sponte anyechi eee beth 5a) shih Sigh) em ane si3e4 mitt resets se ei fh ae yi - bs ba H Teisipel i - h og renee aia ra aed fey toti siseateceedd Pana , : | Forty-seventh Annual Report is ik of the _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN a A RHNOLOGY / 1929-1930 'Cwar museY SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION WASHINGTON (39h .g 8 i deiah nd * vent ue Oia thee Nev bi ni : ME ‘ \ , 1 aglely ‘ee beth FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TO! DHE, SEGRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 1929-1930 UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1932 FoR SALE BY THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS, WASHINGTON, D. C. F ie 4 b VWAVAS HO) 1 HP ol) VHOGNS FAY Aa i a i FQ) tHE PH a si] , bryy 27 | of Lect if ibn, a = ~~ a — a LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BurEAvU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., July 15, 1930. Str: I have the honor to submit herewith the Forty- seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1930. With appreciation of your aid in the work under my charge, I am Very respectfully yours, M. W. STIRLING, Chief. Dr. C. G. ABBOT, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. ill rie: el MEA. E40: ANTE iE — noir’ ie veer roodgnarta weoiIaMA. 0 wal OUR et Wie 0 . ya nalentdes lt — “4 pe wilh Witmer eiiidice of ronbif 4d) ved Grolomla wnatiomA Vue on att to troqad Loon cee OEHT LOF sail habir, IW {ete nt ult ae aol : eal, Tugs ag bee Sire erie Vaan AITOL “eur sh 2 Sty wilde i Din hy a faAtis anne WW : y wi Ay y : oattrr ullerie tucks : us (a4 agin Aai7 Sup laad\ wHEGOA ALAA. Nien re CONTENTS REPORT OF THE CHIEF Page SMS ULE ALI CRLCSERT CHES ee a ea ae aa ete elt — 1 PE CIAIReSe sch Cs meee = ae ee ee 8 Piditonia UewonkssnG ypu loll es tl ors eee ee ee 11 ISAS =e ee Se ee See eae eee SS ae ae 12 Gi ca ee ee ee ee ee a ne Sena cee Sm 12 @ollectionse ss ae ee ee oe ee ee Se ae ee sae ce aes aat= 13 PRO DON ies. 6 otenesoeoos sone neon = Here R Ses aes eee na Saas eee 14 AVITSCe MANGO Seen eee eae ee ase Seana seeaee se eaa=s 14 ACCOMPANYING PAPERS Tes ANcroyonts hovel, lon ISIN \WAniGy = eee ee ee ae eae 17 Isleta, New Mexico, by Elsie Clews Parsons-_-_----_-------------------- 193 Introduction to Zuni Ceremonialism, by Ruth L. Bunzel_-------------- 467 Fun Oricing Viythsby huUthe Gags Zee a= a ee en 545 VAviin REN Teteeinay lony Leyva Ibs IeiiWey Se 611 Fivwans Kegon, Jong IWIN Is Iya ee ee oe ee 837 4 7 area ro n _ - : - ¥ bs I <4 __ a 7 ss 4 ~~. * elt it ue Wh vin -_ 7 ret ss = > - - S a bb rs oe — or) ives acai a aA =» ——<— +} p—G oo es a etre ham at al = 4 : ae poder Bun hve enlite at —P oe | - 3 iat da DA 7 > 7 £ iooht Ly 7 7 - a _ — — a aye a ae : ‘= Saba a ees ae Ze hide ; > »e PA ov PATO. Lay) a = - - —s oa i oH ee Cae ABA weed ot iia > hae Sees UNE T jverdl’ F wali anla AS ear 7 a 66. Oe Etna i MT Gl ee diene) ngs at aioe nba. oe eC ahh aa ri 1 Sensi ; Haatbll J ut eee) VeRO Sips “teoutt but 3 ats aaa e ’ 7 _ a 7 7 a > a - » » _ a ; - . er : oa the i a = a a ri i) tI ° p c a = - os aul - 7 ¥ 7 (“a ' pines : Bs , - 7 - a * : 7 Pont 7 2 , he . a REPORT OF THE CHIEF FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY M. W. Stiruinc, Chief The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1930, were conducted in accordance with the act of Congress approved February 20, 1929, making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the Government, which act contains the following item: American ethnology: For continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, the excavation and preservation of archeologic remains under the direction of the Smith- sonian Institution, including necessary employees, the preparation of manuscripts, drawings, and illustrations, the purchase of books and periodicals, and traveling expenses, $68,800. SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES Mr. M. W. Stirling, chief, in the month of August, 1929, visited Gallup, N. Mex., whence he went to the Long H Ranch, Arizona, in order to view the archeological excava- tions being conducted there by Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr., of the bureau staff. From the Long H Ranch he proceeded to Pecos, N. Mex., for the purpose of attending the Confer- ence of Southwest Archeologists, which was held at the site of the excavations being conducted by Dr. A. V. Kidder. From Pecos Mr. Stirling went to Hanover, N. H., to deliver an address before the annual meeting of the Social Science Research Council. On February 1 Mr. Stirling went to Key West, Fla., where, through the courtesy of Mr. Lee Parish, he was enabled to conduct an archeological reconnaissance of the Ten Thousand 1 2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Islands in Mr. Parish’s yacht, the Esperanza. Upon the completion of this reconnaissance a visit was made to La- cooche, Fla., where a small mound was excavated. Mr. Stirling next proceeded to Tampa Bay, where a large sand mound near Safety Harbor was excavated. Work was continued on the preparation of manuscript descriptive of the field work, and a number of short articles were prepared and published in various periodicals. Fre- quent lectures on anthropological topics were given during the year before various scientific and educational bodies. Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, conducted field work during July and August, 1929, in Mississippi and Oklahoma. He collected further ethnological material from the Missis- sippi Choctaw, and corrected notes that were obtained the year before. In Oklahoma Doctor Swanton visited most of the existing Square Grounds of the Creeks, witnessed parts of several ceremonies, and obtained descriptions of their ceremonial arrangement. The Choctaw material has been incorporated in his manuscript, Source Book for the Social and Ceremonial Customs of the Choctaw, which is ready for publication. The data Doctor Swanton collected on Creek Square Grounds will form a short paper and is ready for publication. Doctor Swanton corrected throughout the words of his Timucua dictionary, completing work begun last year; and in addition he began the work of translating them, with the help of the original Timucua-Spanish religious works in which the material is preserved. Further work was done on the map of Indian tribes, the scope of which has been ex- tended so as to cover Mexico, Central America, and the West Indies; the accompanying text has also been amplified. On June 20 Doctor Swanton left Washington to resume field work in the State of Louisiana. On July 1, 1929, Dr. Truman Michelson, ethnologist, went to Shawnee, Okla., to continue his study of the Algonquian Tribes of that State, where he obtained a fairly representa- tive collection of Kickapoo mythology. From these studies Doctor Michelson found that his statement made 14 years ago that Kickapoo mythology, on the whole, is closest to ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 3 Fox mythology, still holds valid. It should be mentioned that Kickapoo shares with certain northern Indian tribes a number of tales which are either absent from the Fox or their knowledge is confined to but few of them. Despite some secondary changes, Kickapoo is an archaic Algonquian lan- guage. It may be added that their religious ideas and practices hold their own with great vigor. Obviously, the type of social organization is quite similar to those of the Sauk and Fox. Work among the Sauk and Shawnee was chiefly linguistic. The new data clearly show that Shawnee is further removed from Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo than sup- posed; yet it is abundantly clear that it is closer to them than to any other Algonquian languages. Only a short time was given to Cheyenne, practically nothing but linguistics being considered. The opinion given by Doctor Michelson in the Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the Bureau that Cheyenne must be considered aberrant Algonquian is fully sustained. Some social customs were noted, among them male descent. Work among the Arapaho was mainly linguistic. A large part of the time in the office was spent in preparing for publication a large memoir on the Fox Wapandwiweni. -This is now in an advanced stage of preparation. He also corrected the proofs of Bulletin 95 of the bureau, which was issued during the year. On June 38, 1930, Doctor Michelson left Washington to renew his work among the Algonquian Tribes of Oklahoma. He spent at first a short time on the Cheyenne. It is now possible to formulate some of the phonetic shifts that have transformed Cheyenne from normal Algonquian. It is also clear that some of the commonest words in normal Algon- quian are lacking. He then took up work again among the Kickapoo and obtained an even larger body of myths and tales. Some new facts on their social organization were likewise obtained. Mr. John P. Harrington, ethnologist, worked during the year securing the language and much of the ethnology of the San Juan tribe of California through an aged and ill informant, Mrs. Ascensién Solérsano, at Monterey, Calif. 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Having learned the language, which has scarcely been spoken since 1850, through the circumstance that both her mother and father, who were full-blood Indians, talked it together all their lives, the mother dying at 84 years of age and the father at 82, she retained a knowledge of an extinct language and a dead culture, and lived long enough to enable Mr. Harrington to record practically all that she knew, thus filling in a great blank in California ethnology. So sick that she was scarcely able to sit up even at the beginning of the work, Mr. Harrington continued this work at her bedside until well into January, 1930, and no Indian ever showed greater fortitude than this poor soul who served the bureau up to almost her last day. The material recorded consisted of every branch of linguistic and ethnological information and contains many new and important features. Mrs. Solorsano during all the latter part of her life was recognized as a doctora. Her little home at Gilroy, Calif., was a free hospital for down-and-outs of every nationality and creed, and here the sick and ailing were treated with Indian and Spanish herb medicines and were seen through to the last with motherly care and no thought of recompense. Mr. Harrington obtained full accounts of how she treated all the various diseases, and of the herbs and other methods employed. Specimens of the herbs were obtained and iden- tified by the division of plants of the National Museum. Songs were recorded on the phonograph; and accounts of ceremonies and description of all the foods of the Indians and how they were cooked were obtained. Accounts of the witcheries of the medicine men take us back to earliest times, and are mingled with the early history of the tribe at the San Juan Mission. Many stories and anecdotes about early Indians were recorded and throw much light on the thought and the language of the times. Names of plants and animals and places were studied and identified, Dr. C. Hart Merriam generously helping in this and other sections of the work. In spite of her age and infirmities, Dona Ascensién’s mind remained remarkably clear and her memory was exceptional. No greater piece of good fortune has ever attended ethnological research of a tribe that was culturally ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 5 of the greatest importance, forming an all but lost link between the cultures of northern and southern California. After the death of Dofia Ascensién at the end of January, 1930, Mr. Harrington spent some weeks in checking up on the information in every way possible, copying from the archives at San Juan Mission, working at the Bancroft Library at Berkeley, Calif., and interviewing many individ- uals, and returned to Washington in April, since which time he has been engaged in preparing a report on the work for publication. Dr. F. H. H. Roberts, jr., archeologist, devoted the fiscal year to a number of activities. July, August, and the first part of September, 1929, were spent conducting excavations at the Long H Ranch, between St. Johns and Houck, in eastern Arizona. The work was begun in May and contin- ued through June of the preceding fiscal year, so that the investigations extending from July to the middle of Septem- ber were a continuation of work already under way. At the completion of the summer’s work the remains of three different types of houses had been uncovered. These included 18 pit houses, the vestiges of three jacal (pole and mud) structures, and a pueblo ruin with 49 rooms, and 4 kivas or circular ceremonial rooms. The pit houses were found to correspond in many respects with those dug up by Doctor Roberts in the Chaco Canyon, in northwestern New Mexico, during the summer of 1927 and described in Bulletin 92 of the Bureau of American Eth- nology. The jacal houses were found to have been quite comparable to a similar type found in southern Colorado during the field season of 1928. The latter were extensively described in Bulletin 96 of the bureau. The pueblo revealed an unusually clear-cut story of the growth and changes in a communal dwelling. The building had not been erected according to a preconceived plan but had grown by degrees through the addition of new units. It was quite evident that such additions had taken place at four different periods in the occupation of the building. Doctor Roberts returned to Washington in October. The autumn months were devoted to reading and correcting 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY galley and page proofs for the report on the investigations of the 1928 field season. This paper is called Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, Southwestern Colorado, and is Bulletin 96 of the bureau. The winter months were devoted to working over the specimens obtained from the summer’s excavations and preparing a report on the investigations. This included the drawing of 31 text figures, consisting of 70 drawings, 1 map showing the region in general and the location of the sites, and the writing of a 600-page manuscript. The latter is entitled ““The Ruins at Kiatuthlanna, Eastern Arizona,” the Zuni Indian name for the locality. Doctor Roberts assisted Mr. Neil M. Judd, of the United States National Museum, in cataloguing the collections made along the Piedra River in southwestern Colorado in the summer of 1928. Illustrated lectures on the archeology of the Southwest were delivered before a number of Washington organizations, and information on the archeology of the New World was supplied in response to many letters of inquiry. On May 12, 1930, Doctor Roberts left Washington for Denver, Colo., where one week was spent in studying new accessions in the Colorado State Museum and the City Museum of Denver. Leaving Denver, Doctor Roberts proceeded to Gallup, N. Mex., and from there to the Zufi Indian Reservation. One week was devoted to an archeological reconnaissance of the Zuni area. As a result of this a small pueblo ruin was chosen as the scene for intensive investigations, and under a permit from the Department of the Interior excavations were started. By July 1 a burial mound containing 40 interments had been investigated and 16 rooms and 2 kivas or ceremonial chambers in the pueblo had been cleared of their accumulated débris. In addition to much valuable information, 150 specimens, including pottery and other artifacts, had been secured. Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, was engaged in routine office work from July 1, 1929, to May 7, 1930, and from the latter date until the close of the fiscal year he was engaged ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 7h in field service in Canada and very briefly in New York State. Mr. Hewitt devoted much careful research among various documents to ascertain, if possible, the symbolic significance of white and purple wampum beads, respectively, and also when these are mixed in definite proportions and arrange- ment on strings or belts; but much reading of documents which might bear on the question was comparatively barren of any satisfactory results. He was led to this study because, in modern time at least, strings of wampum function and have functioned quite prominently in the public transactions of the Council of the League of the Iroquois. Wampum strings are an essential accompaniment in the use of the ritual of the Requickening Address of the Council of Condolence and Installation of the League. Mr. Hewitt also transliterated an Ottawa mythic text from the common missionary alphabet into that of the Powell phonetic system designed for the use of collaborators of the bureau. He also typed in native Mohawk text the chanted ritual, the Eulogy of the Founders of the League, as intoned by the Father Tribal Sisterhood, incorporating therein such revi- sional additions, textual and grammatic, as had been found necessary by extensive field studies. Mr. Hewitt also typed in native Onondaga text this ritual in the form in which it is intoned by the Mother Tribal Sisterhood. These two ver- sions of the eulogy differ chiefly in the introductory para- graphs and also in the terms or forms of address. Mr. Hewitt continued to represent the Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, on the United States Geographic Board, and as a member also of its executive committee. On the afternoon of May 7, 1930, Mr. Hewitt left Wash- ington on field duty, returning to the bureau July 1. During this trip he visited the Grand River Reservation of the Six Nations of Indians near Brantford, Canada, the Tuscarora Reservation near Niagara Falls, N. Y., and the Onondaga Reservation near Syracuse, N. Y. Largely through his own knowledge of the several Iroquois languages, he was able to 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY recover the hitherto lost meanings of several passages in the texts relating to the league. These recoveries now make the entire structure of the League of the Iroquois clear and consistent. During the fiscal year Dr. Francis LaFlesche, ethnologist, read the proof of his paper, The Osage Tribe: Rite of the Wa-xo-be, which will be published in the Forty-fifth Annual Report of the Bureau. At the time of Doctor LaFlesche’s retirement, December 26, 1929, he had nearly completed an Osage dictionary upon which he had been working for several years. SPECIAL RESEARCHES The music of 10 tribes of Indians has been studied during the past year by Miss Frances Densmore, a collaborator of the bureau, in continuance of her research on this subject. These tribes are the Acoma, Menominee, Winnebago, Yuma, Cocopa, Mohave, Yaqui, Makah, Clayoquot, and Quileute. The first tribe given consideration was the Acoma, the work consisting in a completion of the study of records made in Washington by Philip Sanche. These records were made for the Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Thir- teen were transcribed as representative of the series. An outstanding peculiarity of these songs is a gradual raising or lowering of the pitch during a performance. In some instances the pitch was changed a semitone, in others a tone and a half, and one example contained a rise of a whole tone during one minute of singing. This was regarded as a mannerism and the song was transcribed on the pitch main- tained for the longest time. The work on Yuman and Yaqui music consisted in the retyping of almost all the text on these tribes, made necessary by the combining of individual manuscripts into a book. The analysis of each song was scrutinized and several songs previously classed as “irregular in tonality’’ were otherwise classified. The preparation for publication of a book on Menominee music has been practically completed. The manuscript contains 460 pages, with transcriptions of 140 songs, and a large number of illustrations. The material collected at Neah Bay, Wash., and submitted in the form of ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 9 13 manuscripts during previous years, has been unified under chapter headings and retyped for publication. Interesting features of these songs are the prominence of the tetrachord and the large number of songs with a compass of three or four tones. In July and August, 1929, a field trip was made to the Menominee and Winnebago in Wisconsin, the former tribe receiving the more consideration. This was the third visit to the Menominee and work was done at Keshena, Neopit, and Zoar. In June, 1930, another trip was made to the Winnebago in Wisconsin, this being the fourth visit to that tribe. Songs were recorded in the vicinity of Tomah and also near Wisconsin Rapids. One of the singers at the former locality was Paul Decora, whose home is in Nebraska. Fourteen songs were recorded by this singer and found to contain the same changes of pitch which marked the perform- ance of the Acoma singer. In some songs the pitch was steadily maintained, while in others it was gradually raised or lowered a semitone during the first rendition, the remainder of the performance being on the new pitch. John Smoke is an industrious Winnebago farmer, who retains a “water-spirit bundle” inherited from his ancestors and uses it in a ceremonial manner. He allowed Miss Dens- more to see this bundle, explained its use and benefits, and recorded two of its songs which are sung when its contents are exposed to view. A Winnebago flute player known as Frisk Cloud recorded three melodies on a flute made of metal pipe, and said ‘the love songs are words put to flute melodies.” He is also a maker of flutes and described the measurements of an instrument in terms of hand and finger widths and hand spreads. Miss Densmore purchased the instrument on which the melodies had been played. Winnebago songs and another flute performance were recorded by George Monegar, a blind man living near Wisconsin Rapids, who is considered one of the best author- ities on old customs. He also related the legend of the origin of the flute. 6066°— 32 2 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Songs of 10 classes were recorded on this trip, with old and modern examples of one class. The recorded songs comprise those of the water-spirit bundle, hand game, and moccasin game, love songs, war songs, and a lullaby, and songs of the Green Corn, Friendship, Fortynine, and Squaw dances. At the suggestion of Senator Carl Hayden, Mr. Neil M. Judd, curator of archeology in the United States National Museum, made a brief reconnaissance in September, 1929, for the purpose of ascertaining the most practicable method of surveying, at this late date, the prehistoric canal systems of the Gila and Salt River Valleys, Ariz. Most of the ancient canals had been obliterated through agricultural practices; others were threatened with early destruction under the program of the Coolidge Dam project. Following his pre- liminary investigation, he recommended an aerial survey as the only feasible means whereby the former aboriginal canal systems could be located and mapped for permanent record. Since haste was a prime factor, in view of the extensive grading operations within the Pima Indian Reservation, the War Department generously came to the aid of the Smith- sonian Institution by providing an observation plane and personnel. Mr. Judd left Washington January 12, 1930, and proceeded to Phoenix, Ariz., by way of Tucson and Sacaton. Unfavorable flying conditions served to delay inauguration of the survey. Ground haze in the early morning and smoke in the afternoon obscured the ground except for a 2-hour period at midday. Lieut. Edwin Bob- zien, pilot, and Sergt. R. A. Stockwell, photographer, both from Crissy Field, the Presidio, San Francisco, pursued their assigned tasks as rapidly as possible. They made approxi- mately 700 exposures, of which half were vertical photo- graphs taken from an altitude of 10,000 feet. These have since been assembled into mosaic maps. As was anticipated, the aerial survey disclosed numerous prehistoric canals not visible from the ground. With the mosaic maps in hand these ancient canals must now be examined individually and their locations identified with reference to near-by section lines. This task properly should be done during the late autumn or winter months and within the next few years. ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 11 Without the personal interest of Senator Hayden and the cooperation of the War Department, the Smithsonian In- stitution would have found it impossible to undertake the aerial survey above mentioned. In late November, 1929, and again in early May, 1930, Mr. Judd made brief visits to Charlottesville, Va., there to advise with Mr. D. I. Bushnell, jr., in those investigations of near-by Indian village sites which he is pursuing in behalf of the bureau. EDITORIAL WORK AND PUBLICATIONS The editing of the publications of the bureau was con- tinued through the year by Mr. Stanley Searles, editor, assisted by Mrs. Frances 8. Nichols, editorial assistant. The status of the publications is presented in the following summary: PUBLICATIONS ISSUED Bulletin 88. Myths and Tales of the Southeastern Indians (Swan- ton). x+275 pp. Bulletin 90. Papago Music (Densmore). xx+229 pp. 19 pls. 4 figs. Bulletin 91. Additional Studies of the Arts, Crafts, and Customs of the Guiana Indians (Roth). xviit+110 pp. 34 pls. 90 figs. Bulletin 93. Pawnee Music (Densmore). xviii+ 129 pp. 8 pls. Bulletin 95. Contributions to Fox Ethnology—II (Michelson). vlu+183 pp. 1 fig. List of Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 50 pp. PUBLICATIONS IN PRESS Forty-fifth Annual Report. Accompanying papers: The Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus (Teit, edited by Boas); Tattooing and Face and Body Painting of the Thompson Indians, British Columbia (Teit, edited by Boas); The Ethnobotany of the Thomp- son Indians of British Columbia (Steedman); The Osage Tribe: Rite of the Wa-xo-be (La Flesche). Forty-sixth Annual Report. Accompanying papers: Anthropological Survey in Alaska (Hrdlicka); Report to the Hon. Isaac S. Stevens, Governor of Washington Territory, on the Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri (Denig, edited by Hewitt). Bulletin 94. Tobacco among the Karuk Indians of California (Har- rington). Bulletin 96. Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, Southwestern Colorado (Roberts). 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLICATIONS The distribution of the publications of the bureau has been continued under the charge of Miss Helen Munroe, assisted by Miss Emma B. Powers. Publications distributed were as follows: Report volumes-andiseparates25_- 72_32--2 25 22 ee 3, 938 Bulle tinsvamddsep sire: es = se ey ene () OD, Contributions to North American Ethnology_____________- 40 Marscellancousipublications== 295 == ss sees sa ee 648 AR ortall ae ass Se et aye Spa ieee es Be 2 eee AP Soph RE ESS 24, 868 As compared with the fiscal year ended June 30, 1929, there was an increase of 4,756 publications distributed, due in part to the large number of separates from the Handbook of American Indians sent to Camp Fire Girls. After revision, the mailing list now stands at 1,627. ILLUSTRATIONS Following is a summary of work accomplished in the illus- tration branch of the bureau under the supervision of Mr. DeLancey Gill, illustrator: Photographs retouched, lettered, and otherwise made ready fOTVeN era yan Gel Ost ac MS Se oe Vas eee See 1, 638 Drawings prepared, including maps, charts, ete____________ 32 nensiversesprooisicritlelzed same = ys ee ee 742 Printed editions of colored plates examined at Goy ernment JPrabatnraves (Oyanes). 28 oe 31, 500 Correspondence attended to (letters). ____________________ 210 Photographs selected and catalogued for pune publishers__ 314 Photo-laboratory work by Dr. A. J. Olmsted, National Mu- seum, in cooperation with the Bureau of American Eth- nology: IN OO AIGL VCS at toe ep Ri oy rel nd Se ae Ses 84 Na 01 fc) aa ee w 7 / aaa Oe THE ACOMA INDIANS By LESLIE A. WHITE CONTENTS Historical sketch of Acoma_-_-----------------------------=+-------- ACOs LO-0 Sy See ee ee ee er as oe Ranvandiclanse sees ee oe eee oe a ee a ee ees epi sails @overnment. ees eo en oe ERs arse sae (atc Cc ae a AWWareaC Iii efi a oe en ee Opi, or Warriors’ Society -___-----------------=====-4-2-55555757 ROSH aT cee ee ee ee ee ee ee eee este Sas enn ThareeiCOO ks eee ae ae Are eae Bae oer ee Se eee OTT hleK CHIC ES ieee ee oe ee Prin cipsll ese es a ig I Medicine societies=-—--_--- = - = - = =- - =~ = = oe Gaenn O ee ee ee eS eae Lieutenant governors. - -------------=-----=--------=5==55555--5 Bickales (fiscales) __.-------=---------- -======-- ~~ -- =< 6-55 Bite heb Oss eee ee a a ee a pac Government farmer and his Indian policeman__----------~--------- Wiections ite sol eae a ae a ee ee ee Er dacKi es ‘Political parties” at Acoma_-_-__------------------------------ Ceremonies and ceremonial organization _ - —-------------------------- Pantheon. 2222-2 eee a ne ee a see geass: dane paces G@eremonial calendar. == 2--=----3--=---=-==--=---=-*4+-5-=555= Kachina cults. 22-5. 22 = see Sega ie ee Spee S65 Catalogue of the k’atsina_----.--_-----------------=-=35555---=-- Natyati, the summer dance for rain- - --~----------------~-------- The summer solstice____—- ..--=--=--=--+---=-4--"-+-45=-<-5 5555 The winter sOlstices=—944— === =a ip ee eae ee eet Sa Coming of the k’onictaiya ---.._----------------==+==--->-+--7-> Fight with the k’atsina____--------~--------=<-------=-55-5--747575 Curatea lights the fires_--__.-------------=------==-=-5=-s=-5--577 Opi, or Warriors’ Society _-------------------------------+---=--- TRen Tn ener ae ee ee a ee ee Caiyaik, or Hunters’ Society -___-------------------------------- Wiesta of san Bistevanl se. 2-2 oe a= a = ee Christmas Eve and Christmas week - -- -------------------------- Taos ee [OWI = oe Se AT SCICIING NULL te eee a ee ee ee aie ee Disease, its cause and cure --__----------------------------- Curing by a society -.------__----------------------------- Securing new members---.--------------------------------- Initiation of new members-_--------------------------------- Fire and sword jugglery of the Fire Society --.---------------- The communal curing ------------------------------------- Feats of magic of the medicine men- - ----------------------- Medicine men and the kachina cult -------------------------- Other ceremonial functions of medicine men-_----------------- Summary comment...------------------------------------- 20 CONTENTS Paraphernalia and ritual___________ Ce REED aN A hho el ROCKSShrines eae eee ee ee eee ee ee REA CLISULCKS See ef ee ee OE ee Pe Mhejghosnaniee sss =f . erR ak Be, Ve Se = eee Kachina tdolisse== === St 6. eee ne OE. i Rocks carvall ese aston NS 95S De erg en Ritualpatvens= sas een ees | ee ee eee iifercy clevotransindividual: = = 225] -222- 5222. Marriagerandidivorce=s222 32 - so-so soe se ee Se Sicknessiandielection to ofices-—— ___ 2 9s ee Miscellany ere t= ea a ee 2 te ie TS eo a en eR LD iddent ballets 22 sees 28 Sh ps 2 ee re eae as SO Daltyeatheringe ee ses aw 2 eee 2 a A ee ee A ie FASO. crChanme sae = a2 2 Sas aS 9 Se Rene ese eee NUMManvecommMent== -2 2-5 9S 2a SS an la 2 es I Fg gl fy Miythstanditales ss (52 == Si ae 43 2 eS on eS es Hmergencerandamigra tions = 99s == = 5 ss a ee Originyandiemergence:— 2 hee, ORI i Bl Ee Fate) Seay Guitipanic (performing miracles), a story of the fight at Kacikatcutia_ Masewitabandons latike ==. —-222=-—-===—. 22 4— 522. 5 ee Masewi and Oyoyewi rescue a girl from a giantess_________________ The blind brother and the crippled brother_______________________ HowakKaunat lost hisveyess== 222-25 s55--—- alee ee ee Tsictikatsame brings a bride from Wenimatsi_____________________ Mactcoai is killed trying to recapture a girl._____________________- Kasewat rescues his wife from Flint Bird_________________________ Kasewat rescues his wife from a giantess___________________ Laie Wheradventures of sans Diegos==" === 25) ---- /2U ees Se Li ee Whree snakeitalesMromAcomitassa=s--=- =. ~ —o e Metee esau Bibliography --_-_-___ Ses ee ee en eee ee BOG. SUM ST YE Wee Ic Indexsaa== a= =e ea aee 2 ake Sa ee ee Sos = Sa oes ee eee ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES Page 1. a, The cacique’s altar; 6, Altar of a medicine society_._._---------- 80 PAPACOMA KR CHIN@IMASKS a= 5 Hee ee ee eee ee ee ee ee 80 SerAcomaikachinawmasks®.=-=-s— = 6 els 22) Be ee ae = 80 AMA COMAyKaChiNatm askS anes ee eee a eo Oe ee eek a eee 30 EPA COTA KC OI AUN aS KS eee ee eee re er re 80 G: Acoma) kkachinawmasks! — 2-2 © 22322 S28 8 oo ce See e sc seese aces = 80 (epACOMSUKA CHIN a INAS Kemer a sty Se ani aa oe Se eee Se 80 SaeAcomapkachinatimasks ae ome ft ele Se epetee scee eens ne soe 80 Oe -Acomaskachina. masks!) &= -2=4 42534322234 ooo ae sess See 80 (OipAcomarkachina masksi= ==" s= 62a Sennen ee ee eee 80 11. Wall paintings. a, Cloud, rain, and lightning symbols, with horned snake; b, Representation of a koshare standing on the moon_---- 114 12. Wall paintings. a, Bear ‘“‘medicine man”; 6, Hagle__-__---------_- 114 Sa rAlcomarprayeristicks= === 4 es ete ASr See ea ee Se 128 [4s Acomayprayeristicksen3-< 4-~ == Sat a a ea sa ee ease eet sees 128 de eAcomauprayeristicks= === = 2.5. = kes Sees tee a cee 128 16: Sand painting for child-naming ceremony--_-------_=__-=__--___4- 128 TEXT FIGURES [Pe DiaoramoreAcomas pueblos === 5 sas ae = aa ae eee ee ee 30 2. Diagram of Mauharots, the head estufas—==-=2-2-= = =--=_ === 4 == 73 Son Diagramvofacuninpycham bers ee = eens ee = ee a eee 118 Ara CCTEMONISIGODJ CCUS = asses oe ee ee ee eee eee eae 128 DUA LUAT Olas CULIN PISOCIOLY. = a4 on ae ee ee = oe ee aes eee 130 6. Pictographs and petroglyphs near Acoma-- -_----.---------------- 132 Pp = ee : ; bon - Tsu - - : ; "2 7 4 7 a ae a = ae a 7 a 1) 7 _ ’ - > . *% : = a - - : ay : ' : - , : = .. al i ; iY be el < 7 : : a) ” 7 sy : e . P 7 nat 7" - ; 4 - , . - J r y 1 46 » 7 ‘’ 7 cw : : - tae > 7 7 ! = -_ . | Pa ut [oy v< &@ 5 i] 7 a 5 " 7 a : e ‘ _ - I W AY 7 : enOrrs uj i rad mA - _ > 5 7 - = _ -_ 74. oo ’ 7 7 a —— - 7 7 : 7 : : ei - = : 7 5 ; SAY, - ute = 2 =. = a) Le _ 10: > a, = ’ ellis stashed sath sy {abit 5: Bila oui pa “Tie # j ws = ee ——= HP Ags 7 heh inne Tit ah. ty! : ail i oe See : Ss = ik _ = os a als) Piney © ailiwa y : Auth : = — « —— 7 wee Ls ey@iie: vel, anid Ls a i Se sie, Plea -- 5 Shea es} i) 196 ' hs ee > ; "hu wCsNF 4! alone abet pt tug e due Viet i hey, = ir * a: hk Soe rhe a Mest salhimte srg’? ahs doltnlmmerytell a 7 iste Lig 2» a ed 7 ee 4 ipe’® ia og iis pul with Hoan tee dasihg a oP ted ar : A wap 1 ee Se : 7 Hote te ats enon ay 7 head oe i pe, [ee < aa yeh : - ‘ay = ao a a“ : 00 es ety PO I "4 | : 5 ARI ann pila bam ee artim i 4 H ith pi 7 (er) a > Sel ert ai _ 7 an . ® 7 oo .‘” 4 ' “ se pe % ts mn eutuad tetner j ow ae me ~ ea =a : ot) ia ip ue alig ad “Tai nies Hida ipaiLt Jed GL re Saab ot snaiuals Tins ieee pon wel ; = : ele i ok 7 yaireatids) volislinnded BI 7 - 7 = a, Deys B4 7 : ana Baile on iam th he md Bi =e ins Eee Po Ae mes, . sie sully nnd, ot baa « sitac aad he 7 — am : a. - : rr ct, a - 7 - 7 7 u ‘ay ’ - 2 «7 Se 7 - - 7 ' = 7 ay _ @ . es . 7 : x : 7 - —< - a? - 7 «? . = ; 7 ; o 1 _ - = 7 i 7 + - - ) =e i _ 1 0 a i y - at - i : i - 7 : 7 ' ; : Li _ _ ' 7 ir _ : 7 a ' i . ae - THE ACOMA INDIANS By Lesire A. WHITE HISTORICAL SKETCH OF ACOMA When Fray Marcos de Niza returned to Mexico from Zufi in 1539 he told, among many other things, of having heard of a “Kingdom of Hacus” which lay to the east of Zivola (Cibola). This is the first reference to Acoma. Coronado found himself at Zui (Cibola) the following year (1540). He dispatched Captain Alvarado eastward on a journey of exploration. “Captain Alvarado started on this journey, and in five days reached a village which was on a rock called Acuco, having a population of about 200 men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole country round about. The village was very strong, because it was upon a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high. There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock. There was a broad stairway for about 200 steps, then a stretch of about 100 narrower steps, and at the top they had to go up about three times as high as a man by means of holes in the rock, in which they put the points of their feet, holding on at the same time by their hands. There was a wall of Jarge and small stones at the top, which they could roll down without showing themselves, so that no army could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. On the top they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn and cisterns to collect snow and water. “These people came down to the plain to fight and would not listen to any arguments. They drew lines on the ground and determined to prevent our men from crossing these, but when they saw that they would have to fight they offered to make peace before any harm had been done. They went through their forms of making peace, which is to touch the horses and take their sweat and rub themselves with it, and to make crosses with the fingers of the hands. But to make the most secure peace they put their hands across each other, and they keep this peace inviolably. They made a present of a large number of (turkey) cocks with very big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins, pine (pifion) nuts, flour (corn meal), and corn.” (From Winship, The Coronado Expedition, pp. 490-491, Relacién of Cas- taneda.) 23 24 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 There is another account of Alvarado’s visit to Acoma by an anony- mous chronicler, who states that Alvarado ‘‘started off, and 30 leagues from Cibola found a rock with a village on top, the strongest position that ever was seen in the world, which was called Acuco in their language, and Father Friar Marcos called it the ‘kingdom of Hacus.’ They came out to meet us peacefully, although it would have been easy to decline to do this and to have stayed on their rock, where we would not haye been able to trouble them. They gave us cloaks of cotton, skins of deer and cows (buffalo), and turquoises, and fowls and other food which they had, which is the same as in Cibola.” (Winship, Coronado Expedition, p. 575.) This gives us a picture of Acoma in 1540: A village of about 200 houses, from two to four stories high, situated on an almost inaccessible mesa almost 400 feet high; with cornfields and cisterns on the summit; with cotton, deerskin, and buffalo-hide garments; with domesticated turkeys, quantities of turquoise, etc.’ Castaiieda tells us that ‘‘they venerate the sign of the cross in the region where the settlements have high houses. For at a spring which was in the plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms high and as thick as a finger, made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and many little sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous withered flowers, which were the offerings.” This is a very interesting report; it describes, without doubt, prayer-stick ritual or usage at Acoma in 1540.” Where the Acoma people lived before they established themselves so securely on the rock where Alvarado found them is a question concerning which there are some clues but few established facts. Their origin-migration myth says that they came from the north. Bandelier states: ‘. . . so far as I am able to judge, the gist of Acoma folklore assigns the origin of the tribe to a separation for some cause or other from the tribe of Cia. Thence they drifted to the southwest, across the bleak and unprepossessing valley of the Rio Puerco, and, dividing into two bands, established themselves in pueblos of small size to the right and left of the Cafiada de la Cruz, and on the mesa 1 Benavides, in his Memorial, published in 1630, states that corn was planted on the summit of the Acoma mesa. The Acoma mesa is divided into two roughly equal parts, the village being on the north mesa; the south portion is unoccupied (the largest water reservoir, however, is on the south mesa). At the present time there is neither room nor soil on the north mesa to grow enough corn for half a dozen families. There is considerable room on the south mesa, but it is so rough and barren and rocky that only a small amount could be utilized for crops. I doubt very much if corn in quantities sufficient to feed the pueblo was ever grown on the summit. There are other statistics given by Benavides which are of interest here. He says that the mesa is 1,000 estados (an estado is 1.864 yards) high. He says there were 2,000 houses and 7,000 people. These, of course, are gross exaggerations, as is his estimate of the length of the mesa being 1 league. (See translation of this memorial in Land of Sunshine, vol. xiv, translated by Mrs. E. E. Ayer, edited and annotated by F. W. Hodge.) ? Winship, Coronado Expedition, p. 544, waite] HISTORICAL SKETCH OF ACOMA 25 above Acomita, 12 miles north of their present village.” * He also mentions a number of small pueblo ruins near Acoma.* Northeast of Acoma about 3 miles is the Enchanted Mesa (Mesa Encantada), or K’atzim®. Itis a large mesa with sheer perpendicular walls rising almost 400 feet from the flats below. Lummis, in his Land of Poco Tiempo, recounts the Acoma tale that their people ence lived on the summit of this rock. A great storm, so the story goes, broke away the rock trail which led to the top. Most of the Acoma people were in their fields at this time, but those remaining in the pueblo perished of hunger; they could not come down. In 1895, F. W. Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, climbed to within 60 feet of the summit and examined the talus heaped along the side. He reported finding some potsherds. Two years later Prof. Wiliam Libbey, of Princeton University, reached the summit. He reported that diligent search did not produce any trace of a former occupation. So the Bureau of Ethnology directed Hodge to make another ascent. This he did in September, 1897. This time he found more pottery, fragments of a shell bracelet, and a broken stone implement on the summit. He also reported a small stone structure which he was certain was not a natural formation.® Granting that a few potsherds were found on the summit of K’atzim® does not prove that the Acoma people lived there; a few potsherds do not make a pueblo. Those sherds may have been left there by people who ascended for ceremonial purposes. Hodge found a prayer stick or two in a cleft not far from the summit. Ceremonial visits are made to this mesa even yet. It would seem that traces of rock walls would remain had there ever been houses on the top of this great rock. The interval between the visits of Alvarado and Espejo was un- eventful. In 1581 Fray Augustin Rodriguez and Sanchez Chamus- cado visited Acoma with a small party.’ In the year following, Espejo arrived at Acoma, where he spent three days. He describes the village much as Castaneda did, mentioning the cisterns, foods, wearing apparel, etc. Two items of considerable significance he mentions: ‘‘These people have their fields 2 leagues from the pueblo on a river of medium size whose waters they intercept for irrigating 3 Old Keresan pottery which I have seen in museums shows far greater resemblances between Acoma and Zia than between Acoma and either Santo Domingo or Cochiti. + Bandelier, Final Report, Pt. Il, pp. 312-320. 5 See Hodge, F. W., in Land of Sunshine, November, 1897; also in Century Magazine, May, 1898; also in National Geographic Magazine, vol. vim, 1897. Also see Libbey, William, in Harper’s Weekly, Aug. 28, 1897, and notes by Lummis and Hodge in Land of Sunshine, October and November, 1897. ® Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, collected by Bandelier and edited by C. W. Hackett, vol. 1, p. 193. 6066°—32——3 26 THE ACOMA INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 47 purposes .. .’’’ And “In our honor they performed a very cere- monious mitote and dance, the people coming out in fine array. They performed many juggling feats, some of them very clever, with live snakes.’’* On the 27th of October, 1598, Don Juan de Onate visited Acoma and received the obediencia of the pueblo. It is said that some of the Acoma chiefs tried to lure Onate into an estufa to see something “very curious’’; once inside, they planned to kill him. But Onate declined to enter. He left the pueblo in safety and continued his journey westward.® Capt. Gaspar de Villagré, the poet warrior to whom we are indebted for many graphic accounts of these days, reached Acoma shortly after Onate’s departure. He was alone, having only his horse and his dog for companions. He was received by Zutucapan, an Acoma chief, who tried to resist Ofiate. So unfriendly did this chief seem, Villagré refused to dismount. Instead, he hurried on to join Onate. His account of his escape is dramatic and at points ludicrous. He states that his horse fell into a pit which the Indians had dug for this purpose and had covered over with brush. Leaving his horse dead in the pit (in another connection he mentions still having his noble charger some time after this adventure), he went on afoot. There was snow on the ground, so he reversed his boots to deceive his pursuers (!). He suffered greatly from hunger and finally decided to eat his dog. But “as the faithful animal with the life torrent pouring from his side turned to lick the hand of his slayer, Villagré had no heart to eat the food obtained at such a cost.’ ® Late in September (1598) Don Juan Zaldivar, the maestro de campo of Onate, arrived at Acoma with 20 or 30 men. Leaving a few men at the foot of the mesa to guard the horses, Zaldivar and his men went up to the village. Here they were received in friendly fashion by the natives. But while the Spaniards were wandering about the pueblo, scattered here and there, the Acomas suddenly fell upon them with furious yells and war clubs. Zaldivar himself was struck down by Zutucapan, the wily chief. Five soldiers ran to the edge of the mesa and jumped over the cliff; one man was killed in the fall, but the others alighted without injury. All the rest were killed. The four survivors joined the men with the horses and escaped, joining Onate." * Bolton, H. E., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, pp. 182-183. Bandelier attempted to identify these fields as those in the Acomita Valley, 12 miles north of Acoma. ‘‘The distance indicated by him (Espejo), 2 leagues, does not agree; but since he adds ‘on a middle-sized river . . .’ I infer that their fields were on some point along the course of the Blue-water.’’ Final Report, pt. 1, pp. 315-316. * Bolton, loe. cit. ° Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 138-139. 10 Bancroft, op. cit., p. 140. 1! We are indebted to Villagra for the account of this episode. While we need not accept each detail as assured fact, the central fact is true. Zaldivar and many of his men were killed at Acoma at this time. See Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 142-143. writr] HISTORICAL SKETCH OF ACOMA 27 It was decided to send Don Vicente Zaldivar, the brother of Don Juan, to punish the Acomas. Not only was revenge in order but other pueblos must not see Acoma remain victorious. So on the 21st of January, 1599, Captain Vicente de Zaldivar arrived at Acoma with 70 men, including Villagré. It is said that Zutucapan was very defiant. Other leaders, especially one Chumpo, urged the removal of women and children from the mesa before any fighting began. Zutucapan and his followers were very confident, however, and everyone remained in the pueblo. The fight began. Zaldivar sent most of his men to engage the Indians at the trail, while 12 men stealthily ascended the south mesa, unnoticed by the Indians, and gained the summit. The fight lasted two or three days. According to Villagré the siege must have resem- bled the siege of Troy; great struggles of great heroes rocked the mesa. Asa matter of fact, the Spaniards lost only one man. When they finally gained the village they killed many Indians and burned their houses. Chumpo, he who had counseled caution, was allowed to settle on the plain below with his followers.'* It is said that the Acomas saw Santiago hovering over the Span- iards on a white horse during the fight. The Spaniards were as ready to believe this as were the Indians.” The Acoma people were soon back on the top of their mesa. And they were far from friendly. Father Zarate Salmeron is said to have “Dacified’”’ the Acomas about 1620. In his Relacién he states that one Capt. Gerénimo Marquez had told him that he had once seen on the walls of an estufa at Acoma some pictures of Aztecs. The Acomas said that these people had come from the west some years previous; and since they had never seen any people like them, they had painted their likeness on the walls of their estufa. When they left, the Aztecs went toward the Rio Grande pueblos. Father Zarate made inquiry at some of the Rio Grande pueblos; and although he was frequently told about these strangers, he never succeeded in absolutely identifying them as people from Mexico." In 1629 (approximately) Father Juan Ramirez went to Acoma. He chose this pueblo because he had heard that they were the most rebellious of all the tribes. Upon (or shortly after) his arrival he restored a child, who had just expired, with holy water and appro- 12 Tt is said that 600 accompanied Chumpo. The total population was estimated at 6,000, which is at least four times too large, I believe. 18 In a letter to the viceroy, the Count of Monterey, dated Mar. 2, 1599, Onate wrote as follows: “. . because my maese de campo was not as cautious as he should have been, they killed him with 12 companions in a great pueblo and fortress called Acoma, which must contain about 3,000 Indians. As punishment for its crime and its treason against its majesty to whom it has already rendered submission by a public instrument (!), and as a warning to the rest (of the pueblos), I razed it and burned it com- pletely.’’ This is without doubt a great exaggeration, I believe. (See Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, p. 218.) i$ See his Relacion, translated in Land of Sunshine, vol. xu. 28 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 priate words. This act won for him the regard of the Acomas. Father Ramirez is said to have built the mission church at Acoma.® The next incident of consequence at Acoma is the revolt of 1680, a general uprising of all the pueblos in which all the Spaniards in the pueblo area were either killed or driven out. Fray Luis Maldo- nado (and possibly two others) were killed at Acoma." During the reconquest of the country by Don Diego de Vargas, Acoma was visited by this general in November, 1693. The Acomas were ready to fight, but De Vargas persuaded them to yield, and on November 4 he entered the pueblo with his priests and some soldiers, where ceremonies of submission were performed. Eighty-seven children were baptized at this time.” On the 4th of June, 1696, Taos, Picuris, Santo Domingo, Cochiti, and Jemez revolted and killed five missionaries and 21 other Span- iards. The Jemez people fled to the mountains. They sought aid from the Acomas, Zufis, and the Navahos. On the 29th of June, Capt. Miguel de Lara, with a small detachment of soldiers from Zia, and Don Fernando Duraén y Chavez, the alealde mayor of Bernalillo, met the revolutionists in San Diego Canon (at the ruins of the pueblo of San Juan). The Spaniards routed the Indians. Eight Acoma warriors were killed and a number of the Jemez. ‘The alliance be- tween Acoma and Zuni was disrupted and the Jemez fled to the mountains.'® To quiet the Acomas, De Vargas marched to the pueblo, and on the 15th of August, 1696, he attacked the village, capturing five men, one of them a chief. But he did not succeed in entering the town. “Then he released the chief and resorted to persuasion, without suc- cess, finally shooting the captives, ravaging the corn fields, and retiring.’’ ' Don Diego de Vargas was succeeded by Pedro Rodriguez Cubero as governor in 1696; Cubero assumed office on the 2d of July, 1697. During his tour of the west in 1699 Cubero received the submission of Acoma on the 6th of July. ACOMA TO-DAY Acoma’s early reputation for vigorous unfriendliness to the whites has been maintained to the present day. Of course there has been no violence for many years, but Government officials and employees, representatives of religious organizations, and tourists well know the difficulties which confront a white man or woman at Acoma. The Acoma people are suspicious, distrustful, and unfriendly. In addi- 15 Benavides, Memorial, Land of Sunshine, vol. xi. W See Relacion of Escalante, Land of Sunshine, vol. x1. Bancroft, op. cit., pp. 200-201 1s Bandelier, Final Report, pt. 1, pp. 215-216; Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 215-217. 19 Bancroft, op cit., p. 217. wnitr] ACOMA TO-DAY 29 tion to their constant fears that they may have land taken from them, or that they may be taxed by the Government, they are ever on their guard to prevent any information concerning their ceremonies from becoming known lest they be suppressed (or ridiculed) by the whites. A young man whom I had become quite well acquainted with once told me that he had heard of such things as clans at other pueblos, but that nothing of that sort was to be found at Acoma. With the exception of a few months (perhaps a year or so) the Acoma people have lived on the Acoma mesa for many centuries. Long ago they had fields in a valley to the north (as Espejo noted), but there were no houses there until after the danger of raids by Navahos had passed. Forty or fifty years ago there were only a few small houses at Acomita, and these were but temporary shelters for workers in the fields. With the passing of danger, the dwellings were built larger and families came down from old Acoma to live. At first the houses at Acomita were built high up on the side of a steep mesa, partly from habit and partly from fear. These old houses are still used; people climb laboriously up and down the mesa with burdens of water, provisions, etc., when they could live on the level below if they wished. At times their conservatism seems to be organic, below the level of thought entirely. The layout of the pueblo of old Acoma is shown in the accompany- ing diagram. The houses are built on the bare surface of the rock. They are arranged in three long rows, with a few scattered between these and the church. They are for the most part three stories high. All houses in the rows face south. The top floor is used as a living room; cooking is done here on a fireplace. The bottom floor is used as a storeroom. The middle floor is used partly as a sleeping-living room and partly as a storeroom. Until recently there were no open- ings in the walls of the rooms on the ground floor; one ascended ladders to the upper floors and then went down ladders through trapdoors to the floors below.” There is very little American furniture in the old houses, although at Acomita and in a few of the homes of “‘progres- sives’’ at old Acoma there are stoves, tables, chairs, beds, cupboards, etc. In a few of the walls facing the north there are small pieces of gypsum which admit light into the dark rooms; on the south side there are windows and doors. Ovens are built on the roofs of the first terrace or in the streets. Piles of wood are placed on roof terraces or on the ground near by. There is a cistern on the north side of the village. The path leading to it has been worn down to a depth of an inch and a half in places by hundreds of years of use by bare and moccasined feet. On the south mesa there is a great reservoir. It never goes dry, and the water is always cold and clear. 