM BIRCH BARK

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 58
aa

[See =
LEAVES IN WHICH PATTERNS HAVE BEEN BITTEN

DENS MORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 391

soft and pleasing to the eye. The teeth used in making the impres-
sion were the eyeteeth and “side teeth,” the folded material being
indented in a variety of ways, ranging from a sharp prick, like the
prick of an awl, to a broad mark produced by slightly twisting the
bark between the teeth. More than 200 birch-bark transparencies
have been collected by the writer, and some of the best patterns were
made by a woman who had only one upper tooth. The bark used
was the soft, fine inner layers of the white birch, and it was slightly
warmed to render it more pliable.

The origin of this art is obscure, but it seems probable that it arose
in a somewhat casual manner. A woman seated on the ground or
in the wigwam might take a broad leaf or bit of thin birch bark,
fold it, bite a few lines in it, unfold it and hold it up to look at it.
As the result was pleasurable she might seek to improve upon her
first work and others might seek to copy or emulate it. Leaves best
adapted to the purpose would be selected, it would naturally be found
that the birch bark could be folded and indented better if it was
first warmed before the fire, and gradually a more elaborate folding
of the bark would produce more interesting patterns. The informa-
tion obtained from aged members of the tribe and the specimens of
the art which they have been able to execute give no evidence of the
influence of the white race nor of any connection with textile or
ceramic art except that some of the patterns were copied in bead-
work. It had no connection with a ceremony, and no symbolism,
except that dream symbols might be indented and used as patterns
for beadwork in the same manner that the symbol of a man’s dream
might be outlined in paint. It was an art with a recognized tech-
nique, producing results of a wide variety in the form of articles
that were kept, exchanged, and compared, and in which the work-
ers felt a personal pride. It was peculiar to the Algoquian tribes
and was a phase of the tribal life that has passed away, and with
the passing of that life the art has become almost extinct. It
formed a pastime of the winter evenings, when the young people were
seated in the wigwam with no other light than the fire, and it was
especially practiced during the sugar camp, in early spring, when
there was an abundance of birch bark at hand, and it was softer
than later in the season, thus being better adapted to the making of
transparencies. A few women of the younger generation (30 to 40
years of age) can indent the bark, but their patterns, as will be
shown, have lost the artistic value of the earlier period.

The art had two branches, one of which appears to have been
an outgrowth of the other and to have been practiced less exten-
sively. The principal, and apparently the first, phase of the art
was intended chiefly for pleasure and had a secondary use in sug-

392 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [nrH. ANN. 44

gesting patterns for woven beadwork. In this phase the indenta-
tions were of varying sorts, producing an agreeable art object.
The patterns that appear in such transparencies are geometrical
and conventional, but include life forms and some representations
of tipis and houses. Such are the “pictures” that were admired,
kept, or exchanged among members of the tribe. Those intended
as suggestions for patterns in woven beadwork were purposely
adapted for their special use as knee bands, headbands, ete. The
second branch of the art is clearly related to the period in which
the delicacy of the old perception was passing away. (See p. 395.)
Thicker bark was used, the outline of a leaf or flower was sharply
indented and the pattern cut out, after which it was fastened to
cloth and outlined in beads. Mrs. Julia Warren Spears, 89 years
of age, said that she saw the Chippewa girls using these patterns
for beadwork when she was matron of the school at Leech Lake,
about the year 1865. At that period the present floral patterns
were either coming into use or were at a height of popularity, and
the rather clumsy patterns made of bitten bark may in part account
for the lack of artistic value in these patterns. Mrs. Spears said
that they “took a leaf or flower to go by” when biting the pattern,
which marks it clearly as belonging to the imitative, not the inter-
pretative, period of culture. The influence of Government schools
had taken the place of that admiration of nature and appreciation
of its mysteries which underlies all effort at interpretation. The
Chippewa were being taught to become copyists, and the essentials
of art were lost forever.

Only two mentions of this art have been found in writings on the
subject. The earliest refers to the old form and the later to the
modern applcation of the art. Schoolcraft states that “amongst
the Ch:ppewas of Lake Superior there exists a very ingenious art of
dental pictography, or a mode of biting figures on the soft and fine
inner layers of the bark of the betula papyracea, specimens of which
are herewith exhibited. This pretty art appears to be confined
chiefly to young females. The designs presented are imitations of
flowers, fancy baskets, and human figures. There are so many abate-
ments to the amenities of social life in the forest that it is pleasing
to detect the first dawnings of the imitative and aesthetic arts.” ?
This paragraph is accompanied by an illustration “ from the origi-
nals,” with the title “ Chippewa toothwork, dental pictorial figures on
the inner bark of the Betula papyracea.” The reproduction by
drawing and engraving does not represent the method with any de-
gree of accuracy, but the work itself is clearly the same as that de-
scribed to the writer and illustrated in Plates 58-63.

*% Schooleraft, Henry Rowe. History of the Indian Tribes in the United States, vol. 6,
p. 651. Philadelphia, 1857.

DENSMORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 393

The modern application of the art is mentioned by Speck, who
says that among the Montagnais “the patterns for decorating birch
bark consist of thin paper-bark stencils made by folding and biting
designs in them with the teeth.” Also, “The bitten paper-bark copy
patterns supply practically all of the motives of these people.” **

The Mille Lac Chippewa made little or no mention of the biting
of patterns in a broad leaf, but Mrs. English said she remembered
seeing it done by the Chippewa at La Pointe, on Lake Superior, and
the writer was informed that it was commonly done on the Manitou
Rapids Reserve in Ontario. A specimen of the leaf was obtained
there, and was identified as Clintonia borealis. This leaf with a
simple pattern bitten in it is shown in Plate 58.

The technique of biting birch bark is impossible to describe beyond
the statement that the bark is placed between the upper and lower
teeth, usually the eyeteeth, and that the teeth are brought together,
either sharply or with a slightly grinding motion. One informant
said that the bark was slightly twisted between the teeth. The
simplest technique is shown in the patterns used for beginners in
beadwork, the intention being to use one bead for each prick. The
manner of folding and refolding the bark is also an important part
of the technique. The pattern is in the mind of the worker and she
does not hesitate or unfold the bark during the process of biting the
pattern. In reply to an inquiry, a woman said that when she un-
folded the bark she found the design to be what she expected because
she “had the pattern in her mind before she began to bite it.” One
transparency is never copied from another, but an attempt to vary a
pattern is suggested by Plate 59, a and /, made by the same woman.
In one pattern it was found that 24 thicknesses of bark had been
indented at the same time, yet the pattern was clear and the marks
were uniform. It was not unusual for 12 thicknesses of bark to be
indented at the same time.

The range of subjects is wide and includes geometric designs,
flowers, leaves, and stars, men and women, tipis and houses, animals
and insects. The vegetable and life forms are natural and also con-
ventionalized. The patterns comprise borders or “ running patterns,”
and units based upon the circle, square, pentagon, hexagon, and
octagon, and the trefoil and quatrefoil. The simplest patterns re-
quire only one folding of the bark, after which a pattern is indented
along this fold. These are what may be termed “running patterns.”
An example of such a pattern is Plate 59, ¢ A strip of bark is
folded across and the fold placed between the teeth, the pattern being
“bitten” alone the fold. When the bark is unfolded the pattern is

18 Speck, Frank G. The Double-curve Motive in Northeastern Algonkian Art. Depart-
ment of Mines, Memoir 42, No. 1, Anthropological Series, pp. 11, 12. Ottawa, Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1914.

55231 °—28——26

394 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [®TH. ANN. 44

seen, its opposite sides, of course, being alike. Other patterns pro-
duced by one folding of the bark are Plates 59, d, g; 61, b, h; 62, g.
Sometimes a “ running pattern ” was made by folding the bark twice,
one fold being crosswise and the other the length of the strip. Ex-
amples of such patterns are Plate 62,7 and #. More elaborate pat-
terns of this sort were made by folding the strip of bark crosswise
and also diagonally, producing such patterns as Plates 61, f, and 62, f.
Such patterns as these were copied in long strips of beadwork used
as chains for the neck or as narrow headbands. The manner of fold-
ing the bark for patterns Plate 59, e, A, and 7 is clearly shown.
Several units were indented at the same time, forming a sort of
“running pattern,” but without an actual connection between the
units. The most elaborate pattern of this type is Plate 61, c, in which
five figures were indented at the same time, representing a row of
dancers.

The Indians seemed to prefer to indent two units at a time, in the
simpler unit patterns, while the larger and more elaborate unit pat-
terns were indented singly, thus securing fineness of detail. The
patterns shown in Plates 60, ¢, f, and g, and 62, c, were made double:
that is, two units were indented at the same time, the photograph
showing the clearer of the two. Distinct from these were the patterns
made singly which required several foldings and refoldings of the
bark. Such patterns were regarded somewhat as an artist regards his
sketches. They were exhibited and compared, and even exchanged
among persons proficient in this craft.

Patterns which require only folds that are equally spaced and
radiate from a common center are Plates 59, a, b, f, 2, hy 60, a, e;
and 61, g, k. Such a pattern may be inclosed in a line which is
folded and indented after the rest of the pattern is finished, as
in Plate 60, / and &. A close inspection of the specimen shown in
Plate 60, d, suggests that the border was indented with the rest of
the pattern. The folding in Plate 60, h, is shown in detail and
includes a diagonal fold intersecting the diagonals that radiate from
the center. A pentagonal form is shown in Plate 60,7. A somewhat
complicated folding was required for Plate 60, e, the bark being
folded crosswise, lengthwise, and diagonally, the pattern being
smoothed out between the several foldings and then creased for the
next part of the design. In Plate 61, a, we find a crease with inden-
tations along only a part of its length, beyond which the line divides
into two diagonals. These lines form the framework of the pattern,
like the stems of a cluster of flowers, which, with leaves, are pro-
duced by additional foldings of the bark. The pattern appears to
represent two conventionalized flowers, with leaves below them.
This pattern was made at White Earth. The design Plate 62, a,
bears a resemblance to it, and was made on the Manitou Rapids

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 59

BIRCH-BARK TRANSPARENCIES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 60

BIRCH-BARK TRANSPARENCIES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 61

BIRCH-BARK TRANSPARENCIES

FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 62

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BIRCH-BARK TRANSPARENCIES

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 63

4 LUN

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BIRCH-BARK TRANSPARENCIES

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DENSMORD] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 395

Reserve in Canada. Other interesting designs from that reserve are
Plate 62, d and e, the former showing curved lines (or creases)
which are unusual in birch-bark transparencies. The bark available
by the Canadian Chippewa women was too stiff and heavy for
delicate work. The season was July, and the bark is less pliable
than in early spring if freshly gathered, and the Canadian women
had not stored so generous a supply of bark as the Minnesota
Chippewa. As already noted, the bark needed for use during the
summer was gathered in the spring and stored in a dark, cool shed,
which preserved its soft texture, and this storage of bark was being
carried on by the women at White Earth when the present research
was in progress. The pattern Plate 62, ¢, is different from any
collected in Minnesota and required twelve foldings for its pro-
duction. j

Both straight and diagonal folds were required for the patterns
Plate 62, 6 and A, the latter showing the features of the woman in
the tipi with as much clearness as those of the dancer in Plate
61, ce. Attention is directed to the difference in the shape of the
faces in these two patterns, also to the variety in the markings on
Plate 62, >, showing a distinct technique. These are from White
Earth.

The patterns here illustrated were selected from a collection of
more than 200, obtained from the older women at White Earth and
Red Lake in Minnesota, and the Manitou Rapids Reserve in Canada.
The decline of this interesting craft is seen in the work of Indian
women of the younger generation, one example being shown as Plate
61,d. It will be noted that the outlines are blurred by a process that
approaches a nibbling of the bark, while the design lacks the grace
and repose of the older examples. The clear thinking of the old days
has passed away, and in its place has come a belief that by doing a
thing uncertainly, over and over, one can accomplish as good results
as by a carefully planned, definite procedure.

The designs shown in Plate 63 were made on the Manitou Rapids
Reserve in Ontario, Canada, and show a somewhat different type
than those in the previous illustrations. As stated, they were made
when the bark was rather heavy, which can be seen in the texture of
the pieces. The creases are more apparent and the marks less sharp
than in thinner bark. Some of the designs would form “running
patterns ” while others are single units which could readily be placed
side by side to form extended decorations.

The following story is related concerning the custom of making
birch-bark transparencies:

There was once a man who lived with his parents. At sugar-
making time he noticed that they were getting old and the work
was hard for them, so he brought home a wife to help them. The

396 USES OF PLANTS BY THE CHIPPEWA INDIANS [fTH. ANN. 44

family were in the sugar camp and he sent his wife to get some
birch bark for making dishes as the other women did. She took
an ax and was gone all day. When she came home at night she
had a great bundle of bark on her back. This made him glad, for
he thought she had been very industrious. She opened her bundle
and said, “See what I have been doing all day.” Then she showed
him quantities of patterns and pictures bitten in birch bark. Her
bundle was full of them. She had been biting patterns all day
instead of making dishes.

The man was so ashamed that he hung his head and died. He
could not bear to have people know that he had brought home such
a good-for-nothing wife.

Etching and self-patterns on birch bark.—Bark taken from birches
in the early spring has the tender “ sap-bark ” of the ‘previous year
next to the outer bark. If the bark gathered at this time is put in
hot water the “ sap-bark ” turns dark brown while the outer layers
of bark remain light in color. This renders possible a wide variety
of decoration in contrasting colors. Dishes are made with this dark
color as a foundation and the decoration is supplied with a sharp
implement, the lines showing the light color of the under layer of
bark and the contrast remaining after the bark has dried. The
implement used for this purpose was a pointed stick or the “ splint-
bone” from the heel of a deer, preferably a young doe. The bark
is in the right stage for this work at the season of sugar making,
and many sugar makuks are made with the dark surface of the bark
on the outside, etched with simple decorations. A typical example
is the sugar makuk in Plate 34, which is etched with parallel horizon-
tal lines between which are vertical, diagonal, or zigzag lines arranged
in simple groupings. The fresh sugar was often stored in them and
used as a gift, the decoration making the gift more attractive. At
the present time this work is frequently done in a freehand drawing
of leaves and flowers, the designs being without artistic value.

Another type of decoration made possible by the condition of the
bark at this season may be called “self-patterns” in birch bark.
Sometimes the pattern appears in the light color on a dark back-
ground and sometimes the colors are reversed, the design being in
the light shade. In a typical example of this work a rather large,
conventional pattern cut from birch bark or paper is laid on the
bark and a line is drawn around it. This is still done at Grand
Portage, where old methods of work are continued. The design is
etched on the inner surface of the freshly cut bark, cutting through
the “sap-bark,” after which, if desired, the work may be laid aside.
When it is to be finished the bark is moistened with hot water, and
on the portion which is to be in light color the thin tissue of bark is
removed in small particles or shreds with a sharp knife. Thus if

DENSMORE] PLANTS USED IN ARTS 397

the makuk is to be dark in color with light-colored leaves the surface
within the etching of the leaves is carefully removed. If the colors
are to be reversed it is necessary to remove all the surface except that
within the etching. As indicated, if the makuk is to be filled with
fresh sugar it is finished at the camp, but if the article is to be for
some general purpose, the woman does the part of the work which
must be done while the bark is fresh and takes the article with her,
to finish at leisure. The completion can not, however, be deferred
too long or the dark surface of bark can not be removed with
neatness.

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ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II

By GERARD FOWKE

399

CONTENTS

Page

Explorations in the Red River Valley in Louisiana~-_---------------~- 405
Vicinity: Of sore veporte= 22a ae ea ee ee ee ee eee 406
Vicinity of Natchitoches_____________ OE ee re Ee ee eS 408
Vicinity OL Alexancriden= See es On ee eee eee 409
WiclniGyy Of SMIaALKSVIll Owe n= eee ee eee 410
Mounds in West Carroll and Richland Parishes, La____---_-_-_______-- 434
Mounds in Colbert County, Ala., at the mouth of Town Creek__--------~ 436
HEL SHeIIBE CR pS ane eee Se Se Seer oe Hee SE eee See es eee eS 437
Phere Os gls lala Cv O UN Geese ee a ee eee ee ee ee 446
hes hl at-tOp ped p Mound see eae ee ee ee ne a eee 449
Monugs near the tat-ctopped structures ==—=- == 451
Ne RALEXang en: MOUNG@ se) a ee ee ne ee ee eee 452
Other mounds in Colbert and Lawrence Counties___----____________ 463
Archeolozies! remams im scott County; Ark = - == --. 22 = soe eee 464
MheySiratmanves ven Maries COUnLy MMOs se ===> san see ee 466
hes Wansinetsikke LeLO Nee se ee ee ee ee ee OS Se SE ws ek oe 471
Thevelephant bedi at IsimmsSwick Moss 2== a2 Ss 2s BeLe eee eee ee 484
Moindenear mms witk eM Qssee == ke el ee ae Eee ee 487
Mounds andrsraveshineAllent@oulty, Koy===— == === —= === ee 488
Prehistoric earthworks about South Portsmouth, Ky_-~--------------____ 491
Mherso-calledie Bear wor. wwe yee = a ee eS See ee 494
Moundstin Pike County, Ohi0=- 2-25 55_ 252 Sea Se ee eee 495
Apoxuiminaleainted Ganties=s=—=———"= =. === sen = eee eee eS eee sees 505
Hiimt.in’ Coshocton" County, Ohioe2 s= === se = eee ee SE 508
INGars | WiatSawet meen eee aa. Se eee ee ee a eee) Se Sete es 508

Nea Walhonding =: Ss ihe ae 8 Se ae ee eee eee eee 510
Mintanvibickine County Ohi 0s] see ee > Sols eee Ae eS §12
WhintinePerry County, OHO 2 =a ee er eee be 512
Ninteiny Kanawha Valley enV a= an oe eee ek ae a ee 513
Hintin Carter "County. Wye ee ee ee ee eee 514
lint in’ LodduCountys Ky ee ee ee ee ea ae 520
Flint in Hardin and Wayne Counties, Tenn____--_------__-_--__- 520
Hint eine Harrison: Coun bys lind = ss see aa eee een ee 522
Wiysndotte Cavers. ss ==5 =~ s25 = soe eee es Lae ee ee ee ee sane oS 528

hipaa none COUntY Leen. eae ee eee ee 530
Hltnignesr Alton: Ml ees =) ME _ Nets Ph eR eed Sa ee Ae Sees eh eels 532
Wlinitwi ne efrerson “Countys Mot. 2 2 2a. eS eee ee ee 533.
Mintwinseolks County, Moss] 25— 2) - === == Sa See ee eee 536
Hintiwinesarton County, Mos2- 22222552. 22 el. 539

ind exe ee. oo ee ssesesce Qiks hie eed So ee ee 541

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ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

~ Plansofithe Marksville: TbajnwOukS 5 22) Ae ee 2
. a, South end of Inclosure A. 0, Interior platform of Inclosure A.

cu ixterioraot UnGlosurewB = Sass se 55> Soe ss

. a, Exterior moat of Inclosure A, at gateway 2. 0, Stone in fire pit,

Mound 2, Town Creek, Ala. c, Mound 2, Marksville, La__--------

a, Trench partly excavated, Mound 4. 6, Mound 8, showing structure,
iY Biel esp es i es ed ee eee ee

a, Detail of construction in Mound 4. 6, Showing two periods of con-
struction of Mound 4, and grave at center. c, Mound 6, from top

of Mound! 4°" Markswille, Wha So222 oo 5 Ss oe eee

. a, Mound 1. b, Mound 6, from the west. ¢. Mound 14. Marks-

\ ZUR Se DS Se SS ee ee a

. Stone implements from shell heap, mouth of Town Creek, Ala____-__

71. Beads and ornaments from shell heap, mouth of Town Creek, Ala____

. Making tools from shell heap, Town Creek, Ala_____-_______________

73. Bone implements from shell heap, Town Creek, Ala___-----------_~

. a, b, Spades from Hog Island Mound. c, Pestle. d-i, Stone imple-

mentsstrompshellmbeaps | Town (Creeks Ala 32-2 = 2 a ee

. a, Mass of shells filling a pit in shell heap. 6b, West bank of trench in

Shell@herp. Nownw@reek., “Ala — 22 22. es eee oe

. a, Excavation in shell heap. 06, End of trench in shell heap. Town

@reck: VAlae 2 ates Se Are ee Se See eS

. a, Fractured fibula from shell heap. 6, Curved tibia from Alexander

Mound. c, Curved tibiae from Hog Island Mound___---_-~-----___

. Copper objects. a, b, c, d, From Hog Island Mound. e, f, From

Alexander Mound === =e a eee ee ree en ome

. a, Objects from Mound 2, mouth of Town Creek, Ala. ec, d, e,

Obyects *from™Alexander Mound == === = ee ee eee

mEatchets;firompAlexander! Mounde= =e =" Ss See eee eee eS
w= Ornaments: trom AlexanderiMounda= 2-2 es. =
Reiss ELLOS ET°O TA 2X71 LOT) IM OU eee es
. a, Conch shell. b, Steatite pipe. c, Marble pipe, d, e, Cupstones.

rom, Alexander Mound! 2-2 oes ne =o eee ee eee eee

. Pottery fragments from Alexander Mound___----~---~--------------
Ska setrome~shelll heap. Town Creek Alas #22522 2= === Se
. Skulls. a, 6, From shell heap. c, From Alexander Mound___--~—~~~
palanbenedeskull from Hoe’ Island Mound _——--—---—=-=---- == = ==
. Jaws and teeth. a, c, d, Alexander Mound. 6, Shell heap, mouth o

GWE Lee KewAll dere Ses a" SNe oor ee eee

. a, Fragment of skull from shell heap. 0b, c, Jaws and teeth from

Al eed Charon See esta) Sye 5 eS Be ee

. Skulls. a, b, From shell heap. c, From Alexander Mound__--_~-~-
. Skulls. a, b, From Hog Island Mound. ec, From Alexander Mound__
. a, Entrance to Stratman Cave. 0b, Excavated area inside of Stratman

Page
412

404 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

93.
94.

95.

. Section of Mound 12, Plate 1
i Sectionof Mound. 15 Plate si] 5 = one ee
5 Coyybao letey (oyuh oy aYoy ciel ele(one VDYeYN ayy) Ute ea Se
. The Flat-topped Mound, at mouth of Town Creek, Ala__--------___
;. Plan-or the Stranman’ Caves = ee ee eee
. Diagram of excavations, Lansing, Kans
} Section of west sidevof Chamber Ats ss = a ee
. Large stone lying between the loess and the shale_-_________________
PISECCHLON Oba SOU GE err Cle Ot: 10S Henry by C Tee ee ere ene ee
S SCCELON: OF CAS te wal letra eb 710) CTs eA eee

Moose rocks in ‘Stratman’ Cave *deposits=—= = ee
a, Rock bottom and projecting side wall. 6, Rock bottom and strati-
fied silt. nexthabove ithe rye ree areas Wy Se eee
Objects from Stratman Cave. a, Chert concretion, used as a hammer-
stone. 6, Perforated smoothing stone. c¢, Biconcave discoidal with
V-shaped: margin: ._ 2-22 2 ae 28

Typical flintssirom) Stratmans Caves esas ee ee ee
. Objects from Stratman Cave. «@, Chert scrapers, side view. 0b, Bone,

closely “resembling” a" chert ‘core:2+_ Seine oe es Ee

8. Large chert implements, and a grooved ax or hammer, Polk County,

TEXT FIGURES

Section in (Gham) eis sa ee a ee ee ee ee ae
Section in Chamber Bre ae ae ee ee en ee

. Hornstone quarries and workshops in Harrison County, Ind__----_~_

Page
468

468

ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II

By Gerrarp Fowke

EXPLORATIONS IN THE RED RIVER VALLEY IN
LOUISIANA

It is a matter of actual knowledge that the Natchez Indians built
many large mounds along the bluffs bordering the Mississippi River
on the east, and that this practice continued, though perhaps in a
diminishing degree, until the period of French occupation of the
territory. But it is not of record that this tribe, or a colony from it,
moved permanently to the west of the river until within historic
times.

Also, it is now an established fact that the small mounds so
numerous over much of Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas, extending
in great numbers down the Red River to Alexandria, and sparsely
even beyond that point, are the work of the Caddoans. The latter
tribes, so far as we know, did not erect the quadrilateral or flat-
topped mounds such as are prevalent to the eastward. This leaves
unexplained, as yet, the comparatively few such structures found
along the Red River, always near the stream, reaching up the valley
nearly or quite to Texarkana. These may be due to Natchez, or
others, who once lived here for a time but left no further traces.

Between the known territory of the Natchez and that of the Cad-
doans, that is, between the Mississippi and the vicinity of Alexan-
dria, is a strip of country which, so far as its ancient remains suggest,
did not belong to either of these people, and yet there is some
resemblance to both. Whether these works indicate a mingling of
the two, or an overlapping of boundary lines at different periods,
or whether there may have been another people in between them who
borrowed somewhat from the customs of both, is not determined.

The lowlands subject to overflow from the two rivers are, of course,
extremely fertile; but, as a rule, the soil on the uplands is not pro-
ductive, is so flat as to be swampy much of the time where not arti-
ficially drained, and apparently not of a nature to invite a primitive
people whose sustenance must depend in large measure upon agri-
culture. That there were, nevertheless, settlements of Indians here
and there is shown by the tumuli, sometimes more than 20 feet high,

405

406 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH. ANN. 44

but these are few and far between, and point only to small settlements
with much open territory between them. It was a matter of some
surprise, then, to find a mile east of Marksville, La., a group of
earthworks of such extent and character that they would be noticeable
even in a region where similar structures are abundant—in Ohio or
Georgia, for example. They extend for more than a mile along a
bayou known as “ Old River,” which opens at either end into Red
River, and, as its name indicates, is recognized by the present popula-
tion as having once been the channel followed by that stream. There
is little doubt that it flowed here at the time these earthworks were
constructed, although at present it is several miles away. This fact,
however, has no bearing on the age of the remains; such changes are
frequent and extensive.

VICINITY OF SHREVEPORT

Rev. James M. Owen, of Shreveport, La., has spent much time in
examining such archeological remains as exist within driving dis-
tance of that city, not only in the alluvial plains of the Red River
Valley but out into the higher lands on either side of that stream.
Through his generous cooperation it was possible to visit every
known site from Belcher, 20 miles north of Shreveport, to Gahagen,
40 miles south, and as far as 15 miles from the river on both sides.

Nothing was found that would appear to be worth excavating;
meaning thereby that the historical, scientific, or museum value of
any discoveries that might result from digging out the mounds
would not be sufficient to justify the time and expense involved in
such work,

By reason of the accumulation of sediment from river floods, any
village sites or burial places that may occur in the valley are for-
ever hidden from sight except as they may be accidentally revealed
by excavation or erosion; consequently it is possible to record here
only those mounds which are not entirely covered by such deposits.
All of these found within the limits above set forth, with the excep-
tion of four, are of the flat-topped variety named “ domiciliary
mounds” by Clarence B. Moore; the purpose of their erection being
to provide an elevated site for buildings used as dwellings, council
houses, storage rooms, or for any use required, and perhaps also for
public gatherings, or as a refuge from high waters when streams
spread beyond their customary limits.

A group of these, seven in number, 10 miles north of Shreveport,
gives the name of “ Mounds Plantation” to the estate on which they
stand. Six of them have farm buildings on them, the seventh being
cultivated as a garden or truck patch. It is unknown how far below
the present surface their foundations may be; the ground has filled

rowKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 407

in several feet since the country was settled. This sedimentation no
longer takes place, as floods are now confined by levees.

At Belcher is a mound built on a spur between two ravines which
appear to be of recent origin. Owing to undercutting by these, and
to much digging in the upper part by fortune seekers, the elevation,
the diameter, and the outline of the base can not be estimated; but
apparently it was a small flat-topped structure. ‘The owner is un-
willing that it should be further disturbed.

On the land of John Scott, on the east (left) side of Red River, 4
miles northeast of Shreveport, is a flat-topped mound, quadrilateral
but not rectangular, 16 feet high and about 100 feet across at the
base.

In section 29, township 15, range 12, on land belonging to Arch
Thigpen, is a mound near the extreme outward end of a hill rising
some 40 feet above the river bottom land. When intact it was about
12 feet high and 65 or 70 feet across. A shaft 10 or 12 feet in diam-
eter was sunk from the top to the bottom, but no one could be found
who knows when or by whom it was dug, or whether anything was
found. On the nearly level hilltop beyond the mound evidences of
aboriginal occupation are scattered over several acres.

Ten or twelve miles easterly from Mansfield, on the Jack Dillard
farm, in section 10, township 18, range 12, is a mound now 4 feet
high above the general level of the field; but as it is built on the east
end of a narrow spur and extends down the three slopes, it looks
much more elevated when viewed from other directions. It is said the
top has been lowered 2 feet by farming operations. A bayou extends
along the foot of the hill. The structure is on poor ground, remote
from any road or house, and has an unpromising look, hence no
research was attempted.

On Willis Williams’s plantation, in De Soto Parish, 12 miles north-
east of Mansfield, in section 29, township 13, range 11, is a mound
9 feet high and 90 feet in diameter. A hole, apparently 8 or 10 feet
across—the sides have fallen in, so its breadth is now considerably
more than that—was dug to the bottom some years ago. It is re-
ported that bones were found but no one can recall that there was
anything else.

In addition to these three burial mounds, there was one near
Gahagen, which was excavated by Moore.

On the Curtis plantation, 9 miles south of Shreveport, is a small
flat-topped mound with a ramp or incline at one corner, from the
top to the ground. There has been considerable deposit from floods
around this mound, so that no evidence of a village site can be found.

A similar but larger mound is reported to stand near the east bank
of Red River a short distance south of the Arkansas line.

408 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

This ends the record of discoveries in the area covered in this
territory. Nearly every place was visited at which mounds were
reported by anyone.

What has led to the belief that the Red River region is a fertile
field for archeological research is the vast number—thousands upon
thousands—of “ house mounds” marking the former dwelling sites
of Caddoan tribes. Few are found on low ground; but in “the
hills,” as the rolling upland is called, groups of them exist at such
short intervals that in driving around the country one is never out
of sight of them for more than a few minutes. Among them, no
doubt, are some burial mounds; but as they all look exactly alike, it
would be a matter of mere chance to discover a tumulus.

Viciniry or NatrcHrrocHes

The village of Creston, 20 miles north of Natchitoches, is a mile
north of Black Lake. For more than a mile to the east, north, and
west of Creston house mounds are numerous. It is said that they
continue in these directions sre this distance, but they were not
followed farther.

At Salt Lick, north of Creston, is a low place where “salt comes
up out of the ground ” and is deposited on the surface by evapora-
tion of the soil water; the earth has a decidedly saltish taste.
Mounds are especially numerous around this lick, extending from
the level land on every side down the slopes and even out on the low
flat bordering the lick, where the ground is seldom dry. They vary
in elevation from a foot to 4 feet, a few even exceeding the last
figure. The largest are close to the marsh on the lowest level of the
land, or are distributed along the foot of the slope and may owe
their greater height to the construction of an earthen platform as a
foundation for a house which was covered with earth when com-
pleted. If houses in such situation were built on the natural ground
they would be surrounded by water or mud most of the year.
Although the limit of the group was not reached in any direction,
fully 500 were seen in the area examined; but there are very few
between Creston and Black Lake.

It is quite probable that changes in elevation have occurred in this
region since the mounds were built, as was the case in Arkansas and
Missouri in 1811.

Shamrock Mills is 18 miles west of Natchitoches. Three miles
north of Shamrock, on the farm of Calvin Freeman, is a salt lick
similar to that at Creston. There are many house mounds on the
south side of this lick, extending from the edge of the marsh indefi-
nitely southward. Some of them are unusually large. On the north
side of the lick is a village site, where many fragments of flint and
pottery are strewn over the ground. Some well-made objects of

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 409

stone have been found, as well as mortars, pitted stones, and other
articles common to village sites. Mr. Freeman has also unearthed a
few skeletons when plowing deeper than customary; the bones are
well preserved. In the scapula of one body was a round hole, ap-
parently made by a bullet. Freeman has found many bullets on this
field, some “round,” others “long.” The latter may belong to the
Civil War period. There are no mounds on the north side of the
lick, so the remains found in this vicinity may pertain to different
peoples or different periods. No burial mound was found, nor was
there any report of what might be one.

Vicinity or ALEXANDRIA

No house mounds were observed on the south side of Red River in
this vicinity, but examination on this side was almost entirely con-
fined to the alluvial lands subject to occasional overflow in search of
possible burial mounds. Only two of these could be located. They
are 14 miles south of Alexandria, on the right bank of Bayou Boeuf,
one-fourth of a mile from the stream. One of them, on the farm
of Mrs. Henry Rougeau, is § feet high and 75 feet across. It is at
the edge of the higher ground, on a projecting knoll or ridge whose
base is reached by flood water. Some digging has been done in the
upper portion and a small hole carried to the bottom at the center.
At a depth of 4 feet six vases were found, standing close together ;
they are in perfect condition, with rounded bodies and large upright
necks; each would hold about a quart. With them was a small pot.
half a pint in capacity, of triangular outline, with flat bottom,
rounded corners, and a round opening 2 inches across in the top.
There were also two pipes—one small, a rude effigy of some mammal,
the other apparently intended to represent a bird’s head, the beak
being well carved. All the pots had plain, straight-line decoration,
many of the lines meeting at almost a right angle. Nothing was
found in the shght digging below this level.

The other mound, of about the same size, is only a few rods away,
on the same little elevation, on the land of John Woodward. <A barn
stood on its top, and the surface was consequently much worn by stock
trampling over it. Bones, soft and decayed, lay almost at the sur-
face. No deep excavations have been made; but Woodward has
found abundance of broken pottery within a foot or two of the top,
and also a globular pot of less than a pint capacity, the entire outer
surface ornately decorated with scrolls and reversed curves rather
deeply impressed. Another small pot contained a quantity of minute
blue glass beads. Woodward also found “a small brass, gourd-

55231°—28——.27

410 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH, ANN. 44

shaped object,” containing “something which rattled when you
shook it, like a baby’s rattle”; probably a sleigh bell or hawk beil.

All of these finds were made at or near the surface.

Both these mounds are of two periods of construction. The upper
half of each is yellowish, sandy soil like that in the level field near
by; the lower half is reddish material containing more clay, like the
upland soil. Woodward dug only a small hole on the side of his
mound, near the top. He says the two strata were separated by “a
layer of soft black stuff.” Both parties state that the lower half was
“mixed earth like that above, only of a different kind.” This may
mean that the mounds were originally only about 4 feet high and as
much was afterwards added to them; the “soft black stuff” being
charred or decayed remains of vegetation that had sprung up on top
of the part first constructed and either burned before the second
deposit was piled on it or covered by it and allowed to decay.

North of Pineville, which lies on the opposite side of the river from
Alexandria, house mounds may be seen for a distance of 2 miles on
both sides of the road leading to Camp Beauregard. They are in
uncleared land, so the number can not be estimated; but there are
certainly several hundred of them.

Vicinity or MarksvILLE

This region is so far to the eastward that, although it is in the Red
River drainage area, the low lands are inundated when the Missis-
sippi is at flood stage.

There is a small group of house mounds 3 or 4 miles from Echo, on
the Marksville road; and another near Belledeau, on the road to
Echo. Only a few can now be seen; but it is said that many in each
group have been destroyed by cultivation. These are the only mounds
of this class to be found here, and they seem to mark the eastern
limit of such remains.

Four miles northeast of Marksville, on land belonging to a Negro
church, is a mound fully 20 feet high from the most elevated point
at its base, but much higher from other directions as it is built on a
narrow point between two ravines. One slope runs down to a bayou
in which there is water all the year. It is on cemetery ground,
although no one is buried on it except the first white owner, and it
has never been defaced. A short distance from it is a conical burial
mound now reduced by cultivation to a height of 2 feet.

On Saline Point, 13 miles east of north from Marksville, near Red
River, are two mounds, one on Louis Clavrie’s land, the other a mile
east of it. Both were excavated by Moore.

On N. A. Couvillion’s land, 9 miles north of Marksville, outside of
the levee, and less than a fourth of a mile from the present bank of

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 411

Red River, are three flat-topped mounds. One is 5 feet high, one
8 feet, the third only 18 inches. Since the country was settled the
natural surface here has been raised several feet by deposits from
overflow of the river, so the actual height of the mounds must be con-
siderably greater than it now appears. They are so covered with
brush, vines, and weeds that the size can not be ascertained; but
they are not far from 75 feet across the top.

On the Edward and Leach timber tract, on Lake Long, 24 miles
northeast of Marksville, are three “squared” flat-topped mounds.
One is 7 feet high by about 100 feet across on top; one 5 feet high, 50
teet across; one 4 feet high and 25 by 60 feet across. There is also
a round flat-topped mound 4 feet high and 60 feet across. The
ground has been built up several feet around them in the last hundred
years.

A mound near Belledeau was explored by Moore, who found a
number of skeletons.

Thus it appears that the Caddo or house-mound type extends to
the overflow lands of the Mississippi, from north of Vicksburg to
south of Alexandria; and that the flat-topped or domiciliary mounds
so common east of the Mississippi reach beyond that stream to the
highlands on the west; but so far as present observation shows they
do not reach far inland except along the Red River and perhaps
some other tributaries.

The largest and most complicated group of ancient remains in the
State is located from a mile to 2 miles eastwardly from Marksville.
The arrangement and extent of these works is shown in the map.
(Pl. 64.) They reach for more than a mile along Old River, a bayou
which is connected at both ends with Red River and spreads over
the lowlands on each side whenever the water is high in that stream.
The inclosures or embankments, the lodge sites, and some of the
mounds are on the bluff; other mounds are on ground subject to
floods. At the time they were built Old River was probably an open
stream, flowing against the foot of the bluff all the year; now,
except when Red River sends a part of its waters this way, raising it
to its old level, the bayou is a sluggish pool, with a flat shore reach-
ing several hundred feet from the bluff to the water. This shore is
made up of earth carried down from the bordering land through
wide, deep gulleys that have formed since the mounds were erected.
Erosion is peculiar, almost erratic, here; aside from a few shallow
valleys the surface a short distance away from the running streams
is so flat that much of the rain water stands until it evaporates; it
can not run off, and a clay stratum underneath is so compact that
water percolates through it with extreme slowness. Beneath this
clay is a much looser material, easily removed by such water as may

412 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [DTH. ANN, 44

penetrate to it. When a seepage vein emerges at the foot of a bank
it cuts away the sand; the clay having its support thus removed,
falls; and when water from the surface runs over at a place where
this happens, the clay is carried away and a deep ravine with vertical
sides cuts back rapidly into the land. As an instance: A farmer,
desiring to drain a slight depression on his land, cut a narrow,
shallow ditch, using only a spade, to a ravine. Within two months,
following several heavy rains, this small ditch was enlarged to a
ravine 10 to 20 feet deep, 20 to 30 feet wide, cutting back more than
100 feet from its former outlet.

The most conspicuous feature of the group is the large inclosure
marked A on the map (pl. 64), on the farms of Greenhouse, Schaub,
and Du Pre. It forms an irregular curve, the ends resting on the
bayou bluff. The south end is shown in Plate 65, a. Its total length
is almost 3,300 feet; the height ranges from less than 3 to nearly 7
feet for most of its length; but there is a space of more than 400 feet
at the northern end where it is almost obliterated by cultivation. The
breadth increases and extends proportionately. These variations
raise a question as to whether the work was ever fully completed to
the extent that it was planned. There are two openings or passage-
ways toward the south and one toward the west (pl. 64); no doubt
there was also one toward the north. | South of the west opening is
an extension on the inner side of the embankment, continuous with
it, which forms a platform 30 feet across; it appears as if intended
for the foundation of a building (see pl. 65, 6).

An outside moat, shown in Plate 66, a, now filled by wash and de-
cayed vegetation until it is swampy for most of its length, borders the
outside of the wall for its entire extent.

On Tassig’s farm, one-third of a mile to the north of inclosure A,
is another, marked B on the map. It is from 3 to 5 feet high, but
has been much lowered by erosion; the encircling moat, now 2 to 3
feet deep, has been partially filled for most of its length, though cut
much deeper at each end, by the same agency. As constructed, the
top of the wall was at least 10 feet above the bottom of the ditch
(pl. 65, ¢). It forms, roughly, nearly one-fourth of a circle, beginning
at the bluff above Old River and terminating at a large tributary
ravine. The length at present is 510 feet, but it was once somewhat
longer, as both ends have been cut off by the caving of the banks.
There is a gateway to the south and one to the west. The area
enclosed by the bayou bluff, the edge of the ravine, and the wall, is
about 4 acres.

Another inclosure of a different nature lies south of the large in-
closure, A. From the second gateway here is built up a crooked
causeway 5 or 6 feet wide at the base and only a few inches higher

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT

PLATE 64

WW
SW

a 6
3

2

z

=

E
\we S
rae

is
Garey

GROUP OF EARTHWORKS
near Merbeuile: La.

e) Lodge Sites
{3% Mounds

Seomescx Embankment

/
Scale in feet

© i990 200 400 600

/
800

/
Q!
————————————————

PLAN OF THE MARKSVILLE WORKS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 65

Le ot

a,SOUTH END OF ENCLOSURE A. MAN IS STANDING IN
CENTER OF LODGE SITE |!

6, INTERIOR PLATFORM OF ENCLOSURE A. MAN IS STAND-
ING AT ITS MARGIN

c, EXTERIOR MOAT OF ENCLOSURE B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 66

a, EXTERIOR MOAT OF ENCLOSURE A, AT GATEWAY 2.
MOUND 2 IN BACKGROUND

6, STONE IN FIRE-PIT, MOUND 2, TOWN CREEK, ALA.

oe
Res
a
‘

ce, MOUND 2, MARKSVILLE, LA.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 67

a, TRENCH PARTLY EXCAVATED, MOUND 4, MARKSVILLE, LA.

6, MOUND 8, SHOWING STRUCTURE, MARKSVILLE. LA.

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 413

than the water and mud on either side of it. Its general direction
is south 20 west. At 170 feet from the center of the gateway it con-
nects with an embankment which is practically circular except on
the side toward A, where it extends in a straight line for several
rods along the outer edge of the moat. This part, which is still
covered with timber, is 20 feet wide at the base and 2 feet high,
which figure would probably apply to the entire embankment as
it was when completed. Most of it, however, is now entirely leveled
and can be traced only by the color of the earth where it stood. The
diameter is about 320 feet; the causeway joins it at the western end
of the straight side, almost exactly north of the center of the circle.

Besides these three inclosed areas, there are eight lodge sites
which will be again mentioned on a future page.

There are also twenty mounds, which will now be described, begin-
ning with the one farthest to the south, which will be designated
as Mound 1. The others will be numbered consecutively, as they
occur.

Mounp 1.—This lies 2,000 feet west of south from the southern
extremity of inclosure A. A view, not very distinct, is given in
Plate 69, a. It is 600 feet west of the river bluff and the same dis-
tance north of an extensive bayou which can not be crossed on foot
except over a bar at its outlet when the water is low. Beyond the
bayou, to the south, there is no other mound for at least 2 miles;
so Mound 1 may be regarded as the initial structure of this entire
group. Numerous ravines have cut their way back from the streams
into the upland, both from Old River and from the bayou, the long-
est having its head within 100 feet of the mound. It is clear that at
one time there was much more land in both these directions than is the
case at present.

The mound is remarkably symmetrical; the measurements of the
four sides, at the base, are 82, 92, 83, and 95 feet; at the top, 46, 47,
46, and 51 feet. These distances are between the points where
straight lines along the edges would intersect; but they vary a little
from the original dimensions as there has been some alteration
of form from superficial erosion. The elevation at the highest point
is 1714 feet. The top is not quite flat, there being a slight slope from
the summit toward every side. Probably this was intentional on
the part of the builders to secure good drainage.

Mownp 2.—For a time it was difficult to decide whether this struc-
ture is a natural formation or an artificial creation. The outline
of the base is so irregular and the elevation of the entire structure
so uneven that it seemed to be only an outlier left from a general
lowering of the surrounding area. (Pl. 66, ¢.) On the other hand,
there is no other such hillock in the region; it contains a great pro-

414 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

portion of small gravel, or “buckshot,” found at varying depths
in ravines and the river bank, but not on the natural surface; and
finally old persons who have known the place for many years say
that it was once level on top, with sides so steep that a horse had
trouble in climbing them, and with a definite shape like that of the
other flat-topped mounds; so it must be admitted into the category
of aboriginal constructions. One reason, perhaps, for its present
shape is a peculiar form of movement in wet weather of such earth
when piled up; instead of only washing down from the top, it also
oozes out at the bottom. This is especially noticeable in vertical
banks; after a season of unusual rainfall, soft mud will squeeze out
in a continuous stream or sheet at some lower level and creep
perhaps 30 or 40 feet before its motion is checked. The superin-
cumbent earth cracks in various directions and settles unevenly;
and then erosion wears it into all manner of fantastic shapes. Some-
thing of this sort happened with Mound 2. The bottom had crawled
out here and there; and many years of cultivation, with resultant
erosion of the loosened earth, had altered the upper portion out of
all resemblance to the form which its builders gave it. Its present,
dimensions, between extreme edges, are 290 feet on a line running
north 70 west, and 236 feet on a line north 20 east. The highest
remaining part is 12 feet above the base. In the map an attempt
is made to show it in the shape it seems to have had when completed.
Mounp 3.—This has been cultivated until much lowered. At pres-
ent its dimensions are 314 by 60 feet. A circle 20 feet in diameter was
laid off on the highest part, and all the included earth removed, into
the undisturbed soil below. On the natural surface, a few feet to
one side of the (apparent) center, were some ashes and charcoal,
remains of a small fire which does not seem to be in any manner con-
nected with the mound. There was nothing else; not the slightest
indication as to the purpose for which the mound was built.
Mowunp 4.—With the exception of the structure 4 miles northeast
of Marksville, which is similar in form but somewhat greater in
all its dimensions, Mound 4 was the largest dome-shaped or “ conical ”
mound in this part of the State. It is in uncleared land, consequently
its shape was that in which its builders left it except as it had been
changed by action of weather. The symmetrical outline and nearly
uniform slope from top to bottom showed that alteration from any
cause had been but slight. The elevation was almost exactly 20 feet
and the diameter at base 100 feet, giving its surface a sharp inclina-
tion. The owner, Mr. A. Schaub, of Marksville, was at first unwilling
to have it disturbed, properly appreciating the sentiment that a work
of such striking appearance should be preserved as a monument to its
builders. Realizing, however, that some future owner might not have

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 415

a sensible regard for antiquities, and that this mound would eventu-
ally meet the same fate from cultivation, the trampling of stock, and
vandalism, that is fast destroying all other aboriginal remains in the
vicinity, he finally gave permission for any kind and amount of ex-
ploration that might prove desirable.

A trench 25 feet wide was started in from the southern margin
(pl. 67, @), and carried to a distance of 10 feet beyond the center, or
60 feet in all. During the entire work the bottom of the trench
was kept several inches below the original surface, well within the
natural soil, which was here uniformly dark in color and had no
appearance of having been previously disturbed. The base of the
mound rested directly on this.

The upper portion of the structure was composed mostly of the
reddish-brown earth which forms the surface in much of the sur-
rounding area and weathers into a productive soil; mingled with it
were small masses of tough, mottled clay. On the west margin of
the trench this averaged only about 2 feet thick, but on the east
side it was much heavier, extending to the bottom for the first 20
feet in, then diminishing to a depth of about 4 feet at the top. Be-
neath this, along the west wall, was a fine white clayey sand or silt
which was so compacted that water had apparently never pene-
trated it, and vigorous work with the picks was necessary to loosen
it for shoveling; dust would blow off of it as it was thrown out. On
the west side, and in the central part of the trench, this rose toward
the apex more rapidly than along the east side. It was soon ap-
parent that two periods of construction were involved. (PI. 68, 5.)

As the digging proceeded it was found that the silt rested, with
varying thickness, upon a core or bottom deposit of mingled constitu-
ents. Mostly, it was a tough red or mottled clay, such as may be
found at depths of 2 to 6 feet in the surrounding fields and is exposed
in the banks of all ravines and streams. Mixed with this were various
other materials, as silt, white or “crawfish” clay, brown earth, black
surface soil; all scattered promiscuously, from a single basketful to
more than a wagonload in a place, indicating that the carriers worked
when, and as, they felt in the mood for it.

There was a notable scarcity of refuse or débris loose in the earth,
such as is found in most mounds; probably this was because not
much of the material was gathered up from the surface or near the
sites of dwellings. Some fragments of pottery, plain or decorated,
were found at intervals, but not many, and none that could be fitted
together until at about 20 feet from the beginning and several feet
from the bottom were parts of a flat-bottomed vase with impressed
curved lines; it had not been entire when thrown here. At the same
distance, 6 feet: up, in the east wall of the trench, were fragments

416 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN, 44

of two pots; one was globular, with flanging top, of about a pint
capacity, decorated with curves and figures impressed with a blunt
point. The other, of which there was only a part, was differently
decorated.

At 25 feet in was a shallow depression which had been dug from
the top when the mound had reached an elevation of 10 feet. It
contained human bones in the last stage of decay, but obviously
there had been either an interment of folded bodies or a deposit of
skeletal remains; no method or system of burial could be made out.
Among the bones was a small monitor pipe and another pipe made of
soft sandstone. The latter was smashed into small fragments by a
Llow of the pick, so its shape could not be ascertained.

A foot north of this grave, at a level only a few inches higher,
was more rotten bone, in a very thin stratum, less than 2 feet across.
The bones only of a skeleton had been placed here, in a pile. With
them was part of a monitor pipe, the front portion of the stem and
most of the bowl being gone; the break was old and no other pieces
could be found.

A foot east of this was more bone substance in which were the
caps of the teeth of a child 3 or 4 years old. These fell to pieces
when handled.

The last two deposits were not in graves but had been laid on
the surface and covered while this part of the mound was in course
of erection.

Owing to the difficulty of removing excavated earth in a trench
of this depth, the face of the bank was marked off in two sections
when a distance of 22 feet from the center was reached. The
division plane was at 5 feet from the bottom of the mound. It
was deemed that this amount would not be too great for easy
removal in case a grave-pit or other cavity should be found at or
near the center. As the subsequent work was carried along on top
of this 5-foot bench until the end of the trench was reached, it
will, for the present, be called “bottom” in relation to the part
above it, and the description next following will apply only to the
upper portion.

At 12 to 15 feet from the center the earth in the lower, central part
of the trench took on a checkered aspect in all directions, being broken
into angular clods and chunks of varying sizes. Its appearance
was that of a hard-packed material which had slowly settled into
a cavity beneath it, giving away a little at a time, beginning at the
lower part. Water had penetrated these cracks, leaving in them a
very thin sedimentary deposit of white silt, impalpable as flour;
this filled cracks running in any direction, but was most apparent
in those which were somewhat horizontal.

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 417

At 12 feet out, 5 feet up, were fragments of a small pot, broken
when placed or thrown here, as some of it was gone.

About 10 feet out several vertical holes were discovered, which
seemed due to posts 3 or 4 inches in diameter, set in the ground.
They were first observed as a row running across the trench, pro-
jecting only a few inches into the earth above the lower 5-foot
section.

Near the center, when the mound had been carried by its build-
ers to an elevation of 15 feet above the natural surface, a grave had
been dug to a depth of 3 feet, with a diameter of 5 feet. These meas-
ures are only approximate, as the sides and bottom were very rough
and irregular, the imprints still being visible, showing that it had
been gouged out with pointed sticks or some such tools. As this
tough clay is difficult to remove with good steel picks, excavation
by such primitive means was a laborious task. Probably these
early undertakers kept the clay wet while they were digging it.
The sides, corners, and bottom were rounded, giving the cavity,
roughly, a tank or kettle shape. ‘The bottom had been smoothed and
leveled by spreading on it earth carried in from outside, and this
was covered with wood or bark which also extended up the sides
nearly to the top. On this bark were the remains of at least four
adults, as indicated by four skulls, which lay approximately at the
cardinal points. Between and around them was bone material in a
condition of such extreme decay that it was impossible to ascertain
anything regarding the position in which the bodies had been placed,
or indeed whether there may not have been more than four. Some
fragments of teeth found were much worn, one molar down to the
neck. From the small dimensions of the grave, it is certain that
the bodies had been folded; and they seemed to have been laid with
the feet and hips toward the center. Water soaking in from above
had softened the earth around the bones until it would run off the
shovels, and it could be examined only by gathering it up in handfuls
and squeezing it through the fingers. It seems that the bodies, or
bones, had been covered with wood or bark similar to that beneath
them. On this, a foot of earth had been deposited; and over this,
in turn, was placed a layer of charcoal from one-half to 1 inch thick.
The grave was then filled with a sticky blackish mud, mixed with
white clay, as if taken from a swampy place, where a thin layer of
muck had rested on hardpan. Later, the building of the mound was
resumed.

This is one of the very few instances known, or at least recorded,
in which an intrusive burial was made by the Mound Builders
themselves,

418 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

To the east and also to the west of this grave were traces of earlier
burials; in each case a folded or bundled body had been placed on
top of the mound when it was somewhat higher than the bottom of
the grave just described—that is, before the latter had been dug—
and covered with earth as the building proceeded. Both these burials
were of young persons, as shown by the teeth; and there were traces
of wood and bark above and below them.

But these Mound Builders were not content with one intrusive
burial. To the northwest of the first grave, with the margins almost
in contact, and almost on the same level, was another dug in a basin
or kettle shape, with a diameter of 5 feet at the top and a depth of
3 feet. The sides and bottom were lined with white ashes in which
some charcoal was mingled, a feature which was observed at many
other places in the mound where the presence of such material
seemed accidental rather than intentional. In this grave it was
carefully spread as a thin layer over the entire interior surface, with
a streak of decayed bone resting directly on it at the bottom. The
few pieces of enamel remaining denoted maturity. The grave was
filled with the same bluish-black sticky mud found in the first grave ;
so it is probable that they were both dug at about the same period,
and the upper portion of the mound piled over them by the same
people or tribe to whom the mound owed its beginning.

It is stated above that early in the work it was observed that the
mound seems to have had two periods of construction, as denoted by
the arrangement of the materials composing it. (Pl. 68, 6.) The
most of this, omitting the silt and the brown earth, was a very hard,
tough, mottled, streaked clay, known in some localities as “ buck-
shot ” on account of the large proportion in it of small particles of
what is usually called “ gravel,” but which seems due to segregation
of some mineral ingredient originally diffused through the mass.
The first grave was dug at the summit of this “ buckshot ” mound;
the other, also, was practically at its top, as proven by the slope of
deposited material in all directions from the graves. Then the
mound was added to on all sides, but mostly on the east, until it had
an additional height of 5 feet. This eastward extension brought the
summit of the completed mound fully 5 feet to the east of the top
of the first structure. The amount of labor required for this exten-
sion is evidence that it was not due to an interment by later Indians
who so often buried their dead in the top of a mound in the con-
struction of which they had no part. ‘These merely dug a grave of
the desired size and filled it, usually, with the earth which came out
of it. Nor is there evidence that this region was occupied, at different
times, by two or more unrelated tribes of Mound Builders, More-

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 419

over, had any excavation been made in the topmost layer after it had
settled firmly the marks would still be visible.

Nothing more was found in the upper portion of the trench.
All the loose earth was dragged to the outside with scrapers and
the removal of the 5-foot stratum at the bottom was begun.

The face of this, at the base, was a little more than 22 feet south
from the center, which was assumed to be directly under the high-
est point of the mound as it stood when the excavation was started.
All the material in this block was exceedingly diversified in
composition and color.

Within a few inches, west of the center line, was the edge of a
shallow, saucer-like depression nearly 4 feet across and less than
6 inches deep, its bottom within 6 inches of the base of the mound.
It was lined with decayed bark on which were soft fragments of
bones, the teeth showing them to be those of an infant. At the
head was a small vase, apparently of “ flowerpot” shape, in many
pieces. The body had been covered with a mass of clay which
was 6 inches thick at the center and thinned to an edge around
the margin. Over this was more bark, the two layers uniting
beyond the clay.

A foot above this, extending for several feet north and a little
to the east, was a similar but much larger grave. In this, also,
were some pieces of bone too decayed to identify; with them were
fragments of a small pot, apparently of globular form.

Near the center line, 3 feet up, was another grave, as indicated
by two layers of bark separated by 6 inches of earth. There was
nothing in this grave, not even a trace of bone.

West of the center line, 214 feet up, was a grave with traces of
an infant’s bones, and pieces of a small pot so soft and crushed
they could not be saved.

Toward the east side was a grave, with a pot crushed flat.

These five graves lay within the zone from 15 to 22 feet out from
the center; all the bodies were buried, or placed, in the mound while
the work of construction was going on.

Near the center line was an irregular hole 2 feet deep, of several
bushels capacity, which was filled with material washed into it from
a limited space close around it; successive laminae of silt and coarser
earth showed that they were the result of many rainfalls. Yet there
was no trace of vegetable growth around it; nor was there in any
part of the mound so far as it was examined. Apparently the proc-
ess of construction was sufficiently continuous that not even weeds
gained a footing. There was nothing to indicate the purpose of
this hole.

420 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

At the east edge of the trench, 12 feet out, 3 feet up, was a grave
in which were traces of bone of two young children; with them were
fragments of a small pot.

At 12 feet out, 2 feet from west side of trench, was a posthole
6 inches across, which reached to the bottom of the mound; the
timber had been set here and the earth piled around it, as the sides
of the hole showed no marks of a digging tool. Extending in a
straight row across the trench from this were smaller holes, 3 to 4
inches in diameter, a little more than 5 feet apart; all of them
stopped a foot to 2 feet above the bottom of the mound, the earth
being solid below them. A few similar small holes were found, but
in no regular order; there may be more in the undug parts.

In the east wall of the trench, 10 feet out, 2 feet up, was an infant
burial; with it was a “ flowerpot ” vase less than 2 inches high, with
two small holes near the top for suspension; probably a child’s toy.

Along the center line in the 5-10-foot zone was an elliptical hole
5 by 31% feet and a little more than 3 feet deep, dug when the mound
had reached that height, down to the original surface. The sides
were rather regular; the earth with which it was filled breaking
away from the sides easily in some places. There was nothing in it.

Along the east wall in the 5-15-foot zone was a depression filled
with downward curved layers, giving the impression that the mound
had caved here into a basin-shaped hole; but it was due to material
having been dumped in two small heaps or ridges and the space be-
tween them filled by throwing earth over the tops and allowing it to
roll or slide down the adjacent slopes of each pile. (PI. 68, a.)

Mention is made above of the lumpy or cloddy condition of the
earth in the central part of the mound, over the 5-foot stratum.
This gave rise to the hope that a large grave or cavity of some de-
scription had been dug in the ground beneath the mound; and much
of the work done, after this was observed, had been directed toward
having ample room when the time came to clean it out. This
loosened condition abruptly ceased about 20 inches above the bot-
tom; and except for an ash pit, to be described later, the clay below
this level was as solid as in any other part of the mound, and it
rested on undisturbed soil. On this level, however—20 inches above
the bottom—over a space 10 or 12 feet across around the central part
of the first, or “buckshot ” mound, were the decayed bones of a
number of bodies. How many it is impossible to state; from the area
over which they reached there could not have been fewer than five
or six, and there may have been four times that many. Infants’
teeth, and teeth much worn, occurred. One adult body had been
laid between two small logs. Among the remains was one deco-
rated pot 2 inches high containing minute desiccated fragments of

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 421

corn, squash, and perhaps other forms of food. A leaf, apparently a
corn blade, had been placed over the top. Earth settling into the vase
and hardening had preserved the form of these substances. Frag-
ments of four other small pots were found. Wood or bark was above
and below the remains. They lay partly on the dumped clay and
partly on earth filling a depression which had been dug into and
through this at the center of the old mound. It was clear that, so far
from there having been a grave beneath the mound, the crumbly con-
dition of the clay above the bodies had ensued from the destruction of
some protective structure placed over them; the postholes noted may
have belonged to such a shelter. The bones lay on a level surface;
the material beneath them had not been affected by the settling.
It was apparent that the platform on which they lay was in use, it
may be, as the site of a house long before the interments had been
made.

The hole, or ash pit, under them measured 314 feet across and
extended a foot into the black soil below. Successive fires had been
made in it, and from time to time some earth had fallen in or been
thrown in, as ashes, charcoal, and soil, some of it slightly burned,
were intermingled. The soil may have been used to smother the
fire when it was no longer needed; or it may have fallen in while
the pit was in service as a barbecue hole. It must be that the site
was abandoned while the pit was only partially filled; for above the
ashes it was filled almost to the top with many thin layers of silt,
proof that it had been exposed to numerous rains.

The loose condition of the clay above these bones continued as far
as the trench was carried; in fact, it was so disintegrated that, at the
wall face, where work ceased, parts of it could be spaded. ‘There
may be other burials beyond this point. Fragments of four pots,
crushed flat, occurred in as many different places; but as all of them
were imperfect they had probably been thrown away and not buried
with bodies.

At the face, west of the center line, was an excellent impression
of a small, well-made basket of split cane or oak strips.

In the east wall, 2 feet north of center, 4 feet up, were fragments
of a child’s bones, soft as ashes. Bark or wood had been placed
above and below the body. This was the seventeenth and last burial
place found; it is impossible to say how many bodies had been in-
terred, even in the space cleared out, which was not more than one-
fourth of the entire mound. But the great difficulty of removing the
compact clay, the frequent storms, the excessive rainfall during the
three months these explorations were under way, amounting to 21
inches above the normal average, and particularly the almost total
lack of results were sufficient reasons for ceasing operations. Plate
68, b, shows the trench at the close of the work.

422 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

To sum up: It seems that a platform of clay was erected to a
height of about 20 inches. Although there were none of the usual
indications that people had ever lived on it, the pit or barbecue
hole at the old center, under the grave, points to such occupancy. Per-
haps the first deep hole found was also a fire pit, although it con-
tained no ashes or burned earth. Then the site was abandoned until
after these holes were filled with silt that washed in, a little at a
time. After that, the central burial was made, and the building of
the first mound was begun over this grave. As the work progressed.
other bodies or skeletons were placed here and there, either directly
on the ground as it was at the time or in shallow holes dug to receive
them. Finally,the “ buckshot” mound was completed. At some sub-
sequent time the two intrusive burial pits were dug in the top of
this mound, bodies placed in them, and when these graves were filled
up the mound was added to until it reached its present dimensions.

Any indication as to the time that elapsed from the inception of
the work to its completion, or as to the length of time between
successive burials, or between the successive periods of building, or
the date of any part of this work, is entirely lacking.

Mounp 5.—This mound, 300 feet east of Mound 4, is circular in
outline, 31% feet high and 70 feet in diameter. It is almost flat on
top, and may be either a platform or domiciliary mound, or an
unfinished burial mound. As it is surrounded by low ground which
is boggy much of the time, and is built up of sticky black earth, no
examination was attempted. Nothing less resistant than stone could
retain its shape or substance if buried under such conditions.

Mounp 6.—In point of cubic contents this is the largest mound
observed or reported in the Red River Valley, and is perhaps the
largest in the State. The outline conveys the impression that the
structure had a pentagonal or hexagonal base, but this must not be
taken as a fact. Owing to surface erosion, to farming operations for
many years, and to the “creep” mentioned in the description of
Mound 2, the form of Mound 6 has undergone extensive alteration.
No doubt it was what is usually called a “square” mound, though
this term must not be accepted literally. It merely means that a
structure thus named has four approximately straight sides; seldom
are any two of the sides of the same length or any two angles equal.

The lines of the survey were run from one prominent salient to the
next, and so continued around to the starting point; they do not
take into account the large amount of earth which has drifted from
the mound into the field beyond the limits so marked. It is shown
in Plates 68, c, and 69, b.

The present height is 13 feet, and it was never much, if any,
greater; there is a gentle slope from the summit to the margin on
every side, but this was given to it by the builders and does not result

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 423

from erosive lowering. It would be desirable to have a heavy rainfall
drain off quickly.

Mounp 7.—This is the only mound within Inclosure B. It is
“square,” flat-topped, 6 feet high, the sides much worn down, al-
though the height has not been reduced. The base now covers a
space 100 feet across each way, but this includes the earth that has
washed down. The nearly level top is 40 feet across. Though much
smaller, it is similar in form to Mound 6.

Mounp 8.—A ravine 1,100 feet wide at its mouth enters Old River
at Inclosure B. On the far side of this ravine, at a distance from
it of about 2,000 feet, is the next mound in order. It is nearly 2
miles north of east from Marksville, on the edge of the bluff. The
owner, Alfred Greenhouse, states that it was once 15 or 16 feet high,
with a basal diameter of 75 or 80 feet. A trench was made some
years ago through the central part; and earth had also been removed
from the sides to fill slight depressions around it from which material
had been taken to use in its construction. None of these former
excavations had been carried to the bottom of the mound.

A trench 15 feet wide was started near the margin on the southeast
side, extending into the subsoil. ‘This widened as it progressed until
at the central portion it was 20 feet across from side to side. For
the first foot below the surface the earth was soft; below that it was
so firmly packed as to be difficult to loosen with a pick.

At the beginning of the trench there was a deposit of white silt
which dried into an impalpable dust. This disappeared at 14 feet
from where it was first reached. All the material above this was a
gray and yellow sandy clay, showing irregular stratification as if
each load had been thrown or scattered instead of being dumped
ina pile. (PI. 67, 6.) After passing the silt, the clay lay on the
natural surface. It was of the same character as the subsoil, and was
probably brought, in part, from the face of the bluff near by. A few
fragments of charcoal, flint, and pottery, a small, much used quartzite
hammer or flint flaker approaching a discoidal in form, with an
occasional arrowhead, were found loose in the earth; but nothing
of any consequence.

The roughly stratified arrangement, rising as the trench progressed,
showed that the mound had been built up from the center. In several
places, at various depths, were found fragments of plaited stuff,
apparently pieces of baskets. They were made of very thin strips
of cane or of white oak one-fourth of an inch wide, laid close together
side by side with interwoven cross strips an inch apart. Usually the
cross strips lay at a right angle to the others, though some were
placed bias. They were thoroughly carbonized and fell apart with
the dirt. It is said by old residents that the Tunica Indians, living

494 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN, 44

ona reservation a few miles from here, “ made baskets just like these ”
until a few years ago. They sold them to farmers and to any one else
who would buy.

At intervals, near the center, were casts of carbonized twigs and
small sticks which seemed to have been set leaning outwardly at an
angle of 45 degrees. They were not continuous, yet seemed to be
purposely placed as if to enclose or protect something.

At what was assumed to be the center—difficult to determine exactly
by reason of the former excavations—was a long grave containing a
few soft and decayed pieces of bones of a child which had been ex-
tended at full length. On the bottom of the grave, near the middle,
was a space about a foot across covered with minute fragments of
shells which, from the few pieces remaining, seemed to be disinte-
grated snail or periwinkle shells. If they were, there had been several
hundred of them, as they formed a distinct layer in the earth.

East of this grave was another a little more than 6 feet long.
There was no trace of bone or of anything else in it, except two small
pots, one at each end, both of them broken by the pressure of the
earth. One was shaped lke a common flowerpot and contained one
valve of a mussel shell; the other seems to be globular.

West of the center were two circular graves, near together, each
measuring close to 2 feet in diameter. In one was a pot ornately
decorated; in the other was a pot with a plain surface. Both were
broken into many pieces. No trace of bone remained in either grave.

Six feet southwest of the center was a circular grave, in the bottom
of which were scraps of bone burned almost to a cinder; not enough
of them was left to determine their character.

Two other circular graves were uncovered, one west from the
center, near the edge of the trench, one northeast of the center;
nothing, not even a trace of bone, was found in either.

All of these graves were sunk through the original soil into the
hard subsoil. The clay filling them was tough and moist, somewhat
looser than that in the body of the mound on account of having fallen
in, but still breaking off in clods under the pick. Bone will soon
disappear under such conditions. In all of them the sides and bottom
were covered with wood or bark, now completely carbonized and
flattened like paper. The few soft decayed bones found were those
of children; there were none left of adults. Bones of children, even
of infants, often outlast those of persons of mature age buried in
the same grave.

Over much of the original surface immediately around the center
of the mound were traces of woven or “ plaited” slivers of cane
and white oak, apparently remains of matting which had been
placed on the graves.

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 425

At each corner of the trench, a foot above bottom, were fragmen-
tary bones of a young child with wood or bark around them as
if they had been inclosed in it.

Possibly other graves may exist beyond the area excavated, which
extended 3 feet past the center; but the lack of discoveries in those
cleared out and the difficulty of removing the overlying clay, which
was nearly 13 feet deep where the work ceased, made further examina-
tion undesirable.

Mounp 9.—This is a small affair on the extreme edge of the bluff,
250 feet southwest of Mound 8, and in the same field. So much
digging has been done in it that no estimate could be made as to its
size. Some years ago a small coin was found on the mound, and
since then many persons have spent much time in the endeavor to
secure the remainder of the “ treasure.”

It is reported that “a small clay pot and some bones” were un-
earthed several feet from,the center.

Mounp 10.—On the edge of the bluff, 200 yards nearly east from
Mound 8, was a mound which after much cultivation measured 4
feet high and 60 feet across. A circle 20 feet in diameter was laid
off on the top, as near the middle as could be determined, and all
the earth within this was removed. It was uniform in character, con-
taining only surface soil like that in the field around; no material
from a greater depth was used. The usual pieces of pottery, char-
coal, and flint were found. There were also two small pieces of
grooved burned clay similar to those occurring so abundantly north
of Delhi; a small, much used hammer or flint chipper of yellowish
quartz, and a symmetrical, highly polished plummet made of mag-
netic iron ore. There was no evidence of a burial; the component
earth merged so gradually into the underlying soil that no line of
demarcation could be traced. There was no fire bed and no indi-
cation that a grave had been dug, although the excavation was car-
ried well down into the subsoil. At no place was there any difference
in the appearance of the earth from that at the same level else-
where, except in one spot near the northern edge of the excavation,
where there was an irregular depression 18 or 20 inches across
and a little less than a foot deep, filled with bluish clay in which
were small fragments of charcoal and burned earth.

Mounp 11.—This seems to have been erected as a “square,” flat-
topped domiciliary pile; but it has been cultivated for many years,
and its exact size or shape can not be ascertained. Its elevation now,
at the highest point, is 314 feet, the surface being quite uneven.
Measuring to the present edge of the slopes, the longest diameter is
120 feet on a line north of west, the shortest 90 feet nearly northeast.

55231°—28——28

oo

426 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH. ANN. 44

Mounp 12.—This mound, the most eastern and northern of those
on the bluff, stood at the extreme end of a spur which projected to-
ward the east from the upper flat. The crest of the ridge was level
along the top, but so narrow that it had the appearance of a cause-
way artificiaily constructed; this was due entirely to erosive in-
fluences acting from each side.

The summit of the mound, after much cultivation, was a little less
than 4 feet above the base, on the western side; in other directions
it had washed down the slopes and its original boundary could not
be traced. The owner had dug a small hole in the top to a depth
of 7 or 8 feet, or to 3 or 4 feet below the level of the ridge on which
it was built, and, as he said, “ found a brick wall,” at which point he
stopped digging. As this hole, partially filled, was still about 6
feet deep, the inference was natural that he had found a large or
at least a deep grave in or around which was burned earth, and that
it would be worth investigating.

A circle 25 feet in diameter, to allow for any alteration in the
mound from destructive influences, was marked off around the high-
est part, with the intention of digging a narrow trench around the
circumference to the original surface and then clearing out the
earth from every side toward the center.

The earth first encountered was mostly black, closely packed, and
sticky, resembling mud from a swamp which had gradually filled
with decaying vegetation. This was about 2 feet thick at the east
margin of the excavation, but less than a foot at the west side. As
it was practically horizontal at the bottom this difference may be
due to changes produced by plowing and weathering. Below it was
a rapid alternation of different sorts of material, whitish, gray,
bluish, yellow, red, brown, and black, which had been deposited in
various manners. There were strata several feet across and a few
inches thick of a single kind; irregular patches, either mingled or
uniform in their nature; small masses, apparently only a single
basketful. The conditions in which the deposits occurred are such as
would result from the labors of several parties or individuals, each
procuring material at any available place and throwing it where
most convenient or where it was desired; some of it in fairly regular
layers; some in a pile; some at random as they ascended the slopes.

On the north side, a foot under the top, was a mass of burned earth,
irregular in outline, about 10 feet across, and from an inch to 4
inches in thickness, resulting from fires made on the spot.

Instead of reaching the bottom within 4 feet or less, as expected,
the excavation was carried through the same mixed deposits, still
wet and sticky, for 5 or 6 feet. At this level the effort of throw-
ing it over the wall around the margin became too great, and it was
necessary to make another start, this time from the outside.

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 427

A trench 14 feet wide was begun on the south slope at a level
7 feet below the top of the mound. It was reasonable to suppose
that at this distance the only earth to be moved, in order to reach
the natural surface, would be a small amount that had washed down
the slope. But there proved to be a depth of 514 feet of deposited
material similar to that in the upper part of the mound, making
the entire elevation as measured from here between 12 and 15
feet. The different dumps of gray, yellow, black, and brown, thrown
in from baskets, were as easily discernible as if they had been lined
out with paint. They began directly on the original soil, a dark
loam, which merged indistinguishably with the yellow clay subsoil.
From the beginning of the outside trench, during the entire exami-
nation, the bottom of the excavation was kept down in the subsoil.

Some mussel shells, fragments of pottery and flint, and broken
animal bones, including those of deer and bear, occurred sparsely
in the earth; and there was also the right half of a human lower
jaw, all the teeth from the canine to the third molar being in place,
sound, white, and worn level on the crowns; the ramus was decayed,
and the fracture, at the chin, an old one.

A few feet from the beginning of the lateral trench was a cavity
having the size and shape of a bushel basket and partially filled
with loose dark earth. This had not been dug after the mound was
built, but resulted from the decay of something deposited here,
as the surrounding dirt was fairly hard and showed by its appear-
ance that the object, whatever it was, had been intentionally placed
and the earth piled around it. Scattered at random throughout
the material removed were masses of hard-burned earth, from small
lumps to large blocks, some of them coming from outside sources,
others being fire beds in place. Many of the pieces were honey-
combed with minute holes, apparently due to the burning of grass
roots over which fires had been maintained, but none had such cavi-
ties or impressions as would result from the burning of canes or
twigs over which they might have been plastered; consequently
they could not belong to the walls or roof of a building.

The natural earth upon which the mound was built gradually rose
as the work proceeded, and it was finally ascertained that the mound
was not built on top of the ridge, but at its extreme end, on the in-
cline between the top and the bottom. The depth at the assumed
or apparent center of the mound was 9 feet; the encircling trench
was 3 feet deeper at the eastern (downhill) margin than at the
western side; and from the central portion the original surface
sloped to north and south.

It also became evident that the mound was built in three stages
or at three periods. A section across the center showed that at the

428 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—Ii [ETH. ANN. 44

bottom was a deposit of black surface soil or muck in which were
small dumps of gray clay and yellow subsoil. The gray was more
abundant toward the western, the yellow toward the eastern side.
In this deposit were occasional fragments of animal bones, pottery,
and sometimes a pebble or spall of chert, jasper, or other stone.
This layer was 2 feet thick at the center, thinner uphill, and thicker
downhill, to compensate the natural slope and bring its upper surface
to a level. It was strewn with a thin deposit of kitchen refuse, as
if lived on for atime. Next above it was 3 feet of reddish or yellow-
brown clay. This, in turn, had on its upper surface a layer from 2
to 31% inches thick of rotted sod, the stems and roots of grass; lying
on which was a layer of gray clay of the same thickness. Above
this was 314 feet of material similar to that in the stratum at the
bottom.

It is clear from this arrangement that the first step in building
the mound was to make a level floor with the mingled earth, mostly
black, on the sloping end of the spur. On this, it seems, people lived.
Afterwards it was covered with yellow-brown clay, which was not
disturbed for a number of years, as is shown by the thickness of the
old sod line. This was finally covered with a thin layer of the gray
clay; and then the mound was completed with a thick deposit of black
earth. There was nothing to indicate the reason for, or the purpose
of, all or any of this later labor.

After passing the assumed center, the black earth of the lowest
stratum decreased progressively, with a corresponding increase in the
amount of the gray, until toward the west side of the circular exca-
vation the gray predominated, while at the northern and eastern
limits the black had entirely run out and only the gray appeared.
East of the center, and near it, a fire had been long maintained on
top of this stratum, additional proof that it was a residence site. At
first, a shallow depression was made and a fire kept in it, or perhaps
many fires in succession; the earth below the bottom was burned red
to a depth of 6 inches, the ashes of the last fires remaining in the
pit. Sufficient earth had then been spread in the fireplace to bring
it to a level with the surrounding surface. All this earth was also
burned red and a bed of ashes 2 inches thick lay over and around it.
From the general level to the lowest part of the heat-colored earth
was about a foot. So it appears certain that the lowermost stratum
of black and gray earth was piled up to make a level space to live on,
although there were no postholes and indication that timber had
been used. No surmise will be attempted as to the reason why all
this trouble should be taken to make a foundation when there is level
ground on every side, in the bottom land as well as on the bluff. For
some equally occult reason, the site was coated with brown clay and
the spot abandoned or neglected until much grass had grown on it;

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 499

then overspread with a thin layer of gray clay, and finally black earth
piled over it all.

In five or six places, in a nearly straight row, along the east side
of the excavation were holes left by the decay of posts or poles 3 or
4 inches in diameter, extending well into or nearly through the middle
stratum of red earth; but as no similar cavities were found elsewhere
these can not be considered as evidence of a structure of any kind.

There was no trace of burial in any part of the mound; nor had
the soil on which it stood ever been disturbed prior to the present ex-
cayation. The only human bone found was the fragment of jaw
noted above; and this had been carried in with a basketload of earth.

1 Black soil or muck mingled with reddish clay and gray clay, 3 feet.

2 Gray clay, 2 to 3% inches.

= = |
Tim rT rey 3 Rotted sod and grass roots, 2 to 314 inches.

4 Yellow-brown (the so-called “‘red’’) clay subsoil, obtained from
banks of ravines, 3 feet.

enero ne moan —sorreseo-esa—eo—-1h Kitchen midden refuse, only a streak.

6 Similar to (1), 3 feet

ORIGINAL SURFACE

===] 7 Natural soil, 1 foot.

=

8 Subsoil.

Fic. 4.—Section of Mound 12,
Plate 1

Mowunp 13.—The level area along the foot of the bluff to the east-
ward and southward of the spur on which Mound 12 is built is strewn
over an area of nearly 2 acres, with the débris incident to an Indian
settlement. At the outer extremity of this space, 300 feet south of
east from Mound 12, once stood a mound about 4 feet high. It was
scraped down “ to get it out of the way.” It is probable this was the
site of a house, as refuse is more abundant on and around it than
elsewhere. It was not a burial mound, for although one skeleton
was dragged out, it lay several feet from the center.

Nothing could be learned by excavating here.

South of Mounds 10 and 11, in the lowland bordering Old River,
are the remaining mounds of this group. They are seven in number,
four large flat-topped and three small rounded ones. Their arrange-
ment is shown on the map, They inclose a rudely square area of

430 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

about 2 acres and form a subgroup of themselves. All elevations
given here are from the level of this inclosed space.

Mowunp 14.—This, the largest, is in the form of a trapezium. The
longest side, facing the interior area, measures about 150 feet. The
sides are as steep as the earth will lie; the top has an elevation of
131% feet. (PI. 69, c.)

From Mound 14 to Mound 15 there is an artificial road or cause-
way 3 feet high and 42 feet across at the base.

Mounp 15.—The next two mounds, both undisturbed, were the
only ones in this subgroup which had the appearance of burial
places. The larger was selected for examination.

It is at present 514 feet high; but as it stands at the top of a slope
bordering a slough, the height from the apparent margin on that side
was about 9 feet.

A trench 12 feet wide was started at the latter level, 25 feet east
of the highest part. It was expected that the original margin of the
mound would be reached at this point, allowance being made for
floods which have raised the altitude of all the lowlands; but the
initial excavation had to be carried down nearly 3 feet below the
general surface, through dumped and washed-in material containing
much kitchen refuse, before the natural ground was reached; and
at this level water was encountered which had seeped in from the
slough. All the earth in the mound was saturated and very
tenacious.

A foot above bottom, near the south wall, 15 feet from center, were
eight metacarpal bones of deer, in a bunch, standing on end, as if
they had been wrapped or tied together and cached here, to be con-
verted into skivers later. Other deer bones, including a skull, all of
them broken; mussel shells; and broken pottery with various designs
incised or impressed, were profusely scattered loose in the earth. One
small potsherd had a decoration in red resembling those of Arkansas.
Diligent search was made for other pieces like it, but none could be
found. It was almost useless to hunt for anything in the mud.

The mound was never intended for a burial place, but marked a
house site. The construction was quite similar to that of Mound 13.

On the white “crawfish” clay, in place, at the bottom, almost at
ordinary water level, was a deposit of black, mucky mud from 3 to
21% feet thick; much burned earth, carried in as a part of the deposit,
was scattered through it. On this was a layer of red clay and burned
earth, mixed, having a depth of 9 to 12 inches. At this stage work
on the mound was suspended by the builders, and a hole dug almost
to the bottom, to serve as a fire-pit or barbecue hole. This measured,
roughly, 714 feet across; it was exposed for nearly this distance
along the north wall and extended for five feet into the trench. As

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 431

the portion excavated had a practically uniform curve, it is fair to
assume that it reached 214 feet into the undug part. The sides were
laminated and hardened to such a degree, through heat of the fires
which had been maintained in it, that large thin flakes as hard as a
brick or a tile could be split off. This may mean that the sides were
occasionally smoothed or plastered with fresh clay.

In the bottom of the pit was a layer of clean ashes 5 inches thick;
above this was a mixture, some of it in rather regular strata, of ashes,
charcoal, burned earth, and ordinary earth, extending to the top. It
looked as though the pit had been kept clear of débris until the ashes
at the bottom had accumulated, and that afterwards other fires had
been smothered with earth; or that earth had fallen into the pit
between the timbers laid over the hole, on which it had been piled to
confine the heat in roasting or barbecuing meat placed within.

Covering the red clay and extending unbroken across the top of
the fire pit was a layer of gray sand or silt 3 to 414 inches thick;
the upper surface of this was as level as it could be made. Above
it was 7 to 12 inches of muck and black dirt similar to that in the
bottom layer and containing much kitchen refuse, and on this was
surface earth whose greatest thickness at the highest part of the
mound was 314 feet. Thus the mound whose summit was only
51% feet higher than the area enclosed by the subgroup was 81% feet
deep to the earth on which it was built. The difference of 3 feet
represents the amount of sediment from flood waters since the build-
ing of the structure was commenced. The trench was carried to
10 feet past the center, or 35 feet in all.

In recent years freshets have covered all the mounds except
mound 14, the highest one; but there is no reason to believe that
such conditions existed in prehistoric days. Since the “rafts” and
much of the standing timber which formerly obstructed the current
have been removed, the current is more rapid than before, and con-
sequently a greater volume of water comes down the river in a given
time. In addition to this, numerous swamps have had large ditches
cut through them and many tortuous minor streams have been
straightened, with the result that inland waters which once re-
quired weeks to reach the main stream now enter it in as many
days, bringing it to a much higher level than it formerly attained.
For these reasons it is probable that the Indian suffered less from
high waters than his successors have done. They would not have
made permanent settlements on lands from which they were com-
pelled to flee two or three times a year. Moore speaks in several
places in his report of going down 6 or 7 feet below the general
level before reaching the bottom of a grave in or under a mound;
but in most cases it would be impossible to determine now just

432 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH, ANN. 44

where the surface was at the time the burial was made. Besides,
floods never reached the height in early days that they attain since
levees were built. When a levee breaks, as it generally does at a
dangerous juncture, water rises over ground which it never reached
when it had a chance to spread. But, aside from this, the situation
of many mounds in the Red River Valley, in swamps or overflow
land, as in the case of those in the sunken lands of Arkansas and
Missouri, points to a change in the relative level of land and
streams, either a lowering of the former by earthquake action or
by local alterations in topography, or an elevation of the latter by
changes in drainage systems, whether from the silting up of outlets
or from the creation of new channels. Whatever the cause, mounds
stand where they would not be built under present conditions.

Old River passes near this subgroup on the south, and on the
north there is a depression which has filled several feet in the past
50 years; so the area upon which these mounds stand may have been
an island when they were erected.

1 Surface earth, piled on, 314 to 4 feet.

«| 2 Muck and black earth with kitchen refuse, 7 to 12 inches.
3 Gray sand or silt, 3 to 419 inches.
4 Red clay and burned earth, mixed, 9 to 12 inches.

5 Muck, earth, burned earth, much mixed, 3 to 3} feet.

=

Vic. 5.—Section of Mound
15, Plate 1

6 Natural soil.

7 Subsoil.

Mowunp 16.—This is a small rounded elevation; although it has not
been cultivated, it is only a foot high and 25 feet across. It is over-
grown and was not examined.

Movunp 17.—This is plowed level, but was probably no larger than
Mound 16. It appears to have been the site of a dwelling.

Mounp 18.—This is an irregular pentagon in form. The longest
side, that on the west, measures 130 feet; the north and south ends
are nearly parallel, each 100 feet; the two sides on the east are 70
feet each. The level top has an elevation of 1114 feet.

FOWKE] EXPLORATIONS IN RED RIVER VALLEY 433

Mowunp 19.—This has been plowed over so often that the top is
rounded, giving it a dome shape. It was flat-topped when built. It
is somewhat diamond-shaped in outline, the two axes measuring 150
feet north and south by 135 feet east and west. The present elevation
is 7 feet.

Mounp 20.—This mound is practically square, the sides measuring
100 feet each. The level area on the top is 7 feet above the base.
The slopes from top to bottom are not uniform on the north and
south sides, so that on those sides the margins of the top are not
parallel with the margins of the base.

. LODGE SITES

By the term “lodge site” is meant a small embankment, usually
circular or nearly so, though sometimes rectangular, perhaps square,
with a break or passageway at some point in the wall. Each marks
the site of a dwelling for a single family; of a communal house
which serves as a home for several families; of a council house; of
an edifice for the performance of religious rites or ceremonies; or of
any other sort of building of a somewhat permanent nature which
might be needed or desired. Usually the embankment is formed by
excavating a trench to a depth varying with the purpose for which
it is intended and piling the earth around the margin. It may form
a reinforcement for posts or palisades, which make the walls: or it
may be piled against the bottom of a slighter structure as a protec-
tion against wind or surface water from heavy rainfall.

With the Marksville mound group there are eight of these lodge
sites. The three measurements given with each in the following
notes refer, first, to the height of the wall; secondly, to the width of
the wall at its base; thirdly, the measure across the center from top
to top of the wall. All measures are given to the nearest foot.

No. 1—This is close to the river bluff, within Inclosure A, less
than 100 feet from the southern end of the wall. It has been
plowed until its outline is uncertain, but it seems a little longer
from east to west than from north to south. The opening, or
entrance, is toward the stream. Its dimensions are 21% ; 20; 45 by 50.

No. 2.—This is 200 feet north from the north end of Inclosure
A. At first glance the wall seems to be heavier and the central
depression deeper than is the case with the other sites; but this
appearance is due to its smaller diameter. The present bottom,
at the center, is 3 feet lower than the top of the wall; but owing
to the filling of the former and erosion of the latter, the original
difference of level was at least 4 feet, perhaps more. There is now
less than 20 feet of space between the wall and the river bluff.

434 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [erit. ANN. 44

On the opposite side, where the entrance was placed, a third of the
structure has been destroyed by an encroaching ravine. The part
of the wall remaining is 2; 20; 38.

No. 3.—The wall is now 214; 27; 48. A minor ravine is wear-
ing away the south side. The opening is at the east, facing the
river bluff, which is only 10 feet away.

No. 4.—The walls of this site measure 3; 27; and 43 feet. It has
lost several feet from the west side by the encroachment of a ravine;
another ravine has reached the southern margin. The.opening is at
the south, or facing No. 3.

No. 5.—This is almost surrounded by deep ravines which have left
very little space around the outside of the wall’except a narrow ridge
toward the west. The opening is on the south side. The wall
measures 3; 22; 54,

No. 6—The wall is 2; 20; 54. The entrance is at the north.
Parallel ravines are encroaching on the east and west sides.

No. 7.—The west half of this has fallen into a ravine, and what
remains is reduced by surface erosion. The entrance is at the south.
The portion of the wall still left is 114; 20; 53.

No. 8.—This has been entirely leveled with plow and scraper, but
it can still be partially traced by the color. It is said to have been
ihe largest of the group, and that the doorway was to the east,
facing those nearest to it.

A ravine 40 feet deep joins Old River near No, 2, cutting it off
from Nos. 3 and 4, these three being near the river bluff. The same
ravine, curving in behind the latter two, separates them from the
others.

All the ravines between the bayou south of Mound 1 and the point
on which Mounds 12 and 13 stand have mostly or entirely formed
since the earthworks were constructed. There is little question that
at the time this site was occupied by aborigines the entire area
around the curve of Old River from Mound 1 to Mound 13 was a
continuous plain over which communication was easy between all
parts of the settlement.

MOUNDS IN WEST CARROLL AND RICHLAND
PARISHES, LA.

Bayou Macon (May-son) forms the western boundary of the
parishes which border the Mississippi in the northeastern part of
Louisiana, opposite Vicksburg. All the land on the east side of it
and some on the west is subject to overflow during extreme floods.

Two very large mounds, “about a hundred feet high,” were re-
ported as standing near the bayou, 17 miles north of Delhi, on

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN LOUISIANA 435

alluvial land belonging to the Marston plantation. The very positive
statements as to their magnitude, form, and situation made them
worth a visit.

They were found to be of natural origin, solitary outliers, the only
ones for many miles in any direction, of the geological formations
found in the bluffs to the east and the west of the river; islands left
by the drainage which cut the present river valley. Their appearance
would easily deceive anyone who was not somewhat familiar with
such deposits.

Half a mile south of them, on Neil’s land, is a mound 10 feet
high by 60 feet base. The sides are very steep, although it has
been much cultivated. The form has been so changed that it is
impossible to state whether it had a level top which has been rounded,
or whether it was a dome-shaped structure whose top has been
lowered and flattened. Permission to excavate could not be had on
account of the growing crop.

ae ROAD

Fav rreywrn quarts TESTIS FAN ER EI

AOAD
SratgAiny
PANTER TRUITT EAROCTA AAAS SAID SLLLLAN ALD LE HANH

BAYOU MACON

—> N

Fic. 6.—Mound group north of Delhi, La,

Half a mile south of the last mound, still on the Neil farm, is
a group of eight mounds. Seven of them are flat-topped; the
eighth, now reduced by plowing, is low and rounded, though prob-
ably built flat like the others. It stands on the space enclosed by
the other seven and is connected by a low embankment with the
mound southwest of it. The arrangement of the group is shown
approximately in the following diagram, which is not made to scale,
the height, width of base, and distances being estimated.

In every direction from these mounds, and in the adjoining fields,
many flints and fragments of pottery have been found. Small
nodules of hematite are abundant; a boy, in plowing, turned out a
cache or “nest ” of them, numbering 51; at least that was the num-
ber he gathered from the pile. Many others have been picked up.
They are small, very few of them weighing over 4 ounces; most of
them are only slightly if at all worked; some are rubbed to varying
degrees of smoothness or symmetry; rarely, one is a fairly finished

436 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH, ANN. 44

plummet; occasionally one has a slight groove or a small perforation
near the smaller end. If used as sinkers they must have been en-
closed in a net or sack. In the same field where these were found
a steatite pot was struck by a plow; the fragments were gathered
up and found to weigh 16 pounds. The finder broke it into many
pieces, and generously distributed them to every person who wanted
a “sample.” There are also hundreds, or thousands, of small pieces
of hard-burned clay, usually shapeless, though sometimes an attempt
seems to have been made to make them resemble something. Doctor
Hough. of the National Museum, says they are in the nature of
fetiches or charms, placed in the fields when seeds are planted to
inform the gods what crop is desired at that spot and to remind
them that their good offices are invoked to insure a bountiful yield.
As new offerings would be made every year, we have an explanation
of their abundance.

Between this mound group and Delhi are three groups of house
mounds. One is north and one south of Epps station; in each of
these only a few are visible from the road, and all of them are small;
there may be more in the woods. The third group, a mile from the
flat mounds, numbers probably 100, and some of them are large.

On another Marston plantation, a mile and a half north of Delhi,
is an embankment, now partly obliterated by cultivation, forming an
are of a circle and terminating at each end on the bank of the bayou.
This connects four mounds, situated at intervals. First, at the north,
is a flat-topped mound 6 feet high and 150 feet across; next, a round
mound, nearly destroyed; third, a flat-topped mound 9 by 200 feet,
with a small conical mound built on one corner of it; finally, another
nearly obliterated structure; this and the other reduced mound may
have been flat-topped. There are a few elevations in this field, now
scarcely visible, which may be artificial.

From 3 to 7 miles south of Delhi are three or four small groups of
house mounds; also a few in the south edge of the town.

Four or 5 miles south of Delhi are two flat-topped mounds, one of
which has been partially destroyed by caving of the bank of the
bayou on which it is built; the other, a fourth of a mile from this,
is a few rods from the stream.

MOUNDS IN COLBERT COUNTY, ALA., AT THE MOUTH
OF TOWN CREEK

Town Creek, flowing in a general northerly direction, forms
the line between Colbert and Lawrence Counties, Ala. A few rods
ubove the mouth of the creek, on the lower side, is the beginning
of a depression or slough which winds across the overflow land,
then follows the foot of the bluff facing the river, and finally joins
the main stream about 2 miles below the point where it begins.

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 437

The area thus cut off is known as Hog Island. Most of it is high
enough to escape any flood and over nearly all the higher land are
abundant indications of aboriginal occupancy in the way of broken
stones and shells from the stream.

On this island, and on the adjacent area, are several mounds, all
of which would be submerged when the Wilson Dam was completed
and the water above it impounded. The Tennessee Valley His-
torical Society, desirous of investigating the structures before they
were lost, requested the Bureau of American Ethnology to carry on
this work.

Every assistance possible was given by the Government engineers
in charge of the public work, and also by the above mentioned
society, as well as by various parties interested in whatever dis-
coveries might be made. Among so many it is impossible to men-
tion all; but especial obligations are due to the officers of the Foster
Hunting and Fishing Club, who tendered their hospitality and
allowed the free use of their lodge during the work; to Messrs.
S. S. Pippin, F. R. King, J. G. Sanderson, and P. E. Simms, who
gave valuable aid in many ways. To make further acknowledgments
would be practically equivalent to naming every one who had a
chance to help in any manner.

Tue Suet, Hear

At the junction of the creek with the river, in the extreme northeast
corner of Colbert County, is a large shell heap or kitchen midden
composed almost entirely of mussel and periwinkle shells of several
varieties, but all of them such as are now to be found in the river.

The area covered by the base is somewhat irregular, being between
an ellipse and a rectangle in outline; it measures 250 by 135 feet, the
longer axis north and south, parallel to the direction of the creek.
The northern and eastern sides of the mound extend down the slopes
of the banks toward the river and the creek respectively. When
either stream is at a high stage water overflows the land around the
mound, but has never covered it since the country has heen settled
by the whites. The effect of such floods has been to raise the general
level around it, so that while the top of the shell pile is from 6 to 7
feet high, the greatest depth, as ascertained in the course of the work,
is approximately 91% feet.

Excavation was begun at the north end, near the bottom of the
slope and about 15 feet within the margin of the mound. A space
25 feet wide was marked off, the east line on the side of the slope
toward the creek, the west line along the top of the mound, which was
nearly level about the central part. All the material within these
limits was removed down to the natural soil and for a distance of 120
feet, which carried it somewhat beyond the middle of the pile.

438 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

At once the structure was ascertained to be composed almost
entirely of shells, interspersed with the ordinary débris of an Indian
village. Such earth as occurred filling the interstices between the
shells was due to accumulations from floods; from mud brought in
on the feet of those using the place; and from dust carried in by
winds. It comprised probably 10 per cent of the mass, being some-
what greater at the bottom of the heap and becoming progressively
less toward the top as the mound grew to such proportions that it
was less frequently submerged.

Deposits of earth, considerable in number but small in amount,
seem to have been carried in purposely to furnish a better founda-
tion for fires than was offered by the loose shells; such “ fireplaces,”
more or less hardened and discolored by heat, occurred at various
levels in all parts of the excavation.

There was no evidence of such stratification or of any such differ-
ence of character in the material found as to denote that the site had
been used by peoples of diverse cultures, either at the same or at
different times; or that it had been abandoned for long periods and
occupancy resumed later. True, the shells at the bottom were softer
and more decayed than those higher up; but not to a greater extent
than would naturally result from the fact that they had not only
been there much longer but had all the time been exposed to a greater
degree of moisture. There was a sort of stratification in places, as
if the shells had been carried to the edge of a refuse pile and thrown
along the margin in order to keep the surface level for the greater
convenience of those living on it; but there was an equal or greater
amount of material thrown carelessly in any available spot.

Scattered promiscuously among the débris were the usual objects
found on Indian village sites: A large number of flint implements,
more than a bushel, mostly knives or spearheads, the majority of
them broken; cooking stones in abundance, usually cracked or shat-
tered, but some showing only slight traces of heat; cupstones, none
with more than five or six depressions; a few mortars; quantities of
stones showing marks of use as hammers, others apparently pestles
or rubbing ‘stones, nearly all used in their natural shape or showing
but slight marks of a dressing tool; hundreds of pointed bone imple-
ments, such as are usually called “ needles,” “ awls,” or “ perforators,”
among them many spines from the dorsal fins of large catfish and
drumfish; numerous flaking tools and other implements made of
antler, some with holes drilled in the ends for inserting flint or bone
points; only a few fragments of pottery; mammal and bird bones,
with a large preponderance of those from deer, broken in small
pieces, and of various species of fish. Some of these are shown in
Plates 70 to 74.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 68

a, DETAIL OF CONSTRUCTION IN MOUND 4

b, SHOWING TWO PERIODS OF CONSTRUCTION OF MOUND 4,
AND GRAVE AT CENTER

c, MOUND 6, FROM TOP OF MOUND 4

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 69

a, MOUND 1, MARKSVILLE, LA.

c, MOUND 14, MARKSVILLE, LA.

WIV “HSSY9 NMOL AO HLNOW ‘dVSH TISHS WOYS SLNAWSAIdWI SNOLS

OL ALVId 1LYOdSY IWANNVY HLYNOs4-ALYOS ASOIONHLA NVOIYSWV 4O Nvayuna

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 71

once.

"gpl Rtiociatetaa sn,

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BEADS AND ORNAMENTS FROM SHELL HEAP, MOUTH OF TOWN
CREEK, ALA.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 72

FLAKING TOOLS FROM SHELL HEAP, TOWN CREEK, ALA.

‘WIV 'MS3SYO NMOL ‘dVSH 1135HS WOYS SLNAWAIdAI ANOd

€Z 31V1d L4Od3syY TIWANNV HLYNOA-ALYOS ADOTONHLS NVOIYAWYV 4O NVAYNd

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 439

None of these objects were distinctive; that is, there was no pecu-
liarity of shape or finish to any of them which would make it possi-
ble to attribute them to any particular tribe. Scarcely any of them
were well finished, and they could have been made by any primitive
people. The pottery was shell tempered, with no decorative mark-
ings; scarcely a piece had a handle. The flints were rough and
poorly chipped; but this may be due in large part to the nature of
the stone, which is coarse, of uneven texture, containing cavities,
and refractory to either hammer or flaking tool. A few finely
wrought drills and other specimens of a superior grade of stone
(pl. 70, #) may have been imported. A number of the unstemmed
flints have the base convexly curved, with expanding corners at the
sides, making them somewhat bell-shaped. It is probable that the
large proportion of fragmentary specimens were broken by prying
or twisting in the effort to open mussel shells with them. Hammer-
stones may have been used to break the edges of the shells so that
the knife could be more easily inserted; however, no shells were
observed which showed marks of such operation. This fact may
not be conclusive, as the edges of nearly all mussel shells were blunt
and ragged from decay. The bone “ perforators” (pl. 73) would
seem to be of no other use in such quantities than to extract the
flesh of periwinkles from their shells, whether they had been cooked
by boiling or by roasting; and fin bones of large fishes were probably
used for the same purpose.

There was more earth at the northern end of the mound than
toward the center; some of it was in level, rather uniform layers,
apparently deposited in still water, and some of it in small masses
as if due to swirling or eddying currents. This may be explained
by the fact that this end was more exposed to freshets in both the
river and the creek when these were high.

Wherever these unburned, apparently water-laid, deposits were
found they contained some shells scattered through them as if car-
ried there by the current or by rain washing them in from the top
of the mound as it stood at that time.

Earth dark from admixture with decayed charcoal and fire beds
burned red sometimes to a depth of 5 or 6 inches occurred at every
level from bottom to top and in every part of the trench.

Every worked object found, except those in graves, to be noted
later, seemed to be of accidental origin; that is, not deposited inten-
tionally but thrown away or lost in the refuse.

Two explanations are available to account for the peculiar con-
ditions existing here. First, there may have been people from the
numerous village sites away from the river, coming here to fish and
to gather the mollusks, who brought with them only what they
needed in their camp, or who made their crude and simple imple-

440 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH, ANN, 44

ments after they got here, and in either case left them as not worth
carrying away when they returned to their homes; or, secondly, it
may have been permanently occupied by aborigines of a low grade
who had not the skill to fabricate more artistic articles. In support
of either supposition is the absence of almost everything that is not
crude or roughly finished. The second theory seems plausible by
reason of the number of burials. Unless the supposed sojourners
from the inland villages lived at a considerable distance they would
probably carry their dead back to the places where they had formerly
resided. The young children whose remains were found would also
indicate a somewhat permanent residence.

But whoever lived here, and in whatever condition, the accumu-
lation of the shells must of necessity have been confined to certain
periods of the vear. When the water was high, muddy, or uncom-
fortably cold, the mollusks would be practically inaccessible.

Before the backwater from the great dam had covered the shoals,
immense flocks of wild geese stopped here during their migratory
flights. to eat the snails. As no bones of these fowls were found in
the shellheap, it is clear that from some cause the Indians did not
catch them.

The numerous worked objects scattered throughout that portion
of the mound which was excavated, and presumably in all other
parts of it as well, being merely derelicts, so to speak, not distinc-
tive in material, form, or in any other respect, cast no hght upon
the identity of the tribe who may have made them or the time at
which the users may have left them here. Consequently no necessity
exists for entering into particulars regarding the depth or the part
of the mound where they were discovered. Only unusual features
will be herein recorded; burials, of course, will be somewhat fully
described.

All distances given are from the beginning of the trench and
from its western wall or side.

At the middle of the trench, at 40 feet, 4 feet above the bottom
was found the first “barbecue hole,” filled with earth and shells,
mainly the latter. It may be explained that a “barbecue hole” is
one dug in the earth, of a size and depth determined by what is
to be cooked in it, whether fish, flesh, or fowl; and in this case by
shellfish as well. Sometimes the pit is large enough to contain
several animals; again there may be a hole of a size not to exceed
that of a large dishpan. A fire is maintained in it until the earth
is well heated and a mass of live coals has accumulated in the bot-
tom. The article to be cooked, whatever it may be, is placed in
this. properly supported, closely covered, and allowed to remain
as long as need be; experience in the art is needed to enable the
purveyor of the feast to know the proper length of time. The pit

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 44]

in question was dug when the mound was at this stage of construc-
tion, as the layers of shell above it were undisturbed. Similar cook-
ing places were found in other parts of the trench.