20 See Mindeleff, A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola, p. 116. 30 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 There are no toilets or outhouses at Acoma; people go out to the edge of the mesa where they are sheltered by bushes or large rocks in the daytime, but at night they very frequently use the street, or after daybreak the roof terraces. So far as sanitation is concerned, however, it is probably much better not to have outhouses where filth would be preserved for flies. The sun and wind dry, scorch, and sterilize everything very quickly. The rooms of the dwellings are usually very neat and orderly. The walls are plastered white. Pictures of Christ, virgins, girls showing the benefits of certain cold creams, Indian boys and girls at Govern- eee nT) [ES ipa a] FIGURE 1.—Key to diagram of Acoma pueblo [The roman numerals indicate the location of the dancing places used in Natyati.] 1, Chamber of the Fire Society. 2, Daut’k’ori‘ts estufa. 3, Kock’asi-ts estufa. 4, Corn clan’s house. 5, Coska‘ts estufa. 6, Tsitcinic k’a‘ate, or Mauharots, the ‘‘head estufa.’’ 7, Haimatats: estufa. 8, Cacique’s house. 9, Cutrini-ts estufa. 10, Plaza. 11, Komanira. 12, Church. 13, Convento. 14, Horse trail. 15, Foot trail. 16, Foot trail. 17, To water reservoir. 18, To Masewi’s Rock. 19, Graveyard, ment schools, etc., are found on the walls in numbers. In one house T noted a small bowl of corn flour and an arrowhead on a ledge by the door. Rifles, deer and antelope horns, moccasins etc. hang on the walls. Sheep pelts are placed on the floor. Both Bandelier and Mindeleff state that there are six kivas at Acoma.” But, unfortunately, we do not know exactly what this means. The term k’aate at Acoma is used to designate the five chambers of the five kachina groups, and also for Mauharots, the “head estufa’’ (the chamber of the cacique and the Antelope clan), *| Bandelier, Final Report, pt. I, p. 268; Mindeleff, op. cit., pp. 116 and 207. WHITE] ACOMA TO-DAY oi 22 and the chamber of the Fire society.” There are seven chambers, then, at Acoma called k’aate. In outward appearance they are alike, rectangular rooms on the ground floor, set in among dwellings. They are said to be similar inside, too, except that in Mauharots there is a tsewai’metyum (a plank placed over a resonance chamber in the floor). (See fig. 2, p. 73.) I feel that there “should be” six kachina chambers at Acoma instead of five; this would resemble the six kivas at Zuni. Whether the six kivas reported by Bandelier and Mindeleff imply six kachina chambers or not is an important question, the solution of which would be of great moment. In the south wall of each k’aate there is a hole about 8 inches in diameter; it is placed about 20 inches from the ground. Into these holes corn meal is thrown with prayers by people who pass through the streets at night. The ladders which lean against the kivas are much longer than the ladders of the dwellings, and they have a cross- piece at the top which is carved in a shape suggesting arrows or lightning symbols. Every person has a Spanish (or American) name, but while the young people know these names, sonie of the old folks do not. I was buying some pottery from some old women at old Acoma and leaving it there for a day or so when I could take it away. I asked (through an inter- preter) what their names were, and they told me their Indian names. Fearing that I would forget them J asked for their Spanish names. They laughed and seemed slightly embarrassed. They said that they had Spanish names, but that they could not remember what they were. Kinship terms are usually used when conversing with one another, and sometimes the native name, but Spanish or American names are almost never used except when speaking to an American or a Mexican. I knew of two brothers whose last names were quite different; one was Spanish, the other English. I learned that these boys had received their names when they had gone away to school; their teacher named them, not knowing that they were brothers. Many of the old people have never been more than a few miles from the reservation. I know of some old men and women who have never been to Albuquerque. Last summer one old lady made her first visit to Albuquerque. J gathered from reports of her behavior there that she was quite overcome by that little city. What seemed to distress her most was her inability to orient herself with reference to the cardinal points; the sun seemed to her to rise in the south. Some people, however, have traveled considerably; these are mostly men. Some of the older men went to Carlisle, one or two were in France with the American Expeditionary Forces, some were at an exposition in San Diego, and others have worked for the Santa Fe 22 At San Felipe and at Santo Domingo the kivas are called tci*kya. 32 THE ACOMA INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 47 Railroad at various places. But I could never see that any prestige was attached to travel. On the contrary, I have learned of instances where old people strenuously discouraged young men from leaving the reservation. In addition to the old mission at old Acoma, there is a small Catholic church at Acomita. Mass is held at old Acoma once a year (on San Estevan’s Day, September 2), but once a month (or perhaps once in two months) a priest visits Acomita for religious services. Few attend these services, and the congregation is preponderantly female and juvenile. Many people are married by the priest, and quite a number of children are baptized, but I know of only one instance in which burial ceremonies were performed by a priest. This was the case of a death in the family of a ‘‘progressive.’’ The pueblo fathers refused to allow the body to be interred in the church yard (where all burials are made). But the father of the child said that he would not bury his child there anyway. My impression from talking to the Acoma people about God and Christ is that they believe they are supernaturals with power, but, somewhat like the gods of other pueblos and the Navahos, they are not very close to the Acoma people. San Estevan, though, seemed to belong to old Acoma. A man of about 50 told me the following: He ‘‘did not believe in’ the kachinas or the medicine men; he thought he believed in Cristo. One night he had a dream. He dreamed he had died and had gone to heaven. He found himself before God. He could not remember exactly how God looked, but he seemed to resemble in appearance and dress a successful American business man. He was in an office, seated behind a desk ‘‘just like in a bank.’’ The Indian stood before God at his desk. God asked him, ‘“‘Where’s your license?”’ (meaning, “Where is the sign that you have the right to enter heaven?”’). The Indian had a Bible and showed it to God. God said, ‘No; that’s not your license. This is your license,’ and he showed the Indian a prayer stick.’ God told him that the Bible was the white man’s license. Then the Indian looked around and he saw different kinds of Indians there; some were Apaches, some Pueblos. God told him that the prayer stick was the Indian’s license. I tried to learn what the Indian thought and felt about his dream, but it was very difficult. He said he didn’t know, but that he guessed the dream was right; he seemed to feel that the white man’s things were for the white man and the Indian had his own things. Farming is the chief occupation at Acoma, although sheep are raised in rather large numbers and cattle to a lesser extent. Corn, alfalfa, wheat, beans, and chili are the chief crops; melons, onions, squash, and some fruits and vegetables are also grown. Potatoes , 23 Compare Dumarest, p. 172. Wire] ACOMA TO-DAY 33 are not cultivated; they say they won’t grow. I never heard of any- one trying to raise potatoes, though, except one family near McCartys, who were quite successful. I never saw any hogs on the reservation. There are quite a number of chickens at Acomita and McCartys, and a few turkeys. There are nearly always a number of goats with the sheep flocks. Wool and pottery are about the only products sold; practically everything else is for home consumption. The wool is sold at a trading post at Cubero (a Mexican village near the reserva- tion); pottery is sold to tourists along the highway at McCartys and at the railroad station at New Laguna, as well as at the trading post. The traders at the post make a great margin of profit from every transaction; the Indians are exploited in an outrageous manner.* At Acomita there is a small store run by an Acomita family where a few articles, such as tobacco, jars of jelly, crackers, etc., are sold, but it is of little consequence. Corn and mutton are the chief foods. Mutton is hung out on a line, like so many shirts, to cure in the sun. Stews are made, often, of mutton, very highly seasoned with chili peppers. No cow’s milk is used. Chewing gum and soda pop are very popular. Alcoholic drinks are not used. Mexicans who sell mula blanca occasionally to the Indians are hunted and prosecuted (if caught on the reservation), and Indians who drink liquor are punished. Very little is consumed, Men and women, and children who are old enough, work in the fields. The men do most of the heavy field work, but women often perform the same tasks at planting and harvesting. The women do most of the garden work, although the men share this, too. Grinding corn and wheat, cooking, household work, etc., of course, fall to the women. At house building, the men erect the walls and do the heavy work; the women do the plastering. Little machinery is used. There are some mowing machines and rakes, but no cultivators, corn grinders, or corn shellers. The Indian office at Albuquerque once sent a small threshing machine to Acomita to use in threshing their wheat, but they refused to use it and asked to have it taken away from the reservation. Wheat is threshed out by driving ponies round and round in a corral, tramping on the grain. Chaff, straw, and grain are then thrown in the air with forks to blow the chaff away. The grain is then rewinnowed with trays. Sheep are tended by men and boys. They often take their sheep to a considerable distance from the pueblo, often remaining away for weeks at a time. They live in little camps while out on the range. % For example, an Indian wished to buy a machine from the trader who asked $125 for it. The Indian went to Albuquerque (where another trader tried to charge him over $100, until he found out that the Indian had a white friend in town who knew what prices were) and bought the machine, shipped it by freight to Acomita at a total cost of $81.75. Other articles are sold in the same way. lasked why the Indians allowed this, and the young man who had bought the machine said that the Indians didn’t know any better. The 1927 governor could not speak English. 34 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 They have burros to carry their tent, bedding, and supplies when they move. Property is owned by both men and women. Some own houses and some women own herds of sheep. Property is divided among the children at death. Theoretically, all land is communally owned, but each farm is said to ‘‘belong”’ to some particular family. This means that they are using it and that they have the nght to continue to use it, but should they neglect the land and allow it to lie idle some one else may ask the cacique to allot the land to him. And the ca- cique has the authority to do this. Recently, however, a family left the reservation. The head of the family ‘‘sold” his land to other men in Acomita. He said he had a right to do this because he had spent much money and labor in improving the land, clearing it of brush, rocks, etc., and in fencing it. And he did receive compensa- tion for it. The grazing land is communal; the flocks of various families wander about over the range almost at random. By mutual recognition of “rights”? which have crystallized from habit, conflicts over choice grazing lands are avoided. All other property is owned by individuals (except the communal buildings at old Acoma, of course). The boys like to sing. They sing often in the evening while riding through the valley or at some house. New songs are frequently composed; almost anyone may (and often does) compose a song. Favorites are learned by others and are kept for dances. Sometimes boys (young men) gather at a house in the evening to practice songs. Girls do not sing lke this. There are one or two phonographs among them, but they are not popular. The Government farmer once had a radio which interested them slightly, not because of the music but to determine how the sounds were produced. They refused to believe that the music they heard was transmitted from Denver, Los Angeles, etc.; they insisted that ‘‘there must be something inside” the box which made the music. Witch-fighting medicine men they could believe in, but not radio. KIN AND CLAN There are 14 clans at Acoma at the present time.?> The clans are exogamous; one must marry outside his clan. This rule, however, is becoming a trifle lax nowadays, as we shall see shortly. Descent is reckoned in the maternal line. The 14 clans are here listed in order of size: 2s Hodge, in the Handbook of American Indians, lists, in addition to these, the *Blue, *Brown, and White Corn, Snake, *Buffalo, *Fire, and Ant clans. Those marked with an asterisk he lists as extinct. He fails to mention the Tansy Mustard clan. The White Corn, Snake, and Ant clans, then, have become extinct quite recently. The last member of the Snake clan died only two or three years ago. wuts] KIN AND CLAN 35 Halglests: 2.4 ee Bese i oat Gide | PAntelopes a. Sas e Ne eee eS 26 Sunterete se -+ = eee ee oo 40} Water 2:2 <2 eo See eee 20 Bear sess = 2 = ae ee ees et TO RS Kiya eye oe eS Se a ee 18 iWellowa Gonna ree GUL. |S Letvbaay oat eae ee ee 15 [Parr eee an ee eae (OW RUTKe yee eee ee as 13 Redd ones 5. = see ee 66s iansya Mustarde= === ss" = ll Oak eas oo eee = ew no 47 +o awe IRoadsRunner = soe Seer aa = 30 Total. - ----------------- 826 IT made a census of 205 marriages, showing the clan affiliation of each person. Table 1 gives the data for 194 of these marriages. Table 2 lists the marriages in which non-Acoma persons are involved. Table 3 lists the husbands and wives for each clan. Tasie 1.— Marriaces SHowine Cian APrriLiATIONS Women Men | | Tan 3 Yel- Road 7 al Sun pred oo acl Bear| Run-| Sky es Eagle} Oak eee Ee oe UD Jorn ner Paral | | we Pumpkinesss-2=- 1 1 5 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 Alurke vere ttn) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 Parrots eee 0 al 1 0 2 1 al 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 Tansy Mustard ___| 4 1 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Oakst22-22 22528222 | 4 1 2 0 1 0 0 0 4 0 0 u 0 0 Haglenee sean noes 7 2 4 3 2 0 1 1 0 0 1 2 0 0 Waters = - 32: =2-- 52 p) 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 Skyssseis2 222-222 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Road Runner-___- iierest i) 1 0 2 0 0 0 1 u 0 1 0 i) Bear ==-=-2=£222:- 6 1 2 0 0 1 1 0 5 1 0 2 0 1 Antelope-_.-------- 3 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 Red Corn__------ 9 1 i 1 1 2 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 2 Sunesaeeessteoee ee 7 3 5 2) 11 1 1 3 14 3 0 z 0 0 Yellow Corn__--_-- 1 2 0 0 1} 1 1 0 6 2 0 0 0 0 | Was Bo Is = | Note.—The vertical column on the left refers to men; the clan list across the top refers to women. For example, 2 Eagle clan men married Bear clan women; 2 Road Runner clan women married Red Corn clan men. TaspLe 2.—ALIEN MARRIAGES Mexican; husband ss = soe a= eae oe | 1 | Lives on reservation. Hiopi-husband== == = eae = Sse | 2 | Both live on reservation. ZuTiMiuehand ss ee teens tule Wate Eee ee 1 | Lives on reservation. Mexican-Navaho husband____________--- 1 | Lives on reservation. Winhtterhusban Ges =s= == eee eee 2 | 1 lives on reservation. Wihitetwivess= se 8a ee sete re 3 | None lives on reservation. NOMEZ NV1L Ge an es ee tt es seo 1 | Lives on reservation. 1 usband seers es Bes er ee 7 | 6 live on reservation. ATTA LSI ie ey a py pe a 2 i a ee ae _. 4 | 1 lives on reservation. 36 THE ACOMA INDIANS [RTH. ANN. 47 TaBLE 3.—HusBAaNps AND Wives or EHacu CLAN Clan ee Wives | Total In order of size BPS nee es Soe tae ee aoe eee a Calera 51 45 96 | Eagle. 1 DEV ees ee eae eee eee Oe ee! | ee 23 39 62 | Sun. BCA es eS ay eee ee Mee en 20 24 44 | Bear. Nellows Corns qos eee ey eee 14 23 37 | Yellow Corn. ReGK Conn nes 2 ee fae eee eee 2 14 35 | Parrot. Oa krees ie 2 ee ae ae ee ee | 13 a 20 | Red Corn. PaTLObee a= ae eee ne eee een ae | 7 12 19 | Oak. Ambelopes= 3-5-2 = eee ees oF all a 18 | Road Runner. A a ee | 10 4 14 | Antelope. Road Rimners = 452226 ee eee si ee 7 6 13 | Water. Rave oe ae Soe ea Se ee Bae al 3 7 10 | Pumpkin. Tansy Miustardas-= == ae eee ae 8 1 9 | Sky. Weber s = =r 0g 2k Shee SA 2 eee See es 5 4 9 Turkey. ur keys See oe See ee ae eer 4 1 1 2 | Tansy Mustard. otal ete Me OE ates ey 194 | 194 | 388 | TasLe 4.—Marriaces BETWEEN CLANS I 11 10 Sune = ae See eo oe Nae ae. Hagle-6—* 2282-24 } 21 | Sun. SUES eee eee Beate fois ta 17 | Eagle. Sins] = seek Ts ee RediGornse- 2 22=3 12 | Bear. Wellow Cones ee ae =| te) OY [ee ae | 10 | Yellow Corn. Antelopetoa= 245 ee paple™ sat ee ere 8 | Red Corn. SUD oe = ee gy ae oye mc | Pah WO sletee oa a4 eos 7 | Oak. IB are = Foray see ees a SE Waele: aos ee soe val Sie eos ee So ea ee | Yellow Corn. __=_- 6 SUD ed -beere pene 2 Je sweet | Antelope. —-=--__= 5 | LEtiNea Ne ps a re ee | Yellow Corn____- 5 Sune ss. 2 SLE ee ee VeWateraes £253 | 5 (Or ics Wak Ee See eee | Yellow Corn---- | 4 leben p) lone es = See Red Corn___-_-_- 3 RedtGom= 2=2-25 o ee ae ' Yellow Corn 3 | Note.—There were 21 marriages between members of the Sun clan and members of the Eagle clan; 5 between the Antelope clan and the Sunclan, etc. Column [11 lists a few clans in order of number of married persons. The Sun clan with the greatest number of persons married heads the list. Is there a moiety division based upon marriage? One would not expect to find such a division at Acoma, but any proofs of its non- existence are to be welcomed. Table 4 lists clans between which there have been marriages; 1. e., in Column II the clan name is placed WHITE] KIN AND CLAN BY) opposite the clan name in Column I between which there have been marriages. They are listed in order of numerical frequencies, the greatest number being at the head of the list. It will be noticed that clans which show the greatest number of between-clan marriages are also the largest clans, which argues that numerical preponderance rather than psychological affinity accounts for the marriages. To go further, suppose we apply the laws of chance to the marriages between the Sun and Eagle clans, for example. There are 62 Eagle clan members with mates. Excluding these from the total of married people (388), we have 326 people from which the Eagle people may choose mates, of which the Sun people number 96, or one in three. If the marriages were contracted at random (i. e., without regard to clan affiliation other than Eagle), an Eagle clan member would have one chance in three of getting a Sun clan mate, which for the 62 Eagle people would give 21 marriages with the Sun clan. Or, suppose we take the marriages between the Sun clan and the Red Corn clan. Excluding the 96 Sun clan members from the total of 388, we have 292 from which they may choose mates. The Red Corn people are represented in this number, 292, in the proportion of one to eight. If, then, the Sun clan members married according to this ratio, they would marry 12 Red Corn clan members, which again corresponds to the actual number. But, of course, one must not expect the law of probability to be validated in each instance. If one figures the marriages between the Yellow Corn clan and the Eagle clan, for example, he gets 7 marriages instead of 10. But as the clans grow smaller in size the law of probability becomes less illuminating because of the great increase in the range of choice for members of the small clans. We now have two items of testimony, then, which make the exist- ence of a moiety division highly improbable. We can now offer complete and absolute proof of its nonexistence in this way: Suppose we take the clans between which marriages are quite numerous, and assume that they belong to opposite moieties or phratries, and list them accordingly in two columns (as we have done in Table 4). We soon find that it is impossible not to include a given clan in both columns. Moreoyer, there are marriages between clans comprising each column which we do not show in this table, but which may be ascertained from Table 1. The assumption of a moiety division based upon marriage, then, is completely demolished by our data. Of course, there are some clans which do not mate with some other clans. But this is to be explained by their size; there are not enough Water clan adults to mate with all the other clans, nor enough Sky, Tansy Mustard, or Turkey clan members, 38 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH, ANN. 47 Nevertheless, it still might be possible that one clan might have a traditional prohibition against marriage with another clan. How- ever, I feel very sure that nothing of this kind exists. Size of clan and the laws of chance are, I believe, adequate to account for the marriages between the clans. Returning for a moment to Table 2, it is to be noted that of the 11 aliens, 7 are husbands; there is only 1 alien Indian wife, whereas there are 3 or 4 (I do not know whether the Navaho half-breed was reared with the Navahos or the Mexicans) alien Indian husbands. Of the white wives of Acoma men, there was 1 white wife who lived on the reservation for a time, but she has gone. Only 1 white husband is living on the reservation, and he is tolerated (I believe) only because he is ill. Table 1 shows a number of marriages within the Sun clan. This, according to my informant, is due chiefly to the fact that quite a num- ber of Sun clan people originally came from Santo Domingo and from Zia. (When this immigration took place, the number of immigrants, the reason for their change of residence, ete., were not learned.) But it is also due, in part at least, to the weakening of the traditional observance of clan exogamy; a number of the younger people speak of it as being “‘old-time ways,’’ something not to be held sacred. With the cases of alien husbands, the children would, of course, belong to the clan of the mother. Unfortunately, I did not learn the status of children born to alien mothers. I believe that children born to white women (or even Mexican) would not be considered Acoma people. I was told that the children born to the woman from Jemez (or any woman from another pueblo) would belong to her clan. If her clan corresponded to one in the village where she married she would join that clan. If her clan had no equivalent in her husband’s pueblo she would start a new clan. (However, this whole matter should receive further study.) Regarding marriage with non-Acoma persons, I received the impres- sion quite decidedly that marriage outside the pueblo is not to be encouraged, even with other pueblos, and marriage with whites or Mexicans is disapproved of. Clan property —There is no clan property as such. All property is held and transmitted by individuals as members of a family group. Both men and women own property and may transmit it to their offspring. Clan and officials —The cacique must always be a member of the Antelope clan. This is the only instance of this kind; all other offi- cers are selected without regard to clan affiliation. This holds true for the secret societies as well. WHITE] KIN AND CLAN 39 Clans and ceremonies—Because of the cacique, the Antelope clan plays a prominent réle in a number of ceremonies, particularly those in which the k’atsina are impersonated. These instances will be described fully in the sections devoted to ceremonies. The Corn clans have a ceremony of their own, the one in which Curatea lights the fires. In olden days the Parrot clan and the Pumpkin clan had charge of salt gathering. There are no other instances of special réles played by clans.”® Clan and initiation, marriage, sickness, and death—A clansman fre- quently assists at the initiation of a boy into the kachina cult or into a medicine society. During sickness and at death the clan members usually assist, with their presence, by grinding meal, contributing gifts, ete. The clan plays no special réle in marriage. (See sections on Initiation, Sickness, Death, etc.) Clan and labor—Members of a clan frequently come together at house building, wheat cutting, corn grinding, etc. But it is not really a formal clan affair but rather a communal task in which several related family groups cooperate. Kinship terms are given in Table 5. Summary of kin and clan—The family is a rather loose unit, separation being not uncommon (in spite of the Catholic rule against it), and illegitimacy quite common. The chief function of the clan at Acoma is to regulate marriage. Apart from the Antelope clan, the réle played by clans in ceremonies is very meager.” Nor is election to office or membership in a secret society determined by clan affiliation, with the exception of the eacique. The functions performed by clan members at such times as initiations, sickness, death, ete., and during the performance of com- munal tasks, are not prominent; they are not regarded as preemi- nently clan activities; they belong primarily to the stratum of kinship. * One informant stated that other clans have been the ‘‘head”’ clans at previous times. The first was a’ca-ni (all kinds of grass and seeds). The next were hak’ani (lots of coals burning), and dya’nyi (deer). The close relationship between the Antelope clan at Acoma and the kachina organization is interesting in the light of data from Laguna and Zuni. In these villages there is a special relationship between the Antelope (or Deer) clan and the Badger clan and the kachina organization. (The Badger clan has not been found at Acoma.) At Laguna, Doctor Parsons states (in Notes on Ceremonialism at Laguna, p. 103), the kachina dancers were led by Badger or Antelope clansmen. Also, she states (in footnote 7, p. 103): ‘*Nowadays at Laguna masks would be made only by the Badger and Antelope clans.”’ Referring to Fewkes (Tusayan Totemic Signatures, American Anthropologist, vol. 10, no. 1, 1897), Doctor Parsons states that among the Hopi ‘‘the chief of the k’atsina priesthood was a Badger clansman.”’ (Footnote 8, p. 103, Notes on Ceremonialism at Laguna.) At Zuni the director of the kachina organization and his warrior (Kopitlashiwanni, ‘‘god bow priest’’) must be of the Deer clan. The Kopekwin, or deputy (liter- ally ‘‘god speaker’’), of the director (or Komosona), and his warrior must be of the Badger clan. (See Kroeber, Zuni Kin and Clan, p. 163.) The association of the Antelope clan at Acoma, then, seems to be definitely a western feature; I have not found any such relationship at Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Zia, Santa Ana, nor is it to be found at Cochiti. 27 See Parsons, E. C., The Antelope Clan in Keresan Custom and Myth, Man, vol. 17, art. no. 131. London, 1917. 40) THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 TaBLeE 5.—KINsHip TERMS Father=sa naicpi’a (my father). Mother=nai‘ya. Son=sa mit‘ (my son). Daughter=sa ma‘ak’. Brother =dyu'm*. Sister =te’ite’i. Father’s brother=naicpi’a. Father’s sister=nai’ya. Father’s father=na-na. Father’s mother=baspas. Father’s brother’s wife=nai’ya. Father’s sister’s husband =nai’epia. Father’s brother’s son=dyum’s. Father’sbrother’s daughter=(sa)k’uite’. Father’s sister’s son=(Sa) dyum’*. Father’s sister’s daughter= (Sa) k’uite’. Mother’s mother= (Sa) BaBas. Mother’s father= (Sa) na‘na. Mother’s brother=Sa’nawe. Mother’s sister=Sa nai’ya. Mother’s brother’s wife=Sa k’uite’. Mother’s sister’s husband= Nai’cpia. Mother’s brother’s son=sa mit*. Mother’s brother’s daughter=Sa ma‘ak’. Mother’s Mother’s Brother’s Brother’s Brother's sister’s son=Sa dyu’m®*. sister’s daughter=Sa k’uite’. wife=Sa Bi'ye. son=sa mit’. daughter=Sa mavak’. Brother’s son’s wife=Bi'ye. Brother’s daughter’s husband= Wazcati. | Sister’s husband =Sa warati. Sister’s son=Sanawe. Sister’s daughter=Si nayatcani awa’). Sister’s son’s wife= Bi’ ye. Sister’s daughter’s husband= Warat'. Son’s son=Sa nana. Son’s wife=Sa Bi'ye. Son’s daughter=Sa BaBas. (Sa- | Daughter’s husband=Sa wacati. Daughter’s son=Sa na‘na. Daughter’s daughter=Sa BaBas. Nai’cbia=Father, father’s brother, father’s sister’s husband, mother’s sister’s husband. Nai’ya= Mother, father’s sister, fa- ther’s brother’s wife, mother’s sister. Dyu’m*= Brother, father’s brother’s son, father’s sister’s son, mother’s sister’s son. BaBa*=Father’s mother, mother’s mother, son’s daughter, daughter’s daughter. Na‘na=Father’s father, mother’s father, son’s son, daughter’s son. Sa mit'=Son, mother’s brother’s son, brother’s son. Sa ma‘ak’= Daughter, mother’s broth- er’s daughter, brother’s daughter. Sa nawe= Mother’s brother, sister’s son. Sa k’uite’=Father’s brother’s daughter, father’s sister’s daughter, mother’s brother’s wife, mother’s daughter. Sa Bi’ ye=Brother’s wife, brother's son’s wife, sister’s son’s wife, son’s wife. Sa wa‘ati=Brother’s daughter’s hus- band, sister’s daughter’s husband, daughter’s husband, sister’s husband. Tci‘tci=Sister. Si nayatcani (Saawa*) =Sister’s daugh- ter: Man= Hatcts!. Woman= K’t. Boy = Mittietsa (sing.). sister’s | Boy =Crtyet* (coll.). Girl= Ma:ak’ttsa. Baby = Oak’. Child= Dat’e. Boy 10 to 16 years=Tca‘taka. Girl about 16=macsasitra. Adults (coll.) = Nawaititra. Norr.—See list of kinship terms in Doctor Parsons’s Laguna Genealogies, p. 147. secured from Acoma and Laguna informants. mediate d—t. There is a list, too, on p. 84, Zuni Kin and Clan, which Professor Kroeber B=intermediate b-p; b=inter- GOVERNMENT Political control of the pueblo is exercised by officers and societies. The officers may be divided into two groups, viz, the cacique-war chief group, and the governor with his aides. The latter is of post- wuite] GOVERNMENT 4] Spanish origin, and is simply a secular arm of the cacique and the war priests. Government at Acoma may be said to be theocratic; the chiefs are priests and their authority is sanctioned by, if not derived from, the deities. Closely associated with the priest-chiefs are the curing societies, and at times the o:pi, or Warriors’ Society, and the k’acale (koshare). The societies, especially the medicine societies, exert a great influence in political life, although they do not function directly as administrators. The officers and societies are the chief custodians of tribal lore, paraphernalia, and ritual, much of it being esoteric in character. Our account of the political functions of these agencies will, naturally, bring us into rather close contact with other than political phases of pueblo life, such as worship, ceremonialism, etc. The functions of the officers are not political alone, but astronomical, ceremonial, agri- cultural, and ethical as well. Tur Cacique.” The cacique is called ha’actiteani (ha’acti means pueblo; the tcani refers to a person; ha’actiteani, then, means a person who symbolizes or represents the whole pueblo). The cacique is the most important individual in the pueblo, the most honored, and most respected. He is regarded as the father of the pueblo. He is also the ‘‘father of the k’atsina’”’ (the spirits from Wenimats! who are im- personated by the masked dancers, q. v.). He is always a member of the Antelope clan. He serves from the time of his selection to his death. If old age or blindness should interfere with the performance of his duties, however, another Antelope clan man (or perhaps the war chief) will substitute for him. The cacique is more priest than chief; he counsels more than he commands. He is the highest religious officer as well as the political head. His duties and functions are as follows: He ‘‘watches the sun”’;i. e., he determines the times of the solstices. This is, perhaps, his most important ceremonial function. (See section on Solstice Ceremonies.) He sets the dates for practically all ceremonies. The medicine societies set the date for their initiation ceremonies and for private curing ceremonies, but they secure the permission of the cacique for their initiation ceremonies. The cacique decides when general public curing ceremonies are to be held and requests the medicine men to hold them. He decides which kiva groups are to dance in the summer dance. He is host to the masked dancers when they come to give a dance in the plaza, welcoming them when they arrive and thanking them upon their departure. He has an altar (pl. 1, @); but since the cacique is not a medicine man (as he is, or may ** See myth, Antelope Man Brings Back the K’atsina. 6066°—32——-4 42. THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 be, in the Rio Grande Keresan pueblos) he may not erect this altar; this must be done by the Kasina teaian'. This altar (yaBaicini) is erected at the solstices and when the children are initiated into the k’atsina cult. The cacique is present at this ceremony. Afterwards the whipped children are assembled behind the church when the cacique tells them about the k’atsina and the masked dancers. The cacique makes and deposits a prayer stick which is different in design from all others in the pueblo. He also instructs the newly appointed war chiefs in the manufacture and use of their prayer sticks. The cacique appoints all officers at the yearly elections (q. v.) and he selects the principales. He makes allotments of land to individuals or to families (q. v.). Whether the cacique has a ‘‘medicine bundle” or ‘‘yaya”’ (mother) or not, | could not learn. Informants felt that “he must have one,” and I feel the same way, but exact information on this point was not to be obtained. It might not be out of place to offer some of my impressions of the present cacique and his position at Acoma. I received the impression from conversations with informants (and some others) that the cacique is the most important and most honored and respected officer in the pueblo; he is the ‘“‘most sacred.” But be is somewhat aloof from the daily life of the people. The war chief, I believe, is the most important officer in the entire pueblo who actually comes into contact with the people and who directs their affairs. And the authority of the war chief is virtually the authority of the cacique. (The situation is somewhat akin to the officers on a man of war: The captain is the supreme authority, but he is a bit remote. It is the executive officer who, wielding the captain’s authority, comes into intimate contact with the other officers and men and who directs their activities.) The cacique is a counselor; he is a wise, sympathetic, and just man. His first duty is ever to promote the well-being of his people. His wishes are transmitted to the people through the war chief. It is the latter who commands and directs. The war chief also exercises considerable authority upon his own initiative, as, for example, in the supervision of ritual routines and in the supervision of the be- havior of the folk and visiting aliens. But while the cacique is regarded as the highest of officers, he is not to be distinguished from other men in mode of living. (Except, of course, that he does not work his fields; this is done by the folk under the direction of the war chief.) The cacique is the symbol, so to speak, of a tradition which is very sacred. But there is nothing sacred about the person of the cacique. He lives in a house at old Acoma (he spends all of his time at old Acoma) which is situated in a row of dwellings which are just like his except for color. The cacique’s house is plastered with a pinkish color. This, however, is WHITE] GOVERNMENT 43 a personal whim of his wife, not a rule of the pueblo.” In dress the cacique resembles any other man, and he is treated by the people as any other old man would be. I had a long talk with the cacique one afternoon at Acoma. There had been some objection to my visits to old Acoma, so I requested to be allowed to see the cacique and tell him what I wanted. J told him that I wished to buy very old pottery to deposit in the museum at Santa Fe to keep tourists from carrying it off to lowa and Los Angeles where it would be lost to the Acoma people forever. The cacique is an old man and almost blind. He was very kind to me. (It was necessary to use an interpreter.) I did not enter his house; he came outside and we sat in the shade on a ledge of a house. I told him my errand and he approved whole-heartedly and offered to assist me in any way that he could. He said that he would call his officers together and have me tell them, too, but I carefully evaded this, as I did not wish to be questioned and examined too closely. While we were talking the old man sat playing with a lower incisor tooth which was loose; he would run the tip of his right index finger over the end of the tooth, moving it from side to side. Occasionally he would spit—usually on his unbuttoned vest. The translations of his replies reminded me of speeches of courtiers or diplomats in novels of eighteenth century Europe. He was kind, polite, and frequently used appropriate and pleasing figures of speech. To help ‘‘his children”? seemed to be his chief aim, and since I professed the same desire, he offered to assist me. When I left he shook hands warmly. When I was about 70 feet from his house he called me back; I had not told his wife good-by. (She was plastering the house when | arrived. She wanted to shake hands with me; but as her hands were covered with plaster, she offered me her wrist which I shook.) When the cacique called me I turned to see his wife hastily climbing down the ladder. She washed her hands in a bucket of water and dried them on her apron. She smiled as she shook hands and talked to me in Keresan. Succession and installation—When a new cacique is installed a man (always a member of the Antelope clan) is named as his successor. This means, of course, that at any time everyone knows who the next cacique will be. But upon the death of a cacique, his successor is not installed at once. The members of the Antelope clan meet informally, as many times as may be necessary, to select a successor to the cacique who is about to be installed. Usually a year elapses before a new cacique is installed. During this time the duties of cacique are discharged by the man who was successor to the last cacique, assisted by the wife of the deceased and her brothers, if *% This is what I was told, but we note that the Antelope clan men paint themselves pink during the ceremonial fight with the K’atsina (q. v.). 44 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 necessary. When the time for installation draws near the Antelope clan people hold a meeting in the Antelope clan house. The successor to the future cacique is definitely decided upon at this time. About eight days later the final meeting of installation is held in Mauharots, the “head estufa” (q. v.). All of the Antelope clan men are present, and the head men of each of the five estufas. The war chiefs may attend if they wish; they usually do attend. At this time the future cacique is formally introduced, together with his successor. The spokesman for the Antelope clan asks the head men of the five estufas when they can be ready to dance for the new cacique. After some deliberation a date is set for the welcoming dance. Four days before the dance a rabbit hunt (q. v.) is heid to supply the feast. On this day also each man who is to participate in the dance makes one prayer stick (hatcamini) with which he prays. From this time until the day of the dance the men practice songs and dances in their estufas and make ready their masks and costumes. The day before the dance each dancer makes a prayer stick and brings it to Mauharots; the sticks are deposited in four baskets. On the evening before the dance the cacique and his assistant go to Mau- harots, where they will spend the night. The dancers, too, come to Mauharots with their masks and spend the night there. In the morning, before the dancers leave, the cacique erects his altar. (It will be remembered that another informant stated that the cacique could not erect his own altar, since he was not a medicine man. This is a doubtful point.) Early in the morning the dancers leave the estufa and go to the plaza to dance. They dance the Gaiya’, or ‘‘mixed dance” (i. e., there are many different kinds of k’atsina represented. See section on ceremonies). The cacique and his assistant remain in the head estufa, Mauharots, all day, making herb medicines and praying. At noon the dancers come into Mauharots, where they eat lunch. They eat the rabbits which were killed in the hunt for this purpose. After lunch they go out again to dance. They dance all day. When they have finished they return to Mauharots. They take off their masks and the cacique gives them some medicine to drink. The head men of the five estufas then take the four baskets of prayer sticks and distribute them to the dancers. Each man takes the sticlc which he has made. They go out and pray and then go to their own estufas and put their costumes and masks away. After the dance is over the people of the village are permitted to evo into Mauharots and drink some of the medicine that the cacique has made. The present cacique is named Waiictu (Spanish, Francisco Watch- empino). His predecessor, who died about 1918, was named Dzikin (Spanish, Torrivio Josecito). The mother of the present cacique WHITE) GOVERNMENT 45 was the sister of the preceding cacique, Dzikin. The successor to the present cacique is Ga‘tsi (Spanish, Lorenzo Watchempino), The mother of Ga‘tsi is the sister of the present cacique, Waiictu. THe War CHIEFS There are three war chiefs, known collectively as tsatyao hotceni, or “‘outside chiefs.” *° The head war chief is called Cutimiti (cuti refers to a brown bird which I was not able to identify; -miti indi- cates a man). The first assistant war chief is called Cpatimiti, or “mocking bird man.” The second assistant war chief is Maiyatcoti- miti (which I was unable to translate). The war chiefs are chosen for a period of one year at the annual elections (q. v.). Three cooks (cocineros) are chosen to cook for them and supply them with ganacaiya (deer meat ground with guayave) with which they pray. The ten little chiefs (q. v.) also assist the war chiefs. The war chiefs are chosen without regard to clan affiliation. We have already spoken of the war chiefs in our paragraphs on the cacique. They are usually men of considerable force of character and are always vigorous conservatives. They do their utmost to pre- serve the old traditions intact; they oppose any imitation of white or Mexican customs and deplore lack of interest in the old ways. The war chiefs constitute one of the most vital forces in the pueblo. The duties of the war chiefs include the following: They make visits throughout the year to springs and bring back water; this is supposed to insure a plentiful supply of water for the crops and for drinking during the year. (See section on Installation of War Chiefs for a detailed account of these trips to the springs.) The war chiefs act as agencies for making known to the people the wishes of the cacique.”! They notify the heads of the kiva groups to prepare for dances. They see that sentinels are posted to prevent aliens from witnessing masked dances, and they assist the cacique in the plaza during the masked ceremonies. They announce the dates for rabbit hunts and super- intend them in a general way. They summon the heads of the curing societies when the cacique wishes to have a general public curing ceremony, and they guard the medicine men at all times while they work at their cures to prevent attacks from witches. They keep track of the children who are to be initiated into the kachina organi- zation. Very early in the morning of September 2, when the annual fiesta is held in honor of San Estevan, the patron saint of Acoma, the war chiefs build the little bough house for the saint; they sit in this * In Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Zia, and Cochiti, there are two war captains. They are called ts’iak’ia and ts’iak’ia teniente, or masewi and oyoyewi, respectively. 1 The practice of making announcements from housetops, found in Rio Grande pueblos, is not observed at Acoma. The crier walks through the streets. War chiefs frequently make announcements in this way or designate someone to do it for them. 46 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 house all day, and at the close of the dance they thank the dancers and pray. (See section on Ceremonies; the Fiesta Dance.) Installation of war chiefs—After the election, the new war chief chooses a place for his headquarters for the coming year. This is usually, but not always, located in his own home. The rooms set aside for the war chiefs are cleaned and replastered. When this is finished all of the paraphernalia which belongs to the office of war chief is brought to the new quarters. Data on this paraphernalia is quite meager. There are pots for cooking, some buckskin shirts, quivers made of mountain lion skin (uictiwactan), and perhaps a yaya, or “mother”? (my informant said that he thought the war chief had a round stone with turquoise eyes and mouth, but he was not certain). The outgoing war chief passes to his successor a hateamuni kaiok’ (prayer stick broken).** The ex-war chief also orders, just before leaving office, every family in the village to bring a load of wood for the new war chief. This is piled up a short distance north of the seventh dancing station. (See fig. 1.) The day after the war chiefs move into their new quarters the two lieutenants set out for K’amack’uk’awaiic (Spider Spring), which is southwest of Cakaiya (a large mesa near Acoma), to get wood for prayer sticks. They wear the official buckskin shirts and carry the quivers made of mountain lion skin (uictiwactan). Each carries two yabi (wooden staff; see section on Paraphernalia). One is a rather large staff which is presented at the time of election; the smaller one is kept permanently in the lion-skin quiver. They carry a lunch which was prepared for them by the cocineros (cooks), for the trip takes all day. When they get to the spring they cut the sticks (see section on prayer sticks and their manufacture), singing the while. They tie the sticks into bundles with buckskin. Then they start for home. When they approach close to the house of the war chief, Cutimiti (the head war chief) comes out to meet them, singing. He makes two lines or ‘‘roads”’ of corn meal on the ground along which they walk when they enter the house. The cocineros (cooks) take the prayer sticks. . The next day is spent by the war chiefs in making prayer sticks. In the evening the three chiefs set out for G’otsicpawatsa (Pretty Spring), which lies to the north of Acoma. Each chief carries a prayer stick and a small water jar (epovna). When they get to the spring a prayer is said and one jar of water is filled. Then they go to G’anipa, which lies to the southeast. Here another prayer is said and another jar of water is secured. Then they go to G’omi, a spring north of Acoma, where they again repeat this ritual. Then they set out for Acoma. 32] was unable to secure any adequate information concerning this broken prayer stick. It certainly must be different from an ordinary prayer stick, for it is never used in praying as ordinary sticks are. It. was said to be the ‘‘pole upon which the world rests.” WHITE] GOVERNMENT 47 It is about 3 o’clock in the morning when they get back to the village. They ascend the west trail. When they reach the top the two lieutenants go direct to the house of the war chief, taking the jars of water with them. Cutimiti goes to Mauharots, the head estufa. Perhaps there are some medicine men (tcaiani) or Antelope people (kuuts! hanotc) sleeping there. Cutimiti goes to the top of the estufa and pauses at the entrance. He removes the cover and calls below: “Guatzi, ckanaicpia, ckanaiya, cko-tceni dyaimi tutietco!’’ (Guatzi, hello! The next three words refer, respectively, to fathers, mothers, and chiefs; the last two are interpreted as asking permission to enter.) The people respond, ‘‘Ha ai! No icomekuta,’’ which was translated “Yes, it is you yourself. Come in.” If there happen to be any medicine women present, they say, ‘“‘Ha o’’ instead of ‘Ha ai.” (Ordinarily ha means yes.) In talking with the informant about this exchange of salutations I got the notion that the war chief saluted the occupants of the estufa as hotcenis or chiefs, and they, in their reply, politely implied that he was their superior. The war chief descends the ladder into the estufa. He goes to the northeast corner near the altar. There is a hole in the floor at this place called G’auwatseicoma (which is the gateway to Shipap, the place of emergence. It is said that souls or spirits pass down through this hole after death on their journey back to Shipap). Cutimiti carries four waBani (waBani, a long eagle feather with four small feathers attached to it; see section on paraphernalia) with him. He prays to the four directions, to the heavenly bodies, to the rivers and lakes, to the plants and animals, to the k’atsina, k’osictaiya, etc. He deposits the wasani in the hole in the floor, turns to the left, passes to the west of the fireplace, and leaves the estufa. As he goes out the people who are passing the night there advise him and en- courage him in the performance of his duties. After leaving Mauharots the head war chief (Cutimiti) goes to the east edge of the mesa to Masewi k’am (Masewi, his home; a rock under which the spirit of the elder war twin lives), where he prays. Then he goes to the very edge of the mesa, where he prays to the sun which is about to rise. When he has finished he walks up and down the village streets calling to the people. He tells them that Ocate (the sun), the father, is coming and that they should get up and pray to him. Everyone comes outdoors and prays to the sun, sprinkling corn meal toward him. The head war chief (Cutimiti) goes now to his house. The two lieutenant war chiefs have taken the jars of water out at sunrise and have emptied them into the pools. That day is spent in rest. 33 T was told that nearly everyone does come out for this prayer; even children are brought out of bed by their parents for this purpose. 48 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 The next day they make more prayer sticks. That night they go to the west, as two nights before they went north, with their prayer sticks (hatcamuni) and water jars. After praying at the springs and filling their jars with water, they return to the pueblo. This time it is Cpatimiti (the first assistant war chief) who goes to Mauharots to pray and, later, to rouse the people of the pueblo to pray to the rising sun. The next day is one of rest. On the day following they make prayer sticks for the third time, and in the evening they set out to the south, where they fill their jars at springs. Matyatcotimiti, the second lieutenant war chief, goes to the head estufa (Mauharots) upon their return. After a day of rest, they make prayer sticks and for the fourth time visit springs for water, this time going to the east. The head war chief, Cutimiti, goes to Mauharots when they get back, after which, as usual, the people are roused for the prayer to the sun. The cycle is now complete. The formal initiation of the war chiefs is to take place four days after the completion of the above circuit. The cacique requests the new war chief to inform the kasina tcaiani (member of the kapina curing society) of this fact. Cutimiti (the head war chief) takes wapani (q. v.) to the kaspina teaiani with prayers and gives him the cacique’s message. The kapina tcaiani secures the assistance of one of the young hictiani tcaiani (Flint Society medicine man **). On the day before the initiation, kanina tcaiani erects his altar in Mau- harots (see references to kapina teaiani; also section on kivas). The altar consists of two fetishes placed in an east-and-west line. The one on the east end is called tsamai’ye; the other is named tsamahi’a.** They were made of buckskin with feathers at the top. In front of the altar were placed flints, fetishes of stone, and a large stone lion in the middle. Kasina tceaiani and his assistant go to Mauharots (the ‘head estufa’’) early in the morning of the initiation day and begin to sing. Food is brought into the estufa and placed before the altar. Anyone may attend the imitiation, even women. The initiation ceremony consists chiefly in a whipping which is administered to the candidates, much as the children are whipped when they are initiated into the kachina organization. The initiation ceremony lasts all day, and anyone who wishes to be whipped may come in for that purpose. Many people wish to be whipped at this time because they believe that the whipping will give them strength, either physical or spiritual, or give them luck in hunting, racing, or gambling. The war chief comes into the estufa wearing only a breechcloth (and a blanket thrown over him, which he removes upon entering 34 As will be noted in the section devoted to the curing societies, there was only one member of the kapina medicine society alive in the summer of 1926. He died that fall without initiating any new mem- bers. The society therefore has become extinct at Acoma. Since his death his functions have been taken over by the Flint Society (the hictiani teaiani). 35 See Parsons, Notes on Ceremonialism at Laguna, p. 119. WHITE] GOVERNMENT 49 the estufa); he is barefooted. He goes to each of the standards of the altar and prays. Into each standard he inserts a hani (a feather; see section on paraphernalia). Then he steps onto the tsiwaimityim (the planks over the cavity in the floor; see section on kivas). kasina and his assistant are standing on opposite ends of this tsiwaimityim. Each holds a whip of about 10 switches (howaip*). The teaiani (medicine men) begin to sing and dance. At the end of the song they stop and ery, ‘‘ Do-0-o-wa-a-a-ra-a-a Hio! Hio!’’ Then the chief faces the altar. The medicine man at the east end strikes the can- didate forcibly on the shins with his whip; the one on the other end strikes him on the shoulders. Then they sing and dance again, and when finished strike him again. This is done four times. The medi- cine man on the east end whips upward, striking first the shins, then the thighs, then the belly, and last the chest. The other medicine man whips downward, striking first the shoulders, then the middle of the back, the back of the thighs, and last the calves of the legs. This covers the candidate pretty thoroughly. The three outgoing chiefs are whipped in this way, together with their two cooks; the three incoming chiefs are whipped, but the in- coming cooks are spared. And anyone else who wishes to be whipped may undergo the same ceremony. The war chiefs remain in the estufa all day. Toward evening everyone leaves except the new war chiefs, the kasBina tceaiani and his assistant, and perhaps a few other medicine men. It is now time to administer medicine to the new chiefs. The kaBina teaiani has some feces of a snake (tsiteuni); it looks like chalk. He grinds a little of this in his medicine bow! and pours in some water. Then he sings six songs, moving the bowl toward each of the cardinal points, up and down, as they progress. The bowl is then placed between the standards. Kasina then asks the two heutenant war chiefs if they wish to take this medicine. They have the privilege of refusing, but Cutimiti (the head chief) must drink it. If the lieutenants refuse then kapina tcaiani and one or two of the other medicine men will probably drink some ‘‘to keep the war chief company.” This medi- cine is supposed to give one great strength and also, the ability to foretell events through dreams. The chiefs remain in the estufa for four days and four nights. No one may touch them during this time, nor do they touch each other, not even their blankets, for ‘“‘they are so powerful.’ The altar remains standing during this time. Food is brought to the chiefs by their wives during this period of seclusion. The tsamai’ye and the tsamahi’ye (the two altar fetishes) are given food at each meal, and a cigarette afterwards. The outgoing war chiefs are finished with their duties after the whipping, and after a period of 12 hours they may again sleep with their wives. (The war chiefs may not sleep with their wives during the whole year of their service in office.) 50 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 After the war chiefs have rested for a few days they again make the circuit of the springs just as they did before their whipping. When the circuit of the four directions has again been completed an interval of eight days’ rest follows. From then on to the end of the year the war chiefs take turns going singly to the springs of the four directions (according to the chart below). They do not bring water back to the pueblo, but they do go to Mauharois (the ‘‘head estufa’’) to pray when they réturn, after which they summon the people to pray to the rising sun.*° Summary of war chiefs—There can be no doubt regarding the importance of the réle played by the war chiefs at Acoma; they are virtually the backbone of the spiritual and institutional life of the pueblo. Specifically their chief function is to promote the rain supply, which is really the most vital thing in pueblo life. Secondly, they protect the medicine societies and oppose witches. But in general they are vigilant overseers of the whole range of daily life, doing their best to preserve the old customs and to oppose the encroachment of aliens, especially whites and Mexicans. The position of war chief is loaded with responsibility, exacting in its observance of many difficult routines and rituals, and demands unbroken sexual continence. And there is no compensation, except honor and enhanced status; they receive neither money nor goods for their services. (See section on elections.) CALENDAR OF INSTALLATION OF Wark CHIEFS 1. They move into their new quarters. 2. Next day they get wood for prayer sticks. 3. Next day they make prayer sticks; go north that night. 4. Next day rest. 5. Next day make prayer sticks; go west. 6. Next day rest. 7. Next day make prayer sticks; go south. 8S. Next day rest. 9. Next day make prayer sticks; go east. 10. Four days from this time they are whipped. 11. Remain in estufa four days and four nights after initiation. 12. Few days’ rest. 13. Nos. 3 to 9, inclusive, are repeated. 14. An interval of eight days elapses. 15. Cutimiti goes north at night. 16. Interval of eight days. 17. Cpatimiti goes west at night. 18. Interval of eight days. 19. Maiyateotimiti goes south at night. 20. Interval of eight days. 21. Cutimiti goes east. * There is no ceremony of installation of war chiefs among the eastern Keres; certainly nothing like the Acoma ceremony. (White, Leslie A., Manuscriptson Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Zia, and Santa Ana.) WHITE] GOVERNMENT 51 And so on through the year, officers rotating in this order and visiting the cardinal points in the order named. Tuer O-pr, on Warriors’ Society * This society of warriors is now extinct at Acoma, and data con- cerning it are meager and rather vague. However, the impression was given by informants that the opi, together with the war chiefs, were in complete charge of the pueblo during war times. And the warriors were assisted by the medicine men who gave them “‘power.”’ It seems, then, that the ordinary administration of peace times yielded to a war-time rule in times of trouble. THe KosHARR *” There is another instance in which the ordinary administrative organization of the pueblo was suspended. This was at the time of the initiation of koshare and the execution of the scalp dance. At this time the koshare had complete charge of the pueblo. (See Koshare, Scalp Dance.) These two instances of the opi and the koshare assuming temporary control of the administration of the village are interesting examples of pueblo government, its many-sidedness and versatility. Toe THREE Cooks We have already spoken of the cooks at some length; there is little else to be said. The cooks provide the war chiefs with a lunch when they go out at night or when they leave for the day. It is their business to make the ganacaiya (ground deer or rabbit meat mixed with guayave) for the prayers. The cooks go up on top of the war chief house when they have made some ganacalya and pray with it themselves (sprinkling it as they pray). They have charge of all foods that are collected or issued for communal ceremonial feasts. (See Ceremonies for further references.) Tue “Lirrte Curers”’ There are 10 of these tcukacac hotceni, or ‘‘little chiefs.”” (They are sometimes called tcaikats' also.) They are appointed by the eacique.* They are really helpers for the war chief. They carry wood from the war chief’s woodpile to the houses of women who are “7 See chapter on ceremonialism. 85 ] am not sure whether these little chiefs are appointed for one year or for some other period of time. I understood that they did not serve after reaching maturity. One informant stated that the war chiefs were frequently selected from the ranks of ex-‘‘little chiefs’; another stated that a war chief must have served as a “‘little chief.’ These little chiefs resemble the Go’watcany' of Santo Domingo and San Felipe —White, mss, 52 THE ACOMA INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 47 baking bread for the war chief. They also distribute corn and wheat from the war chief’s store to houses about the village to have it ground for some feast. Before ceremonies they are frequently sent around the village by the war chief to collect meat for a feast. They also assist the war chiefs in guarding the entrance of estufas when tnpor- tant ceremonies are taking place, especially the curing ceremonies of the medicine societies. Tue PRINCIPALES There are 10 principales, chosen to serve for life by the cacique.*® Although their duties are not very explicit, their influence in pueblo affairs is very great indeed. In general, their duty is to watch over the pueblo and ‘“‘see that everything goes all right,’’ which means, of course, that the old customs will be observed and innovations and deviations will be discouraged. They meet with the governor and also with the cacique, the war chiefs and the medicine men, and their counsel usually carries considerable weight. It is this wide range of function (i. e., working with the governor and his lieutenants on the one hand and the cacique, war chiefs, and medicine men on the other) that serves to coordinate and unify the administration of the pueblo. Tue Mepicine SOCIETIES These groups are, of course, curing societies; their major function is to cure (and to prevent) sickness. But they also exercise a pro- found influence upon the political life of the pueblo. They are always staunch supporters of the old tradition, and the ‘‘moral”’ or spiritual pressure which they bring to bear upon the folk is very effective in securing faithful adherence. More specific and tangible than this, but no more important, is their veto power over the cacique’s choice of appointments at the yearly ‘“‘elections” (q. v.). This power, though infrequently exercised, makes them virtually supreine in political authority. Tue GoverNor We now come to the second set of officers, viz, the governor and his two lieutenants and the three Bickales. This group of officers is of post-Spanish origin. They serve a double function now, and I presume that the need for such services 39 They are chosen without regard to clan affiliation. This body of principales does not include ex-officers, as is the case at San Felipe and Santo Domingo. The name would imply that this group is of post-Spanish origin. However, I am inclined to believe that there was a group of councilors before the coming of the whites and that the name principales was subsequently adopted. The Rio Grande practice of including ex-governors, ex-war chiefs, etc., in this group reinforces this belief. There is one instance of record of the deposition of some principales. When the United States entered the war in 1917 the Acoma people were urged to send men to the army. Some of the principales wished to do this, but most of them opposed helping the United States win the war. So the cacique, influenced by the medicine men and (perhaps) the war chief, deposed those principales who favored armed assistance and chose others to replace them, ‘This is the only instance I have heard of where a principale was ousted from his office. wire] GOVERNMENT 53 was responsible for their origin. First, they represent the pueblo in business, political, or religious transactions with the whites and the Mexicans. Secondly, they act as a screen which quite effectively conceals the existence of the cacique, the war chiefs, and the medicine men—the real powers in the village. Ever since the white men entered New Mexico there have been attempts to suppress the religion of the pueblos. And the identification of political functions with priestly office exposed their religion and ceremonies to a certain extent in all dealings with the whites. The creation of the offices of governor and lieutenant governors has made it possible for the pueblo to deal with outside organizations without any apparent trace of priest or religion. Moreover, the whites, learning that the governor holds office for one year and is then (with few exceptions) succeeded by another man, believe that the pueblo is a ‘‘democratic’”’? community and that the people elect the governor every year, and that the governor’s authority is the will of the people. This pleases the whites and diverts suspicion. Many white people who have lived in the pueblo country for years—even agents of the Bureau of Indian Affairs who have lived on the reservations—do not even know of the existence of the cacique and the war priests. This notion of the whites is, as we know, very far from the truth; the governor and his men are merely the tools of the cacique and the medicine men, who are concealed by this simple device. Since the whites began to be numerous in New Mexico, and more especially since the pueblos have come within the jurisdiction of the United States, there has been considerable business between the pueblos and the United States Government, as well as with church and commercial organizations, which, to the cacique and the war chiefs, is but a very distasteful intrusion and a hated violation of their old customs. Nevertheless, the whites are there and _ their influences persist and must be dealt with. It were better to have a small group of men to take care of this business than to drag the priests into it. So here again the governor and his men serye a useful purpose. They take care of a host of petty and for the most part distasteful transactions with the Government and with outside organizations, leaving the priests free for their sacred duties. Of course, the general policy of the governor is always formulated and entorced by the priests. The following items give some idea of the kind of extra-pueblo business that falls to the governor. There is an Indian agency at Albuquerque which ‘supervises’? Acoma. They have a “farmer” living at Acomita.*® He supervises irrigation, livestock, road building, upkeep of the schoolhouse, etc. There is a day school at Acomita; “0 This “farmer’’ does almost everything but farm, He is really the executor of all orders from the office of the superintendent at Albuquerque regarding Acoma. See subsequent section on this individual. 54 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH ANN. 47 all the children are supposed to attend. A physician and a dentist visit Acoma at intervals to examine the people. The Santa Fe Railroad runs through the reservation and occasionally livestock or a person is killed by a train. There is a Catholic church in Acomita. A religious organization has contributed money for the repair of the old Spanish mission at old Acoma. There is a trading post near the reservation where most of the Acoma people trade. Once in a while there is some difficulty with accounts. Tourists visit old Acoma every summer in considerable numbers. Occasionally liquor (“white mule,” or “mula blanca’’) is brought into the pueblo by Mexicans and sold to the Indians. Occasionally some one with many sheep wishes to lease land from the Government (State or Federal). This indicates the nature and range of the governor’s business. His is really a difficult position. He has to obey the priests and work with the whites. He is frequently caught between the cacique at old Acoma on one side and the superintendent in Albuquerque and the Government farmer in Acomita on the other. Many orders from the superintendent at Albuquerque are transmitted to the governor through the farmer at Acomita and, according to the disposition of this farmer, enforced. The governor must deal with such matters as whether the children attend school or not; the sending of children to schools in Albuquerque and Santa Fe; the sending of patients with tuberculosis and trachoma to the hospital at old Laguna; the repair of pueblo roads; the maintenance of the irrigation system; trespassing on the reservation by aliens (livestock or people); the suppression of bootlegging; the regulation of the tourists; the Catholic priest who visits Acomita occasionally (the governor usually acts as interpreter, translating the sermon and announcements from Spanish to Keresan); the summoning of men for any communal labor project, such as repair- ing the old mission at old Acoma, etc. The governor spends a great deal of his time with his work. He has conferences with the Govern- ment farmer, with the Catholic priest, sometimes with the school teachers or Government doctors, with the principales, and occasionally with the priests. In addition ‘to attending to matters which involve non-Acoma agencies, the governor’s duties include the supervision of intrapueblo affairs to some extent. Occasionally domestic or marital troubles are brought to him; or disputes over property or minor quarrels of any kind.*! In connection with ceremonies, too, the governor has duties to perform. At minor fiestas he is the officer in charge. When masked 41 Just what his authority is in such cases I could not determine. It seems that he usually has ‘‘a meet- ing’’ which is attended by the disputants and perhaps by one of his tenientes and some principales. They “talk it over,’’ and from this meeting there seems to emerge a consensus of opinion which is respected by everyone concerned. However, I witnessed one case in which the governor sentenced a young man to several days’ work on the roads for buying mula blanca from a Mexican and getting drunk with it. WHITE] GOVERNMENT ra79) ceremonies are held the governor posts sentinels all around old Acoma to prevent whites or Mexicans from approaching. The governor is also custodian of the pueblo treasury. He collects $1 from every tourist who visits old Acoma, and he may make assess- ments among the families (if this is approved, of course, by the principales). This money is to be used for pueblo purposes. Occa- sionally it becomes necessary for the governor to take a trip on pueblo business. His expenses are then defrayed from the treasury. But this is as far as compensation goes; the governor receives not one cent for his year’s services. The governor is appointed yearly at the Christmas ‘‘elections”’ by the cacique. He wears a badge bearing the words ‘‘Governor of Acoma,” and he has a cane which was given to the pueblo by President Lincoln and bears the inscription ‘A. Lincoln, Prst. U. S. A. Acoma, 1863.’ He carries this cane on September 2 at the fiesta of San Estevan. Some colored ribbons are usually tied near the top. Tue LizuTENANT GOVERNORS These officers merely assist the governor, advising with him and executing his orders. Tue BickaLes (SPANISH, FiscaLes) Formerly these men were attached to the church during the days of Spanish administration. It was their duty to collect money and food for the church as well as to keep it in order and repair. Under the United States régime these officials used to keep the rooms of the old convento ready for the priest and supply his wants when he visited the pueblo. But these old duties have all but disappeared. The old mission church at old Acoma is visited but once a year by the priest. The Bickales now seem to function almost solely as councilors for the governor. They serve as sentinels during masked dances. Tue Mayorpomo or Dircu Boss An urigation ditch runs through the Acomita Valley. The water boss supervises this system, seeing that the ditches are kept in repair, and also apportioning the water among the different users at specified times. If a man wishes to irrigate his garden or field he must first make sure that he has the permission of the water boss. The water supply is limited, and one must not take more than his share, nor may everyone use the ditch at the same time. Sometimes a man has to get up in the middle of the night to irrigate his fields. THE GovERNMENT Farmer anp His Inp1an PoxticemaNn The recent history of Acoma (as well as other pueblos) presents an interesting study of acculturation, and from the standpoint of the pueblo cultural disintegration. A great deal of cultural innovation 56 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 is to be attributed to traders, missionaries, neighboring Mexicans, white tourists, ete., but at the present time the most important fact in the process of acculturation is, I believe, the program of the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs. The results of other acculturation factors have been largely external, the changes occurring chiefly in the material culture. (The missionaries have had almost no success. A Franciscan priest who had worked for almost 14 years among the Acomas said that he did not believe he had a single thorough convert. ) But the program of the United States Government is aimed at their inner life, their ideas and ideals. Moreover, its program is definite, concerted, and unrelenting.” There can be little doubt but that the forces brought to bear upon the pueblo by this bureau will ultimately bring about the disintegration of its politico-religious life, such as has already occurred at Laguna. The point at which the interplay of forces between the pueblo and the Bureau of Indian Affairs is focused is the Government farmer and his Indian aide (called a ‘“‘policeman”’). It is through him that the Government puts its policies into operation, and it is with him that the pueblo political organization makes its adjustment to this external authority. There is a day school at Acomita which has considerable influence, of course. But this institution is backed by the police power vested in the Government farmer and his policeman. A sur- vey of the functions of these officials will illuminate the multifold processes of cultural conflict and adjustment which are at work at Acoma to-day. Compulsory school attendance is, I believe, the most effective means of breaking down the old traditions. There is a day school at Acomita, and many children go to the Government school at Albu- querque or to the Catholic school at Santa Fe. Perhaps the greatest change wrought in these children who go away to school, though per- haps the most subtle, is a weakening of their loyalty to their pueblo; their provincialism is shaken. They meet many children from other pueblos and Navahos; their horizon widens. Acoma still remains a most important place, but it no longer monopolizes the entire stage of their interest; and, I have no doubt, acquaintance with other peo- ples induces an unconscious attitude of comparison (which means criticism) which makes unqualified allegiance to their home pueblo considerably more difficult. Then there are the contacts with the whites. The Indian Service schools are not the equivalent of the white city schools, nor do the Indian children have the early training which would enable them to do work on the same plane as the pupils of the Albuquerque High 4] do not mean to imply that the bureau is activated by malevolent motives, as some have charged. It is blind, and stupid at times, but its intentions are good. WHITE] GOVERNMENT 57 School, but they do learn something. They are exposed to a great deal. They are taught something of hygiene. They are treated by physicians and dentists, and whether they get a clear notion of natural causes of disease or not, they are brought at least face to face with a system and a philosophy of medicine which completely ignores the principles upon which their curing societies rest. The boys learn something of blacksmithing, automobile mechanics, carpentry, etc., in the shops at the school, which not infrequently causes them to seek jobs away from the pueblo—in Albuquerque, Gallup, with the Santa Fe Railroad, ete—for the home folks do anything but encourage the introduction of new crafts and trades. The Federal Government has influenced agriculture to a consider- able degree and hence, indirectly, religion and ceremonies. An excel- lent irrigation system has been constructed in the Acomita Valley. This has affected the Acoma people profoundly. For centuries they had lived upon the top of the Acoma mesa; they had lived there for many, many years when the Spanish arrived in 1540. Here they lived in a very compact village and breathed the air of a hoary antiquity which made innovation seem almost a sacrilege. Their farms were scattered about in the flats below. Change in the old pueblo was next to impossible, due to the difficulties of ascending the mesa, the limits to expansion, etc. Forty years ago there were a few little huts scattered among the farms in the Acomita Valley. Men went down there during the growing season and tended their crops. A little later some women went down to help; then the huts became larger. The children came with their mothers, and homes made their appearance along the little stream, and (later) the irrigation ditch. The tide swelled until almost every family at Acoma had a home in the new territory. The homes were built for permanence. At first they built high up on a steep mesa side (the ‘‘east village”’ at Acoma is the first site) from sheer force of tradition, for there was no longer danger of attack; but later the houses spread out, often being built quite apart from the others. At the present time there are houses strung out along the stream and the ditch for a distance of over 2 miles. Families now have more privacy than they ever had before, and this freedom from constant scrutiny and supervision can hardly fail to exert an influence upon freedom and independence of mind and spirit. At first the families came down to the valley from old Acoma for the summer season only. Then they began to spend the winter in Acomita and McCartys, going up to old Acoma only for the ceremonies. Now some of the families do not go back to their old home, even for the ceremonies. 43 There are no ceremonial chambers except at old Acoma, and no dances except the Comanche dance which is danced at fiestas. 6066°—32 5 58 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 The building of new homes in a new location gave them a chance to build as they pleased, to adopt any style of house, or any part thereof, that they chose. And there certainly is a great difference between the 3-story house rows at old Acoma, without doors on the ground floor and few or no windows, and the little individual houses with yards in the Acomita Valley. The new houses were furnished from the white man’s stores. Stoves, beds, bureaus, tables, etc., which are rare at Acoma, are to be found in nearly every Acomita household. It would be tedious to further detail the changes that have followed upon this descent from the wind-swept rock of old Acoma to the waters of the Acomita Valley, but most important among the con- sequences of this migration is, I believe, the shifting of psychological forces and values. This change of residence has contributed more to the gradual but inevitable breakdown of the old tradition than anything else I know of, and the initiating cause is water—water controlled and regulated by a system of irrigation. Physical sepa- ration from the sacred Acoma tends to weaken the bonds of attach- ment. Their new homes are more roomy, clean, and comfortable, and the journey to the old home is not an easy one. The Acoma people are becoming more mobile. For centuries they confined their dwelling area to a few acres on the old cliff; now they are spread out over square miles. Some families have even moved off the reserva- tion entirely and have bought farm land near by. This points to- ward further dissemination and eventual disintegration of the pueblo. Families who live quite apart from each other in the Acomita Valley are more free to do and think as they please than when they were living in full view of the whole population at old Acoma. There is psychological disintegration taking place; the pueblo is tending to break up into family groups. Then, Acoma is the home of the gods and the medicine men. The k’atsinas (the rain makers, q. v.) never visit the Acomita Valley. Indeed a k’atsina would be quite out of place among irrigation ditches.** And the motive behind the masked dances is, I have no doubt, weakened considerably by the presence of an irrigation system and windmills. Why should men go to such pains and effort to have a 4-day masked dance for rain when they can water the fields them- selves witb their ditches? The k’atsinas are becoming obsolete.” 44 Although masked impersonators of these supernaturals officiate at ditch operations at Santo Domingo, such as directing their cleaning, etc. 45. make this assertion despite the fact that the number of kachiras impersonated at Acoma (as well as at Keresan villages on the Rio Grande) has been, and probably is now, increasing. But the percentage of people who really ‘‘believe in’’ these spirits is constantly decreasing. The kachinas may undergo a reinterpretation or may be kept for socio-ceremonial reasons alone. (See Doctor Parsons’s illuminating chapter on Decay of Ceremonialism, Notes on Zuni, pt, I1, pp. 242-248.) WHITE] GOVERNMENT 59 In still another way the Government is changing the life and belief of the Acomas. New or better seeds, livestock, or machinery is sent out to the reservation and given to them. Compulsory dipping of sheep is another blow at the medicine man. To return to the Government farmer and his native policeman: much, of course, depends upon the disposition of the individual who fills this office; one man may be indolent and do as little as possible; another may be very conscientious and energetic. The Government farmer is assisted by a native, called a ‘‘policeman,”’ who receives a salary from the Government. The duties of this policeman are to interpret and to perform any task set him by the farmer. The farmer collects statistics regarding births, deaths, marriages, etc., among the people. He also gathers data concerning crops and livestock which he sends to the superintendent’s office. He keeps the schoolhouse in repair and supplied with fuel and water (pumped to a tank at the schoolhouse by an engine or a windmill). He is the truant officer. He and his police assistant hound the parents and keep the children in school. He takes people to the hospital at old Laguna, either at their own request or upon order from the super- intendent’s office. Force is used if necessary. I have known of in- stances where a revolver was displayed rather conspicuously, and the children or patients carried off bodily. The policeman has spanked. school children for destroying school property. The farmer serves as secretary and adviser for the Indians. He helps them in their transactions with the trading post, in leasing land from the Government, in putting in claims for damages done by the railroad, etc. He frequently discusses matters of dispute among the Acoma people themselves or between them and neighbors, such as the Lagunas, Mexicans, etc. He hires men to do work on the roads, bridges, or for any building that may be undertaken by the Government. He collects pottery for fairs. He has some police authority. He has arrested Mexicans who were selling mula blanca on the reservation, and he has even arrested Indians for disturbing the peace and has deposited them in the jail at Isleta or elsewhere. All in all, the Government farmer and his native policeman are very important figures in the present-day life of the pueblo. It is through him chiefly that the policies of the United States Govern- ment are being put into operation (without the farmer at Acoma the day-school attendance would be very small indeed), and it is unre- ‘© Precisely what the legal status of the Acoma Indian is I was never able to learn; I could never find anyone who knew. The extent to which he is subject to civil and criminal law of the Federal, State, and county governments seems to be very uncertain. The farmer may, and often does, act upon his own judgment and initiative, and sometimes upon his own responsibility. 60 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 mitting execution of these policies that is contributing so rapidly to the ultimate disintegration of Acoma as an integrated socio-political unit. Tue Evecrions The cacique, as we have seen, appoints all officers, with the excep- tion, of course, of his own successor, and the medicine men, who are only secondarily political in character. The elections take place during the Christmas week. Nearly everyone is up at old Acoma at this time. Some time before Christ- mas the cacique decides upon his men for the forthcoming year. Before these names are announced they are given by the cacique to the medicine men. It is very important to note, too, that the medi- cine men may substitute a man of their choice for one of the cacique’s. They very seldom do this, it is said, but they reserve the right to veto the cacique’s choice and to substitute a man of their own selec- tion, and the cacique may not protest. ‘‘It must be for the best,” they say. The appointments are to be announced on December 28. On the evening of the 27th, the war chief goes to the head man of each estufa (k’aatc) and requests him to have every one of his men in the komanira (the name of the building in which the appointments are announced; name of Spanish derivation) at the appointed time. Everyone must attend. If there are men in the sheep camps, boys are sent to relieve them. No man may be excused without very good cause. Many men do not wish to shoulder the responsibilities, labors, and privations of office, for which honor and distinction are the only rewards, and they seek to avoid such a possibility by being absent when the appointments are announced. On the morning of the 28th, at the hour set, the men gather in the komanira. There is a sort of stage at the south end of the large room. The medicine men are seated in the middle of this stage with the yasi (q. v.) of the outgoing officers lying before them. These small staffs have been recharged with ‘‘power”’ by the medicine men for use during the coming year. The war chiefs also are on the stage. The men of the village are in the main part of the hall. The war chief announces the names of the new officers. As their names are called each man ascends the platform to receive from the medicine men his ya‘si (the governor and his men receive American canes; the other officers are presented with native staffs). The announce- ments are made in the following order: The war chief and his two assistant war chiefs, the cooks, the governor, his two lieutenants, the bickales (fiscales), and the water boss. Sometimes when a man is named for an office he tries to refuse. Sometimes a man named for war chief weeps upon learning of his WHiTE] GOVERNMENT 61 appointment and tries to be excused, but, of course, no one will allow it. Instead, they encourage and reassure him, and speak of his many and eminent qualifications for such an important and honorable position. “PoniticAL Parties” at ACOMA The use of this term may seem at first glance to be an unwarranted projection of our own concepts into foreign material, but there is no disputing the fact that there are parties at Acoma. There are Liberals and Conservatives. To be sure, the interests and activities of these parties quite exceed the bounds of politics; they cover every phase of life. But the same may be said for the political parties in practically all of the nations of to-day. In a word, the Conservatives are those who wish to preserve the old aboriginal traditions intact. The Liberals wish to adopt such items of white culture as would be to their advantage; they wish to compromise between the old and the new. Their position might be stated somewhat as follows: ‘‘Beyond the boundaries of our reserva- tion there are many peoples. Our ways of life are not the ways of other groups, nor are they superior at every point. The whites are crowding in on us, and whether we wish it or not, we must deal with them. Through ignorance of their ways and their laws we are often at a disadvantage in our transactions with them; we are very often cheated in business deals. Therefore we should learn their ways in order to protect ourselves against them. Then the whites have many things which we have found useful—the rifle, kerosene lamps, hoes, saws, etc. If we have profited by taking these things from the whites, should we not go further and adopt anything else that we like? The white man’s treatment of disease is vastly superior to our own; we should follow their doctors, etc.” This is the way the Conservatives feel: ‘‘ We are an ancient people. We have a long and honorable past. We were living here happily, long before the white people ever came. Our fathers have handed down to us the wisdom of many centuries. They found it good, and all went well. Everyone was happy. Then the white men came. They have crowded in on us on all sides. They are forever trying to meddle with our own business. They are trying to run our lives. Their Government is forcing us to do things which we hate. Their churchmen are trying to rob us of our gods. Our children are driven into their schools like sheep into a corral. The young folks are falling away from the ways of our fathers and are losing respect for the gods who keep us, and it is all because of the whites. We hate them and want to have nothing to do with them. 62 THE ACOMA INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 47 Every compromise is a defeat for us. Let us not touch them in any way lest we perish.”’ * As one would expect, the Liberal Party is composed largely of young men and women who have spent years away at schools. They have seen enough of the ways of other people to have become impa- tient of the intolerant and bigoted provincialism of the Conservatives. They see no reason why they should not bring such machinery, tools, household utensils, etc., into the pueblo as would make their life easier and more pleasant. They wish to learn the ways of white men in order to protect themselves in legal and commercial dealings with them. They realize that the medicine men are simply magi- cians, and that they frequently spread disease, etc. But the core of the Liberal position is an emotional attitude; they are willing to change—to compromise. The key of the Conservatives’ position is likewise an emotional state. They suffer from an emotional fixation upon the past. Never- theless, the Conservatives are quite correct in charging many of their present ills to the whites. They have suffered much at their hands. Moreover, they have adopted the most efficient policy possible to preserve the old ways; no commerce of any kind with the whites. This policy, which is an unconscious, intuitive reaction to white encroachment, is tremendously effective in serving their interests. For they are right; every compromise is a loss for them. Their ideal is absolute isolation, and they approach it as closely as possible. At the present time the Conservative Party is in the majority. They predominate numerically and, to even greater extent, in influ- ence. Most of the officers are Conservatives. This is, of course, what one would expect. The officers are the custodians of the old tradition. Much of the power and vehemence of the Conservative Party is due, without doubt, to this fact. The officers would lose their power, their status, if the Liberal policy were adopted. Indeed the very positions would become extinct. Old Laguna stands before their eyes as an example, the bones of the ancient régime bleach- ing in the sun. Naturally the men in office will do everything in their power to continue the system which gives them power, distinc- tion, and status; and the Liberals do not want offices (except perhaps the governorship) because they are identified with the régime which they wish to supplant. By degrees, however, the Liberal Party grows in numbers, and the hold of the Conservatives, although more militant and articu- late, grows weaker. It is just a question of time before the whole scheme shall collapse, and the integrity of the political and social organization of the pueblo be lost forever. 47 It must be understood, of course, that neither side has expressed itself in these words: they have not analyzed the situation carefully nor consciously stated their position, but these statements of mine well represent the feeling and position of these two parties. WHITE] CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIALISM 63 SUMMARY Government at Acoma, as at other pueblos, is theocratic: The offi- cers are priests and the authority which they exercise is religious (supernatural). The officers and secret societies are the chief custo- dians of sacred lore, paraphernalia, and ritual. Pueblo administration is concerned chiefly with ceremonies, which may be divided into two classes: (a) Those which promote the growth of crops by influencing the weather, the heavenly bodies, etc. (the kachina cult, the solstice ceremonies, etc.); and (b) those which cure disease and exorcise evil spirits from the pueblo (the medicine cult). Profane duties of govern- ment, such as business with aliens, keeping order and peace, repairing roads and communal buildings, etc., are delegated to the governor and his aides who have come into existence (since 1540) for this purpose and to screen the existence of the sacred officers from the eyes of the whites. We have discussed at some length the Government farmer and his native policeman, and the two parties, the Liberals and the ultra- Conservatives, in order to illuminate the functioning of the govern- ment undér present conditions, and to indicate the forces which are at work—mechanisms of cultural change. The ultra-Conservatives wish to remain 100 per cent Indian, to purge the pueblo of all things American (except, no doubt, some tools and weapons), but they are fighting a hopeless situation. The forces of American culture, assisted somewhat by the Liberals, are encroaching more and more upon the Acoma people. It is simply a matter of time before the present politico-religious organization disintegrates and Acoma loses its integrity as a pueblo. CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION Ceremonialism at Acoma, as at other pueblos, is a conspicuous phase of their life. Functionally, one may view ceremonies from three angles: They serve to establish rapport with supernaturals whose favors are desired; they are pleasurable, social occasions; and they represent the many-sided expression of the artistic talents of the people. Thus, religious, social, and esthetic ends are served. Possi- bly some do not have religious significance, except in an indirect way, but most ceremonies incorporate these three factors in varying degrees. The most conspicuous phases of Acoma ceremonialism are the rain cult, or kachina cult (in which men impersonate the kachinas or rain gods), and the medicine cult (societies of doctors cure and prevent disease by virtue of powers received from certain supernaturals). Then there is the war cult. The O-pi, or Warriors’ Society, and the koshare functioned in this capacity. Since wars have long since 64 THE ACOMA INDIANS (ETH. ANN. 47 ceased this phase of ceremonialism has largely disappeared. ‘The Caiyaik, or Hunters’ Society, too, seems to have suffered a decline. Lastly, there are some fiesta dances, such as on San Estevan’s Day (September 2) and San Lorenzo’s Day at Acomita (August 10), and some miscellaneous dances—Comanche, Navaho, Eagle, Deer, ete.— which are performed at Christmas time, or on anonymous occasions. Before entering upon descriptions and discussions of these various cults and ceremonies, let us turn to the supernaturals of Acoma and to the ceremonial calendar. Tur PANTHEON The sun (ocatc).—He is a great spirit, perhaps the greatest of all supernaturals. He is called father (naicpia). People pray to him often with corn meal. Prayer sticks are made for him. He figures in myths as the father of twin boys (sometimes the twin war gods, Masewi and Oyoyewi). He is prayed to at rabbit hunts, and, of course, he is the chief object of the solstice ceremonies (q. v., and other relevant sections). He is pictured in colored carvings on the face of rock mesas. He is not represented in myths as being manlike in form; the pictures of him show merely a face with rays radiating from the outer edge. Masewi and Oyoyeui.—These are the twin war gods. They are very important.*® They are the patron gods of the O-pi (the Warriors’ Society) and of the war chiefs. Anyone, however, may pray to them for strength. They are represented with masks in dances. They are also depicted on altars of curing societies. (Pl. 1, 5.) On the eastern edge of the mesa of old Acoma there are two rock columns (a natural formation) which are said to mark the place where the spirits of these two gods have lived since they left the Acoma people in person. They symbolize courage, strength, and virtue. They are also represented in mythology as great rain makers. They were the leaders and champions of the Acoma people in the early days when they lived in the north, and during their long migration to the south. The k’atsina.—These are the anthropomorphic, spirit rain makers. (See Origin-Migration myth, and others, for accounts of these spirits; also see accompanying pictures and descriptions of the masked dancers.) They are of the greatest importance in Acoma ceremonial- ism. There is an indefinite number of them who live at a mytho- logical place called Wenimats', located “somewhere out west,” perhaps near the Zuni Mountains. They are also called shiwanna (storm clouds are called shiwanna). About 60 k’atsina are repre- sented by masked dancers at Acoma. (See complete list.) There is an indefinite number of some kinds, but of others there is a fixed 48 See the myths which tell of these supernaturals WHITE] CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIALISM 65 number—two, one, etc. The same situation seems to prevail at Wenimats’. A more detailed account of these spirits will be given in the section devoted to the kachina cult. The k’orictaiya.—These are spirits who live in the east, at hak’oaikute’ (the sunrise). They also live at haniakocoko, a crater- like place southeast of Acoma. The k’osictaiya are regarded as very powerful and beneficent spirits, but they do not reveal themselves as clearly and as definitely in the minds of the people as do the k’atsina; information concerning the k’osictaiya is both meager and vague. The k’oxsictaiya have never known sexual intercourse. It came about in this way: The daughter of a former war chief died. Some k’anadyaiya (witches) stole the corpse and restored her to life. They were going to seduce her, but the k’oxpictatya came to the rescue. They were going to fight for the possession of the girl, but decided to play a game instead. They played a game with a top (a k’owaico tororo). If the witches won, they could do as they pleased with the girl; if the k’onictarya won, they would get the girl, but they would have to forego sexual intercourse forever. The k’osictaiya won the girl and have remained continent ever since. Another informant stated that the k’osictatya were just like the k’atsina before the fight at White House; they did not want to fight the people. After the fight they felt that they could no longer live with the k’atsina, so they moved to the southeast, to the sunrise, hakoaik’utc*. Some are said to dwell at a craterlike place southeast of Acoma called hanyakocoko. The two head men of the k’osictaiya who are impersonated at the winter solstice, Dziukiri and K’okiri, were said (by one informant) to represent the “‘morning star and the evening star.’”’ So far as I could learn, they are not assigned to any particular function (except during the winter solstice ceremony, when they promote fertility and strengthen weak and sick people, q. y.). Prayer sticks are deposited for the k’osictaiya. Masked men personate them at the winter solstice.” Tatik*—Perhaps this supernatural should have been mentioned first. She is very sacred end of the greatest importance.” She is called the mother of all the Indians. Her home is Shipap, the place of emergence, in the north. After death a person goes back to his ‘* At San Felipe and at Santo Domingo, the k’oxictaiya are represented with little anthropomorphic figurines on the altars of medicine men. No masks are used. 0 It is impossible to say which of the Acoma supernaturals is most important. I do not believe they are arranged in a definite hierarchy in native conception. The sun, Masewi, and Iatik are each very important. So are the k’atsinas. But each is important in his own way and for different reasons. Com- parisons are very difficult. The sun is a symbol of cosmie power, so to speak, but he is not anthropo- morphic, he is not of the order of human beings. Masewiisasuperhumanman,achampion. The k’atsinas are closely associated with the people and are very important in sustaining life by rain making. Iatik» seems to be the symbol of human life itself, its very essence. She is quite remote, however, from the daily activities of her children. She is not represented in drawings nér in costume. She is not dramatized in ceremonies, The medicine men have a fetish which symbolizes her (an ear of corn, q. V.). 66 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 mother, to Shipap. The women prepare food for the dancers, assist them in their distributions of gifts, ete., but they never wear a mask in a dance even though a k’otcininak’o (a k’atsina woman) be impersonated. The people who have been initiated into the secrets 55 The fact that Acoma is not far from Zuni, where the kachina cult is especially luxuriant, illuminates the situation somewhat. Acoma received the mask cult before the Rio Grande villages did (assuming, of course, that it came from the west, which I believe to be the case) and has received more kachinas than her eastern sisters. 5 Among the eastern Keres the women are kept in theoretical ignorance of the identity of the masked dancers, with the exception of a few women (called sicti, or initiated), who assist the masked dancers during ceremonies. WHITE] CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIALISM 71 of the k’atsina are called G’uiraina teaian'.*” Children affiliate with the kiva of the father. There is a headman for each estufa (kiva, or k’a‘atc).°® He is appointed by the cacique and serves for life. His duties are in gen- eral the administration of the unit of the kachina organization be- longing to his estufa; specifically, he is the custodian of the masks, keeping them safely secured between ceremonies; he takes them out and paints them for dances and feeds them and offers them cigarettes; he summons his men for ceremonies and instructs them in matters of preparation, ete. Initiation of children into the kachina organization—The war chief keeps track of the children to be initiated. Initiations are held at intervals of about five or six years. In the old days initiations were held at the winter solstice; now they are held during the summer. Formerly, children were initiated at ages ranging from 9 to 12 (ap- proximately); now, however, the initiation is usually postponed until the children come back from the schools to stay in the village. When the war chief thinks the time has come for another initiation he confers with the cacique, who sets a date. Then the war chief goes through the streets (four days before the initiation is to take place) announcing the forthcoming event. On the fourth day before the ceremony the father of a child to be initiated (or the child’s maternal uncle, if the father be dead) looks about for some one to act as his child’s sponsor during the initiation. He always chooses a good friend, and usually a clansman. The father makes four wasani (feather bunches, q. v.) each one contain- ing a wi’icsi (corn-husk cigarette which has been lighted and extin- guished) and wraps them in a corn husk. This package he carries to the man he has chosen for sponsor and hands it to him, saying “Dium"” (brother). The recipient replies, “‘Dium?.”’ The father prays, asking his friend to look out for his child during the initiation, and asks the spirits to grant him a long, useful, and happy life.*® 87 In the Rio Grande villages there are two complementary secret societies, the Koshare and the Quirena. They are definitely organized, have a headman, new members are secretly initiated, etc. They assist at ceremonies. At Acoma the Koshare Society is found, but the Quirena exists in quite a different form. There, instead of being asmall secret society with special functions, the Quirena (called G’uiraina at Acoma) is simply the aggregate of all individuals who have been initiated into the secrets of the k’atsina. The features which characterize the Quirena in the east, such as special ceremonial functions, a distinctive costume, a mythological residence, etc., are not found at Acoma. Acoma, it seems, has worked out a compromise between east and west. It has the names ‘‘Koshare” and ‘‘Quirena,”’ and the form and functions of the Koshare Society, which are eastern features. Then it has the idea of a tribal society whose functions are closely associated with kachina impersonation (viz, the G’uiraina tcaian'), which is a Zuni characteristic. The absence of the moiety principle, too, is a western feature rather than an eastern one. One might suppose a priori that such a situation would be found at Acoma, since its geographic position is about midway between Zuni and the pueblos of the Rio Grande. 88 Another informant stated that there were two headmen. The man who told me that there was one headman said that there was an assistant. 8 The man who acts as sponsor is called neyawaimi itu; the children to be whipped are called naiyama- watna tsiwatcomasa. 72 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 The sponsor divides the package of wanani and corn meal into two parts. With one he prays for the child; the other he takes to his brother or uncle, telling him that he is sponsoring a child (is “cooing to raise a child’’) at initiation, and asks his assistance at that time. (This man is to place a feather in the child’s hair immediately after he has been whipped.) The initiation ceremony is always held in tsitcinic ka‘ate, or Mauharots (the ‘head estufa’”’). On the day of the ceremony the cacique goes to Mauharots and the Antelope altar is erected. In the evening the cacique and the Antelope men, the war chiefs and their cooks, and some medicine men gather in the head estufa; all the other men of the village go to their respective kivas where they spend the evening singing. The children are to be whipped by a k’atsina, Tsitstinits (“Big Teeth’). This spirit is personated by kasina teaiani. In the evening of the initiation he goes to haimatats' k’aate to get his mask and costume. He will be accompanied by four (more or less) g’omaiowic (‘“‘scouts,’”’ pl. 10, 6). They, too, get their masks at hai- matats'!. They dress and go out on the west side of the mesa; they are to come from Wenimats', you see, which lies in the west. After Tsitsiinits has gone to the west side of the village the war chief goes through the streets summoning the children to the head estufa. The sponsors, who have been waiting in their homes, rush to get their children. Both sponsor and child have been bathed for this occasion, and their heads washed in yueca suds. The sponsor wears a cotton shirt and trousers (somewhat resembling pyjamas), a “banda” or ribbon around his head, and moccasins; a blanket is thrown over his shoulders. The boys to be whipped wear only a breechcloth; the girls wear a thin calico dress. All of the sponsors try to reach the ceremonial chamber first in order to secure good seats. The sponsor carries the child on his back, covered with his blanket. He carries the child down the ladder and then puts him on the earth floor. Then he leads him to the altar, taking the child by the left hand and leading him forward on the east side of the fireplace. The child faces the altar; the sponsor stands behind him. The sponsor puts the wagpani in the child’s hands and places his own under them. The sponsor prays; when finished, he throws the waBani on the altar. Then they find a seat, leaving the altar and passing to the west of the fireplace. The sponsor takes off his blanket and folds it up for a cushion. The child sits in front of him. All the while the singers (called mapaikotitc, “‘grape men’’), the kuuts! hanote (Antelope men) are singing. The war chiefs will be along the west wall near them; they join in the singing if they wish to. In the other estufas men are singing. No women are present in Mauharots; the girls are sponsored by men. WHE] CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIALISM 73 It is now time for Tsitstinits to arrive; the war chief sends a lieu- tenant to get him. Tsitsiinits and the g’omaiowic approach, “hal- looing like k’atsina.”” They ery ‘“‘ Ho, ho, ho, ho!”’, or ‘‘ Ho-o-0-0-0!”’, or “Hu lu lu lu!” They traverse the circuit of the eight dancing stations (see fig. 1), walking very fast. Then they go up on top of Mauharots. There they halloo and stamp their feet very fast; this is to frighten the children. The entrance to the estufa is covered with a buffalo hide. Two or three of the men who are assisting Tsitstinits lift one side of this cover and thrust their forearms (which are painted white) inside; their hands are filled with fruit or nuts. The sponsors scramble to get these gifts for their children. (Some- times a sponsor has himself hidden away some gift, which he slyly produces for his ward.) The children are told that these gifts have come to them from the k’atsina. Tsitsiinits and his men sing a few songs on top of the chamber. At the close of the songs on the roof, the cacique rises and goes to the altar. He picks up a small pottery bowl of ashes mixed with water. He carries it toward the fireplace, pauses, and hurls it toward the roofopening.