On the east side of the trench, from 50 to 60 feet in, 4 feet up,
was a beech log 10 feet long and seemingly about 10 inches in diame-
ter when placed here; it was burned to charcoal. It had evidently
been used as a “ back log ” to build fires against.

At 78 feet, on west side, were potsherds, apparently of a pot
broken here; two peculiarly worked bones of unknown use (pl. 73,
a, b) ; and two bone fishhooks with a fragment of another (pl. 73, ¢).

At 90 feet, near center of trench, 5 or 6 feet above bottom, were
some small fragments of adobe-like hard-burned clay which had
been plastered over split canes, the ridges being convex instead of
concave as they would be if formed by the rounded surface of a
natural growth. These were carried in from some other place.

At 102 feet, near east side of trench, a few inches above bottom,
were three smooth pebbles of very hard red stone (not jasper),
much rubbed (pl. 71, @). The intent was probably to make beads of
them, but the workman became discouraged at his slow progress and
threw them away.

Two small, flat, waterworn pebbles of coal were found. Each
had been chipped on the edge. They were probably picked up in
the river by some one who did not know what they were and.
who tested them to see what could be done with or made of them.
The prospect not being satisfactory, they were discarded.

At 103 feet, 5 feet from bottom, was a small side-notched hoe,
which might easily be mistaken for a much-used grooved ax
(pl. 70, e). i

At 104 to 110 feet, near the east wall, was a hole or depression
less than a foot deep, filled with the same sort of material as that
surrounding and covering it. In the débris were bones of a young
bear, a large stag, a fowl the size of a chicken, fish, and turtle.

At 107 to 111 feet, in the east wall, was a mass mainly of mussel
shells, though containing many periwinkles, in what appeared to
be a pit dug into the mound when it had reached a height of nearly
4 feet (pl. 75, a). They had seemingly been poured in, all at one
time, and the hole covered over as the building of the mound was
continued. They were clean and fresh looking, with no admixture
of earth, and the deposited shells above them showed no sign of
disturbance. They rested on a thin, irregular layer of earth which
extended beyond the limits of the pit on every side. In the mass
were a few cooking stones and near the center was a rough block
of limestone weighing about 20 pounds. The rocks seemed to have
no connection with the shells. There were no marks of fire about

55231 °—28——29

4492 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

the pits; the shells were empty when placed in it; so it was nothing
in the nature of a “clam bake.”

Views of sections in different parts of the mound are presented
in Plate 76, a, showing the stump of a large tree which was dug out;
Plate 75, 6, along the west bank; Plate 76, 6, the end of the trench,
the worked over material, and the ditch cut through this to expose
the west bank.

The first human bones were found at 55 feet, on the eastern side
of the trench. They belonged to a youth of 13 or 14 years. There
were parts of skull, vertebrae, and limbs, all broken into small pieces.
Among them were scraps of pottery. South of these, and continuous
with them, in a small pile, were some broken bones of an adult. It
is difficult to avoid the conviction that these fragmentary bones were
the remnants of a cannibal feast.

At several other places in the trench were discovered human bones
similarly broken or scattered, and pointing to the same conclusion.
A few of them may have been dragged from their original resting
place by groundhogs or other burrowing animals which had tun-
neled into the mound; but there were very few runways made by
these animals; besides, most of the fragmentary bones thus found
were packed in among shells which had not been disturbed since
they were deposited. Moreover, although rodents would gnaw bones,
they could not break them in such way as to leave sharp edges; and
the few runways that existed were smoothly worn and free from
débris, as the shells will not settle into small cavities.

The first burial found was at 65 feet, in the west face of the trench,
3 feet above the bottom. The body had been closely folded and
laid with the head toward the southeast. The bones were soft and
crushed; the teeth much worn.

A foot to the south of this skeleton, 6 feet east and 3 feet higher,
was another closely folded skeleton with the head north. This, also,
was of an old person; the bones were crushed, so that only the
humerus could be measured. It was 13 inches long.

A singular feature in connection with these skeletons was that on
or against the pelvis of each was another pelvis from which the leg
bones belonging to it extended in a straight line with the back or
body of the individual by whom it was placed. This gave to the
bones, as they lay in the shells, the appearance of belonging to a per-
son with two sets of legs, one set drawn up against the front of the
body, the other set projecting horizontally. No trace of any upper
parts of the bodies belonging to these extended limbs could be dis-
covered; and that only the bones themselves, denuded of flesh, had
been placed here was further indicated by the fact that they were
not quite in their proper order, one fibula, especially, being exactly

‘W1V ‘MS353YO NMOL ‘dVSH T115HS
WOYS SLNAWSAIdWI SNOLS '?-p *37LS3d ‘9 -GNNOW GNVISI| DOH WOYS S30VWdS ‘¢ ‘2

eZ 3LV1d LYOd3SY IVWANNV HLYNOsS-ALYOS ASOIONHLA NVOIMAWY 3SO Nva4dns

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 75

a, MASS OF SHELLS FILLING A PIT IN SHELL HEAP

b, WEST BANK OF TRENCH IN SHELL HEAP

FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 76

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

IN SHELL HEAP

a, EXCAVATION

IN SHELL HEAP

b, END OF TRENCH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 77

a, FRACTURED FIBULA FROM SHELL HEAP. 6, CURVED TIBIA
FROM ALEXANDER MOUND. c, CURVED TIBIAE FROM HOG
ISLAND MOUND

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA A443

reversed. Nothing of an artificial character was found in either
erave. Although the amount of shells separating the two denoted
a long interval between the interments, the methed of burial in both
cases, as shown by the position of the bones, was practically identical.

At 69 feet, in west wall, were the lower left leg and foot bones of
one person. These were not broken before being deposited, as was
usually the case with segregated bones; the latter condition indicates
cannibalism, while the former may be due to all other bones of the
corpse disintegrating and dissolving; instances of such disappear-
ance being frequent.

At 75 feet, 16 feet from west wall, 444 feet from bottom, was a
skeleton extended, on back, head northeast. The bones were too
fragile to pick up; the ulna was 1314 inches long. The skull was
in numerous fragments, but most of these were secured. Under this
skeleton, but separated from it by 3 to 4 inches of clean, unburned
shells, was a fire-bed burned to a bright red to a depth of 2 to 4
mehes. It had no apparent connection with the interment.

At 80 feet, under the west bank of the trench, in a hole dug only
§ or 6 inches into the subsoil, was the closely folded skeleton of a
young person; the teeth were but little worn, some of them not at all.
It lay on the left side, head northeast. At the neck were four beads;
two cylindrical and one of ordinary form, apparently of burned
clay; the fourth of a stone resembling compact steatite. (PI. 71, 6.)

Five feet east from the last skeleton was another, closely folded,
head nearly east. The bones were in small pieces and very soft; the
teeth not much worn. The femur measured 16 inches. The skull
lay on a flat rough slab of limestone about a foot across.

At 88 feet, on west side of trench, was a skeleton folded into the
smallest compass and pushed down in a squatting position into a
hole which seemed too small to hold an ordinary body. The legs
were to each side of the ribs. While the larger bones, especially
toward the bottom of the grave, were tolerably solid, the upper bones
were much decayed. The scapulae and two or three of the cervical
vertebrae were still remaining, but there was nothing left of the skull
or even of the teeth. As the vertex of the skull would have reached
the surface of the mound, and the place it should have occupied was
6lled with a mass of roots, it had probably entirely decayed. Among
the bones were two finely chipped flints with long barbs, part of the
lower jaw of a small dog, a staghorn flaking tool, and a sharply
pointed sliver of bone. Had the skeleton only been buried, especially
without the cranium, it is not probable that these things would have
heen placed in the grave. As the flints were of different pattern and
finer finish than any others found in the mound, and the form of
burial was so unlike any other, this was no doubt an intrusive burial.

444 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH. ANN. 44

At 85 feet, 19 feet from wall, a foot above bottom, was the skele-
ton, in small fragments, of a child 7 or 8 years old. At the neck were
a burned clay bead 1%4 inches long, a jasper bead 1 inch long, and
47 small disk-shell beads; there may have been more of the latter,
as it is easy to overlook shell objects, unless large, in such conditions.
(ed barely es)

At 95 feet, 18 feet from west wall, were fragments of bones of
an infant. The head was entirely enclosed in a mass of small
mussel shells. With it were 2 long cylindrical, 1 barrel-shaped and 4
disk-form shell beads. (PI. 71, d.)

At 99 feet, in the west bank, 4 feet from the top of the mound,
were fragmentary pelvic and leg bones scattered among the shells
as if thrown in at random. This also probably indicates a feast
on human flesh.

At 100 feet, 15 feet from west bank, in a shallow hole in the
natural soil barely large enough to contain it, was the closely folded
skeleton of an old person; the few teeth remaining were worn down
to the gums. It lay on the right side, head north. The skull was
saved, in small pieces; the other bones were too decayed to bear
handling.

It is scarcely necessary to state that all burials in the earth below
the shells antedate the beginning of the construction of the mound.

Near the grave just described was a hole of irregular form, about
2 by 3 feet, longest east and west, and 18 inches deep. It was filled
with shells and earth which had apparently settled in from the
mound above it. There was no indication of fire in or around it,
no trace of bone, no artificial object of any kind. It had every
appearance of a grave, but if a body had ever been put here every
vestige of it had disappeared.

At 103 feet, in the middle of the trench, 18 inches above the bottom,
was the closely folded skeleton of an old person, on left side, head
east. The bones were very fragile, but the skull was almost intact,
though only some fragments of the lower jaw remained.

Close to the last grave was a hole 2 feet across, extending 18
inches into the natural earth. There was nothing in it except five
flints, all of which were broken before being deposited.

At 110 feet, 3 feet from west wall, 18 inches below the top of the
mound, were fragments of arm and leg bones, a skull, and a few
other pieces of a skeleton. None of it except the parts found had
been placed here.

At 118 feet, in the center of the trench, 2 feet beneath the mound
surface, were small pieces of skull, parts of the upper and the lower
jaw, with teeth much worn, and pieces of arm bones. The last two
items can only mean cannibalism.

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 445

Also at 113 feet, near the last-named bones, was a closely folded
skeleton on left side, head south, in the usual fragmentary state. The
bones were small; the teeth were much worn, and some of them de-
cayed. One tibia had suffered a diagonal fracture about 3% inches
long near the ankle; there was perfect union and complete healing.
(Pl. 77, a.)

At 114 feet, in the east bank, a foot above bottom, were the frag-
mentary bones of two infants, nearly of the same size and neither
apparently over two years of age, possibly less; the bodies were
closely folded, heads in contact, and bones intermingled.

At the same distance, in the center of the trench, was a hole 3 feet
in diameter, dug a foot into the soil. On the bottom lay some rough
flat rocks on which was the closely folded skeleton of a man much
above the average size. It lay on the right side, head south. The
teeth were worn down into the gums; on some, the entire enamel was
gone. The bones fell to pieces at a touch. At the breast were a
tubular shell bead 3 inches long, bored from each end with a conical
hole, the perforations meeting at the center in a hole the size of a
large pin; also, two very symmetrical and highly polished cylindrical
beads an inch long made of red jasper streaked with black. (PI.
71, e.) Among the bones were several broken flints and two unfin-
ished ones. Lining the margin of the depression were waterworn
bowlders of quartzite from 5 to 50 pounds in weight. Altogether,
on the bottom and around the side of the grave were 13 of these
large stones.

At 115 feet, 6 feet from west wall, was a grave 3 by 2 feet, dug
14 inches into the earth. A folded skeleton lay on the bottom, on
right side, head east. Placed over it were four stones from 20 to
35 pounds weight. It could not be determined whether these had
been supported in some way or were placed directly on the body. At
the bottom of the hole, in the center, was a flat limestone slab on
which the hips rested. The bones were large; the femur was 1814
inches long. The teeth were quite solid, though worn to the roots.
A single jasper bead (pl. 71, 7) lay at the neck. Under the slab
at the bottom were a human tooth and two finger bones, probably
dragged there by mice. In the grave were a broken and a large,
roughly worked flint; these were probably accidental.

At 118 feet, near the east side of the trench, 18 inches below the
top of the mound, were portions of the skeleton of a youth; the bones
were not “knit.” There were parts of a femur; of the two tibiae;
fragments of skull, of ribs, of the pelvis; some vertebrae; two bones
from the foot. These were scattered in confusion, as if thrown from
a basket. There can be no doubt that this individual appeased the
longings of some persons who were desirous of a change of diet.

446 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

At 120 feet, 3 feet from west face, was a folded skeleton on left
side, head northeast. The teeth were large and much worn. With
these bones were intermingled some bones of a smaller person;
probably there was a double burial.

As most of the skeletons found thus far were near the west side
of the trench, it was decided not to go farther southward, but to
carry the excavations westward. The results were disappointing;
less was found than had been uncovered near the wall which had
so far marked the boundary of the work.

At 70 feet, 3 feet west of the former wall, 2 feet below the surface
of the mound, was a folded skeleton, on right side, head north. The
face lay upward, but the skull may have rolled to this position.
Only three teeth remained in the lower jaw; all the others had
been lost so long before death that the bone had become solid, ob-
literating the cavities in which they had grown. (PI. 88,6.) There
were a few teeth from the upper jaw lying among the bones of the
head; the roots of these were swollen and deformed from disease.
Not ail of the bones were found; those still present were too fragile
for removal. ‘They were of medium size, and there was a pronounced
anterior curve to the tibiae, like those shown in Plate 77.

At 100 feet, a foot west, were several fragments of skull, with part
of a lower jaw; no other bones had been placed with them.

At 110 feet, 4 feet west, a foot above bottom, were some parts of
a small, aged person; the bones were no larger than those of a child
12 or 13 years old, but most of the teeth had been lost before death
and those remaining were much worn. The forehead was narrow
and sharply receding, with heavy ridges above and especially to each
side of the eyes; the skull was quite thick; the nose was prominent.
(Pl. 89, a.) The bones lay in a bed of charcoal and ashes, but they
were not in the least burned. Only the skull, some vertebrae, and
fragments of arms, ribs, and pelvis, were in the grave; not a frag-
ment of the leg bones remained, if they were ever there.

Some further search was made in this direction, but as there
seemed to be nothing to justify continued effort the work was
abandoned.

The total number of skeletons, or rather of osseous deposits indi-
cating intentional burial, was 19. The fragmentary bones indicat-
ing cannibalism, or scattered among the shells as if carelessly thrown
in, are not included in this count.

Tue Hoc Istanp Mounp

On the bank of the river, a mile below the shell heap just described,
is an earth mound about 50 by 60 feet, longest north and south. As
the ground has long been cultivated, it is probable the shape has

£OWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 447

been somewhat changed; it was no doubt practically circular when
built. The ground on which it stands is slightly elevated above that
immediately around it; the top of the mound is about 4 feet higher
than the general level of the field. A space 25 by 40 feet was marked
off on the surface of the mound, making allowance for the original
margin and for the earth which had washed or been plowed down
toward it. A narrow trench was cut around the mound, its outer side
corresponding with the limits mentioned.

On the east side, at the outer edge of the trench, just under the
sod, were portions of a skeleton. The bones were of ordinary adult
size, but the ends of the larger bones were not “ knit,” showing that
the individual had not attained maturity.

On the west side, opposite this, just under the grass roots, were
portions of a skeleton; the bones were of ordinary adult size. These
may have been intrusive burials.

On the southeast side, about 3 feet above bottom, were three pieces
of a double crescent or reel-form object of beaten copper; it seems to
be made of several very thin sheets hammered together. There were
two small perforations in it. It was either broken before being de-
posited or had been corroded after ; not all of it was found. The miss-
ing portions—only a small part of it—had been lost or had weathered
away. There was nothing with or around it, and it seemed to have
been lost or hidden; but as it was later discovered that it was directly
over the large grave to be described later, it was possibly a votive
offering or in some way connected with the burial below, as it was of
the same pattern as those found in the grave. This specimen is shown
in Plate 78, 6. :

The trench was made 3 feet wide, within the limit of 40 by 25 feet
marked off, but should have extended farther toward the margin, as
nine skeletons were found in it at various points above the natural
surface. They pertained to individuals aged from about 14 to about
40; not one of them had anything buried with it. They were in
various positions, flexed or extended, on either side, with heads in
any direction.

The ground in the vicinity is strewn with flints, mostly rough,
unfinished, or broken, and with periwinkle shells. Very many of
these objects were scattered promiscuously through the structure,
being gathered up with the earth. Near the south end was a mass
of shells nearly a foot thick with scarcely any earth among them;
evidently they were gathered up from a refuse heap.

A skull of an adult was collected in many pieces.

Loose in the earth, near the top of the mound, was a spade of
amphibole schist, commonly known here as “ granite”; it was simi-
lar to but smaller than those found deeper in the mound. Such
“spades” are rather common in this region.

448 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH, ANN. 44

In the lower jaw of one skeleton all the molars and much of the
bone had disappeared from pyorrhea or similar disease; lying on
the bone remaining was a single copper bead which must have been
placed in the mouth after death, as it could not well have fallen to
the spot where found; the bone with which it was in contact was
much stained.

On the east side, mostly in the trench but extending a short dis-
tance under the outside wall, was a grave 814 feet long, 4 feet wide,
and dug 2 feet deep into the natural soil. In this were four skeletons,
two lying side by side on the bottom, the other two directly on these.
The bodies were extended, heads to the northeast. One of those on
the bottom was about 6 feet 4 inches long, the bones very large; the
tibiz had a very pronounced anterior curvature (pl. 77, ¢), while
the processes for attachment of muscles on the femurs were large
and rugged. With this skeleton, near the neck or breast, were several
copper beads (pl. 78, ¢) ; on the right side of the pelvis was a double-
crescent of sheet copper. (PI. 78, d.) The skeleton immediately
under it had a similar object of the same pattern, similarly placed.
(Pl. 78, a.)

There was a coating on each of these plates which it was thought
might be remains of fabric or skin. A careful microscopic examina-
tion was made by Mr. Gerrit S. Miller, jr., and Mr. Frederick
L. Lewton, curators in the United States National Museum, both of
whom report that they can find no trace of fabric, hair, or hide; but
that there are faint impressions which may be due to feathers, al-
though these traces are too indistinct for a definite statement to be
made.

Between this grave and the central portion of the mound was an-
other grave, a foot deep, containing a single skeleton of ordinary
size, extended, head northeast. Under the head lay a large spade,
showing evidence of much use; it was 14 inches long and 4 inches
wide (pl. 74, @); under the head was another 1414 by 514 inches;
while under the pelvis lay one 18 by 5 inches, the thinnest and most
carefully finished large “agricultural implement” of this character
ever found about here (pl. 74, 6). On the breast were a few disk
shell beads and three made from a large shell; the last were convex on
one side, concave on the other, and drilled lengthwise. The femur
of this skeleton measured 171% inches. The skull was much flattened
front and back, apparently by being deformed in childhood. It is
shown in Plate 87, a, 0, ¢.

On the south side, 2 feet from bottom, was the skeleton of a young
person, the bones not yet “knit”; with it were one cylindrical bead,
and two short beads, of copper.

At center, a foot above bottom, was the skeleton of an infant,
the teeth not through the gums, unless perhaps the front ones.

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 449

Across the hips, mashing the soft bones to the thickness of blotting
paper, was a spade 171% by 6 inches; this was unfortunately nicked
in two places by the pick before its character was ascertained.
There were also a few disk shell beads.

The surface on which the mound was built was slightly undulat-
ing; the greatest depth at any point was 4 feet, though it was prob-
ably higher when constructed.

Burials were in four tiers; the graves, about a foot to 2 feet deep;
on the surface of the earth; about 2 feet above the bottom; and
near the surface. The last were probably deeper originally, the
surface of the mound being now lowered by erosion. The infant
at the center was the only burial at that level.

In all, 20 skeletons were discovered; there may have been more
burials, as scattered bones here and there might have belonged
with those counted, or may have been all that remained of still
others.

Tue Fiar-roprpep Mounp

On the left (west) bank of Town Creek, nearly 2 miles above its
mouth, stands a mound of the type variously designated as “ sacred,”
“temple,” “royal,” “domiciliary,” “residence,” “residential,” “as-
sembly,” “priestly,” “religious,” “community,” “refuge,” and per-
haps other names, according to the idea of the writer as to what
the builders may have had in their minds that induced them to
erect it. Such structures may have served for any or all of the
purposes which have been supposed to explain the cause of their
existence.

It seems scarcely reasonable to believe that people who had to
carry earth in skins and baskets would feel inclined to erect a spe-
cial mound on which to perform each particular ceremony that
seemed to them to be necessary for the expression of their senti-
ments or duty. Having one satisfactory gathering place, they
would make use of it whenever the occasion required, for whatever
purpose they might have needed it.

The structure was approximately rectangular in form, the longer
axis northeast and southwest; there was nothing in the topography
or the surroundings which required this deviation from cardinal
lines. Owing to a dense growth of brush and weeds on the surface
and slopes, and to former cultivation of the lower portions, the
dimensions could not be accurately estimated. A survey, as exact
as the nature of the case would permit, gave the following dimen-
sions at the base: Southwest end, 103 feet; southeast side, 167 feet ;
northeast end, 84 feet; northwest side, 188 feet.

99 06

450 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

The corresponding measurements of the flat top were 58 feet; 130
feet; 47 feet; and 135 feet. The angles varied from 77 degrees to
109 degrees (fractions omitted). A plan is shown in Figure 7.

The top is not level, having a slight slope in the direction of the
creek. The summit is about 9 feet above the general level of the
field around it. To the west, on somewhat higher ground, there was
an aboriginal village.

A trench 10 feet wide was cut entirely through the shortest diam-
eter of the mound, near the center, and carried into the undisturbed
earth below. The original top soil was completely removed for a
distance of 65 feet, which figure practically corresponds with the
breadth of the structure across the top; the slopes on the sides
accounting for the remaining width at the base. It was not deemed

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Fic, 7.—The flat-topped mound at mouth of Town Creek, Ala.

worth while to excavate the sides to a greater extent than would
serve for the easy removal of the loosened material to the outside.
For the entire depth the earth was mottled or mixed, showing
that it had been obtained at various places in the vicinity. Occa-
sionally there were distinct horizontal seams or divisions, as if the
structure had been carried to a certain height and work then sus-
pended for a time, but in no case did one of these level areas extend
entirely across the mound. Invariably they merged at one end or
at both ends into earth which seemed to have been deposited con-
tinuously. If any such cessation of labor took place it did not con-
tinue a sufficient time for vegetation to acquire a foothold—assuming
that plants or grass might have been allowed to grow. At the bot-
tom the original surface was very plainly marked by such decayed
growth, the earth being quite dark for a depth of several inches.

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 451

On the bottom, where they had originally lain, and in the body
of the mound where they had been carried in with the earth, were
occasional fragments of pottery, pieces of flint, and burned rocks,
but such objects were very rare; much fewer than is usual in such
structures. This is the more remarkable by reason of the surface
in the vicinity being strewn with such evidences of former occupa-
tion. Possibly the explanation is that the mound is older than this
particular village, but there is no other place near which bears any
evidence that the builders lived there.

In the north wall of the trench, 5 feet within the line from which
the west side of the mound begins to slope toward the bottom, was
the outer edge of a hole 4 feet across, which had been dug 2 feet into
the earth prior to the beginning of the mound. The sides and bot-
tom were irregular and rough. It was filled with loose black earth;
and the material composing the mound, for a distance of 5 feet above
it, was also looser than the material surrounding it, as if the decay
of some perishable substance had allowed it to settle.

A similar but somewhat smaller hole was in the trench, 6 feet to
the southeast of this one; but the earth above it seemed in nowise
different from that around it.

There was nothing artificially worked in either hole that had been
intentionally deposited. A large post may have stood in each, but
if so, no traces of wood, either burned or decayed, remained, though
the dark color and loose texture could well have been produced by
wood which had so thoroughly rotted that no marks of it remained.
If they were graves, which is improbable, there was nothing in them
to indicate such fact.

Mounps Near THE FLar-Torrrep SrrRucTURE

No. 1—About 100 feet south of the large mound was a mound 3
feet high and 30 feet across at the base. Town Creek had under-
mined and cut away 4 feet of the eastern side.

At 2 feet south from the apex of the mound was a mass of burned
earth and ashes, apparently from a fire made in a hole dug into the
mound after its completion. At the bottom of this hole, if such it
was, lay an irregular limestone slab measuring 22 by 25 inches across
and from 3 to 5 inches thick, brought from the bed of the creek.
Although this showed no evidence of having been exposed to heat,
it was covered with a layer of ashes 3 to 4 inches deep. Above the
ashes was a mass of burned earth; above this, mixed burned and un-
burned earth; then hard-burned earth again. The entire mass was
3 feet across and 2 feet high. The earth surrounding this filled-in
material was burned to a brick-like hardness for 2 or 3 inches into
the undisturbed part. Possibly a body had been cremated, but if so,

452 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

no trace of bone was left nor any object which might have accom-
panied the ceremony. It is difficult to understand how a fire as hot
as this evidently was had left no marks on the stone; the ashes lay
directly on it. The stone itself was a foot above the bottom of the
mound, there being below it that thickness of dumped earth in which
were a few water shells and scraps of charcoal. That the fire was
made in the hole is proven by the condition of the sides; the ashes
resulted from it. The burned earth filling it may, however, have been
thrown in later.

Plate 66, 6, shows the stone as it appears after the earth had been
removed from over and around it.

The mound was cleared out down to the subsoil over a space 18
feet across. There was nothing else in it.

No. 2.—A hundred yards south of the large mound, near the bank
of the creek, was a mound which after long cultivation was about 2
feet high. Its base merged so imperceptibly with the level field that
the breadth could not be determined. A circle 25 feet in diameter
was marked off around the center, as near as this could be guessed at,
and the earth within this line removed to the subsoil.

On the west side, 12 to 18 inches above the bottom, was a mass of
ashes, charcoal, and burned earth, which extended over fully one-
half of that side and had resulted from a fire or fires made when
the mound had reached that height. It was not regular in level,
outline, or thickness; most of the fuel had been entirely consumed,
though there was some charcoal left, the pieces varying in size from
small twigs to chunks or branches 4 inches thick. On the north edge
of this fire bed was a deposit of ashes, fully a bushel in quantity,
which had been raked from the bed and piled here; a layer of char-
coal, continuous with the main deposit, extended unbroken over
them and for 3 or 4 feet beyond.

At the assumed center was a hemispherical depression of a gallon
capacity filled with clean ashes. The earth around it was slightly
reddened by heat.

Loose in the earth were the usual pottery fragments, pieces of flint,
and similar refuse gathered up in the earth used for building.
Among the pottery was a piece with a handle of unusual form
(pl. 79, a) and another showing a typical southern form of stamped
impression. There was also a discoidal made of a siliceous stone,
with a deep pit on each face. (PI. 79, 6.)

There was no indication of a burial and no worked object of any
sort that had been intentionally deposited.

Tuer ALexanperR Mounp

On the farm of J. S. Alexander, 8 miles southeast of Moulton,
in Lawrence County, was a mound 614 feet high and a little more

vOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA F 453

than 50 feet in diameter. Although it had been plowed across
several times its symmetry was not thereby impaired, and it remained
a typical example of the so-called “conical” form of burial mound.
Standing on the highest part of the field. near the bank of a swamp,
its conspicuous position produced an impression that it was much
larger than its actual dimensions.

The surface of the ground around it was strewn, over an area
of more than an acre, with the usual débris of an ordinary village
site. Small flint implements were especially abundant. There were
also many mortars, pestles, and cooking-stones, denoting that the
site was occupied by a people who derived their subsistence partly
from hunting and partly from farming.

The general situation was such as to lead to the belief that the
mound was worth investigating.

The lower portion of the structure had been subjected to cultiva-
tion for many years, with the result that the superficial earth for a
few feet above its base had been dragged out upon the general level
of the field. As it was not necessary to remove any of this, a line,
which it was thought would fall slightly within the original margin,
was marked out on the plowed ground. This approximately circular
perimeter measured 135 feet, thus inclosing an area almost exactly
43 feet in average diameter.

A trench 2 feet wide, with this line as the outer limit, was carried
entirely around the mound as a preliminary to beginning a complete
investigation. The object of digging this was twofold: First, to
ascertain whether the line was at a sufficient distance from the center
of the mound; secondly, to afford a convenient way of disposing of
the earth to be removed, by throwing it continually toward the foot
of the slope on the outside. The trench was carried down into the
undisturbed earth upon which the mound was built. Almost at
once it became apparent that the limit should have been placed
farther out. At the end of the first day’s work, before the encircling
ditch was carried entirely around, the fragmentary remains of
fifteen skeletons had been exhumed. None of the bones could be
preserved except a few from the hands and feet; they would not
hold together when the earth was removed from around them.

On the west side, close to the outer margin of the trench, were
the remnants of at least two skeletons; they seemed to have been
extended, with the heads north, but not enough of them was left to
make certain that such was the fact. There may have been more
than two. They were encased in earth which had been burned hard,
although the bones showed no marks of burning, not even being
discolored by the heat.

454 *ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

In that portion of the trench which bordered the southeast quarter
of the mound were nine skeletons. Most of them were folded,!
though some may have been bundled. In nearly every case many of
the bones had entirely disappeared and those remaining were soft,
crushed, mostly resembling ashes, or having the consistency and
appearance of coarse, unbolted corn meal. <All ages were represented,
from infancy to advanced maturity, as denoted by the condition of
the teeth, some being only slightly worn, others very much so.
Various stages of dental decay were observed, ranging from slight
discoloration to almost complete destruction of the teeth, even the
bony structure being sometimes involved.

With one skeleton was a single flat-cylindrical shell bead an inch
long, drilled lengthwise. With another were three similar beads.
Under the skull of a third, which was extended and lay nearly east
and west, was a spade 5 by 1114 inches, placed at right angles to the
direction of the body. Below this skeleton was another, folded,
head nearly east, in a shallow grave; on its right arm was a spade
also 5 by 1114 inches. On the east side of the mound was a large
skeleton, folded, head east, packed in hard unburned clay. Near it
was another, which had with it a hatchet of a dioritic rock com-
monly called “ greenstone,” 1314 inches long. (Pl. 80, g.) It had
been purposely broken in two pieces and laid by the body, the edge
by the point, as 1f carefully placed. Near this broken hatchet was
a smaller perfect one at the back of the skull of an adult skeleton,
covered with burned clay, which was extended, on the back, head
north. A large limestone rock lay over the head.

On the east side, a few inches under the surface of the mound, loose
in the earth as if dropped or carelessly thrown in, was a spade which
was struck with the pick and badly broken. Three feet north of this,
at a slightly lower level, was another, under similar conditions; it
also was “found” by being struck with the pick.

1 As applied to skeletal remains, “ folded” means that the body, soon after death, was
drawn up into a small compass, the knees at the chin, feet against the hips, hands
usually at the breast or shoulders. ‘‘ Bundled’’ means that the bones, denuded of flesh,
were placed in their proper positions in the grave, or at least an attempt was made so
to place them. Frequently the builders, in their ignorance of anatomy in its details,
misplaced one or more bones. Sometimes this furnishes the only clue as to whether a
skeleton is ‘ folded”’ or “bundled.” The bared bones may have been brought from a
“house of the dead,” which is a structure or place having a purpose similar to that of a
receiving vault in a modern cemetery; or they may have been previously interred and
removed; or ‘‘bone pickers” may have stripped the flesh from the bones soon after
death. ‘“ Bunched” means that the disarticulated bones had been earried from some
other place, thrown out of the basket or other carrier, and allowed to remain as they
fell, except that the skull was sometimes placed on top of the pile.

In giving the position of objects found, “ bottom,” “ bottom of the mound,” “ general
level,” “natural level,’ “soil,” ‘top soil,’ ‘‘top of ground,” “ natural surface,” “‘ sur-
rounding level,’ ‘ surrounding surface,” ‘ original level,’ “ original surface,” are terms
used to avoid continued repetition of the phrase ‘“ original or natural level of the earth on
which the mound was erected.” ‘In’ means the horizontal distance from the encircling
line at which the excavation was commenced. ‘“ Up” means the vertical distance from
the bottom.

GNNOW YSO0NVX3S1V WOYSs ‘2 “GNNOW GNVISI DOH WOUYS ‘Pp 9 ‘q‘» 'SLOAPEO YAdd09

8Z 31LV1id 14Od3yY IVNANNVY HLYNOS-ALYOS ADOIONHLA NVOIYAWY 30 NVSuNs

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 79

a,b, OBJECTS FROM MOUND 2, MOUTH OF TOWN CREEK, ALA.
c,d, e, OBJECTS FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 80

HATCHETS FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 81

ORNAMENTS FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

GNNOW YSAGNVX4AT1V WOYSsS SA0VdS

8 3LV1Id LYOdSY IVANNY HLYNOS-ALYOS ADOTIONHLA NVOIYAWYV 3O NVvaydng

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 83

a, CONCH SHELL; 6, STEATITE PIPE; c, MARBLE PIPE; @, e, CUP-
STONES. FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 455

It may be stated that all “spades” mentioned herein are made of
amphibole or amphibolic schist. The implements have considerable
range in length and width, but there is not much variation in
thickness.

On the west side, 4 feet apart, were two infants lying on the
natural surface. One was only a few weeks old; the other about 2
years.

In a burial case of burned earth, in the southwest quarter of the
mound, were the bones of an infant whose clavicle was less than
11% inches long. Fragments of a large, thick conch shell lay with it.

On the south side at the original level were three skeletons lying
close together, two adults, and a youth of about 15 or 16. One head
lay east, one west, one north. All were folded and encased in burned
clay. The bones of the youngest were somewhat charred; it would
appear that the heat had been sufficient to burn them through the
clay. With the head, which was directed toward the north, were the
outer whorl of a conch shell, a piece of galena weighing nearly 2
pounds, and the central portion of a flat gorget of steatite, both ends
of which had been broken off across the perforations.

These three skeletons lay directly on the earth which filled a grave
about 4 by 5 feet, dug 18 inches into the earth. This grave, which
extended beyond the outer limit of the trench, contained the remains
of eight individuals whose bones only had been interred, or at least
only the bones of some of them, as it would not have been possible
to place eight bodies in so small a space. All ages were represented.
There had been a very young infant, of whom only the teeth re-
mained, all other parts having disappeared; a child whose permanent
teeth had not yet come through the gums; a person whose teeth
were worn down to the roots; and various ages between these. The
bones were so decayed and in such confusion that nothing definite
could be ascertained as to their arrangement or the manner of
interment.

The trench being now completed, it was reasonably certain, from
the number of skeletons found in it, and especially from the large
grave reaching out beyond it on the south, that other burial places
would be found in the undug portions of the mound on the outside.
To go farther in this direction, however, would have required the
second removal of all the earth thrown out; and as the season had
already extended beyond the period at which the fall rains usually
set in, it was deemed best to disregard this outlying portion and
proceed at once with the excavation of the main structure, which
now seemed larger when viewed from the trench than the intact
mound had looked when seen from a little distance away.

For convenience of description, the area examined inside of the
trench will be divided into eight sectors. directed toward the cardinal

456 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

and intercardinal points. Horizontal distances, until near the cen-
ter, will be measured from the outer limit of the trench; vertical dis-
tances from the original level of the natural surface.

NORTH SECTOR

Remains, of whatever character, were less frequent in the north
sector than in any other.

At 3 feet in, on bottom, was a pile of bones indicating a bundled
or bunched burial.

Four feet in, 3 feet up, was a spade by some teeth and fragments of
skull; there were no other bones.

Eight feet in, a foot up, loose in the earth, was a broken hematite
gorget. It had apparently been elliptical in form, with two perfo-
rations, but had been broken across one of these. ‘The fractured end
had been ground smooth and another hole drilled nearer the center.
(Pl. 81, a.)

At the bottom, 8 feet in, was the skeleton of a slender person, ex-
tended, on back, head east. The body had been covered with fine
yellow sand, with a deposit of red clay at either end. The teeth
were considerably worn, indicating at least middle age. It may have
been the skeleton of a woman.

A few inches east of the skull of this skeleton was another skull,
apparently belonging to a body which extended eastward. Most of
the bones of these two burials were disintegrated until they resembled
coarse yellow corn meal.

Ten feet in, on bottom, was a folded skeleton, head southeast. One
femur of this was the only large bone so far found which could be
taken out entire; it measured 15 inches in length.

On the bottom, 12 feet in, was a folded skeleton, the head toward
the east, with some lumps of clay laid against it.

NORTHEAST SECTOR

Six feet in, 2 feet up, was a skull, crushed flat. There were no
other bones.

Loose in the earth, 10 feet in, near the surface of the mound, was
a spade 514 by 15 inches. (PI. 82, a.)

NORTHWEST SECTOR

Twelve feet in, 18 inches up, was the folded skeleton of a young
adult, the femur measuring 1414 inches. It lay on right side, head
northeast. In front of the face was a spade 4 by 13 inches, whose
smoothly worn surface proved that it had long been in use.

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 457

EAST SECTOR

On the bottom, 2 feet in, was a folded skeleton, on left side, head
south. The skull, which was crushed flat, lay upon a spade. The
body had been covered and surrounded with very tough clay which
came away in small flakes.

Five feet in, 3 feet up, was a roughly finished but much used
spade, 1714 by 534 inches. A foot lower and 2 feet north of this
was a thin slab of stone 2134 by 914 inches; it had been slightly
worked around the edges, evidently with the intention of being con-
verted into a spade, but showed no indications of having been used
assuch. (Pl. 82,¢.) Both of these were loose in the earth.

Three feet in, 12 feet up, were fragmentary remains of two skele-
tons, too much decayed for their position to be determined.

Four feet up, 14 feet in, was a layer, not horizontal, of crushed
and decayed bones which seemed to be the remains of at least two
bodies; but nothing certain could be made out in regard to their
position.

Near the center, 2 feet up, were soft and broken bones of three,
perhaps four, children 8 or 10 years old. They were in such small
space that if buried with the flesh on they must have been closely
folded and Jaid in a pile. Near them were fragments of an adult,
with teeth only slightly worn. The skull was incased in very tough
yellow clay.

WEST SECTOR

Five feet in, 3 feet up, was a skull encased in red clay, the forehead
much flattened. The appearance of the earth indicated the burial
of a body, but no other bones could be found.

Under this skull, a foot above bottom, was a folded skeleton, on
left side, head north. The ends of the bones were not knit. The
right hand lay toward the head: the left arm was straight toward
the knee. Between the body and the left forearm was a slender,
symmetrical hatchet 11 inches long. Under the head was another
hatchet 8 inches long (pl. 80, a), highly polished, with ogee edge.
It lay on what had been a solid stone that had disintegrated into fine
yellow sand. There was a string of disk shell beads around the neck,
32 of which were recovered. All the bones were in fragments,
crushed flat.

Six feet in, 3 feet up, was a bunched skeleton. The skull was
broken and crushed by the pressure of the earth. Both knees
were under the skull, all these bones being in contact; other
bones lay on, under, and around them, though the skull seemed to
have been placed on top of the others when the interment was made.

Two feet north of this, in a shallow grave, was a folded skeleton,
on left side, head north. The femur measured 17 inches; the tibize

55231 °—28——30

458 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

had a pronounced anterior curve. (Pl. 77, 6.) On the skull was a
piece of galena 5 or 6 ounces in weight, which had been rubbed to a
somewhat cubical form, with one face rounded. (Pl. 79, c.) At the
top of the head was a tomahawk 814 inches long. The teeth were
only slightly worn, the last molars not at all so. Some of the teeth
were overlapping.

A foot above the last was a folded skeleton, head northeast, of a
young person of large stature. At the side of the skull lay a spade
11 inches long.

Two feet up, 12 feet in, was an infant a year old, folded, on right
side, head north.

Six feet to the southeast of this, a foot lower, was another infant,
the bones too crushed and decayed for the position to be made out.

From 81% to 12 feet in was a grave nearly 3 by 4 feet, longest from
east to west, dug 22 inches into the natural earth. On the bottom was
the folded skeleton of an infant a year old, on left side, with head
west. By the neck were a number of thick disk shell beads; on the
skull, fitting it closely, was part of a conch shell; two other pieces of
the same shell were placed on the hips, which lay in a small bed of
ashes. A broken hatchet 714 inches long (pl. 80, 6) lay on the
bottom of the grave.

On the bottom, 14 feet in, was an extended skeleton, on back, head
east. A hatchet 13 inches long lay between the femurs, with the sharp
end between the knees; the upper end was slightly broken. (Pl. 80,
7.) The bones were of medium size; the teeth somewhat worn.

Almost exactly above the last, with a foot of earth intervening,
was another skeleton in the same position. A spade 5 by 12 inches
lay under the head. At the neck was a fragment of conch shell and
one shell bead, both almost disintegrated; there had probably been
other beads. With these bones were some bones of a small child.

Three feet in, 16 feet up, were the mingled bones of a baby and of
a young person whose teeth were not worn. Among the bones were
some barrel-shaped and some disk beads of shell, so soft that only a
few of them could be saved.

Four feet north of the last, a foot higher, was a folded skeleton,
head east; the bones were so decayed as to render it uncertain on
which side the body was laid.

SOUTHWEST SECTOR

Four feet in, on the original surface, was a folded skeleton, on right
side, head south. The teeth were much worn. Under the skull was
a spade 41/4 by 10 inches; under the spade, a pipe of white crystalline
limestone, probably marble (pl. 88, ¢), the bowl 234 inches high, the
stem 2 inches long.

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 459

Five feet in, 18 inches up, was the folded skeleton of an infant a
few months old.

On the natural surface, 13 feet in, was an extended skeleton, on
back, head northeast. The femur measured 1634 inches. In the
pelvis, resting on the lumbar vertebrae, was a reel-shaped, unper-
forated, copper gorget (pl. 78, 7), the extreme measurements of
which are 334 and 214 inches. At the left shoulder was a hatchet
11% inches long. (PI. 80,d.) Under the pelvis was a piece of galena
about 24 ounces in weight, one face rubbed smooth and nearly flat,
the angles ground off. A smaller piece, also rubbed, lay near it; and
seven other pieces, all of them smali, angular fragments, were scat-
tered irregularly from the pelvis nearly to the left shoulder. The
skull lay, with the face down, to the south of its proper pesition. No
teeth could be found, nor any trace of either the upper or the lower
jaw. A groundhog burrow which passed by the skull probably ac-
counts for their absence and for the displacement of the skull.

Thirteen feet in, 314 feet up, was a skeleton so decayed that its
exact position could not be determined, except that it was folded,
with head northeast. The teeth were much worn, crowded, over-
lapping, and several of them were badly decayed. At the shoulder
was a large pipe of compact steatite (pl. 83. 6), the stem 4 inches
long, the diameter of the bowl 2% inches at the top. Loose in the
earth, within a few inches of the pipe, were fragments of a large
conch shell, and a very small, much corroded, entire one.

Three feet up, 14 feet in, were bones of a very young child, which
had been laid on the side, with the head south. Some barrel-shaped
beads, a number of small ocean-shell beads, and a hatchet 5°4 inches
long (pl. 80, ¢) were at the head and neck.

It is remarkable that hatchets such as this and the broken one men-
tioned above should be buried with infants. They certainly could
not have been used as implements, and would scarcely have been
regarded as toys by very young children. They may have been
placed with the bodies as a sacrifice, or as an expression of grief.

From 3 to 11 feet in was a grave dug into the subsoil to a total
depth of about 2 feet. On the bottom of this. extended, on the back,
was the skeleton of a middle-aged person about 6 feet high, of large,
even massive frame. The head was to the northeast, or toward the
center of the mound. At the neck were many shell! beads of two dif-
ferent types, disk and short cylindrical. On the bottom, on either
side, toward the lower end of the grave, were all the parts of two
large spades which had been purposely broken before being deposited.

SOUTHEAST SECTOR

Three feet in, a foot from bottom. was a folded adult skeleton, head
northeast.

460 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

Three feet east of this, 2 feet up, was the folded skeleton of a child
about 8 years old. Most of the first teeth were still present, though
some of the second set had been cut.

Four feet in, 2 feet up, were the remains of two individuals. The
bones were piled in promiscuously, in such a way as to show they
were entirely disarticulated before being placed there. A foot east
of these, on the same level, similarly thrown in, were the bones of one
individual.

Three feet east from these, a foot lower, was a similar pile; and
beneath this, another. The last two each contained the bones of only
one person.

Four feet in, 2 feet up, were the bunched bones of two skeletons, as
shown by the fragments of two skulls, with the teeth. They had
been laid or thrown on the ground when the mound had attained this
height, and the building-up continued over them. Just to the north
of this deposit, a foot up, were the similarly bunched bones of a young
person. Although all the other bones remaining were in confusion—
one femur being exactly reversed yet with the head placed in the
socket where it belonged—the bones of one foot were in their proper
order as if that member had still retained the flesh when it was placed
here. Such conditions probably mean that “bone pickers” had been
employed.

Just above the last was another pile of bunched bones; and con-
tinuous with these, extending to the west, on the same level, were
parts of two other skeletons.

Ten feet in, 3 feet up, were pieces of skull with traces of other bones
of a folded skeleton, on left side, head south.

Fourteen feet in, some bones of a child fell out of a large clod
which came down when the bank caved. No other bones could be
found in the bank or in the loose earth that had fallen.

SOUTH SECTOR

On the bottom, 4 feet in, was a mass of much broken, burned
human bones, lying in confusion as if dumped from a basket. That
they were carried in from outside, and were not burned and raked
together where they lay, is proven by the fact that the earth about
them showed no signs of fire. Among them was part of the bowl of a
large pottery pipe. By the skull was a piece of galena weighing
about half a pound. The teeth were worn to the roots. A tubular
bead of copper three-fourths of an inch long was probably in the
mouth, as the teeth and jawbone were stained on the inner as well
as on the outer surfaces.

Three feet west of the last, 18 inches up, was the skeleton of an
old person. The position could not be ascertained, except that it

rowkE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 461

was not extended and that the head was east. The lower jaw con-
tained only the five front teeth, all the others having been destroyed
by disease, which had also wasted the bone to half its normal size.
(Pl. 88, a.) Apparently the individual had recovered, such of the
bone as was left being solid and smooth. The sockets of the missing
teeth were entirely obliterated.

Eight feet in was a grave dug about a foot into the red clay sub-
soil. The bottom was irregular, as if it had been dug with stone
spades; the margin was fairly smooth. At the south end was a skull,
crushed into small pieces which held together in a mass as if they
had been cemented. The few remaining pieces of the upper body,
as well as the pelvis and lower extremities, were corroded as if they
had been subjected to treatment with acids, and appeared to be petri-
fied. All these remains were covered with a few inches of mixed
earth, on which lay the closely folded skeleton of a large adult; the
femur was 171% inches long. Only the lower limbs of this superposed
body lay in the grave; the pelvis was near the center, the knees
against the north end. No bones of the body were found. The skull
was beyond, outside of, the north end of the grave. Where the cervi-
cal vertebrae should have been were found 24 shell beads, drilled
lengthwise. As these were almost crumbling there may have been
more originally. There was also a hatchet 6 inches long, with the top
broken off perhaps another inch. On each side of the skull was a
spade, one 1114 by 4 inches (pl. 82, d), the other 16144 by 5 inches
(pl. 82, 5).

Loose in the earth, 3 feet above the last skeleton, were many small
fragments of conch shell.

Less than 3 feet east of the grave just mentioned was an extended
skeleton, on back, head east. Some of the bones were in fair con-
dition except for the disintegrated joints. A few of those belong-
ing to the upper part of the body seemed to have been burned, though
this appearance may be due to other causes. With these exceptions,
all the bones were in their natural condition. Near the pelvis were
24 shell beads, half cylindrical, drilled lengthwise. At the neck
were 40 or 50 copper beads, still retaining portions of the string
which had held them; it was made from the fiber of some stringy-
barked plant. (Pl. 78, e.) These beads were of rolled sheet copper,
most of them very short, though some were nearly an inch long.
By them was a shell disk 3 inches across with a central perfora-
tion three-fourths inch diameter. (Pl. 81, 6.) With the shell beads
Was a piece of galena about a pound in weight, which had been
ground and rubbed smooth over almost its entire surface.

Two feet up, 12 feet in, was a trace of a baby’s skull. Two cylin-
drical shell beads were with it; probably others had decayed.

462 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

Fourteen feet in, near the surface of the mound, loose in the earth,
was a spade 15 by 5 inches.

At the same distance in, a few inches beneath the surface of the
mound, on a thin layer of clean sand, were some fragments of bones
of a very small infant.

CENTER

As the center was approached the space to be excavated narrowed
until objects found could not be assigned to any particular sector,
so this method of locating them can not be followed.

Near the center, 3 to 4 feet up, were bones of an adult, scattered
about by a groundhog which had made its burrow among them.

Occasionally an investigator becomes unduly excited over a dis-
covery which might be considered as somewhat in the nature of a
practical joke unconsciously or unintentionally perpetrated. Just
east of the center, a foot above bottom, the shovels uncovered the
feet of a youth of small size. The work of exhumation was carried
forward toward the head, which lay to the south. Among the
remains were found screws with square ends, handmade nails, and a
brass pin. Visions of mound-building Indians of a date so recent
that they had the opportunity of procuring articles from white
traders at a date preceding the beginning of a mound thrilled the
workers. When the skull was reached, it proved to be that of a
Negro boy 7 or 8 years old, and a little more digging revealed the
walls of his grave.

At the center, or directly under the apex of the mound, was the
skull of a skeleton which lay in a shallow grave, extended, on the
back, with head northeast. It was of medium size, the teeth not
much worn. At the pelvis was a hatchet 8 inches long.

Directly above the last skeleton was another, extended, on back,
head southeast. The frame was massive; the teeth indicated middle
age. It lay on a thin streak of wood or bark so decayed as to resem-
ble ashes. ‘The pelvis rested on the skull in the grave below, with
only the thin layer of woody material separating them. At the left
side of the skull was a large conch shell (pl. 83, a) ; the whorl and the
apex were separate, but whether this was due to intentional breaking
before burial, or happened afterwards, is uncertain. At the neck
was a string of copper beads. Between the femurs, with the point
resting against the pelvis, was an unfinished hatchet 1714 inches
long. (PI. 80, e.)

There was no entire pottery in this mound, and none that seems
to have been deposited intentionally. Scattered throughout the earth,
however, were quantities of fragments carried in with the earth.
They presented a great diversity of markings and decorations.

Some of them are shown in Plate 84.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 84

POTTERY FRAGMENTS FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 85

SKULLS FROM THE SHELL HEAP

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 86

SKULLS. a, 6, FROM SHELL HEAP. ¢, FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

GNNOW GNW1IS! DOH WOYS TINMS GANSLLV14

8 3LV1d LYOd3Y IWANNV HLYNOA-ALYOS ADOTIONHLA NVOIYAWY 4O Nvau9nd

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 88

JAWS AND TEETH. a,c,d, ALEXANDER MOUND. 6,SHELL HEAP,
MOUTH OF TOWN CREEK, ALA.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 89

a, FRAGMENT OF SKULL FROM SHELL HEAP. 8, c, JAWS AND
TEETH FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 90

SKULLS. a, 6, FROM SHELL HEAP. c, FROM ALEXANDER MOUND

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 91

SKULLS. a, 6, HOG ISLAND MOUND. c, ALEXANDER MOUND

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN ALABAMA 463

The stratification of this mound was so unusual in its slopes and
curvatures as to make it almost a certainty that it was of three
different ages or periods of construction. There was a small mound,
of which the grave at the south side, containing the eight skeletons,
was the center. This held a large number of bodies. There was
another burial place to the northwest of this, similarly piled up but
without any distinctive central feature; the margins of these two
coalesced or overlapped. Which of these two may have been con-
structed first could not be learned. Later, the three burials noted as
in the graves near the center were made at the junction of the two
little mounds, on their north side. Earth was piled over these and
over successive burials above them and extended on every side until
the result was the apparently single, simple conical mound as it
stood before the excavation began.