® Immediately the buffalo hide is snatched away and Tsitstinits meaty comes rushing down the ladder (his back toward the rungs), followed by the g’o’maiowic. Tsits- WwW tinits goes about in a menacing attitude, glaring N at the children. He brandishes his whip. The } ¢’o’maiowic run around the chamber frightening the children. ‘Oh, look at all the children in here! Fioure 2—Diagram . . 0 aunarots, ne How did you all get in here?” they cry. And head estufa. “Ts= “All you children are going to get a whipping!” frepiaeet Vine Tsitstinits goes to the east end of the tsiwai’mctyem (the planks over the resonance chamber, fig. 2) and begins to dance. He dances two songs and then goes over to the east end. Then the sponsor who is nearest the west end rises and places his child on the center of the tsiwai’mctyum, facing south. He causes the child to lean forward; the sponsor clasps the child’s handsin his. Tsitsiinits then strikes the child four times with his soap-weed whip: twice on the back near the shoulder blades, once on the back of the legs between hip and knee, and once on the calves of the legs. The child and his sponsor then exchange places, and Tsitstinits whips the sponsor in the same way. All the while the g’o’maiowic run and jump about the room yelling “‘Oh, look at the blood! Look at the blood, how it’s running down!”’ ete. “© I could not learn why this is done. Ashes are used in other connections as a prophylactic against witches. 6066°—32 6 74 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 After the sponsor has been whipped he and his ward leave the tsiwaimctyum to return to their places. The sponsor’s brother comes up and fastens a wasa’ni (feather bunch) in the child’s hair and gives him a new name.® Then they go back to their seats. The scouts (the g’o’maiow:c) come up and give the sponsor some herb medicine. He chews it, spits in his hands and rubs it on the child where he has been whipped, then on his own body. All of the children are whipped. ‘Tsitsiinits goes out, followed by the ¢’o’maiow:e; they go back to the west (to Wenimats'), unmask, dress and return to their estufa. The cacique rises, gives thanks for the new initiates and wishes them well. Everyone is given permis- sion to leave. The sponsors take their children home. Then they and their brothers go to their respective estufas to join the other men there in singing songs of, and to, the k’atsina. The cacique and the Antelope men (kuuts! hanotc) and the war chiefs remain in Mauharots, singing. All during the night groups of men from the five estufas come to Mauharots (tsvtemce ka‘atc) to dance. The whipped children wear the wasa’ni (feather) for four days after the ceremony. On the morning of the fifth day the wife of each sponsor goes to the home of their ‘“‘child’”’ and brings him to her house. ‘There she removes the feather (wasBa’ni) from his hair and washes his head with yucca suds. She bathes him and dresses him in new elothing that has been made for him. Then she gives her “son” (or “daughter’’) breakfast. After breakfast she gives him some presents, some corn, fruit, nuts, ete. These gifts have come from the k’atsina. Then she takes the child home. The “mother”’ carries the basket of fruit and nuts, but the child must carry the corn himself, in a blanket. He must plant this corn. The households of the newly initiated children must not eat meat or salt nor have sexual intercourse for four days following the whip- ping. Most of the other households observe these restrictions too. Some time after the whipping a maternal uncle takes the child back of the old Mission church. There they find the cacique gathered with some Antelope men (kuuts' hanotc) and some k’atsina. The k’atsina are sitting down with their masks on the ground before them. The secret is out now—the children learn that the masked dancers are really their fathers and uncles. The uncle causes the child to make a prayer stick, and with it to pray to the k’atsina. Then he takes the child to the cacique and seats him on the ground facing the cacique. The cacique tells the child that the time has come for him to learn all about the k’atsina and the masked dancers. He tells him the story of the great fight at White House (kacikatcut®*) long ago in the north, when almost all of the Indians were killed by 6! In former times the children had their hair clipped close to the head except for the crown; the waBa’ni was attached to this. The man who fastens the feather is called maiyatcotia G’onic. WHITE] CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIALISM 75 the offended spirits. He explains why the k’atsina do not now visit the village in person and why it is necessary for men to impersonate them. The cacique impresses the child with the importance of these ceremonies and the necessity of undiminished respect and reverence for the k’atsina. Finally, the child is bound to secrecy and is warned of some terrible calamity that would befall him should he ever reveal any of the secrets. Then the cacique takes the child to the head k’atsina, who holds some prayer sticks in his hands. The child’s hands are placed under those of the k’atsina, and the cacique places his hands under the child’s. The cacique prays at great length. He blesses the child, asks that he may have along life, that he may be successful in farming and in hunting, that his parents may live long, etc. Then the cacique formally presents the child to the head k’atsina, stating that he is now a member of G’uiraina tcaian’.” CATALOGUE OF THE K’ATSINA The following is a list of the k’atsina impersonated at Acoma, with a few notes regarding each. Pictures of most of them have been secured. 1. Wai’ oca (duck); full company; belongs to Daut’korits estufa, appears in Natyati (the summer dance) and sometimes at the summer solstice; sometimes in the September masked dance; is accompanied by Pai’yatyamo as side dancer. 2. Guacsto'te; full company; belongs to Kockasi‘ts kiva; appears in Natyati; is accompanied by two Cornata side dancers. 3. Guabitcani; full company; belongs to Coskats kiva; appears in Natyati; is accompanied by Pai’yatyamo side dancer. 4. He’mic; full company; belongs to Cutrini‘ts kiva; appears in Natyati; is accompanied by Gauwactca’ra and two k’otcininako. 5. Moots (Moqui, Hopi); full company; belongs to Haimatats kiva; appears in Natyati; is accompanied by one or two G’o’maiowce. 6. Saiyai’tuwi; full company; belongs to Cutrinits kiva; appears at winter solstice. 7. Kaiya; full company; belongs to Daut’korits and to Haimatats; appears at winter solstice; sometimes comes at summer solstice. 8. Te’akwiya; full company; Kockasits kiva; appears at winter solstice; sometimes at summer solstice. 7 With regard to the kachina organization at Acoma, two significant features should be noted: (1) At Acoma there are five units in the kachina organization (there may have been six at one time, since both Mindeleff and Bandelier state that there were six kivas); among the eastern Keres there are only two kachina units (except at San Felipe, where there are three, but there are only two kivas; moreover, the feel- ing is for two groups. ‘The situation at Santa Ana seems to be abnormal, too), the Squash and the Tur- quoise groups. (2) There is no ceremonial whipping at initiation in the east. In both of these features Acoma resembles Zuni practice rather than that of her eastern cousins. 76 THE ACOMA INDIANS [eTH. ANN. 47 9. Na’’wic; full company; belongs to Kockasits kiva; appears in September masked dance always; appears sometimes at winter sol- stice or summer solstice; accompanied by Gauwactca’ra and two Jotcininako. 10. Nai’yu; they live southeast of Acoma near a large red rock. They used to come up to Acoma in the middle of the summer. They brought with them a buckskin bag filled with seeds—all kinds of seeds. They dance in the village. They call all of the people to the plaza to play a game with their buckskin seed ball. The headman of the Nai’yu draws a line on the ground; some of the people stand on this line. Others, men and women, stand up on the roofs of houses. Then the head Nai’yu stoops down to the ground, holding the ball between his hands. Then he straightens up quickly, throwing the ball over his left shoulder backward. If it hits some one, that person will have good luck, live to be very old, have good crops, ete. He will also receive some seeds. In return he must pay the Nai’yu with a piece of buckskin. The people who are standing on the ground must not move off the line, else they are disqualified. The Nat’yus when they stoop down try to look up the women’s dresses. This causes the women to experience inordinate sexual desires. After the ceremony, the Nai’yus carve representations of female genitalia on the face of cliffs south of Acoma. I have seen and photographed these carvings. 11. G’otitea’nicam’; full company; belongs to Coskats kiva; appears at summer solstice; they live at Acoma on the northwest side of the mesa; they clean out the water holes; they are good farmers (green bean vines are placed on the top of the mask when they dance). 12. Nakiite (Red Eyes); full company; belongs to Haimatats kiva; appears at the winter solstice; lives at Wenimats'; carries rattle in right hand and bow and arrow in the left. Naktte used to guard the cornfields at Wenimats!. He had a camp there and always had a fire going. He used to roast corn. Smoke would get in his eyes and make the tears come. When they smarted he would rub them. His eyes became red and inflamed; that is why he is called Nakitte. He was an expert corn roaster; other k’atsina used to get him to roast corn for them. But he had a very ugly disposition. When some one would come near his fields, he would throw rocks at him with his sling (yauec Btnin). But if the visitor were not afraid, if he did not run away, Nakite would then let him come closer. Nakite also appears in the mixed dance, G’aiya’. 13. Teainokanatca; full company; belongs to Daut’korits and to Coskats kivas; they talk an unintelligible language; they are good hunters and feed the K’otcininakos; they appear at the winter solstice. WHITE] CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIALISM 77 14. He-iya; full company; belongs to Coskats kiva; lives at Weni- mats!; carries a rattle in dances; appears in the winter solstice cere- monies; he doesn’t walk straight—plays along. 15. Hawak’o; full company; belong to Haimatats estufa; they live at Wenimats' and also at Acoma on the south side; they appear very seldom; come out at the winter solstice to kill dogs with clubs (when they become too numerous). 16. Kac-ko (Mountain Sheep); full company; belong to Haimatats, Cutrinits, and Kockasits kivas; they resemble sheep; the G’o’maiowre drive them like sheep; appear at the winter solstice. 17. Steuta (Crow); considerable number; belong to Daut’korits kiva; represent crows; live at Wenimats’ and near Acoma; appear at winter solstice. (This completes the list of k’atsina that are represented in consid- erable numbers—20 to 30 masks; the masks which follow appear singly, or in twos and threes.) 18. Dapo:po; these are the two brothers who lived at Acoma; belong to Haimatats kiva; they come during the winter solstice ; they don’t dance, but merely walk around, stopping at the various dancing places. They carry buckskins. When they see a good-looking girl they wave their rattles at her; they want to give her the buckskin to sleep with her. They were good hunters. 19. Heleleka; one only; belongs to Kockasifand Cutrinits kivas; * he comes only at the winter solstice; he dances with a woman; he carries a cactus whip. While Heleleka is busy dancing, some man steals his woman. When Heleleka misses her, he hunts her out and whips the man who took her. 20. Tscctckatsame; one only; lived near Acoma (see myth about this spirit); belongs to Cutrinits estufa; appears during the winter solstice ceremonies with Gacinako (‘‘white-face woman’’), his wife from Wenimats’. 21. He’ruta; one only; belongs to Haimatats, Kockasits, Cutrinits, and Dautkorits estufas; appears in G’aiya’ at winter solstice; he whips the k’atsina if they don’t sing right. 22. Kausat; one only; belongs to Cutrinits and Coskats estufas; appear with Cura‘tea in the masked ceremony of the Corn clan, and at G’aiyapai’tsani (the fight with the k’atsina); he is blind and is always accompanied by his mother, a k’otcininako, who leads him by rattling the shoulder blades of a sheep; see myth which tells how he lost his eyes. 23. Kauayackutckutsita; there are two; they belong to Mauharots estufa; are personated by Flint or kasi/na shamans; they appear at the winter solstice only; they carry a little house made of reeds tied together with buckskin. 63 Only one heleleka appears at a time, but the mask may be owned by more than one kiva group. 78 THE ACOMA INDIANS [erH. ANN. 47 24. Ipanikaudauskonaiya; mask is keptin Mauharots; impersonated by a flint or a kaBi/na medicine man; appears at winter solstice only, accompanied by a woman (K’o‘tcininako); he carries a long pole with cactus on it. 25. Masewi; the elder of the twin war gods; mask kept in Mau- harots; personated by an o’pi; appears in the k’atsina fight and at the winter solstice. 26. Oyoyew1; the younger twin war god; mask kept in Mauharots; personated by an opi; appears in k’atsina fight and at the winter solstice. 27. Pai’yatyamo; belongs to Dautkorits, Kockasits, and Haimatats estufas; appears as a side dancer with wai’oca k’atsina; also in G’aiya’ at winter solstice; carries flute; one only appears. 28. G’otcininako; mythical women k’atsina; any estufa may have some; they come in different colors (their faces only being distinguished with different colors): There are red, yellow, green, and white faced women; yellow, however, is the most common. They come with other k’atsina in various dances. (See references to them in notes on the other k’atsina.) 29. Mictcaikoros; belongs to each of the five kivas except Coskats; one or two appear; they come at the summer dance, natyatz, and some- times at the summer solstice; they have white faces with a cross on the forehead; they carry a little pottery bowl of ashes which they throw into the eyes of spectators who come too close to the dancers. 30. Nyenyeka; one only; belongs to Cutrinits; appears in the fight and sometimes at the winter solstice. Nyenyeka was a great rabbit hunter. One morning he went out hunting. He saw a jack rabbit. He was going to hit him with his throwing stick (draisitea) when the rabbit spoke to him. The rabbit said, ‘‘Wait! Don’t hit me. Come here.’”’ Nyenyeka went up to the rabbit and asked him what he wanted. The rabbit called Nyenyeka by name and said, “I am going to make a bet with you. I’m going off a little ways and sit down. You throw your stick at me. If you hit me you win my clothes; if you don’t, then I win your stick.’”’ Nyenyeka said, ‘All right.” So the jack rabbit went off a short distance and sat still. Nyenyeka threw his stick at him and cut his head off. So he won the rabbit’s clothes (he won the right to wear the rabbit’s fur). He skinned the rabbit and wore his fur over his head. That is why he wears rabbit fur on his head in the dances to-day. Nyenyeka is one of the k’atsina hotceni (chiefs). 31. A’aik’ani; one only; he is a k’atsina hotceni; mask is kept in Mauharots or in Haimatats (when taken from the former it is worn by a Flint shaman; when from the latter by the head of Haimatats estufa); appears in the fight and in G’atya’ sometimes. waite] CEREMONIES AND CEREMONIALISM 79 32. Dyaitskotume (dyaits, pifion; kot, mountain; ‘“‘he of the pinion mountain’’); one only; belongs to Haimatats estufa; he lives south- west of Acoma; he is a k’atsina hotceni and carries a yaBl; appears in the fight and sometimes in G’aiya, at the winter solstice. 33. G’o’maiowrc; an indefinite number; there are red and white G’o’maiowre (i. e., their bodies are either red or white; the faces are the same); the red ones belong to Daut’korits kiva and the white ones to Haimatats; they appear at various times—with Tsitstnits, with mo‘ots k’atsina as side dancers; at the fight, ete. They act as scouts or messengers. 34. Sa’romBia; one; each of the five kivas has one; appears some- times at either the summer or the winter solstice; he carries deer shoulder-blade rattle. 35. Sai’yataca; one; in Daut’korits, Haimatats, and Cutrinits estufas; appears at Natyat: and at the winter solstice; he whips the dancers if they don’t smg right. He lives at Wenimats!; he runs early in the morning—you can hear his bells as he goes by. 36. Tsitsiinits; one; found in each kiva except Coskats; appears in the fight and in the mixed dance at the winter solstice and G’aiya’ when it is held at other times; he whips the children in Mauharots when they are initiated into the kachina organization. 37. Cura‘tca; mask found in each of the five kivas; personated by a young boy in the masked ceremony of the Corn clan (q. v.); also appears in G’aiya’; carries a fire drill. He lives west of Acoma on a mountain. 38. Conata;* two of these; found in any estufa; are side dancers for Guacstote; also appear at summer solstice (sometimes) or at the winter solstice and in G’aiya. Carries a staff to wall with. 39. Mactcoai; two; found in Haimatats and Cutrinits kivas; lives at Mataitcata, northwest of Acoma; carries hoop (mackute) and javelin and wears sleigh bells; he calls out the shiwanna early in the morning; steals girls (see myth); appears in G’atya. 40. Gauk’ak’aiya; one; found in Haimatats and Dautkorits; appears in G’aiya. 41 and 42. Dziu’kire and K’oku; the two headmen of the k’o-- Bictaiya; masks kept in Mauharots; worn by flint shamans; appear with the k’o-Bictaiya at the winter solstice. 43. Gauwatcuk’aiya; this is A’aik’ani’s brother; he, too, is a k’atsina hotceni and carries a yasi (little wooden staff carried by officers); mask is kept in Haimatats or in Mauharots; appears only in the fight. 44. K’ak’uipe; there are two; masks kept in Mauharots; appear in fight; they carry medicines which they give to the children so they 4 Doctor Parsons equates this k’atsina with the Zuni Shulawitsi. Notes on Isleta, Santa Ana, and Acoma. American Anthropologist, vol. 22, p. 69. 80 THE ACOMA INDIANS [ETH. ANN. 47 won’t be too frightened. He lives on the south side of the Acoma mesa. 45. Leoleobac’tca; one; lives west of Acoma; appears at G’aiya; during the dance he throws small balls of mud from the end of a hickory switch; if he hits you, you will live a long time. 46. G’o’yaotea; one; each estufa has a mask; appears sometimes in the G’aiya; she (is an old woman) gives deer milk to cross children who fret; sometimes at night she comes to a house and reaches inside with a crook stick and hooks a child’s leg. 47. Ma’tsitsai’yackati’ta; one; appears in G’aiya; each kiva has a mask; carries blood to children; lives west of Acoma. 48. Basityamiti; one; lives north of Acoma; he comes with the k’opictaiya (maybe he is a k’osictaiya, one informant said, rather dubiously). 49. Hawi’a; one; appears very seldom at the winter solstice (one informant, about 35, said that he had never seen Hawi’a); he is a k’atsina hotceni and lives at Wenimats'. He has a long blue penis (he:’yina) which is a “‘sign to make you believe.’’ One must ‘“‘see Hawi’ya before one can see the k’atsina close”; he ‘opens the children.”’ ® 50. Tsitcukanackaiti, also called K’ohaiya (Bear) k’atsina; one; mask kept in Haimatats, Cutrinits, and in Dautkorits; appears in G’aiya; he is a k’atsina hotceni and lives at Wenimats'’. Another informant stated that K’ohaiya k’atsina once had a race with a bear. He won the race which entitled him to wear the bear’s paws on his face; they appear on the mask. 51. K’ocai’ri k’atsina (the clown society is called K’acale); one; mask kept in Mauharots; appears in G’aiya at winter solstice; carries bunches of spruce (hak’ak’). He lives at Wenimats'. 52. K’uuts! (antelope) k’atsina; lives at Wenimats'.™ 53. Dyan’ (Deer) k’atsina; one or two appear at the winter sol- stice; they carry spruce. 54. Gauwactca’ra; one; he carried a stool for the G’otemmako who sit in the plaza during dances and rub a deer leg bone along a notched stick. He comes at the winter solstice and also with He’mic k’atsina, as a side dancer. Sometimes he comes with the Na’wic in the September dance. 55. Tsaiyakacdek®; one; mask im Haimatats, Kockasits, and Cutrinits kivas; comes sometimes at the summer dance (Natyati) and sometimes at the solstices. He lives below Acoma on the west side. At dances he throws something resembling axle grease at spectators who are too close to the dancers. 6s T could not understand the informant’s remarks concerning Hawi’ya. It seems that the blue penis is designed to carry conviction to skeptical minds. ‘‘He opens the children’’ was stated several times, but I could not understand what was meant. 6° There must be several of these. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE | \ ual a 7 Sh A <- «wo Ay Car nr iy A | vot yan ele | a ee b. ALTAR OF A MEDICINE SOCIETY BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2 ACOMA KACHINA MASKS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3 Vat nan’? 4 J ACOMA KACHINA MASKS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4 hb buf te SY V4 y SN SaaBiteant a) Waivioca (Duck) SE ACOMA KACHINA MASKS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5 a ai Wa ne cL > Komutina No wikek ite Kitts: t ACOMA KACHINA MASKS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 6 leoleoBac’tea e ACOMA KACHINA MASKS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY FORTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 7 tsa/Z “2/94 rac De a [°92¢ Wau Dauch Nalye — G Muicthaniwe, breath), in Zuni fashion, with the left hand folded over the right, the thumbs parallel, when the sun materializes in the solstice ceremonies or when other fetishes are exposed; or the clasped hands are breathed from, when the hands have been passed over a dead deer. The eagle feathers of the medicine men are breathed from.® Lucinda breathed from her hands when she passed a church, or when she received a present of any kind—iwashihakura nakamu ‘sood luck) she called it. A present, by the way, said Lucinda, you must never demur to taking. Sone anp Dance Step (AuTAR Riruau); Racine A considerable number of rites are mentioned specifically as having songs attaching to them: ‘work on the prayer feathers”’; 1. e., grind- ing ritual paint, painting the feathers or string, grouping and tying the feathers; offering prayer meal in the directions; sprinkling the altar with pollen; making medicine water; calling the sun; calling deer. In general we get the impression that the ritual songs are a very important part of ceremonial, as elsewhere. It is to be hoped that opportunity to record the text of these songs may sometime be given. Dance steps, more particularly by the chief, are performed with some of the ritual songs. As when the Corn group chief dances during the sprinkling of the altar—the women assistants dancing 60 See pp. 261-262 and 272 n. 10, 273 n. 13, 274 n. 17. 61 Compare an account of curing through saints by Mexicans in Santa Fe in 1857. ‘‘ Upon one occasion, when visiting a family, a member of which was quite ill, a number of friends came in with a small image of a favorite saint, altar, and other necessary apparatus. They were placed in the middle of the room, when a few coals of fire were brought from the kitchen and put in the vessel that contained the incense which ignited and filled the room with its odor, the whole party the while performing some ceremony that I did not understand.”” (See Davis, 225, 226.) ® Children are told not to blow on food, such as rabbit or deer, to cool the meat, lest the animal come alive again and get away. 83 See p. 444. PARSONS] RITOAL 283 also—or when kumpa dances in calling the horned serpent, or the medicine society chief on gazing into his medicine to learn of the world outside. In these dances there is some dramatic action also. . . . There is an interesting reference * to dancing as a form of “helping” or, as we might say, of compulsory magic. Ritual racing is thought of similarly to help the sun’s progress.® This racing is of the relay type, which is Tanoan in distinction to the kick stick or kick ball race type of the Keres and of the west. The kick stick is known ritualistically at Isleta; but it is associated with the sun, not, as elsewhere, with rainfall. Rrirvuat Gestures AND PostuREs An antisunwise circuit made with the eagle feathers or with the clasped hands seems to have the meaning of gathering in some influ- ence, either for oneself or to bestow it on others, as when the chief waves his feathers toward the Mother on the altar and then waves them toward the audience, or when, after breathing on his clasped hands, he moves them in circuit and says, ‘‘The water people are sending you all long life and health.” The runner will make this gesture, asking help from the scalps or from the sun. (See p. 329.) There is still another motion of drawing something to oneself— the hands held cuplike and moved to and fro. There is an antithetical motion of discarding, an exorcising motion, in which the palms are passed together quickly to and fro in a slicing movement. This rite is also performed with eagle feathers. The two eagle feathers are also tapped one against the other at right angles.® The eagle feathers are used in conducting or leading persons to ceremonial places, as when “his father” leads a patient to the society’s room. The Father crosses the feathers; the patient takes hold of them by the tips; then the Father swings them over his head, leaving the patient still holding the feathers in a position behind the Father. Sacrosanct objects, more particularly the corn fetishes, may be held in the right hand resting in the crook of the left arm, which is folded over the right forearm. The corn ear or the eagle feather may be held by butt and tip, in both hands, to breathe from them. In this connection we may note that, as elsewhere, bare feet and flowing hair are associated with ritual performance. Also we note that a kind of massage by pressing is practiced as a restorative for one & See p. 318. 5 See pp. 324-325, 388. 6 See p. 368 and Fig. 25. & See pp. 292, 296. Compare Laguna, Parsons, 8: 125. 68 Ibid. 284 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 who has been through ritual stress or exertion, a practice which has been noted also among the Keres. Circuit AND Orientation; Rrruat Cotors; Favorep NUMERALS The circuit is antisunwise and begins in the east. There are three sets of terms for the directions, long ceremonial, short ceremonial, and vernacular. Ceremonial Vernacular Long Short 1 DEY es See pe pathuwe tée’________ tobaone saa ee hebai. North! * 424s. k’oafeewe t6e’___----| t6du__------- heui. Wiest= 220ti re S2eee fieruwe’ tde’________ tonaues a= = henai. South 22. = -4=== pachinwe’ tée’_____- toxuus=-- ee hekui. Zenith, Nadir, and | k’ienai pyenai___---_-_ pyenaleaasea= k’ie. Middle. Through corn there is an association of color with the directions: (n)bat6’i, white (east); (na)funi’i, black (north); (na)ch’uri’i, yellow (west); (na)shuri’i, blue (south). Terms for all colors are thérjun or kerim (mixed). Ritual points or blades are also associated with color direction. © The white arrow point is the favored one. There appears to be no color-direction association, as elsewhere, either with the kachina (liwa), except in one folk tale, or with the animals. The townspeople are sometimes referred to according to the direc- tion of their houses as: hebaihun, henihun, henaihun, hekuihun. The directions, we have seen, are counted as five instead of as six as in other Pueblo circles (Taos perhaps excepted). The same direc- tions as elsewhere are considered, but curiously enough, the zenith and nadir are counted together with the middle point between. Another notable anomaly is the use of three instead of the character- istic Pueblo four, for specific ritual acts.” But the most notable numeral for ritual repetition, as well as to indicate mere plurality or indefinite repetition, is five. Five figures constantly, whether in ritual or secular counts or estimates of time.”! For example, it is every five years that the pifon crop is supposed to be very abundant. In 1921 I was told that the cemetery had been removed five years ear- lier; in 1926 I was told the same thing. One December day, in 1927, there was to be a council in regard to the distribution of some funds from leased pasture lands, and the question came up whether or not the children should share. Even 5-year-old children (@. e., little children) 69 See pp. 295, 297. 1 See pp. 291, 292, 313, 444. 71 See pp. 237, 248, 252, 319, 363, 365, 433, 437, 440, 442, 444, 449, 452, 454, PARSONS] RITUAL 285 should share, opined somebody. . . . Conforming with Pueblo prac- tice is the use of 12, as a count for ritual days, ete.” CrysTaL GAzING A erystal (péshiké) belongs to each medicine society chief and he uses it repeatedly in his ritual, to determine who are sick and in need of attention, what the witches are doing abroad or have already done in the woy of sending obnoxious things into the persons ™ of those present at the ceremonial, or in case of an epidemic, in the town at large. (See pp. 339, 340.) Other immoralities or improprieties are learned of in the same way. Perhaps a runner has got power from a medicine man to win his race against a fellow townsman, by causing cramps, or perhaps strings have been sent into a runner’s legs by a witch. Injurious things on the race track are seen through the crystal, also who will win the race. Weather—winds, rain, or a hail storm—is predicted similarly through a crystal. The crystal hangs as a pendant from the neck of the curing chief. It is firmly believed that medicine men, whether or not through their crystal, are possessed of second sight. A recent curious develop- ment of this belief in second sight finds expression through a certain townsman who has boldly set himself to find veins of gold and ruins ® which may yield old pottery for trade. As a blind he takes digging tools along, but he makes his discoveries, he believes, through his ritual work at night. MepIcINE There is a notable use of the root medicine which is called lifiewah. It is spat over the altar,’ over or toward attendants at a ceremony, and by the thief-finder who goes into trance. That this medicine is thought of as very powerful,” as an Isletan would say, is evidenced by the fact, among others, that only the chief (in the Corn group) may swallow it. There are, of course, medicines other than lifiewah, but of them we have no particulars, except a reference to wolf root (karl) and to bear root, an association between the animals and disease through roots similar to that observed at Zuni. Curing at a distance or performing anything magical at a distance is very much of a criterion of magical power. One of the observa- tions on the kachina cult of a much-traveled Isletan woman was that the kachina had no power as they did nothing at a distance. 73 As at Taos (Parsons, 22) and Picuris (Harrington and Roberts passim.). 74 Compare Laguna practice (Parsons 8: 119). 75 Looking for gold and ruins is said in Isleta to induce blindness. May there not have been some cultural clash between the Mexican tradition or practice of seeking buried treasure which is ghost guarded (see Par- sons, 20) and the Indian aversion to disturbing the ancients? 76 At Zuni a root medicine is spat over certain prayer sticks (Ruth L. Bunzel, personal communication). 77 See p. 449. 286 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 ConTINENCE; FASTING Continence is required before engaging in a ceremony, for four days, whether staying at home or in retreat. One. informant refers also to four days of continence after the ceremony. ‘‘We have four days inside getting ready; on the fourth night we perform the cere- mony; then we have four outside days, during which we may not touch a woman or kill anything, not even an insect, or hurt anybody’s feelings.”” This abstinence at home is associated with a daily emetic and is referred to as ibewaeyue, outside fasting (fasting from sexual intercourse, not from food). Such abstinence may be practiced not only by sacerdotalists but by lay members who want ‘‘to help,” 1. e., increase the efficiency of the ceremonial.” Were a man to break his continence taboo he might turn into a rock or log or into an animal. (See pp. 374, 448.) In the folk tale about the Corn girls and the kick stick player ” who is ‘“‘working”’ for the sun, to aid his daily progress, we find a most interesting expression of the familiar idea that breaking taboo precludes ritual efficiency. In retreat, i. e., segregation in ceremonial room, there is fasting from food (naw‘ewyim), and our informant was very insistent that the fast consisted of total abstention from food and drink, for the usual four days. With this fasting is associated also the taboo on killing anything, ‘‘even a spider or fly.” The initiate into the medicine societies fasts from wheaten dishes. Dishes eaten during retreat *' are round cakes of blue corn meal (shekéyl, she, tied; kéyl, round); a mush called w'e’opaku made of a wild water plant; and corn meal tamale (nata’ mare). The padre would have the people fast from wine and meat in holy week (semana santa) and two days each week for seven weeks before. Some fast, some do not. In holy week the padre would also have the people ‘‘keep still,” pe*wxe, not chopping wood or making use of wagons, just as in the “‘keeping still” time at Taos, remarked my informant. Harr WasHING AND Rituat Batu The hair is washed in connection with ceremonial conducted both by the medicine societies and the Corn groups. As elsewhere, yucca root (pala) suds are used. Funerary attendants have their hair washed, on the third day; on the fourth they take a ritual bath in the river. In the solstice cere- monies hands and face are washed in the river. The k’apyo wash off their face and body paint in the river. A woman sick of tonsillitis 7 Compare pp. 290, 367. 70 Pp. 369, 371. 80 Whereas for ‘‘dances”’ cakes of sprouted wheat (nadeka’) are made. 81 During the 12-day fast of the medicine men. PARSONS] RITUAL 287 told me she was recovering because she had taken a very early morning bath in the river. Oruer Rites oF Exorcism: BrusHInG or WiPInG, Suckine, Rus- BING WITH AsHES, WILLING, WHIPPING, PURGING, SPITTING To “clean” houses, corrals, plaza, or river, the slicing and discarding motions are used with eagle feathers, and the feathers are also used to brush out whatever bad thing there may be inside the body—stick, stone, bit of cloth, thorn (naléa péare, natéa, witch bundle, péare, brush). The disease-causing ants are also brushed out. Similarly there is brushing or rather wiping out with the bear paw, or with cotton. Sucking out ** is practiced in the ant cure, in which ashes are also used in exorcism. (See p. 444.) Sometimes the chief, sitting in front of the altar near the large stone blade, draws out the injurious things from the bodies of those present merely ‘‘by wishing,” and makes a big pile of them. Sometimes a sick person might ask the town chief to send a Grand- father (see p. 263) to whip him to get well. For this my informant himself used the term penance which I had, of course, carefully avoided. It was the first time I had ever heard ritual whipping thus referred to, either nominally or conceptually, by a Pueblo Indian. But I was to hear of it again, as a rite and as a form of punishment after death. Lucinda opined that if she betrayed the customs of Laguna people perhaps her deceased Laguna husband who had been so strict with her in life would be waiting for her after she died with a whip.” The willows carried by the kyapiunin are thought of as whips to inflict punishment.** The town chief who broke his taboos of office was whipped by invisible agents, whipped in punishment. In referring to the ceremony of whipping the boys at Jemez,** my Isletan informant said it was done as a punishment for having been in school and disbelieving in Indian ways. Punishment was her word rather than the usual word for exorcism, cleansing. Even the concept of sin or sinner is expressed in English by rendering the term nabirlade ‘‘sinner in this world,” i. e., living in a state of sin. Illustrations of the use of the term indicate that it means failure to qualify to use magic power. 81s Lummis describes a rite of sucking through a feather, the tip against the patient and the quill in the mouth of the doctor. (Lummis 2: 79.) 82 See, too, p. 202, n. 1. 83 Pp. 334, 362, 365. § It occurs, according to this account, every four years, in February, and it was due again in 1928. All the boys who are not returning to school are whipped. Before the whipping the boys know nothing about the costumbres, after it they may know everything. The whipping is not with yucca, but with cactus, and the mother of a certain boy was described graphically as engaged in picking the thorns out of his flesh. There is a dance. 55 See p. 399. 288 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN, 47 The practice of emesis at home was referred to above. In the solstice ceremonies there is an elaborate purging rite. In the ceremonial of general exorcism there is a rite of spitting into a jar on the altar or toward it, or toward the witch bundle or the “witch” himself. CALENDAR List or Montus December-------- nofepa, night fire ** (i. e., Christmas) moon. Januanyees-— === tawinchibena (tawinide, samples of year’s prospective yield, in crops or rabbits; 8’ chibena, new). February =_--© 4- = kdshapai, raising, coming up, moon. Marcheesss=- === kapai, bury (?) moon. PAN rl) ore ee ees = lita kaai, wheat pile or litapaai (wheat pile moon). Mays Ante ees pax6rai, water (? grain, month).%8 Junele 2 pepa, nape‘, ceremony of Corn groups moon. July2) sss oe pah6nminai, moon, sucked in.*® AU PSUS Gee a ae tilpaai, grind moon. September - - - - _-- nakyenepai, motion up and down moon. October222_ 28 <2 k6“wepai, brown-yellow moon. November---_----- p‘6yapai, dead® moon. Sotstice DETERMINATION AND CALENDRICAL EVENTS All the ceremonial groups contribute to the year’s calendar, sys- tematically or as certain occasions arise. But the winter and summer solstice ceremonials of the Corn groups set the calendar, so to speak, and these ceremonials are correlated, not with solar observation, of which there is none,®’ but with the Augustan calendar, December 1 to 20 and June 1 to 20 being the periods assigned to them. The White Corn group goes in one day in advance of the others, and the shichu Corn group is the last to go in, otherwise there is no rule for dating the various retreats or for their sequence. Evidently all the retreats might be concluded several days before the 20th of the month, or the series might be prolonged to the 20th. At any rate from the first to the 20th there are taboos on hunting and_ bird- trapping and on dancing. The other ‘‘staying-still’”? taboos which are observed at Taos at the corresponding ceremonial season which is prolonged at Taos and Picuris to January 6 are not observed at Isleta. 86 See p. 303. 87 See pp. 262, 313, 318, 319. Also referred to as what the ceremonialists ‘‘ bring up.” 88 Referring to rain-calling ceremony. See p. 331. 89 Or swallowed, as is something floating after getting water soaked. But I am wondering if pahé does not refer to the ‘‘ water grain’’ rain-calling ritual of July. % Referring to All Souls observance. %1 The common Pueblo concept of the ‘‘ Sun’s house,’’ some mesa or hill fixed point on the horizon, also seemed unfamiliar. Nor is there any observation of the moon for timing ceremonies. PARSONS] December 15__-__- December 24_____ December 25-28 __ December 29____- January 1 January 5-10____-_ January 10-14 January—February January—February Hebruanyee-s-- = 2 February February—March February—March__ February—March__ 289 CALENDAR Winter solstice ceremonial of Corn groups and medicine societies. Guadalupe day. Boys dressed as Navaho or as girls, and girls dressed as boys visit the houses of the Lupes to dance and be given bread, etc. Bringing in the horned serpent. Lanterns on the roofs, and fires in the plaza and else- where. Dance (nupéa shérti, Christmas dance going in) within the church, before the midnight Mass. Households possessed of saints set them out at night, with candles, and people are invited in (Isletan, ixiwe’; Mexican, belorio). Various dances, mostly by moiety, distinctively hawinaa’ye (named from song word). Clay models of the domestic animals, also of produce, are buried in the corrals, for increase. Election of secular officers; canes blessed. Kings’ dance. Shunad, general exorcism of fields: Retreat by medicine societies. Rabbit hunt. Kachina dances by Laguna people. Kachina basket dance. Season for initiation into medicine societies. Liwa dance by moiety: Dance by shichu, for snow or rain. Irrigation ditch ritual and dance. Shinny played by moiety for four days. Dark liwa dance, for weather and crops. Rabbit hunt. Shure’ take charge. Ceremony of transfer. Ceremony to quiet wind, by medicine societies. Races: War ceremonial (sporadically, performed in 1925). Shure’ ceremony. Rain ritual. Ceremony of bringing down the moon and stars. San Escapu’la carried in antisunwise circuit four times around plaza by girl who was given to him at birth. Family keeping this saint makes a feast. Solstice ceremonial of Corn groups. Laguna people dance kachina. San Juan’s Day, San Pedro’s Day. Boys earry from church blue flag of San Pedro, red flag of San Juan, three times around town and to the fields. On return carry corn stalks to church. Visit houses of Juans, Juanas, Pedros, Paulas, etc.; given roosters, bread, and cheese. First rooster placed near altar for pest. Rooster ‘‘race.”’ Lechide, 12-day rain ceremony. ®2 In accordance with the calendar in other pueblos we begin with the winter solstice ceremony, although I have heard it referred to by an Isletan as ‘‘the last ceremony of the year.” For another Isletan calendar of a more Catholic cast, see Parsons, 9: 160-165. % On Corpus Cristi (June 6, 1926) I heard of another private saint being brought out. 290 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO (ETH. ANN. 47 August'28 212 222 = San Agostin. Mexican dancing in courthouse and in tents. Fair. In drought, prayer and song all night, then Indians (or Mexicans) carry San Agostin out to the fields. In 1926 the saint was carried out to the Chikal fields. Two days later it rained so much “they got scared.”’ September 4_______-.-- San Agostinito. Fiesta of Taikabede and Chikal. Chikal people sweep the plaza. Dance (nupdas- horti), to thank the saint for the crops he has given. At night, dance by all around fire (nahiilpéa, circle dance). Feast for visitors in public kiva, where San Agostin is placed on a table altar. In drought, image carried out to the fields, in charge of mayor- domos. September 25-October Pinitu dance for frost, preceded by night ceremony of 5 (sporadic) .% bringing liwane into town, followed by rabbit hunt. October (end) sporadic__ Ceremony of bringing in Salt old woman. November 25=---==- 2. == All Saints (p6’yana or dia de todos santos). Mexicans visit, making ‘‘responsos”’ and receiving left-overs from what has been given to the priest from whom they will also buy the bread given by the Isletans, who first carry the bread around their graves, four times, in antisunwise circuit. The graves are or were sprinkled with holy water by the padre. Can- dles on the graves. November 2-5________- Black Eyes ceremony. October-November after Ceremony of Hunt chief. harvest. CEREMONIES AND RiTuaL CoMPLEXES SOLSTICE CEREMONY OF THE CORN GROUPS (NAPE‘I) The chief summons his assistants to his house to talk about begin- ning their ceremony, saying inkaawei turide miwe weekui (weeui), our father Sun is going south (December solstice), or north (June solstice). One assistant goes to the town chief to tell him they are going to begin their ceremony in four days (December 4 or June 4), for during the ceremony the town chief will remain in his ceremonial house. The evening of the third day a Corn group assistant goes to the houses of all the men of the group, of all the wakuan, “‘his sons,” to summon them to a meeting at the chief’s house, at which he will tell them that he is going to begin to fast the following morning, for four days. If any wish to fast for this time or for a shorter period, one, two, or three days, they are to prepare forit. The following morning three men are chosen to go to all the houses of the group to tell the people that their wakukabede is going to fast and to say that if they wish they can 34 Danced in 1926. 85 Compare Census quoting Lummis, 112. 9 The attendants at the ceremony are called penin. Pe‘ means bed for planting. PARSONS] CALENDAR 291 help and fast for a day or a half a day. ... There isa rabbit hunt managed by the war captains for the Fathers, but whether it is held after or before their retreat begins I am somewhat uncertain; probably the second day of the retreat as the rabbits are destined for the supper feast at the close of the ceremony. . . . The chief takes a seat by the fireplace with his assistants. Of the attendants the men are on one side, the women on the other. The chief sings one song; then he gives permission to his assistants and to any attendants (amuwe’i) to sing. The chief summons his women assistants (keide, mother), who stand in front of him. He gives them permission to work with him, to get water and have their bowls ready for the purging and the head washing. (He has sent a man out the day before to get soapweed.) The women set out three bowls. Three by three the assistants kneel in front of a bowl, the chief assistant (auki’i) taking the vx y* middle bowl. Each x sprinkles pollen to Q q a y one side of the Y x bowl and from the K dipper drops some water to the east, north, west, and south, and at the x south point up and down. Then he drinks, his ( hair having been FIGURE 8.—Diagram for head washing and emetic ritual of Corn group. unbelted by the Chief at fireplace, and bowl for emesis. Three bowls for head washing, Matherashe knelt, another for cold water. Women to left, men to right since he may not drink without loose hair. After drinking each with- draws back of the fireplace and in the bowl set there vomits the warm water he has drunk. (Fig. 8.) The chief is the last to perform the rite. There is a song for this purging rite. Head washing follows.* Now the chief stands in the middle of the room and throws pollen toward the east. Prayer feather making follows. The chief bids the Mother to set out the basket, and a man assistant to bring down the box of ritual feathers from where it hangs to a beam. A feather is placed in front of each assistant, there are to be 12 feathers, the turkey feather, ‘‘the oldest one,” in front of the chief. All sing the song that belongs to work on the feathers. The Mother begins to grind the ritual black paint, with a duck feather dropping some water from her little bow] on to her stone * for grinding. From the assistants the cigarette passes to the other men who may be present and from them, if any- thing of the cigarette is left, to the women present (who always hope that none of the cigarette will be left over for them to smoke). The chief assistant drops two duck feathers into the medicine bowl. He takes up an ear of corn of the color of the group, holds it in both PS 25 Ot ® SS. moneicn — FiGure 10.—Altar and water jar in Corn group ceremonial hands by butt and tip, blows on the butt as he circles the bowl with it three times. Then he dips the tip in the water and sprinkles with it in circuit, everybody breathing in from their clasped hands. The assistant passes his hand over the bowl as if gathering something in which he gives to himself and then waves in circuit as if bestowing upon those present. This rite is called wakautu, a ceremonial term meaning imparting understanding or virtue, as well as the informant could express. Now the meal design of the altar is to be made. The chief assist- ant bids the Mother fetch the meal basket. She also removes the + A favorite incident in Pueblo folk tales to test a person’s power. PARSONS] CALENDAR 297 water jar to upper left corner and takes out the wahtainin. As the chief assistant sprinkles meal for the nake’e or nakitu’ (village), as the design proper is called, the others sing. The meal is of the color which characterizes the group. (In the case of the All Colors Corn groups meal of any color is used.) The arrow-point or blade on the altar is of corresponding color. The wahtainin are placed around the kity’, and the prayer feathers laid down. On each side of the lutu’ several ears of corn are stacked (for the name-getting infants), and at the foot of the kity’ is placed the medicine bowl. (See fig. 10.) Now the chief assistant chews the ritual root (tifiewah) and spits out all over the kity’. Chewing another piece, he spits out over those to the left in the room, beginning with the chief, then over those to the right. A Mother gives him some water to rinse his mouth, since he may not swallow any of this root, only the chief may swallow it. With the two duck wing feathers from the bow] the chief assistant sprinkles the kitu’, tapping one feather against the other. Similarly he thrice sprinkles the chief, who responds ka’a, father. All present he sprinkles in one circuit, saying, awa shie ukéweje your life arrow-point may you grow old All respond, ka’a, ka’a, ka’a. Now the chief takes the place of his assistant, sprinkling the altar with meal, and, with water from the duck feathers, his assistant who says ka’a, to which he responds tatu’ (my son). The chief chews the root which he has to swallow. — revre 11.—Chief of Corn group He picks up the arrow-point with his Saabs On IO) DESC WARD EEE . aot basket in hand left hand, and in his right holds some pol- len. Facing the east he begins to dance, the others singing. To help him the Mothers dance also. At a certain word in the song the chief sprinkles the pollen on the altar, saying ha’i, ha’i, truhi, truhi. Then in turn facing the north, west, and south he repeats this rite. Finally, for the fifth repetition he faces toward where the sun is shining through the roof hole; itisnoon. The chief puts the prayer feathers in the bas- ket, breathes from them and passes the basket on for each to breathe from as was described before. If there is not time for all to do this while the sun is shining through, from their seats they will merely throw meal toward the prayer feathers. (Fig. 11.) Now the Mother ties back the hair of the chief with corn husk. With basket in left hand and arrow-point in right he dances, pointing the stone up toward 6066°—32——20 298 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [pTH. ANN. 47 the sun and calling out, ha’i, ha/i, truhi, truhi. They conclude this song. Putting down the basket, the chief dances with his arrow point, drawing down the sun. Another song. Now the “sun’’ comes down and the ritual already described for this solar advent is re- peated. The five prayer feathers are tied to the ‘‘sun”’ by the chief and his assistant. With the ‘‘sun,” the chief dances again, waving the “sun.”? When the ‘“‘sun” opens, the people breathe in. The “sun” goes. The chief takes his seat by the fireplace. Same ritual as before at this time. Everybody rests. About one, the errand man (téashiu’de) ® arrives, at the door removing his moccasins and knocking. The Mother opens the door. Akuwam! says the man. The chief assist- ant bids him approach the medicine bowl and gives him a mouthful which he spits over himself. He sits down near the men attendants. There is general talk except on the part of the chief who is silent because he still has his power in him. The errand man reports that he went around town among his wakuaumnin (members of the group) to tell them to come in and get the water of their Corn Mother and to bring out their infants for the Mother to fetch. ... The chief assistant gives a cigarette to the chief. Smoking ritual. Now in his talk the chief states that this is their last day of fasting. Now the people begin to come in, to get their drink, at the door removing their shoes or moccasins. Each woman brings a basket of bread and a dish of beans or stew, setting the food in a corner of the outside room. ‘This is the time they sing the song about the emer- gence, giving the names of all the springs, beginning with those “from which we were born,” shipapy’, and kailirebe’ai,’ and of the moun- tains. . . . About four they begin to bring in the infants. By sun- down all have come in. The chief tells his assistant to lay on their side all the wahtainin. All the men present smoke, in the directions and on the altar, giving thanks to the wahtainin. A Mother restores the wahtainin to the bag. With duck feathers the chief assistant sweeps up the meal of the kitu’ of which every one has to get some to wrap in a corn husk. The chief assistant says they are to take it home to their corn storerooms to bury in their field in the springtime or, if a person has no field, to throw into the river. Then every one receives a drink from the medicine bow] and puts some of its contents in their own small bowl to take home. The chief addresses them all, thanking them, and releasing them. The Mothers bring in the presents of food, including the large bowlfuls from the women of the house. The largest basket with a bowl of stew in front of it are placed where the chief had stood in 6 Toa, call; shiu’de, ‘‘he this time.” 7 See pp. 359, 360. PARSONS] CALENDAR 299 front of the altar. Then a basket and bowl are set out for each assistant and behind these are rows of baskets all edged around the bowls of stew. (Fig. 12.) The chief assistant and the assistant next to him start from different sides to go around these baskets and dishes, each carrying a tortilla into which he puts bits of the food, the first man carrying the tortilla in his left hand and picking up the bits with his right hand, the second man reversing this, carrying with his right and gathering with his left. Both men go up to the chief who puts some tobacco on each food collection. The first or right-hand man takes some meal from the basket with his right hand, the second, or left-hand man, with his left hand. They return to the farther end of the baskets and wave their food collection in circuit. All present perform the exorcising slicing motion. Then the two assistants go out to the ash pile where they pray, the right-hand man feeding Weide, the left-hand man feeding the dead. They return and tel] the others what they have done and that Weide and the dead have sent them their washiha, they have AX M4 XX got their food, what is left ‘their M4 29605 * sons’’mayeat. The chief goes to a, dng? Se KR x the basket and bowl of the first x enone: o- x assistant, takes a little, prays to KS; rma 2: X Weide, for permission to feed SG eee —* “his son,” and puts the food in ae his mouth. This he does for each je assistant. Then he takes his own seat and the chief assistant in turn feeds him, while the others give FIGuRE 12.