In Plates 85 to 91, inclusive, are to be seen such skulls as could be
partially restored, along with jaws and teeth that show effects of
disease and wear. They are from the Shell Heap, the Hog Island
Mound, and the Alexander Mound.

The similarity of burial methods and of the material discovered in
the Hog Island and the Alexander mounds indicate that they are
due to the same tribe and period. The shell heap seems to be the
work of an unrelated people. The relics found on some village sites
in the two counties denote that the dwellers supported themselves
principally by agriculture. The remains at other village sites seem
due to a people whose chief support was from the chase. When all
the facts are considered, it seems clear that this region has been
occupied by at least two different “ nations.”

Oruer Mounps 1x Coitpert aND LawreNCcE CouNTIES

At Oakville, 8 miles southeast of Moulton, rectangular flat-top
mound, 18 to 20 feet high, about 200 feet across at base.

Close by, a small mound plowed nearly level.

A fourth of a mile north, conical mound 11 feet high, 75 feet
across. Modern cemetery.

Small mound cn west side of Oakville Lake; also one on east
side.

Mound 6 feet high, 50 feet across, on Buck Kitchen farm, 2 miles
southeast of flat mound. Modern cemetery.

Two small mounds 6 feet high on Pullen farm, on bank of Town
Creek, near Iron Bridge.

Du Bose mound, 2 miles south of Courtland, 15 feet high. Much
dug, but center apparently intact.

464 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN, 44

Harris mound, 3 miles north of Courtland, 11 feet high, 50 feet
across. Has been tunneled and shafted, but apparently bottom was
not reached.

Gilchrist mound, 4 feet high, 20 feet across, 7 miles east of north
from Courtland; in a large depression or sink hole. Artificial, but
may not be aboriginal.

Two small flat-top mounds, 4 feet high, 50 feet across, on river
bank opposite lower end of Gilchrist Island.

Small mound, with a barn on it, on Gilchrist Island.

Large mound, about one-third shell, on Gilchrist Island. There
is an immense amount of village-site débris on this island.

Very large shell heap on Wheeler land, near Lock 2.

Mound reported on Hampton farm, 3 miles east of Alexander’s.

Village sites are numerous, especially along streams.

ARCHEOLOGICAL REMAINS IN SCOTT COUNTY, ARK.

A report came to the Bureau of American Ethnology that—

In Scott County [Arkansas], about 2% miles northwest of the county site,
Waldron, appears to have been an old Indian village of great extent. The
ground for acres is strewn with stone implements of various forms and ma-
terials. There is some broken earthenware mixed with shells. There are some
mounds (low, 2 to 10 feet). There are wagonloads of stone mullers worked,
principally rectangular or round; these are vast in number and varied in form;
there are bones, some apparently implements or ornaments. Also many bits
of crystal and glazed pottery.

Such a site would offer a highly desirable field for investigation.

The informant did not exaggerate in the least; the conditions are
as he states them. But being unfamiliar with archeological evidences
he did not interpret correctly.

There are several places on Poteau Creek where Indian villages
of considerable size existed; but they have been searched so often
and to such good purpose that very little remains on the surface.
Since the settlement of the region by whites floods are more frequent
and much higher than formerly; some old sites are washed away
and others are hidden by sediment. Sometimes a skeleton or a pot
is struck by a plow; at once, in such cases, there is great haste on
the part of collectors and curiosity hunters, many of whom have
built up a good trade in such things, to dig up all that may be found.
It is useless to search for burial places, as there are no surface indi-
cations of them; only the plow or a freshet reveals what may be under
the ground.

There are, as stated, great numbers of mullefs, pestles, grinders,
polishers, and flat mortars, but these are invariably the natural, water-
worn forms of the stones, whether square, rectangular, or circular.

FOWKE] REMAINS IN SCOTT COUNTY, ARK. 465

The only alteration on any of them is that resulting from use. The
Indians could find any quantity of such rocks of the character they
desired, without the trouble of working them into shape. Crystals
large enough to make arrowheads may be found in the adjacent
mountains; flint—generic term here for chalcedony, quartzes, quartz-
ites, chert, and a compact, granular, siliceous stone easily chipped to
a sharp edge or point—occurs at many places within a few miles.
The “ glazed” pottery is not aboriginal, being merely fragments of
jugs in which farmers carried water to the fields. The low mounds
(2 to 4 feet) are house mounds. The “mounds” higher than these
are the product of erosion; their surfaces were often utilized for camp
sites and much débris is scattered over them. Nothing is found in
them except now and then a shallow grave; and when one of these
does occur it clearly pertains to an intrusive burial, and, as stated
before, there is never anything on the undisturbed surface to give a
hint of what may be underneath. These higher elevations are
usually called mounds by residents, and many persons believe them to
be artificial.

House mounds exist in great numbers. Doctor Bevill, of Waldron,
made a careful count of those in township 3, range 30, being the
township, 6 miles square, lying from 3 to 9 miles west of Waldron;
he found 7,560, which is an average of exactly 210 to the square mile.
They appear to be as abundant in other groups, although there are
many areas of a square mile or more where none appear.

Doctor Bevill has excavated “at least 75 or 80, perhaps more,”
of these house mounds in various parts of Scott County. In all
cases he found charcoal on the natural surface on which they were
built. There were no human bones in any of the mounds he opened,
or on the natural level beneath them, although under each of three
mounds was a grave dug in the original soil or earth to a depth of
16 or 18 inches. Some charcoal was found in all these graves, but
nothing else; and as there was no evidence of burning or heat, the
charcoal must have been carried from somewhere else.

S. R. Sherrell, of Waldron, has excavated 53 of the house mounds.
He found charcoal at the base of most of them. As his digging was
done principally from the top, in the central part, he may have
missed old fire beds which were to one side instead of in the center
of the house.

Sherrell found evidence of burial in six or seven of those he opened,
but the human bones thus uncovered were invariably in the body
of the mound, a foot or so above the bottom; which is sufficient proof
that they were intrusive. The most striking of these cases was on
the Taylor farm, 3 miles north of Waldron, where a farmer plowed
out a clay vessel. A school-teacher, hearing of this, enlisted the
services of his pupils and “tore the mound all to pieces.” They

466 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH. ANN. 44

found “several skeletons” and “a good many pots,” but in their
eagerness “smashed up everything,” and could give no intelligible
account of anything they saw or did, further than to recount that
there were “skeletons, bowls, pots, some of them with necks, and
some rock things.” Sherrell arrived on the scene in time to examine
a small portion which the teacher had not yet attacked. In this he
found a skeleton which “by measure, was 8 feet long. There was a
large stone pipe near the head, two pots at the feet, and some other
things.” As there was at least a foot of the original body of the
mound undisturbed between the remains and the natural surface,
there is little doubt that all these things were of a period later than
the construction of the mound.

Doctor Bevill and Mr. Sherrell are men who know what they are
doing and what they are saying; and their statements of what they
did and what they saw are beyond question. Both assert that if they
were in quest of graves they would have no idea where to look;
there is no surface mark of any kind to serve as a guide. So with
the few mounds in which later interments were made; there was not
the shghtest indication that anything might be found in them until
the plow turned out bones or relics.

Doctor Bevill, in a few instances, found bones or worked objects
at the bottom of a house mound; but never any human bones. From
his description of the position and appearance of these few finds it
is manifest that they merely happened to be there when the root
fell in.

From the excavations in the vicinity of Waldron, from investiga-
tions in similar mounds in other parts of the country, and partic-
vlarly as a result of Harriman’s work in the Washita Valley, it may
be considered as a settled fact that, with possibly a few exceptions,
all the low flat mounds so abundant in the old Caddo territory, ex-
tending east to the Mississippi, north to the Missouri, and west to
their limits, owe their existence to the decay of timbers in the roof
of an earth-covered Caddo dwelling place.

THE STRATMAN CAVE IN MARIES COUNTY, MO.

A little more than 2 miles south of Gascondy, the point at which
the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railway crosses Gasconade River,
is a cave on the farm of Henry F. Stratman. Its opening is 100 feet
above the river, on the side of a hill 150 feet high. The slope to
the stream, which flows immediately in front, is as steep as tough
elay and angular rock will stand; the approach to one side from the
top of the hill is less difficult.

The appearance of the reentrant cliff walls on either side, and the
amount of talus and débris between them, suggested that the material

rOwWKE] THE STRATMAN CAVE 467

accumulated within the cave must be of considerable depth, perhaps
as much as 30 feet. There was no moisture in or about the entrance,
although the floor was damp and drops of water hung to the roof
at 40 or 50 feet within.

Altogether, conditions seemed quite favorable for the preservation
of traces of any human occupancy which may have existed here
at any time in the past.

The slope in front was covered with weeds and brush; but at places
where the earth was exposed could be seen fragments of pottery and
flints and many mussel shells. Within the cave itself, however, very
little of such refuse was observable, owing to dust which had
collected.

Across the entrance was a ridge of débris washed down by rains
from the hill above; the crest of this was 2 to 3 feet higher than the
level floor farther in.

A view of the front of the cavern is given in Plate 92, a. A close-up
view, after the loose material had been removed, is given in Plate
92, b.

In order to find rock bottom, a trench was started on the outside
slope at a point 30 feet from the entrance and 16 feet lower than
the floor level. The earth was dark, almost black where wet, and
very tenacious, resembling Missouri River “ gumbo” soil. Kitchen
refuse was sparsely distributed through it. This depth was chosen
merely for convenience; had it proven insufficient, additional excava-
tion would have been made. But it was actually a little greater
than necessary. Solid rock was reached at a level 14 feet below
the floor, and at a distance of 13 feet out from the present edge of
the cavern roof. Both the bottom and the roof once extended farther
cut than at present, as shown by the large broken rocks encountered
in the work. Being less exposed to destructive influences, the floor
had receded less than the roof; erosion of the former ceased when it
became covered with débris, while the wearing away of the latter
has been continuous.

But evidently the bottom was for a long time exposed to the air;
for it is worn so smooth that the shovels slipped over it as over a
wooden floor.

The rock layers along this level had been laid down in shallow
water, near a shore line; for not only were there no traces of fossils
but sand was intermixed with the lime to such an extent that in
places, after nearly all the lime had leached out, it held the original
form of the stratum. Moreover, the stratum next beneath the upper
one had the tessellate or mosaic structure seen in mud deposits where
eracks, formed in drying, have been filled later and the entire mass
hardened together.

468 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—IL [PTH. ANN. 44

Above the rock bottom, near the front, were three distinct forma-
tions. First, lying on the bottom, a thinly laminated, still-water
deposit of mingled sand and clay of varying colors—red, gray, pur-
ple, green, and others—and spread quite evenly from side to side.
Beneath the ridge of talus under the drip of the roof—which line
is assumed as the entrance—it was about 2 feet thick.

Next above this stratified material was a mass 8 to 11 feet thick,
of angular rocks ranging in size from small gravel to blocks weigh-
ing 4 or 5 tons, the interstices so closely filled with tough yellow
clay that the whole mixture formed a solid mass which effectually
resisted all attacks with pick and crowbar until loosened with dyna-
mite. As much of the latter was required as would have been
sufficient to break up an equal volume of solid stone. Its upper sur-
face was very irregular.

The large stones in this deposit had fallen from roof and walls;
the smaller were partly derived from this source, and partly had
been carried in by a stream from the rear of the cave, which had
also brought in the clay. Some of these are shown in Plate 93,
a and 6.

Above the last-mentioned deposit, filling the inequalities and level-
ing itself up to make the entire thickness of about 14 feet behind the
talus ridge, was a mass of very dark earth, such as had formed the
upper surface from the outer end of the trench. Some of it was
loose as garden earth; some of it like tough clay; and all of it waxy
when wet. Rocks of all sizes were thickly dispersed through this,
as through the mass below; but it could all be removed with pick
and shovel and wheelbarrow, no dynamite being needed except to
break up the large blocks.

These various features are shown in Plates 93 and 94.

Scattered through the black earth, from bottom to top, were frag-
ments of pottery, parts of vessels of varying capacity and thickness;
chert knives or spearheads, none highly finished; hundreds or
thousands of mussel shells, more or less decayed. They were dupli-
eates of similar objects found so abundantly on the numerous camp
sites and village sites along the Gasconade. The worked objects were
few, and scattered throughout the mass—nowhere more than a few
pieces in a cubic foot of earth, sometimes not a scrap being found
within an area 3 or 4 feet across. This denotes temporary occupation,
at irregular intervals, over a long period of time. Yet the cave was
not altogether merely a resort for hunters or war parties; in addition
to the pottery, which shows at least occasional sojourning, there were
fragmentary bones, too fragile to secure, of a child 2 or 3 years old;
of another, somewhat older; and of a small adult, possibly a woman.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 92

Tae
See
Ri ret!

a, ENTRANCE TO STRATMAN CAVE

b, EXCAVATED AREA INSIDE OF STRATMAN CAVE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 93

b
LOOSE ROCKS IN STRATMAN CAVE DEPOSITS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 94

b, ROCK BOTTOM AND STRATIFIED SILT NEXT ABOVE IT

NISYVW GAdVHS-A HLIM 1VGIOOSIG BAVONOOId ‘9 “3NOLS DONIHLOOWS
GaLlveoOsydsad ‘@ “ANOLSHYAWIANVH VW SV GSN ‘NOILSYONOOD LYSHO ‘» “SAVO NVWLVYLS WOYH4 SLOSZraoO

$6 3ALVId LYOd3aY IWANNVY HLYNOS-ALYOS ADOIONHLA NVOIYSAWY 40 NV3aYN

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 96

TYPICAL FLINTS FROM STRATMAN CAVE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 97

a, CHERT SCRAPERS, SIDE VIEW

b, BONE, CLOSELY RESEMBLING A CHERT CORE
OBJECTS FROM STRATMAN CAVE

FOWKE] THE STRATMAN CAVE 469

These bones were in different places, but all were near the present
surface; and there were no other indications of burials.

The only specimens found worthy of note were a small hammer
made of a chert twin-concretion, both ends bearing evidence of long
service; a sandstone pebble with one unfinished and three completed
perforations apparently for smoothing leather or rawhide strings
and a narrow deep groove on one edge for sharpening small bone
needles or similar objects; and a double-concave discoidal stone of
syenite with V-shaped margin. These are illustrated in Plate 95.
Typical flints are represented in Plate 96. Side views of the three
scrapers are given in Plate 97, a, the larger having a finely chipped
regular edge, one of the others being a broken implement originally
approximately hemispherical in shape.

Fragments of bones were found here and there in it, apparently of
deer for the most part, though some of the teeth were large enough
for an elk. There were also bones of smaller mammals. Some of the
pieces had been gnawed by small rodents.

In the lower few inches, mostly at the extreme bottom, was a small
quantity, probably a large cartload, of waterworn chert pebbles.
Originally these had been inclusions in the limestone; released by
weathering, they had been smoothed and rounded by rolling along in
the sandy bed of a running stream, scoured by the fine silt in which
they came to rest, and finally, by the latter means, so highly polished
that many of them have a vitreous or glazed surface.

The most probable explanation of this deposit is that a pile of
débris, of which no part now remains, formerly extended from wall
to wall some distance in front of the present entrance and held
back water coming from the interior, thereby allowing the trans-
ported sand and clay to settle. A swirling motion in the water,
due to a projecting ledge or other obstacle, would account for the
polish on the pebbles. It is certainly not in any manner artificial.
That the pond was, at least sometimes, deeper than the thickness
of this sediment is shown by the fact that this is somewhat higher
on each side where it extends over projections from the lower part
of the side walls.

In the finely laminated silt near the center of the cave was found
the object shown in Plate 97, 6, enlarged two diameters. Whether it
is of natural or artificial origin was a moot question. It closely
resembles a core or nucleus of chert from which flakes have been
struck off; but after a microscopic examination Dr. J. W. Gidley,
of the United States Geological Survey, pronounces it “ fossil bone.”
E. V. Shannon, of the United States Geological Survey, says “it
reacts strongly for phosphoric acid with some carbonate and is
completely soluble in dilute acid and has the structure of bone.”

470 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

There are no marks of teeth to indicate that it was gnawed by
rodents, and it is hard to imagine that any animal could cut it
so symmetrically. On the other hand, it is equally difficult to
understand how such, and so many, narrow flakes could be struck
off from so small a piece of bone, by either pressure or percussion,
or why bone should be worked thus even if it were feasible to do so.
The irregular distribution and arrangement of the facets is evidence
that the object has not been artificially produced. This view is held
also by Mr. W. H. Holmes. To assert that it is of human origin is
to claim that man existed in this region at a time many thousands
of years earlier than is denoted by anything else yet found in
America. Considerable topographical changes have taken place while
this specimen has been quietly reposing in its bed of silt.

Tt is remarkable that while the upper, or dark, stratum contained
very many rocks, and the stratum next below this was composed
principally of rocks cemented with tough clay, the bottom layer was
almost free from them. The few found were small, none of them
weighing more than 5 or 6 pounds. There was even a scarcity of
small gravel, except the chert pebbles as noted above.

The general appearance of the excavation, including the rock
bottom (in the foreground), the underlying clay and rock, the dark
upper stratum, and the rock walls, is well shown in Plate 93, b.

A small trickle of water, first observed at the foot of the east wall
near the entrance, where it disappeared in a crevice, was traced back
nearly to the center of the cave where it emerged from a small open-
ing. It was easily controlled by a little dam of clay in which a pipe
was set. A few feet beyond this, water suddenly issued from the
face of the excavation in four places, the combined streams being
sufficient to fill a 2-inch pipe. In a few minutes it covered the floor
and began to saturate the earth that had been thrown toward the
front.

The base, or bottom, of the excavation was then transferred to a
plane just above these streams, or about 4 feet above the rock bot-
tom at that point. The side walls were rapidly converging here, and
at 29 feet within the entrance they were only 614 feet apart at 9
feet below the level of the cave floor; 114 feet lower than this, they
were only 6 feet apart. The laminated material, which had been left
below when the excavation level was raised, reappeared here; it may
lave been continuous, with a downward slope. The earth now became
too soft to shovel out; a bar forced down into it reached rock bottom
within 2 feet, or 1214 feet below the cave-floor level, showing a rise
of the rock. When the bar was withdrawn water rose nearly to the
top of the hole. This put an end to the work. The character of the
deposits at this stage is presented in Plate 92, 0.

A plan of the cave is given in Figure 8.

FOWKE] THE LANSING SKELETON 471

ROCK STRATUM. LEVEL WITH CAVE FLOOR

PANS SSN ANAT ASS AUN TCA INN FY ANNI
ZINN ANANSI NTLAAS EAL UANS SQUAT IN A AY
: \ as

fi! NUNCA <

Lo! yids PHAN SRA LU Leet
CO NET EASED TTT SC ATRL OT YA VTCUAAh Wk cte
UT Hie ! ASTUTE BHIERS ERG Cr

wy
R

at 10 15 ZO eg OO) So SOP T-

Fic. 8.—Plan of the Stratman Cave
THE LANSING SKELETON

Following the report, in 1902, that a human skeleton had been
found deeply imbedded in the bluff formation facing the Missouri
River, 20 miles above Kansas City, many geologists and archeologists
visited the site of the discovery.

For several years there had been active and widespread discus-
sion among students along these lines, in regard to the antiquity

472 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

of man in America. Various objects which were undeniably of
artificial character, that is, bearing clear evidence of fabrication
or manipulation by human hands, had been unearthed from gravel
beds or found at great depths in alluvial deposits, under condi-
tions which placed it apparently beyond dispute that they were
a part of the formation in which they were found and that the
material above them had not been disturbed at any time since it
was originally laid down. These discoveries seemed conclusive ;
the claim was made, and apparently was in a fair way to be sub-
stantiated, that the human race in America dated back to the clos-
ing, if not to the intermediate stages, of the glacial epoch; that it
roamed to the very foot of the ice-sheet in its later advance as
well as during its retreat. A few, unwilling to accept this view
until its certainty should be proven beyond question, took the posi-
tion that the objects might not be so old as was claimed; that
comparatively recent specimens could be as deeply covered through
the agencies of floods, landslides, or even ordinary erosion. So
the whole argument as to “very ancient or relatively modern ”
resolved itself into the query, “ What is the nature of the material—
sand, gravel, soil, or whatever it might be—in which this implement
was found? Is it part of the original glacial deposit, or has it
been redistributed, perhaps several times, by later erosive agencies? ”
Upon the determination of this question depended the solution of
the problem.

Earlier arguments were based less upon actual knowledge of con-
ditions than upon enthusiasm, hope, or perhaps to some extent upon
“ the prejudice of preconceived opinion.”

As there was no possibility that the remains of this primitive
Kansas settler could have been placed where they were found after
the superincumbent earth was laid down, it was hoped and expected
that a careful study of the situation would furnish new data from
which there could be developed a more definite knowledge of the
geological position of America’s first inhabitants.

Unfortunately, such investigation as it was possible to make at the
time was not sufficient to accomplish the desired result. Ardent
advocates on either side of the controversy found, or thought they
found, ample evidence to justify their respective positions. One was
satisfied that the deposit was the original loess; the other was no
less positive that certain indications pointed unmistakably to later
modifications. ‘Those more cautious or conservative were unwilling
to make a decisive pronouncement either way. There the matter
rested.

In order to gain additional information for further study, a series
of excavations was undertaken in various directions from the point
at which the skeleton was found. A detailed account of this work

FOWKE] THE LANSING SKELETON 473

will now be given. <A brief description of the locality and of the
manner in which the remains were brought to light will make the
particulars more intelligible.

Owing to the peculiar composition and structure of the loess form-
ing the Missouri River bluffs it can easily be removed with pick and
shovel, and yet resists erosion almost like masonry. A vertical wall
of it, as a railway cut or a river bank, will stand indefinitely if not
undermined ; even a deep well, if protected as high as the water rises
in it, needs no further attention. Farmers take advantage of this
property to run tunnels in from the face of a bluff to any desired
depth to make storage rooms for fruit or vegetables.

Four miles from Lansing, the Missouri River, the course of which
at this point is almost due south, is joined by a small stream which
flows nearly east in a wide, deep valley. Near its mouth the south
bank of this creek is a vertical rock ledge several feet high. which
extends without a break to the cliff that faces the river. At the
west, a hundred yards up the creek, this ledge ends at a minor ravine
or “wash” coming from the south. Thus is formed a long narrow
sloping point of land coming down from the upland at the south
and bounded on its three sides by the river, the creek, and the tribu-
tary ravine.

Using the surface of the ledge as a floor, the Concannons, owners
of the land and extensive apple growers, dug a tunnel into this
spur from the north to provide the equivalent of a cold-storage
warehouse for their fruit. For strength and safety this excavation
was in the form of an arch, the walls 10 feet apart at the bottom
and the top 8 feet high at the center. With these dimensions, the
vault, if kept dry, would remain intact for many years. Their entire
excavation was in the bluff deposit until it had reached a distance
of about 60 feet; here limestone and shale appeared at the bottom
of the wall on the east side. As the work progressed this rock for-
mation extended continuously farther into the tunnel, sloping like
a hillside. At 66 feet from the entrance or beginning of the dig-
ging a large slab was encountered, lying against the shale as if it
had slipped down from above. When this was removed it was
found to cover human bones. As described by the finders it looked
as if a body had been doubled up into as small compass as possible
and either shoved in behind the rock or placed against the wall and
the stone laid over it. ‘“ There were all sorts of bones; legs, ribs,
arms, and other bones.” The skull was unbroken when found and
was laid aside; all the other bones were shoveled unceremoniously
into a wheelbarrow and thrown out into the dump beyond the end
of the tunnel. Some search was made for them afterwards, but with-
out result ; the workmen had no idea where they might be, except that
“they are out there somewhere.”

55231°—28——31

474 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH. ANN. 44

The skull lay around in the tunnel for several months, and then
by some mischance was broken into many pieces. About this time
Mr. M. C. Long, of Kansas City, heard of the discovery and hastened
to the scene. He recovered most of the fragments, which were pieced
together, and the restored skull is now in the National Museum.

This was the sum of knowledge on the subject when the later
investigation was begun.

At the time the bones were discovered the Concannons had carried
the tunnel about as far as they had intended. No further digging
was done at the time than was required to straighten and smooth the
walls. The position of the skeleton was thus about a foot from the
angle or corner formed by the east wall and the south wall, or end,
of the tunnel.

In order to examine the formation more carefully, with a view to
determining its geological character, and to procure sections along
the various lines for the purpose of comparing different portions of
the deposit, additional chambers
and trenches were excavated, as
indicated by the letters A to # in
Figure 9.

So much of the earth and rock
as was examined shows this
arrangement:

First. A stratum of solid lime-
stone of unknown thickness.

Second. About 1 foot of lami-
nated or thinly stratified shale.
Vig. 9.—Diagram of excavations, Lansing, Third. A stratum of limestone

oe averaging 4 inches in thickness.
The upper surface of this was somewhat uneven, varying within
a space of a few feet from 2 to 3 inches above or below a uniform
plane.

Fourth. Laminated or thinly stratified shale, the contour of its
supface being quite irregular, apparently from subaerial erosion
which had taken place before it was covered by the next deposit.

Fifth. Blue clay or disintegrated shale filled with fragments of
limestone ranging in size from small pebbles to angular and sub-
angular blocks and slabs weighing several hundred pounds.

Sixth. Loess, to the present surface.

All work, both in the tunnel and in the subsequent excavations,
was carried along on top of the thin stratum of limestone marked
third in the above list.

The blue clay with included limestone fragments (fifth in the
section) was thickest near the point at which the skeleton was
found and sloped away in every direction in which it was exposed
during this work. This slope, or dip, was rudely stratified, the

.

rowKE] THE LANSING SKELETON A475

different layers being approximately parallel with the surface of
the mass. It seemed to be due partly to talus from the cliff and
partly to detritus carried down through a ravine from the hill to
the south and deposited where the force of the water was checked
on the comparatively level floor of limestone and shale, which is
marked third and fourth on the list.

The first chamber excavated (A) was a continuation toward the
south of the original tunnel. The apparent difference in length of
the two sides, as shown in the sections, Figures 10 and 18, arises from
the fact that the end wail of the tunnel was not at a right angle to
its direction, this obliquity being rectified in the extension.

Ji was found more convenient to remove the material here in two
sections. The first had a width of 7 feet, beginning at the west wall
of the tunnel and extending a foot east of the central line. This cut

Fic, 10.—Section of west side of chamber A

was carried to the end before the remaining 5 feet was touched. At
the east side of the section the stratified shale, next above the bed
rock, had a thickness of 20 inches, while the stratum of mingled blue
clay and stones overlying it measured about 25 inches. Both thinned
toward the west; the shale to such a degree that it entirely disap-
peared, allowing the clay, reduced to 16 inches at the west wall, to
rest directly on the bedrock.

As the digging progressed the line of contact between the shale
and the rock floor bore quite regularly toward the west side of the
excavation, which it reached at 314 feet from the face. A slab 2 feet
long and 5 inches thick, belonging in the blue clay, lay upon the bed
rock, its straight margin almost coincident with the line of the wall;
the shale began in a feather edge at the inner side of this slab and
rose gradually and evenly to the end of the cut, a distance of 9 feet,
where it attained a thickness of 13 inches. The clay also became
somewhat heavier, measuring 22 inches. The rocks included in the
clay increased in numbers; at first they did not seriously interfere
with the work, while at the end of the excavation it was difficult to
find an opening for a pick; the quantity of stone being greatly in
excess of the amount of clay.

A section of the west side is presented in Figure 10.

476 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ELH, ANN. 44

Along the east wall of this 7-foot cut the shale and clay held prac-
tically the same thickness for about 6 feet, from which line they
thinned somewhat toward the south. A slab slightly more than 4
feet long and varying from 2 to 5 inches thick was reached at 8
inches from the face at which the work was begun. It was in the
blue clay, near the bottom; the presence of two small masses of clay
under it and a depression or displacement of the shale beneath can
best be explained by the supposition that in some manner it found
lodgment in soft yielding mud lying on wet shale. This feature
is shown in Figure 11, in which the depression in the shale is slightly
exaggerated and all stones except the slab are omitted. An angular
block containing about 6 cubic feet rested on the slab in such close
contact that until loosened and forced apart they were supposed to be
one rock. No other slab as large as this was found; but from the
description given of the one which partially covered the skeleton,
these two were very similar in size and shape.

These data regarding the arrange-
ment and character of shale and clay
in chamber A will apply to the entire
space between the sections shown in
Figures 10 and 13.

At 4 feet from the initial line of
the work several large blocks which
reached nearly across the cut had
settled so compactly together that

Fic. 11.—c. Large stone lying be- they seemed to form the face of a

tween the loess and the shale : ~
ledge or minor cliff; but when un-
covered they proved to be only detached fragments imbedded in the
clay and resting on the shale.

The removal of the 5-foot section on the eastern side brought to
view somewhat different conditions. The surface of the shale in-
clined toward the southeast to such an extent that it was only 5
inches thick at the corner; the clay resting on it likewise became
thinner in that direction, thus giving a considerable slope to its upper
surface. The large slab above mentioned, as well as all other flat
rocks except a few small ones, showed the same dip; also, they
became less numerous until in the last 3 or 4 feet scarcely any were
found.

This dip of the shale toward the southeast seems to result from
the action of running water which eroded the mass unequally. The
thinning out toward the west, observed at the beginning of the
excavation, on the opposite side of the tunnel, adds to the probability
of this conjecture. The principal drainage line before the clay and
loose rocks covered the shale was a few feet to the west of the present

FOWKE] THE LANSING SKELETON 477

tunnel, as will appear later. It is quite possible that, in spreading
out near the mouth of the ancient ravine, storm water would so dis-
tribute its force as to build up a small mound like this deposit.
The regularity of the lamination and the absence of any appearance
of crumpling or squeezing in the shale are opposed to the theory that
it may have slipped from the cliff behind it; and so are the stratifica-
tion, imperfect though it be, of the overlying clay, and the uniformity
of inclination of the flat rocks included in the latter.

Fic, 12.—Section of south end of chamber A

Across the south end of this chamber—the wall which bounds the
farthest extension of the tunnel—the shale for a space of 814 feet
held about the same thickness of 13 inches as at the southwest corner ;
it then diminished to 5 inches at the southeast corner. Similarly,
the stratum of blue clay and rocks maintained its measure of 22 inches
for about 5 feet, from which point it dropped to 13 inches. The

Fic. 13.—Section of east wall in chamber A

bedrock also dipped in the same direction, being 5 inches lower at
the east wall than at the middle line of the cut. It was not entirely
smooth and level over any part uncovered, having everywhere the
slightly uneven surface characteristic of thin-bedded limestone.

Figure 12 shows this end wall in its proper proportions, though
the surface of the bedrock is not represented.

A section of the east wall is shown in Figure 13. There are omitted
from the illustration some tortuous thin streaks of lime-like matter,
apparently segregations from the blue clay in which they occur.

A78 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BPH ANN. 44

These exist to some extent in the south wall, disappearing within a
few feet. Neither is there shown an irregular streak, broken in
places, of reddish or brownish clay, nowhere more than an inch
thick, which lies between the blue clay and the loess. It belongs
entirely to the latter formation; in some places it is divided into
two or more thinner bands, enclosing loess material and soon coming
together again.

Among those who have made a study of the earth which lies next
above the clay there is some lack of agreement as to its origin. It
is principally composed of the fine-grained, yellow, silt-like mixture
of silt, sand, and clay, so firmly compacted that it m:¢ht almost be
called microscopic concrete, which forms the bluffs along this part
of the Missouri River. Whether it be true loess or not, it is so called
in this paper for the reason that the term conveys a definite idea of
its appearance.

A ventilating shaft at the end of the tunnel showed that the
loess measured 28 feet in thickness from the rock floor to the surface
of the ground above: it was the same in character from top to
bottom. It was equally uniform in all parts of the extension, A,
to such height as it could be conveniently reached with picks—an
elevation of about 8 feet above the floor. Lines, apparently of
lamination or deposition, were visible in several places at different
levels, but invariably ran out within a few feet and may have been
only in the nature of pressure-joints.

Snail shells were numerous, occurring one in a place in every part
of the loess excavated; with very few exceptions they seemed to be
of one species. Fragments of charcoal, perhaps 50 in all, varying
from small specks to pieces more than 2 inches across, were also
discovered here and there throughout the loess. In one fragment
the grain was sufficiently preserved to show that it was burned from
oak; another was willow or cottonwood; no others could be deter-
mined with certainty. A dozen or more fragments of limestone were
scattered at various levels from near the bottom of the loess to the
roof of the tunnel, some of them 2 or 3 feet from any other piece of
stone. The largest observed weighed about 3 ounces. None of them
appeared waterworn; in fact, some of the angles were as sharp-cut as
if freshly fractured. They could not have been carried in by winds;
while from their small size and infrequency it is quite improbable
that they worked down from rock strata in the vicinity. At present,
the most reasonable explanation of their presence seems to be that
they dropped from ice or the roots of trees, floating over the place
where they lay.

At one point, within a space a few inches in diameter, was a hand-
ful of calcareous globular objects closely resembling the seeds of a
hackberry, probably concretionary in their nature.

FOWKE] THE LANSING SKELETON 479

As there seemed no prospect of profitable results from further
investigation in this direction, work in chamber A was brought to
an end. The portion next examined is that marked B in the
diagram.

From a point on the east wall of the tunnel immediately opposite
the position of the skeleton a space of 5 feet each way, north and
south, was marked off. Within these lines a drift was carried in as
nearly at a right angle as the nature of the material to be removed
would permit. The southern half of this block—that is, the 5 feet
south from the skeleton—was first dug out for a distance of 5 feet,
thus cutting out a square of these dimensions.

The lower portion of the clay, next to the shale, was closely filled
with rocks of various sizes up to 100 pounds in weight; they were
mostly brownish or yellowish on the outside, as if from weathering,
and had given the clay a distinct tinge of their color, At about a
foot above the shale the stones began to thin
out, the clay in consequence assuming its
natural blue color. Within less than 2 feet
more the stones almost disappeared and the
clay took on a decidedly lighter tinge; so much
so, that the men spoke of it as “ white.”

Figure 14 represents a section of the north
wall of this cut—the first 5 feet east and west
directly east from the place of the skeleton.
A faint brownish streak running diagonally
across the upper portion, to the east side of a
large rock between the clay and the loess, is F's 14-—Section in
not shown. There is also omitted a thin fa ee
streak of limelike matter of the same character as that observed in
the east wall of chamber A; it follows a devious way through the blue
clay about where the change of color begins, with a branch reaching
diagonally upward to the west end of the large rock above.

There was a decided dip to the southeast in this block; so much
so that the rock-bearing blue clay ran out within a short distance
and the lighter colored uppermost clay came down to the shale just
at the corner.

The 5-foot block lying north of the part last figured was next
removed. Along the front (west) face of this the clay seemed to
reach its greatest elevation above the rock floor, though very little
higher anywhere than in the section just shown. No examination
was possible north from here; the strata dipped to the east, though
not so much as toward the southeast. A north and south section
at the rear of the 5 feet now removed, or midway between the east

480 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH. ANN. 44

und west sides of chamber B, is shown in Figure 15. The bedrock is
somewhat higher near the middle of this section than toward either
side; the shale, with practically a uniform thickness of 5 inches,
has a corresponding slope of its upper surface.

From this middle line the dip to the eastward continued. At
10 feet it became apparent that the clay would soon run out, allow-
ing the loess to rest upon the shale, or perhaps upon the bedrock,
and it was deemed not worth while to go any farther.

The loess in chamber B was more compact and tenacious than
any previously excavated; so much so that the upper portion was
almost as hard to remove with picks as the surface of a much-
traveled dirt road would be. No fragments of stone were found
in it; only two or three pieces of charcoal, and very few snail shells.

A fragment of human jaw had been found by the Concannons
a few inches above the rock floor in the west wall of the tunnel
some 15 feet northwest of the skeleton, and
at first was supposed to belong with it.
More careful examination and comparison
revealed the fact that it was part of a differ-
ent individual, indicating, perhaps, another
burial.

This was a matter of sufficient importance
to call for a thorough investigation. A cut
8 feet wide, 4 feet in each direction from the
point at which the jaw was unearthed, was
carried westward 1114 feet. No trace of the
Fic. 15—Section in shale or the blue clay was discovered in this

chamber B : .

chamber (C in the diagram). Some loose
stones were strewn here and there on the floor, but except for these
nothing intervened between the loess and the bedrock. Various sandy
streaks, as of lamination, appeared in the upper part of the excava-
tion, but so slightly marked that they were difficult to trace. Those
most plainly shown had a slight dip toward the south, being 3 or 4
inches higher at the north wall than on the other side of the cut.
They became fainter until they disappeared within a short distance ;
but toward the end of the chamber a few others came in, quite dis-
tinct, though limited to a width of 3 or 4 feet.

As noted in several reports made previously by visiting investi-
gators, a clay streak about an inch thick extends along the west side
of the tunnel from the doorway to the extreme end and apparently
continues indefinitely in the same direction. This streak gradually
rose toward the west, growing continually thinner, until, at about
8 feet within the chamber (C) and some 2 feet above its level in the
tunnel, it could no longer be discerned.

FOWKE] THE LANSING SKELETON 481

Several angular fragments of limestone rock, none of them over 3
or 4 ounces in weight, occurred at various levels in the loess, from the
floor to the roof; snail shells were not rare; some charcoal; but no
trace of bone, human or other, was discovered, nor anything of an
artificial character. As forest fires frequently originate independ-
ently of human agency, charcoal in such situations may be dis-
regarded. Some of the pieces found here showed granular surfaces
and clean, sharp-cut edges, as though they had never been subjected
to the wear and tear of either atmospheric or aqueous erosion.

Near the end of chamber C the bedrock abruptly ended and its
place was taken by a confused mass of broken rocks, shale, and clay,
with no definite line of separation between it and the superimposed
loess. This proved to rest, at a depth of 16 inches, on another strat-
um of solid rock. When the part within the chamber was cleared
cut it was plain that this material filled an old watercourse. The
bedrock, which had formed the floor thus far, was about 4 inches
thick; under it was a foot of undisturbed stratified shale, resting on
another, much heavier, stratum of limestone. The margin, or bank,
was irregular, as in any small stream. The farther side was not
reached in this chamber. An effort was made to ascertain its course
toward the north by running a tunnel, D, in that direction, but after
wheeling out the overlying loess (all excavated material had to be
transported to a considerable distance outside of the entrance to the
main tunnel) and then digging through 13 feet of conglomerate
almost as solid as masonry, without finding anything else, the attempt
was abandoned.

So far, the work had been altogether underground. The roof of
the excavations was nowhere less than 12 feet, vertically, below the
surface. The loess had been of the same general nature wherever
exposed; but this fact could not be relied on as a sure indication that
it was homogeneous throughout. For the purpose of obtaining
satisfactory evidence as to its character from top to bottom, a
trench 4 feet in width was begun at the roadway in the ravine west
of the tunnel and extended, on the bedrock as a base, to connect with
the west end of chamber C, as indicated by the letter E in the
diagram.

There was no mark on either wall of this trench, of slipping, slid-
ing, caving, or surface wash from a higher level; no lines of lamina-
tion or stratification; no indication of interrupted deposition of the
loess; in short, no evidence whatever that the whole formation as
here exposed was due to any other cause than a slow, steady, con-
tinuous sedimentation in quiet water. The loess rested on the bed-
rock throughout, except for a few loose stones here and there on
the bottom. Among these, near the middle point of the trench, was

482 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

a small bowlder of quartzite identical in appearance with those found
on the surface in the vicinity which were carried as a part of the
glacial drift from Sioux Falls in South Dakota.

A short distance eastward from this, and about 3 feet higher, in
the loess, was an angular fragment of stone weighing about 6 ounces,
which looked like a metamorphosed sandstone, but effervesced with
acid. It was highly colored, pink and red at one end and deepen-
ing to a purplish tinge at the other. Several smaller pieces of the
same material were found near by, also some red and yellow ochre
which results from the decay of hematite or limonite pebbles.

Scattered at random in the loess, at any level and at any point
within the limits of the trench, were other ochreous deposits, some
of them barely sufficient in amount to color the earth; angular frag-
ments of limestone up to 6 or 7 ounces in weight; snail shells; char-
coal; and streaks of gravel containing yellow ochre, rotten lime-
stone, shale, quartz, quartzite, and jasper pebbles, singly or in com-
bination. As in chamber C, some pieces of the charcoal showed
clean-cut fractures, with no trace of wear or erosion, as if they had
just been broken from a large fragment. With one exception the
streaks of gravel were very limited in extent and thickness, ranging
from a handful to perhaps half a peck. The exception was a deposit
which was reached about 8 feet from the inner end of the trench and
lay 4 feet above the bedrock. It extended beyond the trench in both
directions, being 2 inches thick at the north wall and gradually
increasing until it measured 11 inches at the south wall, under which
it disappeared. It was composed almost entirely of limestone peb-
bles, quite rotten, which, in conjunction with some fine fragments
of shale, were mingled with the loess. In all these gravel deposits
the pebbles composing them were very small, few being larger than
a pea.

Five pieces of bone were found in this trench. The first was
about 3 feet above bedrock, 18 feet from the inner end of the trench.
Tt appeared to be part of the leg bone of an animal about the size of
an elk. There was a joint, with a portion of the shaft on each side;
but it was in such fragmentary condition that it could not be readily
identified.

Three feet south of this, and 6 inches higher, was a fragment of
bone 114 inches long and half an inch in diameter, which had been
much gnawed by some rodent. The ends were cut off rather smoothly,
giving it somewhat the appearance of an aboriginal bead.

A bone as large as that from a quail’s leg was in the earth 13
feet from the inner end of the trench and 21% feet above the bottom.

FOWKE] THE LANSING SKELETON 483

At the same level, 214 feet from the end, was a fragment of rib.
Only a short piece remained; but the imprint, filled with fine earth
and minute particles of bony matter, could be traced for 5 inches.

Finally, near the end, about 8 feet above the bottom, was a part of
a jaw from an elk or a large deer. Four teeth were remaining in it.

Nothing of human origin was anywhere discovered.

Near the end of the trench the bedrock abruptly terminated, to be
replaced by débris as noted in chamber C. When an opening was
made between the two excavations the width of this old channel at
the line of the north walls was found to be 81% feet. It narrowed
toward the south; and at 414 feet from that side of the trench the
bedrock formed a curve around the end of the depression.

From the completed trench a side cut (F) was started. ‘The only
thing of importance discovered in it was a piece of limestone weigh-
ing about 3 pounds, which was imbedded in the loess 4 feet above
the floor. No other stone was near it.

It had been intended to carry this cut 20 feet or more to the south
and connect it by another tunnel with chamber A; but at 8 feet the
earth became soft and damp—evidence that a vein of water was not
far away. Under such conditions there would be danger of sliding
or caving in; and the tunnel would be worthless for storage purposes
if water were allowed access to it. Consequently the work was
brought to a close.

CONCLUSIONS

There is no reason whatever for calling into question the essential
correctness of the statement made by the Concannons in regard to
the finding of this skeleton. The indifference which they displayed
in throwing the bones out with the earth, and the further fact that
several months elapsed before the outside world became aware of
the event, is ample evidence that they did not appreciate the value
of their discovery. Had there been any intention or disposition on
their part to exploit a fake or to “play a joke” on collectors or
anthropologists they would assuredly not have treated the matter
in the way they did. Moreover, they are men who would not find
either pleasure or amusement in perpetrating such deception. ‘The
great depth of earth, 28 feet, showing no trace of disturbance, above
this skeleton proves beyond all cavil that no grave was ever dug
here. The overlying material has accumulated since the body to
which it belonged found a resting place. Consequently, at that time
the projecting point from the ridge and the narrow bench or plat-
form extending along its western side were bare rock and shale,
which was sometimes exposed to the air and at other times flooded
more or less deeply when the river was swollen. At some time prior

484 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN, 44

to this the entire area had probably been covered avith post-glacial
loess deposits that were removed later by erosion. As the ridge is
very narrow there could not have been any considerable thickness of
it even when it was heaviest. Had such not been the conditions the
body could not have been placed where it was found—against the
shale bank and covered with a large slab which had loose earth above
and around but not beneath it.

The nature and origin of the present deposit has not been fully
determined. It is certainly not loess in the original stage, but seems
to be made up of loess which has been carried in by wind and running
water from the place where it was first laid down, mingled or mixed
more or less with other material, and redeposited in quiet or slightly
moving water.

A hypothetical explanation will be attempted.

With its swift current, the Missouri River is imperceptibly but
steadily lowering the level of its bottom; consequently, in the far
past its average elevation was much greater than it is at present, with
a corresponding velocity of its current. This removed the loess from
the point at the mouth of the little creek and kept the rock clean.
While this higher general level prevailed the rock platform was
occasionally exposed during low water, and it was at one such period
that the burial occurred. In flood times the stream reached high up
on the bluffs. With a shift in the current, such as is constantly
happening in this river, slack water would then prevail on this side,
mud would settle from the backwater, and the soil from the upland
would accumulate instead of being carried away. Thus, in time, the
present formation was built up to a height of possibly 35 to 40 feet;
the ridge is so narrow that it could not attain a greater elevation.

There are as yet no data from which can be accurately calculated
the rate at which the Missouri is cutting downward. I¢ this can be
known, it will be easy to estimate the length of time that has elapsed
since low-water mark was at the level of the rock platform, inasmuch
as the crest of the great flood of 1884 barely reached its top. Making
abundant allowance for erosion, it is not probable that the highest
part of the spur was greater than the estimate just given.

If, as some geologists believe, a foot in a century may fairly repre-
sent the rate of lowering, then the age of the Lansing skeleton may
be placed at somewhere between thirty-five and forty centuries.

THE ELEPHANT BED AT KIMMSWICK, MO.

Some years ago an extensive deposit of mastodon bones was dis-
covered in the valley of Rock Creek near the town of Kimmswick,
Mo. One collection made at the site was estimated to contain re-
mains of not less than a hundred different animals. They occurred

FOWKE] ELEPHANT BED 485

at various places; in talus, in the banks of the creek and of tributary
ravines, in the earth around saline springs. They were most abun-
dant along the foot of a cliff which projected from the foot of a
hill in an angle or sharp curve, facing the west. A bone found
among these last bore so close a resemblance to a human fibula that
extended and close comparison was required to establish its identity.
While this matter was still in doubt a further examination of the
locality was made to gain, if possible, additional mformation.

It may be stated here that the bone in question, after careful
study by anatomists, proved not to be that of a human; and it may
also be said that nothing whatever was found, or has ever since
been found, at this site or anywhere else in the region, which tends
to show that man existed here as a contemporary of the mastodon.

It may be well, however. to preserve a record of the work done
here.

A trench was started at the bottom of the hill, which was 60 feet
from the bottom of the bluff. After passing down through soil
and detritus a mass of soft black substance was encountered, which
resembled macerated charcoal or the dead leaves and trash that
have been buried beneath soft mud until completely carbonized.
Under this lay what seemed to be a rocky beach which had long
been subjected to wave action, the surface being smooth and the
broken rock cemented by infiltrating lime into a breccia. Where
this was first uncovered it had a thickness of about 5 feet above
bedrock; it was not penetrated elsewhere. All the material lying
above it was removed. Its upward slope was somewhat less than
that of the overlying talus, so that at 40 feet from the beginning
the trench was 12 feet deep. It so happened that the excavation
coincided with the crest of a spur extending from the high cliff,
the rock forming its bottom sloping to the northward and the
southward as well as toward the creek. The north side, so far as
exposed, was practically the same from top to bottom, a reddish,
clayey earth, filled with angular fragments of limestone that had
broken away from the cliff. It contained no rounded gravel, though
patches of this lay on the conglomerate within the trench, while
at the bottom of the south wall it was from a foot to 2 feet thick.

At a distance of 40 feet from the beginning of the trench a
vertical wall of solid rock 2 to 3 feet high was reached. It was
either an old shore line or due to a break or slip in the strata.
Both the breccia and the black deposit overlying it came to a stop
against this rock face, the black being as thick here as at any
other place where it occurred, but not extending beyond this point.
Between the two, against the rock wall, was a narrow strip about
3 inches thick of loose, uncemented chert fragments, most of them

486 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

not at all worn on the edges, but all presenting the appearance of
having been washed clean by running water or little waves. Lying
on the bedrock, of which this minor wall was the lower margin, was
a deposit of breccia similar to that below, but nowhere more than
2 feet thick; it extended to the foot of the high cliff. It was covered
with bluish-gray clayey earth containing many small stones, and
merging into the soil above, there being no distinct line of demarca-
tion; it was very tough and difficult to pick down. Scattered
through it were large masses of débris from the cliff. No gravel
appeared in this part of the trench.

In the black deposit, and to a less extent in the clay and rocks
above it, fragments of mastodon bones were abundant. All of
them, with one exception, were so broken and scattered it seemed
impossible that they could ever have been entire at or near the
spot where they lay. The exception was a femur, in many pieces,
which might at one time have been intact where it was uncovered.
As this was near the present surface, it may have been broken by
falling or rolling stones.

No satisfactory explanation can be given for the presence of such
a vast number of these remains in so small an area, or as to why
any at all should occur under such conditions when they are rarely
found elsewhere in the vicinity.

A theory has been offered that, like the modern elephant. the
animals came to this place when they felt death approaching. But
the gravel and the conglomerate prove that the site was then under
water. Another theory is that a great herd was driven by a savage
people or by carnivorous animals to the edge of the cliff where,
being hard pressed, they plunged over to destruction. But they
could easily have made their way to the bottom on either side of
the cliff within a short distance. Another hypothesis, plausible but
not convincing, is that after they had died somewhere else the bodies
floated to this spot and were stranded. There is abundant evidence
that at the height of the glacial floods this valley was filled with
water which covered to a depth of many feet all the space between
the hills. Due to the surface drainage around this lake it would have
a gentle outflow to the Mississippi. The point on which most of
these bones are found, projecting into this lake, would cause an eddy
to form on its lower side. Carcasses floating near the shore would
lodge against the upper part of this point; those a little farther out
would swing into the eddy and stay there. When they decayed, the
bones would settle to the bottom. Sediment from the water and
talus from the cliff would cover them. Drift, also, would wash
ashore; as the water receded vegetation would follow its margin.
These would decay and form a mold over and among the bones,
accounting for the black deposit.

FOWKE] MOUND NEAR KIMMSWICK, MO. 487

The question of “how” and “ when ” is still a subject for discus-

sion; and in the present state of knowledge “ discussion ” will be as
far as it can go.

MOUND NEAR KIMMSWICK, MO.

A mile north of Kimmswick, in Jefferson County, Mo., on land
belonging to David White, is a remnant of terrace now reduced to
an area of 3 or 4acres. Rock Creek and a tributary ravine surround
it on three sides. On the level top is the site of an aboriginal village.
Casual digging at various places has resulted in the discovery of a
number of graves, and the usual débris characteristic of a settlement
appears wherever the soil is disturbed in farming or by relic hunters.
In this field stood a mound which could never have measured more
than 5 or 6 feet in height, being now reduced by cultivation to less
than 2 feet. All of the structure that lay within an elliptical space
of 32 by 45 feet was removed, to the subsoil.

Near the south margin of this excavation was a salt pan having
the shape of a bread bowl; it was 22 inches in diameter and 8 inches
deep. Although broken to pieces by pressure of the earth, the form
was still preserved. It had been made on the spot; a basin of the
proper form was dug and lined with tough blue clay to a thickness
of an inch to an inch and a half, every part accurately shaped and
smoothed, to serve as a mold. The pot was built up an inch thick
inside of this, allowed to dry, and hardened by burning light fuel
in it or by keeping it filled with live coals. Its rim was on a level
with the natural surface of the ground. This vessel had no connection
with the mound; others, similarly constructed, have been found at
several places in the field around. They were used for producing salt
from the water of a strong saline spring at the foot of the hill,
through ordinary evaporation, as there was no way to heat the water
in the pans unless by the use of hot stones.

Scattered throughout the space dug were many hundreds of pot-
tery fragments, most of them apparently thrown in with the earth,
others on and around patches of burned earth which occurred at all
levels. With some of these burned masses bones of animals were
found in such relation to the sherds as to indicate that cooking had
been done; in other cases the fragments seemed to be parts of vessels
that had broken in the process of firing. Some of the pieces were
distinctly glazed, a condition due to the action of the salt made in
them. Many mussel shells, some bone needles, flint knives, polishers
for smoothing pottery, stone hammers, and two finely chipped unused
hoes or hatchets of translucent bluish chert were found loose in the
earth. At what was probably the original center was a hole 18 inches
across and 8 inches deep, quite symmetrical in form, and lined with

A488 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [PTH. ANN, 44

half an inch to an inch of pinkish substance resembling ochre or
powdered hematite ore. This was filled with compact grayish clay
like that deposited in backwater from the river. A foot above this,
2 feet to one side of it was part of a human skull. It was quite
firm; but as there was no other indication of a burial, this fragment
may have been accidental.

No trace of a grave or of other form of interment was found.

MOUNDS AND GRAVES IN ALLEN COUNTY, KY.

A letter was received at the office of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology concerning certain Indian burial places in Allen County, Ky.
From the description given they appeared to be similar in character
to the stone cists or box graves of Middle Tennessee. But according
to this report the stones of which they were constructed were much
larger than those used in graves elsewhere, being “mostly as large
as 4 by 5 feet.” The bones found in them were of a size to corre-
spond with the receptacle; pieces of skull “ near half an inch thick”
and “shin bones nearly 214 feet long” were exhumed. These “tall
giants . . . have red bones; they are as red asa fox squirrel bones.”

Mounds also were reported, some of which were described as being
about 40 feet across, 3 feet high, with a flat raised border about 10
feet wide around the top, within which is a depression. One mound
was said to be “8 or 9 feet high and in diameter 20 or 30 feet.”

Archeologists have learned to discount stories of marvelous things,
but this communication was written in a convincing manner that
made it seem worthy of investigation. The region was visited and a
careful examination made of the country for several miles around
Petroleum, from which place the information was sent.

It was found that along Big Trammel Creek and many of its
tributaries, on ridges and hills of varying elevations above the stream
levels, are numerous cist graves, such as are described by Thruston
and others. Many of these have been examined in a desultory way
by residents of the region, sometimes merely out of curiosity, but
usually with the idea that “treasure” is concealed in them. Very
few were thoroughly cleared out by these excavators, but sufficient
work was done in many of them to give a correct knowledge of their
structure and contents. The method of construction was the same in
all. A grave was dug, the size and depth depending somewhat upon
the nature of the earth; they are seldom as much as 2 feet in depth or
more than 5 feet in length. The usual depth is from 16 to 18 inches;
the average length about 4 feet. Slabs of limestone or of shale
(“slate”) were placed on edge around the sides and ends of the pit;
sometimes similar slabs were laid on the bottom, but in a majority

FOWKE] MOUNDS AND GRAVES IN KENTUCKY 489

of cases this was not done. The body, usually folded or doubled in
order to fit the restricted length of the excavation, was placed on
the bottom; occasionally a cavity was dug long enough to contain the
body fully extended. The grave appears then to have been filled with
earth, though it is possible that in some cases earth may have worked
its way in between the stones. Sometimes, though not often, flat
rocks were laid across the top as a covering. The upper edges of the
vertical slabs were usually left projecting above the present surface,
but now many of them are entirely concealed by earth carried from
higher ground by superficial drainage, and are revealed only when
struck by a plow. No bones were ever recovered entire; sometimes,
though very seldom, they were intact when first uncovered but fell
to pieces when an attempt was made to remove them. Often the
whole skeleton had disintegrated into a thin layer of chalky or limy
substance, as if pulverized. In no tomb opened were any artificial
objects discovered except a few fragments of shell which, from the
- descriptions given by the finders, may have been decayed beads.

The stones “as large as 4 by 5 feet” and the “shin bones nearly
21% feet long” showed no such dimensions when a rule was applied
to them. The largest stone taken from any grave was 32 by 48
inches. None of them were thick, and scarcely one was too heavy
to be carried easily by one man. None of the fragmentary bones
that were still to be seen belonged to persons of more than ordinary
stature.

There seemed to be no reason why any further investigation
should be attempted.

Reports of “Indian settlements” along Big Trammel and other
creeks are not based upon actual discovery of such sites but upon
the undeniable fact that “all the Indians who are buried here must
have lived somewhere close around.” Only one village site has been
located; it is at the foot of a hill, covered by earth washed down, and
was revealed by a cut for a roadway. Excavation was not practi-
cable. Other inhabited sites exist, of course, and there are probably
a number of them; but they do not show.

The mound “8 or 9 feet high” was not more than 3 feet. It
stood on a hillside, and the reporter looking at it from below esti-
mated it as “3 feet higher than a man’s head.” Had he gone farther
down the slope it could easily have appeared as 30 feet higher.
The owner gave full permission for any investigation desired; but
as there were three large trees and the green stump of a fourth on
the mound, while he stipulated that he was to have everything that
might be found in it, advantage was not taken of his generosity.

On the north or east side of Big Trammel, 3 miles north of Petro-
leum, on land belonging to H. Russell Miller, are three small mounds.

55231 °—28——32

490 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [wri, ANN, 44

Two of them are on the brink of a low cliff overlooking the stream,
the margins not more than 5 or 6 feet apart. These two are in the
form of a circular ridge of earth, like a miniature circus ring, with
the interior space partially filled. The larger measured 30 feet across
to the outer margin on each side and 22 feet across the center between
the highest points of the ridge. The earth within varied from 12
io 16 inches deep, according to its distance from the rim, being
shallowest at the middle; the average was about 14 inches. The
average inside level was 10 inches below the top of the encircling
wall. It could not be determined whether this saucer-shaped floor
was made so intentionally or whether it had been level and earth
from the wall had washed down on it; probably the latter was the
case. At first view it appeared to be such a heap as would be pro-
duced by an earth-covered lodge with earth piled around the base
outside as a protection against the weather; the material inside being
due to the roof falling in when the timbers decayed. The entire
mass was removed to the outer margin and to the subsoil. There
was no sign of a posthole, no fire bed, no hard-tramped earth, nor
any other indication that the site had ever been lived on, although
in the body of the structure was found a considerable number of
flint chips, spalls, and fragments indicating the manufacture of
implements; mussel shells; pieces of charcoal; burned earth and
ashes; pottery sherds, some of them having a curvature indicating
that they were from vessels a foot or more in diameter. There were
three distinct types of pottery—a coarse, rude make, poorly burned,
easily crumbled, mixed with mussel shell coarsely broken, and burned
to a bright red; a similar coarse quality with very little shell, burned
harder but still not sufficiently solid to endure careless handling;
and a more compact variety with finely beaten shell admixture,
burned until hard and strong. Some of the pieces were smooth, as
if the exterior had been rubbed and polished; some were from
vessels that had been molded in baskets, and among these were im-
pressions showing three distinct methods of weaving. There were
also “cooking stones” and broken bones of animals, and a_per-
forator 415 inches long made from the leg bone of a small mammal,
one end having the joint surface intact. None of these objects were
intentionally deposited, but were carried in with the earth, proving
that a village site existed near by. But the surrounding area is now
in woods, so that the surface of the ground is covered with leaves
and vegetation, and can not be seen.

As it was not a house mound, that is, the site of a wooden struc-
ture covered with earth, nor the site of a house whose base was
protected with earth—in fact, built upon a spot which had not been
occupied at all—the only plausible explanation is that the “ridge”

FOWKE] EARTHWORKS IN KENTUCKY A9i

or ring of earth had formed the foundation of a temporary struc-
ture in which was a raised earthen floor, and that it was resorted to
only upon special occasions, as for the performance of a ceremony or
incantation whose proceedings must be carried on in secret, or at
least shut off from the gaze of those who might be near.

The second mound was similar to the first but smaller, being 27
feet between opposite outside margins and 19 feet across the highest
points of the ridge; the latter was 18 inches high and the depth or
thickness of the interior deposit 10 inches. Scattered through the
material composing it were fragmentary remains of the same char-
acter as those found in the other, but much less in amount. There
was no sign of posts or fire bed and no trampled soil. Its purpose
was no doubt the same as that of the other, whatever that may have
been.

The third mound resembled the other two, except that the central]
depression was very slight and only a few feet across; as if a circu-
lar embankment had been made and the enclosed space filled leve!
except a small area at the middle part. This mound was 27 feet be-
tween the margins, 15 or 16 feet across the top, and 30 inches high.
The central portion was cleared out over a space 20 feet across, thus
leaving undisturbed only a narrow ring around the base. A very
few fragments of flint and pottery and some pieces of charcoal, none
larger than a hen’s egg, were found loose in the earth. As in the case
of the two others, there was nothing whatever to form the basis of a
guess as to the purpose of this mound.

Scattered through the forest in which these mounds are located are
some stone box graves; but results were so discouraging that no
further search was made.

PREHISTORIC EARTHWORKS ABOUT SOUTH PORTS-
MOUTH, KY.

The aboriginal remains along the Ohio River in Greenup County,
Ky., opposite Portsmouth, Ohio, as shown in the maps of Squier
and Davis? and T. H. Lewis,? were carefully examined from Siloam
Station, opposite Sciotoville, to the Government dam, a distance of
about 9 miles. Many of the works shown by the two surveys are
now entirely obliterated; on the other hand, there are evidences of
prehistoric industry not indicated on any of the maps, such as small
mounds, camp sites, piles of stones, pavements or platforms of flat
rocks buried under accumulated soil, small spaces or narrow passage-

* Squier and Davis, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley. (Smithson. Cont to
Knowledge, vol. 1, Washington, 1848.)

*T. H. Lewis, The “old fort’? earthworks of Greenup County, Ky. (Am. Journ.
Archaeol., vol. U1, pp. 8375-382, Baltimore, 1887.)

492 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

ways covered with river pebbles, mostly white quartz, and traces of
ramps or graded ways from one terrace to another.

At Siloam is the large mound surrounded by four concentric cir-
cles, with the parallel walls extending to the river, as shown by
Squier and Davis in their Plate XXVIII, page 81. The mound was
not erected by human labor, but is a geological formation, cut off
by the little stream from the high alluvial terrace to the west;
though it has been somewhat modified in form, artificially, as these
authors suggest. The “ graded way” to the top is largely or entirely
natural. However, the entire structure is so altered by cultivation
that no certainty exists as to its original form. It will be observed
that Plates XXVIII and XXVIII differ slightly in detail.

The mound with encircling ditch, figured by Squier and Davis on
page 82, is not at all like the illustration, a fact quite apparent from
the description of it given just above their cut. The work is on a
level plain, the embankment being formed of earth taken from
the interior ditch, and only a slight mound built on the area within
the ditch; the earth does not drop away from the outside base of
the wall, as shown. The whole work is now covered with a dense
growth. Relic hunters have made several attempts at excavating
the mound, but it is reported that they have never found anything.

The elliptical embankment and ditch, shown at N in Plate
XXVIII A of Squier and Davis, has entirely disappeared, if, indeed,
it ever existed. There is no indication that any such work stood at
this place. On the opposite side of the ravine, however, in a cor-
responding position, is a similar structure not shown by Squier and
Davis, which is no doubt the one intended, shifted on the map by
an oversight. It appears on the map by Lewis. The ditch is now
about 3 feet deep and the wall will average the same in height, as
compared with the surrounding level. There is no mound within
the circle; what appears to be such is due to weathering down of the
margin of the originally level interior; it now measures about 50 by
100 feet. In the field about this structure is abundant evidence of
an aboriginal village site, but the material is all superficial and is
probably due to historic tribes; it is known that the Shawnees and
Delawares had settlements somewhere in this vicinity. Near the west
side of the gateway where the wall is now highest a cut 15 feet wide
was made through the embankment, reaching from the interior ditch
to the open ground outside, thus extending well beyond both margins
of the wall, and carried into the subsoil the entire length. Nothing
was found except solid uniform earth, with no stratification or change
of color, thus proving that its construction was continuous. The ex-
cavation crossed a shallow depression, which was a natural swale
existing before the wall was begun. This made more work for the
builders than if they had gone on either side of it; but they appar-

FOWKE | EARTHWORKS IN KENTUCKY 493

ently wanted the wall along that line. No trace of palisades or struc-
ture of any sort appeared. Beneath the center of the embankment
was a barbecue hole 3 feet across and a foot deeper than the natural
surface, filled with burned earth and stones. It had been abandoned
before the wall was begun. At present the inclosure forms three
sides of a rectangle, open toward the river, with the two angles
rounded. Lewis shows a fourth wall along the margin of the terrace,
but it can not now be seen. The length of the three sides, altogether,
is about 700 feet.

Between the “Old Fort” and the river Squier and Davis show
three small mounds; Lewis notes only two. The one he omits has
been leveled and a dwelling stands on the site. The others are much
reduced by plowing, the larger being 2 feet high with indeterminate
outline. A circle 15 feet across was laid off around its highest part
and all the earth within this removed into the subsoil. At the bot-
tom was soft mud on hardpan. A shallow depression at the middle,
filled with grayish earth, seemed to be a grave but there was no trace
of bone nor any object which would indicate that a body had been
placed here. Some burned earth and rocks were on the surface.

Several mounds are on the high terrace below the “Old Fort.”
Permission could be obtained for opening only one of these. It is
the most western of the group, on the line between Greenup and
Lewis Counties, and was about 3 feet high, though much worked
down. The owner had plowed out two skeletons, of medium-sized in-
dividuals with very thick skulls. A circle with a radius of 10 feet
was laid out on top and all the included earth removed. On the east
side, a foot from the bottom, was a skeleton, and at the original
surface, on the west side, another, both with heads toward the east;
the bones were decayed and had partly disappeared. Fully two
wagonloads of rough stones weighing from 10 to 50 pounds, carried
trom the hills half a mile away, were in the excavated area, appar-
ently thrown in at random. Three implements were found loose in
the earth, all of them but little altered from their natural form of
fine-grained, waterworn sandstone, river gravel. One was an angular
fragment with several deep, curved grooves from use as a grinder
and polisher; one was rudely triangular in form’ with the small end
polished by use and a deep groove cut diagonally across one face for
holding a handle; the third, a thin flat slab with a polished sharp
edge, used as a hide dresser. At the center was a grave dug 6 or
8 inches into the yellow clay. No trace of bone remained in it or
worked object of any sort.

All the small mounds in this territory have been examined more
or less by local collectors; they yielded nothing of any moment.

494 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44
Tre So-Catuep “ Bear” or “ Erricy ”

Neither the map by Squier and Davis nor that by Lewis shows cor-
rectly the parallel walls extending southwestward from the “ Old
Fort.” Both represent the walls as ending at the bank of the ravine
near their actual termination at the west. The northern parallel has
been destroyed at this end by the railroad; the southern wall de-
scends the slope of the ravine, crosses the level space between the
two little streams which unite just below, and ascends the opposite
bank. As constructed, the two walls were joined at their western
extremity by a loop which extended beyond them toward the north,
and on a sketch somewhat resembles the handle or butt of a pistol.
These portions are still very distinct and it is singular that they
should have been overlooked or omitted from the maps. Squier and
Davis show the walls as terminating several feet from the eastern
brink of the ravine, although they say in the text that the walls
follow the inequalities of the surface; and on page 79 say traces of
the walls can be seen on the declivities of the ravine. Squier and
Davis make no reference to the “Effigy” within the curve at the
junction of the walls, nor is there any indication of it in their illus-
tration. No doubt it originally had some such shape as that ascribed
to it by Lewis; although persons now living in Portsmouth, who
were with Lewis at the time he made his survey, were unable to see
it exactly as it appeared to him. It has been plowed over so often
that it is now only a slight rise without any definite outline, and
would be regarded as only an ordinary mound of elliptical outline.
However, as portrayed, its close resemblance to the Tremper mound,
5 miles north of Portsmouth, in which such extraordinary discoveries
were made by Mills, led to the hope that somewhat similar results
would reward its excavation.

A fence crosses at the “ flank ”—to continue the use of the “ Bear ”
simile—diagonally toward the rear, in such manner as to cut off
the “hind lez” and a small portion of the “body.” The small
part beyond the fence is densely overgrown and could not be fol-
lowed; all from the “flank” forward to the extreme end was thor-
oughly excavated, the area removed being 57 feet long by 35 feet at
its greatest width, which included the “ fore leg.” There was not the
slightest line of demarcation at any place between the artificial por-
tion of the mound and the earth upon which it was built. Only an oc-
casional fragment of charcoal, a flint chip, a scrap of pottery, or a
dump containing enough burned earth. bone, or rock to be distin-
guishable, furnished any evidence of human handiwork in its construe-
tion. Test holes were dug at several places in the encircling ditch and
in the field around, reaching in every instance the same yellowish
sandy subsoil that was found under the mound. The excavation

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN PIKE COUNTY, OHIO 495

was kept well down into this, and at every point was fully 18 inches
below the deepest artificial object found. At about the center of the
mound was a depression 7 by 2 feet, the bottom a few inches below the
general level of the floor of the excavation. It was clearly a grave,
but there was no trace of bone in it. Loose in the earth was a small
piece of very coarse pottery; a thin flat piece of sandstone with a
double-bevel edge, used as a hide dresser; and a piece of hollow clay-
ironstone, resembling fossilized wood, which had one side broken
away to give access to the hollow interior, probably a receptacle for
some sort of charm.

There was absolutely nothing else in the mound, and no apparent
reason for its construction.

MOUNDS IN PIKE COUNTY, OHIO
NEAR PIKETON

The numbers refer to the order in which the mounds were excavated.

A mile south of Piketon, on the Vanmeter farm, is the town
cemetery. In this is a large mound having three small ones con-
nected with its base. These are figured by Squier and Davis as
being at the end of a long embankment, now obliterated, running
southward from the so-called Graded Way.

In the same field as the cemetery are three other mounds. All
were explored.

Mowunp 1.—This is 75 feet in diameter, not including 4 or 5 feet
of wash on every side, the summit being 15 feet above the surround-
ing level. When the center was reached the bottom of the trench was
16 feet lower than the top. In all large mounds the lowest point
is below the outside surface of the ground, for two reasons; there is
an accumulation of soil around, and a subsidence under the struc-
ture due to the weight of the material.

There was a core of black earth such as is found in all low or over-
flow bottom lands in the vicinity. This was about 10 feet high at the
center of the mound. It was closely packed, requiring almost con-
stant use of a pick. Scattered through it at irregular intervals were
small masses of muck; ashes, charcoal, and earth, mingled; frag-
ments of bone, burned or unburned; pieces of chipped flint or broken
rocks; all of which had been dumped in at random in the course of
the work. Little masses of earth, each as large as a man could easily
carry, were often easily traceable.

Over this core of dark earth had been placed a capping of yellow
clay, the subsoil of the fields. This was 6 feet thick at the top and 8
feet on the sides. Apparently it had been spread to the latter thick-

496 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [prH. ANN. 44

ness over the entire mound and had worn down at the top. The line
of demarcation between the two earths was very feebly marked,
there being a space from 1 to 2 feet thick in which they were min-
gled, sometimes one being in excess, sometimes the other.

From 2 to 3 feet under the surface, at the top of the mound, were
traces of five skeletons. Four were adults, one a child of 12 or 13
years. The last had been buried in a folded position; the others
were so decayed that the method of interment was uncertain. These
were, of course, intrusive.

An arrow point made of antler and the end of a bone perforator
were found in the black earth.

At 15 feet from the center, between the clay and the black earth,
were traces of a skeleton, extended, head west. Four feet under this,
or 3 feet above the bottom, was the solid and heavy shaft of a human
femur; both ends were gone, apparently from decay, although the
fragment had a remarkably fresh appearance. Near it were two
small pieces of skull and a bone from a hand or foot. Five feet west,
on the same level, was a large fragment of skull. A layer of wood,
with some ashes, lay below these scattered bones, and another layer
of wood above them; it could be traced for several feet each way,
gradually running out. The earth around it had not been disturbed
in any way; there were woodchuck burrows in the upper part of the
mound, but none of them reached down this far. Above the last piece
of skull three small logs had been laid. They reached to the east
limit of the bones and extended into the west side of the trench, one
of them 4 or 5 feet, the others only about a foot. The indications
were that a layer of ashes had been sprinkled, wood or bark placed on
this, then the bones, and above them another layer of wood or bark,
which was upheld by the poles.

At the bottom of the mound, in the middle of the trench, was a
layer of ashes 4 feet across, and above it a layer of charcoal, both
not more than an inch thick. They had not been burned where found,
but were carefully spread here. Resting on them was decayed wood,
including oak, mulberry, walnut, and perhaps other kinds. Toward
the north and west this deposit extended beyond the limits of the
trench; on the east it merged with the remains of a large fire. The
ground was burned 4 inches deep, under an ash bed of the same thick-
ness, which was from 6 to 7 feet across. There was no charcoal
among the ashes; but they contained a great many small fragments
of bone and mussel shell, much burned. On the northeast edge of
the ashes was charcoal, reaching north; it led to the remains of an
oak log 10 inches in diameter and 6 feet long, both ends of which
were charred, the intermediate portion being decayed. It reached
to a fire bed similar to the first, as if it had been used to feed both

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN PIKE COUNTY, OHIO 497

fires at the same time. From here, a layer of decayed wood and
bark, 4 inches thick in some parts, reached west and north beyond
the limit of the excavation. In places it showed a thin layer of bone,
entirely decayed and as soft as ashes, undoubtedly all that was left
of a body or bodies.

At varying levels around the central part of the mound, reaching
to 6 feet above the bottom, were similar but much smaller deposits of
wood and bark, some of them containing fragments of bones denot-
ing burials. ‘

On the west side of the trench was a bed of ashes and charcoal, ap-
parently scraped away from a fire bed to the north. The latter was
3 feet across and 3 inches thick; it was full of broken bones, some of
them burned, others not. Among the latter were pieces as hard,
white, and solid as if quite lately put in; with these was part of a
human femur which had been partially cut, then broken off, as one
would cut a hard stick until able to break it in two. The break was
an old one, that is, it had been made long enough to show marks
of wear before being placed here. It was the only human bone
recognizable.

The most interesting discovery in these ashes, aside from the cut
femur, were three little packages of spherical copper beads. These
had been thrown into the ashes after the fire had died down. They
were wrapped in successive layers of cloth, bark, and skin, which
showed no marks of fire; the string was still in them. Entirely
covering this ash bed was a thin coating of some bright red sub-
stance, probably ochre or hematite.

Below the 6-foot level were more than a dozen small logs from 5
to 15 feet long.

Mownp 2.—This, composed of yellow clay, was 28 feet across and
2 feet high, after many years of cultivation. Near the apparent
center was a small hole filled with black earth, as if a pole had been
placed there and allowed to decay.

In the construction a pit had been dug through the soil and sub-
soil, into the underlying gravel. In this had been placed a body,
the skeleton measuring 6 feet 4 inches in length. The bones were
very large, even for a person of this height, and the processes for
muscle attachment were rugged and prominent. It was extended,
on the back, head northeast, the right hand resting on the neck, the
left hand across the pelvis. By the right elbow was one valve of a
very large mussel shell; at the side of the left foot were two valves
of a much smaller shell, both perforated. On the breast were two
bear’s tusks with the roots ground off at an acute angle. Among
the lumbar vertebrae were four perforated pearls; a number of
molars of some carnivore, with the roots more or less ground off;
and the teeth of some small mammal. At the left side of the skeleton

498 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

were the remains of a child not more than 2 or 38 years old. On its
breast was a slate gorget with two perforations.

The bodies were covered with clay, on which was a layer of gravel,
both probably that which was removed in digging the grave, but
with their relative positions reversed in putting them back. The
gravel extended beyond the margin of the pit, reaching a diameter
of 12 to 14 feet. Over all, clay from the field was piled.

Movunp 3.—After long cultivation this measured 4 feet high and
45 feet in diameter. It was composed principally of yellow clay,
mixed at one side with a little sand. Six feet east of the center, 2 to
3 feet down, was a large mass of burnt bone. Two feet west of
center, 18 inches down, was a similar mass, in which were found two
pieces of hammered copper half the size of a slate pencil, one of them
2, the other 4 inches long. There were also two gorgets, one of shale,
unperforated, the other of banded slate with one perforation. Four
feet west of center, 2 feet down, were traces of an adult skeleton,
extended, head north; there was nothing with it,

NEAR JASPER

Mounp 4.—On top of a hill 250 feet high, the first one north of
Jasper, is a mound 50 feet across and 4 feet high. A trench was
run in from the northwest. Almost at once charcoal appeared;
the layer varied from half an inch to 3 inches thick, extended be-
yond both sides of the trench, and ran out near the center of the
mound. In this charcoal were several pieces of charred cloth, be-
tween flakes of shellbark hickory bark, all being protected by flat
stones lying above it. It did not appear to be an intentional deposit.
Tn the central part of the mound there was more rock than earth; the
stones were not arranged in any sort of order, but were thrown in as
a part of the structure. Most of the earth was a very tough and
compact clay, extremely hard to remove. The top of the mound was
covered with soil. The ground beneath was burned red to a depth
of 2 or 3 inches in places. Except the cloth, nothing was found that
bore evidence of handiwork.

The construction was apparently as follows: A large fire had
been made where the northern half of the mound stands. While
this was still burning, rocks, some of them weighing 150 pounds,
and clay had been thrown on. The mound was then extended
toward the south with earth, rocks piled over this, and the mound
then completed with surface soil.

Mowunp 5.—This is on the same hill as the last. It is on slightly
sloping ground, the summit being on the same level as the surface
50 feet to the south. On this side is a “causeway” or raised path

FOWKB] MOUNDS IN PIKE COUNTY, OHIO 499

30 feet long, formed by throwing in a pile of large stones at random
and covering them more carefully with a layer of smaller stones.
Tt is 20 feet wide at the base and 3 feet high.

A 10-foot trench was carried into the mound from the north side.
At 25 feet from center, the mound being 65 feet in diameter, large
rocks appeared on the bottom, and increased in numbers until at 8 feet
north of the center they were 4 feet deep. At this point began a
layer of rotten wood and ashes. Two feet within this was a skeleton,
folded. At the center was another, extended, on the back, head south-
east. All the space between these two and for 4 feet beyond the last
was filled with a mass of decayed bone from 6 to 7 feet wide. These
were the remains of skeleton burials; the water soaking into them and
the weight of the rock resting on them had reduced the whole to the
consistency of mud or wet ashes, so it was impossible to tell how many
had been placed here; but it was evidently a communal burial, made
in this manner: Over a space 16 feet long and more than 10 feet wide
was spread a layer of wood or bark; ashes had been sprinkled on
this and a pile or layer of skeletons placed on the ashes, with a body
at the north edge and one at the center of the mass. This was covered
with earth, about which was placed a shelter or protection of wood.
A mound of rocks was next built over the remains to a height of 4
feet and a diameter of 40 feet. On top of these 4 or 5 feet of earth
had been piled; as the mound had been plowed a number of times
its exact altitude is uncertain.

On top of the hill on which Mounds 4 and 5 are located cup stones
are numerous; 40 or 50 were found. Several had been thrown in
with the stone pile in Mound 5; so they could not have been highly
valued.

NEAR WAVERLY

Mounp 6.—This is a mile and a half south of Waverly, on the
Piketon road. It has been plowed over for three generations, leav-
ing it less than 4 feet high and 90 feet across; the original diameter
was about 50 feet. It seems to have been built by several parties
working from different places at the same time; for the dark sand,
reddish sand, clay, and black muck entering into its composition are
mingled in confusion in some places and form irregular masses in
others. At 14 feet out, 30 inches up, were traces of a skeleton, ex-
tended, head east. At 514 feet out, in a very hard black sandy muck,
was a skeleton, extended, head west. It was not more than 5 feet
long, but the bones were unusually large and solid. A third skeleton
was lying near the center. All these bones were so decayed that they
could not be removed. Near the center was an ash bed 414 feet
across; the earth under part of it was burned red and hard. Un-
consumed ends of poles and logs were in the earth around it.

500 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [WTH, ANN. 44

Mowunp 7.—This is near the one last described. It is now 10 feet
high and 100 feet across the base. It was formerly nearly twice as
high, but has been scraped down so that it might be plowed over.
A trench from 6 to 10 feet wide was carried in from the southeast
side to 4 feet beyond the center. In this limited space were nine
holes each 8 inches across and extending downward from 22 to 36
inches. In all of these was fine earth, with some ashes, and a few
of them contained some fragments of bone, pottery, and shells. These
contents rendered it improbable that they were postholes, though no
other purpose for them can be imagined. The first one was 19 feet
from the center; at the same place began a streak of mingled ashes,
burned earth, and charcoal, nowhere more than an inch thick. They
had not been burned here, but were scattered, no doubt, from a fire
bed around the center, where the earth was burned to a bright red to
a depth of 4 inches; as the ashes accumulated they had been raked
away to every side, forming a bed 13 feet long and up to 4 feet wide.
Above them, generally with a few inches of earth intervening, was
a very thin layer of bark or wood. Above this, around the center,
was a mass a foot thick in places of decayed wood, apparently logs
or large poles. Cottonwood and white walnut were recognized among
them. Only one skeleton was found in the mound; it was that of a
young adult over 6 feet high. The weight of the earth resting on
it had crushed all the bones, only the central portions of the limbs
retaining their shape. It lay on the original surface and was cov-
ered with three or four layers of bark. Nothing had been buried
with it. At the time of his death he had only 22 teeth remain-
ing, and of these 13 were more or less touched with decay. It is
a matter of common belief that all Indians were, and are, blessed
with full sets of sound, solid teeth. So far as the Mound Builders
are concerned, this is not true of 1 per cent of all that have ever
been exhumed.

Mounp 8.—On the Clough farm, north of Waverly, are three
mounds, two of which were opened. The first, after long cultivation,
was 4 feet high and 75 feet across. A trench 7 feet wide was run
in from the southwest side and carried past the center. A number
of holes were found, reaching to various depths; some of them had
been dug, others resulted from the decay of stumps which were here
when the mound was begun, or shortly before that time. At 10 feet
a layer of charcoal was reached; it contained numerous fragments
of small sticks, a few pieces of pottery, and two valves of mussel
shells. The charcoal arched upward slightly so that at 4 feet it was
a foot above the natural level; the interval filled with dark soil
or loam burned hard on top, no doubt from the fire that produced the
charcoal. Near the south edge of it, on the natural surface, was a
thin deposit a foot wide and 2 feet long, burned until cemented

FOWKB] MOUNDS IN PIKE COUNTY, OHIO 501

together as hard as mortar. Resting on the northern edge of this
was the left arm of a skeleton, extended, head east. A foot north
of this skeleton lay another, parallel with it; and 2 feet farther
north a third, both of the latter much decayed. Near the skull of
the last was the skeleton of an infant. A fire bed was at the heads
and one at the feet of these skeletons. North of them was another
over 6 feet across, the ashes and burned earth each nearly 4 inches
thick. The charcoal layer came to the natural surface again at 14
feet from where it was first encountered.

Mounp 9.—This mound was 13 feet high and somewhat more than
100 feet across at the base; but as it had been much plowed down its
real diameter was probably 75 or 80 feet. A trench 10 feet wide was
begun at 35 feet out from center, on the south side; the bottom of
the slope was 18 or 20 feet farther out. The material composing
most of the mound was sand from the ridge of glacial material lying
near by, on the north; there was some clay in it, but no gravel. For
the first 2 feet it was easy to remove; below that, it was extremely
compact, requiring constant use of the pick. It was like working in
sandstone; with two days of steady use, the steel point would be
worn off of the pick down to the iron.

At 20 feet out from center were five holes nearly in a straight line
across the trench. Measuring from the western one, which was just
in the corner, being partly under the west wall and the face, the dis-
tances to the centers of the others were 314, 5, 8, and 914 feet. They
were about 8 inches across and from 21% to 3 feet deep. A few frag-
ments of bones were in the west one, a little charcoal in the east and
middle ones, nothing in the others but very loose, ight, dry, dark
earth.

A peculiar feature about this mound was a streaked appearance of
the sand which was first noticed about 30 feet out. The streaks were
darker in color and harder than the rest of the sand, and very tor-
tuous, though the general direction was practically horizontal. None
were over an inch thick and they were apparently due to segregation
of some constituent after the sand had settled. In many cases they
inclosed or surrounded the lenticular masses of dumped material.
At 20 feet out they were about 514 feet below the top of the mound;
toward the center they were a little nearer the top; and they grad-
ually increased in number and distinctness down to the original
surface.

At 24 feet out was a trench which extended to the depth of a foot
into the yellow subsoil. This was dug before the mound was built,
as the sand goes to the bottom of it, although none of it has settled
into the holes mentioned above. This would indicate that the latter
were for posts and that the ditch or trench was made to carry away

502 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BrH. ANN. 44

the water from a roof which they supported. If this be the case,
the fact that the holes were filled with loose earth and that the sand
above them was packed hard shows that the posts had been cut or
burned off level with the ground before the sand was deposited. It
is quite likely that if the work had been extended the outlines of a
building could have been traced.

At 18 feet out, 3 feet below the top of the mound, was a hole with
other holes either empty or with loose dirt in them branching out
from it, the largest going toward the west and nearly parallel with
the top of the mound. There was no trace of wood in any of these
holes except the small roots from trees or bushes growing on the
mound; but the cavities are exactly such as would result from the
entire decay and disappearance of a stump and its rocts. If so, it
proves that the work of construction was not continuous, but that the
mound had been built to this point and then left for several years, as
indicated by the size of the hole. Evidently the tree had been cut off,
as there was no mark of it in the hard-packed earth above.

At 16 feet out were two extended skeletons, with heads to the west
of south, lying in contact. Most of the larger bones, so far as
they could be examined, were covered with a dull red substance,
apparently ochre; when laid on a hard surface and worked with a
knife blade it assumed a waxy consistency. This may have been
sprinkled over the bodies and settled down on the bones after the
flesh had decayed; but as very little of it was in the earth around
them it would appear that only the skeletons had been buried. They
lay on a very thin deposit of ashes, directly on the original surface ;
one was a little more, the other a little less than 6 feet long.

The tortuous streaks became more and more of lenticular form as
the trench was carried in, and at 10 feet out were nearly all of such
outline.

At 15 feet out, on the west side, began a streak of mixed earth,
ashes, and charcoal, which was very plainly on the natural surface.
Except under the skeletons just mentioned this was the first place
where it could be identified with certainty. Klsewhere the sand and
the surface earth being practically identical no line of demarcation
could be made out.

At 12 feet out, on the west wall, was a hole beginning at the origi-
nal level and going down 5 feet. It was filled with loose, dark earth
and was of almost uniform diameter, about 7 inches, to the bottom,
terminating in a rounded point as if made by a post that had been
burned or roughly cut off. Thére was nothing in it; the surrounding
earth was so hard that a pick could not be sunk into it more than
3 inches, so those who dug it could have done so only by keeping the
ground wet while they were working.

FOWKE] MOUNDS IN PIKE COUNTY, OHIO 503

At 11 feet out, in the mixed streak, began a layer of yellow sand
like the subsoil, which within a foot was 5 inches thick. It extended
with a thickness of 3 to 5 inches across the 10-foot face of the exca-
vation to within 2 feet of the east wall, where it began to taper out,
and disappeared just at the other corner. The streak on the bottom
extended across into the east wall. How far it may have reached
under either wall was not ascertained; it extended 13 feet in the line
of the trench. There was no charcoal in it on the east side, though
it was darker than the material above or below.

Ten feet out, on the bottom, was a small pile of burned bones, with
some charcoal; this merged with an ash bed to be described later.

Five feet from center, on the west side of the trench, began a mass
of dark soil, which rose to a height of 5 feet so abruptly that it must
have been packed or “ puddled ” while wet. It was too compact to
be removed with a shovel. A thin layer of charcoal was spread over
the top. The sand streaks curved from every side to a rounded point
2 feet above it. The black mass was about 7 feet across; it did not
reach to the east wall of the trench.

The charcoal and bones noticed at the 10-foot face were at the
edge of a bed of ashes, which reached to the east wall, and ran 3 feet
under the west wall. It was about 5 feet wide at the middle part,
and had an elliptical outline, tolerably regular except on the west
side, where it widened somewhat. Beneath it, at 7 feet from the
center and 4 feet from the west face, was a hole a foot deep and 10
inches across, the sides and bottom rough as though gouged out. It
was filled with clean white ashes, mingled with a little charcoal, and
packed so hard as to be difficult to remove with a trowel. A foot
south and 3 feet east from this was another hole, elliptical in outline,
about 8 by 10 inches and 16 inches deep. It was filled with very
loose dark earth, in which were two or three bits of charcoal.

Upon removal of the large, compact mass of black earth, which
formed the core of the mound, there was disclosed a pit 10 feet from
east to west and a little more than 6 feet from north to south, with
a depth of 14 inches. The sides were nearly straight, with a slight
inward slant; the corners were rounded. The sides and bottom were
rough and uneven as if gouged out with rude tools. The entire bot-
tom, which was somewhat depressed at the central portion, was
covered with ashes, over which a thin layer of bark had been spread ;
around the margin of the pit was a lining of wood or bark from 2
to 4 inches thick; this was reduced to a dust as soft as loose flour.
In this grave were two skeletons, extended, on the back, heads di-
rectly west. One, 5 feet 4 inches long, of a woman, lay along the
center. The teeth were very much worn, some of them down to the
roots. The middle lower incisors, while showing no trace of decay,
were cut nearly off close to the gum as if they had been sawed hori-

504 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH ANN. 44

zontally with a thread or fine wire. The right arm and hand lay
by the side; the left hand was under the pelvic bones of the other
skeleton, which lay north of the first, almost against the edge of the
grave. This was of a man about 6 feet tall, evidently young, as
the teeth were only slightly worn; they were white, smooth, and
hard, but five or six of them were beginning to show marks of decay.
The left hand was lying on the pelvis; the right arm across the middle
of the body.

The man’s skull was somewhat damaged by pressure of the earth.
The other skull was perfect and very solid. It lay in a mass of
ashes 6 inches thick, the western extension of the ash bed noted
before the grave was reached. They extended on to the north,
around both skulls, the man’s lying at their margin. The ashes
had been carried here after the bodies were placed; they contained
fragments of charred bones. The sand composing the mound dipped
into so much of the grave as was not filled with the black earth.

At the center, 214 feet higher than the original surface, were frag-
ments of a badly decayed skull; it lay to the east of the feet of the
bottom skeletons. Traces of bone, soft from decay, occurred east-
ward from it to the side of the trench. They were apparently of
an adult who had been buried parallel with those below it.

No worked objects of any sort were found with any of the skele-
tons. At 5 feet north of the center, 514 feet above the bottom, ly-
ing loose in the earth, was a bracelet, elliptical in shape, made from
a copper rod as large as a small lead pencil, the ends being cut or
rubbed square and brought into close contact.

It is apparent that a building of some kind stood on the site
of this mound, as the holes and the black layer of ashes, earth,
and charcoal could not have remained intact unless protected from
the weather. A fire had been built and most of the ashes placed
in a receptacle until needed. The grave was dug, the earth from
it being thrown out over such ashes as were left on the ground.
Then ashes were sprinkled very thinly on the bottom of the grave,
bark laid down, and the bodies put in. The ashes gathered up were
piled along the right side of the body at the center, the greatest
thickness being about the head. They were continued to the west
end of the grave, north to a point north of the other head, but
not touching it, and also spread south to meet those not removed
from the fire bed. Next, loose black earth was carried, probably
from a swampy place in the creek bottom, and piled over the bodies
as high as it could conveniently be lifted. After this the mound
was erected. The upper skeleton at the center had been placed there
after the black earth was deposited.

Years before this exploration a shaft had been sunk from the
top of the mound by relic hunters. They came within 2 inches of

TOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 505

the skull above the bottom near the center and to within 6 inches
of the feet of those in the grave. The hole they made had par-
tially filled up, but enough of a depression remained to catch con-
siderable water, which, soaking down, softened such bones as it
reached.

ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES

The siliceous stone commonly called “flint ” is found in some of its
forms in association with the limestone deposits in geological forma-
tions of different epochs.

There is a tendency on the part of geologists to restrict the name
“flint” to that variety of the stone which occurs so plentifully in
the chalk beds of western Europe, especially in England and France.
Before the invention of percussion caps this was used to make a
spark for igniting the powder in firearms. In large pieces it appears
black, but in thin fiakes it more resembles smoked glass. It does
not occur—at least it has not yet been discovered—in the Western
Hemisphere, and geologists prefer, for distinction, to apply the name
“chert ” to that which is found here. However, the popular term,
derived from the former use of “ flints” for guns, has come into such
common use that its status now seems to be firmly established.

The European variety owes its origin mainly to spicules of sponges
which flourished in the seas of the Cretaceous period; but, in America
at least, most flint or chert, using the terms as synonymous, results
from the life and activity of microscopic animal and plant life which
flourished in shallow basins or depressions near the shore line of the
ocean, partially inclosed by projecting land areas that would allow
free access of the salt water but would shelter the little bay from dis-
turbing waves and currents. Limestone also forms in these condi-
tions, but is the product of larger forms of life which abstract lime
from the sea water and convert it into supporting material, either
as skeleton or as shell. The diatoms and animalcules secrete siliceous
substance held in solution, in the same manner that mollusks and
corals secrete lime, but the former, being infinitely smaller, the result-
ing stone, when formed in clear water, is so close-grained as to appear
homogeneous like glass or agate. The finer product is usually depos-
ited in the deeper portions of the inlet, at some distance from the
margin, beyond the line to which currents can transport sediment
stirred up by wave action on the beach or the mud and silt carried
down by streams flowing in. Nearer land, the chert, owing to the
admixture of such foreign elements, becomes granular or porous,
forming buhrstone or even assuming a spongy or cellular structure
from the inclusion of shells and other mineral substances which are
afterwards dissolved by the water and disappear, leaving cavities
where they existed. In either case the chert thus formed may be

55231 °—28——33,

506 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

stratified or massive, like the limestone with which it is connected,
or it may be in nodules, concretions, flattened disks, or irregular thin
masses which roughly correspond in their position and direction with
the stone with which they are interstratified. The principal forms—
disks, nodules, or concretions—frequently conform to the stratifica-
tion of the stone containing them; that is, they are arranged in strata
or planes which are practically on the same level or slope as the
matrix. Often, however, they are distributed at random, as if they
had grown promiscuously. The nodules or concretions may be sym-
metrically spherical or ellipsoidal, but are usually more or less flat-
tened, even to thin disks or sheets. The outer portion of both the
massive flint and the nodules, to a varying depth, is usually grayish
or yellowish in color and granular or chalky in appearance as a result
of the disintegrating action of air and water which penetrate to
them. This destructive influence is more pronounced by far upon
the inclosing limestone than it is upon the chert; consequently the
former is gradually dissolved and carried away by percolating water,
while the chert remains in the clay which was diffused through the
limestone; and this being less susceptible to corrosive influences,
settles down as space is made for it and remains at the bottom when
the stone is carried away.

The coarse varieties of chert usually have a yellowish tinge, due
perhaps to oxidation of the included iron. Those of finer grain,
whether massive or nodular, are usually gray, ranging from almost
white to almost black beneath the weathered exterior; while the very
compact forms present a great diversity of coloring through every
shade of black, brown, yellow, red, blue, and sometimes purple or
green, from minute quantities of included iron, manganese, and other
substances entangled in the mass while it was forming or diffused
through it after it had hardened. These colors may have definite
limitations, may shade into one another, or may mingle indiscrimi-
nately, so there will often be several tints within a small space.
Occasionally coloring matter is entirely absent, in which case the
stone may be pure white if opaque, or clear like chalcedony if trans-
lucent. In the last, included carbon or other dark substances may
give it the appearance of moss agate.

While silica is the most abundant mineral in the earth’s crust so
far as this has been penetrated, very little flint or chert, compara-
tively speaking, is found as a distinctive rock until the limestones
of the Devonian era are reached. In these it appears in considerable
amount as irregular flattened disks of various sizes, sometimes segre-
gated, sometimes merging with others in layers measuring several
feet across; but it never appears in a continuous stratum, and is never
more than a few inches thick. It is generally coarse, much seamed

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 507

and cracked, easily shattered, breaking in any direction, and soon
falling into fragments when the inclosing rock is dissolved. Owing
to these defects, it was not adapted to the needs of those who were
compelled to use stone implements, though occasionally a piece of it
might be found which under stress of necessity could be converted
into a serviceable tool or weapon.

Ascending the geological scale, no more chert is found until the
rocks of the middle Carboniferous or “ Coal Measures” are reached;
the strata lying in the upper divisions of the Mississippian and
lower portions of the Pennsylvanian, to designate them according to
modern geological nomenclature. Here conditions seem to have been
especially favorable to the formation of chert; including in that term
the varieties classified as “silica”; flinty limestone (a mechanical mix-
ture of lime and silica) ; buhrstone; flint; jasper; hornstone ; basanite,
or lydite, either glossy or dull; novaculite; chalcedony ; or, in banded
or mingled coloration of the last, as “agate.” “Silica ” is a common
name applied to a stratified rock, each layer being practically uni-
form in thickness, though some beds are heavier than others. As
it resembles ordinary limestone deposits in depth and extent, it is
supposed to be not always an original formation, but to be due largely
if not entirely to a process of substitution or replacement, limestone
being dissolved and carried away by percolating water which leaves
silica in its place. Chalcedony and novaculite are usually formed
under open air by evaporation of water from springs, though the
latter is sometimes a precipitate. Agate and allied stone is similarly
formed, in crevices and cavities of massive rock. Such of these mate-
rials as can be readily converted by aboriginal methods into imple-
ments or weapons are grouped in popular parlance under the generic
term of “flint.” They are found principally in one geological hori-
zon, which in the earlier Ohio surveys is called the “ Hanging Rock
limestone,” from its marked development in the vicinity of that town,
formerly an important iron-manutacturing town in Lawrence County
on the Ohio River. The equivalent of this formation, bearing vari-
ous names according to locality, occurs in southeastern Ohio and
adjacent parts of West Virginia, reaches across eastern Kentucky
and Tennessee, into northern Alabama, and then, on the western
flank of the great central limestone and shale region determined by
the “Cincinnati uplift,” passes across western Tennessee and Ken-
tucky into southwestern Indiana, southern Illinois, and finally, cross-
ing southern Missouri and northern Arkansas, extends into Kansas
and Oklahoma. This is the vast “flint area,” where siliceous stone
under one or another of the names listed above is found in abundance.
Tt is not continuous, nor does any one deposit extend unbroken over
an area more than 15 or 20 miles across. The conditions necessary

508 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—IL [BTH. ANN. 44

for its formation existed only in restricted localities, often widely
separated. Even with these limitations, only a very small percentage
of it could be utilized by primitive man. He needed stone that was
extremely hard, homogeneous or nearly so in texture, fairly easy to
chip into desired forms, and capable of receiving and retaining a keen
edge. A prime requisite was that it should still retain the “ quarry
water”; when this evaporated the stone became brittle and would
shatter under a blow, or fracture in unexpected directions when sub-
jected to pressure. Consequently, “flint” picked up on the surface
where it had been exposed for any great length of time to atmos-
pheric influence would not be suitable for the needs of the arrow
maker. He must go down into the undisturbed clay or the unaltered
stratum to obtain stone possessing this indispensable quality.

Here and there, in all the States above specified, are found places
where extensive excavations were made; either pits dug from the
surface or quarries carried into the sides of the hills. Several of
those reported have been carefully investigated; but no doubt there
are many sites as yet unknown or overlooked, where diggings exist.

It may be added here that in other portions of the country, both
cast and west of the Mississippi Valley, flint—using this term
in its ordinary meaning—is not to be found. In such localities
recourse was had by the aborigines to other forms of stone; as quartz,
quartzite, argillite, rhyolite, in the east; obsidian in the west.

Omitting further mention of such sources, this report will be con-
fined to a description of the sites which have been examined for the
Bureau of American Ethnology, beginning at the north and extend-
ine toward the south and west.

Furnt rx Cosnocron County, Onto
NEAR WARSAW

Metham place—Three miles west of Warsaw, on the right (south)
side of the Walhonding River, which here makes a sharp bend to
the north, east, and south, is the estate of Col. Pren Metham. His
residence stands on a terrace of diluvial or glacial origin rising
some 50 feet above the level of the river-bottom lands. A ravine
putting into the river at this point has its beginning on the high
land a mile south of the house. A few hundred yards to the east-
ward is a similar ravine, nearly parallel with the first. The ridge
between these two ravines, out nearly to its end, carries its crest but
very little lower than the level at which the ravines have their origin.
At the termination of the ridge the slope on either side and the end
facing the river are so steep as to be difficult of ascent. The summit
of the ridge is narrow, and level for a sufficient distance back from
the point to contain an area of about 5 acres, then it suddenly rises
to an elevation 25 or 30 feet higher. Close to the surface was a cap-

POWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 509

rock of chert, which held its place throughout the erosion that took
place on either side, thus determining the peculiar form of the hill.
The slopes are in timber and brush, growing out of débris in which
there is less of earth than of chert, which is in a fragmentary con-
dition. The summit is covered with grass and weeds. Colonel
Metham, who made a careful study of conditions when the tract was
placed under cultivation, found satisfactory evidence that the aborig-
ines had begun at the outcrop on the western side and dug out all
the chert in the 5-acre area, throwing the débris behind them as the
work progressed, and thus leaving little pits and hummocks over the
entire surface. Owing to farming operations through many years,
these inequalities of surface were no longer visible at the time the
field was set in grass. There seems to have been much wastage, as
many large blocks which are unfit for working are scattered over the
top and slopes. Along both sides, facing the ravines, the outcrop is
visible in places for some distance back from the worked area; but
the dense growth renders it impossible to ascertain whether any
quarrying was done.

Most of the flint is gray, ranging from almost white to almost
black; but much of it is jet black (basanite), either dull or lustrous.
The gray, being uneven or irregular in structure, is much less suit-
able for chipping than the black, which is very smooth and compact.

A spur projecting westward from the north end of the ridge com-
mands a view of several miles up and down the Walhonding Valley.
On the extreme point of this, almost over Colonel Metham’s house, is
a stone mound which was fully 10 feet high before being disturbed
by relic hunters. They report finding in it the skeleton of a man at
least 7 feet tall. A few articles were with it, but nothing beyond the
ordinary objects usually found in such tumuli.

Meredith place——Adjoining Colonel Metham’s on the south is the
farm of Jesse Meredith, better known as the Crist place, having been
for three generations in possession of a family of that name. From
the main ridge a spur extends in an easterly direction; the residence
stands at the extremity of the spur that ends abruptly at a valley
through which passes the road from Warsaw to Mohawk village.
On the north side of this spur the flint outcrops near the top of the
slope. Along the outcrop, for a few rods below it, and up the
rounded summit elevation until the overlying earth becomes too thick
to be easily removed, are many pits, all large, and dug to a depth
necessary to penetrate to the level of the flint. Occasional spaces
along the outcrop seem to have been left untouched, but this appear-
ance is probably due to earth having been piled from diggings on
either side; in most parts the excavations are in the form of long
trenches which extend continuously fully a fourth of a mile. On top

510 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [EPH. ANN. 44

of the spur, near the end, where the depth of overlying earth is less,
there are many pits, the largest about 100 feet across and at present
6 feet deep; its original depth has been much lessened by natural
accumulation, and especially by having been farmed over for many
years. It is reasonable to suppose that this entire portion of the
spur has been quarried, though the dense undergrowth prevents this
from being learned with certainty. The surface is everywhere
covered with débris. On the south side of the spur the excavations
rival those of the famous Flint Ridge in Licking County. All the
flint has been taken out over a space of 5 or 6 acres. The existing
pits, which are really not “ pits” but merely spaces surrounded by
the earth and rock which was thrown in piles over denuded spots as
the work was carried on, are at present from 6 to 15 feet deep, accord-
ing to their position relative to the slope of the hill; in fact, the
depth of some of them may be much greater, as water stands in a few
throughout the year and the bottom of these has never been brought
to view; and all of them contain much muck whose thickness can not
be estimated.