—Food distribution in Corn group thanks to Weide and to the people aoe and ask that all may get more food, for themselves and for all the town. Then the chief gives permission to all to eat. After eating, the last assistant (téaiwe’1) divides all that is left between attendants, appropri- ating one basket and dish for the people of the house, another basket and dish, as is usual, for the town chief to be taken to him the following morning by a Mother, and another basket and dish for the stillborn. Now the chief gives permission to all to go home and take their food with them, after joining their relatives who have been waiting outside in another room for them. The last assistant will have told one of the attendants to return early in the morning, before sunrise. When this man returns he finds the chief and his assistants sitting around the fireplace (fig. 13), where they have been making for the stillborn (yéimau) a prayer stick, which consists of an unpainted piece of willow, measured on the last two joints of the middle finger, and tied to the end several humming 300 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 bird (w‘ewotushuriure) feathers. Now the group stands. (Fig. 13.) The extra man or outside helper, we may call him, is instructed to take some crurnbs from the basket and bowl that have been reserved for this purpose, i. e., to feed the stillborn. The chief sprinkles meal in the directions and then sprinkles a meal road to the door, over which the last assistant and the outside helper pass and leave the house, the one carrying the food offering, the other the prayer stick. The two are referred to as tékumi’we which may mean “they who are going to feed the stillborn.” The last assistant tells his companion not to turn back or look to one side.6 When the two arrive at Nam/pekéto’ade® they find there a bank with a hole in it, through which the last assistant throws meal, then goes in a little way, extend- ing his hand with the prayer stick, praying, and waiting for the still- born to take the prayer stick from him. This they do. Then he with- draws and calls to the outside helper, who L ra | has been throwing his Xo % meal and burying his * = crumbs under anear-by a bush. Both men run We for a little way and then walk back to their ceremonial house. As usual, they say aku- wam! then, after enter- Pane a maa em i jing the last diab tells the story of the whole affair from the time they made the prayer stick to their return, what they met on their way, how the stillborn took the prayer stick, how they ran, and then walked back. By this time the sun has risen. All go out and throw pollen to the sun and give thanks. When they reenter the house they dismiss the outside helper who carries with him (as pay) the basket and bowl from which he had taken the crumbs. Now the chief and his assist- ant go to the ceremonial house of the town chief ' to tell him all about the ceremony they have accomplished. Returning from the town chief they tell the waiting assistants of how they made their report. All thank one another. The chief gives permission to all to leave. The ceremony is finished. © As in feeding the dead at Nambe’ (Parsons, 19: 236). ® See p.318. There has been a proposal to run a highway near this sacrosanct place, to which the towns- people will not agree. 10 During the days of the ceremony the town chief has remained in his house to receive reports, but he has not himself engaged in ceremonial. PARSONS] CALENDAR 301 The ceremonies of all the Corn groups are said to be identical. The White Corn group go in a day ahead of the others. No order of retreat is set for the other Corn groups except that the shichu group is the last to go in. The medicine societies also observe a retreat, performing their own distinctive ceremonial of which in so far as it may differ from their other ceremonies I have no account, except that, like the Corn groups, they send up prayer feathers to the sun through the opening in the roof of their room and also early on the fifth morning send out prayer feathers to Yémaupienai, as the place of the stillborn is also called. The medicine societies go in two days after the White Corn group go in. CEREMONY OF BRINGING IN THE HORNED SERPENT Kumpa talks at night with the town chief about the time for bringing in ikaina. On the set night, about December 15, all the fathers will be present—kumpa wed and his assistant, kabew‘iride, the A oe town chief, the =— jf war chief, the hunt ~~~ __ chief, the chiefs h and chief assist- © ants of the two a“ medicine societies, the chiefs of the Corngroups. The wh Me only outsiders al- t lowed in are the three sealp takers, FIGURE Sa shat am nee a pane Peet a, Mother. 6, S.Ct g. d, Meal baske and it was from one of these that my informant had his account of the ceremony." No women would be present, nor youths, and those present sit with bowed heads, ‘‘thinking about haying a good heart,” lest ikainare jumpatthem. ‘People had to have a big heart to go into that room.”’ There the fathers sing all evening, until about 10 when they go home to return about 3 in the morning. By that time kumpa has his altar in place. On a buckskin are set his Mother, his stone point, ke‘chu, pollen bag, and a meal basket, under all some meal. Light- ning designs are painted on the buckskin with ‘‘powders.” (Fig. 14.) Kumpa is nude but for breechclout and bandoleer, his auti’we himai, the bag he keeps his power in. Kabew‘iride is dressed in buckskin (like the Grandfathers) ; in his left hand his k’oata stone (see p. 259), in his right, a small black gourd rattle. Kumpa dances, calling out, ‘Which should not be taken as an accurate account. 302 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [BTH. ANN. 47 ahi ahi truhi truhi, the familiar call. The others present help with their song. Kumpa sprinkles pollen in the directions, he dances, calls out, hisses. He is going to work to bring lightning. He tells somebody to open the door, then as he throws pollen toward one of the two lightning designs on the buckskin altar, ightning actually flashes in through the doorway.” Kumpa says, ‘‘Upiri tupu,” lightning, (?) see! He throws pollen on the other lightning design and again the lightning flashes in. Kumpa says to lightning, ‘‘ Hu’pi- tanin’!” Stay still! and lightning stops at the two altar designs. To those present kumpa says, ‘“‘The road of ikainare is now cleaned up,” i. e., opened. Kumpa is dancing and calling, looking toward the door. Kabew‘i- ride is singing: Ikanare kaare atur’jire (ikanare father drawing him ?). In comes ikainare, short and chunky. He hisses, shooting out his tongue. All stand up; kabew‘iride says, Hu’pitanin’! hu’pitanin’! Stay still! Stay still! They throw pollen to him which he sucks into his mouth. He lies down on the back of the buckskin as if asleep. The two chiefs of the medicine societies come and sprinkle him with pollen and meal. Kabew‘iride bids ikainare to feed from the basket of meal and he proceeds to suck in the meal. All smoke in the directions and to ikainare. Kumpa makes an address, giving thanks that the dangerous one did not beset them. The town chief gives his medicine bowl to the war chief who gives it to kumpa who spits from it on ikainare, saying, héwaiawa chiache kikaawe wai’ide upiri sémba that you may have a long life our father antelope-deer lightning man a’pisheche kikaawe shia mudoye aki’beche cleans up for you our father stone point guards takes care of you papthur weba adk6’weche pollen actually (?) reaches you Now all leave but kumpa, kabew‘'iride, the town chief, the war chief, the hunt chief, the medicine society chiefs, all of whom go on with the ceremony of which they alone know until the following noon, when, after paying ikainare with beads and turquoise around his neck, they send him up to the sun.” In the ceremony, whenever ikainare has hissed he has been cleaning up the town, washing away whatever is bad. This night the elders tell you not to go around outside, lest ikainare catch you. And the women close the doors and windows. 12 Compare Tewa, Parsons 17: 89. See Lummis 2: 83. 13 In the folk tale he who was to become the horned serpent was the son of the sun, throwing the sun’s kick stick, (See p, 372.) PARSONS] CALENDAR 303 CHRISTMAS EVE AND CHRISTMAS DANCES, 1925 As we crossed the town about 10 p. m., rows of lanterns were to be seen on the roofs of 't several houses, a dozen or more, and there were small bonfires, one in the plaza, one in the church yard, one on the outskirts, on the farther side of the drainage canal. These are the night lights or fires which give the name to the season—nofe, night fire, i. e., Christmas. The dance was to be by moiety, and the Black Eyes came out first, from house 13, their house. Into the church, crowded with visitors from Albuquerque and with townspeople, the dancers walked, a space in the center of the church having been cleared for them by five or six men, each wearing a red blanket and holding aloft a candle. A dab of white paint was on their cheeks. Among these men I recognized the chief of the White Corn people and the sheriff. The choir of five or six men and the drummer stood near the entrance of the church and from that point the 12 dancers started to dance step toward the altar, in single file, men and women alternating. The line turned, danced back to the choir, turned again and repeated its single file movement. Then the men and women separated into vis-4-vis lines, the men on the east side, the women on the west. A necklace of bear claws is worn, the claws fastened to a strip of bear fur, and the precious péshk6 or crystal for second sight is pendent from the neck. There is a wristlet (kafi) of cow- hide set with arrow points or olivella shells. The two exorcising eagle feath- ers are carried in the left hand, a bear paw is in the right. (Fig. 15.) To return to the ceremony, after “cleaning up” thefood, the Fathers take position in front of their altar (figs. 16, 17); they dance; they circulate among the people, saying truhi’! truhi’! The chief assistant passes from the altar to the door, making brushing motions with his feathers. He is cleaning the road; and at the door he makes the cutting or slicing and discarding motions with the feathers. Two assistants go around the walls, one going in one direction, one in the other, exorcising with their feathers. One goes to the fireplace in the ceremonial room and one to the fireplace in the next room, where FIGURE 15.—Town Father 23 Compare Laguna, Parsons 8: 119. Also a Tewa practice. 310 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 the food is, to exorcise with ashes. One goes to ‘‘clean” the ceremonial house of the town chief, the Black Eyes’ roundhouse and kiva; the other goes to ‘‘clean” the shure’ roundhouse and kiva and the house of the shure’ chief. While they are absent the chief works at the altar; on their return he performs the ritual of bringing down the sun (see pp. 292, 298). The chief sends two assistants in each direction, bidding the war chief to send a war captain with each couple to clean out in each direction. They say they go to the end of the world within an hour.“ ‘The war cap- tains go only to the edges of the town to wait for them. Drop- ping their baskets, they say to the accompanying war captain, “Good-bye. Ask Weeide to help me so | may return and see you again.” They run a little way, then you see them flying intheair. (Informant who once served as war captain asserts that he saw this flying in the air in thedaytime) Like “call boys” they go and notify the Chiefs (kabere) of the Directions to 3 come at night and help. While w: they are absent, the chief looks FIGURE 16.—Altar of Town Fathers in ceremony of into his crystal to see where general cleansing. The Mothers set in mud ridge; c medicine water bowl; meal design with fetishes they have gone and where the (keenim); long line of shunad (shunai); prayer- war captains are. He puts the feathers; stone point; meal basket a crystal back into place and says, ““Well, my sons, everything looks all right,” or he may say, ‘“‘Some- body is near the war captain, perhaps a Mexican.” If anything goes wrong on their journey he will tell the people. At this time the witch chief is around. Should he meet a medicine man he would fight with him, as he does not want him to achieve anything good. The witch chief may be carrying with him worms, grasshoppers, all the pests of the fields. Then the medicine men would pursue him to take from him his bundle of pests. They may be delayed. The chief will describe to the people the course of the pursuit and struggle, telling which medi- 24 Such was also the claim of the nun Maria de Jestis whose flights from Spain to New Mexico occurred in 1620-1631. These “‘flights’’ were known to Benavides and, inferably, to the padres at Sandia and Isleta, notably to Fray Juan de Salas, missionary to Isleta, to the Tigua to the south, and to the Jumano. These last, a non-Pueblo people, asked for baptism because of the young woman who came down from the hills to talk to them. Now the Jumano were neighbors to the southern Tigua who about 1675 migrated to Isleta. (Benavides, 58-59, 275-277.) PARSONS] CALENDAR 331 UTh cine man captures the witch bundle (naléa). The people say, “Thanks! thanks!”” when they hear that the bundle is captured. The chief says, ‘‘They are coming.’’ He begins to sing to call them in, singing three songs. Then one by one they knock at the door, saying aukuwam! They may be several minutes apart. The war captains follow. The captor of the bundle stands, the others take their seats. The chief assistant holds the captor around his arms; the chief tries to take the bundle from him; but he clasps it so tight the chief can not get it from him. Then kumpa, who “‘has his power on him” (i. e., he is wearing his bandoleer and pouch), makes a cross on the door with his stone point, and encircles the room, by the walls. After that it becomes easy for the chief to take away the bundle. He puts it near the stone point of the altar. Then there is the usual smoking ritual for those who have been out, and, as usual, they make report of their trip. With the altar blade the chief cuts apart the bundle. In- side the rags are worms, grasshoppers, ha’u (? snails) °° or potato bugs, which are ay d exhibited to the people. ... ** | e The chief, town chief, kumpa, As { J i war chief, and others make a oF wos" Sin line and one by one step on X the yucea crosses on the floor and spit into the bow] of cot- ton, and encircle the snake Ficure 17.—Altar of Laguna Fathers. Crosses on ground design. (Fig. 17.) All this made with yucca. Jar for ritual spittle at left. Medi- . cine water bowl at top of meal design. The Mothers, to song. All resume their apove places and the chief dismisses the people, about 3 p.m., to go and eat dinner. About 5 p. m. the people get ready to take food to the house of their Corn group, and thence to one or the other of the medicine societies. They leave the food in the first room they enter, and taking their blankets to sit on, pass on into the ceremonial room. . . . The war chief sends a war captain to ‘‘close” the street péabahéa, also the ‘‘gate”’ between houses 18 and 19.* The ceremonial resumed, the chief performs the ritual of drawing in the animals, showing the fetishes (kerchu) to the people and then placing them in the medicine bowl. Through his crystal he looks for the witches who may be lurking outside, showing them through the crystal to his assistants who utter the cries of mountain lion and bear and eagle and make gestures of pulling the bow. All smoke ritually. The chief addresses the people, asking them to have good thoughts ~ % Corn pest. It is the size of one’s nail, brown, with horn on its head. 20 References to lost map. 33112 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [eri, ANN. 47 and help in the ceremony. With his stone point and his exorcising feathers the chief dances, approaching the medicine bowl and peering into it in order to see what is going on everywhere outside. He gestures into the bowl as if pulling a bow. He performs the ritual of bringing in lightning and thunder (see p. 339). The assistants leave their seats and, standing in front of the altar, exorcise with their feathers. One of them carries away the jar of exorcism, first waving it in the directions where the people spit toward it. Now the assist- ants go out ‘‘to clean with their feathers” (exorcise) all the ceremonial houses, the plaza, the corrals into which all the horses have been brought, and they even “‘clean” the river. On the return of his assistants the chief begins to chew some of the medicine society root, moving around the altar as the assistants sing, until he sits down in front of the altar, swaying under the effect of the root. ‘This is the time he is going in heart (spirit) around the world.”’ During the hour or more his “heart” is away, the people may not move into the passage through the room which has been kept open, ‘‘because the chief’s heart is out.’’ Now his chief assistant leaves his place and peers into the medicine bowl; with a drawing-in gesture he begins to call back the ‘“‘heart”’ of the chief. At last the “heart” returns; the chief stretches his arms, first one, then the other. The chief assistant orders the door closed—while the “heart”? was gone it was open. The chief is now in possession of the witch bundle. It was because of having it that the chief assistant had to help him back. The chief shows the bundle to the people, who spit toward it. He places the bundle in a large bowl, resumes his place in the line behind the altar, where the war chief gives him a cigarette to smoke ritually. . . . The chief assistant looks into the crystal where he may see some sick person asking to be cured. Three assistants will go out to cure him. Sometimes an assistant will draw on a bear’s paw and going up to somebody will slap him with the paw on the shoulder and press his chest and then show him something he has taken out of him, per- haps a cactus point, something a witch has sent into him. On one occasion the Father took out in this way from the girl sitting next to our informant a little piece of manta cloth. The girl began to ery. Then the Father rubbed the paw on her neck and brought out a lighted candle. Showing it to the people, he said that a boy the girl had refused to marry had sent these things into her. In a few days, before she could have married any one else, she would have died. Now she was safe. This showed how powerful were the Fathers, commented our informant. A witch might be working evil against you for a year, and then in one ceremony “‘the Father would take it away.” PARSONS] CALENDAR Sls This doctoring by exorcising may be kept up until the early morning, about 3 a. m., when the tawinide” ritual begins. The chief begins to dance to the singing of his assistants. Presently a rabbit is seen in his hand, there through his power. He gives the rabbit to the hunt chief who says ha’u’! ha’u! ha’u! (thanks! thanks! thanks!) and gives it to the war chief who stands out in the middle of the room showing the rabbit to the people and saying, ‘“‘What power our Fathers have, to bring in a live rabbit! Believe in them!” The war chief gives the rabbit to the chief who places it near the altar, drawing a circle around it with his stone point, “‘tying it so it can not move away.’ Again the chief shows the people his hands empty. He moves around, sits down, sways, comes to, saying ahi! ahi! truhi, truhi! He has something under his left arm, and he whistles. The lightning flashes, the thunder sounds. You hear the rain falling into the medicine bowl into which lightning has also passed, and thunder. If it is going to be a good year the thunder sounds several times, if a bad year with no rain, it sounds once or twice only or perhaps three times. The chief summons an assistant who shows the tawinide of the crops—corn and wheat sprouting in mud—to the town chief, the hunt chief, and the war chief, all saying ha’u! ha’u! The chief makes the drawing in gestures from the corn ears pictured on the walls (pl. 17), and his hands fill with kernels, of which he gives three, first to the town chief, then to the other Fathers, then to every one present. (It is for this, to get the new seeds, the people like to go to this ceremony.) Sometimes the chief will draw the seeds, not from the wall pictures, but from the altar ears.” He shakes the iema’paru out of which the grains fall for the people to scramble for. Finally they clean the road. It is nearly sunrise. All smoke ritually. The chief addresses the people, holding in his hand two or three of the iema’paru, and at the end of his talk, displaying them in waving motions to the people who breathe from their own clasped hands. Four assistants stand up, two with bowls of medicine water, two with dippers. They pair off, taking different sides of the room to give the medicine water to the people. Visits are exchanged between the two houses of the medicine societies, each sending six members to the house of the other to cleanse with their feathers the people in the house. After this the war chief gives the people permission to go home. The Fathers remain to remove the altar and to dress. The bear and lion claw necklace each has worn must be removed by “7 In English rendered ‘‘new year’’; but this is probably a paraphrase since new year is tawin (year) kui (good). *7a Compare Lummis 2 : 85, 253. 6066°—32 21 314 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 the chief or his assistant, just as it had to be put on by one of them. Each Father rubs his eyes and makes the gestures of throwing away. ... Food is distributed as already described (see pp. 299, 309). After this ceremony people may begin to work in their fields; for as early as February wheat is to be planted. RITUAL FOR EXPELLING GRASSHOPPERS The years the grasshoppers are bad, when the crops are coming up there is a ceremony ‘“‘to condemn the head grasshopper (kauru kabede).”’ The town chief tells kumpa to instruct the war chief to initiate the ritual which is to be conducted by the medicine societies in the roundhouses, the Town Fathers in that of the Black Eyes, the Laguna Fathers in that of the shure’. The ritual is performed at night and is in general like that of the cleaning of the fields. Through a crystal the chief locates the grasshopper chief. The chief assistant and another find him and take him away. Like bees, the grasshoppers will follow their chief. KACHINA BASKET DANCE Any night in winter a man may ask for this dance, Hwa licha por, kachina basket dance, the men who are giving the dance asking per- mission of the town chief. There are in town five houses which con- tain the old time grinding stones, five or six in a row, and in one of these houses the dance will be performed, as the women grind the meal which is needed to give to the Fathers. In other words, it is ceremonial meal which is ground on these occasions. In the dance there are four male figures, and three female imper- sonations by men, with a man, as they say at Zui, to beat the bundle. Sitting on a folded blanket, he beats with a stick on a bundled sheep pelt. He is called wa; he wears little deer horns. This part is taken by the man who asked for the dance. The male dancers wear a buckskin mantle, no kilt, at the back of the head a fan of turkey tail feathers; their face painted white with red lines across the cheeks; in the left hand, bow and arrow; in the right, a gourd rattle. The female impersonators carry an arrow in the right hand, a shallow basket in the left. They wear the white Hopi blanket or manta and women’s moccasins; their hair hangs loose; their face is red all over except a white horizontal line across each cheek. People come in to see the dance, and after the dancers leave these visitors themselves dance the Mexican quadrille (Mex., hanchi; Isleta, kurpér‘*). PARSONS] CALENDAR aS) CEREMONY OF INITIATION INTO MEDICINE SOCIETY (LAGUNA FATHERS )*8 Initiations take place in February. Much preparation is neces- sary: wood to be hauled, food prepared; beads and feathers to be obtained to embellish the new iema’paru. Beads will be contributed by the man’s relations, there may be a hundred dollars’ worth of beads for iema’paru, and the man will go to San Domingo to get the needed parrot tail feathers (see p. 277). On the part of the society there is a retreat with fast of four days, during which time the initiate stays in a room of his own house, un- visited by his family; his ceremonial father, who is any one of the society members he has chosen, has to feed him. Wheat flour is taboo. During this time the aunt (probably father’s sister) of the initiate will prepare various things: cotton, a big basket of smoking tobacco, a belt, a pair of moccasins, hair belt, hair broom, water bowl. On the afternoon of the fourth day the chief comes to fetch the initiate, leading him by the tips of his eagle wing feathers (see p. 283). With her prepared things, the aunt follows. On reaching the cere- monial room the initiate and his aunt sprinkle meal on the altar. The chief takes the initiate in to the next room where his aunt will take care of him; that evening she may not leave him alone. He must keep his mind on asking iema’paru to help him, that he may not be afraid. He must be strong. A war captain goes to summon rela- tives to the ceremonial room. Other war captains are outside on watch against the witches who are always lurking about on these occasions.” The chief cleans all present with his feathers (see p. 445). The chief summons the Corn mothers, ke‘chu, thunder and lightning. The chief brings in the initiate and his aunt who takes a seat at the fireplace. The initiate has to sit near the stone point on the altar and next to the keide, the senior woman member of the society who is to act as his Mother. She has an eagle feather in her hair; cotton is stuck to her body; she wears a white Hopi blanket. Now around both Mother and initiate as they sit near the altar a white blanket is wrapped, which means that the initiate is to be born from the Mother. The initiate has to stand on the head of the snake design on the altar, and step along the outline of the snake, holding to the chief’s eagle wing feathers, the chief walking alongside, not in front. Then the initiate steps on the yucca made crosses (fig. 17) and spits into the bow] for the spittle of exorcism. All present follow the same course. The initiate resumes his place next to his Mother. The Fathers stand and surround the initiate, making all kinds of animal sounds and with their feathers cleaning up (exorcising) the * The initiation ceremony of the Town Fathers was the same, opined our informant, but he had seen only that of the Laguna Fathers. 29 See p. 430. 316 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 initiate and the Mother. Over them the chief puts back the manta. Then from under the manta the Mother draws forth the new iema/- paru which through the power of the chief has been born from the Mother. The chief shows the iema’paru to those present who say ha’u! ha’u! thanks! thanks! The Mother and the initiate sprinkle meal on theiema’paru. The chief with his feathers takes the initiate to the next room; 1. e., the initiate follows the chief holding to the tips of the feathers. ... The new iema’paru is placed to the right of the altar blade and all, beginning with the father or wife of the initiate, have to sprinkle meal on it. Then the Fathers sprinkle it with meal. The Fathers perform the smoking ritual, in the directions and to the new iema’paru. All the men present smoke. The chief preaches about the new iema’paru or keide and how everything has come out well. The chief fetches back the initiate, holding behind to the tips of the feathers. The initiate, who has now the power of clairvoyance, and the chief stand looking at the people whose hearts they can see and tell what they are thinking about. Again the initiate is seated next to the Mother and around them the Fathers sit ina semicircle. The chief tells the initiate to stand and look into the medicine bowl. Sometimes the initiate faints when he first looks into the bowl, for the first things he sees are dead persons. The Fathers are singing. The others are asking Weide to help the initiate. A second and third time he looks into the bowl. The chief takes the “sun”? which has lain to the right of the altar blade and puts it on top of the manta with which he has covered the Mother and the initiate. Now is the time the initiate is going to be born, a new ka’a. The others give animal and bird calls. The chief is standing with his arms around the Mother and the initiate under the manta. The chief calls out manabe‘puwe Weelde, ‘thank God.” Then they know he is being born. All the Fathers stand. One holds the Mother, the chief and his assistant hold the initiate. In her place to the right they seat the Mother again, giving her a drink from the medicine bowl. From under the manta the initiate comes forth as a bear." ‘That is the way they are born, in the form of a bear.” They lead the bear to his wife or father whom he slaps with his paws and from him or her takes out a naléa which he places in front of the new iema’paru. Then bear who is being held under the arms by one of the assistants takes naléa from all present, including the fathers who are sitting in the usual place behind the altar. Then bear from his position in front of the altar blade ‘‘cleans”’ the beings represented on the walls. (Pl. 17.) The chief gives him his own seat, the middle one, in the line of the Fathers, who now perform smoking ritual, giving thanks to ‘God.’ The Fathers repeat the 208 Compare Lummis 2: 86. PARSONS] CALENDAR 317 feather cleansing ritual. The chief leads bear in front of the altar blade, where the town chief and kumpa sprinkle him with meal, followed by his wife or father, and the others. The chief leads bear in to the next room where his bearskin falls off. The chief paints him all over with pakatama (a blue-black pigment), spots him all over with cotton, and gives him his eagle feathers and stone point. They return quickly. The people pray, and some of them will cry. The initiate sprinkles meal on his own iema’paru, which the chief gives him to hold in his right hand, resting it in the crook of his left arm, the left arm folded over the right forearm. In this position he preaches to the people, giving thanks for everything having come out well. After this he is led by the chief to his permanent seat, at the end of the line of Fathers, with his iema’paru in front of him, and his living ‘‘mother,” the keide, to sit next to him. After so placing her, the chief takes his own seat in the middle of the line. Now the chief assistant and then others and the initiate stand in front of the altar blade, the chief assistant showing the initiate the crystal to look into and see the world. Then all go out, going in the directions, all around the world. They return and resume their seats. One of the assistants gives a drink of the medicine water to all present, with permission to leave. The Fathers remain. The altar is dismantled (see p. 298). In the morning the chief assistant conducts the initiate home, where people come to call on him. LIWAPOR OR SHARU’POR (LAND TURTLE DANCE) *” This is danced in February, at no fixed time.*! The moiety chiefs are the managers; and the moiety Grandfathers (te’en) come out to play, but the shichu Corn group has a prominent part, presenting a distinctive night dance which is to call the snow or rain. The name of the general dance, land turtle dance, indicates that it is a shure’ dance, inost significant evidence that the shure’ are, Winter people. (See, too, p.262,n.76.) Both moieties are represented, however, in the dance, the dancers coming out in alternating moiety sets. They dance in the plaza, on the east and west sides, sometimes for two days, sometimes for four. Men only. The headdress differs from that of the pinitu or spruce dance, otherwise the dancers are similarly arrayed, and spruce is fetched for them and received by them as in the pinitu dance. Instead of the k’apyo there are the Grandfathers who serve as watchers and who are the ones to give permission to catch the turtles. The dancer’s headdress is a plaque, round or square, of colored cotton encircled by feathers, to which % The leg rattle is made of sharu, land turtle; in the pinitu dance (see p. 335) the rattle of the shure’ is land turtle, and the rattle of the Black Eyes, water turtle (bakorare). 3! Seasonal vicissitudes and the time of planting (see p.321) have probably some bearing on the date of this dance and of the dance which follows it, tiwa fynide. 318 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 horizontally two eagle wing feathers are attached with corn husk and red and green yarn. (Fig. 18.) In the evening in the public kiva patyukwane is presented by the shichu chief. There are a drummer and three singers, and two men and two women dancers. ‘These dancers have been practicing in the house of the shichu chief. The women wear the Hopi blanket, and in their hair is a white eagle feather. The men wear clothes of buck- skin, their face is whitened. They carry ¢ gourd rattle and a crook cane to which eagle feathers are attached. The drum is whitened. Any woman present may join in the dancing, moving their arms up and down, and _ stretching them in front. Halala this dancing is called, and it means FIGURE IS eee in land- “they are helping them.” After this dance is finished for the evening, the two sets of tiwa dancers come in to dance in succession. In his house at this time the shichu chief keeps medicine water for any one who wants it to drink. And any infant might be taken to him to be given a name. Children thus named are those who in later life he puts into his dance. . . . The morning after the dance the shichu chief deposits prayer feathers out toward the west at Nampeik6téa’, where is the shrine of the stillborn. IRRIGATION DITCH RITUAL AND DANCE The mayordomo tell the town chief they are going to start the communal work on the 5-mile ditch. The town chief notifies the moiety chiefs, and he and they, kumpa, and the war chief begin to fast; i. e., remain continent, the first day the work of three days begins. On the fourth morning these five men go out to the end of the ditch to perform ritual. This morning the crier has called out to the people to run the water. The governor and the other elective officers go to the river to pray, carrying a cross the sacristan has had blessed by the padre. The cross is planted in the river bank. The five Fathers are also praying by the river, to which they have carried 12 prayer feathers to pay to the Water people for water to run into the ditch for the year’s crop. The feathers are thrown into the river; also bits from the bundle of sample crops (tawenide) each moiety chief carries. The mayordomo tell the men to run the water. As all assemble, the town chief bids them give thanks for the coming year and urges them all to behave well. The moiety chiefs, first as usual, the Black Eyes, then the shure’, repeat the same exhortations and add that the men must tell their families to go to the river before sunrise the morning following to sprinkle pollen and meal. (This PARSONS] CALENDAR 319 they do, and after sprinkling people immerse their hands and then draw them out in a sweeping gesture as if drawing something to themselves, the something being understood to be the bits offered in the river of watermelons, melons, corn, ete., from the moiety bundles.) The chief of the Black Eyes has a bundle of black paint (koafunt6), the chief of the shure’ a bundle of red (pari’).** The men present line up by moiety, each passing his moiety chief and helping himself to a bit of paint which he proceeds with index finger and thumb to snap up toward the sun, at the same time asking for what he wants—long life, crops, ete. After the first round by all present there is a second in which the paint is snapped in the five directions. On the third round the paint is applied to the man’s own face in a spot or line under the eyes. ... Now the lunch everybody has brought with him in a napkin is eaten, everybody as usual dropping crumbs in his right hand to Weide, in his left, to the dead. The five Fathers who have been fasting now eat also. In fact, the lunch at large is thought of as a kind of accompaniment to the lunch of the fasting Fathers—‘‘ We help them eat.” The town chief tells the men to walk back to town. Little boys have already started back with the wagons. The men go by moiety. The town chief walks ahead, under his blanket sprinkling meal, making the road. After him walk the chief of the Black Eyes and his assist- ants. Then kumpa and war chief, then the Black Eyes at large. At the head of the shure’ walk their chief, his assistants, and the assistants of kumpa and war chief. Each moiety chief carries his tawenide. All the Fathers sing, different songs in each moiety. . . . As the Mexicans pass them on their 5-mile walk they say, ‘‘The Indians have run the water with prayer; we are going to have a good year.” The procession halts at the railroad crossing, near the drainage ditch. The women watch it from the housetops. Two Black Eye boys fetch the dark-colored drum of the Black Eyes and their turtle shell rattle (pa’kwara);** and two shure’ boys fetch the red drum of the shure’ and their gourd rattles. The war captains have to use the drums and in each moiety six men are appointed to use their respective rattles. They start into town, singing, drumming, and rattling. The women come out to meet them. The women breathe on the meal they have carried with them and throw it toward the tawenide, Black Eye women throwing toward the Black Eye bundle, shure’ women toward the shure’ bundle. Then the women of each moiety fall into position between the moiety chief and the other Fathers and the moiety men members. As they all proceed, the women move their 32 See pp. 320, 335. 8 Tin bells are strung into holes around the shell. The hand fits into a strap. 320 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 arms up and down. In the plaza there will be other women and chil- dren to throw meal on the crops bundles. Before the ceremonial house of the town chief the procession stops and the war chief calls out to the people to gaze on the crops bundles. Each moiety chief removes the cover from the bundle which he holds in both hands in front of his chest. The town chief steps up to look, saying yayu, yayu (a ceremonial term). Kumpa follows, then all in turn, every- body saying yayu, yayu. The town chief, kumpa, the war chief, and the moiety chiefs withdraw into the house of the town chief to per- form ritual of which none knows anything but themselves. The people remain outside singing. The moiety chiefs reappear, each standing in front of his moiety group, to thank them and give each a drink from their bowl of medi- cine water. Sometimes a member of one moiety will visit the other moiety, in which case the chief will sprinkle water on him from his mouth; but a drink he would not give him. Only a member of the moiety may drink the moiety’s medicine water. The moiety chiefs now dismiss the people, saying they may proceed to perform the uwepore, fertility dance (uwe’ refers to a woman who has many children). This dance, referred to in English as ditch dance or round dance, is danced in a circle, antisunwise, men and women alternating.” Each moiety forms its own circle, both dancing at the same time. In one connection I was told that the k’apyo * come out at this time. RITUAL OF FETCHING RED PAINT GOS Red paint (pari’) is to be found * “in a rock’? on Nahorai, the highest peak of the Manzano Mountains, the range east of Isleta. Youths are appointed by the moiety chiefs to get the paint, which is used ritualistically by racers and ditch workers. They are given prayer feathers to deposit in the mountain spring where the wahtainin live of whom they are asking the pigment. The water of the spring is “boiling,” * i. e., bubbling, and the prayer feathers, after they are put in, disappear. The pigment lies in rock which is hard, but after you have asked properly, 1. e., with the prayer feathers, for the pigment, it becomes soft enough to take out with your fingers. You should not take much, only what you need. The story goes that once a boy was about to take too much and the pigment began to 4 Compare Jemez, Parsons, 16: 77. 85 Recently on this occasion the moiety chiefs were drunk and the moiety circles intermingled, for which ritual transgression the dancers were whipped. Consequently, in 1926, ‘‘these boys’’ refused to dance pinitu. 36 See pp. 333 ff. 37 The Supai (Isletan, Kawia) of Arizona are also said to have this red pigment. 88 This is a stock description of our informant who is referring to the motion of the water of a spring rather than to its temperature, PARSONS] CALENDAR ByAll harden so that he could get only what he needed. The place is called paripeai, red paint in the water. PLANTING RITUAL Seed grain is taken by people to the town chief who with kumpa and the shichu kabede performs ceremonial, any specific account of which I was unable to get from my informant. Merely that the town chief placed the seed on a buckskin, sprinkling it with medicine water; that the exorcising stone point was used, and songs were sung— a simple ritual. LIWA FU’NIDE (DARK), DARK KACHINA This is danced in February—March after the Hwa dance, to have a good spring for the crops. There is a 4-day retreat by the dancers in the moiety kivas when they prepare what they need. During these four days people may not go to the ash piles. Daily, early in the morning, about 3 o’clock, the moiety chiefs go out to the four corners of the plaza, and call out, probably to Hwa fu’nide. (But they do not bring him into town as liwale is brought in.) * During this time one or two young men go on horseback for spruce, to White Eagle Mountain where the Hwa funi live. The man who ‘“‘has wanted the dance” * and who, after getting permission from the town chief, will be the head man, sends forth the spruce gatherers. In case of hurry the medicine men will be asked to get the spruce, for they have only to send out an assistant and, performing ritual, to have him reach the mountain and return in half an hour. As he starts they sing a song and by the time they have sung a second song he is back. He has flown by their power. For such service in getting spruce the medicine men will be paid a hair belt or a pair of garters, a bundle of cotton, and a bundle of tobacco. The Grandfathers (te’en) comeout. On the first day they go about town, lowering the house ladders. On the second day the Grand- fathers call out to the women to sweep their yards; and to the young men each to bring two or three sticks of wood to their respective kivas. On the third day the dancers, led by the moiety chiefs and their assistants, go out to meet the youths returning with spruce, who have to ford the river, using neither bridge nor boat. On the town side, dry clothes are at hand for the spruce gatherers, and a fire. They dance and sing, teasing songs. Anybody in town may be referred to. The Black Eye boys will tease shure’ people; the shure’, Black Eye people. Gossip of any kind serves. For example, a boy courting a girl had offered her land which she would 39 See p. 332. 40 Compare Parsons, 15:65, 71. Possibly, as among the Hopi, ‘‘the man who wants the dance”’ has had sickness in his family. 322 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 not accept because only nae’ra (some animal smaller than a mouse) lived on it;i. e.,it was not arable. The song about this was considered very amusing, ‘“‘people laughed and laughed.”” Again there was a song about a boy who was in a girl’s house when he saw her parents coming and he ran out through the window. Unable to get an Indian girl for a wife, he began to court a Mexican girl. He asked a certain old man with a beard to help him. Late at night the old go-between carried some*! beans and two cans of sardines to the house of the Mexican girl. Her father came to the door provoked by so late a call. He grabbed the old man by the beard, and the Isleta boy had torun away. He threw himself on his bed, saying it was no use trying to get married. The next morning he cut off his queue and went out to look for work, because the girls did not want to marry him. Boys are not only willing to go for spruce in order to be able to sing these teasing songs, they even volunteer. And other boys will tell the spruce gatherers what to tease about, giving them a cigarette, “ pay- ing” them with a cigarette. Whether or not the teasing songs already cited were of actual persons seems somewhat uncertain; but the song about one Francisco Seyo was cited as based upon an actual occur- rence, his visit to a woman neighbor who gave him supper. ‘‘ Where is Francisco Seyo?” ran the song. ‘‘And where is Maria Pinta (a term of abuse)? Let us go again to-night and eat beans.” At this song the wife of the ‘old man” got mad and began to shake him. The old man went to the boys and gave them a cigarette to stop their teasing song. Habitually, people give the teasing singers a cigarette to close their mouths. ... We left the spruce gatherers teasing people at the river. Thence by the road the women have swept from river to plaza the spruce gatherers come into the plaza to dance and continue their teasing songs on all four sides on the roofs to which the Grandfathers had restored the ladders. (They had removed the ladders so there would be nobody on the roofs at this time.) They may be dressed up as an old Mexican or Indian, carrying a bag or “‘something funny.” Should the padre come out to watch, the burlesquers would make fun of him, stroke his beard or kneel in front of him asking for his blessing. They might surround a white or Mexican and not release him until he danced for them. At this time the boys are called pachwun, funny men. ... Were a man absent—all should be at hand—the pachw’un would beat a little drum or can at his house, and, unless he has put a cigarette inside his door, they would take him and throw him into the pond near the town. If the man has made himself safe by putting down the cigarette, the spruce gatherers have to take 41 A measure for beans called nashau PARSONS] CALENDAR 323 it and merely tell the man to hurry up and go to his kiva. Otherwise, after ducking the man, they run back toward the kiva to which the drenched man has to go directly. There the pachu’un greet him with akuwam, poyo! Hello! friend! as if unaware of what has happened. Following him into the kiva, they shake hands with him, saying, “Where have you been? We did not see you.” ... By this time it is noon; people go to dinner. Afterwards the moiety chiefs, the dancers, the spruce gatherers, go to the river to fetch the spruce which was left there. All the way back to the kivas they sing. Back in the kivas the spruce gatherers have to report on their trip, reporting on everything they did, what they saw, whom they met. Then the moiety chiefs “let them go free,” for dinner. It is about 3 p.m. ... When they come out from the kivas they holler yayayaya! meaning they are free. Hearing this call, the women and girls come out of their houses to take the pachw’un back to feed them, a Black Eye woman taking a shure’ boy, a shure’ woman, a Black Eye boy. The boys eat a_ lot. Left overs they stow away in bag or blanket. Later, when they meet anyone they have made dance, a poor person or a Mexican, they will give him a tortilla, to pay him for dancing. At this time the children are afraid to go out lest the spruce gatherers make them dance or run arace. Now the spruce gatherers go after the Grand- fathers to bring them into the plaza. They ask the Grandfathers if they are angry that they do not speak. They will write a make- believe note with carbon and give to the Grandfathers to deliver to some white man or Mexican in the crowd from Albuquerque. ~The recipient will, of course, not understand the note, so the Grandfather will lead the sender over to explain. The sender will say that the Grandfather is asking for a smoke and “‘for you to go to the store to buy him something to eat. He comes from a distance and is hungry.”’ When the Grandfather gets his tobacco or crackers he takes the giver into the middle of the plaza to hug or pat him or to make him kneel down and receive the sign of the cross. Of course, all the people are laughing. ... Now a few dancers come out, about seven. First come the Black Eyes, then the shure’, each set dancing only once, the former on the west side of the plaza, the latter on the east side. The Grandfathers are out also, keeping the lookers-on from crowding up or “acting funny,” i. e., untowardly. The spruce gatherers are out also, to look after any disarray of the dancers, loose feathers, ete. The dancers wear a Hopi dance kilt with pendent fox skin, also a fox-skin collar. The body is painted a light red. Moccasins, home- knit socks, skunk fur heel bands. Their cheeks are spotted with black (micaceous hematite, pakalaman). In their hair, wild goose feathers painted red and yellow; a gourd rattle in the right hand, spruce in the left. (Fig. 19.) 324 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 On the fourth morning about sunrise each dance set, the full set, comes out in turn, each set coming out three times before breakfast. Then the spruce gatherers bid the dancers go each to his own house for breakfast. After breakfast the dancers redress and begin to dance again, perhaps twice more in the morning, thrice in the afternoon. The dancers all wear a tablita or head tablet, that of the Black Eyes painted red and black, that of the shure’, red and yellow. The Black Eyes wear black moccasins, and their bodies are blackened. The shure’ wear red moccasins and are painted red. At dinner time the. spruce gatherers will set out in the plaza the food that may have been contributed from any house, and if there are visitors from other pueblos they will be invited to partake. Before the final dance the spruce gatherers mount a roof to call out that the day following they will have a hunt, and the people are to prepare all the good things to eat that they can—water- melons, fried eggs, cheese, etc., all of which is mentioned with gusto to raise a laugh. From this announcement the people know that the next dance will be the final one. ... The dancers go to the river to wash. They return to their respective kivas where their chief sets them free. The rabbit hunt the following day is like that to be described in connection with the pinitu dance,” except that no hunt fire is built. The war chief and cap- FiGuRE 19.—Dark kachina tains are not in charge; in charge are the Grandfathers and the spruce gatherers, who at the close thank and dismiss the people. The hunters keep their game for themselves, except what they have given to the women who go horseback to this hunt. (The hunters go afoot; the old people and the children go in wagons, with two barrels of drinking water.) Also one rabbit is reserved for the town chief, one for kumpa, and one for the war chief. RACES; WAR CEREMONIAL ** About the middle of March or early in April ® on three or four Sundays there are races, t’aikabede nakwiawi, town chief races, for the sun. ‘The town chief is going to clothe the sun and help him #2 See pp. 335-336. 2a Compare Lummis 1: 109-130; 2: 235-242. 4% According to Lummis 1: 112, the series always begins on Easter Sunday afternoon. Lucinda also said that the series begins on Easter with a race by the little boys who are painted on their back with figures in white of chicken hawk (takire) or rabbit or turtle. Six boys stand at the southwest corner of the plaza and six boys at the southeast corner. An “fold man” sprinkles water from a jar on the boys. PARSONS] CALENDAR 325 run; that is why they run east and west.’’ The war chief talks over the first race date with his assistants and notifies the town chief who has summoned kumpa and shichu kabede. All perform ceremonial the night before the race in the Black Eyes kiva, the roundhouse. They make naw‘emi (w‘emi, pay or, as we would say, offerings) the nature of which was unknown to our informant, to bury at midnight in the middle of the racetrack. Medicine water is also made and any one may go to the town chief’s ceremonial house the next morning and get a drink. In the morning from eight to ten there is dancing in the plaza— nawiawipore, racing dance, a dance open to all. It is after this that people go for their drink of medicine water. Also, at this time, the babies that are to belong to the shichu Corn group may get their names. Meanwhile this morning the war chief in the plaza has called out for those who want to race to go to the Black Eyes roundhouse, it is a ‘free race” for anybody. As the men come in the war chief sings and drums. The town chief and the shichu chief bring in their medicine water and sprinkle it on the four posts of the kiva, also on the kékauu (see p. 209). All stand and sing a song for the sun during which whenever the sun is mentioned the town chief sprinkles meal in a line from east to south. (‘‘This is like calling the sun.’’) After they finish singing, one by one the men pass in front of the town chief who squirts medicine water on them from his mouth. As each withdraws he takes off his clothes to prepare for the race. Each passes in front of kumpa and shichu chief who paint, kumpa, a streak of red (pari’), shichu chief, a streak of white (to’i), across each cheek. Then shichu chief gives permission to all to paint themselves on their hands and body. All the elder men smoke in the directions and to the sun, asking the sun to help them in the race. The town chief is watching the sun hole in the roof and when the sun shines in he sprinkles the sun spot with pollen. Then after the sun has moved a little they divide up the runners, kumpa on one side and the war chief on the other, choosing the fastest runners, regardless of moiety. The runners stand in four rows, two to the west, two to the east, with kumpa in the middle to pray and sing, the runners joining in the song. Kumpa holds his bow and arrow and is wearing his sacrosanct bandoleer. The town chief, kumpa, and the war chief go out to the starting point at the east end of the track. One appointed man leads the two eastern rows of runners to the east end, and another appointed man leads the western rows to the west end. The town chief and the war chief sing while kumpa takes out the first two runners, one from each row. At the close of the song kumpa with his bow and arrow pushes the two runners from behind to start them. At the west end of the 326 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [eTH. ANN. 47 track the runners who are to relay are placed in position by the aforesaid appointed men. At the close of the race all return to the kiva whence with a drum they make a circuit of the town, singing. All but the town chief, kumpa, and the war chief, who remain in the kiva. The last runner of the losing side who has been overtaken and had his queue caught by the last runner of the winning side has also to remain in the kiva to pick up all the husk refuse from rolled cigarettes which he will give to kumpa to burn. This is called cleaning up, i. e., exorcising, the kiva. . . . When the runners return from going around the town they stand on the kiva roof and sing. The kinswomen (maty) of the runner who caught the queue of the loser carry to the kiva baskets of meal and bread with packages of sugar, coffee, etc. From these kumpa takes bits to sprinkle below the wall niche of the scalps. Then the war chief presents all the baskets to the man whose queue was caught; the loser, let us call him. The loser presents a basket to the town chief, another to kumpa, another to the war chief. The bread the loser distributes among all the runners. What is left over he keeps, his relatives helping him carry it home. The war chief addresses all and dismisses them. The chiefs remain to give thanks to one another. On the two following Sundays there are similar races with similar ritual. On the third Sunday the town chief inquires if the men want a fourth race, to be run by Corn groups or between the suburbs or ranching districts of T’aikabede and Shita. In connection with this race there will be no ritual, and more betting. The race as a whole is bet on, whereas in the first three races bets are placed only on the first couple. A rancher from T’aikabede said, ‘‘We T’aikabede people always beat Shila.”’ Every three, four, or five years the fourth race is held in connec- tion with the scalp ceremony which the town chief decides upon performing, ‘“‘making up his mind to wash the scalps, to give them fresh air.”’ This race is the fourth race in the series, but the scalp ceremony begins before the first race is run off. Toward evening the scalp takers leave town with some young men (‘‘to show them,’’ and the youths vary from time to time) and a burro packed with camp supplies and wood. With them they are taking the scalps, ‘‘to give them fresh air.”” The party shoots off guns; people come out on the housetops to see them off or follow as far as the railway station. The war party goes on to the west to camp overnight, building a fire. In the morning the town chief, kumpa, the war chief, and others go out to meet the campers, shouting e’ o! e’ o! All return singing, through the orchards to the north and into the plaza, which they go around five times, the town chief, kumpa, and the war chief in the lead, sprinkling meal and PARSONS] CALENDAR 327 pollen, making the road. In the plaza the town chief buries some- thing known only to himself, kumpa, and the war chief. All shout e’——o! e’——o! The town chief addresses the people. The party proceeds to the roundhouses to replace the scalps, and to be dismissed by the town chief. During the next four weeks—the racing period—the scalp takers have to take care of the scalps, taking them out of their wall niches several times to comb the hair and wash it. With the water from the washings they make mud balls (teli’”ebnaba, Navaho mud, teli> te‘iimne, Navaho, eb (?), naba, mud) which medicine may be asked of the town chief by any one sick from worry or longing (piewe’be’éwa, piewe’, mind, be’6wa, want it). Sometime after the above account was recorded another account was given by the same informant which differs from the first account or amplifies it in several particulars, as follows: The town chief sum- mons all the chiefs, including the scalp takers, to talk about the cere- monial. There follows a 4-day fast, for the chiefs, outside fasting (ibeweyue), i. e., the men live at home, taking a daily emetic, and living continent. During this period people will not go abroad at night, especially women, because the Navaho dead (tehefp’oyan) are about. The Saturday afternoon before the Sunday race,** the war party, including the scalp takers and their young men arrayed with lance and bow and arrows, start forth with their pack horses and burros to stay out overnight. . . . The following morning the chiefs meet at the town chief’s to go forth to meet the war party with the scalps... . After all return, singing, they enter the churchyard to kneel and pray, giving thanks for their safe return. A dance follows in the plaza. Two dance lines of men with the scalp takers between, led by kumpa; the women stand on the other side of the lines of men, protected by them against contact with the scalp takers. The women wear their manta. The hair of the men must hang loose like that of warriors, and they wear beaded buckskin clothes. The scalp is carried on a lance, bound with red, and surrounded by feathers.“ The scalp takers wear buckskin and a bandoleer, and carry bow and arrows, club, gun, lance, and shield. Their faces are striped across with various colors. . . . The dance is started on the east side of the plaza and continued in a circuit. The scalp takers “sing in Navaho” *® which sometimes angers Navaho visitors. There is shooting into the air and yelling... . After the scalps are taken to the roundhouse * and restored to their wall niche the scalp takers offer them crumbs of food 4 This must refer to the fourth Sunday race. And yet the war party was first said to go out before the first Sunday race. 44a Lummis, who saw this dance, ‘‘mad dance’’ in 1891, says the scalps are carried in a buckskin on her back by the woman custodian referred to as the Bending woman. (Lummis 2: 241.) 4s Which probably means merely using one or two Navaho words. 46 In another connection it was said that there were scalps in both roundhouses. 328 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO (ETH. ANN. 47 and blow smoke on them. The rest of the day the scalp takers remain in the roundhouse. The town chief having asked the chiefs of the Corn groups for their members (wakuan), that Saturday night the chiefs assemble their wakuan and tell them to prepare for the race next day. In the morn- ing the men meet at the respective houses of the Corn group chiefs to be led to the roundhouse, where are met together the other chiefs. The war chief asks the moiety chiefs for their drums and the town chief tells the war chief to give the drums to the boys. The Day (White Corn) people and Earth (Yellow Corn) people receive one drum; the other peoples, the other drum. Both sets begin to drum and sing at the same time, different songs, while in the hubbub so the boys can not hear what he says kumpa addresses the seniors. In the midst of his ‘‘preaching”’ he gets out the scalps, and moving them up and down, he sings. He moves the scalps in the directions, calling thrice e’ u! e” u!, to the ‘““Navaho dead.” Twining his fingers in the hair of the scalp he hits the scalp takers, each of them, three times with the scalp, calling out at each blow e’——u! e’ u! Then he returns the scalp to the scalp takers. (The runners would not approach the scalps lest they dream of them.) The town chief begins to ‘‘preach,”’ watching for the sun. At noon, when the sun shines in, everybody stands and dances. Everybody sprinkles meal on the prayer feathers (lawashie’) of the town chief, who sends them up to the sun (see p. 292). Themedicine society chiefs exorcise with their feathers. They may remove strings from the runners’ legs, sent in by witches. Two war captains are sitting beside the ladder on the roof to keep out intruders. The Laguna Fathers’ chief holds up the crystal and the Town Fathers’ chief gazes into it, to see what day high winds are coming,” or hail. By way of the crystal the race track is examined for tacks or anything injurious to runners, and the war captains are directed to clear the track. This is the time the medicine men know who will be caught in the race; but they do not tell. They do tell if they see that some boy has applied to one of their assistants for power to win in the race and, having asked with a cigarette, been given the power. Through kumpa or the war chief the boy will be sent for and then deprived of his power, ‘‘cleaned out,” by the curing chiefs. For this power, which consists of inducing cramps in the runner opposed to you, should not be used against a townsman.*® The runners divide into the usual four rows, but by Corn groups, the town chief having in charge the Day people and the Earth people, 47 Thunder in the southwest means dry wind; in the northeast, frost; in the southeast, clouds. These weather signs were given very uncertainly. 48 There are several stories of its successful use against Navaho and white; also in horse racing, cramps being caused in the horse of the outsider. PARSONS] CALENDAR 329 kumpa having the remaining groups to form his two rows. Each runner has a stripe of white on the left cheek. They undress. As the town chief and kumpa lead them out, each runner makes with his clasped hands the gathering or drawing in motion (see p. 283), asking help from the scalps, and on top of the kiva repeats the ritual motion, asking help from the sun. The town chief and kumpa stand at the east end of the track, where on this occasion the former will push forth, i. e., start, the first two runners. At the east end also stands the Town Fathers’ chief, with the Laguna Fathers’ chief at the west end, both safeguarding the track. The Corn group chiefs are dis- tributed along the track to keep the onlookers back. Under their blankets the curing chiefs have their exorcising things so that each runner as he comes in approaches one chief or the other to be ‘cleaned up,” the chief moving his things in circuit, always under the blanket. Each runner may be called upon to race several times. If a man does not want to race again, he may run directly from the race track to the roundhouse. In the roundhouse the scalp takers have re- mained, not going to the race track because there are too many per- sons around, especially women. ... Sometimes the racing is so even that nobody is caught. Then they have to run again the fol- lowing day. . . . After the runner is caught, the routine is as usual after a race (see p. 326) except that after supper there is a fire dance or circle dance (naxélpéa) in which anybody may join—men, women, and children. They first dance in front of the town chief’s house, then around the big fire in the plaza, dancing in antisunwise circuit. The scalp is borne aloft near the fire. The town chief and kumpa are out, the body and head of the town chief is spotted over with cotton. His face is striped horizontally with various colors. He wears a mountain-lion hide. Kumpa wears a lion or wolf hide and carries a bow and quiver of arrows. The war chief is there with his assistants, who from time to time shoot off their guns. The defeated runners have to drum for the dance, and fetch wood for the fire. About mid- night the wives or daughters of all the chiefs and of the scalp takers carry food to the chiefs in the plaza. The women of the scalp takers’ households carry a big bowl of a’re (sirup from sprouted wheat) for all the chiefs to drink. At this time the chiefs withdraw to the round- house, others staying to dance until sunrise, under the charge of the war chief. There are races, nonritualistic, at other seasons, probably in the summer. Such a summer-time race may be run between the west and east side people, the dividing line being drawn through the Black Eyes square kiva. The west side people carry a red flag; the east side people, a blue flag. A purse is made up for the winners. And there are races by moiety, when, I failed to learn, only I was told that 6066°—32 22 330 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 the Black Eyes runner always stands on the right hand, at either end of the race track. Also races may be run between the married (tuh, old men) and the unmarried (tarape’u, asking, 1. e., suitors *), the married painting themselves one way, the unmarried another. Per- haps the married will paint the right side of the face yellow, the left side, white, with a frog or turtle painted on the back; and the unmar- ried will paint a rabbit or deer on the back, with a zigzag on the legs or a cross on the chest. At all these races there is much merriment. The girls will tease the married men; one side will say, ‘‘We run like deer or a bird, you run like donkeys or dogs.” MOIETY TRANSFER CEREMONIES On November 2 the Black Eyes chief holds his ceremony; on April 8 the shure’ chief holds his. In both cases there is a retreat of four days, the people going on the fourth night for their medicine water, and the women contributing baskets of food. There is a meal altar (kitu), but of course no Mothers of which the moiety chiefs are not possessed. CEREMONY OF BRINGING DOWN THE MOON” AND STARS The ceremony lasts for two days, with four preliminary days, of which two are spent in fasting outside and two in retreat. ... The town chief sends the shichu chief to ask the Fathers, Town and Laguna, for the ceremony. The performers will be the societies’ two chiefs and their two chief assistants, the town chief, kumpa, the war chief, and the chiefs of the Corn groups, with the chiefs of the medicine societies in charge. The men at large may attend the ceremony; but women and children would not attend it, because, they say, ‘‘the stars are mean.” .. .°! The ritual of bringing down the moon seems to be much the same as that of bringing down the sun. A “window” open for her in the roof. Her prayer feathers, five feathers tied with cotton, are as ‘‘wings for her to fly.’ Attached to the feathers are the red beads such as women wear. On the sixth day before sunrise she comes down for her feathers, and stays until noon. is RAIN CEREMONY (LECHIDE ™ OR LECHINUMAI, RAIN CALL) This ‘‘rain fast’’ or ceremony is held in July, sometimes twice if there is a drought. The retreat is conducted for 12 days in the house of the town chief who has with him kumpa, the war chief, and the chiefs of both medicine societies. Set out on the altar are but three iema’paru, that of the town chief, and those of the two medicine 4 According to Lummis 1: 118, the two parties meet at night at the ash piles to sing «0 The reference is p’aide imato amhina, ‘‘ Moon relation, we are going to do it.” 51 A reference, I take it, to their warlike character. 82 Reachi is the ceremonial term for rain, turt6, the vernacular. PARSONS] CALENDAR 331 society chiefs. At the back of the altar stand lightning sticks (upinide) of ‘‘leather”’ (?). A stone club (k’oata) lies on the altar. And a rainbow is represented. Otherwise the altar with its kitu or terrace design in meal is like the altars of the medicine societies. At this time the special paraphernalia (see fig. 3) of the town chief is in use. He wears his ritual moccasins, called samk6ap (?, kéap, moceasins) made all of buckskin, no cowhide, and made by kumpa; also over his right shoulder his ritual bandoleer or perhaps bow, since it is called naw‘iri, of cotton string and feathers and long buckskin pouch wrapped with cotton wool and feathers and contain- ing ‘everything he uses.’”’ This object ‘‘came up with them.” (See p. 368.) In the hair of the town chief are fawashie’, feathers painted the colors of the directions, plus red. These prayer hair feathers the town chief makes for himself. As outsiders do not attend the rain ceremony until the twelfth or last night, our informant could tell little or nothing of the ritual. In it figure in some way what is called water grain (pak6‘), the round, shiny, whitish deposits left in an arroyo after flood. At noon of the twelfth day the chiefs of the medicine societies go out and are believed to go and clean the springs, going long distances, “by their power,” and returning within the hour. In a drought there is also ritual alongside the river. This night, the twelfth or last, people may attend the ceremony. Women rarely come, however, as they are too much afraid of the lightning and thunder which appear. Pregnant women would never go. The medicine society chiefs are painted with the white zigzags of lightning.... (The rhombus for calling thunder and the lightning stick frame are not in use at Isleta as elsewhere, ‘‘because lightning and thunder come themselves.”” Do you not hear thunder, and see lightning spurting around the room?) The town chief and the chief of the Town Fathers go out to the middle of the plaza where they sink down into the earth to ask Weeide for rain. And this night it will surely rain. In the morning the people will go out from their houses and sprinkle meal and give thanks for the rain. In a later reference to this ceremony our informant placed the date as from May 25 to June 5,°* approximately, and referred to the ranch- ing communities as taking some initiative about holding the ceremony. The rooster race was also mentioned as engaged in at this time. A ceremony for the rain people (techi t’ainin) was also referred to as occurring in April, either before or after the races. The war chief asks the town chief for the ceremony, and he, in turn, the medicine chiefs who observe a two days outside fast and a two days retreat, and who go to Foapienai (Banana Mountain) through their power. 33 Compare Davis, 393. In this boiling up spring of Laguna there was a “ devil.’’ 5+ Compare name for May, p. 288 ay) ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 ADVENT OF LIWALE; KOMPOR © OR THE PINITU DANCE; RABBIT HUNT (SEPTEMBER 25-OCTOBER 5) The supernatural, Liwale, is called in from Zuni Mountain or Welima by chakabede at midnight of September 25-26. Liwale may be heard hollering from the direction of Welima, the west, west of the railway station whence chakabede leads him into town, sprinkling in front a line of meal. Liwale dances in the plaza, first on the east side, then in circuit on the other sides. As it is night, you can not see how he is dressed or appointed; but he does not wear a mask. Chakabede talks to him; but he does not answer, merely hollers. Chakabede gives him the prayer sticks ** he has made for him, thereby paying him; he sprinkles him with meal, and then Liwale ““ooes back home.” 7 The next day chakabede bids the war captains call out for the men and boys to come in ‘“‘four days”’ to his house to practice their songs, old songs and new. Chakabede has already asked the chief of the Black Eyes for the dance, chakabede’s assistant asking the shure’ chief. During this song practice of four days it is not neces- sary to stay continuously indoors; 1. e., it is a time of dance practice rather than a retreat, although continence is required of the dancers.*8 On the third day of the practice 8 or 10 boys are dispatched to gather the spruce (koawa’) which is to be the dress of Liwale. They also get two spruce trees, one for the Black Eyes to stand near in the dance, and one for the shure’.** The leader is given two prayer sticks © by chakabede to put into the spring near where they get the spruce (fig. 20), at sunrise of the fourth day. The stick for the Black Eyes spruce is of red willow; that for the shure’, yellow willow. Into this 56 Sounded also as kgp6*r‘or kgfoa. Kg refers to the notched stick or bone playing or scraping. The leg bone of the deer is notched; it is propped against a hollowed out gourd and scraped with a deer shoulder bone. The three men in buckskin mantles who play do not impersonate women as in the notched stick playing of other pueblos. 5% On White Eagle Mountain, I surmise. My note is not certain. 67 Another informant said that before the advent cf Mexicans in numbers, Liwale came into town, and not since. He came at the rise of the morning star and danced in the plaza in front of the church. He sang: I hear the words, It is going to be cloudy, It is going to be cloudy, I hear the words. I hear the words, It is going to mist, ete. I hear the words, It is going to sprinkle, ete. After singing, Liwale ran away, and it would rain. 5* In another connection I was told that the pinitu dancers would not be released from the kiva “ even if their father or mother died.’” Which suggests that the 4-day period of dance practice is also a period of strict retreat. ‘9 After the dance, people like to get these trees to make into house ladders. They ask the moiety chiefs for the trees, with a cigarette. 60 In another connection prayer feathers (nato’ye) only were referred to. PARSONS] CALENDAR 333 spring he will also sprinkle meal, to ask for the spruce. Not until after this is accomplished may the boys gather the spruce. On the afternoon of the fourth day the dance practicers go out by the road kwiawipe (see map) to meet the returning spruce gath- erers. The dancers sprinkle meal on the spruce and give thanks. The dancers belong to both moieties, half Black Eyes, led by the chakabede, half shure’, led by his assistant, and they divide the spruce to carry to their respective kivas. In the kivas the moiety chiefs have been waiting in their seat by the fire. They stand to receive the spruce, and to place it in the middle of the floor and sprin- kle it with pollen. From his medicine bowl each chief takes a little water, drinks some and from his mouth sprinkles some on the spruce. To each dancer he also gives a drink, the recipient saying, as is usual on receiving a drink of medi- cine, aka‘a. Before the recipient swallows the drink he spits some of it over his own person. The moiety chief addresses the dancers, urging them to dance well. Late that same night from each kiva the dancers come to dance in the plaza, with their rattles and shirtless, but without their spruce. As in the afternoon, chakabede leads the Black Eyes and chakabede’s assistant, the shure’. After a single performance each dance set returns to its respective kiva. Then they discuss who are to take the parts of the k’apyo the following day. There will be six k’apyo from each kiva, who will be considered 5, ..n¢ Pater dick the dance managers. Also in each kiva is chosen a__ to deposit in spring, to little boy of six or seven to dance out in front of the — °S* spruce line—ai’yayao’de. He will be spotted with white and wear on each side of his head a small deer horn. In spite of his horns he represents wild cat, who at the emergence was the leader, with his horns tearing up the earth and making a gap for the people to pass up through.® The k’apyo of the Black Eyes will be striped black and white, the hair whitened, with large ‘‘earrings”’ of corn husk or rather hair done up in side whorls like the Hopi girl (see p. 347). Clout of black cloth, at the back, attached to a bandoleer, little branches of cottonwood. They carry willow sticks and wear anklets of spruce. (Fig. 21.) Of the k’apyo of the shure’ one is painted yellow all over, another red all over, another white all over, and the others red or white. Across the face are stripes of contrasting color. The hair, painted the same 61 But in another connection it was stated that six days of continence were required of the k’apyo. Inferably, the choice of the k’apyo preceded this night. ® Topirmosan, ‘‘coming in without saying anything,” cat 63 In the emergence text and story the k’apyo (ka‘pe) make this gap or gate, see p. 360. 334 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [erH. ANN. 47 color as the body, is plastered down with the pigment and then brought up into a poke on top of the head and tied with yucca fiber.** These carry long blades of yucca, as whips (see p. 287), and wear a bandoleer with cottonwood twigs and collar, armlets and anklets of spruce. (Fig. 22.) The next morning the k’apyo come out and two by two visit the houses of their aunts (ky’iunin), aunts in blood, or if these are not many, women of their father’s Corn group who have been appointed to act as “‘aunts”’ by the group chief, and instruct the women to prepare meal for them, their tu’u (nephews) and watermelons, chili, ete. The women also make bread in theshape of jack rabbits and turtles for their FIGURE 21.—K’apyo, Black Eyes. Carrying wil. nephew clowns to whom they will low sticks and smoking a corn husk cigarette also give silk b banda and pottery bowls. While the women are making ready, in the plaza on the ground the k’apyo draw a “house ”’ into which the head k’apyo takes one of the others and seats him, asking him if he wants to get married. ‘No.’ ‘Yes, you should get married. You are old enough.” ‘All right. I will marry.” ‘You want to get married, but you can not work. Whom will you marry?’”’ Then the leader in this play names the oldest woman in town. He gives his victim a room in the ‘‘house,’”’ and tells him what to do when he lives there with his wife. All of this farce is repeated for each k’apyo. Then the “aunts” arrive on the scene, bringing the food. They carry it into the “house,” where the k’apyo eat. Each set of k’apyo have their “house” and each set eat. Then they invite visitors from other pueblos to come and eat. ... Now FIGURE 22.—K’apyo, shure’. the dancers come out to dance on the four — smoking a corn husk cigarette sides of the plaza. The Black Eyes come first and start on the east side. When they move on to the north side, the shure’ come in to 6’ These hair pokes are tional of as horns, see pp. 362, 363, 364, n. 53. PARSONS] CALENDAR 335 the east side. The Black Eyes dancers are led in by the chaka- bede; the shure’, by his assistant. They dance all day, making antisunwise circuits in the plaza. After the last performance they are sprinkled with meal by the chakabede and his assistant; and on returning to their respective kivas they are meal besprinkled by the moiety chief, and given medicine water to drink. The dancers wear a dance kilt with white cotton belt and spruce pendants; spruce collar and spruce in leg bands and in armlets of turquoise painted leather; skunk fur heel bands; spruce in left hand. In right hand the Black Eyes carry a black gourd rattle; the shure’, a red rattle. Under the night knee is a turtle rattle—a water turtle for the Black Eyes, a land turtle for the shure’. Of the head- dress the visor is of woven yucca; the tablita of the Black Eyes is dark blue and red with black eagle feathers; the tablita of the shure’, blue and yellow with white eagle feathers. The hair is flowing. (Fig. 23.) Before the finish of the last dance the k’apyo withdraw to their respective kivas, carrying their food surplus. The moiety chief gives them permission to go to the river to wash off their paint. After sprinkling meal into the water, they wash and dress. They return to the kiva to get permission to carry their food pile to their own houses. Thence the chakabede and his assistant summon them back to the kiva to send them forth to call to the people to prepare their lunch for a hunt the day following. The k’apyo return to the kivas to stay there all night. They dress up and at sunrise they sally forth to dance on the roof tops on the four sides of the plaza. (In using the kiva ladder the k’apyo has to step on its terraced top, the cloud terrace design.) As soon as the people see them, they get ready to set out on the hunt. The head k’apyo has gone to the hunt chief the night before to ask him to work. So at sunrise a little distance from town the hunt chief will be making a little fire of which the smoke is to blind the rabbits and keep them from running far. The hunt chief has got his fire stick (wtikon) or brand from the house of the town chief. ‘‘ When we see the smoke we start.” The people gather 5 or 6 miles to the west near Nampekété.% The ’apyo call out to them not to drive their wagons inside the hunt FIGURE 23.—Pinitu dancer € See Jemez, Parsons 16: 94, for the hunt as directed by the clown society. See pp. 300, 301, 318, 430. 336 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 circle (pai makére). The k’apyo also place the hunters and the women who are participating. Now the hunt chief calls out to every- body to be careful, not to shoot anybody in the circle. Again the hunt chief calls out; the hunters shout; the rabbits will start up from everywhere, running blindly. All the rabbits got in the first drive will belong to the town chief; in the second drive, to the hunt chief; in the third drive, to the chakabede, kumpa and the war chief. On the following drives the women run up, as usual the woman first to reach the trophy receiving it. The k’apyo are the first to return, in order to go to the river to wash and dress. After the third drive the hunt chief returns. The day following, the women who have received game pay their hunters with a basket of wafer bread or tortillas and a bowl of stew. The game taken by the k’apyo is given by them to their ‘“‘aunts”’ in return for the jack rabbits in bread their aunts gave them. The notched bone dance is a harvest thanksgiving—‘‘for the end of the crops, thanking for them.”’ Also it is to bring frost, to harden the corn and grapes which are to be dried. Therefore all crops, such as melons, which would be hurt by frost, must be gathered before this dance. CEREMONY OF BRINGING IN SALT OLD WOMAN This ceremony of a single day and night is in charge of the town chief together with the medicine societies, each chief appointing three of his assistants to sing. The ceremony is performed every three or five years, at the end of October. It is performed in the Black Eyes roundhouse. At this time the ceremonialists can turn people into any animals they please, if they think a person has bad thoughts. Or they could take from a man his moccasin and turn it into a piece of meat, giving everybody a taste. So people are afraid to go to this ceremony. Our informant was so vague about the ritual that he had evidently never seen it, although he insisted that Salt woman was actually brought in “with their power,” a large figure “‘looking like ice.””, No prayer feathers are used; they pay Salt old woman (Pahlu) with beads and turquoise. ‘‘They clean her veins.”’ CEREMONY OF HUNT CHIEF °°* The hunt chief holds his ceremony late in October after the harvest. He asks the town chief for permission to hold it, and he asks for the cooperation of the war chief and the war captains. The hunt chief is in retreat for four days, performing ceremonial at noon of the fourth day. He blows smoke into his medicine bowl, and he smokes 66a Compare Lummis 2: 209—218. PARSONS] CALENDAR 33 7 toward the mountains, to blind the deer. He whistles to draw in the deer,” and he actually does draw in a live deer, according to Juan Abeita, who gave the following account of this achievement which took place, not at the annual ceremony, but on an occasion about 10 years ago when the medicine societies wanted some deer meat for a ceremony in February and there was none in the house of the town chief, although he is supposed to keep meat of all kinds. The hunt chief was appealed to. He summoned the war captains to his house, and among them was Juan Abeita,®> who reported the following as an eye witness. The hunt chief proceeded to make a circle of pollen, leaving a gap toward the east. (Fig. 24.) In his hand he held a goose feather which he would move in circuit as he talked. What he said we could not hear. He began to call out like a wolf or mountain lion. He told one of us to open the door. He began to sing. In came a big deer with big horns. Humahude kept on singing. He said to close the door. The deer walked into the circle of pollen. Humahude closed the gap with pollen. The deersnorted, butstood quite still. Humahude took his k’oata (see p. 279) and tapped him . FIGURE 24,—Altar of hunt chief. gently on the forehead, butitsounded outloud. Circle of meal (pollen); medi- cine bowl, ke’chu, Lightning, stone point The deer dropped down dead. ‘‘ Now butcher it,’ humahude said tous. He cut out a piece for the medicine men. Of the rest half went to the cacique (town chief), half to any of the people who would come in for some. At the annual ceremony the deer that is drawn in ® goes, all of it, to the town chief. HUNTING RITUAL A hunter may get permission from the town chief to get power from the hunt chief. The hunt chief prepares a prayer feather, a cigarette of native tobacco, a husk of corn meal, pollen, turquoise, and a red bead. The morning following, the hunter comes for these, which, on receiving, he moyes in the directions as the hunt chief sings. The hunter gives thanks. The hunt chief learns when he is to start off on the hunt, for he will smoke at that time to blind the deer. As soon as the hunter sees a deer, which will act, indeed, as if blind, he will put down his offerings for Weide and he will smoke his cigarette in the directions. The head of the dead deer he turns” toward the town and he sprinkles the deer with meal. He passes his hands along the deer 67 In folk tale he also whistles to call the rain. 6 He was wilaweun, ‘‘the last helper,’’ of the witawe. 6? One informant denies that deer are drawn in—‘‘only rabbits, that I have seen myself.” 7° At another time the same informant said that in whatever direction the deer was facing when shot, he would turn and fall in the direction of the town. 338 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [eTH. ANN. 47 three times and makes a throwing gesture in each direction. If he knows the song of the hunt chief he will sing it. He cuts off the tip of one of the deer’s ears for the dead. Then he butchers the deer, throwing a piece for Weide, and burying a small piece ‘“‘so that the ground will eat it.” He takes out the guts, placing them on a rock, giving them to the animals, “in his heart” calling the animals to come and eat.’ After doing this, if the hunter leaves something belonging to him, like a coat or a handkerchief, on the deer, he can safely leave it overnight; the animals will not touch it; they will eat the guts only. The hunter drinks blood from near the deer’s heart, three times, to make himself strong. To camp he takes the heart and liver, which he always cooks and eats first. . . . On his return home the hunter lays the deer’s head toward the sun, whether in the east or the west. Anyone coming into the house will sprinkle pollen or meal on the deer and breathe in from his clasped hands. Similarly anyone who had been met on the way home would have passed his hands over the deer ” and breathed in from his hands. The hunter gives a piece of venison to the town chief and another to the hunt chief. To all his relatives he will give a little piece. ‘“That means you will have luck and get more deer.” A hunter’s wife should “‘stay still” while he is away. If the deer run away, he knows that his wife has a lover. I could learn of no other taboos during the hunt on those at home. Except taboos in connection with a hunter of Laguna descent, I incline to think that Lucinda’s account of his ways is Keresan. Before he went on a deer hunt, for one month he remained continent, using the cedar purge every morning. He advised his wife, i. e., Lucinda, to clean house four days after he had departed, to plaster the walls, to keep herself very clean, not to scold the children, not to quarrel with the neighbors or gad about among them. When he returned he brought with him grasses the deer liked to eat for her to offer to the deer as it lay covered with a woman’s manta with beads around its neck. All this in return for the buckskin she was to have. A simple and convincing explanation, is it not, of the Laguna-Zuni practice of covering the deer with a woman’s blanket? Again, according to Lucinda, there are taboos at Isleta on hunting bear or eagles ™ or killing snakes. In Lucinda’s simple paraphrase, “We don’t kill a snake or a bear or an eagle because it might be one of us Indians.”’ (See her tale of the little girl who became an eagle (p. 407), and she once opined that the she bear “came from an Indian 71 In a tale (p. 384) the hunter leaves a hind leg for the animals. With meat he also feeds the ants. 72 See p. 282. 73 But see p. 211. PARSONS] CALENDAR 339 woman.”) “ “‘Bearis a person, men would not kill one,”’ said another. This much a white might be told and could understand. But of the supernatural powers from the animal helpers, not a whisper! Neither the eagle dance nor the deer dance of the Pueblos to the north are given at Isleta. ‘‘We can’t imagine having them!’’ exclaimed Lucinda, “‘since we have them in our ceremonies,” she might have added. TYPE CEREMONY OF CURING (NATOT) 7 Were sickness general in town, epidemic, the war chief would call a meeting of all the chiefs and “ask their thoughts”? (ask for their opinion), then he would ask for the power of the Town Fathers and the Laguna Fathers. These would go into their two respective houses to stay four days, taking an emetic each morning and fasting from food completely. On the fourth morning in the same house the two groups set their ground altars, the Town Fathers setting theirs first. Each chief has chewed the root lifiew‘a, which gives power. Moved by this, with his power, the chief ” calls in from all the directions the ke‘chu (fetish animals). Over the bowl of water from the river the chief makes a cross with his eagle-wing feathers, stirring the water. Sounds of bear, mountain lion, coyote, snake, eagle, come from the bowl. When the iridescent feathers of the duck are put into the bowl, after the cross is made over the water, sounds of ducks playing and flapping their wings also come from the bowl. Meanwhile, the assistants are sitting in line behind the altar, behind the Mothers (figs. 16, 17), shaking their gourd rattles and singing. For each ritual incident there is, as usual, a special song. Power has been given the assistants through the line of meal sprinkled from the door by the chief to the altar. . . . With his stone point in his right hand, in his left his whistle, the chief now whistles into the bowl to call all the powerful animals—mountain lion, bear, rattlesnake, eagle, badger. Now the chief will call lightning and thunder. He tells the people present to cover their heads lest they be frightened. Thunder is heard and flashes of lightning may be seen. ... The chief now takes his seat in the middle of the line of assistants, and the war chief gives him a lighted cigarette to smoke in all five directions and on the line of the Mothers. .. . With his power the chief calls the moon and the morning star... . All the assistants circulate among those present and with his two eagle feathers each brushes out from everybody whatever noxious thing may be inside his body—stick, rag, stone. ... The chief stands in front of the large altar blade ™ There lay on the floor of my room a bearskin. “When I step on it,’’ said Lucinda, “I ask the bear to excuse me. I keep asking it.’"’ Compare Lummis 2:61. 7 Any ceremony of the medicine societies might be so called or called tifietoynin (root-medicine men) from the root they use. See below. 7 Nate or nashau. 7 From here on the reference is to one chief only. Is the ceremony really a joint one? 340 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 showing his crystai to the assistants who stand in a half circle facing him. As they look into the crystal they see through all the world, whence wind or rain will come, and on what day, what sickness may be imminent, how long the sickness will last and how to get rid of it... . Now the chief starts to call the witch who is the cause of the sickness and who is in hiding at the ends of the world. The chief calls him by singing his song. Every time he sings the witch’s song the witch draws closer to town. Some of the assistants together with the war chief and kumpa go out to search for the witch while the chief sits near the Mothers, singing to help those who have gone on the witch quest. These spread out in a circle, as on any hunt, and close in on the witch who is so afraid of kumpa ‘‘he does not even move.’ The men seize him to take to their ceremonial house. Sometimes the witch is so strong they can not move him, and they tell the war chief to shoot him with his bow and arrow. He will shoot him through the body.’** His power thus broken, they carry him in. Everybody looks at him and spits at him. They place him near the meal basket of the altar. The chief tells those present what bad things the witch has been doing, sending sickness, starving the animals, ete. The chief will ask the witch if he is going to stop his bad ways. He will say yes, he will, and that he will keep back the bad and suffer it himself. The chief takes the blade from the altar and sticks it into the body of the witch, killing him. Two assistants carry him out and burn him on a pile of wood, i. e., burn his body, his spirit (power, nate‘) leaves the village to die outside. Outside the ceremonial house he looks like a grown man, inside like a little boy, “* with feathers in his hair, Comanche fashion. . . . The chief addresses those present, telling them not to worry or think about it any more. The sickness (nah6‘re) is gone. If they go on thinking about it the sickness will linger. The sooner they forget it, the sooner it willgo. . . . The assistants again brush the people, putting everything they take out of their bodies (naléa) in a large bow! by the door. The bowl is carried out by two assistants to the ash pile (natu), where they sprinkle its contents with water taken in a shell from the medicine bowl and bury them in a hole. They ask Weide (see p. 341) to take it all away. SUPERNATURALS There is the usual Pueblo pantheon of sun, moon, and stars; light- ning, thunder, wind; of the Corn mothers (and the old women of natural supplies); of the animals, including the horned serpent and the ants and Spider grandmother or mother; of the kachina who are 78 wilawere auluafierin w‘iran sha‘x6a tamhimai. war chief having bow witch shoots. an arrow 78 Compare Lummis 2: 79-80. PARSONS] SUPERNATURALS 341 called wa; of the dead, the saints and the Spanish god Dius. Dis- tinctively, there is Weide, with the attributes of a high god (‘“‘he is the head of all”) and, whatever his origin, to-day certainly not to be confounded with Dius. And yet, like Dius, he is never seen, and, as Dius created the pictures and images of the saints, so did Weide create the Corn mothers (iema’paru)’®? who were brought up from underground and from whom the medicine men get their power. It was Weide who sent the people themselves on their journey of emergence (see pp. 360, 362). The tales (p. 412) how Weide and Dius tested their power show that they are thought of as quite distinct beings. To Dius, Weide is younger brother (paiide); but Weide’s ceremonies (a general reference) are unknown to Dius. Food offer- ings are made to Weide, habitually with offerings to the dead. Was Weide *! derived from Dius so long ago that the borrowing has been forgotten, or has Weide some Indian origin other than Pueblo, there being no corresponding high god among the other Pueblo peoples? Or is Weeide merely the singular form of wenin, as one in- formant insisted,’ a term for the kachina. Weide, asserted this informant, referred to Montezuma.™ Again distinctively, among the collective dead, are the stillborn (yéimau) to whom in the solstice ceremonies offerings are made. The Navaho dead, the scalps, are common to other Pueblos. The sun is referred to as kikaawei turide, our father sun; the moon, as kikewei p’aide, our mother* moon; the stars, as kimuwei pax6’tan, our sons (the) stars. Not only is meal sprinkled to the sun at sun- rise (see p. 276), but in the afternoon,® when the evening star comes out, silent prayer is addressed as follows to the sun, men at the time removing their hats: turide kika’awei behtokum Sun our father his ?going away mashuminai behmapi w‘emina ? leaving me 9 taking away kike’ewel k6di huu our mother beads old woman ba tetorsheit’shi hoba z rs then kurturkum uribanai waideai ? rise again life nakuaai tekiwanshe fieruwetée health ? get into (? i. e., reach) west * Collectively the Corn mothers and Weide are referred to as toakoa. 8° See pp. 250, 276, 299, 308, 319. st Lucinda corrected my pronunciation to Waiide, and then in alarm turned away from the subject From another informant I got Weide, a term meaning pure, clear, without sin. 32 See below. 8 See p. 415 ‘In the Isletan migration south the moon has changed sex. In one tale, however, the moon is called kikaawei paiide, our father Moon. (P. 399.) 55 See p. 368 342 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 At another time this prayer was said to be addressed to the evening star (tarape paxdélade, asking or prayer star). This star is identified with the morning star (puyu paxdlade, bright star) which is described in its course as ‘‘jumping three times.”’ And of this star it was said that ‘‘When Jesus was born the morning star came out,” *—a com- ment of interest in view of the identification elsewhere of the star and Jesus. The sun, likewise, is thought of as having three stations—to the east, pathuwetoe’, or at turshanminai (sunrise), at pienai, middle or noontime place,** when he stands still and descends through the gate of the sky to visit his children, a visitation which finds constant ritual expression,®® and at turkiminai, sunset, to the west, fieruwetde’. The two sons of the sun ° are red stars next the sun. For some of the constellations there are names, for Orion’s belt, prun, fawns * (pl. 17); for the Pleiades, makéchuin, meaning tumbled, as a child may be called tumbled head; for two stars together called kéun, bear (? little bears); for a circular group with a star im the center called nadorna, wheel; for the Dipper, tuun, from tuurde, meaning cradle. A comet is called pawitade awikye, star tail(?) news, and is a sign of war. Was not a comet to be seen before the war with Germany? From the fact that women and children do not attend ceremonial relating to the stars ‘‘because the stars are mean,” I incline to think that the stars have been associated with war. ... People will sprinkle meal to the stars at night. Of solar or lunar eclipse it is said merely that ‘‘they cover each other up,’”’ inmabotiban; the idea of sun or moon dying was unfamiliar. From the above prayer to sun it is plain that he is thought of as a diurnal traveler. The solstice ceremonies and the springtime races are referred to as held ‘‘to help the sun to be strong on his journey (semiannual)” or “to help him run’’—for this reason “‘they clothe him.” Lightning (upinide) and thunder (huwanide, koanida) can be summoned by the medicine men and directed at will. Lightning has a punitive function.” There is a lightning stone fetish; also a thunder stick (koanla). Also a ‘‘rain people” fetish. There are Water people associated with the river, distinctive spirits in the Pueblo pantheon at large. Rainbow (berkwi) is represented in the pantheon pictured on the walls of the chamber of the Laguna Fathers (pl. 17). Wind old man (watuli) or our father wind (kikaaweil watas6n) is re- ferred to; he has his own ritual; besides the medicine men take out % Compare Laguna, Parsons, 3: 256. 87 As among the Tepecano. 88 Sona, middle time, ‘‘ when the sun stops.” 8 See pp. 293, 328 and compare Dumarest, 217. 80 See p. 402 where they are rainbow and sun halo. * Compare Tarahumare term, Deer. (Lumbholtz, I, 436.) The Mexicans call this constellation estrella Maria. Throughout Spain it is called ‘las tres Marias.”’ 2 See pp. 279, 388, 455 and compare Tewa, Parsons, 17: 54. PARSONS] SUPERNATURALS 343 to him the ‘‘bad things’ they have exorcised to bear away ‘‘where nobody lives”; also Beads old woman (kédituu) who is to be identi- fied with the woman of hard substances known in the west; Clay old woman (namburutiu) to whom the women sprinkle meal, going to the hill where she lives to ask for her clay; mother Fire old woman (kefetiu) who is associated with the kiva fires as well as thought of at home; ” and Salt old woman (pahtu) for whom a fuller ritual, a ceremony, is performed. The hunter’s ritual indicates a deification of the earth.” The animals are mountain lion (kymide), bear (kéide), badger (karnade, Mex., tejano), eagle (shiwile), big snake (pirutade which is rattlesnake, sharara’re). All these are referred to in English as powerful, as helpers. Lion is foremost, the ‘‘first helper.”’ Lion and bear are strong and can help in any way. Their claws are worn in ceremonial. In one connection the lion or bear helper of the Laguna Father (birka’ade) was referred to as living on the summit of San Mateo (Mount Taylor). . . . As elsewhere bear is closely associated with curing. Badger, the great digger, helps the medicine men to dig out of the earth whatever they want. With ‘‘power from the eagle’’ the medicine men can fly. From the fields, snake cleans the town by his sucking or drawing power. ... All these animals are represented in stone, and these stone fetishes are referred to col- lectively as ke‘chu. For other spirits in stone in which the Isletans seem particularly rich, see pp. 278, 295. Then there are the horned serpents, ikanare, two of them, who live to the southeast in caves within a mile each of the other in places called Naturturu (ravines close together) and Pakepas6éri (bank water washout), the general district being referred to as Tétuha, village old (?) ruin. Ina folk tale ® the habitat of ikaina is referred to as in the mountains, takéapien. Shu’faty, eagle-down hill, is also mentioned as his habitat. Ikanare (ikaina) is a stout, short snake, about 2 feet long (fig. 14), that moves with a side to side waddling motion. He or they make loud hissing sounds within their caves which they do not leave. You can hear the sounds a long distance off. Then you should sprinkle meal or pollen which they will suck or draw toward themselves. With any function of punishment or of flood making the horned serpent seems not to be associated as among the Tewa or in the west. But in the ceremony of bringing him in (see p. 302) he has a function of cleaning up or exorcising. In the aforesaid folk tale he is associated with the sun’s kick stick, with lightning and with the sun. Corresponding to the shiwanna of the Keres are the hwan who live on mountains. Specifically referred to are Liwale who lives on Zuni 8 See p. 276 % See p. 338. % See p. 372, 344 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO (ETH. ANN. 47 Mountain or Welima * (Welimai), situated, it is believed, in the west; and liwa kabede (chief) who lives in a spring on Nahdrai, a sacrosanct peak of the Manzanos, and who is the one to be asked for ritual spruce. The chiefs of the directions, I heard once referred to, and in a folk tale all five chiefs are specified and associated with the colors of the five directions—white, black, yellow, blue, all colors.*7 It was said, too, that the wenin (kachina) were associated with “each corn,” i. e., there were wenin for each direction. Wenin, chiefs of the directions, hiwan, are all, I take it, to be identified. Mentioned also as a Hwa is the bugaboo, the mountain giant, found elsewhere. This twa tenen (tall), also referred to as chapiude, lives in caves in the mesa to the west. Over there may be seen lots of small bones, for the giant used to steal and eat children. He wore little bells and when people heard him coming they would hide the children away in big jars or even between the walls. If a child rebel against having his head cleaned or a little girl against carrying the baby on her back, a mother will threaten to call for chapiude. Chapiude used to come at the same season that Liwade came. (See p: 332") Then there are the Dark Hwa and A’iyayaode, the little boy who looks like antelope but is reputed to be wild cat, but who is at any rate, | am guessing, a little war spirit,°* borrowed from the westward. But whether or not the whole liwa cult is borrowed it were rash to say. At Taos there is much the same cult, the cult of the latsina, beneficent mountain and spring or lake spirits. The failure both at Taos and Isleta * to welcome into this cult the concept of mask impersonation is a most interesting instance of resistance to accul- turation. The Isletan explanation is strictly according to pattern, that they did not have mask dances when they came up and so nowadays they are not allowed to have them. The patron spirits of the Laguna Fathers who are called ka’an paiunin, are not kachina, but they are anthropomorphic as they ap- pear depicted on the walls of the society’s ceremonial room. (Pl. 17.) These ‘‘fathers” are always mentioned in the society’s ceremonial. They live to the east. They control weather, being able to send rain or wind or a scorching sun.!. The moieties have % Keresan, Wenima. One Isletan referred to the shiwanna or kachina as wenin, limiting the term Hiwan to the dancers. From the wenin, the tiwan get their power. Weide, this informant stated, was merely the singular form of wenin. S %7 In the parallel Hopi and Tewa (north) tales these ‘‘ chiefs’’ are the cloud youths. %8 From Lucinda with her Laguna traditions I heard of the Keresan war spirits, Masewi and Uyuye, but never a word about them from Juan Abeita, so that I may not include them in the Isletan pantheon. 9% Sandia is said to have a mask dance “stolen” from Laguna. It is performed every four years, in March. All but townspeople are excluded, even the Isletans married into town. Once the Isletan cacique went to Sandia to borrow a drum, This dance was on, outside, with wagon covers used as a screen and war captains on guard against intruders. The Isletan cacique was kept out and had to wait all day until the dance was over for his drum, 1 Compare pp. 386-387, PARSONS] COMPARATIVE DISCUSSION 345 also patron spirits called ka:pe? kabede, from whom the society chiefs get their power, and who are represented by the k’apyo.' These with their horns made the exit at the emergence. Therefore the k’apyo to-day wear horns. COMPARATIVE DISCUSSION The Isletan ceremonial organization is in several respects charac- teristically Pueblo; but it presents certain marked distinctions or anomalies, notably in its Corn group organization which is a cere- monial rather than a clanship organization, for it is not concerned with marriage as is the Pueblo clan and it is concerned with ritual and ceremonial to a degree comparable only with the Hopi system and yet so differently as not to be truly comparable with that exog- amous and ubiquitous clanship organization. (Butwhence did Isletans derive the principle of matrilineal descent for their Corn groups? At first, thought I, from the Keres. Then when I heard the tale of how the Eagle people got their name which is so startlingly in the Hopi pattern I began to think of the possibilities in that far-gone visit to the Hopi country, a visit lasting long enough for intermarriage and to introduce the principle of descent, but not long enough to estab- lish the principle of exogamy.* Speculation!) Again in the compre- hensiveness or inclusiveness of the Isletan moiety system there is considerable distinction from other Pueblo organization, excepting per- haps that of the Tewa where, too, everybody belongs in one moiety or the other. But the Isletan principle of moiety membership differs from the Tewan in that the latter is based on paternal descent and the former on parental option, with a prevailing practice of alter- nating the moiety membership of offspring. The moiety principle finds expression among the Keresans in their double kiva system, but it is far less penetrating in the general ceremonial life than at Isleta. At Jemez there is a cross between the Keresan moiety system and the Tewan or Isletan. In the west the moiety is barely recognizable. The association at Isleta between the moieties and war in so far as the scalps are kept in the moiety kivas is of particular interest. There are suggestions elsewhere that the moiety or clown groups have had sometime warrior functions. At Laguna the kurena cheani was painted like the war god and was associated with the war kachina, Chakwena, and with the war dance, as were the kashare who worked on the scalps. In Keresan and in Zuni myth the clowns are the ? The word means name making, but in this connection the etymology is doubtful, opines informant. * See p. 360. ‘ Even modern Isletan visitors to the western pueblos do not learn of the principle of exogamy among their Zuni or Hopi hosts. + Parsons, 8: 113, 123, 124. See, too, Parsons, 11: 186-187. 6066°—32 23 346 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 scouts or leaders during the emergence, as are the prototypes of the moiety chiefs of Isleta. In its Pueblo uniformities, the Isletan system resembles both Keresan and Tewan. In having only one town chief it is Keresan- like; in the comparative simplicity of its medicine society organiza- tion, which is differentiated from within rather than from without, it is Tewan or Jemez like. There seems to be at Isleta a duplication of the office of war chief, given the witawe or tuwilawe and kumpa or kumpa witawe. Possibly the former functionary was borrowed from the Keres. Kumpa’s ways have a flavor of Hopi. Comparisons with Sandia or Taos are unfortunately uncertain. There is virtually no record of Sandia except for the statement that it is without the usual Pueblo clanship system. My Isleta informant opined that at Sandia they had the same Corn groups as at Isleta, likewise the same kind of a town chief, only they did not work for him. There are no scalps at Sandia, it was said, because Sandians themselves have been killed instead of taking scalps.’ This same informant visited Taos during our acquaintance but, observant though he desired to be, comparisons between Taos and Isleta were so difficult for him to make because of language and because of his proneness to see similarities only, that his remarks are not reliable. Still they are of interest as bearing upon Isletan practices. He in- sisted that the moiety system existed at Taos just as at Isleta. There were Black Eyes and those using red paint and corresponding to the shure’. The Taos boys who undergo a long period of initiation are being initiated into these moieties, an initiation which is not made at Isleta. Now, according to my own information about Taos, such an inclusive moiety system does not occur there. There is merely a Black Eyes society; and the boys are initiated into a number of societies or kivas. What society corresponds enough to the Isleta shure’ to have led the Isletan to an identification I can but guess.6. My Isletan observer also opined that the Isletan Corn group organization was to be found at Taos, which is, I believe, a wholly erroneous observation. Ma- ternal descent is not distinguished at Taos, and kiva or kiva society, membership to which only males are eligible, is entirely optional with parents. Curiously enough, although my Isletan observer noted the fact of the exclusion of women, he persisted in identifying the Taos kiva or kiva society with the Isletan Corn group. He was at Taos when certain winter ceremonies were under way and he was comparing these, I think, with the winter solstice ceremonies of the 6 See p. 220, n. 79. 7 And my informant went on to say that no Isletan was ever killed by another tribesman. ‘‘ That is why we have scalps.” 8 Another Isletan visitor to Taos thinks there are shure’ at Taos because on San Geronimo Day three clowns are painted yellow and white (shure’), the other three being black and white (shifun). PARSONS] COMPARATIVE DISCUSSION 347 Isletan Corn groups and so identified the respective organizations. In certain details his Isleta-Taos comparisons appear more just: at Taos there are no corn fetishes, in Isleta terms, no keide or Mothers;?® no kachina at Taos, just as there is none at Isleta—i. e., no kachina masks belong in the organization of either town. (Of the relation between the Isletan (tiwa) dancers and kachina proper this particular informant was ever unaware.) And yet the ritual accompanying the three Hwa dances in the Tsletan calendar unmistakably connects the dances with the general Pueblo kachina cult. I surmise that the supernatural Liwale, who is said to come from Zuni mountain, is a borrowed Kok’okshi,” and that the Dark liwa is the Chakwena kachina of the Keres and of the West. (It is tempting even to derive the term chakabede from chakwena.): The duplication of clown personages in the hwa ceremonials—Grand- fathers (te’en) and the k’yapio (compare, for term, the chapio of the Tewa and, for role in emergence myth, the koyemshi of Zuni and Laguna)—this duplication points to complex borrowing. (My informant stated that at Taos there were k’yapio, chifonetti; but no Grandfathers, te’en). Again I surmise that some of the medicine society ritual is borrowed from the Keres, notably the corn fetishes or Mothers, and the bear impersonation. In ant curing ritual, which is known to be borrowed from the Keres, sucking out is practiced; in Isletan ritual proper it is unfamiliar." Distinctive in Isleta ritual are the use of a certain medicine root to give power and for clairvoyance during ritual for detection,” and of a bowl on the altar for the spittle of exorcism; the offering of pig- ments to the sun; and the degree in which crystal gazing is practiced; also the ritual complex of ‘‘drawing down” the cosmic supernaturals ® The story he was told at Tacs was that the medicine chief who once had them was killed by two Co- manche. 10 But Isletan tradition has it that the pinitu ceremonial came from Sandia over 50 years ago. ‘Perhaps they (Sandians) got it from Zuni,’’ commented Lucinda. Another Isletan denied this Sandia provenience. *“We have had it always.” 8 So much for interpueblo borrowing, but the possibilities of Mexican borrowing may not be overlooked, in connection with the kachina cult and the moiety clowns, Grandfathers and k’yapio. I have discussed this subject elsewhere (Parsons, 21), but I would like to point out here, or rather reemphasize, that in no pueblo can the Spanish elements in Pueblo life be as well studied as in Isleta. Isleta (and Sandia) were among the earliest of the pueblos to fee] missionary influence which, except during the Hopi episode in their history, has been continuous in these southern pueblos. This church control might partly account for the resistance to the mask cult at Isleta, if my theory is correct that that cult was largely post-Spanish, starting with Spanish clown masks such as are worn by the Grandfathers and then developing, in the western pueblos (particularly Zuni) into the efflorescent, anti-church mask system of to-day. I am wondering how much Spanish influence may be found in Isletan ritual songs and prayers. As for relations with Mexican tribes, that subject, too, should be carefully studied, when we know more about the tribes of northern Mexico. Meanwhile, it is tempting to point out such resemblances among the Tarahumare as appear in their sun, moon, and star cult, their dancing and racing practices (kick-ball, races between married and unmarried, etc.), their rites of fasting, continence, and confession, of notched stick playing, of aspersing and exorcising with smoke and with ashes, their use of the antisunwise circuit and of the numerals three and five. 12 See p. 449. Is the use of this root Navaho? Similar detective methods at Zuni were accounted Navaho, (Parsons, 1.) An Isletan woman, a kind of unlicensed doctor, says that she has this root medicine from the Navaho shaman to whom she is apprentice. She used it once and went into a trance. But it is too pow- erful. She has not qualified to use it yet. A root to give power, particularly clairvoyance, is used by Tewa doctors, 348 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH ANN. 47 through the roof hole. The roof hole figures in western ceremonial, but, as far as I know, not nearly as prominently. With a crystal the Hopi refract the sun ray into the kiva. I have not listed as ritual patterns the practices of formal dismissal by the chief, of the messenger reporting in full the details of his trip, of giving thanks, of exhorting by the chief to moral behavior. How- ever, all of these features contribute to the character of ceremonial and nowhere except among Hopi ceremonials are they as marked as at Isleta. Possibly they occur elsewhere but have not been as fully noted. Notable is the insistence at Isleta on the powers of the chiefs which are thought of as individualistic shamanistic powers as well as powers in virtue of society membership. There are similar references to individualistic powers at Taos, and I surmise we have here at both Taos and Isleta a Plains Indian feature. The importance of clair- voyance and prediction at Isleta may also be due, if not to Navaho, to Plains Indian culture. Distinctive in the pantheon, as already noted, are Weide, the high god, and as objects of a special cult among the dead, the stillborn. The Water people also are notable. Elsewhere prayer sticks are cast into the river of the pueblo or buried in its banks, but they are said to be sent to the dead or the kachina. At Isleta the river offering is specifically for the Water people. ORAI’BI, THE LAGUNA COLONY In the seventies Laguna was a town divided against itself by the blade of Americanism—Protestant Americanism. The town hierarchy broke down, splitting into pro-American progressive and anti- American conservative factions—the first led by the shikani kurena society chief, whose sister had married one of the three Americans married into the town; the second, led by the town chief and Flint, Fire, and kashare society chiefs or members.’ The conservatives 13 The list which I got at Laguna in 1926 follows, as List I: 1. Reishu‘ (called Juan Rey at Isleta), Flint cheani; 2. Casiro (called Casil’do at Isleta), Flint cheani, Chaparral Cock clan; 3. Kaiye’ kye (called Fran- cisco Correo (or Kaituri) at Isleta), Fire cheani, Sun, clan; 4. Tsaiukye or Uakwi, Fire cheani, Sun clan (father of Pedro Martin, also Fire cheani); 5. Kaish’tome, kashare cheani, Parrot clan; 6. Tsishguna, kashare, Turkey clan (he stayed at Mesita and “save it” to his son G’ea); 7. G’asiro, kashare, Bear clan (mother’s brother to Pedro Martin). G’asiro went to Isleta but, not liking it there, he returned to Mesita. When he went to Isleta they took his wife from him. He married in Isleta. When he returned to Mesita he did not get back his Laguna wife. He still comes to Laguna as a kashare to make cures. At Mesita he is kachina Father (Parsons 12: 208). Still other cheani leaving Laguna for Isleta were mentioned: 8. Tsiwaka of the Bear clan, Ant cheani; 9. Shkasgum or Luis of the Corn clan, shahaiye cheani; 10. Humika or José of the Lizard clan, shumakoli cheani; 11. Kuwai’tyena of the Sun clan, kurena cheani (and his wife Tsaiusi of the Eagle clan); 12. Kai’yuwe of the Corn clan and Corn clan cheani (and his wife Ityie of the Sun clan), identified as José Antonio Correo at Isleta. List Il: In 1927 at Laguna Dr. Leslie A. White got another list of the emigrating cheani: I-’unai or Casidro Castellano (see No. 2, above), chief of the Fire society; Kaie’- pomai or José, Fire cheani (married to daughter of I-‘unai); Waibyli or José Miguel Garcia, Fire cheani; Tsaieporo or José Losaro, Fire cheani (these four constituting the entire membership of the Fire society and taking with them the society altar); Shuwimi (Turquoise) or Santiago, kurena cheani; Audye’ or Juan Rey Chirrino (see No. 1, above), shahaiye cheani. PARSONS] ORAI/BI, THE LAGUNA COLONY 349 decided upon migration. They moved first to Mesita, about 3 miles from Laguna, and thence, some of them, to Isleta, arriving some time, perhaps a year, before the railway came through, which was in the year 1880. This comparative dating of the immigration is from an aged Isletan, one of the three surviving scalp takers. Juanita Torres, one of the surviving immigrants, who looks about 60, said that when she and her family stopped at Mesita she got married there, before moving on to Isleta. According to Isleta tradition the immigrants were intending to go on even farther eastward to Sandia, but they were arrested by the Isletan hierarchy, invited to stay, and promised land. Had they not with them their Mothers (iema’paru), who would “bring good luck” to Isleta? To-day, at old Laguna, there are sore eyes “ and lame- ness among the people, because some of their Mothers were carried away and even those they still have they do not regard. Juanita Torres’s estimate of the number of the immigrants was by family; there were seven male heads of family. This estimate corre- sponds with the recollection of the old scalp taker. Twelve men and women went first, others followed with the children, he said, to form a colony of between thirty and forty persons.'® From an Isletan woman married into the Laguna colony and familiar with their history I got the following list of immigrants, together with their Keresan clan affilations. LIST II 1. Francisco Correo, Sun clan. 2. Maria Correo or Tsi‘’tiwi, Sun clan. Wife of 1. 3. Lorenzo Correo, Sun clan. Brother of 1. 4. Maria Abeita or Shuitia (Keresan), Sun clan. Wife of 3. 5. José Antonio Correo, Sun clan. Brother of 1, 3. 6. Lucia Siu’tina, Lizard clan. Wife of 5. 7. Casildo Velho or Iunai, Lizard clan, widower at time of migration. 8-9. Shauunai, daughter of 7, and José Antonio Gayama, son of 7, who married daughter of 3 and 4. 10. Matia Garcia, Lizard clan. 11. José Rita, Lizard clan. 12. Maria Rita, Lizard clan. Wife of 11. 13. Juan Rey Churina ” or Aute’, Lizard clan. 14. Lupi Churina, Sun clan. Wife of 13. 15. José Mariano Churina or Yute’, Lizard clan. Brother of 13. 16. Benina Yuwai, Lizard clan. Wife of 15. 17. José Miguel Churina, Lizard clan. Brother of 13, 15. 4 There is, in fact, much trachoma at Laguna. 18 As a basis for this report there is one hunchback at Laguna. 16 Writing in 1891, Lummis states that a generation before, owing to a great drought, about 150 Keres from Acoma and Laguna settled in Isleta (Lummis 3: 206). An earlier immigration than the one we are dis- cussing? But what became of the descendants of these Keres? I incline to think that Lummis was merely misinformed about the migration of 1880. This is an Isletan patronymic as are others in this list. The Laguna people were without Spanish patronyrmics, so they borrowed from Isletans. Of Casildo and his children it was said that “they gave themselves to the Luceros and took their name,”’ 350 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 18. Jesusita Miguel, Lizard clan. Wife of 17. 19. Francisco Torre(s) or Hemish, Sun clan. 20. Santiago Torre(s), Sun clan. Brother of 19. 21. Paulina Torre(s), Eagle clan. Wife of 20. 22. José Martin’, Bear clan. 23. Josefita Martin’ or Tsiuyaitiwitsa or Kwaiye (Bear). Bear clan. Wife of 22. 24. Santiago Chavez or Haiuna, Lizard clan. 25-26. Juan Pedro, and his daughter, Maria Ts’uku‘. 27-28. Bitorio, and his daughter, Maria Tsiwakéra. The land given the immigrants was to the southwest, a district already settled by Isletans and called Orat’bi.’® To-day 6 houses in this suburb of 43 houses belong to Laguna people (Birnin) ” or to Isletans married to persons of Laguna descent. The other houses are occupied by Isletans. In the Laguna houses live by rough esti- mate 62 persons, of whom 53 are of Laguna descent, including 3 of the 4 surviving immigrants.? The fourth immigrant ™ lives with her son in Isleta proper, where live also 9 persons of Laguna descent, making a total, together with a Laguna family of 5 across the river, of 69 persons from Laguna or of Laguna descent. I am not at all certain, however, that this census is complete. Of Laguna-Isleta intermarriages I have noted 17 among which 9 Laguna women mar- ried Isletan men and 8 Laguna men married Isletan women. The facts of residence show a like even distribution, the intermarrying Laguna men and women living in both Orai’bi and the town proper. What have been the effects of this contact of about half a century between two distinctive Pueblo groups, speaking different languages, and in their social organization possessed of different traits? It is said in general that Laguna persons are bilingual, but that Keresan has not been learned at all by the Isletans. In fact my chief Isletan informant, although he is godfather to a Laguna child and has been living on and off at Orai’bi for a dozen years and is established there permanently during the last year, knows few, if any, Keresan words, either of the vernacular * or ceremonial.” He said he had listened in to his neighbors, too, still he could not learn their words. In the families of mixed marriages somewhat other conditions might be found, of course. It would be particularly interesting to learn more positively whether or not any Keresan kinship terms have passed into 18 For this name there is no translation. The name is the same, we may recall, as that of the Hopi town on Third Mesa. There is no Isletan tradition about Hopi immigrants. Perhaps the name attached to the locality after the return of the Isletans early in the eighteenth century from the Hopi country. 19 Laguna is called Berkwi, Rainbow. 20 They are José Antoya Correo or Tiami (Keresan, Eagle) or Shyutera, of the Blue Corn people and of the shure’ (Lists I, 12; II, 5), Maria Correo (Keresan, Tsi‘tiwi) of the Day people and of the shure’ (List I, 2), Maria Chavez or Koyude of the Earth people and of the Black Eyes, Juana Torres or Kinai of the Earth people and of the Black Eyes. 21 Maria Correo, whose son is the town chief of Orai’bi, where they also have a house. 22 A Laguna neighbor, he observed, called his boys payatem’ (Keresan for youth). 23 Even such a much used term as kopishtaiya for the cosmic supernaturals was unfamiliar. After expla- nation he said he would translate it as ka’an, the Fathers. PARSONS] ORAI’BI, THE LAGUNA COLONY Soil Isletan usage. My informants make use of four terms for senior collateral kinswomen, ky’uu, kerchu, aiya and ia. Possibly the last two terms may be derived from the Keresan terms for mother and aunt, naiya, yiya, yaya, iya.” The Laguna women are or were skillful potters; the Isletan were not. Until they began to learn more of the craft from the Laguna immi- grants, Isletan women made only undecorated ware (as at Taos), bowls for chili and for cooking beans. The best known Isletan potter to-day is Maria Chiwiwi,” a woman of 50, who told me she would watch her Laguna neighbor, Benina Yuwai * (List II, 16), who died in 1925, and so learned the craft. It was Benina who told her not to use a stick covered with wool as a paint brush, as she had been doing, but to make a brush from yucca fiber chewed fine. And it was Benina who taught her how to ask the clay mother for clay. With her ‘‘cousin,”’ the wife of the present Laguna governor, Maria drives in a wagon to the river bank, she asking the Mother on one trip, her cousin, on the next. Maria Chiwiwi makes pottery only for the American trade. Ware copied from Laguna is used also in the pueblo. I have been told that there are about 10 Isletan potters of Laguna ware, of whom Lupi Anselmo is the most skillful, and about 10 potters of the old Isletan ware. Curiously enough, it was not the potters of the old ware who took to making the new ware. In making the old ware you have only to “‘build” and polish, for the new ware you ‘‘build,” smooth, polish, paint, and burn. Maria Chiwiwi, for one, had never made the old ware nor does she make it now. When she needs old ware pots to give away at the pinitu dance she buys them. Maria Chiwiwi took up pottery making about seven years ago after her husband’s death, and in general the new art seems to have been learned by other Isletans only within a decade. They still buy their paints from the Laguna colonists. White and red pigments come from places near old Laguna, and the black mineral pigment from the Rio Puerco. Pottery making aside, it is not in the economic life, which was prob- ably in general very little differentiated, nor in language, but in the social, including the ceremonial, organization that acculturation between the two groups has taken place. Here the original out- standing differentiations were in the matters of clanship and of moiety. Among the Keres what moiety system there is is entirely ceremonial, associated with their two kiva system and more or less indirectly with their phallic clown societies, the kashare and kurena. Laguna, like Acoma, may have had even slighter moiety traits than % Parsons 12: 201, 202. On the other hand, ia is the Taos term for father’s sister. 2s She was married to the son of Lorenzo Correo, the Laguna immigrant. So intolerant of Americanism was her husband that he would not allow a word of English in his house, nor a picture on his walls. % Juana Torres is also a good potter. 352 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 the eastern pueblos. On the other hand, clanship at Laguna was well developed, there were 14 or more matrilineal and exogamous clans, of which seven are said to have been represented among the immigrants—Lizard, Sun, Eagle, Corn, Chaparral Cock, Parrot, Bear. What was the experience of the immigrants in connection with the Isletan moiety system? Their own moiety associations, slight as they were, they did not bring with them in any organized form—the kurena society remained at Laguna and the kashare at Mesita; and the colonists builtno kivasat Orai’bi. What happened? The immigrants were taken into the Isletan kiva-moiety system, to which they had nothing to contribute, but which was familiar enough to make them feel at home, and to accept as a consequence, at least, of intermarriage with Isletans. Given intermarriage, what of adjustments in the matter of clanship? Three questions here—descent, finding the Isletan equivalents in the Corn groups for the Laguna clans, clan exogamy. The reckoning of descent was simple enough, for the Corn groups like Keresan clans are matrilineal; as a result, we may infer, of ancient contacts with the Keres when the Isletans were themselves immigrant. Finding clan equivalents never presents difficulties to a Pueblo Indian. I have noted that frequently in several towns slight resemblances suffice to identify clans, so that the Laguna Lizard people were straightway identified with the Earth people,” and the Laguna Sun people with the Day people. Eagle and Corn clans have their homonyms among the Corn group 5. The Laguna Chaparral Cock people might well have been identified with the Magpie people, but I have no evidence that they were. In fact, Casilde (Lists I, 1; I, 7), Chaparral Cock clansman, belonged inferably to the Earth people. Parrot people might also have been classified with Magpie people. The Bear people had a more difficult problem. They may have solved it in connection with the third question, the really difficult one of exogamy. The Corn groups, as we know, are not exogamous. Husband and wife frequently belong to the same group. In several instances where it was difficult to find the clan equivalent it was said that a Laguna person joined the Corn group of their spouse. Now if José Martin’ (Lists I, 4; II, 22), Sun clansman, joined the Day people, his wife (List II, 23), Bear clanswoman, probably joined the Day people also.”8 How much the principle of exogamy has actually gone by the board in the Laguna colony would require a closer knowledge, family by 27 In fact, both at old Laguna and among the Hopi, Earth or Sand is the ‘‘other name”’ of the Lizard clan. 28 It was their son, Pedro Martin’, who in 1919 gave me the list of Isletan clans (Parsons 4: 154), naming the Isletan Corn groups as well as the Laguna clans. Some confusion resulted, but Pedro may well have felt confused, if he was born a Day (or Sun) person at Isleta and at old Laguna he found himself a Bear person. (See Parsons 12: 272-274.) About Pedro, who was called Meyushka (Keresan, Meyu, Lizard) at Orai’bi, a characteristically Pueblo pun is made. How is he? Some one may ask of a visitor to old Laguna. ‘His tail is still long.” PARSONS] ORAI’BI, THE LAGUNA COLONY 30D family, than we have. In present-day theory the exogamous prin- ciple seems to have disappeared. Even Lucinda with her intimate Orai’bi affiliations was quite unaware of it. It seemed as natural to her for Birnin couples to belong to the same Corn group as for Isletan. Nor did Lucinda see any difference, by the way, between isletan and Laguna ‘‘peoples’’; i. e., Corn group or clan, except in the matter of secretiveness. ‘‘When you go to old Laguna, first thing they ask you is what hano (people; i. e., clan) you belong to. If to theirs, they want to wash you (referring to the rite of head washing practiced on adoption or initiation). But we don’t tell them.” No better evidence than this of the ceremonial and hence secret nature of the Isletan Corn group compared with the nonceremonial and hence revealable nature of the Keresan clan. As for Juan Abeita, my chief informant, he knew no more of Keresan clanship principles than of the Keresan tongue, and the Birnin all belonged, he insisted, both to the Isletan moieties and to the Corn groups. In other words, he felt that the immigrants had been com- pletely assimilated into those major parts of the Isletan social organization. On the secular government at Orai’bi Lucinda and Abeita were in disagreement. Abeita asserted that the secular offices of governor and teniente which the immigrants had at first maintained had of recent years lapsed; whereas Lucinda was positive that the offices were still filled and she named the officers of the year (1926); governor, Pedro Torre(s), son of Santiago Torres, the immigrant and sometime governor (List IT, 20);*° teniente, Seu Chave(s), the son of Maria Ts’uku‘, daughter of Juan Pedro, the immigrant (List II, 25, 26); José Chave(s), son of José Mariano Churina, the immigrant (List II, 15); and sheriff, Tomasi Chiwiwi, an Isletan married to the daughter of José and Jesusita Churian, immigrants (List II, 17, 18). I am for crediting Lucinda’s account. Pablo Abeita is said to ‘hate the Laguna people,” wanting ‘‘to cut their ways.” He is opposed to their having their own officers. Consequently his adherent, Juan Abeita, in characteristic Pueblo fashion, denied their existence. On the other hand, he, and not Lucinda, as ever secretive about ceremonial matters, was informing about the Ora’ibi war captains, town chief, kachina cult, and medicine men. There are three war captains and, in choosing them, as in Isleta, moiety representation is considered—one year, two Black Eyes and one shure’, the next year, two shure’ and one Black Eyes. These officers act in general with the six Isletan war captains. In turn, the colonists ask for the services of the Isletan Grandfathers (te’en),the moiety masked clowns, as watchmen for their kachina dances. *® José Rita (List I, 11) was the first governor at Orai”bi. 354 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 The kachina chief, ‘their father,’ is the town chief. Francisco Correo or Kaituri (Lists I, 3; II, 1), the immigrant, held the office until he died in 1918. Then his son, José Nacio*” Correo or Shiebaté (in Isletan, white prayer feather) or Shaatse (Keresan) succeeded him. Shiebaté was only 16 and unmarried. He did not marry until six years later. According to Juan Abeita, Shiebaté has represented the colony in all its dealings with Isleta, a rather improb- able statement considering the youth of Shiebaté. In connection with their kachina dances he no doubt does represent them. Per- mission to hold a mask dance he must obtain from the town chief of Isleta. The seasons for the mask dances are after the February field cleaning or exorcising ceremony by the Fathers, and the June solstice ceremonies of the Corn groups. Although the ritual accompanying the three wa dances in the Tsletan calendar unmistakably connects the dances with the wide- spread kachina cult, it is doubtful if the Isletans themselves relate their liwa dances to the masked dances of their Laguna neighbors which my Isletan informant had seen, but of which he had very vague ideas, not knowing even the names of them all. However, from rough sketches the masks appear to be the same as those of old Laguna. There are: 1. Chakwena; 2. In Isletan Hwa funide or dark kachina, whose mask, however, is yellow on one side and blue on the other (pl. 20, a) and whose call is o‘ho! o‘ho! ‘‘Heis mean”’; 3. Papire (Isletan, duck) katsina. These three masks come out each as a set or group. With the chakwena comes also a single mask who, except for mask, is like the aiyayaho in the Isletan iwa pér. Then there is a mask I venture to identify from the sketch (pl. 20, 6) as hea (hehea). With the parti-colored masks come out to play three gumeoishi. Unlike the old Laguna gumeoishi*! they wear no mask, but a black cloth is around the face, which is painted “green.” They wear black blan- kets. One carries a crook cane with feathers attached to it. One has a small drum. They dance around. The maximum number of kachina dancers is 18, which corresponds to the number of Laguna males of dancing age. The dancers are led in by their town chief, without a mask. Not only do Isletans look on at these dances, but they are also the recipients of the kachina dolls made and distributed in connection with the cult.2 The house of the Laguna Fathers is used for night dance practice and by day the street south of the town chief’s house, which is closed to Mexicans and whites by the war captains, is the dance % In 1920 I was told at old Laguna that Nashu (Nacio) of the Sun clan was the Father of the kachina at Isleta, having succeeded his own father in office. But now for contradictions. Nashu’s father was said to be G’eonai, a Lizard clansman. (Parsons 12: 208.) 31 Compare Parsons 8: Fig. 15. According to one informant, there used to be, 30 years or so ago, two or three mask-wearing gumeoishi at Orai’bi. They were called pibula, mud-heads. 82 Isleta townsmen are not allowed to make kachina dolls which they are told are made of tapak@ (stick, water, carry), light porous sticks carried down by the river. PARSONS] ORAI’/BI, THE LAGUNA COLONY 355 place. (Pl. 19, 6.) There is no dance place in Orai’bi, and, as stated, the Laguna colonists have no kiva. To the house of the Laguna Fathers during the night practice Isletan women will take their fruits, melons, peaches, grapes, ete., to be sprinkled with medicine water. Besides their mask dances the Laguna colonists present the Kings’ Day dance, the Santo Rey dance, or, in hybrid Isletan-Spanish, nareip6a, of which the account has already been given in the calen- drical series of ceremonies; but which may now be reread the better to appreciate the remarkable assimilation shown in this performance between the host and the immigrant groups. Danced by moiety in old Laguna as it isin the other Keresan towns, this tablita or fiesta dance is now danced by the colonists according to their Isletan moiety classification. The dancers use the Isletan moiety kivas and perform in Isleta; but their ritual (such as prayer-feather making, I presume) and their ritualistic dance paraphernalia they keep to themselves. .. . Before the Laguna people had brought this ‘‘Santo Rey happiness”’ to Isleta, the Isletans went to Sandia on Kings’ Day. To the medicine or curing organization of Isleta the Laguna immi- grants have contributed perhaps most distinctively. We recall that there are now in Isleta two curing groups, the Town Fathers (téeka’an) and the Laguna Fathers (birka’an), the chief of each referred to respectively as tutude (older sister) and bachude (younger sister). In the latter group there are now no persons of Laguna descent, neverthe- less the name points to a Laguna origin, as well as certain other facts. The predecessor of the present chief of the Laguna Fathers was named Usaa, which is a Laguna word for Sunrise.** (Usaa died in 1924.) Usaa got his Laguna name when he took office because he was installed by the Laguna town chief Kaituri. There happened to be no trained successor to the office in the society. In the memory of my informant there were three Laguna medicine men in the society, Kaituri or Francisco Correo (Lists I, 3; II, 1), Juan Rey Churina or Sheride (Lists I, 1; II, 13), and Casildo Velho (old man) or Tunai (Lists I, 2; II, 7), all deceased. Kaituri we have noted as the some- time town chief and ‘‘kachina father” of the Laguna colony. At old Laguna he was called Kaiye’kye and described as a Fire cheani. Juan Rey was a stick swallower and he maintained that Keresan ritual at Isleta, using the room of the Laguna Fathers for his ceremony which only the Laguna colonists attended and which was thought of as their peculiar medicine ceremony. At old Laguna, Juan Rey was called Reishu’' and was described to me as a Flint cheani, to Doctor White as a shahaiye cheani. Juan Rey, who was headstrong even in old Laguna, used to fight with Pablo Abeita. Because of this hostility, in 1923 Rey decided to leave Isleta and go to Sandia to live. 88 Osach, Sun. 356 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 There was much perturbation in Isleta. Rey had sent on to Sandia ahead of him the box containing his swallowing sticks, together with the canes of office of the governor and officers of the Laguna colony. A woman told somebody about Rey’s action, and somebody told the governor of Isleta who told the town chief of the Laguna colony. “They had a meeting about it. They would not let Rey go to Sandia until they got back his box. They sent some men for it. Then Rey went to Sandia. After a year he died.** He did not last long because he broke his promise to do his ceremony at Isleta.” . . . Juan Rey was the designer of the pantheon represented on the walls of the chamber of the Laguna Fathers, of Sun, Moon, Orion’s belt, Rainbow, Lightning, Mountain Lion, Bear, Rattlesnake, Eagle, Badger (?), Corn of the directions, and the anthropomorphic figures called ka’an piaunin, who are the spirit patrons of the society. (Pl. 17.) Juan Rey was also an Ant doctor and he had passed on his curing ritual to a younger member of the Laguna Fathers, an Isletan. Juan Rey’s wife, who died about 1921, was the daughter of José, the shahaiye or shiwanna cheani of old Laguna. His daughter was also a shahatye cheani and would go to old Laguna to help her father. And her father frequently visited her in Isleta. José, in the account he gave me in 1917 of the Laguna immigration, mentions Rey (Lei), although, characteristically, he did not refer to him as his son-in-law. J infer that Rey was a shahaiye cheani® (Ant and Giant subdivisions). The shahaiye were stick swallowers. Besides sha- haiye, said José, Fire (hakani) and Flint (hish) cheani had gone to Isleta.*® Pedro Martin’ (Felipe) of Isleta and Laguna, whose Laguna father was a Fire cheani in the Laguna Fathers and who was himself a some- time member of the Laguna Fathers as a Fire cheani, stated to me that there was in the Laguna colony a shguyu (giant) cheani.* Probably this was Rey. Now at Laguna the Giant cheani had the right to make kachina masks. If Rey was the Giant cheani, inferably it was Rey who made the masks at the Laguna colony. At old Laguna Casildo was said to be the chief of the Fire society. At Isleta it was stated definitely that Casildo was possessed of fire ritual which he taught to a younger member of the society, Juan Chato, who now builds the fire ritualistically in any ceremonial room at the request of the town chief or war chief. Juan Chato can handle fire and stand on coals without being burned. All such fire making and testing is, we may infer, of Laguna introduction. 3% His daughter returned to Isleta to claim his house and land, but the Isletan governor had already “handed’’ it to an Isletan. 35 An inference since confi:med by Doctcr White. (See p. 348, n. 13.) 36 Parsons 8; 109. 47 Parsons 7: 59. PARSONS] ORAI’BI, THE LAGUNA COLONY Bol We may summarize the outcome of the Isleta-Laguna contact as fourfold: 1. The language of the immigrants has been retained, but not communicated to the hosts. 2. Refinements in the craft of pottery making have been passed on from immigrants to hosts. 3. That part of the social organization which is affected by inter- marriage and descent (moiety and clan) has been adopted by the immigrants from the hosts. 4. The ceremonial organization of the immigrants has been retained and contributed or patched on to that of the hosts. Comparison of this recent Laguna immigration with that of the Tewa to the Hopi early in the eighteenth century is of interest. The contact between the Hopi and the Tewa immigrants to First Mesa produced results quite similar to that between the Laguna immigrants and the Isletans—retention of their language by the immigrants. without communicating it to their hosts;** adoption by the immi- grants of the social organization as affected by intermarriage (adop- tion of a different clanship system, and in this case the breakdown of the moiety system of the immigrants); ceremonial contributions by the immigrants. %§ The conditions in regard to pottery making were quite different for the Tewa immigrants than for the Laguna immigrants, as their Hopi hosts probably excelled them as potters. But it were of interest to know if the Tewa immigrants contributed any Rio Grande methods or designs to the First Mesa craft. 7 Was TVD AT ow a8) OSecharin eigiscr Sea oil be wendy oth) biaaangty wilélve ret pig ethos, hgheseerubellts toa dak beta ama al soca aiid ‘adie to uae reel Well teteoiod) of bateiinigenités pene geal wy ndt Be Sat eve » da dete ‘di aipeidoneniad (Kis : word itl | sartgiratoarnige sid Thine etooie sanlalibe we meuTa ‘Bilisens eal}: Toe Paar dard Th nA ADewl ovigghd Merten! bas ylaidm) anode ly Dowd agers eldenh oils gre? ender eat ened watt teaey ns D. jaostenantenp fuinomteren AT ohll Steel bit (th Ob eo hotoisg Yoho (arsine han ul! dria iesie gure qui ghb didinem eit te aetteqniiy) TA mniabiqagyaliin stuleiatili chien inuli: wlhiol ee ehut =i ere! i id Mi dtd crv wtiedd don i . Fy ¢ ; cup dek ib fere yet he DY seliaie ston ateesr dec bon ' Pe = ti 9d wea i & igltl ote bow in otygaly “il id 1 ey i i! i Hiun{iie rhurertar wal binwedd glow cnet ifntda lives 4f0 Tihath re ind seta kin ALTOS FOLK TALES Folk tales (pa’ishie’) * are told only in winter, from October on, because they say snakes will bite you in punishment if you tell stories insummer. If you tell stories to strangers your life will be shortened. People will tell stories at night until cockcrow. Then if a long story is underway, some one may say, ‘‘This far we are going to see who remembers tomorrow night.’ Yunyaa hinawinihi téomda eimminakin. This far stop we are going to-morrow in the night. Nat6‘ai (houses), which will be translated into English as “‘long ago,’’ or natéyai, ‘‘in the house,” is the introductory word or phrase for any tale. The listeners respond Ha! as they do also whenever the narrator pauses in his tale. Kaw‘e’kyem, you have a long tail now, or, the tail is on you, is the closing nominee, of which the conclusion is implicit: You have now to see if you can take it off, by telling a tale in your turn.” Although the tales recorded are from but a few informants and are probably not an exhaustive list, the collection is unusually interesting as expressing both daily and ritual habits and points of view. It shows, too, a composite character, of varied provenience—Spanish, Keresan, and Tanoan. EMERGENCE AND OTHER ORIGIN TALES 1. Tort EMERGENCE The emergence myth proper or as a whole appeared to be unknown to Juan Abeita, who said it was known only to the Fathers; but he was able to give a tale fragment, also a prayer-text fragment, and to recite the names of certain stopping places and, of course, the names in Isletan of the towns where the peoples have since remained after coming out from the springs shipapu and kaitirebe’ai. As for Lucinda, she said it was a ‘‘wonderful story, how they came up and traveled, but I am not allowed to tell it. If I did, I might be dead before I got home.” 39 Pai, from the beginning, i. e., from when the people came up; shie’, talk. Compare the Zuni expres- sion ‘‘From the beginning talk,’’ for the emergence tale. See p. 220, where paye is given as a term for grand- father, connoting age. Compare Jemez, Parsons, 16: 136, for the term for folk tale meaning old person’s talk. See also p. 209, n. 36 for pa’i in the term for the house of the medicine society, and p. 259, n. 69, where pai is translated everlasting. Na’pobai’ is another word for tale. # The same nominee is in use at Taos. 359 360 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 In the account of the solstice ceremonial where the emergence myth is recited there is a reference to the mountains *” which figured at the emergence. Stopping places.—In the north they were at K’oaaik6rikéri(spruce 2). Traveling southward down the Rio Grande Valley they built small houses.** All the Pueblo peoples came out together, but each people had their own ceremonies. At Kaipe’ai (the lake at Taos) “ the peoples separated. The people who were to go to Shiaw‘iba stopped at Pafu’tara, S6wiai, Paburei, Pahumpeai, Tébeai, Té‘wira, Paw‘i’afea (pond red). When they reached Shiaw‘iba, they began to work. Before this, during their early migrations, they did not have to work. They got food through the power of iema’paru. Water they could get from any rock. After the Mexicans came in, the religion began to break down, ‘“‘to stop.” The other peoples remained at: Té‘wieai, Taos; Shamnu, Picuris; Pawiai, San Juan; Piruhu, Santa Clara; San Ildefonso (Indian name forgotten); Pata, Cochiti; Towiai, San Domingo; Pat6éx, San Felipe; Yiemai, Jemez; Térnaba, Zia; W‘eroe, Sant Ana; Kékweai, Laguna;* Sarai, Zuni; *® Télawe, Acoma; Bok'yage, Hopi.” I. TALE FRAGMENTS Nat6‘ai, long ago, they were living under the earth at Wimdaa, and following the customs. Older sister (tutude, i. e., chief of Town Fathers) and younger sister (bachude,i. e., chief of Laguna Fathers) were together, but each had a separate ceremony. In some way Weide had to send us up into this world. For four days they were getting ready. Shifun kabede (Black Eyes chief) and shure’ kabede (shure’, chief) had to come out first. They had those kyapio. They were the ones to dig up the earth with their horns. (That is why they use horns.) When they made a gate (an exit) up to the earth all had to come up with their own ceremonies. In some way they separated when they were going up: shifun kyapio came out from Shipapunai, and shure’ kyapio came out from Kailripe’ai.” The Mother (keide) thought that nobody would remember her after they had come up into this world. So she asked for somebody to remember her; she asked Weide. So Weide had shaxé kabede (witch chief) born with us, come up with us, through whom we would remember iema’paru (the Mother). Shax6 kabede would make us remember keide or iema’paru in this world. That is why there are 42 Compare Jemez, Parsons, 16: 137. 43 Compare Jemez, Parsons, 16: 138. 44 TOwilpienau is the name of the mountain where lies this sacred lake. 45 Also called Berkwi, rainbow. 46 The people, Saran. 47 The people, the Muki, Bubkin. 49 For ceremonial division at time of the emergence see Jemez, Parsons, 16: 138; Tewa, Parsons, 17: 14-15; Cochiti, Dumarest, 192. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 361 witches, we believe; from getting sick, people will remember iema’ paru and Weide.” They were already up in this world when they fell sick and had to ask iema’paru for power to cure the sick. They were living on some mountain (name forgotten). They could not find the way to begin it (the curing ceremony). They had a meeting to find out how to ask for the power. There were kumpa and kabew‘iride, wilawerl (the war chief), the White Corn Mother, and all the other Corn Mothers (chiefs of the Corn groups) They were thinking it over, thinking it over. At last a boy came in. He had no father or mother or relations. The other boys did not like him. One of them who had been playing with him, thinking he would harm him, went to the witaweri and said that this boy could tell them what they needed. So witaweri told the fathers there was a boy who could tell them what they needed. They told witaweri to call him in. So wilaweri called him in and gave him a seat and asked him if he knew how to ask iema’paru for her power. Jema’paru was helping him. “Yes,” he said. ‘To make this power you need the head one of the world; you need t’aikabede (people chief, 1. e., town chief).”’ They did not know who t’aikabede was. One man said that he, the boy, might himself be the t’aikabede. He said, “For you to ask me properly and have me tell you, you must give me a smoke (paki’mu).’’ So kumpa rolled a cigarette and offered it to him. He did not take it. He said, ‘This is not the right one (kind). You need tepab‘paki’mu (lepa, native tobacco).”’ They had to ask him what tepab‘paki’mu was. (This boy was born by the power of iema’paru.) He said to the people, “If you have faith that I am the one to get you out of this trouble, keep your mind on your ceremony, on one road. I will get you this lepab‘paki’mu.” * A young girl was sitting there. He went up to her and said to her not to mind what he did, and he kissed her. That was the first keide (Mother). That is the way the keide came out. Now he was holding a big piece of the tepab‘paki’mu which he had got with his power when he kissed that girl. He knew she was powerful like himself. He gave the tepab‘paki’mu to kumpa, who rolled a cigarette and gave it to him, and he smoked. Before he finished smoking, clouds were all around. Lightning and thunder began to come and rain fell. Then he had to say that he would be their headman (t’aikabede), and the girl would be their keide. That is how they learned to make their ceremony. When they were under ground maybe they were asleep or did not pay attention. That is why they did not bring these ceremonies up with them. So they started their ceremonies as they do them now. ® Compare Dumarest, 215-216. 51 See p. 257. 6066°—32——_24 362 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 II. THE ORIGIN OF THE EAGLE PEOPLE Natéi when our father (kimkaawei) Weide decided we were going to come out from the bottom of the earth, all joined their thought into one thought. They thought it over how we should come out and they asked the t’aikabede what should be done. He called his paiwitawen and wilawen and talked it over. The ‘“‘little captains”’ said it would be all right if they should put in some kyapiunin to have charge over the people, to guide them. The t’aikabede and paiwitawe thought it was good. Then he separated the people into two parts, shifunin and shure’. The shifunin had to goahead. The shure’ to come out second. So witawere was told by t’aikabede to pick six men from each [moiety]. So he took six from the shifunin and six from the shure’. These clowns were fixed just as they were to be in the world. The hair of the shifunin was tied on each side, that of the shure’, on top of the head. Long willows were given to the kyapiunin to punish people who did not obey. They told the shifunin to dig the hole up to go out. They tried to dig with their heads day after day, but they could not dig. They told their younger brothers to try to dig. When the first one tried, some dirt came down, a little bit; the second tried and made a larger hole, then the third and fourth and fifth and sixth tried. The sixth dug it almost out, but not quite. Then the head one tried again, and on his second try he made a door for the people to get out. Then he told the people it was ready. But first the kyapiunin had to go to a pole in the middle of the house, where there were turtles and clothing of all kinds. The shifunin were so anxious to start they took only the turtles. The shure’ took the drum and buckskin and whatever was left. The shifunin got out first. The shure’ stayed behind until all the people got out. Then they came out last. From there they came, from the north. One thing they did not have, an eagle feather. A woman on the way had a little baby who cried and cried. They forgot this woman and left her behind. While the baby was crying and looking around, it saw an eagle flying around. The eagle flew lower and took out a feather, which fell on top of the breast of the crying baby. When they found out that the woman was missing, the kyapiunin had to go back to look for her. When they found her, she told them how they were left behind and how the eagle threw down its feather. So they named the baby shyutaiine (eagle person). Finally they caught up with the party ahead when they were close to Shiawiba. Right there the old people decided for the people to live there always and not to be moving to and fro like other people. That’s all. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 363 Ill. PRAYER FRAGMENT ABOUT THE EMERGENCE watdx’ pandoatdx’ napiau nanal pawita k’oashambana ? down five ? levels down verily right there lake coming up kika’awei kikewei uwabana kikewei nashau ana’weiba yuea our fathers our mothers came up our mothers power belonging to them t kikabewei shifun kabere shure kabere an imimbe _ papa’ai- our chiefs Black Eyes chief shure chief ? 9 older broth- wei piewe imim weiba kashanban kapiwide nashau imim ers same think their came up Kapyo power naweiba inature’ fat’6wiban wadin waimaiba inhumi inkaa- their world made a gate their horns rub against, dig come or shasha’dewa kyiu piewirepé6teban wakautyfierl kéchéa_ karuau born into this world ? make you see giving breath from brains in ‘‘ organ near Corn Mother, i. your heart heart” e., make you understand kyiu na berka’cha takeban téchumi kaawe tuefuni imimbe‘ mind meaning head man,i.e., father prayer stick t’aikabede black kabe hambemi t6’ai pia’wide tuwilawedi p’emaihina kibeo- father same next to him [?] cane war chief road bringing coming chumi heuwi penawirw‘ia shipapunaiti hekubti kaihripeai from north along river valley (name of spring) one side of (name of spring) koai’k6rik6éai kikewei bee betétai’mabana shiw‘ibtéa name of village our mothers when she was living Isleta anatématupi/na betdkwélaibana hufibesel uremi na upini appointed stay all the time at that time clouds coming with lightning coming up topo na konshiro tope benamakoakemina.” you hear with thunder you hear 2. Tue Disospepient Town CHIEF Natéyai (in the house). Response: Ha! First they decided they would put in a t’aikabede (town chief). They wondered how could they put in the chief. So they went to the tula (kiva) and they talked it over and talked it over. But they did not know how because they had never seen a chief installed the way they wanted to doit. They were counting their days without food or water, four days. They could do nothing. There was a poor little boy, a crazy little boy, tutuude, big head. They hated him. One decided, ‘‘We will call this tutuude and see how he can advise us.” When the little boy came in, they said to him, ‘‘ We heard that you are the one who understands about installing a chief. Could you tell us about it?” The little boy said, ‘‘At the beginning, when we were coming, you know you had a chief already, but you left him behind and did not bring him up with you to this world. You left him at Shipapuna.” (When we came up, the world closed up again, and the “ Collective term for lightning, thunder, falling rain, rainbow. 364 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [eTH. ANN. 47 t’aikabede stayed inside, because he had two hearts.) ‘‘Everything is all closed up now. How can we get him? You are a crazy fellow, but I think you know how to get him.” He said, ‘‘If you should give me a leaf of smoking tobacco, I will go get him with that leaf.” At that time they did not know about tobacco. So they asked him what tobacco was. He said, ‘‘ Well, look in all directions, see if anybody is lucky enough to find that leaf.” They all looked all around, begin- ning in the east, and then looking north and west and south and up and down, but they did not see anything at all. As they hated this boy, they said, “You are talking of things of which we know nothing. You had better look around yourself and see where that leaf is.” This little boy had plenty of power (naterde). He walked in all directions and did not find that leaf. Then when he came to the middle he looked up into the beams, and pointed to that leaf. ‘How ure we to get it?” He told them to get a corn husk. They went and looked for the corn husk and brought it. Then he made a cigarette. With that cigarette they went to Tsipapuna again. When they got there—he was using his power—the door was open. He saw t’aikabede, but he was all painted up like a shax6 (witch). Then the boy handed him a smoke, to think in a good way and come out and show how there should be a t’aikabede in this world. The t’aikabede received the cigarette and smoked in all directions and told the boy he was coming out, but with two hearts because he was left there, without a smoke in the beginning. They both came out. The t’aikabede went ahead and the boy followed, directing him, until they came to Shiaw‘ipap. When they got there the men were all waiting very patiently. It was 12 days since the little boy left them and returned in the night. ... When he got in there, he took all the men and everybody in the world under his arms to look after them and look after their life and their luck in the world. But he could not live there very long, so he thought he would choose a man to rule over them. So they chose one who was too young to be t’aikabede; still they chose him. Then they told all the people to get ready for a feast. They all got ready. They had another council, and during those 12 days they chose a war captain and leutenant and officers and a governor, and the officers were made by the old chief brought by the little crazy boy. Then those war captains (paiwilawe) chose 12 kapyunin, 6 shifunin and 6 shuren.® . . . They had to go from house to house to gather the dancers, to finish their t’aikabede (after the 12 days)... . They gave hima house to live in all his life. The t’aikabede brought by the little boy gave the new t’aikabede advice how to live in this world. He was told that from that day on he could not work. He could not chop wood, nor kill anything, not even an 53 With their hair pokes they dug up a passage into the world, that is why they call them shure’, gopher. The shifunin went first, but, having side whorls of hair, they could not dig the way up. ~ PARSONS] FOLK TALES 365 insect. They gave him a rule to sit inside of the house where they put him to live until his death. Thereafter he was told how another t’aikabede should be made and next to him the war captains and the governor and all the helpers*! to bring food and clothing for the people. They kept on doing their duty, but this new t’aikabede was a young man. After the old t’aikabede died he could not keep his word, on account of being a young man. He saw the other men, dancing and hunting and plant- ing and going on free. He was sitting inside the house; only when the paiwilawe came in and took him to the dance, did he go out. It became harder and harder for him. One day he made up his mind to see how it would feel to work. So he took a rope and an ax across the river to get some wood. Nothing happened to him. He came back home; nothing happened. So he thought there was no need of keeping the rule and he would go hunting. So he made his rabbit sticks and went out. Every time he felt like it he would go out. On the fifth time he went out he thought he would get wood again. While he was chopping his wood he heard a voice asking him what he was doing, but he saw no shadow or anything. He listened and said, “Who are you, talking to me?’”’ The other person answered, ‘“‘The one who put you in as ruler of your people.” He sat down and won- dered who it was. As he could see nobody he thought it was coming true what the t’aikabede had said when he made him ruler. While he was sitting with his head down, again he heard the voice, ‘No need of your thinking, my son. I told you at the beginning not to work, not to kill anything, not to hurt anybody’s heart or feelings. You are the greatest man of the people and they have to take care of you and give you what you need. You have done enough. You did not respect me. So now before you go from here I am going to give you a punishment. And tell your people on your return never to make a man under 65 years of age t’aikabede.’’ Then he felt switches across his back. Hesaw nothing; he onlyfelt them. He was whipped to death. After they finished whipping him, he heard a voice, “‘Go home, my son. You will get there all right. Four days from to-day call your council and tell them what I am telling you to-day.” So he got home as well as he could, without wood or ax or rope. He called the paiwilawe who ruled next to him and all the others to come to the meeting. After all came, he told them he broke the rule; he disobeyed. So the paiwitawe were to make another t’aikabede, some old man. Young men have too many ideas, they will not mind like an old man. After he had told it all, he died. On that account the people never make a young man (town) chief. & Reference to the Corn groups, presumably. 