McCullough and Davis farms.—Separated from the Meredith hill
by a deep ravine is a similar ridge to the southward. The western
end of this is on the Meredith, formerly the Whittaker, tract; the
eastern end of the spur belongs to John W. Davis. On the northern
slope of the ridge excavation is continuous for nearly half a mile,
along the outcrop as well as above and below it. No indication of
work could be found higher up on the ridge, or on the south slope;
but such evidence may exist, concealed beneath the dense growth.
Very little acreage is now under cultivation on any of these ridges;
most of it is still in forest or thickets, or set to grass, so the earth is
seldom visible. On every knoll and ridge, wherever the ground is
exposed by cultivation, by roads, or by paths made by stock, are
signs of extensive workshops. This is especially the case on the
Meredith and McCullough farms. Chips and flakes are found
wherever the surface is bare on the former place; while on the ad-
joining spur the ground is thickly strewn with shop refuse over its
entire length of about half a mile. Most of the flint on these two
farms is gray, of all shades; but there is also much basanite, and a
large amount showing varied stages of red, yellow, amber, pink, and
white, sometimes fairly uniform but for the most part striped,
mottled, and mingled; as well as a small quantity which more nearly
resembles the so-called “honey-colored” flint of France than has
been found anywhere else in this country.

NEAR WALHONDING

Kelly farm and Lockhard farm—rThree miles southeast of Wal-
honding, on the adjoining farms of Kelly and Lockhard, is a narrow

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 511

ridge extending in a general northeast and southwest direction for
nearly a mile, with several spurs branching off from it at different
angles. The crests of the ridge and of the spurs have practically the
same elevation, the caprock of massive stratified flint which protects
them from further erosion being covered with from 3 to 20 feet of
earth. The vertical range of the stone could not be ascertained, but
apparently it is not very thick. Beneath it is a sandy shale, which
in turn overlies heavy bedded sandstone. The topography is quite
broken, the region being a succession of hills and valleys, with very
little land that is even approximately level; but there are no bluffs,
and few of the hillsides are too steep for easy plowing. Ravines
surround the ridge containing the flint on three sides. At various
places along the tortuous outcrop, as well as on top of the hill
wherever the coating of earth is not so heavy as to render its removal
impracticable, comprising about half its area, are pits where the
stone was sought. None of them are deep; indeed, the exact location
of many of them can be determined only by the different character
and appearance of the soil and vegetation and the greater amount
of broken flint lying around. It would seem from a desultory inspec-
tion that the digging was done at random, as if many holes had been
started and abandoned; but careful review discloses that the excava-
tion was continuous over spaces measuring several rods across in any
direction on top of the hill; while long trenches yet extend around
the margin, the earth and broken rock being thrown in piles. At
the outcrop, and in some places for a hundred yards below it, such
work is still plainly to be seen. Before cultivation and consequent
filling had begun more of this evidence could be found than now
exists; and the quarrying seems to have been almost if not quite
continuous entirely around the southern part of the ridge, with less
of it on the northern side. When the superincumbent limestones
were weathered away the flint on the present summit was protected
from deterioration by the resultant clay covering, and the Indians
dug directly downward for it.

A line closely surrounding the extreme outward limits of the
quarrying operations would inclose a space of not less than 20 acres,
and probably three-fourths of this was worked over. At this time
fully 10 acres in total area is marked with excavations or with scat-
tered refuse where all the desirable stone was taken away. Much
of the flint was unfit for use and was left in and around the
diggings. Such as could be utilized was carried to various places in
the vicinity for working up; especially to knolls and ridges over-
looking springs, which are found in several ravines.

In color the stone ranges from light to dark gray, almost black;
occasionally there is a fragment of basanite. There is no diversity of

512 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

coloration. Most of it is of coarse grain, uncertain fracture, diffi-
cult to flake or chip with accuracy, and consequently can not be
wrought into delicate or artistic shapes.

Fut iw Licxrne Country, Ouro

Flint Ridge—The quarries at this place are so well known, through
the publication of numerous papers relating to them, that no descrip-
tion need be given here.

Complete information regarding the locality will be found in the
Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1884; the Archeological
History of Ohio (Fowke); Primitive Man in Ohio (Moorehead) ;
and a special paper by W. C. Mills, published by the Ohio Arche-
ological and Historical Society, Columbus.

Furt wn Perry Country, Onto

Within the corporate limits of the town of New Lexington are two
small deposits of flint, one of them northwest, the other northeast
of the courthouse. The latter. has been much quarried for road
metal; there were a few small shallow depressions, apparently aborig-
mal excavations, but these have been obliterated. The flint is from
4 to 6 feet in thickness, the variation being due to the unevenness
of the sea bottom on which it was deposited, the top of the flint
stratum being almost uniform in level. The stratification is irregu-
lar; in places there may be a foot or even more of solid compact
stone; while within a short distance it will split into numerous
seams.

The deposit to the northwest was quarried to a limited extent by
the aborigines. The largest pit is 8 feet in depth and 28 or 30 feet
in diameter, both measurements from the encircling ridge of earth
thrown out in uncovering the stone. There are but few of these pits,
all of them being contained in an area of about one-third of an acre.

To judge from what can be seen of the stone in the various cuts
for streets, railroads, and quarry supplies, not more than 1 per cent
of it is available for any other implements than arrowheads. It is
seldom that a piece can be found free from included earthy matter,
seams, cracks, crystals, or fossils, and large enough to be worked into
a blade as much as 3 inches long. The unweathered portions of the
stone vary greatly in both color and texture. Some of it is blue with
clear chalcedony intermixed. Some is a glossy, velvety, smooth black.
Some is blue-black with veins of crystal or chalcedony. Some is
gray or drab. Much of it is brown, yellow, or grayish-black from
oxidation or from carbonate of iron. In most of it iron, fossils, sand,
or lime has weathered out, leaving the stone porous or spongy.

FOWKE | ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 513

In various parts of central and southern Ohio have been found
small arrowheads that appear to be made of this flint. They are
abundant around the Licking Reservoir, and on some shop sites on
the north side of that water flakes and chips of this or exactly similar
material are as numerous as those of the “ Flint Ridge stone ” which
occurs much closer at hand.

Excavations are feasible in only a small area; about 5 or 6 acres
in the deposit toward the northwest and less than half that extent
to the northeast. Beyond these limits the overlying earth is too
thick to be penetrated by primitive methods. But the stone seems
to have been restricted in amount when laid down, for within a
hundred yards to the southward, at the level where it should occur,
there is no sign of it. A few bowlders or “ chunks” are found to
the northward, but no continuous bed. To the east it disappears
under the bed of a creek a fourth of a mile from the ancient diggings.
The ledge where it is dug is 10 feet above the stream, with a descend-
ing slope in every direction. There is a workshop on the east end
of the little knoll thus formed. Scraps, spalls, and fragments are
numerous, but no flakes, few chips, and no “turtlebacks” or broken
specimens in the few places where the sod is sufficiently broken by
tramping of cattle to allow examination.

Among the “diggings” on Flint Ridge there are not fewer than
100 pits any one of which required more work in its excavation than
all that have ever been found around New Lexington.

Firt my Kanawua Vatiey, W. Va.

A stratum of black flint about 4 feet in thickness is continuous
over a large portion of the Lower Coal Measures of West Virginia.
Along the Kanawha River it extends from Elk Shoals, immediately
below the mouth of Elk River, to a short distance east of Hawk’s
Nest. The shoals are caused by the flint stratum at its lowest level
on the surface; but it is not visible here, being covered by the water
and by the alluvium on either side. The dip of the rocks in this
region is to the northwest at the rate of 35 to 40 feet per mile, which
brings the flint to its final outcrop about 25 miles to the eastward.
Its extent along the strike is not known; but it can be found in the
river hills and in the ravines tributary to the Kanawha wherever
it has not been buried by detritus from the weathered shales and
sandstones above it. The underlying formation is a soft shale; and
wherever a stream, large or small, cuts across it the flint forms a
shelf over which the water falls in a clean sheet, the shale being cut
back sometimes to a distance of 25 feet. The mountain sides are so
steep that excavations from the surface to the stone are impracticable,
or to Indians impossible; but all the creeks which cross it have their

514 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—IL [EYH. ANN. 44

beds lined with fragments, some of which will measure at least a
cubic yard in volume. In no place does the stratum seem to be solid
throughout its entire depth, but is in layers varying from less than
an inch to fully 2 feet in thickness. The blocks in the streams are
usually so weathered or checked with seams as to be unfit for the
manufacture of implements; but much of it is as compact and as
readily worked as that mined from a portion protected by soil.
Should it be found desirable to secure blocks from the parent ledge,
this could easily be done by breaking them off where a stream has
uncovered it, digging into the hill if necessary. All traces of such
work would be obliterated in a few years.

Tf any actual quarrying was ever done it was only along the
extreme eastern outcrop, where the flint forms the cap rock; nothing
of the kind could be found nor was it reported. Owing to the great
abundance of suitable material to be had in the creek beds or at the
falls where the flint crosses the streams there would be little need
for such quarrying.

Near the top of the mountain 2 miles north of Ansted is a spring
known as Indian Spring, flowing off of shale underlying the flint. A
level bench or terrace at a little lower level and to one side of the
spring is said to be covered with flint chips, but the dense vegeta-
tion effectually conceals them.

On top of the mountain above Powellsville, 5 miles from Mount
Carbon, near a large “ bear wallow,” is a little knoll on which chips
are found.

At the mouth of Kellys Creek, 20 miles above Charleston, and of
Hughes Creek, 4 miles farther up, are evidences of much flint manu-
facturing.

Between the mouth of Kellys Creek and its head where the ledge
crosses—about 9 miles—there are thousands of wagonloads of flint
blocks in sight; and in places where the bottom is 300 or 400 feet
wide the ground is filled with such blocks as deep as any road or
stream has cut. The same is also the case along other creeks, the
flint resisting erosion and gradually settling to lower levels as the
strata above and below are disintegrated and carried away.

Practically all of this Kanawha flint is coarse-grained and objects
made from it are mostly rough and rather thick as compared with
the other dimensions. Thin or delicate implements can not be
chipped from it, though it is well adapted for hatchets, digging
tools, and other purposes not requiring keen or smooth edges.

Furnt 1x Carrer Country, Ky.

Carter is the southern of three counties which form the northeast
corner of Kentucky, between the Ohio and Big Sandy Rivers.

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 515

For rugged and picturesque scenery, and remarkable geological
and erosional features, it is not equaled by any other county in the
State.

From a point on the Ohio near the mouth of Tygart River a high
ridge winds its way southward and westward into Rowan County,
forming a divide between streams which flow into Licking, Little
Sandy, Tygart, and Kinniconick Rivers. One peak in this range
has an elevation of 900 feet above its base. A branch of the Chesa-
peake & Ohio Railway from Garrison 12 miles west of Portsmouth,
passing through a depression in this hill, finds it necessary to use a
grade of 212 feet to the mile. The railroad extends a distance of 20
miles to Carter City—customarily shortened to Carter—where the
Oligonunk caverns are located.

Four miles to the south and southeast of Carter, within a radius
of about a mile, are three natural bridges, each one of them larger
in some of its dimensions than the famous “ Natural Bridge of
Virginia”; four caverns, from one of which the explorer, after
scrambling and clambering through mud and over huge rock masses
for a distance of 4 miles, is glad to find himself, weary and famished,
emerging into daylight through a large opening in the side of a
cliff, not more than 200 yards from the place where he started in; a
rock arch, narrow and symmetrical, separated by a chasm from the
hill behind it, with its highest inside point corresponding to the
keystone having an elevation of 115 feet above the débris which has
accumulated at the bottom, and 150 feet above the stream which
flows a few yards away; a large creek disappearing in a crevice at
the foot of a high hill and coming out on the other side nearly a
mile from the place where it entered; the gorge of Tygart, where
the river flows between vertical walls 350 feet high and at places
not much more than that distance apart at the top; slopes rising
steeply from the river to the summits of peaks and ridges 600 to
700 feet above the stream, to drop off into deep valleys on the other
side; the “ falls,” really a cascade 19 feet high, but of unusual sym-
metry; the “loop,” where the river after a circuit of 7 miles doubles
back to such an extent that a man can throw a stone across the
isthmus; the Tygart itself, one of the crookedest rivers in the world.
The word “ Tygarts” would be more appropriate than “ meanders ”
to express the extreme of divagation or indirection.

The north end of Carter County projects as a broad wedge or
triangle between Lewis and Greenup Counties. In this area, within
5 or 6 miles to the west, southwest, and southeast of Carter, are exten-
sive flint deposits. None of the stone is found to the north or east
of the railway; at least the residents claim they do not know of
any. Inasmuch as many of them possess an almost uncanny knowl-

oe

516 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—IL [BTH. ANN. 44

edge of natural features for miles in every direction, it could be
safely taken for granted that their statement is correct, and no
examination was made in that direction.

Buffalo Creek flows past Carter from the southwest ; Smith Creek,
coming from the northwest, joins it at the lower end of the town.
Between these two is another creek, Brushy Fork, which joins
Buffalo 114 miles west of Carter.

Fannin place—YVhe first indications of aboriginal work are to be
seen on top of the ridge between Buffalo and Brushy, on the farm
of James Fannin, 314 miles nearly west from Carter. No flint is
in place near here, but on a knoll forming the summit of a narrow
place in the ridge the ground is sparsely strewn over a space of
half an acre with blocks, spalls, flakes, and chips. The amount
of material now to be seen is limited and has probably been scattered
from a single arrow maker’s seat of indutsry.

Thomas place —Three-fourths of a mile northwest from Fannin’s
is a large spring on the land of Thomas T. Thomas; it comes out
of the south hillside, 50 feet below the top. The surface above and
to either side of the spring is covered with broken and partly worked
flint; but there seem to be few flakes or chips, so it may be not an
implement factory, but a blocking-out shop.

McGlone place-—Opposite Thomas’s is the farm of N. A. McGlone.
In exposed limestone ledges here are great numbers of nodules, of
all sizes from an inch to a foot in diameter, each of which has a
nucleus of red or red-orange, translucent, very fine-grained flint
which sometimes has only a thin, weathered, grayish exterior coat-
ing. There are faint indications of digging on the slope below the
ledges, but they may be only natural inequalities of surface.

Watson place—Adjoining McGlone’s is George Watson’s farm.
On the north side of the road, near his house, is a narrow ridge,
extending toward Brushy Fork; at its outer end the entire surface is
dug over, on ton and down the slope on each side. Where workable
nodules could be found near the top of the ground the pits are small
and shallow; in other parts they are of varying sizes, the largest
being of irregular outline, from 75 to 125 feet across from rim to rim
of the surrounding wall, which is from 7 to 10 feet above the bottom
of the excavation. There was an extensive workshop on this ridge,
débris being abundant wherever the ground can be seen.

Stamper place-—A fourth of a mile north of Watson’s house, on
the Stamper farm, is a large spring in a ravine, 200 feet lower than
the top of the hill. The ground is mostly overgrown around it, but
wherever there is a break in the weeds or grass much workshop
refuse appears, and some well-finished implements have been picked
up. There are no diggings nearer than those on the Watson farm.

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES SIE)

Cooper place-—A short distance beyond Watson’s is a store be-
longing to Carver, but usually known as Cooper’s, from a previous
owner. Across the road from the store, on Hiram Cooper’s land. is
a gentle slope, facing east, and running out to the north in a narrow
ridge. Over a space of 50 by 200 yards the ground is strewn or
covered with worked flint in every stage, from broken nodules to
flakes and fine chips. There is a strong, never-failing spring on the
hillside near the center of the flint refuse. No diggings could be
found, but the slope below the workshop is covered and filled with
concretions, and abundant material for making desired forms of
implements could doubtless be secured without making excavations
of sufficient magnitude to maintain their identity as such through a
long period of time.

Carver place—On Jeff Carver’s farm, east of the Stafford school-
house beyond the store, is a mound of such regular form as to be
generally considered artificial; but it is entirely a natural feature.
The ground surrounding it is commonly known as “the flint field ”
on account of the great quantity of stone on the surface. There
was such a rank growth of grass that none of the flint could be seen
when the spot was visited, so it was impossible to learn whether there
was a workshop here. In a corner of the field, southeast of the
mound, were small pits, now mostly filled up. Some refuse is to be
seen around them.

There are no other workings on this ridge; and reported “ dig-
gings” at other parts of it result from the attempts of misguided
visionaries to find a “vein of silver,” or “ where Indians buried all
their gold,” or other forms of “ hidden treasure.”

McCormick place-—Crossing Brushy Fork, to the ridge between
that stream and Smith Creek, John McCormick’s farm is reached,
not far from the railway station of Deep Cut, 5 miles northwest of
Carter. At the end of a ridge on this farm were excavations amount-
ing to an acre or perhaps more; most of the pits are now filled by
cultivation and natural wash. The ground is covered with broken
flint, much of it showing that it has been worked. Nodules lie thick
in the earth, and not much excavating was necessary to procure
good, unweathered material, consequently they have been gathered
for some distance below the outcrop.

Smith place—The next excavations beyond McCormick’s are on
the farm of John J. Smith, who lives 4 miles west of Carter. Near
his house there is a narrowing and lowering of the ridge, due to
ravines which have cut their way back from opposite directions.
In the depression or “col” thus created the flint horizon is only a
few feet beneath the surface, and several large deep pits in the de-
pressed area take up most of the space in which the earth has been

518 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

worn away to an extent that makes access to the stone feasible. Some
of these pits contain water all the year, even through the driest
season. No excavations can be traced on the northern slope, which
is abrupt and broken; but over an area of fully 2 acres along the
southern slope, mostly below the level of the limestone, the entire
space has been dug to a varying depth in quest of nodules imbedded
in the residual clay. The débris is piled irregularly, so that the pits
and little intervening ridges give the impression at first that the exca-
vations were disconnected instead of continuous. Thousands of cubic
yards of earth and rock were removed here. On beyond these pits
the ground rises to a thickness so great as to exceed the ability of
aborigines to get through it; and it so continues for more than half
a mile. Then, due to the presence of two ravines, nearly parallel
and not far apart, a short spur is formed, from which the earth has
been eroded until a practically level area of 3 or 4 acres results, on
which only sufficient clay soil remained to protect the flint from
weathering. All this spur has been completely dug over and the
flint taken out. The excavating did not extend to the south side of
the spur for some reason; but on the north side for a short distance
along the outcrop and below it they are continuous; then, with short,
unequal spaces intervening, pits extend along the north outcrop for
a fourth of a mile. j

Over an area of at least 10 acres on this farm, around and between
the various excavations, the surface of the ground is covered with
workshop débris. It varies in thickness from point to point, as if
there had been certain centers of manufacture at each of which much
refuse had piled up around the artisan; it would diminish gradually
in all directions, then again increase toward another center. The
waste material has been dragged and scattered by cultivation, but
in a number of places it is still so deep that the bottom has never
been reached by the plow. On every square foot of the space occu-
pied by this old factory worked pieces may be found. Among them
are many hammer stones of granite, foreign flint, diorite and sim-
ilar hard rocks of glacial origin; one of these was a bowlder of
light-green, unusually hard and tough diorite, weighing about 12
pounds; it was worn round and smooth by action of ice and water,
and at two places on its surface it was much battered from break-
ing up large nodules, a condition which predicated extensive usage.
All such hammers had been carried from the shores or banks of the
Ohio River where they were deposited by glacial floods; so it is
probable that much, or most, of the quarrying and flaking in this
vicinity was due to the industry of Indians living along that stream.

The flint is extremely diversified in color, red of various shades,
white, gray, yellow, brown, and almost orange, of uniform shading,

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 519

mottled, or banded; opaque or translucent; very compact; easily
flaked. It is all from nodules of varying sizes, usually red at the
center; the weathered crust of different thicknesses, sometimes only a
thin coating on the solid flint inside, sometimes so thick as to make
the nodule worthless.

No matter what the color may be, most of the flint has a peculiar
luster which, like that of the Flint Ridge (Ohio) stone, makes it
easy to recognize wherever found. This quality establishes the fact
that fully 75 per cent, perhaps more, of the flint implements found
along the Ohio between the Guyandotte and the Kentucky Rivers,
and possibly to a less extent beyond these limits, are made of the
flint from Carter County.

McGinnis and Oney places —There is much chert on the McGinnis
and Oney farms, on the ridge extending to the southeast from
Smith’s; but it does not appear to be adaptable to aboriginal require-
ments, and there is no evidence that it was sought by Indians.

John Hignite place—On John Hignite’s farm, 5 miles south of
Carter, is a small area over which is scattered much broken flint,
many nodules, and a small quantity of worked pieces. There is some
of the red among it, but most of the stone is coarse and unsuited for
working. No pits or other signs of digging could be discovered, and
the numerous gullies in the vicinity may have provided all the
material used.

Levi Hignite place. —On the farm of Levi Hignite, 5 miles south-
east of Carter, in a rolling tract separated from Tygart River by a
narrow range of high hills, mountainous in appearance, is a field so
overgrown with weeds and bushes that only in a very few places is
it possible to see the ground. There were formerly many pits and
other evidences of ancient digging, but before the field was abandoned
they were filled and leveled in the process of cultivation. An area
estimated by different persons familiar with the locality at about
10 acres is covered with broken nodules and smaller fragments,
among which is a very large proportion of pieces more or less worked.
Fully 2 acres of this space could never be plowed on account of the
great amount of closely packed fragments. On knolls and ridges in
the immediate vicinity are workshops where it would seem that much
flaking was done. An attempt at a careful examination was made,
but it is impossible to present any definite statement until the field
may be cleared off again. It could be ascertained, however, that
many of the nodules had the usual centers of red or brown, semitrans-
lucent, compact flint; possibly some of this is fossil coral. The
interior of other nodules was bluish or grayish. All had the chalky
coating in various degrees of thickness. The range and variation
in texture and coloration is not so great as in the flint at the Smith
diggings and workshops.

520 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BLH. ANN. 44
Furnr ry Topp Counry, Ky.

In the southwest corner of Todd County, Ky., 2 or 3 miles from
Trenton, is a field in which the ground is covered with shop refuse
derived from hornstone nodules. It is of the same character, in
color, texture, and chipping qualities, as the hornstone around Wyan-
dotte Cave in Indiana. It was observed in passing by, and there
was no opportunity to make an examination of the site; but there
must be quarries, as well as other workshops, in the neighborhood.

Furxt ry Harprin anp Wayne Counties, TENN.

From stone graves along the lower Tennessee and Cumberland
Rivers have been taken a number of remarkable chipped objects.
None, or at least very few, like them occur elsewhere, and the chert
of which they are made differs from that in any quarry so far
discovered. The scarcity of the material, as denoted by the rela-
tively few specimens and the limited area in which they are found,
indicates a local deposit which has thus far, by its small extent,
escaped the notice of prospectors and collectors. Many persons have
sought to find it, but as yet unsuccessfully.

A workshop was reported in Hardin County, Tenn., on which.
so it was stated, may be found many large broken or unfinished
specimens, some of the fragments being thin, slender, and “as long
as the blade of a table knife.” The place was visited in the hope
that a clue might be found which would eventually lead to the
wished-for quarry. It is a little more than a mile northwest of
Olive Hill, a village 12 miles south of Clifton on the Tennessee
River.

In a level creek bottom is the site of an Indian village, marked by
dark earth over an area of about 1 acre; a smal! mound; and a number
of stone graves. The ground is strewn with the usual remains found
in such places, flint chips being especially noticeable. Among the
latter, however, none could be found resembling the material sought ;
nor has any such come to the notice of those living on the farm,
although they have gathered many specimens from the fields and
cleaned out several of the stone graves.

A large part of Hardin and Wayne Counties is covered with
chert, dingy white, grayish, or yellowish in color, rather close but
not uniform in texture, weathering superficially into various shades

1 After this report was made, and it was too late to visit the place he mentions, Mr.
S. W. Denny, of Ashland, Tenn., stated that he had found the site “where the ‘Stone
Grave’ Indian obtained his flint, or in other words the dark-colored stone or chert from
which he made his large chisels and arrow points. The quarry is in Stewart County,
Tenn. I recently found 10 of those large chisels or axes in one place—evidently buried
there to hide them, as there was no quarry. Six vessels were also in the same place.”

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 521

of yellow and brown, and not susceptible of such delicate chipping as
the compact chert of Ohio or the hornstone of southern Indiana.
Most of the higher hills to the east and south of Clifton are capped
with it, and wherever examined it has the same nature.

Black flint is reported at several places on Eagle Creek from
10 to 15 miles east of Clifton. Also, “ balls” or “ bowlders” of the
same color are said to “roll out of the hillside” along a certain
ravine. A careful search at various places, especially in the said
ravine, disclosed some black flint which plainly came from a stratum
having a maximum thickness of about 8 inches; at least this was the
measure of the thickest piece found which had a natural surface on
both sides. Most of it is in small angular fragments. ‘The owner
of this farm, who has lived on it for more than 60 years, has never
seen any nodules, or the black flint in place. The cap rock of
the ridge is the same whitish chert observed on other hills.

Pits, “like ore diggings,” were reported, as existing at 6 miles and
also at 12 miles eastward of Clifton. They are due to the uprooting
of large trees. Similar pits are reported from Lowryville, 28 miles
southward; but as these are only a short distance from deposits
near Florence, Ala., which are known to be unfit for aboriginal
needs, they were not visited.

Almost every strip of bottom land along the Tennessee and its
tributaries, in the vicinity of Clifton, yields an abundance of flint
chips, spalls, and broken implements. Nearly all larger fragments
are of the ordinary chert, but many of the smaller pieces are pink,
bluish, or dark stone of finer grain. It has not been ascertained
whether the latter material belongs to this locality; if so, there must
be very little of it.

The principal workshop investigated is on the farm of Mr. Charles
H. Moore, 8 miles south of Clifton, on Hardin Creek. A gentle slope
with an elevation of 30 to 40 feet, between the creek and the steeper
hill behind it, is divided into three parts by two ravines. On the
western part, comprising somewhat more than an acre, much of the
surface, especially on the portion toward the creek, is literally covered
with workshop débris. A great many well-finished specimens have
been carried away from the site. Most of the material is the chert
capping all the hills and strewn over the slopes in the neighborhood.
From the appearance of the débris it is almost a certainty that none
of it was mined or quarried from the hills, but was gathered, perhaps
dug out, from the creek bed and from ravines. Nearly all unworked
surfaces have the smooth polish and rounded angles belonging to
waterworn pebbles. A few specimens were made of flint which does
not belong here. All of these are small except the sharpened end of
a celt-like implement probably not less than a foot long originally.
On the edge and part of the blade is the polish resultant from usage.

55231°—28-_34

522 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

The surface has the bluish-gray tint belonging to many similar large
pieces from western Kentucky and Tennessee. The fracture, which
is quite recent, shows, however, that the outward color is scarcely
more than a film, the unweathered interior being almost the color of
dark-blue slate. This feature may aid in determining the identity
of the quarry when it is discovered.

The middle part of the terrace is the site of a workshop similar to
that on the west; but it has more remains of occupancy in the way
of hammers, mortars, pestles, anvil or cup stones, and burned rock.

The third part of the terrace, that farthest east, is said to contain
remains similar to those on the other two; but dense vegetation
prevented examination.

Other workshops examined are much like this, except that none are
as well defined or cover as large an area.

Furnt In Harrison Country, Iyp.

The Indiana Geological Survey Report for 1878 gives upon the
map of Harrison County several localities in which it is said
aboriginal flint workers quarried for raw material. So much of
the map as is necessary in this connection is reproduced here in
Figure 16. Two of the places marked are wrongly described. It is
true that flint occurs in considerable quantities, but it is somewhat
granular or porous and not fitted for the use of the Indian. A
large portion of Harrison County is strewn with chert from the
Chester and St. Louis groups of the Subcarboniferous limestone.
Most of it is dull yellow or gray in color, porous or fragmental in
character, and much of it contains crystals or fossils or the cavities
from which these have weathered out. Occasionally a nodule may
be found in this chert which is more solid than the general mass;
the central part of such sometimes affords good material for imple-
ments of small size.

In one part of the St. Louis limestone is a stratum, said by the
survey report to be not more than 18 or 20 inches thick, which in
places seems to be composed largely or almost entirely of rounded
or flattened nodules of very compact blue or gray hornstone, vary-
ing in their dimensions from the size of a pea to spheres 6 inches in
diameter; spheroids up to 10 or 12 inches across by 3 to 6 inches
thick; and ellipsoids with an extreme length of 15 or 16 inches.
The outlines of the last are often quite irregular; while a section
through either the longest or the shortest diameter will be an
ellipse, the median plane may have a more or less tortuous outline.
All of these forms have an outer coating of yellowish or grayish
chalk-like substance resulting partly from decomposition of the
hornstone and partly from contact with the limestone in which it is

FrOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 523

imbedded. After prolonged exposure to the atmosphere the entire
nodule may be thus altered. Nodules freshly brought out from a
considerable depth are very slightly changed in this respect and are
easily chipped into any desired form; although hard and tough, the

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QUARRIES

VILLAGE SITES BRANDENBURG

Fic. 16.—Hornstone quarries and workshops in Harrison County, Ind.

flint, under percussion, splits into thin flakes or spalls across the
nodule, and these flakes are more readily worked into form than
pieces of similar shape derived from any other geological horizon
in the Ohio valley.

524 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH, ANN. 44

The bedded stone in this region is highly susceptible to both sub-~
aerial and subterranean erosion; the topography, in consequence, is
very irregular. Sink-holes occur by thousands; in fact, the so-called
“valleys”. are nothing but depressions from which the entire mass
of limestone formerly occupying them has been carried away by un-
derground drainage. One of these sinks, known as “Grass Valley,”
is an irregular area about 8 miles long by 5 miles across, having an
average depression of 100 feet below the surrounding rim. Most of
the streams are bordered in portions of their course by vertical cliffs
from 50 to 200 feet high, while smaller cliffs are numerous along the
slopes, in places where no water is to be seen except in rainy seasons.
Some of these cliffs are the borders or side walls of former caverns
whose roofs have fallen in.

The workable flint is by no means continuous over the entire
space where it comes in view. The overlying rock is a solid, heavy-
bedded limestone, and in the hills this made access to the flint strata
impossible to the Indians; under such conditions they could only
gather up the nodules along the hillsides where they were washed out,
or dig slight pits which would soon fill up from the slopes above
them. On the other hand, where disintegration and denudation had
exposed the nodules to atmospheric influences they would become
chalky or split up into angular fragments unfit for flaking.

So it appears that the native flint worker secured his supply in
three different ways. He gathered it in ravines as it washed out of
the hills; he dug as far back as he could into the slopes where he had
thus learned that it was to be found; and he dug shallow pits where
the decay of the protecting limestone had left a coating of clay thick
enough to preserve the flint in good condition. The pits were
shallow because by the time the limestone was all gone there was
not much clay left.

The nodule-bearing stratum does not appear east of Buck Creek,
unless in the highest hills; from here the dip is to the southwest at
the rate of about 40 feet to the mile, which brings it to water level
along Blue River. The solid blue variety appears, also, to be con-
fined to an area about 10 miles in length along the strike of the rock
and about 5 miles in breadth. It may exist beyond these limits; but
if so, it has not been observed.

On the left bank of Indian Creek, in Scott Township (NW. %4
sec. 19, T. 4 S., R. 36 E.), on the land of 8. M. Mauck, nodules have
been extensively quarried. An area of 5 or 6 acres is covered with
small pits, none of them now more than 3 feet deep; leaves and
trash were cleared out of two to a depth of 4 feet before reaching
bottom. In one were found, at the bottom, fragments of antlers,
so decayed that it could not be determined whether they had been

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 525

employed as digging tools. The nodules, when spherical, are oc-
casionally found as large as 6 inches in diameter; above that size
most of them are ellipsoidal, though some are spheroidal; some of
the former measure more than 12 inches in their greatest diameter.
The quarries are on a gentle slope and are carried from the lower
edge of the outcrop to a distance of 3 to 5 rods up the hill, the width
varying according to the inclination of the ground. A yellowish-
white chalky coat covers each one, the thickness of this varying
from one-fourth of an inch to 3 inches, thus, in some instances,
taking up nearly the entire mass. The flint is a typical hornstone,
being dark, almost black, in freshly exposed surfaces of large nodules
and weathering to a light gray or bluish gray. Very few of them
show concentric rings when broken, but such rings are common on
specimens which have been long acted on by the air.

In front of Mauck’s house a tract of high level bottom land con-
taining 5 or 6 acres is thickly covered with broken nodules, chips,
spalls and fragments.

On John Kintner’s land, across the creek from Mauck’s, is another
quarry, less in extent but with pits somewhat larger and deeper.

On “the Widow Bottle’s farm,” at Rocky Hollow (sec. 31, T. 4,
R. 3), 14% miles below Mauck’s, are a few small, shallow pits on top
of the cliff above the creek; and chips occur on a little knoll near by.

On the farm of David Jacobs, known as “the old Stockslager
place,” diggings are reported; but no one living in the vicinity
knew anything about them. Along the road forming one boundary
of the farm the ground is covered with nodules up to 8 inches in
diameter. This flint can be chipped out by single blows with a ham-
mer in flakes one-fourth of an inch or less in thickness and 3 or 4
inches across, with a smooth, clean fracture surface. Many chips are
scattered about the fields on this farm, and a field across the road
from it is called “the flint field,” the ground being covered over an
area of 3 or 4 acres, in fact almost hidden from sight in spots, with
fragments due to aboriginal work. While the nodules now on the
surface seem perfectly adapted to such uses, it may be that they have
been uncovered by erosion since the Indians resorted to the place;
and also, that diggings exist in the woods or have been obliterated
by cultivation.

At Valley City the ground over several fields seems to have long
been the site of arrowhead factories. On nearly every farm through
the low level ground in this vicinity beds of nodules are found, vary-
ing from a few rods to 3 or 4 acres in extent; but no digging seems
ever to have been carried on. Finished or partially finished imple-
ments are abundant, and small workshops exist at various places
within a mile or two of the crossroads postoffice of Valley City.

526 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN, 44

Pits dug in comparatively level ground may be seen on the farm
of Harrison Pitman (SE. 14 sec. 32, R.3, T.4). As most of these are
in woods it is difficult to ascertain their extent; but they comprise
at least 2 or 3 acres. Several are in a cleared field; and among the
latter is one now about 4 feet deep and 50 feet across.

It is reported that similar pits, representing about the same
amount of work, exist on the farm of David Schaffer “ about a mile
northeast of Pitman’s.”

A little work of this nature has been done on the farm of Henry
Struble (NE. 14 sec. 35, R. 3, T. 5); but the stone is of poor quality
and the excavation was probably only an experiment.

The most extensive digging discovered is on top of a hill terminat-
ing in a high precipice overlooking the Ohio River, halfway between
Mauckport and New Amsterdam. The flint stratum outcrops at
the top of the precipice, and here the aborigines began their labors,
throwing the earth and refuse material behind them as they worked
into the hill. The excavated area is semicircular in form, being
about 200 feet in length along the brow of the cliff and extending
100 feet back at the farthest point. At this distance the earth was
evidently too thick to justify its removal. The depth of the ditch,
to the surface of an unknown thickness of accumulation in the
bottom, is now 9 feet, consequently the face of the quarry at the
time of its abandonment must have been nearly or quite 15 feet.
In addition to this, there is a row of small pits extending for more
than 100 feet, a few rods from the bluff. The ground thrown back
out of the way and that immediately around the margin of the
excavations contains such an amount of broken flint as to be almost
like a macadamized road.

At the foot of the bluff was an aboriginal village and burial
ground which has furnished a great quantity of relics. The river
shore is strewn with chips, flakes, spalls, and fragments, which
show every process of manufacture from the first blocking-out to
the final minute flaking touches.

On the following farms patches of an acre or more in extent are
covered with spalls in such quantities that cultivation is difficult on
account of them. Pits may have existed before the land was cleared,
but there is no evidence of them now.

Henry Blake, SE. 4 sec. 22; Richards, NE. 14 sec. 27; H. E.
Trotter, NW. 14 sec. 8; Lopp, SW. 14 sec. 27; Pittman
(reported, but not visited), southern part of sec. 2 or 3; along the
New Amsterdam pike for half a mile or more west of Valley City,
sec. 7.

On the farms of Alfred Hardshaw, SW. 14 sec. 6; S. M. Stock-
slager, SW. 14 sec. 21; and Harry Hays, NW. 1% sec. 28, are large

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 527

blocking-out shops where the ground is covered with spalls; there
are no evidences of quarrying near at hand, but in all the ravines
nodules of various sizes are abundant. They may have been gathered
from such places, or from small pits along the outcrop, which have
now filled to the general level.

All these are in R. 3, T. 5.

A fourth of a mile east of the Hardshaw shop site was a trench
4 or 5 feet deep when first observed, and probably 100 feet long,
where nodules were procured. The surface was strewn with spalls
and broken concretions, but these have been removed or buried and
the trench filled by farming operations.

In sec. 26, T. 3 S., R. 2 E., on the Sibert farm, Blue River makes
a long, tortuous loop. The surface of the knoll within the bend is
worn down nearly to the level of the flint-bearing stratum. On all
sides the hill is strewn for some distance below the top with nodules
and fragments, many of them showing artificial cleavage or cracking.
Among them are a few small bowlders of glacial origin, bearing
marks of much use as hammers. On top of the knoll a space of an
acre or more is covered with the refuse of implement making. At
every wash, cow path, or other broken place in the sod, chips, flakes,
and spalls are abundant.

Half a mile east of this knoll is an outcrop of the flint in a ravine.
Some chipping has been done on a gentle slope on one of the hills.
There is no evidence that any quarrying was done; the artisans seem
to have found all the raw material they needed in the freshly exposed
portions of the outcrop.

Another outcrop is reported to the south or southeast of these
two, and on the opposite side of Blue River. This site was not
visited.

On the Geological Survey map, the word “ flints” is printed along
the line between secs. 29 and 32. There is an abundance of chert,
but none of it fit for use and no aboriginal work was ever done
there. The same is true of “ Huffman’s Hill” in sec. 23.

Many finishing shops are reported, almost invariably on village
sites. Only a few were visited. Flakes and chips were found in pro-
fusion over at least an acre in each of the following places:

On the hill just back of Kendall’s Landing; on a high hill on
J.C. Lopp’s farm, NW. 14 sec. 8, R. 3, T. 5; immediately below the
mouth of Indian Creek; at Morvin’s Landing, opposite Branden-
burg, Ky.; at Lopp’s Landing, sec. 25: the old village site near the
large quarry above described.

On S. P. Cunningham’s farm, NW. 1 sec. 6, R. 3, T. 5, were two
mounds, now destroyed. The field around them is reported to be
“full of flint chips” when the ground is freshly plowed. Near this

528 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN, 44

field, on the same farm, is a shelter cave under a bluff of subcarbonif-
erous sandstone. The roof and wall in places still show the effects
of heat and smoke. Many chips are in, or on, the dust of the floor;
and it is said that when the site was first known one “could not see
the ground for the flint.” There is a good, never-failing spring at
one end of the cave, and the hogs have resorted to the spot ever since
the country was settled. The mud they have carried in, added to
the sand falling from the roof, has filled the floor to a much higher
level than it formerly had.

On Borden’s farm, a mile directly east of Leavenworth, much flint
occurs in strata or laminae of varying thickness, from a small frac-
tion of an inch up to 6 inches; occasionally it will increase, in a
flattened nodular form, to 10 or 12 inches. It weathers out of the
limestone in angular fragments which shatter under a blow, conse-
quently was not sought for arrow making. It has a vertical range
of 25 or 30 feet. At only one place is there any evidence of work;
where a seam crops out in a ravine the flint has been hammered off
to a slight extent; and on a little knoll near by are a few spalls and
chips.

Opposite Leavenworth, on the Kentucky side of the river, a few
nodules occur in the limestone; but they are of different character
from the nodules used so abundantly, and do not come out of the
matrix entire, shattering from effects of weathering.

A small amount of flint occurs in the limestone at the mouth
of Potato Run, 214 miles above Leavenworth; the same remarks
apply as to the last mentioned.

There is a small workshop on the river bank at the mouth of
Potato Run; chips are abundant over one-fourth of an acre, though
none of them seem to be of the flint found near by. There is
another workshop on the right bank of Big Blue River, about 300
yards above its mouth; flakes show abundantly when the ground is
plowed.

In all the river bottoms, and especially on the shores where the
banks have caved in and the earth washed away, for several miles
up and down the river from Leavenworth, flint chippings are very
plentiful.

WYANDOTTE CAVE

Much flint, both stratified and nodular, is found in Wyandotte
Cave. Owing to pressure of the rock above it, the former fractures
naturally at right angles to the stratification, the fragments vary-
ing from small thin flakes to pieces as large as a brick. Most of
it is about 3 inches thick and its form of fracture gave rise to the
belief, so often published, that the Indians dressed it into blocks

FOWKE| ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 529

before taking it away. The Indians not only did nothing of the
sort, but there is no indication whatever that they utilized the
blocks which, so to speak, occurred ready-made, or that they used
the stratified flint at all. There is one place in the cave, however,
where they gathered the nodules and trimmed off the useless surface
portion before removing them to the outside, where they completed
their labors. This is in a small branch which opens from the main
cave a mile from the entrance. Its walls, for a vertical space of
3 feet, are studded with nodules. The floor of this chamber was
covered to a depth of 5 or 6 feet with flakes, spalls, and broken
nodules, but without a specimen that approached completion. Near
the side of the cavern opposite this branch cavity was another
pile of fragments, not so great in amount. If the floor extends
level under these refuse heaps, as no doubt it does, and they are
composed entirely of fragments, as it is reasonable to suppose they
are, there are several large wagonloads of scraps, none of which
were available for service. The flint found in the cave is somewhat
darker than similar fragments found outside, but this is due to
different atmospheric conditions.

There can be little or no question that from the flint beds of this
county came the material of the disks found in the Hopewell mounds
near Chillicothe, Ohio. It is identical in every respect and no other
locality at a less distance has stone of this character. It is certainly
not found in Ohio.

A thorough and careful search was made for the particular spot or
spots where the disks may have been chipped near a quarry site.
No such locality could be found; nor is it at all probable that one
exists. Spalls and fragments, literally by carloads, may be found
in several places where the nodules occur in numbers, but no finished
pieces except arrowheads or knives such as may occur anywhere. It
is evident that the finishing process took place along the river or
creek bottom lands where the villages stood; or in a few instances
on level hilltops, which afforded some advantage as a place of abode.
It is true that no broken and very few uncompleted disks are found
in this region, and that perfect and well-finished ones have never
been discovered. This indicates that they were regarded as an article
of commerce or trade by a resident population; or were made by
others who lived at a distance and who came here to procure raw
material. As the disks are made of the most compact, close-grained,
and homogeneous flint that was obtainable, a failure to complete one
does not mean that the stone would be thrown away; it would be
converted into smaller implements on account of its superior quality.
This view is supported by the finding of many spalls of large size,
some showing the whitish exterior of the nodule on one entire side,

530 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—IL [BTH. ANN. 44

with but little of the solid blue nucleus on the other side; of others
showing very little of the “ white chalk,” as it is locally called, but
with several square inches of the blue; and of flakes 2 to 4 inches
long by half as wide, of the solid blue interior. From these sizes
they range downward to the tiny chips which are the product of the
final secondary finishing touches.

For these reasons it is extremely improbable that any particular
quarry or spot exists where a special effort was made to shape the
disks and nothing else.

The “mound” at the mouth of Indian Creek, mentioned in the
Indiana Geological Survey Report of 1878, is a natural elevation,
utilized as a village site. The “shell heap” near it now shows a
thickness on the face of the falling bank of nearly 2 feet and its top
is about the same distance below the present surface of the ground.
It is not a “ mound,” in the sense of being intentionally built up, but
a “kitchen midden,” resulting from shells thrown here after the
Indians had eaten the mussels which they contained.

When this site was occupied by its dusky inhabitants the creel
made a long detour through the present slough, putting the village
on the upper side of the mouth instead of on the lower side as it
now appears to be. This is in accordance with the position of all
aboriginal village sites which were established in such situations;
they are never on the lower side of the creek unless at some distance
from its point of junction with the main stream.

A great amount of flint was worked up on this site; indications
are plentiful over several acres.

Near Elkton and Trenton, Todd County, Ky., are quarries and
workshops of hornstone practically identical with that of Harrison
County, Ind.; and it is reported that large disks of similar material
are found “at the mouth of Flat Fork, near Sherbourne, between
Flemingsburg and Mount Sterling, Ky.,” which is on the other side of
the geological divide.

Furnt 1x Union Country, Itt.

To the archeologist, Union County, Ill., is classic ground by
reason of having within its borders three separate deposits of flint
from which the Indians drew their supplies, each of them belonging
to a distinct geological formation. The term “flint” is used here
in its ordinary, well-understood meaning, although one of these de-
posits is chert, another is hornstone, while the third is partly chalce-
dony and partly novaculite.

The famous chert quarries at Mill Creek which furnished such an
immense amount of material for large hoes and spades have been

FOWKEE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 531

fully described by Phillips? and Holmes.’ The two other deposits
have not received the recognition they deserve.

Doctor Snyder® has reported the discovery in a mound on the
Illinois River of several thousand disks chipped from compact blue-
gray nodules or concretions. The similarity in all respects of these
objects to those found in the Hopewell Mound near Chillicothe, Ohio,
has been cited as evidence that the earthworks in these widely sepa-
rated localities are of the same age and due to the same people. The
assumption seems to be that only one natural deposit of such material
can exist; that only one tribe would use it; that this tribe would pro-
cure, within a comparatively short time, all that was needed; and
that the mine or quarry, once abandoned, would not be resorted to
in later times. None of these conclusions necessarily holds true.

Some years since Dr. J. T. Whelpley, of Cobden, who for more
than a generation had been making studies and explorations in
Union and adjoining counties, found a stratum of nodules which is
undoubtedly the source, or at least one of the sources, of the imple-
ments recorded by Doctor Snyder. It is on a ridge 1144 miles south
and a half a mile west of Cobden, on the Barge farm, at the head of
one branch of Clear Creek. The flint, while the highest visible rock
in the hill, reaches the surface in its natural position at only three
places, none of them more than 5 or 6 rods in linear extent. Else-
where it is covered with earth, so that the outline or the extent can
not be ascertained. Neither Doctor Whelpley, who has made careful
search for them, nor the present occupant of the land, has ever found
any indication of aboriginal excavations. Nor is it probable that
any were ever made; for in the banks of gullies and small ravines
leading to the creek itself are great numbers of easily accessible
nodules still retaining the original “quarry water,” and thus ob-
viating the necessity for mining for material suitable for flaking.

The number and extent of workshops in the vicinity, and the large
amount of refuse on them, are evidences that this was once the seat of
a great flint-chipping industry.

Two miles west from the nodule deposit is a stratum of siliceous
stone different in character and appearance from any that has here-
tofore been reported. It is located on Graham and Whittaker’s land,
114 miles south and 214 miles west from Cobden, or half a mile west
of the deep cut which replaces a former tunnel on the Mobile and
Ohio Railway. The flint, if even this elastic term may include the

4W. A. Phillips, Aboriginal quarries and shops at Mill Creek, Illinois. (Amer. Anthrop.,
n. s. vol. II, no. 1, pp. 37-52, New York, 1900.)

5 W. H. Holmes, Handbook of aboriginal American antiquities, Bur. Amer, Ethn., Bull. 60,
pt. 1, pp. 187-194, Washington, 1919.)

6J. F. Snyder, A group of Illinois mounds. (The Archaeologist, vol. III, pp. 77-81,
109-112, New York, 1895.)

532 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

stone in question, ranges in texture from nearly pure chalcedony and
compact novaculite through millstone grit to a cellular condition
almost like porous slag from a blast furnace. The color is mostly
pure white; the closer grained varieties are sometimes translucent
and tendon colored, while any of it may show here and there traces
more or less marked of oxidized iron. Within an area of not quite
2 acres the hillside seems to have been quarried in a methodical man-
ner. The vertical range of the digging would indicate that frag-
rents weathered from the outcrop, which had become imbedded in
the clay several feet below their normal level, were as much desired
as blocks broken directly from the ledge. The pits, trenches, and
piles of débris are almost continuous within the given area, but cease
abruptly at this hmit; and Doctor Whelpley has not been able to
find a deposit of this particular material at any other place.
Although only a very small percentage of it is sufficiently solid to be
wrought into desired forms by any methods used by primitive arti-
sans, many workshops have been located in the neighborhood where
spalls and flakes occur in such abundance as to create serious doubt
whether this one quarry site could furnish all the material used. The
stone is susceptible of a high polish and of very delicate chipping.
The finished implements range from ordinary arrows, spears, etc.,
to slender perforators 6 or 7 inches long; thin, wide blades; highly
polished spuds, chisels, and picks, almost or quite a foot in length;
and large notched hoes of the Mill Creek pattern. Possibly still
other forms have been found.

So far as could be ascertained, three collectors have monopolized
and exhausted the output of these factories; namely, Doctor Whelp-
ley, whose extensive and varied museum (it deserves the name) came
into possession of his son and forms the basis of the remarkable
“Whelpley collection” of St. Louis; Perrine, of Anna, whose entire
collection was destroyed by fire; and Farrell, of Cobden, who sold at
random wherever he could find a buyer.

The Illinois Geological Survey calls all the siliceous rocks in this
county by the comprehensive name of chert, and states that it occurs
in all the formations from the Cambrian to the Carboniferous. ‘The
dip of the strata is very unequal within small distances, being as
much as 30 degrees from the horizontal at one place near the Missis-
sippi River. The geological horizon of the quarries described could
not be accurately determined in these researches; but they appear to
extend through the Silurian, Devonian, and Lower Carboniferous.

Fuint Near Apron, Ix.

At the upper end of Alton, within the corporate limits, the Missis-
sippi River cuts in against the foot of the hill, forming a vertical

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 533

bluff more than 100 feet high. This heavy-bedded limestone is
being quarried extensively, giving fresh exposures from top to bot-
tom, and thereby bringing into view several seams of grayish chert,
variable in thickness from a streak to as much as 8 inches. In
places it pinches out entirely, to reappear at the same level farther
along, sometimes within a few inches, sometimes with an interval of
several feet. Occasionally these changes are so abrupt as to give a
nodular or concretionary appearance to parts of the deposit; but
such masses, when broken open, present a structure entirely similar
to that of the more regular parts of the stratum to which they be-
long. None of this chert is suitable for chipping, as it is full of
minute crevices, crystals, and cavities, which cause it to break in
unforeseen places and directions. These defects are less apparent
in fragments freshly broken from the quarry face; but the primitive
artisan, unable to make his way through the overlying limestone,
had access only to such pieces as were released by weathering.

It was on this bluff that the famous “ Thunder Bird ” was painted.

Three miles above Alton, on an overhanging bluff, are the last
faint remains of the aboriginal paintings which once occurred in
considerable numbers in this vicinity. At the foot of the cliff is a
projecting ledge which furnished a standing place for the early
artist. In this ledge, a few feet below the top, is a stratum filled
with chert nodules, some of them almost perfect spheres. Their
vertical range is not more than 2 feet at any point. They are em-
bedded in solid rock and begin to disintegrate as soon as they are
brought to the air by decay of the matrix, breaking into small frag-
ments while still partially inclosed. A little lower is a stratum of
chert equally brittle; so that neither deposit was serviceable to the
arrow maker.

The dip of the strata here is from the river toward the east, and
there is no tributary valley cut deep enough to bring any of this
chert to the surface elesewhere than in the face of the bluff.

Funt 1N Jerrerson County, Mo.

The village of Crescent, Mo., is at the point where the St. Louis-
San Francisco Railway crosses the Meramec River, 25 miles west of
St. Louis. The next station east of this is Mincke, about 2 miles
away. Between these two places a hill nearly 400 feet high, sep-
arating ravines which have cut down almost to the water level,
terminates abruptly in a steep face abutting upon the river. It
extends to the southward as a narrow ridge, from which numerous
spurs branch off, all of them winding in various directions and all
of them ending steeply within half a mile or less from the main
ridge. The summits are capped with white chert, the resistant

534 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [BTH. ANN. 44

qualities of which have withstood the erosion that has worn away
the underlying rock between them, until the topography of the
region is as rugged as that in any other portion of the State. The
map of the Missouri Geological Survey has this section marked as
Cambrian, which may be true of all but the chert itself. This belongs
to the St. Louis division of the Lower Carboniferous limestone. The
space which it occupies is so restricted that it can not be represented
on a map.

The flint-capped area, with its windings and spurs, has a general
direction toward the southeast. It has been compared to a skeleton,
the main ridge representing the “ backbone” and the various spurs
the “ribs.” The slopes are everywhere covered with an immense
quantity of débris, part of which has rolled down from the outcrop
at the top of the hill, but most of it resulting from the accumulated
chert which remained when the limestone was dissolved and contin-
ued as the surface rock when the general level was lowered. It is
practically continuous and unbroken as far to the southward as
High Ridge, 7 miles from the Meramec River. Throughout this
length the hillsides are scarred with pits, the remains of aboriginal
quarries. The upper layers, being porous from the weathering out
of fossils, and also much checked and seamed by atmospheric action
so that they easily shatter, are less suitable for making implements;
consequently most of these depressions are toward the bottom of the
deposit. Very few occur along the top of the ridge, and these only
in places where erosion has removed most of the upper portion of
the stone. The lowest stratum, about a foot in thickness, is a very
compact, fine-grained stone, which has the texture, color, and chip-
ping quality of chalcedony, and it was this which was most sought.
Judging from the amount of waste in the form of spalls and blocks
covering the hillsides below, a vast quantity of the chert was re-
moved and thrown aside in order to reach that which possesses
desirable flaking properties. After long exposure most of it has
the appearance of chalk, though losing none of its hardness or
fineness of grain. Asa rule it is quite white, but much of it weathers
into various red or yellowish shades.

Most of the quarrying was done on southern exposures, either be-
cause the prevailing storms coming from this direction eroded more
of the overlying material, thus bringing the flint closer to the sur-
face, or because the work was done in the cool season in order to
avoid the various bloodthirsty insects, both flying and crawling,
which, in summer, swarm everywhere.

The most remarkable feature about this deposit is its extreme
thickness. In at least one place, despite the loss by denudation, it is
fully 75 feet vertically from the crest of the ridge to the lowest level

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 535

of the flint. At this point, too, is the most extensive quarrying; the
digging was done at three different levels. The lowest is directly
on the surface of a ledge of limestone whose outcrop is several feet
thick. There is one quarry here which, after all the wash from above,
would require at least a thousand yards of earth to fill it to the gen-
eral slope on either side; and there is no easy way of ascertaining
how far back it may extend under the talus which has slid down
into it.

At the extreme end of the first high ridge east of the Milliken
estate is a knoll or peak almost cut off from the remainder of the
ridge. It owes its height and form to the cap rock of the flint, which
is now at least 50 feet thick. The top of the hill is rounded by
erosion, with steep slopes all around reaching to the bottom of the
deep ravines except for the very narrow isthmus connecting it with
the ridge beyond. On the top of the knoll are many pits of varying
sizes; entirely around it is a terrace or bench formed by following
inward the outcropping chert a few yards below the summit. while
farther down the slope similar platforms have been carried in along
a stratum lying near and at the bottom of the deposit. The amount
of material removed from this hill probably exceeds the amount taken
from any equal area excavated in this vicinity; the pits and drifts, at
a very moderate estimate, would amount to 2 acres, from which all
the workable stone has been taken away.

The method of quarrying was that usually followed under such
conditions. The quarrymen began at the outcrop and threw down
the hill all the unsuitable rock they were compelled to remove. When
a desirable quality of stone was reached they broke it off with heavy
stone hammers and carried it away. But the steepness of the slope
prevented them from penetrating the hill to any great distance.
Within a few yards in most places, and within a few rods where
digging was easiest, the overlying rock and earth became too great
for their strength or patience and they moved along to another spot.
The wash from above has partially filled the old excavations, making
them even less apparent, and for this reason the amount of digging
appears much less than it really was. It is safe to say that the flint
sought has been reached and removed over an area of not less than
100 acres between the Meramec and High Ridge; and as the chert
seems to extend indefinitely to the southward there may be additional
evidences of excavation in places not yet examined.

Nearly all the chipped implements found within 50 miles of St.
Louis in any direction are made of stone from this deposit; at least,
it looks exactly like it, and no other deposit is now known from which
it could have been derived. This observation, of course, does not
apply to the hoes and spades made from the Union County, IIl.,

536 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ETH. ANN. 44

chert; nor to a few of the very long, slender implements, or cere-
monials, occasionally found, which were brought from some other
region.

One feature is reported here that has not been observed at any
other flint quarry, though it has been noticed in mines of other
material. This is aboriginal tunneling. Some years ago prospectors
for lead reported that in sinking a shaft from the top of a flint-
capped ridge they struck a drift at a depth of 30 feet. Again, when
a macadamized road was under construction near High Ridge, ballast
was hauled from the refuse about the old pits. In one of these the
workmen, when near the bottom of loose débris, uncovered the mouth
of a tunnel leading into the hill. It is possible that these were natural
caves or crevices; but in each case the workmen were very positive
in their assertion that the drift or tunnel so found was artificial,
but that they were afraid to explore it. No one now can point out the
exact location of either tunnel, as the entrances are obliterated by
talus which has worked downward from the slopes above them.

Furnt 1n Potk Country, Mo.

Mr. George C. Swallow, former State geologist of Missouri, says
in the First and Second Annual Reports of the Survey that the lme-
stone at Crescent (Jefferson County), Mo., reappears in Polk County.
He also describes some aboriginal chert quarries or “ old diggings ”
on the S. 1% of the NW. 1 sec. 34, T. 34, R. 22 W., near the Pomme
de Terre River. This would be 6 or 8 miles northeast of Bolivar,
the county seat.

While the stratified limestones of the two regions he names may
be of the same geological age, the chert deposits are very different
in appearance, structure, and manner of occurrence. At Crescent
the stone is regularly stratified, of great thickness, with no inter-
seams of other rock. It lies entirely above the limestone which
forms the bulk of the hill, is an original sea-water deposit, not due
to replacement or substitution, and contains no nodules except now
and then a small one due to a slight change in the nature of the
general structure. At the Pomme de Terre, on the contrary, the
chert occurs in nodules or concretions of various sizes, imbedded in
the limestone; and with the disintegration, solution, and removal of
the latter, is left in the residual clay, unchanged except for weath-
ering. The depth of such alteration on the nodules is governed by
several causes, such as the slightly different composition and in-
clusions of the stone, the character of the soil as regards density,
porosity, presence of organic matter and acids, the size of the
nodules, and the depth to which they are imbedded in the clay.

PrOWKB | ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 537

The more nearly the material approaches a pure silica, the less will
be the alteration in the structure; some of the nodules are weathered
throughout, others only very slightly. Those on or near the surface
of the ground deteriorate rapidly. Those which le deeper tend
to retain their hardness, density, and their quality of breaking into
thin flakes suitable for chipping. The Indian became aware of this
fact, and consequently when he discovered a deposit that was suitable
he went as deeply into the ground for it as the means at his command
would allow him to excavate.

Swallow is in error in placing the “ diggings” on sec. 34; they are
on sec. 24. The quarry he mentions is on the adjoining farms of
Richard Preston and S. W. Gordon. The chert cap rock has pro-
tected from erosion a nearly level space of 50 or 60 acres with an
irregular outline, the sides sloping toward lower ground in every
direction except for a narrow ridge extending toward the northwest-
The whole top of this space has been dug over except along the
margins where the limestone has been so denuded that it lies near
the top of the ground. The surface has the appearance of random or
interrupted excavating, being a succession of pits separated by ap-
parently undisturbed ridges; but the latter are merely the material
that was thrown back or out as the quarrying proceeded. At least
30 acres have been thoroughly cleared out. There is no great depth
to any of the pits, as the solid limestone is usually reached within
a few feet. An exception to this character of excavation appears
wherever there is a crevice of sufficient width to allow a man to work
in it; in such places the digging was carried much deeper. How
deep, can not now be determined without clearing the pits of their
accumulated débris. In one of these crevices the trench left by thus
removing the clay is fully 150 yards long, terminating at a pit now
more than 6 feet deep after logs, brush, and rocks have been dumped
in, thus adding to the earth that has caved in from the sides. The
unsuitable material that was thrown back as the work progressed
vauses the trench to appear quite shallow for most of its length; but
the pit at the end may serve as a measure of the depth that was
reached. Lateral trenches from this one show where branching
crevices on either side were followed.

The ground where these excavations exist is strewn with frag-
ments and broken nodules, a large proportion of them showing the
“bulb of percussion” or the corresponding depression, where they
were broken in order that their quality could be determined. Search
was made for hammerstones showing marks of continued use, but
none could be found. Any nodule could be used for striking any
other nodule until one or both yielded to the blows.

At the foot of one slope of this knoll is a spring around which
was a blocking-out shop. The ground is covered with spalls, many

55231°—28- 35

538 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [prH. ANN. 44

of them shaped into large or roughly made specimens which could be
used as hatchets or digging tools; but no finished pieces were found
which would denote that any implement, large or small, had been
completed here. Some of these are seen in Plate 98. With them, at
the center of the top row, is a much weathered grooved hammer or
broken ax which was found on top of a high hill, a mile from the
nearest flint bed.

On Frank Andrews’s land, in the NW. 14 of see. 23, adjoining the
above, similar conditions of clay, chert and limestone formations
and arrangement appear; and here also excavations were: made in
the same manner as those just described. About 30 acres have been
dug over on the Andrews farm; so that, altogether, all the work-
able flint found in the clay comprisimg an area of fully 60 acres
has been dug out, and such of it as could be utilized carried away.

Finely wrought spearheads, knives, and arrowpoints are found
in abundance throughout the region, but no workshop was dis-
covered where the final touches had been given them. Such shops
exist, of course, but are now hidden by overgrowth. Very little of
the ground suitable for camps or village sites is under cultivation.

The chert found in this locality is grayish-white or almost white,
extremely hard and fine-grained, difficult to work, but making an
implement almost as efficient as steel for cutting or piercing.

The diggings are not confined to the hilltops, but extend down the
slopes as far as embedded nodules of the desired quality could be
found; in fact, there are indications that much of the work began
toward the foot of the slopes, in numerous places, and was carried up
the hill, all clay that was thick enough to preserve the nodules from
deterioration by weathering being removed down to the underlying
limestone and thrown back as the work progressed.

An interesting feature in connection with these quarries is a
group of house mounds along a wide, shallow drainage valley ex-
tending northward on the western side of the Richard Preston hill.
About twenty of these mounds were found, though there may be
others hidden by the undergrowth. Whether there is any relation or
connection between these mounds and the diggings is not certain, but
it is quite probable that all the work is due to the same tribe or
people.

Tn addition to the house mounds noted at the quarries, there are
many small groups scattered over the prairie for several miles to the
north and east of Bolivar; and still others are said to exist in parts
of the county not visited. There seems to have been no extensive
settlement, but rather a number of small villages or camps. At
one time a considerable population may have lived around here;
but it is more probable that these sites are due to a small number

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 98

LARGE CHERT IMPLEMENTS AND A GROOVED AX OR HAMMER.
POLK COUNTY, MO.

FOWKE] ABORIGINAL FLINT QUARRIES 539

of people who moved frequently. With the exception of the one
group at the quarries none of them is near any known bed of work-
able chert.

Fuint 1x Barron Country, Mo.

In the southeastern part of Barton County, Mo., is an irregular
knoll embracing an area of several square miles. The highest points
of its somewhat uneven surface are elevated 50 to 60 feet above the
surrounding country. Its existence is due to a thick stratum of chert
which withstood the erosive action that lowered the region around it.
In this hill, on secs. 9 and 16, T. 31, R. 29 W. of the fifth principal
meridian, a mile north and 2 miles west of Golden City, is an aborig-
ina] quarry. The excavated area, nowhere more than 100 feet in
width, extends as a series of shallow pits and trenches for about 500
feet along the foot of a gentle slope that terminates at a shallow
depression reaching in a southward direction; thus comprising about
an acre of stone, very little of which remains undisturbed.

The digging begins at the outcrop of a thin, compact stratum and
extends inward, or toward the top of the hill, until the thickness of
the overlying earth became too great for the energy or the patience
of the laborers. The average height of the face along the devious
line at which they suspended their work is about 6 feet; apparently
not much of an obstacle, but the material is about equal parts of
chert fragments and tough clay. The pits and trenches are now
from 2 to 5 feet deep to the trash which has accumulated in them; in
other words, they have filled in about a foot since they were aban-
doned. ‘The surface is so overgrown with weeds and brush that the
earth is visible at only a few places; but in these bare spots may be
seen numerous blocks and spalls due to testing the fragments quarried.
Most of these, as well as the pieces scattered on the surface, are
coarse, rough, or cellular, containing many crevices and inclusions,
and consequently not adapted to the needs of flint workers; but
among them are many flakes and chips of smooth, fine-grained stone,
uniform in composition, some of them having much the appearance of
chalcedony or crystalline novaculite. The last is, no doubt, the
material for which the excavations were made. Such stone, when it
occurs with other chert is usually at the bottom of the deposit.
Either there was not much of it at this site, or else the labor of pro-
curing it was considered to be too great, for similar excavations in
other localities in Missouri far surpass these in extent and magnitude.

While many thousands of flint implements have been gathered up
in this vicinity, that is to say within a few miles, nearly all of them
are of rather coarse stone not susceptible of fine chipping. Their
color is usually the grayish or dirty white hue characteristic of nearly
all the chert in the Ozark country. The character of the completed

540 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS—II [ern ANN. 44

specimens ranges from small, delicately chipped arrow-points equal
in symmetry and finish to those made of agate or chalcedony,
through every gradation to rough, unsymmetrical implements suitable
only for club-heads or agricultural tools, and not susceptible of
further reduction.

This is the quarry of which the following description was sent to
the Bureau of American Ethnology:

At Golden Grove, Barton Co., Mo., are workings, attributed to De Soto, which
originally covered several hundred acres, with digging of shafts 40 or more
feet, and drifts in the hillside. The mining operations appear to have been in
very extensive beds of excellent and very refractory flint.

The informant evidently believed what he said, but he was not
aware that the “shafts” and “ drifts,” of which there are several, are
the work of foolish white men seeking the “silver” which they are
convinced was found here by De Soto who “dug all these old mines.”
The locality is known as “Golden Grove” from a former owner,
Golden, who left the trees forming the “grove” because the land
was not worth clearing; but the present inhabitants are satisfied that
the name “Golden” means hidden treasure. They have dug deep
shafts and long trenches in search of it.

A mile west and 2 miles north of this site is another aboriginal
quarry, dug along the foot of a hillside. There are only a few small
shallow pits; a hundred cubic yards of earth would fill all of them.
Some flakes were found of smooth, semitranslucent chert, which is
readily converted into well-finished small points. The site is so
densely overgrown that a satisfactory examination could not be made.

Three miles directly south of Lamar are eight house mounds on
ground which has never been plowed. They are from 18 inches to
3 feet high. The surface around them is low, swampy, and contains
numerous crawfish tubes. Muddy Creek flows near them; and prob-
ably there was ample drainage formerly through a little “ wet
weather stream ” which comes down from the low hill near by. The
mouth of this is now filled with sediment deposited by floods in the
larger creek, so that water which would otherwise have a free outlet
is compelled to accumulate and stand until it can soak away. ‘The
mounds would not be built under present conditions.

Three miles south of these mounds are three other similar ones
on the bank of a little run which is now beginning to encroach on
them.

No other mounds of this type are reported north of the Arkansas
line in this part of Missouri; but along the St. Louis-San Francisco
Railway, between Bolivar and Springfield, were noticed occasionally,
from the train, some elevations which seem to be house mounds.
It is not safe to assert that they are such until a closer inspection is
made.

INDEX

Page
ABALONE SHELL—

beads of
dishes of___------
fishhooksimade: of =< << 2 220 - soe ene 139
F240) f 2X2) tS) (0) (SR a ee ee 152
pendants of:s2=+-- = -.222252 =e == 149, 150, 153
inspengdants of2— = 32-2225. soe 148
ring-shaped ornaments of_----------- oats, eg 154
ABIES BALSAMEA—
medicinal constituents of 303
299
---- 286, 338, 350, 362
ACER, use of. 369

ACER SACCHARUM, use of---_---------- 286, 307,377
See also SUGAR MAPLES.
ACHILLEA MILLEFOLIUM—

medicinal constituents of. -.-_-----_---_- 303

medicinal properties of__--------------_- 299

LiSe (Ofe == 25 a ee ee 286, 336, 364, 366
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.______---------- 32-33
ACORNS, method of cooking_-_----------_____ 320
AcORUS CALAMUS—

medicinal constituents of------------___- 303

medicinal properties of__..--_--------__- 299

ADAIR, JAMES, use made of narrative of______ 173
ADULTERY, punishment for__-------------- 218-219
AGASTACHE ANETHIODORA, use of__ 286, 340, 352, 376
AGATE, formation of__~--_-_-- eeeny 507
ALDER, use cf 286, 369
See also ALNUS INCANA.
ALEXANDER, J. S., mound on farm of_______- 452
ALEXANDER MOUND_- =-- 452-453
ALEXANDRIA, LA., burial mounds in vicinity
of_ =
ALLEN COUNT
in=—=

ALLIONIA NYCTAGINEA, use Of. --- 286, 362
ALLIUM STELLATUM, use of_ ~ 286,340, 377
ALLIUM TRICOCCUM, use of__ -- 286,346
ATTOGRIMeMtioned 2a 2- 2-5-2025 < 22. 5-- == 2585 35

ALNUS INCANA—

medicinal constituents of- 303
medicinal properties of __- 299
US@ ORL = 23 -se5 286, 346, 358, 360, 369
ATION ALLIe Sint n@alere- fects. ck cect ope 532-533
ALGM-ROOT, USC '0f- 22 - meee eee esa n = 289, 290
See also HEUCHERA; HEUCHERA HISPIDA,
AMAN, MAx, interview with_--__..--------+- 60-61
AMELANCHIER CANADENSIS, use of_ - 286,
307, 344, 356, 358
AMETHYST, (DGAGS Ofs=; =. -=-2--scsse-bea=s2 104
AMPUTATION, practiced by the Chippewa_-_ 333-334
ANAPHALIS MARGARITACEA, Use Of__.------ 286, 362
ANDREWS, FRANK, flint on land of__----__-- 538
ANDROPOGON FURCATUS, Use Of__.----- 286, 342, 348

Page
ANTIDOTES, plants used as_...--.------------ 328
ANTIQUITY OF MAN, study bearing on------- 13-14
ANTLER, condition of objects of__----------- 106

See also DEER ANTLER.
ANZA EXPEDITION, extract from account of_.. 46-48
PSPOGY NUM, WUSOl0f- 2222-2 =5 2-2 = 286, 340
See also DOGBANE.
APOCYNUM ANDROSAEMIFOLIUM—

medicinal constituents of______---------- 303
medicinal properties of__-__.___.-------- 300
use: Ofj2=. ste sh s8 286, 336, 338, 340, 356, 360, 376
See also DOGBANE.
APPROPRIATION FOR AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY- 1
ARALIA NUDICAULIS—
medicinal constituents of_____.---------- 303
medicinal properties of_____..------_---- 300
use| 0f-2.-=2====222- 286, 340, 350, 356, 358, 366, 376
ARALIA RACEMOSA—
medicinal constituents of______---_------ 303
medicinal properties of. ________-__-__-_- 300
MSGOfe=- = See 287, 354, 340, 250, 358, 362, 366
ARAPAHO INDIANS, work among_-_-_---------- 4
ARBOR VITA, ISQOfS 25 Aes 9 e- s= kane ee 293

See also THUJA OCCIDENTALIS.
ARCTIUM MINUS—

medicinal constituents of__-

medicinal properties of____-

ARCTOSTAPHYLOS UVA-URSI—
medicinal constituents of ___
medicinal properties of
use: Of =-=-2==- tse

ARISAEMA TRIPHYLLUM—
medicinal constituents of.

ARROWHEAD, sUseOf= 22 2022 See seat feta 292, 319
See also SAGITTARIA LATIFOLIA.
ARROWHEADS—
classification of
description of.
flint, at Licking Reservoir
ARROWWOOD, use of.
See also VIBURNUM ACERIFOLIUM.
ARTEMISIA ABSINTHIUM—
medicinal constituents of
medicinal properties of_ _-

ARTEMISIA DRACUNCULOIDES—

medicinal constituents of 303
medicinal properties of -_- 300
useloft == =:-eetes 287, 325, 338, 344, 350, 356, 362
ARTEMISIA FRIGIDA, use Of_____-_-- 287, 336, 356, 364
ARTEMISIA GNAPHALODES, use of___--- 287, 366, 376
ARTICHOKE, JERUSALEM. See JERUSALEM
ARTICHOKE,
ARTIFACTS—

condition of___---
description of_- 2
‘Ans, plants used inu. 235 sae ee S77

541

542 INDEX
Page Page
ASARUM CANADENSE— BEaps—Continued.
medicinal constituents of_-_.--.----__--- 303 Pismo clamshell 155
medicinal properties of__--_--.--___-_--- 300 rock-oyster shell 160
use of______------- 287, 307, 318, 334, 342, 348, 366 Steatite disk
ASCLEPIAS INCARNATA—
medicinal constituents of ___----__._____- 304 | BEADWORK, patterns for__ 390
medicinal properties of-__-_-_-__________ 300 | BEAN. See WILD BEAN.
use Of... S225 A oe 287,364 | BEAR—
ASCLEPIAS SYRIACA— beliefs concerning -__-
medicinal constituents of -__---------___- 304 hunting of.
medicinal properties of_--____-_-________ 300 | BEAR MEDICINE, of the Chippewa__________- 324
MS Of 2s Ses). ese 287, 307, 320, 360,376 | BEAR OR EFFIGY MOUND, examination of__ 494
ASH, use of 289, 364,377 | BEARBERRY, use of___-_-----_-----_-__ 287, 318, 377
ASH, BLACK, use of___ 289, 377 See also ARCTOSTAPHYLOS UVA-URSI.
IA'SPEN) USO: Ofi2--e aoe ne ee ae eee 291,320 | BEAR’S GALL, use of = 3a0
See also POPULUS TREMULOIDES. BELCHER, mound at me aU
ASPHALT, objects of. . 105-106 | BELL CLAPPER, recovered from mound_-__--- 166
ASTER, use of. _ 307,320 | BeNDING-POsT-OAK HOUSE GROUP, Story of-. 207
ASTER NEMORALIS, use of. _ 287,360 | BERRIES, use of, by the Chippewa----------- 321
ASTER NOVAE-ANGLIAE, use of _ 287, 376 IBETULACNIGR Ay plise Ofe See = Soe sane cee 287, 342
ASTER PUNICEUS; USO) Offs sane ene nee 28 BETULA PAPYRIFERA, use Of___--_- 288, 364, 369, 377
ASTRAGALUS CRASSICARPUS, use Of_ 287, 336,356, 3¢4 | BEVERAGES, used by the Chippewa_________ 317
ATHYRIUM FILIXFEMINA— BEVILL, Doctor, excavations made by----- 465
medicinal constituents of_-_------------- O02 || (BiBIIOGRAPHY= <5. <= + 25) Ss ee eee 368
medicinal properties of___.___-_________- 300 | BrkcH, BLACK, use of___ 287, 342
US 0f- =< ose es co ae 287,348 | BIRCH, WHITE, use of__ 288, 364, 369, 377
EANVIENE, PISO Olsen ee eee 289,356 | BIRCH BARK—
AWLS— articlesymadeiofs= =e a eae ee 387-397
gatbenin e Ofaeea ease see aee nee eee eee 386
wooden 165 | BIRCH TREE, regarded as sacred___----------- 381
BALBANCHA, old name of New Orleans--__-- 180 | BIRD BONE ARTIFACTS
BALL GAME, described? 032 es See 2A 4) BIRDIGLAN; Story Of-- 325 =e 2 soe
IBATSA Mr ter; \11s6;0f2_ Saree ees ieee 286 | BIRD-CLAW PENDANTS
See also ABIES BALSAMEA. Bis, mentioned
BALSAM POPLAR, use Ofe= sos - == See) See) 291) || (BieTERS wae Tse Of] === eee eee
See also POPULUS BALSAMIFERA. See also CELASTUS SCANDENS.
Bancrort LIBRARY OF UNIVERSITY OF BLACK DRINK—
CALIFORNIA, mention of______.--_-____-__- 57 ceremony oft -© = 28 oo Rie eee #2 see 262
IBANEBERRY, US6:0f2.-2-2220- see eee eee 286 mention of, by Adair=-s2-2--s9- seen 265
See also ACTAEA RUBRA. BLACKBERRY, use of_-------------- 292, 307, 340, 358
RARBECUE HOLE, explanation of____________- 440 | BLACKFOOT CRANIA, work done on-_--_-------- 5
BAaRK— BLACKWELL, THOMAS, work of-------------- 17
medicinal) wse\of-2-= eso ee 327 | BLADES, IRON, recovered from mound_------ 166
preparation of, for medicine___-_---_-.-. 328 | BLAzING-STAR, use of------------_--_------ 290, 366
See also BIRCH BARK. IBLOOD; letting off= =e sna sna2 a= se seen nee 332
BaRTON County, Mo., flint in_-____---_--_- 539 | BLoop TaBoo, Adair cited on__ 255
BASANITE, See CHERT, VARIETIES OF. BLOOD REVENGE. See RETALIATION.
BASKETRY, TWINED, imprints of________-_____ 106'7|| BLOODROOTMUSe Ofsaa =n ane 293
BAsswoop, use of___---------- 293, 307, 321, 334, 378 See also SANGUINARIA CANADENSIS.
BATHING CUSTOMS 224 | BLUE COHOSH. See CAULOPHYLLUM THALIC-
BAYLEY, G. W., acknowledgment to________ 32 TROIDES.
Bayou Macon, mounds near, of natural ori- BLUE RIVER, aboriginal remains on_-------- 527
Gil oso escceecece nn. Ee 434-435 | BLUEBELL, ScorcH, use of. 288
Braps— BLUEBERRY, use of = 294
amethyst____ See also VACCINIUM ANGUSTIFOLIUM.
bird bone___- IBLUDRLAG USe Of seas 2. sos Serene ee eee 290
bonessssc. soc See See also [RIS VERSICOLOR.
columella, specimens obtained___________ 158) BLURSTEM, tselofes seen eee 286, 342, 348
copper, found in graves IBOMS; FRANZ, (paper DYo-e--- ena oe 15
copper, from mound Bone—
disk, specimens obtained __-____________- 163 beads of.
European, worn by Mission Indians____ 147 objects of. 106-138
found in shell heap burials___ 445 | Bone PorInts—
glass, taken from mound_-___ 167 fragmontarye=s- === sake eee ee 115-122
160 miscellaneous eee see eee eee ees 112-115
1045), SBONESET; US6' Of = 22 Sean re eee ee 289

INDEX 543

Page Page

BORDEN’s FARY, flint on_------------------- 528 | BuTTONs, BRASS, recovered from mound_--_-_- 166
BoOTRYCHIUM VIRGINIANUM, use of__------ 288,352 | ByrNs, Hon. JosrrpH W., Indian mound re-

BortLe FARM, remains or_-_----------------- 525 ported!by2:=-==---.-5-- 2 eee 14

Bortes, GLAss, recovered from mound__-_-__ 166 | Ca’pitcr, Chickasaw informant-___-----_----- 191
‘BOWISTAPEIGAS USC) Of--s een ae ene ee 288,377 | CABRILLO EXPEDITION, place names recorded

Bowers, STEPHEN— PY s-ssc2esseret esas eee 35

archeological researches of. = 62 | Cappo INDIANS, mounds built by__- 405

Mipscollect edi by sn saa eee eee 88-89
BowlLs—
Sandstone. .252 22525222220 acannon 72-74
SIGEINIG) ee eemen ere eer emne ete Seee enter 85-86
BRoocuHeEs, recovered from mound_-_--------- 167
Brunett, MRs., an informart_ - 324
BUGLEWEED, use of 290, 320
IBUBRSTONE, formation: of-..-----==--22s-3--- 505
See also CHERT, VARIETIES OF,
BULLET, game played with__-__----_------_- 244
BULLETS, LEAD, recovered from mound_----_- 166
IBUHRESHISe) Ofese ses a224e=e2 = =o 293, 307, 320, 378
BUMBLEBEES, uSed as medicine------------- 331
BUNCHBERRY> USO =-- -----= 225 -- a8 Pe 288, 321
BUR SNAKEROOT, use of 293
See also SANICULA CANADENSIS.
IBURDOGK,MSelO fase ee eae anae ee eee= 287, 340, 377
See also ARCTIUM MINUS.
IBURVAT GUSTOMS eseean ae seen a san seen 229-235
BURIAL GROUNDS, location of_.-------------- 64
BuRIALs—
aul denvhrebloween sens en seen aaa 2-3
beneath floors of houses__---------------- 232
“<“hrmcehedac: ace cee 8 sees Ae toh) 454
bundled, described _------------ seezezae2 454
flexed, or ‘‘folded”’ - 454
pee 10
in«moundss- sa2-see eee = = a 416-421, 424,
447-449, 453-463, 465-466

in shell heap
in sitting position__
intrusive
orientation in
prejudice against distw) bance of__--
stone slab, excavated
See also GRAVES; SCAFFOLD BURIAL.
Burke, Don Santraco, owner of Burton

BurRKE JAMES See BURKE, DON SANTIAGO,
BURSA BURSA-PASTORIS—

medicinal constituents of__ - 804
medicinal properties of__ - 800
use of__.-- -- 288, 344
Burton, Lewis T.
mound named for_- = 32
owner of Burton Mound_.--------.------ 60
Burton Mounp—
brief*history otsite of {25-2 - 222-22 =e 31-32
contour map of__- _ 68, 69
description of__ -66, 68-70
lexcavationiof=22==2-=-2=s-2— _ 66-72
first pictured by Alfred Robinson ot gti)
genesis of title of_ - 56-57
grading of-_--- = 70
location of_------ 35
purchased by A. F. Hinchman----_------ 59
BusHNELL, D.I., JR., bulletin by. 2 15
Busk, CREEK, among the Chickasaw_-_ 262
BUNKHRNUT, US Ofooe sooo. Le 290, 369
BUTTON-SNAKEROOT, use of_____ 265

CALAMUS, use of.
See also ACORUS CALAMUS.
CALTHA PALUSTRIS—

medicinal constituents of_--.------------ 304

medicinal properties of. 300

156 Of. 28s seek ee ee 288,40, 348, 354, 360
CALVATIA CRANIIFORMIS, use of__---------- 288, 356
CAMPANULA ROTUNDIFOLIA, use of____- 288, 362
CANDLESTICE, recovered from mound____---_ 166
CANNIBALISM, evidence of------------- 442, 444, 445
CANOE-SHAPED VESSELS- ----------=--------- 86-87
CARPINTERIA—

laspbaltifrom: 2... 5==------.<.2=.9-:i-peh 105

See also LA CARPINTERIA.
CARRION-FLOWER, use of____--------------- 293, 346
CARTER, CHARLES D., migration legend ob-

tainied from: 22. = -2-=22-ceces= Scene sees 177
CARTER, JAMES M., information furnished
10) ee ee ea ees Sar 63

CARTER County, Ky., flintin___-_-----_-- 514-519
CARVER PLACE, flint on-_--------- sons se tee 517
CASTALIA ODORATA, Use Of___ 288, 342
CASTILLEJA COCCINEA, use Cf. 288, 362
GADNIP SUS Of-ae e-store nance eee cee 290

See also NEPETA CATARIA.
CAmTAT SG Ola .-=5-2e- 2 sos edecesacaee= 294, 378
CAULOPHYLLUM THALICTROIDES—

medicinal constituents of -- 304

medicinal properties of-_-- 300

USO) Ofte S42 55 fo hoon oe 288, 340, 342, 344, 346
CEANOTHUS OVATUS, Use Of___.------------ 288, 340
CEDAR, RED, Use of_____-_- - 290,369, 377

CEDAR BARK, gathering of__. - 386
CEDAR TREE, regarded as sacred________-___- 381
CELASTRUS SCANDENS—
medicinal constituents of---------------- 304
medicinal properties of --
ISG Of ene een See ee
CEREMONY—
connected with new corn_--_------------- 262
for healing the sick__-___- 258
CHACO CANYON, excavations in- 9
CHALCEDONY, formation of-------------- 507
CHAPMAN, JOSE, owner of Burton Mound ____ 57
CHARMS—
MIsntsiUsed.as soos- =n ese anne ean 375-376
to insure crops__-- 4236
use of, in the Southeast__-..----.-------- 252
CHERRY, WILD—
beverage made from.-._..--------------.- 317
USBIOE a aes ts eA Se Aes ee ee 291
See also PRUNUS SEROTINA.
CHERT—
COlOT SO fie = ae ee eee ee ee 506
TOTINADIONIO fae an eee 505
geological distribution of__-------_----- 506-507
origin and character of_._----.--------- 505-506
use.ofthe name!) 2-2-— een ee one 505, 532
Wariehies Of een sneee eee nn | OOT

See also CHERT QUARRIES; FLINT.

544 INDEX
Page Page

CHERT QUARRIES at Mill Creek_____------ 530-531 | CLANS, CHICKASAW—Continued.

CHICKASAW COUNTRY, three districts of___-_- 212 lists: Ofo ee = fe papas = oer eee 162, 196

CHICKASAW INDIANS— ranksofecoso=- ==
beliefs and usages of-._-_-------------- stories about 198-203
final location of..____________ Crakk, Miss May S., work of__.-_---------_ 18
preparation of paper on Criavrir, Lovis, mounds on land of-__------ 410
resemblance of, to Creeks______--_-------- 173 | Cuirron, TENN., flint workshop near-____-__-- 521
traditional separation of, from Choctaw_ 177 | CLINTONIA BOREALIS, use of_-_-------- 288, 354, 377
traditional western origin of-__-__---_-_- 175 | CLoTHING. See DREss.

Cuickasaw OL Firups— CLOUGH FARM, mounds on__---------------- 500
sojourn of Chickasaw at----.------------ 175 | COHOSH, BLUE, use of____-------------------- 288
Araditionaliecttlementioteemnaaeaaiaa 177 See also CAULOPHYLLUM THALICTROIDES,

CHICKASAW QLD Town, location of ___----- 176 CoLBERT CoUNTY, ALA., mounds in___-_- 463-464

CHICKWEED, Use Of -.-------2----202---2-- == 293 Cee THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ed

NOLIG eee a a al td sl ld i

A ea See ee Corus, Henry B., collection made by---. 18
election (of==<s=s-22- 2622 oe ee 215 COLUMELLA—
honors paid to, at death___ 233 beads of - -_-_-----------~---------------
rank of 213 pendants of
selection Of. sages soc aaa eee Be 213-214 ComALs of steatite
Sriibty MERRY COMMUNICATION BETWEEN TRIBES.

CHIEFTAINSHIP, hereditary nature of___-_-- 191, 192 een earee PONE

CHILDBIRTH, customs connected with____-. 221-223 Wen Fo ERG SNS, 93

CER CONE-FTO WER) US6/0f ese ee 292
Remon — yer ee See also RUDBECKIA LACINIATA,
education of------------- SEIT CONFINEMENT. See CHILDBIRTH.

PBERSEIRS @le coos 187,188 | GonzuRER, results obtained by__------------ 270
EMTS Cle sess EM CoNVULSIONS, treatment for___---.-..----- 336, 338

CHIMAPHILA UMBELLATA, Use Of _____-___-- 288,360 | Cooper PLACE, flint on_--.------------------ 517

CHINAWARE, fragments of, taken frommound_- 167 | Copgranp, Rey. Cuas. C., information

CHIOGENES HISPIDULA— FOL re ee alos en ame Re 191, 192, 193
beverage made from --_-_---------------- 317 | Copris TRIFOLIA, use Of-_._---------------- 288, 369
US @ (Of: Sate ater eee ee ere eae) 288,307 | Corn—

CHIPPEWA INDIANS, plants used by_-_----- 285-397 cooking of, by the Chippewa__---------- 319

CxHoctaw INDIANS— LUI) (0) a se ee eae aa 294
election of chiefs of____-___- 215 | CORN DANCE, described 257
preparation of paper on___ 4 | CoRN SILKE, use of 318
traditional separation of, from Chickasaw. 177 | CORNUS ALTERNIFOLIA—

CHOKECHERRY— 304
beverage made from 317 300
use of USe0f-. = <== 2- -o- ee oe eee ee 288, 360, 376
See also PRUNUS VIRGINIANA, CORNUS CANADENSIS, use of_ ---------- 288, 307, 321

CHOLERA INFANTUM, treatment for_._-.----- 346 | CORNUS RUGOSA, use of_------------------ 288, 377

CHUMASH INDIANS— CoRNUS STOLONIFERA, use of__---_---- 288, 360, 369
preparation of data on__.-._..-_--.------ 0) 4], UC ORYIIUS; USA Olea es a oe eee eee eo 340

study of ethnobotany of
CHUNKEY GAME, described
CICUTA MACULATA, Use of
CINQUEFOIL, use of
CirstumM—

medicinal constituents of_----.---------- 304
medicinal properties of_--_--_-_-------_-- 300
MSO: Of: 22222 32 Sees oss ee oes 288, 356, 360
CivcuTt, synonym of Syujtun___.----------- 36
CLA MSHELL—
beads of ---- 163-164
disks of. 153
medicinal use of-----_-__-__-____- Seles 331
pen dants\0f2=—--=-s2an-=-2 ee ae eee 149, 150

See also PISMO CLAMSHELL,
CLAN DIVISIONS—
early data reparding= 3 -— ==. ane eee 191

modern contributions regarding_- 191
CLANs, CHICKASAW—

errangement of, in groups____--.--------- 192

Chiets Of= 22s os cen an goes soe ee 213-215

CORYLUS AMERICANA, use of___ 289, 307, 338, 369, 377

CORYLUS ROSTRATA, uSe Of_ —-----_-__--.-= 289, 377
Costanso, Fr. MIGUEL—
eEXtrack tron GIary! O fesse see eee sea 41-44
reference to diary of 36
COUNTING, manner of 246,
Covuvitui0on, N. A., mounds on land of____ 410-411
Cow PARSNIP. See HERACLEUM LANATUM.
Coweta, relations of, with Chickasaw_-_--_ 176
COWRIE SHELLS, WSe\0f- =~ 22 == 22 eee en 148
Cows.ip. See CALTHA PALUSTRIS.
CRANBERRY, use Of__---_..------5--==- 291, 307, 321
CRANIA—
Blackfoot, work done on___-------------- 5
Eskimo, paper on-_-_-- 5
from Chaco Canyon_-_ 10
from Elden Pueblo_-_- 18
Biksikeees<o-ee pees 5
CRATAEGUS, use of__=-..----.. 289, 307, 321, 356, 377
CREEK CONFEDERATION, paper on__-------- 173

CRESCENT, MoO., flint-capped area near____ 533-534

INDEX 5045
Page Page
ORESPI, FR. JUAN, extract from diary of__--- 36-41 | Doctors, official position of_.---..---------- 263
CRIME AND PUNISHMENT among the Chicka- DoGBanE—
+ (SQW eee nae 8 ae gs nesses _ 216-220 Toots Ofsss.22e25ss¢ Ae eee tae 326
CRYSTALS, QUARTZ, use of liselo fesse - 3. aa oe eae sees 286, 336, 375
CUCURBITA MAXIMA, use of. See also APOCYNUM ANDROSAEMIFOLIUM,
CUCURBITA PEPO, use of Does, legendary guardians of the chick-
CuKuUw, mentioned Oe nes one eee se ae ie eS ta 178, 180
QULVER’S-ROOT, use Of_— — =~ 5-222. -ee-25e% DoOGwoop; juse.of- =. - =... - 25 5-2". eee 288, 377
See also LEPTANDRA VIRGINICA. See also CORNUS ALTERNIFOLIA; CORNUS
CUNNINGHAM, S. P., aboriginal remains on RUGOSA.
FATIH Of ee - et PEC | aE toe 527 | DoGwoop, RED OSIER, use of_____- 288, 360, 369, 377
GaP-BUANTS. Use Ofen== 2os6 a= Aaa we SES 203%|| IDOLS; CHIPPRWA=2-<-32526-s5228oee ee ee 379
See also SILPHIUM PERFOLIATUM.
Cups, made of ironstone concretions_-_------- 93-94 207
CURRANT, RED, use of-____-.------- 292, 307, 348, 358 | DrEAms, belief concerning 255
CURRANT, WILD, use of _. 292,356 | Dress—
CURTIS PLANTATION, mound on eae 407; ofthe Chickasaw: =_.---- 55 a ~aseaes 5 241
CUSH-EH-TAH CLAN, separation of, from tribe. 175 ofithe dead = -2=- 2-86. 4h base ee ee 233
CYPRIPEDIUM HIRSUTUM— DRS; classification) of. _--- 22. sa5 8-2. a = 94
medicinal constituents of_- 304 | Drinks, CHIPPEWA 317
medicinal properties of___- 300 | Drum, used at dances 257
TSB 10 fo Sees a et es kay rakes 289, 342, 348 | DRUNKEN MAN’S DANCE, described__________ 257
Dances, CHICKASAW— DRYMOCALLIS ARGUTA, use of______ 289, 338, 344, 350
benefits desired from 261 | DUAL DIvis1lon—
st Of eece sees eee oe 257 among the Chickasaw _-----------_-----. 193
Pishofa, for healing the sick___--_.--.---- 258 discussion of.
toiward offievilispiritss.--.*-¢==--=-2-- = 261
IDANDERION HS Olea ae on ono aa 293
See also TARAXACUM OFFICINALE. DYEING, process of, among the Chippewa__- 369
DD AVISIEARMT int ONS = ashi nee = nee 510 | DyEs—
De Soro, quarries attributed to____--------- 540 formulae fons aoa eee ote nee ae gs 370-374
DEER ANTLER— 370
{rap entS Of ae et 135 plants used in 369
SOOT OS 0 fit mag te dy eee Pa 135 | DYSENTERY, treatment for______._._-_-_--_- 344
Deity, Chickasaw gonception of__--------- 247-248 | EARTHWORKS, PREHISTORIC, about South
DENIG, EDWIN THOMPSON, manuscript re- Portsmouth; Koy--. aes ok ee ees 491
DOL Y= < - os ce eee eee 6 | EDUCATION OF CHICKASAW CHILDREN_-_-_-_- 222-294
DeENSMORE, Miss FRANCES— ErriGy MounpD, examination of____---_-____ 494
PDADEISID YE ese eee ee eee a a PNB AMARIN, naming Of sos) ) ee ee) 42
work Of---<:-.--2= Ex MONTECITO, mentioned__-_-___-_-------- 35
DENTALIUM, use of___ EL PUERTO DE SANTA BARBARA, mentioned_ 35
DENTISTRY OF THE CHIPPEWA--------------- 335 | Ex Rincon, mentioned 35
See also Toothache. Ext Toro CREEK, mentioned __- 35
DICRANUM BONJEANI, use of__ ELDEN PUEBLO—
DIERVILLA LONICERA, use of___ = collection from=-=---=- 22-3 ae 18
DILLARD, JACK, mound on land of__-_------- 407 researches at----..-..-- ot ee 2
D1IKCA PALUSTRIS— ELEPHANT BED, at Kimmswick, Mo., dis-
medicinal constituents of 304 Cussion of: <= saree + oes see --- 484-487
medicinal properties of__ -. 801 | ENDOGAMY AMONG CHICKASAW_ 2 eeel9g)
URBOte ses. S28 oa eae, , 346, 350 | ENEMA, use of, by Chippewa__-_---_-----_-- 331
DISEASE, NEW, described by Adair- -- 265 | EPILOBIUM ANGUSTIFOLIUM—
DisEASES— medicinal constituents of. _....._-__-_---_ 304
classification of __- 335 medicinal properties of- S-2.0 301
list of, with symptoms and remedies___ 266-268 Se Of. See. . Yee - 289,352

DisHES—
birch-bark
limestone____---
of abalone shell___

DIsK BEADS, specimens obtained 163

DsKs,,Steatite:_-----:--------- 104

DOCK, -BIUTER; TSeO fiat o--- ek ee 8 292, 350
See also RUMEX OBTUSIFOLIUS.

Dock, YELLOW, use of___ 292

See also RUMEX CRISPUS.

EQUISETUM HIEMALE, use of__

EQUISETUM PRAEALTUM, use of__-_---------- 289
ERIGERON CANADENSIS—
medicinal constituents of-.-.------------ 304

medicinal properties of -

se Of Pesawssss 3 eames
ERYSIMUM CHEIRANTHOIDES, use Of________ 289, 350
ESKIMO CRANIA, paper on___.---.---.-------- 5
EsKIMO VILLAGE SITES, investigation of_____- 14

ExcHING on birch bark=.2-=.--.-+--.222-20c8

546 INDEX
Page Page
EUPATORIUM MACULATUM— Four, the magic number: _---.-------------- 260
medicinal constituents of 304 | FoWKE, GERARD, paper by__--------------- 16
301 | FRAGARIA VIRGINIANA—

C0 a a eee 289, 348, 364 medicinal constituents of_-________-___-- 304
EUPATORIUM PERFOLIATUM, Use Of______--- 289, 376 medicinal properties cf_----------------- 301
EUTHAMIA GRAMINIFOLIA, use of___-_------ 289, 340 use of SSELES 287307;'346
EVERLASTING. See PEARL EVERLASTING. FRAXINUS, Use of__ xee> 289, 364
Excavations, location of. FRAXINUS NIGRA, Use Of._-___-_-------__-- 289, 377
EXOGAMY AMONG CHICKASAW. FREEMAN, CALVIN, mounds on farm of_____- 408
WACTATAPAINTING =o oaceee=-scn==-aeneoe FRUITS USED BY THE CHIPPEWA_- 321

FaGéEs, Fr. PEDRO—
extract from diary of_.----------

reference to diary of_ ee Luks 36
FALcCATA COMOSA, use Of___ --- 289, 307, 320, 346
FALSE GROMWELL, use of__-------------_---- 290

See also ONOSMODIUM EIsPIDISSIMUM.

FALSE NETTLE, use Of__------- ---- 294,378
FALSE SOLOMONSEAL, use of- _- 294,356
FANNIN PLACE, flint on__-- oe 2 S"b16

Fans, birch-bark_-__------- 390

FEAST OF THE PISHOFA DANCE 258
FERN, LADY, use of-__------- 287
FERN, RATTLESNAKE, use of- 288
FEetIcHEs, to insure crops. 436,
FewKkes, J. WALTER—

acknowledgment to___- 32

collection made by---- Z 18

Hopi songs recorded by- LWPS

work of____- o 2
Fier, respect for__ = PPh 249)
FIREs, SACRED, in the Southeast - 248
IIREWEED; Use. of. Det Sees eae 289

See also EPILOBIUM ANGUSTIFOLIUM
FisH—

means of securing 262

preservation of, for food 306
FIsHBONES—

excrescences from, found in graves_____-- 136

from Burton Mound_.------------------- 135
FIsHHOOK POINTS, COMPOSITE—

fragmentary

with blunt base___
with sharp ends
FisHHOOKS—
one-piece bone.
one-piece shell

FIVE-FINGER, Use ,0fe Soe hs Sse2_ 32 SS eS 289
See also DRYMOCALLIS ARGUTA,.

Funt—
area where found -2-222-25— 2- === ee ee 507-508
color of -- 518-519
formation of 505
in Coshocton County, Ohio___--_-_--- 508-512
native method of obtaining__-___-_--__-- 524
use of the name 2-25 a eee 96, 505, 507

See also CHERT.
Fini RipGe, information regarding_-
FLowWeERks, drink made from
FOMES APPLANATUS, use Of------------------ 289
Font, FATHER PEDRO, extract from diary of 46-48
Foop—

animal, supposed effects of-____---------- 252
plants used as, by Chippewa -_--_------- 306-322
Food TABOOS 254
FosteR HUNTING AND FIsHING CLUB, ac-
knowJedgment' to:.--2---=-- es e=-- sean 437

GAGEWIN, MRs., an informant ----
GAME, belief concerning
GAMES OF THE CHICKASAW_-_-_--

GAMING, Indians addicted to__-------------- 242
GAULTHERIA PROCUMBENS—
beverage made from --___---------------- 317
medicinal constituents of__-------------- 304
Medicinal properties of________-____----- 301
GERANIUM, WILD. See GERANIUM MACU-
LATUM.
GERANIUM MACULATUM—
medicinal constituents of___------------- 504
medicinal properties of 301
use of. 289, 342
GEUM CANADENSE, use of____------------- 289,356
Guosts, dispersed by noise___-_----------- 231, 256
Giants, belief in 249
GIpLEy, J. W., reference to 469
Girt, DEWANCEY, work of-{s=25 2 ae 16-17
GILSONITE ‘‘PENCIL,”’ fragment of__--------- 92
GINGER, WitD) usejof: a= ssa=sena sn ane eae 287,318
See also ASARUM CANADENSE.
GoLpEN Crry, aboriginal quarry near 639
GOLDEN GROVE, workings at_4------ 540
GOLDENROD; Use Ofee- =e eae a= 289, 293, 336, 340
See also SOLIDAGO.
GOLDTHREAD, use of----22252—S0= ==E== -- 288, 369
GoLeta Pornt, asphalt from ee 105
GoosEBERRY, Use Of_____-_-- 292, 356
GorGEts, of abalone shell _- aie A GY
GOVERNMENT OF THE CHICKASAW__- 213-216
GoYCOECHA REPORT, Yuctu mentioned in__-_ 55
(GRRUAPEN TIS 0 fe ae eee ee 294
See also V1TIS CORDIFOLIA,
GRASS; Ise (Of2 22 ane fen ae n eee 378
GRAVES—
Circwlate==-=--—=a ses aoe eee 424
in Allen County, Ky 488-491
sanctity Of---------—=—— =e 2a
whalebone used for lining_-_-- 2 P1384
See also BURIALS.
GREENUP County, Ky., aboriginal remains
Te ee ee ee en eee ere 491
GREENWELL, ARTHUR, information furnished
Ds aaseecasnene ss: Seno eee ee
GROSSULARIA OXYACANTHOIDES, use of
GROUNDFINE, US Of-< === ===-- 52 ee 290, 362
GROUND-PLUM. See ASTRAGALUS CRASSI-
CARPUS.

Gunn, MOLLy, tradition related by----- ee76:
JUTIERREZ, A. M., information furnished by- 5
HAIR DRESSING, of the Chickasaw Je read a

HALL, CHARLES T., information furnished
ae on 64

HANGING ROCK LIMESTONE, area of---------- 507

INDEX 547
Page Page
HARDIN County, TENN., flint in.--------- 520-522 | Homes, W. H., reference to_----------_--_- 470
HARDSHAW, ALFRED, aboriginal workshop on HONEYSUCKLE, (Use dfaeee seen ee 290, 340
HAVAET (8) (2 oes Peon seer Soe oes 526-527 | HONEYSUCKLE, BUSH, use of________-______ 289, 342
HAR ER PDE Use: Ol. = == 22> eee ee es soe eae 288,362 | Hop HORNBEAM, use of___--__-_-----_-__-_- 291
HARRINGTON, JOHN P.— See also OSTRYA VIRGINIANA.
papers by. ---- 15,16 | HOPEWELL MOUNDS, identificationof flintsin. 529
Workiofs ===25025. 5-65 | Hopi sones, collection of___-_------_-.-_____ 18
Harris, CyRus— HOPPER MORTARS
governor of the Chickasaw Nation__--__- 227 | HorRDEUM JUBATUM, use of.
information obtained from__-_--_--- 214,217,227 | HORNED SNAKE, belief in_____________._____-
translation by, of tradition —--__--------- 176 | HornstoNE—
Harrison County, IND., flint in___---__-- 522-530 nodules of, in St. Louis limestone___-____- 522
HatcHeTS— quarries and workshops_______-_----___ 523, 530
buried: with infantsss_--t 2--22ee-2e = 28 459 See also CHERT, VARIETIES OF.
foundiin|burialsi=2--Se2S-Saces-3== 454, 457,461 | HORSEMINT, use of___-_---.-----.------------ 200
Hays, Harry, aboriginal workshop on farm See also MONARDA MOLLIS.
OF = ee ne OS be SERS t ty 2 28 526))|) IHORSEWEED;Useofe Se 2 = 289
SEPA, SG: Of- == === -- 2S See eeee See 289, 369, 377 See also ERIGERON CANADENSIS.
See also CORYLUS AMERICANA; CORYLUS HovuaH, WALTER—

ROSTRATA. collection made by___- 18
HEAD FLATTENING, among the Chickasaw_-_ 222 reference to 436
HEADACHE, treatment for------.---------- 333, 336 Workiof: see Seer ole a sae 14-15
HEBREW ORIGIN OF INDIANS, reference to Housg, ADOBE, on Burton Mound__ 57, 60, 61, 62, 71

DCOG WO aan aan eae es 254 | HousE Grours—

IHEDGE-NETTLE; Se Of 2 2222s. 22 ee ee 293, 344 discussioniofs: --Leas5 .- Soe Beieios 203-204, 206

HELIANTHUS TUBEROSUS, use Of_ ~~ --_- 289, 307, 319 NiStiOh2 2 Sates ee We ee tele I) 204-206

HELIOPSIS SCABRA, USe Of-_----------------- 289, 364 memes according toes ses eee ene ea ee 190

HEMLOCK— Storlesinegardings 2. 23.-2-e--s<-2---42 207-211
beverage made from--------------------- 317 usages of 206-207
US j0fS =e jesse 22 Sa Sse 294,369 | HOUSE MOUNDS, near quarries____---_------- 538
See also TSUGA CANADENSIS. HrpuitKka, ALES—

HEMLOCK, POISON, use of collections made by__- 18

HEMORRHAGES, treatment for
HEPATICA AMERICANA, use of
HEPATICA TRILOBA, use of
HERACLEUM LANATUM—
medicinal constituents of --
medicinal properties of-

HEUCHERA, use of_---
HEUCHERA HISPIDA, use of__----------- 290, 344, 360
Hewitt, J. N. B.—

15
6-8

Hryr, Grorce G.—
expedition supported by- 32

HeEYE, Mrs. THEA, expedition supported by. 31,32
Hickory, use of. 290, 338, 377
HicORIA ALBA, use of_-- --- 290, 338, 377
HIGH CORNCRIB HOUSE GROUP, story of__- 207-208

HIGHLAND CRANBERRY, use of__-_---- 294
HIGNITE, JOHN, flint on farm of. 519
HIGNITE, LEVI, flint on farm of___.---------- 519
HINCHMAN, A. F.—
owner of Burton Mound__--_------------- 58
TELICSICOMBELOCND YE o ms saree eee A 66
HincHMAN, Miss STELLA, information fur-
MESHED ae hs = oe a ee 58
HINGE BEADS, specimens obtained __- 160
Hopee, F. W., mentioned 92

Hoe IsLaAND, mounds on_-__-_--_------------ 437
Hoc IsLtanpD Mounp
HOG PEANUT, use of__-_-----------

13-14
240-242

HUNTSVILLE, ALA., a point in the Chickasaw
migration 175

Hyssop, GIANT, use of___ 286
See also AGASTACHE ANETHIODORA.

Tksa, name for clan or larger division---____ 196, 203

ILLUSTRATION WORK OF THE BUREAU-------- 16-17

IMMORTALITY, belief in Sa E256:
See also SOULS.

IMPLEMENTS— :
eldssificationiofes_caaeeeae. see eee 94-95, 96-97
miscellaneous pointed bone_-_-_---~---- 112-113
of sea-lion radii______- S109
of sea-lion ribs_- - 108-109
of unknown use_ a OL
unworked stone__-- ~ 461-462
wedge-shaped bone__- 109-112

See also CHERT; FLINT.
INCISED STONE, describéd_--_---------------+ 91

INDIAN CREEK, mound at mouth of-__ 530
InpDIAN Mounp, TENN.—
Collection: from=sssso=5-oe se asa eee 18
examination of__ 14
INDIGESTION, treatment for_ 342
INiURIES, classification of-...---------------- 335
IRIS VERSICOLOR, use of__------ --- 290, 322, 366

IRONSTONE CONCRETIONS, cups of, described__ 93-94

TRON WOOD) Use Of: 458g sesso 291, 377
See also OSTRYA VIRGINIANA.
IsHTEHOTOHPIN, last Chickasaw ‘‘king’’-____ 214

J ACK-IN-THE-PULPIT, use of____------------- 287, 360
See also ARISAEMA TRIPHYLLUM.

548 INDEX
Page Page
Jacors, Davin, flint on farm of__.----------- 525 | LEDUM GROENLANDICUM—
JASPER. See CHERT, VARIETIES OF. beverage made from-_-_.._..-_--.-.-_---- 317
JASPER, OHIO, mounds near-_---_---------- 498-499 medicinal constituents of 304
JEFFERSON County, Mo., flint in--______-_-- 533
JERUSALEM ARTICHOKE, use of________- 289, 307, 319
Jor-PYE-WEED, use of 289 | LEEK, WILD, use of
See also EUPATORIUM MACULATUM. LEGENDS. See MIGRATION LEGENDS.
Jones, P. M., archeological work done by-_- 67 | LEPTANDRA VIRGINICA—
Jupp, Nem M., bulletin by_-_--------------- 15 medicinal constituents of________________ 304
JUGGLER, treatment by, of the sick_________- 322 medicinal properties of__---_--------___- 301
JUGLANS CINEREA, use Of___..-------------- 290, 369
JUNEBERRIES, use of, by the Chippewa____- 321 | LEDruce, WILD, use of__ 200
JONIPER: Use Of: Bicss Sees esis Soe eases 290 See also LACTUCA CANADENSIS.
JUNIPERUS COMMUNIS, use of_--__-----.-----.-- 290 | LEWTON, FREDERICK L., reference to________ 448
JUNIPERUS VIRGINIANA, use of__-__ 290, 362, 369,377 | Leyva, CHIco, excavations made by_-_______- 66
KANAWHA VALLEY, W. VA., flint in______- 513-514 | Liprary, Bureau of American Ethnoiogy___ 17
Kasinra, relations of, with Chickasaw__-_--_-- 176 | Lickinec County, OHIO, flint in 512
See also CUSH-EH-TAH CLAN. LIGHTNING, beliefs concerning____-__________ 249
KeLiy rate, flintiom === = 9253S ee 510-512 | LILIUM CANADENSE, use of.
Kiimswick, Mo., remains at____---------- 484-488 | LILy, use of.
Kina, use of the term-------------------=+==- 214 | LimESTONE, formation of_---.---------------
KinG, F. R., acknowledgment to___--------- 437 | LimEsTONE, St. Louis, hornstone nodules
KINTNER, JOHN, quarry on land of____-___--- 525 i 522
Knives, blades classified as____-------------- 94 154
KOELLIA VIRGINIANA— LITHOSPERMUM CAROLINENSE, use Of__ 290, 369, 377
medicinal constituents of..-_---_-------- 304 | “LittLe PEOPLE,” story of the-_-_-----__-__ 250
medicinal properties of--.--_------------- 301 | LopeitA, medicinal use of_____--__---___--- 322
ISG (Of —- ee eee aoe 290, 307, 318, 354,358 | LockKHARD FARM, flint on__.--------_---- 510-512
KRIEGER, HERBERT W., collection made by_- 17 | LopGze—
La AsuMPTA— for’ storingiitensils > as-=— reese ee 308

Anza expedition at
Portola expedition at

LA BREA Canyon, asphalt from______------- 105
LA CARPINTERIA—
naming of
reached by Portola expedition 42
La CARPINTERIA CREEK, mentioned __---_-__- 35
LA FLESCHE, FRANCIS, paper by. 2 15
La LAGUNA, synonym for Syujtun_--------- 41
La LAGUNA DE LA CONCEPCION, name for
SY bn Seep e ne 40
La Paya, application of name to Burton
Molin dic 2222 32Sse= so5- 5-5-2... aa 59
LaAgor, division of, between the sexes... 228-229
LABRADOR-TEA, use Of_-.------------------ 290, 317
See also LEDUM GROENLANDICUM.
LACINARIA SCARIOSA, Use Of_--------------- 290, 366
LactTucA CANADENSIS—
medicinal constituents of_-_-------------- 304
medicinal properties of_-_-
Se) Oleeee =e ee
LaApy FERN, See ATHYRIUM FILIXFEMINA.
THAD YSLIPPER; Use Ofsessess. Soeesse- Se StS 289
See also CYPRIPEDIUM HIRSUTUM.
Lak LonG, flat-topped mounds on-_------- 411

Lamar, Mo., house mounds near
LANSING SKELETON, discussion of.
LARIX LARICINA—

medicinal constituents of--- 304
medicinal properties of--- Spoes0ll
HSG(Ofaee eee eee ---- 290, 352, 377
LATHYRUS VENOSUS, use Of__- 290, 336, 356, 364, 376
LAWRENCE COUNTY, ALA., Mounds in__-- 463-464

Leaky, Miss ELLA, work of__--------------- 7

for sugar making
LopGE SITES
Lona, M. C., reference to__-
LoNICcERA, use of
LOpPsEED, use of
Louisiana, explorations in
LUNG TROUBLE, treatment for.
LyYCOPODIUM OBSCURUM, use of.
LYCOPUS ASPER, use of_____--_---.-----

474

LypitE. See CHERT, VARIETIES OF.
McCormick PLACE, flint on__---------.------ 517
McCuLLoUGH FARM, flint on__-__---------- 510
McCurtain, ZENO—
beliefs:recorded (by... ---.--- ===" 8 se 195
informathlonifromen. sso see esa ee 178, 270
McGILverY, WILLIAM, chief of a Chickasaw
districh-=22— 22-22 ee See ee 212
McGinnis FARM, flint on--_----------------- 519
MCcGLONE PLACE, flint on__-.--------------- 516
MAGIC, SYMPATHETIC, practiced on babies--_ 222
MAKAH TRIBE, Study of music of__- 11
Makuks, of birch bark _--- 388-389
Ma.ancue, Coweta chief, mention of__-_-_- 231
MALOoNngE, JAMeEs H., reference to work by... 173
IMUAP ie Ise lof: aan eee eee 369, 377
See also SUGAR MAPLES.
MaPLe sUGAR—
drinkonade\from=--= === - eee 317
making of
molds for

US€S) Of 622-2 = ee ae ee 306, 313, 318
See also SUGAR MAPLES.
MARKSVILLE, LA., mounds in vicinity of-. 410-433
MARLINE PIN, IRON, recovered from mound. 166

INDEX
Page Page

MARRIAGE CUSTOMS...-.---.--- 199, 210, 211, 225-228 | Mounps—Continued.
IMARSHLOCKS, use of: 2-122 2224 Sa 2h2 2 ee 291 conical, excavation of. = 415

See also POTENTILLA PALUSTRIS. dome-shaped or conical - 414
MARSTON PLANTATION, mounds on_--_------ 436 flat-topped, purpose of - 449
Martin, Mrs. Lovisa, an informant_------ 324 great number of 410
MATS“amakingofs=---3 23-2 ee ee 378 mvAllent Connty; Koy ==. ae eee 488-491
Mauck, S. M., hornstone on land of____---- 524 in vicinity of Alexandria, La_..___._____. 409
MEADOW PARSNIP, use of__-_-------------- 293, 344 near Burton Mound
MEAsurREs, of the Chickasaw ____--------- 245-246 near Jasper, Ohio
MEAt, preservation of, for food____---_------ 306 near Kimmswick, Mo 487-488
MEDICINE— near Marksville, La

for the hunt

instructions concerning
MlamtsUsed/as — 2. -sass-222- eee
NAChICe Ola: = =- 2525-425 so 5 eee eee

quantity prepared 329
season for gathering -___ 325
secrecy concerning 324
size of dose. 329
See also REMEDIES.
MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS! ose 2s esas sea ae =a 220
MEREDITH PLACE, flint on 509
MERRILL, G. P., reference to_____--- 370
MESCALTITAN, RANCHERIAS DE, Anza expe-
Oitionaf=<s<-=== <<< 35225 dewesen==22--28 sees 47
METHAM PLACE, flint on--.--=------------- 508-509
MICHELSON, TRUMAN—
16
work of_____- we 4-5
MIDEWIWIN, medicine practiced by ___------ 322
MIGRATION LEGENDS OF THE CHICKASAW__ 174-179
IMITIRWEED WSO Of: 25 -— 22 =e eo naa5- 5-55 287, 320
See also ASCLEPIAS SYRIACA.
MILky way, belief concerning___-_-___------ 256
Miu CREEK, chert quarries at -_______--_- 530-531
MILLER, GERRIT S., reference to_-_-----_---- 448

Miter, H. RusseLL, mounds on Jand of__. 489
MInKo—

escent Ol= = As =~ ea = ena ee sane 191

iheadichiefion king? =----22-. nee na 191
MisHoPsNOW, mentioned 35
MissIoN IND1IANs, beads worn by-__-------- 147
MissIssIPpPI-NACHEE INDIANS, mention of____ 174
MississiprI River, Chickasaw name for_---- 180
MOIETY DIVIsIONS—

early data regarding--.--------.-_--..-.. 191

modern contributions regarding_____-_-_ 191

See also DUAL DIVISION.
MOLEs, belief concerning---_---------------- 254
MONARDA MOLLIS, use of______-----_-- 290, 346, 354
Moore, CHARLES H., aboriginal workshop

OUMATIINO fee = = ee ane oe 521

Moore, CLARENCE B., reference to_.-_ 406, 410,411
IMOOSEWOOD: Use Of -~.=-=-s==-------------- 289

See also DIRCA PALUSTRIS.
More's LANDING, asphalt from___--------. 105

MorGaAn, Lewis H., information obtained by 191
MortTArs 68, 74-79

MORTUARY CUSTOMS_-_ Senn 249)
See also BURIAL CUSTOMS.
Moss, use of__ -- 320,378

Mounps—
burials in__ 416-421, 424, 447-449, 453-463, 465-466
Chickasaw/namoifor:...-.5<.cse-~-se-s08 178

near Shreveport, La_.-------_________- 406-408
lear Waverly, Ohio. .--=--------2==-== 499-505
of the Caddo 405, 408

405
ontop Island=—! 8s" 2 -- 5-2 Sate 437
on Old River. a 4
purpose of erection of...----.-.--.------- 406
See also ALEXANDER Mounpb; BEAR OR
ErriGy Mounp; HoG IsLanD Mounp.
MOUNTAIN-MINT, use of__---___.----------- 290, 318
See also KOELLIA VIRGINIANA.
WIOURNING| CUSTOMSU= = == asae= eee eee 231-232
WVGUG WORT. Sei0f > -Saaccsewene eee teen 7, 325
See also ARTEMISIA DRACUNCULOIDES,
MUGWORT, WHITE, use of____-_---_-..-.---. S| were
See also ARTEMISIA GNAPHALODES,
MULE DEER, splint-bone needles from_____ 133-134
MUNROE, Miss HELEN, work of___---------- 16
MURDER, punishment for_._.----------___ 217-218
MUSEUM OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN, excava-
TOM Of MOU GOT nee seen nee 32
MusIc, INDIAN, research in...-..------------ 10-13
See also SONGS.
Mivder; Web. papeniby 2==-s-2=-2ess= 25555 4,15
NAMES, PERSONAL—
not mentioned after death________--_---- 187
ofthe Chickasaw. ---=--==---s2see=s5-5 187-190
NANNE HAMGEH OLD TOWN, mention of__-_ 174
NAtcHEz INDIANS, mounds built by --------- 405
NATCHITOCHES, mounds in vicinity of__-..--. 408
NEEDLES—
splint-bone, from mule deer_-___-------- 133-134
used to apply medicine--_.--.--..---.---- 333

NEPETA CATARIA—
medicinal constituents of
medicinal properties of
LBIst:\(0) eee SS eae Ee se =

NETTLE, use of 294
See also URTICA GRACILIS.
INKWe JERSEY TEA, Use\0f 22222 22-2 = - = 288, 340
New LEXINGTON, OHIO, flint deposits in-__. 512
NEw ORLEANS, old name of__--------------- 180
NEWHOUSE, CHIEF SETH, work done by, on
League of the Iroquois---_-..----.-------—— 8
Nez PERCE LANGUAGE, work done on__----- 6-7
Nicnots, Mrs. FRANCEs §., work of_------- 15,19
NIpEvErR, Capt. GEORGE C., owner of
(Burton Mound aesess ne ane eee = ee 57, 58
NOVACULITE, formation of_-_--.-------------- 507
NYMPHAEA AMERICANA—
medicinal constituents of___-------- 304
medicinal properties of____---------- ee ttyl
[ORS RUSE Olesen amen ena eee eee 292, 356, 378

550 INDEX
Page Page
OAK; ‘BUR, \USe\0f-s —-— s---aasoee eee -- 292,369 | PHRAGMITES COMMUNIS, use of__-._------- 291, 378
Sec also QUERCUS MACROCARPA, PHRATRIES AND CLANS, table of__------------ 192
OK; RED,-US0 Of22 22. soo ee Se 292 | PHRYMA LEPTOSTACHEYA, Use of__ 291, 342
See also QUERCUS RUBRA. PICEA CANADENSIS, Use Of__------- 291, 362
OAK, WHITE, use of. 340 | PICEA RUBRA—
OXTIBBEHA, Mention of__- 240 beverage made from--_._.---------------- 317
Onp River; mounds) onesi===222=-2- ashen 411 US0 Of 1: 260 de senoes ete ness etesssee ce 291,377
OLD Town, name for Chickasaw Old Fields. 176 | PictoGRAPHs, in caves near E] Paso__-__- = 9
Outve HILL, TENN., flint workshop near__-- 520 | PIEDMONT REGION, reconnaissance in _-______- 3
OLIVELLA SHELL— PIGMENTS. See PAINTS.
PIKE CouNTY, OHIO, mounds in_ 495-505
PIKETON, Mounds near. 495-498
OXDAS; steatites es sae eee oe eae wee 84-855 || MBINE, US@ Of=- = 22 =---= Seber eee ee 378
OIMSTEAD; A.J, work. of. 2222-2222 e 228te 17) || PINE BED Se ofs=: === s2*s Soe Eee 291,378
ONEY FARM, flint on 519 | PINE, WHITE, use of 291, 352
ONION; “WILD, Useof_= 222-2. 2823222 2367340;'377) || PINUS. USGi0het seen ae ee meee ones eee 378
ONOSMODIUM HISPIDISSIMUM, use Of__------ 290,376 | PINUS RESINOSA, Use of__--.-.-----------
OPAYA MATAHA, a Chickasaw chief__-------- 215) || “BINUS'STROBUS,Use)0f--=- "= eee
ORIGIN LEGENDS, of the Chickasaw --_-_----- 174-170] || MPIeEssteatites-s- soat eee «= Oe ee ee
ORIGIN OF INDIANS, theory of_--------------- 254 | PIPESTONE, RED, used as a remedy-----_-___
ORNAMENTS; Of/Silverenas = eeeee een 241 | Pippen, S. S., acknowledgment to_-_-------- 437
ORTEGA, JOSE&, specimen obtained from_-__-_- ‘OJ; || MRIRSISSE WA, US0 Of see == ee ee ee 288, 360
OSMORRHIZA CLAYTONI— PISHOFA CEREMONY, described_____-------- 2&8-263
medicinal constituents of___.------------ 304 | Pismo CLAMSHELL—
medicinal properties of____--------------- 301 beads of 155
ornaments of 147
OSTRYA VIRGINIANA— PITCHER-PLANTS US0 Of: ==> = eee paseo ee 293, 378
medicinal constituents of_--------------- 304 | PITMAN, HARRISON, pits on farm of___._----- 526
medicinal properties of____--.------------ 301 | Pranraco MAJOR—
WS6 Of. <2 2 ce cle ces Bee 291, 340, 346, 362, 377
OWEN, REY. JAMES M.., assistance rendered
406
326 IPEANTAIN, USO Of-- ase ne eee eee ae 291
OX-EYE, use Of__-_--~---------------------- 289, 364 See also PLANTAGO MAJOR.
OXyYCOCCUS MACROCARPUS, use of_____-- 291, 307, 321
PLANTS—
PAINT CUPS— . ae
s dried for medicine 326
made of shark vertebra-__ ---_-_---------- 136 z A z
fertile and sterile, use of- enon
made of'sholls: 25.0. =< Sesee see eek 147 .
ISS | Of see eee eae _ 286-299
PAINTED-GUPSUSOIOLe Senet see eee ane 288, 362 fied E
medicinal properties of - _ 299-303
PAINTING. See FACIAL PAINTING. SP OTnR PIR COTEYOE 308
Parnts, found in Burton Mound_-_-_------- 102-103 nS RT Re ina:
Paov, FR., Syujtun mentioned by_-__------ 49 Seu aA
PANTHER CLAN, Story Of. 22-2. Sees 200
PANTHER PHRATRY, Clans/of_---.----------=- 192
3 See also PRUNUS AMERICA
PANTI, name of legendary dog_-__---_-------- 179
: Pornts, slate- Se ae ee eee ee -- 101-102
PARTHENOCISSUS QUINQUEFOLIA, use of__-__- 291, ¥ i =
307, 320 Poik County, Mo., flint in a2 ae 030
i POLYGALA SENEGA, use of___-_ 291, 336, 338, 364, 376
PASQUE-FLOWER, use Of__--_-__.-_.---------- 292
5 POLYGONATUM COMMUTATUM, Use of_ - 291, 336
See also PULSATILLA HIRSUTISSIMA. i
POLYGONUM PERSICARIA, use of_ Se pura
PATTERNS— :
5 ie cae, POLYGONUM PUNCTATUM, use Cf 291, 344
bitten in birch bark
POPLAR, BALSAM, use of_-_----------- cmt ss

for beadwork

Patton, REV. F., tradition related by__----- 177

PEA, WELD; USO Of 29a 2 Ee. 290, 336, 376
See also LATHYRUS VENOSUS.

PEACE-MAKING, ceremony of__------------- 238-239

PEARL EVERLASTING 286, 362

PEDERNAL, use of the word 96

PENDANTS—

Of bone ssSssse ccs ee ES 136-137

137

of stone 103
Perry County, Ou10, flint in Reue oL2
PESTLES -- 79-82

PETALOSTEMON PURPUREUS, use of__-__--- 291, 338

PHINNEY, MARK, assistance rendered by - --- 7

POPULUS BALSAMIFERA—
medicinal constituents of-
medicinal properties of --

PoOPULUS TREMULOIDES—

medicinal constituents of 304
medicinal properties of aoe ast]
LECH) Seen eae es 291, 307, 320, 338, 350, 358
PoRTOLA, GASPAR DE, extract from diary
0 Gee ecReEe peer eaenerreemererorerct seca 44-45
PORTOLA EXPEDITION, Syujtun mentioned in
records) 0f-s2=' 2520 * 2s =. Se ase eee 36
PoRTSMOUTH, OHIO, remains in vicinity of-. 491
POTENTILLA MONSPELIENSIS, use Of-.-...-- 291,342

INDEX ool
POTENTILLA PALUSTRIS— Page | Quercus RUBRA— Page
medicinal constitutents of________ 304 medicinal constituents of -_______________ 304
medicinal properties of 302 medicinal properties of__________________ 302
P20) oe ee eee ee 291,344 uUsetof ON 2x. ee ae =-- 292,338
Pots, COOKING. See OLLAS. QUILLS, PORCUPINE, dyeing of_ _-- 869,371
Potter, Mito M.— RACCOON CLAN, story of____- 22" "199
Hobehierected iby co ee 60 | RAIN MAKERS, account of__ ~ 268-269
information furnished by _______-_-______ 62 | RANCHERIA DE LA LAGUNA, reached by Anza
Porrery— expedition=—-_—--- 2. = z 47
ipelden'usblo™ Setetesest 20-02 2-3 | RASPBERRY, BLACK, use of_________1_______ 292, 356
fragments of, recovered from mound ____- 167 | RASPBERRY, RED—
Powers, Miss Ema B., work of____-______ 16 beverage made from_-_...-...-...----_-- 317
PRAIRIE CLOVER, Use Of_.-.-__-22---___-__- 291, 338 Use 0 fi- 225222252. 2 ee ee 292
PRAIRIE SAGE. See ARTEMISIA FRIGIDA. See also RUBUS STRIGO
PRAIRIE-SMOKE, use Of______-.---=--222--2--- 293 | RATTLES, used at dances_ ee DOT
See also SIEVERSIA CILIATA. RATTLESNAKE FERN, use of- ~ 288, 352
PRENANTHES ALBA, US€ Of-____----_---__-- 291,360 | RATTLESNAKE-ROOT, use of_______________ 291,360
(PRIGEY ASH se\ofiie Se -8e- 22 5 ee 294 | Razer, Mrs.—
See also ZANTHOXYLUM AMERICANUM, dyes made by-_--------+- acu ByAl
PRIESTS— fellingrof birch’ tree by =---------- == 386
TAN ChON Of ee eee en 3 Bao eee 237 | REAMERS, sandstone__ 101
iii tiation Of = e-2s--- 2 eee ae 263 | RED Fox CLAN, story of --. 201-202
PrRoperty— RED RIVER VALLEY, explorations in______ 405-434
buried with the dead h RED SKUNK HOUSE GROUP, story of______ 208-209
inheritance of__________ ag 216 | REED, use of --- 291, 378
PROPERTY RIGHTS, of the Chickasaw____-__-_ 216 | REID, E. D., fish bones studied by 135
IPROPHIE TOI CO Ola ae eet a= ae 215 | RELATIONSHIP. See TERMS OF RELATION-
PRUNELLA VULGARIS, Use of____-______-__- 291,346 SHIP.
PRUNUSs, use of 291,360 | RELICS FROM BURTON MounpD, reburial of__ 63, 70

PRUNUS AMERICANA, Use Of_ 291, 307, 346, 352, 366, 369
PRUNUS SEROTINA—
beveragemade from -- ee 317
medicinal constituents of -_
medicinal properties of_____-
use of_
PRUNUS VIRGINIANA—

beverage made from ____ 317
medicinal constituents of 304
medicinal properties of__---------------- 302
TISG\OLee eee 291, 307, 340, 342, 344, 350, 354
See also CHOKECHERRY.

(PEO RANE ANDISG Olesen an sete tc nan ee meron 291

See also PSORALEA ARGOPHYLLA.
PsORALEA ARGOPHYLLA—
medicinal constituents of
medicinal properties of-________-

290, 369, 377
PUEBLO DELA LAGUNA,synonym for Syujtun 43
IPURF BAG Use Ole 22s me os nee 288, 356
PULSATILLA HIRSUTISSIMA—
medicinal constituents of---_---_----_-_- 304
medicinal properties of___-----___------- 302
Use! O [sesso earn: bh 292, 336, 340
PUMPKIN: S600 =e eee ee 289, 307, 319
PUMPKIN BLOSSOMS, use of___ 318

PUNISHMENT. See CRIME AND PUNISHMENT.
Quarrigs, aboriginal flint___-_-----_-___1_ 505-540
QUARTZ CRYSTALS, use of

QUERCUS, use of =-5--= 292,356,378
QUERCUS MACROCARPA, Use Of__--.-__--_-_-- 292,
307, 320, 338, 340, 344, 369

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF THE CHICKASAW __ 247-255
REMEDIES—

externaltnse ofe = -=-s= 2 es 330

substances used as___ 330-331
RETALIATION, principle of_________________ 216, 217
REVENGE. See RETALIATION.

RaAUS GLABRA—

medicinal constituents of________________ 304

medicinal properties of________ ae, Yale

Lise (0 fi Ait sees eet ew sa 292, 342, 344, 369
UMS Sola TAR MISe | Ofeeee ee ae eee nee 292, 344
IRIBES; US6\Ofses a= see cas eee ae Re 292, 348
RIBES GLANDULOSUM, use of 292, 356
RIBES TRISTE, use Of_____-.____.___ 292, 307, 348, 358
Rice. See WILD RICE.
RINGSTONE, fragment of_____________________ 91
Rretey, Chickasaw Old Town near_________ 177
Roserts, F. H. H., Jr.—

BBPDPOMCMeNY Olean ea aaa ee ee 19

WOLK Oftss a0 ee eso eee 8-10
ROBERTS, Miss HELEN H., work of________- 6
Rosins, THOMAS, Owner of Burton Mound_- 57

ROBINSON, ALFRED, Visit of, to Santa Barbara 55-56
ROCK-OYSTER SHELL—

VSSEEEV GIS (0) (peepee ei cS tame 160, 161-163

PEO) ype ep ae Dp a ne 147
RoGers, D. B., acknowledgment to_________ 32
ROLLING PEOPLE, story of____--____.-_-__- 209-211
Roors—

medicinal, appearance of__..-----------. 325

preparation of, for medicine_________.--. 326

SUOrage Off 2 2=s2 oe see een ee 327

TSC Of! oe sec aoa cesta eee seen ee ee ee 326
ROSA, fuse Ofee= 22" Fone cee see ane ane 292, 360
ROSA ARKANSANA, use Of____---___ 292, 336, 356, 364

552

Ross, use of
ROSE, WILD, use of-__-_- ss «292
RouGeEAv, Mrs. HENRY, mound on farmof_ 409

RUBBING "STONES" — - = =sne 22. Sees = 92
RUBUS FRONDOSUS, use Of__------- , 340, 358
RUBUS OCCIDENTALIS, use of__----_--_---- 292, 356
RUBUS STRIGOSUS—

beverage made from_____-______-_-______ 317

medicinal constituents of___.-___-------- 304

medicinal properties of____--____ 302

UWSG Of. <522= 2553 =2ose shes eee S 292, 344, 360
RUDBECKIA LACINIATA—

medicinal constituents of______---_------ 304

medicinal properties of__..____----__-____ 302

TSe\0f. Ls Saces: Lea Sess = ee Ss 202, 342, 366
RUMEX CRISPUS—

medicinal constituents of 305

medicinal properties of

use of.
SACRIFICES OF GAME_
SAGE FPRAIRIE, USE OF -22=—so5 seo ser sao

See also ARTEMISIA FRIGIDA.
SAGITTARIA LATIFOLIA, use Of______ 292, 307, 319, 342
SADDX Use (Of esas sana ae eas eae 292, 342, 344, 378
SALT—

useiof by) Chippewas see sss. aa eeeee 318
vessels for production of_ 487
Sat Lick, mounds near-_-__ 408

SALUTATION, form) oft = 222-222-222 fea ese 247
SAN BUENAVENTURA—

Anza expedition at_-__- 48
Portola expedition at _- 1.87, 42
SAN BUENAVENTURA, RANCHERIAS DE,
reached by Anza expedition_-_--.------_-- 47
SAN JOAQUIN DE LA LAGUNA, reached by ex-
pedition: 2. ..$22-.55- jase eee ee at 49
SAN ROQUE, naming 0 s 38
SANDALS, of rare form. -------------- aS 9

SANDERSON, J. G., acknowledgment to______ 437
SANGUINARIA CANADENSIS—
medicinal constituents of
medicinal properties of _-

SANICULA CANADENSIS—
medicinal constituents of
medicinal properties of_

SANTA BARBARA—

founding of presidio at 49
Indian village at_____-_ E 35
visited by Alfred Robinson_ _ 55-56
visited by Vancouver expedition___.-.___ 50-54

SanTA BARBARA ISLANDS, legend concerning- 59

SaNnTA BARBARA MIssION, founding of_- = 49

SARRACENIA PURPUREA, use of_____ 293, 378

SARSAPARILLA, WILD, use Of__--------------- 286
See also ARALIA NUDICAULIS.

SCAFFOLD BURIAL Seo =, 229

SCHAFFER, DaAviD, pits on farm of 526

ScHauB, A., mound on land of______--_------ 414

ScHOOLCRAFT, HENRY R., information from_ 191
ScHwInG, Mr., acknowledgment to se 3
ScIRPUS VALIDUS, use of__--------- , 320, 378

Scott, JOHN, mound on land of_ - 407
Scorr County, ARK., remains in____--_____- 464
ScCOURING-RUSH, use Of__- -- 289, 366, 377

Page
SCREECH OWL, belief concerning__-----__-__- 252
SEA-LION RIBS, implements of__-__________ 108-109
SEALY, SAMUEL, chief ofa Chickasaw district. 212

SEARLES, STANLEY, work of_____-_____-____- 15
SEASIDE HOTEL ASSOCIATION, owners of Bur-

ton Mound_-_ Sees 60
SEASONINGS, used by the Chippewa 318
SEASONS, observed by Chickasaw _____- 245
Seay, T. W., JR., assistance rendered by 15
SELFHEAL, use of________- - 291, 346
SELF-PATTERNS, on birch bar - 396-397

SENECA-SNAKEROOT, use Of_---------__--_- 291, 376
See also POLYGALA SENECA,

SHADBUSH, use of.
See also AMELANCHIER CANADENSIS.

SHALWAJ, mentioned 35
SHAMAN—
192
192
SHAMROCK MILLs, La., house mounds near__ 408
SHANNON, EaRL V.—
acknowledgment to. 5-6
reference to. 469
SHELF FUNGUS, use of. 289
SHELL—
Ob ects ofseeeesen a Sea See eee aoa 138-165
ornamenitsiofe ete Soe i= AP Sea ee 147-155
See also ABALONE SHELL; CLAMSHELL;
COLUMELLA; DENTALIUM; LIMPET
RINGS; OLIVELLA; ROCK-OYSTER SHELL.
SHELL HEAP, excavation of_-_-.------------ 437-446
SHELLS—
forsininginge=--ce ees es = aeeenoe 148
usedias paint) Cu psssset sass a eae, 147
See also SHELL.
SHEPHERD’S-PURSE, Use Of_--_-___--------.. 288
See also BURSA BURSA-PASTORIS.
SHERRELL, 8S. R., excavations made by-__-_- 465
SHREVEPORT, LA., investigations near_____ 406-408
SIBERT FARM, flint on__- 527
SICKNESS, treatment of_ --- 263-264, 322
SIEVERSIA CILIATA, use of__--_----- 293, 342, 364, 366
SIGN LANGUAGE, USC) Of sane a 247
SIKSIKA CRANIA, work done on__- 5
Siuica, formation of 507
See also CHERT, VARIETIES OF.
SILPHIUM PERFOLIATUM—
medicinal constituents of-_------------_- 305
medicinal properties of__--_.-_-_________ 302
US6 Ofs == S=s ese ee - 293, 340, 356, 358

SILVER, ornaments made of______ 241
Srums, P. E., acknowledgment to_ 437
SINGLE-POLE GAME, mention of__ 243
SINKERS, spheroidal, of sandstone ___________ 90
Sissac, CouNT LEON Dk, archeological work

done bY = = 2-2 ans2 = 5 apes ee eee eee 66
SKULLS, taken from Burton Mound--______- 67

See also CRANIA.
SLIPPERY ELM, use of___

SMARTWEED: US Of--- 22222 se se ss aee nee 291, 344
SMILAX HERBACEA, use of__---_----------- 293, 346
Situ, JOHN J., flint on farm of__-_-______ 517-519

SMOKING, plants used for__--__--------------
SNAKE BITE, treatment for_
SNAKES, beliefs concerning-..--.....-.--.--

a

INDEX 553
Page Page

SNOWBERRY, Use) 0f.-cesies 22. Le f22 222 ----- 293 | STEWART, REV. T. C., teacher to the Chicka-

See also SYMPHORICARPOS ALBUS SAWS oN ee ne ees Se 177
SNOWBERRY, CREEPING, use Of___------ 288, 307,317 } STocKSLAGER, S. M., aboriginal workshop on
SNYDER, J. F., discovery reported by_------- 531 farm ‘Ofaicet ke ode Mee eee eee 526
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE CHICKASAW_ 190-213 | STONE—

NORIDAGO ISG) Ofee een eee eee 293, 344 classification of, in implements ---------. 96-97

SOLIDAGO ALTISSIMA, use of_----------- 293, 348, 354 objects! of-<2 222-6 eee ese es 72-105

SOLIDAGO FLEXICAULIS, use of_------------- 293,342 | STONE HEAPS, to honor the dead_----------- 230

SOLIDAGO JUNCEA, use of__---------------- 293, 336 | STONES—

SOLIDAGO RIGIDA— barrel-shaped 91
medicinal constituents of---------------- 305 incised =-===---— e 91
medicinal properties of__---------------- 302 rubbing --.-- =" = 92
TSG} Of. 6 ones. Coe eee enee eee 293, 348, 364 spherical - 2 90

SOLIDAGO RIGIDIUSCULA— tarred 91
medicinal constituents of - 305 two-lobed'- =< =) =e See tet 90
medicinal properties of 302 | StrRATMAN, HENRY F., cave on farm of____ 466-471
VEO Gap sees ees 293, 340, 350, 352, 358, 362,364 | StRAuss, S. W., acknowledgment to___-__--- 32

SoLOMONSEAL, use of-__.------------------ 291,336 | STRAWBERRY, WILD, use of__---------------- 289

Sones—
of various tribes, recorded __-__-----------
use of, in treatment of the sick
See also Music.
Sorono, mentioned - --__--
Sou ts, beliefs concerning --_---~-------------
See also GHOSTS.
SPADEs, buried with the dead __-_---_-------

448,
449, 454, 455, 456, 457, 458

SPANISH GENS, chiefs selected from ____ 192
SPANISH PHRATRY, Clans of -___----- ei sitt/}
SPEAR HEADS, discussion of____----------.-- 94-97
Spears, Mrs. JULIA WARREN, information
furnished by. 392
Speck, FRANK G.—
information obtained by__--------------- 191
ADOLSH OMe aes ee ee a ee 15
Pishofa dances described by----------- 258-259
reference to paper by-------------------- 173

SPHAGNUM, use of
SPIKENARD, use of
See also ARALIA RACEMOSA.

Sririt OF FIRE, Chickasaw deity_----------- 248
SPiRITs—

pelibtine te oso sea ee eee eee 256

Gvil exorcism Ofsese ee oan a ek Eee 269
SPOON, PEWTER, recovered from mound _____ 166
SPRINGS, of Burton Mound_-_---_------ 59, 61, 69-70
SPRUCE-—

beverage made from ____-------_-_ SP S17

MWSeiOfse=eon == 22 =~ -5e 291,317,377
SPRUCE, WHITE, use of___------------------ 291, 362
NGUASH UNG IOfS_ = aos atte es St Be 289, 307, 319
SQUIRREIA~TAIL; use Of... ----- === === 22 290, 360
STACHYS PALUSTRIS—

medicinal constituents of---_------------ 305

medicinal properties of

80: Gf =. 2S

STAMPER PLACE, flint on_
STEALING—

among the Chickasaw -----------------+- 220

punishment -for-..-=-s<=2-.-<-=- 22S 219
STELLARIA MEDIA—

medicinal constituents of 305

medicinal properties of- ELS 17802

M80) Offs 2 =e ence easaseecsscsass -- 293, 360

§5231°—28——36

See also FRAGARIA VIRGINIANA,
STREPTOPUS ROSEUS, use Of____-_--
STRUBLE, HENRY, flint on farm of-

SuGAR. See MAPLE SUGAR.
SUGAR CAMP, opening of__------------------ 309
SUGAR MAPLES—
Lapping Ofee see eeee eae eae Seeee ee 310
TIS Of ea eee aa ee ee eee 286
See also ACER SACCHARUM.
SvICIDE, uncommon among Chickasaw-_-_-__- 232
BUMAG SG Offs. =o en aoe ne ee nee eee ee 292, 369

See also RHUS GLABRA,
SUMAC, STAGHORN, use of.
SUPERNATURAL BEINGS

SurGeEnky, practiced by the Chippewa__--- 332-335

SWALLOW, GEORGE C., report made by.---- 536

SWAMP MILKWEED, See ASCLEPIAS INCAR-
NATA.

SWANTON, JOHN R.—

15
4
SWEAT BATH, manner of taking___----------- 331
SWEET CICELY. Use:0f----- =e e_ee 290
See also OSMORRHIZA CLAYTONI.
SWEETGRASS, use oOf__-_------------ 294, 378, 380-381
SWIMMING, taught to Chickasaw children--_ 240
SWINE, tabooed -----__---------------------- 254
SYMPHORICARPOS ALBUS—
medicinal constituents of ---------------- 305
medicinal properties of ------------------ 303
USC) eee 293, 346, 348
SYRINGE, made by the Chippewa_---------- 332
SyustTuN—
called ‘Yuetus<--22- 2s 55

location of
meaning of the name-_-

Mentioned {22 es eee eee nee 35
mentioned by Bancroft_----------------- 49
mentioned by Fr. PaloG_.--.--..-------. 49
Portola expedition at -___.--------- 39, 42-48, 44
reached by Anza expedition ----.-------- 47
ruined villages near__--.--------------.-- 36
site of, abandoned by Indians - ---_------ 55
'TABOOS—

discussiontof-s-soosee =e ee en enone eee 198

254

554 INDEX
Page Page
TAMARAGR 180 (Of. 2-0. ct. 25.28. eat oe 290,377 | ToTEMSs, relation of, to taboos_---_..-------- 198

See also LARIX LARICINA.
TANACETUM VULGARE—
medicinal constituents of
medicinal properties of
SOL = saa
TANsY, use of
See also TANACETUM VULGARE.
TARAXACUM OFFICINALE—
medicinal constituents of
medicinal properties of-----
ise lof- eee
TARRED STONES---_---

303

TAssIG’s FARM, mound on 412
TAXUS CANANDENSIS, use of___------------ 293, 362
TCUKA FALAHA, a warlike people 195
TCUKA FALAHA DIVISION, house groups of--- 204
'TCUKILISSA, a peaceful timber people ___--_-- 195
TCUKILISSA DIVISION, house groups of___.-- 204-205
TEETH OF INDIANS, condition of 5 2-=99(600
See also DENTISTRY; TOOTHACHE.
TELLER BATTLE FIELD, investigation of_____- 14
TENNESSEE, Indian mound in___------------ 14
TENNESSEE VALLEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
MOleTeNCe LG = sae ee 437

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP—
according to birtha=s<-s= ss. ses ee
according to marriage

supplementary -------

used by a woman
THACKSTON, MR., acknowledgment to___---- 3
THASPIUM BARBINODE, use of---_---------- 293, 344

THEA HEYE EXPEDITION, collection made by 31

THEFT. See STEALING.

THIGPEN, ARCH, mound on land of-_-------- 407
THIMBLE, BRASS, recovered from mound_ 166
THISTLE, use of. 288

See also C1RSIUM.
THOMAS PLACE, flint on_-__-=.---.--.--==-==- 516
'THORNAPPLE, use Of.
THORNS, use of
THUJA OCCIDENTALIS—

378

‘THUNDER, beliefs concerning -

THUNDER BIRD, painted on bluff______------ 533
im-SNAKE; belief'in.---2=-22ss2s-=-s-n---=< 252
‘TILES, SPANISH, recovered from mound____ 165-166
‘TILIA AMERICANA, use of______----- 293, 307, 321, 378
TIMBER PEOPLE, beliefs concerning - --- 196
‘TIME, manner of counting--------- - 245
‘TISHOMINGO, a Chickasaw district ___ = 212
‘TISHU MIKO—

chief of a Chickasaw district____.-.------ 212

influence Of-s- =~ =ss-8sse523-6 6 See sale 214
‘TISHU MINKO, assistant chief__-._-_...------ 215
‘ToBacco—

Offering of, to medicinal plants_- 325

offering of, to tree____------ - 386
Topp County, Ky., flint in - 520
TOMAHAWE, buried with the dead_-_ 458
‘TOOTHACHE, treatment for__..--------------- 342

See also DENTISTRY,
TORRESIA ODORATA, Use Of_._-.------------ 294, 378

See also SWEETGRASS,

TOWN CREEK, ALA., mounds at mouth of_ 436, 450
Towns, CHICKASAW—

discussion|of namesofss-sssee=- .ce- 8-88 213
five lists of: 2:2+ 3: 4:252. s2=ese See see S 212
Moys;madefrom plants--<---9--- esses eee 379
TRACKING, skill in, of Chickasaw_-_-__----_-- 240
TRANSPARENCIES, of birch bark_______--__- 390, 395
TRAVEL, customs Of. —.--=52==2==ss2se=s-64=6 247
TRAYS—
birch-bark. ---=---sessse=seeseeep tes setes 389
84
medicinal constituents of-___------------ 305
medicinal properties of____-._.-.-------- 303
US Of-=s aos 5 = ake ee esses eee 294, 362
TRUSSELL, Mrs. RAMONA, information fur-
nished' by--..=--=--.====--5=- 558. ees os 62
TSUGA CANADENSIS—
beverage made from_-----.-.------------ 317
medicinal constituents of__.__.-_.------- 305
medicinal properties of_______--_-_------ 303
USC! Ofese oo one n 294, 307, 356, 369
Tucker, Miss MAE W., work of - 4,18
TUNNELING, aboriginal__________-___ =) 536)
TUPELO, Chickasaw Old Fields near___----- 177
TuUssEKIAH Mico, Kasihta chief,mentioned- 176
TWINE, method of making_-_---.------------ 378
Twins, belief concerning--------------------- 222
TWISTED-STALK, use Of____..-----------
"TD YPHAVLATIFOLIA, US0i0L- -e~=-- 2 a- e a 294, 378
ULMUS)|MULVAS US Off 92 =~ 2 nena aan nea 204, 342, 378
UMBRELLA-PLANT, use of - 286, 362
UNCLE, use of the term____- = 223-224
Union County, ILt., flint in__ . 530-532
URTICA GRACILIS—
medicinal constituents of_...-...--------- 305
medicinal properties of_____-------------- 303
ISG OL ee eee ee 294, 344, 346, 348
URTICASTRUM DIVARICATUM, use of__ 294, 378
UTENSILS, birch-bark 389

VACCINIUM ANGUSTIFOLIUM, use of_ 294, 307, 321, 338
VAGNERA RACEMOSA, USe Of_____----------- 294, 356
VALLEY City, IND., arrowhead factories at... 525
VERBENA HASTATA, use of
VERONICA VIRGINICA, use Of___-----
VERVAIN, use of.
VESSELS, canoe-shaped_
VIBURNUM ACERIFOLIUM—
medicinal constituents of__
medicinal properties of_

ISO) Of = ase eae
VIBURNUM PAUCIFLORUM, use of___---------- 294
ViTIS CORDIFOLIA, use of__--------- 294, 307, 362, 364
IWiAKE-ROBIN, US6 Of_= 52 sep nseseen none 294, 362
WALHONDING, flint quarrying near____----- 510-512
WAMPUM, as currency_---_------- 246

WANDERINGIESA, Story of.
War—
Customs! Of. =. <8 n-ne sae ee
preparation for.
WAR DANCE, performance of-_--
WiAR NAMES, listiof-_-— = =6.6 pean enn eae
WAR PARTY—
ceremony on return of__-
leader of..... Sees

Wak TITLES, bestowal of_..------------------
Wars, early, of the Chickasaw_---...--------

WATERLILY, white, use of__..-.--.-----_--- 288, 342
WATSON PLACE, flint on-_--..__.--...----__- 516
WAYNE County, TENN., flint in_----_.--- 520-522

WEDGES, of deer antler 2130)
WELL, on Burton Mound
WHALEBONE, use Of--_-_-----
WHELPLEY, J. T., researches of
WHELPLEY COLLECTION, basis of-_-_---------- 532
WHIPPING, as a form of punishment____
WHISTLES, bird-bone
WHITE EARTH RESERVATION, described ----- 285
WIpows, customs concerning

WILD BEAN, use of. - 320
WILD CHERRY. See PRUNUS SEROTINA.
WILD CURRANT, use Of_---------------- 292, 321, 356
WILD GERANIUM. See GERANIUM MACU-
LATUM.
WILD: GINGER, Use Ofi---—--42-2---------- == 287, 318
WILD LETTUCE. See LACTUCA CANADENSIS.
‘WiILD{ONION; suse of_----=--.------==-=< 286, 340, 377
WILD PEA. See LATHYRUS VENOSUS,
WILD PLUM. See PRUNUS AMERICANA.
WILD RICE—
icooking-0f==. 282) oso cns-csne- n= == 318
food of the Chippewa-------.------------- 306
gathering of. 313-315
pounding of = 316
storagelOl-~- --sa2=5-525-5+ 22scs seen ssa 316
treading of. 316
use of 294, 306, 318
WILD SARSAPARILLA. See ARALIA NUDI-
CAULIS.
WILDCAT CLAN, story of_...------------------ 200
WILDING, ANTHONY W., work of = 18
WIu1aMs, S. A., collection made by-_-_------- 18
WILLIAMS, WILLIs, mound on land of-_- 407
WILLOW, use of-_- 292
See also SALIX,
Wi1son, THOMAS, arrowheads classified by-. 94-95
WinaBoso—
a Chippewa deity 381

SUOTIOS Olscmoeme sec anes= sae

289

See also GAULTHERIA PROCUMBENS.
WITCHCRAFT—

belief in___- 269

practice of__ 210

punishment for. 82-2 255- <== -eses-- 2-56 218
WIZARD—

magic power ofs-._ ===. 25-=2-=<=255- 270

punishment Ofs2--2.-s--o5 ~~ 2 s-= eee 271, 272
WomEN—

game played by 244

list of names of-__- =.) 190

regulations regarding 220-221

See also W1DOWS.
\WIOODBINE | US80 (Olas -seec= = se-se=— nce 291, 307, 320
WOODEN AWL, Single specimen of_-_--------- 165
‘WioODMOSS: Use Ofz--s5----sscnen=-- =e n= 28°, 377
WoopWARD, JOHN, mound on land of__----. 409

WORMSEED MUSTARD, use of-__-
WoORMWOOD, use of
See also ARTEMISIA ABSINTHIUM.

Wowunnps, treatment for__.------------------- 264
WYANDOTTE CAVE, flint in_____._----_.-_-- 528-529
XABAAGUA, mentioned_--_--_._-_------------ 35
XOCOTOC, MONVIONEC asec teacoa= === nner ee ae 35
Xuco, mentioned____-- 35
YANEKA, Settlement of__ 174
YANONALI, mentioned______- 55
YANONALIT, name for Syujtun___ 49
YANONALIT, CHIEF, friendly to Spaniards___ 49
WY ARROW, US Of2 =. 22--- 32 s-Saosso-2occc ea 286
See also ACHILLEA MILLEFOLIUM.

YATIKA, Office of, among the Creeks_-__-_--_- 215
MEW USe0l- os = 28- oe oe eee nee ens 3

Yuctu, synonym for Syujtun_
YutTuM, synonym for Syujtun_
ZANTHOXYLUM AMERICANUM—

ZEA UMAYS 1180 Ol saccans=-- Ses aces ---- 294, 307
See also CORN.
ZIZANIA PALUSTRIS, use Of___--------------- 294, 307

See also WILD RICE,

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