366 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN, 47 3. How tHE Town Cuter Gor His Moruer Nat6‘ai, after they came up, the war chief was planning to feed the people. He summoned the men, and they sang hunting songs. The next morning they went hunting—men, women, and children. After they had made their first surround, one girl lingered behind, and as she passed by the spring (so’awi) she heard a voice singing. She wondered who it was in the pool. ‘‘I wish I could see him and talk to him.” A youth (6wade) came out of the pool. He told her he did not live in this world but in Wimda. The war chief did not see the girl. When he found her he asked her why she had staid behind, and he whipped her and ordered her to overtake the others. After the third surround the war chief asked the girl again why she had staid behind. She told him about the boy. After the people had gone home the war chief called all the chiefs to go to the kiva and the war chief brought in the girl. After they all had come in they removed the ladder. They had to learn why the girl had staid behind in the hunt. They asked her about it. She said she had staid behind to talk to the young man. Tutude and bachude talked together and went out to gather their things. The girl they kept there. She was crying. Tutude and bachude brought in their Mothers (keide) and laid down their altar and began to make their ceremony, placing the girl near the altar. They used their crystal (poshik6) and with power from iema’paru they said the girl was not expected to live in this world; she belonged in Wimda. The youth she had talked to was from Wimda. He was a powerful man. They were calling to her from Wimda to come to them. The town (kitude) had to prepare what she was to take to Weide; now they knew what had happened. The town chief preached to the people about what they were to prepare for the girl, and how they had to take her where she belonged. They went out and took the girl with them and fed her, not letting her go home but keeping her in the town chief’s house. The town chief, and the chiefs of the medicine societies and the war chief were the ones to clothe her, all in cotton clothes. That night all, including the chiefs of the Corn groups, went back to the kiva, where the war chief talked to them. They were to fast for four days. The first day they began to work at the clothes, at the manta and belt of cotton, and at the moccasins. The girl was there, crying all the time because they were going to send her away. They made wemi © (large bunch of prayer feathers, feathers of all kinds tied together) and a cigarette (wirl); also talashie’ for her hair.** On each of the four days in the morning the war chief called out that everybody was to purge himself. 55 We, pay. Term not applied to-day to prayer feathers. * Bunch of painted feeathers. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 367 People went to the chiefs of their Corn groups to ask for prayer feathers (shie’) to give her to take down with her. On the fourth morning the war chief called out that everybody who wished might come to the ceremony in the kiva. They had to come barefoot. So they took their feathers into the chiefs of the medicine societies. After all the people came in they began their ceremony, with the girl in front of the altar. First they cleaned up with their feathers. Then they told the people how the girl belongedin Wimda. Then they arrayed her, and gave her the prayer feathers. She had to say good- by to them all. The people were crying because she was going away. The town chief, kumpa, tutude, and the war chief had to take her, all of them ceremonially arrayed; first went tutude, then the town chief, the girl, kumpa, the war chief. So they went, about noon, to the spring. When tutude stepped on the log near the spring it began to sink. Nobody was allowed to come near the spring. So he had to use his ‘‘power”’ to go in close to the spring. At last they answered him. He told them he was bringing the girl to offer to them. Then a tree (pawita) rose up, and on the tip of it was sitting the young man. He shone so that he blinded them, all but tutude who was gazing with his power. Then they threw meal toward him and told him what had happened to the girl, and how they were ready now to offer her to him. The young man said all that was true. She had been born into this world to go back alive into the other world. After 12 days she would return to this world to live. She would belong to the town chief. She would be his keide (Mother). Then they placed a flat stone from the bank to the tip of the tree, and she walked on it to the young man, holding the prayer feathers. The men on the bank were crying. They returned to the kiva. After sprinkling meal in the directions and to the keide they told the people of everything that had happened. The people were crying. They said, ‘‘At the end of 12 days this girl will be back again.”” These 12 days all the ceremonialists had to fast, and all those who were present might also fast if they wished to help. At the close of the 12 days they made their ceremony again, before noon, and then they who had taken her went after her. At noon the same tree came up again, and both the young man and the girl were sitting on the tip. She was dressed even more handsomely than before and she was shining enough to blind them. In her arms she carried the keide. The young man laid down the stone, and she stepped back to where the men were standing who gave thanks that she was back with power. They thanked the young man. He said good-by and went down. They returned to the kiva. The girl was shining so the people could not look at her. They gave her a seat in the line of the Fathers. The chief took the keide from her and showed it to the people. They had a newborn keide to be used by the town chief. 368 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH ANN. 47 Besides the keide she brought up with her the three things the town chief uses—the moccasins, all of buckskin, his hair feathers (fawashie’), and his buckskin pouch (naw‘ir). 4. Tue Sun’s Kick Stick Natéai a young man used to belong to the sun. He called him his son (turide berhu, sun his son). Nashén’uchu * would do his father’s work when thesun rose. He had a kick stick (w‘iv) with zigzag marks of all colors on it. (Fig. 25.) He used to live in a cave toward the sunset. He would come out in the morning and put his kick stick between his toes, and throw some pollen toward the sun as the sun was rising. With his toes he threw the kick stick toward the sun. The kick stick flew to the east (pathuwetéde’). When the kick stick hit the ground at turshanminai (sunrise) lightning came out, and the sun knew his own son was working for him (t6kumchewe). He said to himself, weebaiye’ (all right), weebaiye’. The sun | would rise, and Nashén’uchu would come singing from the west. When he got to the east 1t would be about noontime. When Nashén’uchu got to the east he found out that his father had been at his kick stick and was pleased that he (Nashén’uchu) had been working. He got his kick stick again, and he poured out some pollen again toward the sun, and again he threw his kick stick, and where it struck lightning came out. Then thesun came down, noontime (pienu). The sun eee ger came down and talked to Nashén’uchu. He embraced him (Mexican fashion) and thanked him for the work he was doing for him. That’s why people say the sun always stops a while at noontime and comes down and meets all his sons. Nash- 6n’/uchu had some fawashie’™ (prayer feathers) for thesun. (They are what we clothe the sun with.) Nashén’uchu sprinkled some pollen and got his kick stick, while the sun started to the west. Nashén’- uchu threw his kick stick to the west, and the kick stick and the sun met again, at turkiminai (sunset). So there the sun and his son met again. Nashén’uchu gave thanks to his father for all the good works he did for all the world, and for long life. Then thesun set, and he, Nashén’uchu, staid in his cave house. Then the sun setting met Ieshynij’an (corn blue girl) and Tejurij’an (corn yellow girl). (They lived where the sun set.) They said to the sun that they had heard some singing that had made their hearts happy. It must be a nice young boy who was singing. The girls said, ‘‘We wish that we might see each other in the other world.” 58 The same tale hero name, I believe, as Nashéréchi which was said to refer to the colors of abalone shell, 88 Possibly the great pit shrine in the eastern corner of the Laguna reservation is referred to. Here were found prayer sticks with lightning design. (Parsons 4: 386.) 60 Compare the noontime ritual of giving prayer feathers to the sun, pp. 292-293, 328. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 369 The sun said to them, ‘‘Tafiuru hupitanin, no, dear child, do not think such thoughts.”’ So they went back to their place. But all night they were wishing to see the young man in the other world, and they hoped that the next morning Nashén’uchu would do again what he had done. In the morning Nash6én’uchu did the same thing when the sun was rising. Because of the wishes and hopes of the girls the kick stick did not reach the east, but the noontime place (pienai). Blue Corn girl and Yellow Corn girl opened the gate of the world, and the kick stick came down to the earth where the two girls were. Then Nashén’uchu, when he found that his kick stick was down there, stopped at the gate and said, ‘“‘E-e abu, oh my! Blue Corn girl and Yellow Corn girl.” He found out at once their thoughts. Those girls wanted to marry Nashén’uchu. So he said, “Nobody can marry me.” © Then the two girls laughed and said, “(Ori 6rie’, shame! shame!” and bowed their heads over their grinding stones. One was grinding corn and one was grinding wheat. Blue Corn girl was feeding the sun with corn meal. Yellow Corn girl was feeding the people of the world with wheat flour. They had their grandmother (chi’i) there. She was sitting by the fire. Then the old woman spoke to them, ‘‘EK-e abu maku (grandchild) ee abu maku! huniwa eyepiaweky. Do not think such thoughts!” You are not supposed to marry Nashén’uchu.” Nashén’uchu was standing at the gate, listening, and he asked the girls to give him the kick stick, that he was working for his father, the sun, and for all the world, so the people would have a good life and a long life. Now his father would be missing the kick stick and would be late. He asked the girls three times. They said they were not going to give him back the kick stick unless he promised to marry one of them. He answered that he could not marry. He said, ‘‘If you do not give my kick stick, I am going. I am late meeting my father.”” So he started to the sunset. When he got there he was late; his father was gone already. Then he turned back, sorry, worrying about his kick stick. He stopped again at the gate at sunrise. He spoke, ‘“Akuwam’ (greetings).”” The old women answered, “Akuwam’, grandchild.” He asked again for his kick stick. After he had left the girls they went up on top of the gate with the kick stick, and they were singing. Then they threw the corn meal to the north, koafinwetoe. They flew out, and they shook their wings. That made the wind blow on the world—that was what made the wind. They descended at the mountain Narpyenai’, on top of the mountain. On the other side of the mountain was a big mesa, Miripaté’, mesa sheer. They threw 61 There is an Isletan tale, recalling a Zufii tale, in which the Corn girls compete for Nashréchi by throwing their meal at an abalone shell in the wall to see if it will stick. © The difference in the phrase as used by the sun was explained on the ground that women say words a little differently from men. 370 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ere ANN..47 their corn meal east, north, west, and south, and they sang the same song again: e—e hi ki e—e hi ki Nasonosho impiawepori turning his mind to them. They were drawing Nashén’uchu with this song. They thought they were going to die on that mesa from which they were going to throw themselves down. Then they threw themselves down. Hiuko’abeu’de ® saw them coming and flew out from the rocks and caught the girls and carried them down gently to the ground. When they got down to the ground the girls thanked the little bird. The bird told them to be good children and not think any bad thoughts (k’opieni pie’kuva). Then the girls flew forth, and way out where they were flying were some hills. On one they flew down where in a cave was living luushahére (old woman witch) alone. They reached the entrance of the cave. The old woman heard the song they were singing. She said, “‘E—e, grandchild. Blue Corn girl, Yellow Corn girl, come in! come in!” They went into her house. The old woman asked, ‘‘Why are you around in this world? You are not supposed to go around in this world. You are from another world.” She gave them seats. The girls were afraid that if Nashén’uchu came and found them there he would kill them for taking his kick stick. The old woman asked them what they were worrying about so much. The girls answered that they were worry- ing because they had stolen Nashén’uchu’s kick stick, and he might come after them, and they were afraid he might kill them. The old woman laughed and said, ‘‘E—e, grandchild, do not worry. That is nothing. I will help you. He won’t do anything to you. If he comes here, you tell him you are going to pay him back for the kick stick.” ‘But what are we to pay him with? We have nothing to pay with.”? The old woman said, ‘‘Don’t you know how to work?” ““No; we do not know how to work; we are not supposed to work.” She said, ‘‘I will show you how to work so you can pay back Nash6n’uchu for his kick stick. You, the elder one, Yellow Corn gul, I will show you how to make a basket (flat) for him; and you, Blue Corn girl, you the younger, I will show how to make a belt for him.” The girls thanked the old woman and were pleased and began to work, one making the basket (te’cha) and the other the belt (nakgi). We turn back to Nashén’uchu. He was in the cave talking to the grandmother of the girls. She was worrying, not knowing where they were gone. Nashén’uchu said he was going to follow them. 63 A yellow-green bird that lives in the rocks, jumping from rock to rock. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 371 So Nashén’uchu did as before, sprinkling the pollen toward the north, on their trail, and singing: e—re hi ki e—re hi ki Yellow Corn girl, Blue Corn girl memplaweporiam they turn my mind to them. He flew out and dropped where the girls had dropped on Narpyenai’. He stopped there and said, like the girls he might be going to die there. He repeated his song. Then the girls and the old woman witch heard it, and the old woman witch said to the girls, ‘‘Grand- child, ee abu, Nashén’uchu is singing.”” They listened. They were afraid. They asked the old woman what they should do. She said to keep still and do their work. When Nashén’uchu threw himself down, Hiuko’abeu’de caught him and brought him down gently to the ground. The little bird asked him where he was going, and he said he was trailing those girls. How long before had the girls passed there? ‘‘Six days,” the bird answered. They had passed in the morning, and he came in the afternoon, but by their power they had made it six days. When he got to the entrance of the cave he said, “Akuwam!’? The old woman answered, “Akuwam, grandchild.” She asked him how it happened that he was around there. He was supposed not to be there but to be working for his father and the whole world. He said, “‘Aah ake’, I am around here where nobody comes. Iam after my kick stick that Yellow Corn girl and Blue Corn girl took from where I was working for all my sons in the world to have a good life and a long life. But the girls got my kick stick, and Tam after it. I was trailing them for six days, and I find them here‘ and what I want is just my kick stick.’’ So the girls spoke, “‘Aaa aaa, yes, we have got your kick stick, but we will give it back to you, as we told you before, if you marry one of us.” He said, ‘“‘No; I can not marry you.” So the girls said, “All right, thank you. We will pay you now for taking the kick stick.’”’ He answered, ‘‘No; I want no pay. I just want my kick stick.”’ The girls said, ‘‘ Yes; we are going to pay you with our work.” So Yellow Corn girl said, “‘I pay you with my basket.”” Blue Corn girl said, ‘‘I pay you with my belt.” And they gave him back the kick stick. They told him the day would come when he would remember them. He said, ‘‘I am going back again, good-by.” So he went back again. When he got to the foot of Miripaté’ he threw his pollen to the south and sang his song: ee hi ki ee hi ki Yellow Corn girl Blue Corn girl tanatemiwse I am going back. 372 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [pTH, ANN. 47 He flew up. When he was in the middle of the mesa, Hiuko’abeu’de caught him and carried him up to the top of the mountain. He thanked his friend, the little bird. He threw his pollen to the south and sang the same song. He flew away toward the south. He did not reach the cave where they took his kick stick. He fell on top of the mountain Ta’kéapien. He dropped the basket and fell right on top of it, and he turned into a snake (the belt was a token that that was going to happen to him), into ikaina’re.* 5. Tur OriGiIn or THE Liwa (Printtu) Dancers Natéai, when the world was new, they came with the t’aikabede and kyapiunin and paide and wilawe. They were not very happy because they had no dances. Nothing to make the days pass happily. So the little captains (wilaweun) went to paide (kumpa) and gave their thought and asked them if they could have a dance to make their people feel happy. Paiwilawe thought they should go to the t’aikabede and tell him about it. And t’aikabede said he could not make this thought up by himself even if he was a chief, until he gath- ered up all the men into a big council (inatéinpehan) to talk it over. When they made the council, all the men came from all the directions. That was something they had not heard about, knew nothing about it. The old men said that when they were coming out from the beginning the ka’an were instituted, so if there is anything in the world they can not find out, they were to ask the ka’an. They had enough power given to them by Weide. So the people could go to them. So they determined (made their thought up) to ask the ka’an what to do. They themselves had closed eyes, they could not see anything, which way to go. Paide (only one to go to kaade) went to ka’a and told him he was sent by t’aikabede and all his children to find out how they could live happily by dancing. The ka’an gave them four days while he was doing his work. After four days, at night, they were to meet again. When kaade came that night to the meeting he had told them he had gone to the east, toward the sun. There he found t6t’ainin; then he went to the north and found nart’ainin; to the west he found namt’ainin; to the south he found two brothers, the elder pachirtuterede, blowing water through his cane pipe. His younger _ brother was killing little rats for him to eat.. (That is why they are called shichu,® rats.) He went on, he came to the middle of the world. He found shyutain, koaran, ietainin, also shifunin kabede ana shure kabede, and he asked their advice and asked for a dance for his children. 6 In a mountain cave lives the horned sneke. (See p. 343.) 65 Note that the shichu are associated with the south, not with ‘all directions.” In another connection the narrator repeated this association. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 373 Shifunin said his dance was pinitu dance, in summer; he could not give it, because it was winter. So he went to the shure’ and he told him he had to go to the mountain [White Eagle Mountain], where there was a lot of snow and ask in all directions for the winter pinitu dance. With Weeide’s power the man would come out and show him how it was to be. So he told his people... . They had to divide their people up before the dance was to be decided. For all these different directions they put leaders, three men to each, to part the people. After they appointed these men, they divided their people. They told them they would be governed by t’aikabede first, then by paide, and then to give thought about their dance. Then to go to the east with kaade and paiwilawe to see if they could find the man Weide told them to look for. While there they heard a song and they followed the voice. When they came there they found a man all dressed up, just as the dance was to be. So kaade and paiwilawe asked the man if he could come with them and show the people how to dress and dance. They brought him home with their power. They gave him to All the directions people. So everybody had received him. From that man from Weide they learned the winter dance.” It kept on, and summer came. As before, they made their thought and went to kaade and paiwilawe and asked how they could get their summer dance. Kaade told them to go back and wait four days while he was doing his work. Then he went to shifunin kabede and asked if he could send a man dressed and with songs. So he went to the people and told him to go again to Shyupatéa | White Eagle Moun- tain]. They went and heard a song. They followed it and found a man dancing. He was dressed entirely different. Clowns (both kinds) were with him, with watermelons. They brought them home and had their meeting and gave them to the people and from them they learned their summer pinitu dance (for crops). And from that we learned how to dance until to-day. 6. Tae War Captain WuHo Was INCONTINENT Before an antelope hunt the war captains (wilawe) had to remain continent for four days. Once, on the last night of this period, one of the war captains ® had a woman who was not his wife. This war captain owned a white horse. Riding it, he gave chase to an antelope that started to run to the east, then ran to the north, the west, the south. The hunt chief was telling the people it would be a fortunate thing for the war captain if he could return to the east, whence the 66 Presumably a reference to the shichu people. (See p. 273.) 87 See pp. 317-318. 68 See pp. 321-324. 6? This man was referred to as known to the informant’s father, as an actual, living person; but the story belies this. The witch stories of the same informant were told similarly, as of recent occurrence. 374 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [BTH, ANN. 47 antelope started, before the antelope. But the war captain got there after the antelope. The horse jumped over the antelope and threw his rider. When the others reached him he was dead and turned into a rock. They took the rock to the house of the Town Fathers to see if they could bring him back to life. They looked through the crystal and saw that though his body (mu‘ide) was there, his soul (waii’de”) was gone. The medicine men have kept the rock in their house, in a secret place. They feed it when they conduct a ceremony. With another rock they marked the spot where the war captain fell. To this rock, which is but a few inches above ground, hunters take offerings—turquoise and red beads, pollen, meal, sometimes crumbs, “to feed him,” and sometimes prayer feathers prepared by the hunt chief, all of which are buried—to get power from the deceased war captain to kill a deer. 7. Tae Cacique wHo TurNep His Son To Stone Narrator: Yuanan, in olden time it happened. Listeners: Ha! The cacique had only one son. His wife died; he and his son were living by themselves. He was very careful of his son, he never let him go by himself, always somebody with him. One day he went to Salt Lake with another boy. The two boys were going together around the edge. They said, ‘‘How pretty it looks, the lake!” They climbed up a little hill and they sat there a little while. They were both naked. As they sat there they happened to turn to the east side, and they saw a king (reide) and a queen (reinada) come out from a hill. ‘Look at those nice people there! Who are they?” So they said, ‘‘We will wait here. If they are nice people, they will come and see what we are doing.” They came and said, ‘‘ Hi’numi- mim kima.’’7 They turned and said, ‘‘Who are you?” The man said, ‘‘ We are the king and queen, and this is my wife.”” The cacique’s son shook hands with the queen. She left pdlénsiu (honey) in his right hand. Then she shook hands with the other boy, but to him she gave no honey. While she was disengaging her hand, softly she said to him, ‘‘ You eat that.”” Then the two boys went home. The cacique’s boy told nothing to his father nor to the other boy. So the next time he went by himself. He saw the queen coming, she said, “You are here again?” ‘Yes.” ‘‘Did you eat what I gave you?” “Yes.” “Was it good?” ‘Yes, it was good.” Then she said to him, ‘‘ Well, that means that you will be my lover (Hasére, stolen husband).” He said, ‘All right. I shall come and meet you here always.” He never told his father what he was doing; but every day 7 Distinguish from wai’ide, the term for antelope, deer, etc. (See pp. 302, 377.) 71“ What way getting dark,’’ plural; hinu kakim, singular. The response is: Kuwekem, ‘I am all right.”” The morning wayside greeting is: Hinu kaupuyu, ‘‘ What way morning to you.”” PARSONS] FOLK TALES ote he went to the lake and always she was there, the queen. After a long time he happened to tell his father. His father had said to him, ‘‘My son, my son, you are going out every day, and you do not take your partner out with you. How is that?” ‘Yes, father. I have been going alone. Now the day has come to tell you what I have been doing. The first day we went to Salt Lake we met such nice people, reide and remade. They both shook hands with me, then with my friend. While she was shaking hands, she put some honey in my hand and told me to eat it.”’ His father said, “‘My son, my son, you are doing wrong. Have you mixed with that woman?” “Yes.” “I have raised you, but I have not given you yet what you need (meaning a wife).”’ Then the old man dressed his son in buckskin leggings and gave him a banda of rabbit fur and a quiver (atuamy sher-tai, arrow cover on the left), and red (pari) and black shiny paint for his face. ‘‘Now you come with me. This is the last day you will be with your father. We will take you to the queen’s house and see how you will look with the queen.”” His father was walking in front of him. When they got to the door, his father said, ‘‘ You are not going to Elimai.’”’ (Where we go when we die.) They knocked at the door. The king said, “Comein!’’ The father said, ‘‘ No, we shall not come in. I want to see your wife.” The king brought out his wife. The cacique said to her, “Do you know this young man?” She looked at the king. The cacique said, ‘‘Do you know this man?” The queen said, “Yes, I know this man well.” The cacique said, ‘‘Now, my son, you stand next to her, and see how you will look.” (His son’s name was Loo, arrow.) ‘‘Now both go to that platform and stand there.” When they stood there, he said, ‘‘ My son, you stay right here. When you were born Indian, you were supposed to be Indian, you were not supposed to mix with Mexicans.”’ Then as they stood there they both turned into stone. (Here the narrator began to cry.) And the cacique went away crying. ... That is why we say, you will turn into stone if you mix with Mexicans.” 8. How Humuuyu was Born They were living at Kaipeai,” a girl and her grandmother, and the people did not like them. They would spit on the girl. She would go begging, but they would not give her any food because they hated her. One day all the people were going out for pifion, and she said to her grandmother she would like to go, too. So she went out after the people. Looking for them, she came to a pifon tree, and a lot of 72 The belief itself may be derived from the Mexicans. Pilgrims to the Augustinian sanctuary of Chalma are shown two stones which represent a padre and his housekeeper who were frivolous on pilgrimage. Cp., too, Mexican Folkways, I, No. 5, p. 24. 1926. 78 See pp. 359, 360, 363. 376 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO (ETH. ANN. 47 pifion nuts were under the tree. While she was picking them up a young man showed himself to her and asked what was she doing. He cracked a nut and gave her the kernel to eat and he told her to go home, she would have lots of pifion when she got there. So she went home and came back the same morning she had started. And her grandmother was surprised she had come back so early. She told her about the young man. She took her grandmother by the arm and took her to the door of the inside room which was so full of pion she could hardly open the door. ‘We are not poor now, we are rich,” said her grandmother. Then they sold pifion for their living. After a while the girl began to grow large and then she had achild. And all the people wondered where she got the child; nobody liked her. Maybe somebody had come around at night. ... From the time they had begun to be mean to the girl and spit at her the Fathers (ka’an) could not make their ceremony because they had lost something. So they had meetings all the time to talk about it. They had no rain, no food. ‘The girl’s son grew up to be 6 or 7 years old. One night he went out to listen at the top of the tuta (kiva). Below, the fathers were talking and worrying and thinking they would drop the ceremony altogether. The little boy began to laugh, he laughed three times. They heard, and were angry. ‘The t’aika- bede (town chief) sent the witawe (war chief) out to see who was up on the roof. The war chief put up the ladder and went up and found the little boy and he asked him three times, “Who are you?” and the little boy did not answer. The fourth time he said, “I am the one you call Big Head (pilude).’’ So the war chief went down and told them who it was and the town chief told him to go up and bring him down. And the little boy was ashamed to go down, but he went, following the war chief. They were surprised and ashamed them- selves to see the little boy. The town chief told the war chief to give him a seat by the fireplace. So the town chief asked him what he was laughing about. ‘Yes, I was laughing at you because you were worrying so much over what you lost, and you do not know what to do, and what you have lost is here with you now.”’ So the town chief stood up in front of him to ask him questions. The little boy said, ““You are not the one to stand before me and ask questions. I am the one to stand before you.”’ The town chief asked who was his father? The little boy said his father was humuhude. ‘‘ Where does he live?”” ‘In Pawitennowai.’’7* So the little boy began to preach to them and the town chief, and the others said he was the one they had lost. So the Fathers bowed their heads, and the town chief advised them not to hate anybody again, and they all asked pardon of the little boy. And he forgave everything. And he told 7 At Taos, the lake of emergence. PARSONS] FOLK TALES Si them to go out to hunt the next morning and he told the war chief to call out to the people to prepare. And early in the morning the war chief went to humuhu’s house. The little boy got up early and told his mother that some people were coming to his house and they were going out to hunt. They scolded him for going to the meeting. He said, “I had to do it. That was what I was born to do, to keep up the ceremonial.’’ So early in the morning the war chief came to his house and said, “Akuwam ka’a.”” (That time he was not Big Head.) So he said come in. He seated him by the fire and gave him asmoke. Then he told his mother to bring him his clothes. ‘What clothes have you, Big Head?’’ She went in and found his clothes all made of cotton. So he put on his clothes, and his bandoleer and his quiverof lion skin, and on it a bag of meal and other things. Then before they started off he sang a song, and he sprinkled pollen in the directions and toward the sun. As they were going he whistled on his whistle and the clouds came out. It was dark, dark, and the people were glad, they had not seen those clouds for many years. ‘‘ Maybe the humuhu has been born. Maybe we are going to have rain.” The second time he whistled, it began to thunder and lighten. Then all the people were so glad they were going to have rain. The third time he whistled it began to rain and it rained all day long. But the people did not stay back, but all went out on the hunt. They went to the north. ‘The war chief has good luck,” they said. When they went to where the war chief was, they saw a young boy there dressed in cotton. They did not know him. The town chief came then. He was advising the people. He said they had a new humuhu, a new humuhu was born, from the girl they had been hating for many years. They were not to hate anybody again, because God (nathe’re)*® would punish them. The people began to ery and they went up to him and acknowledged him. He said to the war chief, “You must go and hunt to get meat for the people.”’ They were nearly starving at that time. So he told the war chief to tell the people to make a big circle. When they made the circle, the humuhu said, ‘‘Now, my sons, you be all ready when I holler.’”’ When he hollered, they spread out and made a gap in the circle in each direc- tion. Then he whistled three times. Then into the gaps the wau’de—deer, antelopes, buffalo, rabbit, jack rabbit, quail, turkeys, all game birds—came in. Then, when they were all in, he hollered again and they closed the gaps. He told them when he hollered again to kill one of each kind of animal. They got ready their arrows and rabbit sticks (koa).7° Then after killing one animal of each kind, they stopped. Then he hollered again for them to spread 75 Powerful: same as Weide. 76 The so-called false boomerang. 6066°—32 25 378 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [pTH. ANN. 47 out so the animals left alive could go out. So they butchered their animals and the war chief gave them permission to go home. They were only a little way from the village where he made his power. They were all surprised to see the little boy with power. They called him ka’a or tata; he was not Big Head then. He told the war chief to tell the people to come around next morning to his house. So they went back home and next morning all the people gathered around his house. Even those who had hated his mother had to go. She was kind to all of them. He was sitting in the room, and all around the walls were skins of all the animals and birds in the world. He had a basketful of shelled corn and a basketful of vegetables. Then he called in the town chief first and gave him a seat and talked to him and told him to go out and tell his people to come in one by one. So the cacique went out and told them. The cacique started in first, then the kumpa, then the war chief, then the ka’an (Fathers of medicine societies), then the rest of the people. When the town chief came in, he said, ‘‘Hau, hau, hau!” Thanks, Thanks, Thanks! Then he looked at all the skins and drew his arms in and breathed on his clasped hands. He did this also for the corn and vegetables. (The people had had no food or rain for seven years.) Then the boy put in the hand of the cacique (town chief), standing in front of him, three grains of corn, and four or five erains of wheat, and one of each kind of vegetables, and said to him, “You go to your house and you will find it full of all grains and vegetables.” This he repeated for all those there. When they got to their houses the rooms were all full of food. His mother and grandmother came and embraced him. He gave grains and vege- tables to his mother and grandmother. Next morning the town chief came again and kumpa and the war chief and the head ka’an, and he took his whistle and went outside and whistled. Then the clouds came. When the people saw that, they began to pray. The second time he whistled, the ightning and thunder began to sound. At the third whistle it began to rain, and it rained all day. Grass began to grow up in the mountains. All the animals began to live again, the cattle and sheep that had been dying. And all the springs began to run. Then he began to talk to them all, and they began to work on the ceremony they had used before. From then on all the people lived well together. VARIANT When the people first came up all the people went on ahead and there was a girl far behind. She did not overtake the people, she was coming slowly behind. She might have overtaken them, but she was ashamed to go with them because nobody liked her. When they started to go on, she went along slowly. The sun was going down; PARSONS] FOLK TALES 379 all the people were together. She found a big hole where she was going slowly. When she went into the hole, her child was born. The next morning when the people started she could not go. She stayed four days in that hole, wondering how she could overtake the people. On the fourth day she went out just as the sun was coming up, to name the child, and she named him Puspiyama. When she started along with her baby she happened to stop at Paték’ (Santo Domingo). She lived there until the boy was old enough to know. The people found out that was the girl who had the child as they were coming south. Then the people said, ‘‘ He won’t be good for anything. We might drive them out.’’ When the boy was old enough, he would play on top of the kiva and listen to the old men below. They would say, ‘‘Drive him away, that little mischief (trespasser) (wétara’de).”’ The little boy went and told his mother. ‘I was playing. I heard the old people in their meeting say to drive us away; but, mother, we are not going away. Weare going to have our home here.”’ The next night when they held their meeting on how there was no rain, no crops, he was eating the corn, melons, squash, peas, he had in his house. The next morning his mother threw out the melon rinds. The people said, ‘“‘Where at this time of year do they get these melons?” They caught the little boy and took him to the kiva. The old cacique said to him, ‘‘Sit here before me. How are you going to get out of this trouble?” ‘‘Oh, father, this will get me out of this trouble. I hand it to you,” and he handed him some tobacco in a corn husk. Then the old people said, ‘‘My son, who are you? Whence do you come?” ‘Yes, father, | am way behind for you to know because I am nothing but wétara’de.’’ So the old people cried out, all who were there, ‘‘My son, who are you?” ‘I am the son of the cacique. Jam nothing but wétara’de.”’ The old people held to him (stood by him), and he became cacique himself. They said, ‘“‘Now you are to be cacique for all the people.’’ And so when we see a little child all ragged and miserable, we may feel very badly. We think perhaps this child is ragged and poor looking, but he may be cacique some time. 9. Tue Town Cuter Furies Away on His EAGLE AND Is RECOVERED BY Bat Natéai there was a man who was t’aikabede (town chief) living at Berkwitée’, Rainbow village. He had a wife (berla’). There was a boy out hunting rabbits. He found the nest of an eagle on the mesa. This eagle had two little eagles. They were big enough to fly. The boy was going to shoot him with his bow and arrow. There was a big bush against the cliff. The boy had a belt and he tied it to the bush and hung over the cliff and got the little eagle. He said, “T am going to take this little eagle to my grandfather (inte’e) 380 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 t’aikabede.”’ He went into the hills and killed a rabbit. “This rabbit,” he thought, ‘““I am going to take to my grandfather and, if I kill another, I will take it to my mother.” This boy was about 12. He killed another rabbit and he started back home. On the way it began to rain, so he got all wet before he got home. He gave one rabbit to his mother. He said, ‘‘I am going to take this rabbit to t’aikabedtiu (town chief wife or old woman) and this eagle to my grandfather.” ‘All right, they will thank you for it.””. When he was near the house of the town chief he called out and they came out and thanked him. So the town chief old weman gave him supper. At that time the town chief said, ‘‘I am going to make a cage for my eagle and feed him every day, a rabbit every day.’’ So he made a cage and put him in, inside the house. He fed him with crumbs. That is the way they were living. At last the eagle grew up. The old woman said, ‘‘ Why don’t you make a bigger cage and put it on top of the roof? The eagle is nasty inside the house.’”’ So he made a larger cage and put it on the roof, and he promised to get him a rabbit every day. So the town chief started to hunt. The old woman got cranky, for the town chief brought a rabbit every day to the eagle and never brought her any. So they quarreled. So the years were passing. They had rain, and animals, horses, cattle, sheep. Two years the eagle was living with him. One day he had to be away, for a ceremony, and he said to his old woman, “‘I’ll go to-morrow morning for rabbits. I will kill two rabbits. I will give the eagle one and leave the other for you to give him the following morning.” The town chief had to go at night and stay all day. They always fed the eagle at sunrise. The old woman went up to the cage. The eagle was springing about. She said, ‘‘ Here, puyéde (glutton)! You get a rabbit every day and I get none because of you.”” The eagle got mad. (You know animals can understand speech, especially eagles.) He turned his head away. ‘‘Here, eat it!” He turned away. So she threw it at him. So when the town chief came back he asked about his eagle. ‘Did he eat the rabbit I got for him?” “T do not know. He turned away, and I just left the rabbit in the cage. Come in, and eat your supper.” ‘‘No; I am going to see my eagle first.”” When he spoke to the eagle, he turned away, turning first one way, then the other way, and the rabbit was there just as the old woman had left it. ‘‘What is the matter, my son?” The eagle turned one way, and then the other way. ‘‘I know why you are mad. Because I did not get you a fresh rabbit. But Vl go and get you one in the morning.’”’ Next morning he got a fresh rabbit and took it up to the eagle. But the eagle turned away. So the old cacique wondered why he was so angry and begged him to tell him if anybody had done anything to him. Then the eagle said that he PARSONS] FOLK TALES 381 was ashamed, that he wanted him to let him go away, that his wife had called him glutton. ‘No; you must stay. I will feed you.” “No, turn me loose, and at the end of four days I will go.”” So the town chief was sad that his eagle was going away. At last the town chief decided to go away with the eagle. ‘‘No, you have your people here. You can not go with me.” But the town chief was strong- headed, and at last the eagle said he would take him. ‘Turn me loose, so I can fly and make myself strong to take you.” So the town chief turned him loose, and the eagle would fly out, from house to house. The people thought that something had happened that the eagle of the town chief was flying about. (The eagle was saying good-bye to the people in the village.) Then the eagle flew back to the house of the town chief and told him to lie down on his back, from wing to wing. Then he flew in the air a little way and came down again. The eagle said, ‘‘That is not the right way. Lie down, stretching yourself from head to tail.’ From the time they were talking about going away, from that time on, all the animals, the sheep and cattle, began to sicken. (The town chief is supposed not to leave the town.) Then they flew up, and the town chief was sing- ing. The people heard and wondered why the town chief was singing and they were thinking that something was going to happen in the town. He sang: ai ai ai pitsaai ho’taiyai ho’tayai ai ai hau hau Then the people came out to look, the town chief was singing from so far away. They saw that he was on the eagle’s back, and they got their sticks and guns, but they could not hit him. The eagle flew down to a high mountain (Poépyenab, Banana mountain), rocky, without trees. He flew southeast and stopped up in the top, where nobody could go. When he got there, he left him there. He said he was going to thank him for all the good he had done him by feeding him. ‘This is my home. As you kept me in your home, now I am going to keep you in my home.” So the eagle said, ‘‘I am going to get you some food to eat.” So in the morning he flew down, and in the afternoon he flew up with a rabbit for him to eat. But he could not eat it, he had no fire to cook it. Every day the eagle brought him a rabbit. So he lived for seven years. All that time the people were worrying about their town chief. The animals were dying; the Tiver was drying up; the food was giving out. After four or five years people were starving to death, no rain, no wind. They were burning from the sun. After six years people were dying. Old people would go to the ash heap to look for old bones and hides. The town chief had a pile of the rabbits the eagle had been bringing him, he ate 382 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 nothing nor drank. At the beginning of the seventh year he began to sing his song: ai ai ai pitsaai ho’taiyai ho’tayai ai ai hau hau The town chief would talk to the sun. The sun was keeping him alive. As he sang, a bird flying below in the rocks heard him. ‘The town chief is singing somewhere,” he said. He found out where he was. The bird flew down and went to the kabede (chief) of all the animals and birds (like humuhu). He told him he had heard a song and listened and found out it was kaade chumi,"** head man of all the world. Then the wa‘t’aikabede did not believe him. So he had to send somebody else with him, some other bird. They got halfway up the mountain; they were tired. Then they heard the song way up on top. Then the other bird said it was the head man of the world. They flew down and told wa‘t’aikabede. Then he believed it. He sent those two all around the world to summon all the birds of the world, and all the animals. They had a meeting. The wa't’aikabede asked all the flying creatures if they had heard any song up on that mountain? All answered, no; nobody could reach up there. Then the chief chose the best flyer, the eagle, and said he would send him up. ‘Prepare yourself with food, and to-morrow morning fly up there.’”’ So next morning he flew up. He flew and flew. At last he got tired and came down and told the chief he had to come down. So they talked and they chose pakd@ite’ere, bald- headed eagle, to fly up. The chief told him to prepare his food. Next morning he was to fly up. So he went and flew up and up. The sun struck him so hard that he burned off all the feathers on his head. (This is always given as the reason the eagle is bald-headed; he flew up so close to the sun that he was burned.) So he had to come down, and he said he had heard the song. The third day they chose iokuakwebau’re (see The Sun’s Kick Stick). The chief told him to prepare his food. So he went up and up and up and up. At last he reached the very top of the mountain. He heard the song, but he was so tired he fell down. He had to give up and go down, and he told the chief there were only a few rocks farther for him to go, but he was so tired he fell down. (That is why from this experience iokuakwebau’re always helps people who are falling.) Then they were thinking who would be the best to send. Somebody said, ‘Let us try pakaiite’de (bat).”’ The chief said, “Prepare your food. You have to go up there and see who is there.” So he asked for a little bowl (boruu’, it is made of wood). He tied it under his wing, filled with grease. ee Ceremonial term. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 383 Next morning he flew off, flying from tree to tree. At the mountain he flew from rock to rock. Up at the middle of the mountain he was resting and eating from his bowl. He flew up and rested on a rock and he flew and rested. He heard the song of the town chief. Then he stopped and ate. He felt very happy. He flew up again. At last he reached the top. He was so tired he stayed there, eating his grease. With two or three jumps he reached the top. Then he saw the town chief sitting there, on the top of a big rock. All around were lots of dried rabbits. Bat said, ‘‘My father, what are you doing here where nobody lives, no animals, no ants?’”’ ‘Yes, son, I have been living here seven years now.’’ Then he told him all the story about the eagle. Bat was wise. He said, ‘‘ Well, my father, I will go down and tell my chief about it. You have been here seven years. You can stay four days more. Then we will take you down.” ‘Well, my son, I am thirsty.”’ Bat said, “I will get you some water.” He went back of the rock and prayed to his god (Weide) to give him some water in his pot. So he got some and gave the town chief a drink. The town chief said, ‘‘ Well, my son, I have not enough in that pot.” “Do not think of that, but drink.’ So the town chief drank, and what was left bat drank. So bat flew down. When he came down, they gave him a seat. He asked for a smoke. Then the people knew at once that he had reached up. So they gave him a cigarette. He thanked (i. e., smoked) in all the directions, that he had gone and come back well. So he told the story. They were sad that the chief of all the world was up there and they began to think how they could bring him down. One would say one thing, one, another. At last the Ant kaade thought it over” and said: ‘‘Let us get a spruce tree seed (koata) and let us bury it tonight, and let everybody carry water and water it, so the tree will come out in the morning.”’ So they all said yes. They buried the seed, and every animal carried water in their mouth—birds, lion, ants. The seed swelled up and at sunrise it began to sprout. When the tree was so bigh (indicating 6 inches), the chief told bat he was the one to go up there. So he went and sat on the kaptu (tip of spruce). Then they kept watering the tree, and it grew and grew (that was the power of the ant, his opinion) until it got to the middle of the mountain, the third day. At last, the fourth day, at noontime, it reached to the top of the mountain and there on the tip was the bat, and he talked to his father again. And the town chief asked for a drink, and bat gave him a drink. So the town chief gave thanks for getting help before he died. So bat sat him on the tip of the tree. Bat shook the tip and far below they knew he was ready to come down. And all the animals began to pullit down. It took four days for it to come down. Then the town 77“ They say the ant is the best man to think things over.” 384 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 chief thanked Weide that he had come down. From the time the bat had first spoken to the town chief, at the village of the town chief a cloud began to appear, like a thread. When the tree was down the people could see clouds and they began to think that the town chief was coming back again. So the town chief explained to all the animals what had happened. They fed him. He stayed with them for two days. He was anxious to go home. He knew very well that his people were starving. At last the animals prepared food for him for his journey. ‘Then he got his whistle and blew it, and it began to rain in that country and the clouds appeared at his village. The animals started with him on his way. Then they said goodby to him, and he went on. Every day he would whistle, and every day it would rain, and the people saw the clouds closer. It took bim six months to reach his village. Toward the seventh month when he whistled the clouds were still closer to the village. On the first day of the seventh month the people planned in four days to go out and meet the town chief, for they heard his whistle, in the southeast. The animals began to revive, the river ran, and the springs. On the fourth day they went out and met the town chief. Then they took him to his place. Everybody in the village came there and asked him for something to eat. So the town chief began to start his ceremony and he gave a few corn grains to all the people, to each the color according to his own corn color. They said that was not enough. But when they went back to their houses, their houses were full of corn. Then they had plenty to eat. They started their ceremonies again. From bat the chichu kabede gets his power, and the town chief helps him, and at that time the town chief feeds the ants,’ because the ants were the ones to make the plan to get the town chief down. 10. Tue First RatrrLeEsNAKE Natéai lived an old woman with her son, Nachdéchi. He was a great hunter for all in the village and a helper to all. He had a friend who was a witch. They used to go out hunting together. When Nachdééchi killed any deer, the first thing he did was to feed the ants and to leave a hind leg for the animals to eat, the rest he would carry home. When he got home, he would distribute the meat to all the people as long as it held out, saving only a little for his mother. So everybody loved him so much that his friend got jealous of him. His friend said to him one night, “‘My friend, let us go out hunting to-morrow and not come back for two days.’’ Nachdédchi said, ‘All right. Let us go and stay as long as you like.”” So his mother got a lunch ready to last two days, and the next morning 78 Anybody going out from the village might sprinkle crumbs for the ants. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 385 they started off. When they got where they used to hunt, Nachééchi killed two deer, one for himself, one for his friend. His friend said, “No need for us to go back because your mother does not expect us until to-morrow. Let us see who can ride horse the better.’’ Na- chééchi said, “All right. Let’s try it, but do not have any bad thought against me.’’ His friend said, “‘Ali right. You try first, if you suspect I might do something to you, and I will try next.” So Nachédchi got on a log and tried to pick up something as if it were a rooster. When he picked up nothing, his friend sat down on the same log. His friend picked up the stick they were pretending was a rooster. He said, ‘‘Iyxa! (Gee!) that was easy and you could not do it. That was as easy as anything.’”’ Nachédchi said, “‘ Well, let me try once more.’’ So when he sat down to try he stooped down and when he raised up, the log rose up with him into the air, stood upright. His friend said, ‘Well, goodby, my friend! If you are lucky, you will come down. If you are not lucky, stay up there!’’ His friend took one deer and went home, leaving the other deer for the animals to eat. When he got back, he went and told Nachééchi’s mother that Nachééchi was not coming back because he went out working somewhere. After Nachééchi was gone a long time, there was a drought and they could raise nothing, no corn, no wheat. Meanwhile, as he was sitting on the log, an eagle used to come with food from akebaihu, mother Spider old woman, and the ants were digging under the log so it would fall down. Finally that log fell down and he got off. He was so tired he could hunt only for a few rabbits. With them he went home. On the way he met mother Spider old woman. She said, ‘‘The first one who will come to see you will be the friend who did this harm to you. You take this belt with you. Put it on so your friend can see it. He will wish he had this belt. You tell him, ‘I will let you have this belt, if we go and wash our faces early in the morning.’’’? So the next morning early his friend came, and he said to him, ‘‘Let us go and wash our faces.”” Nachééchi said, “Do not be in haste. Wait till later. I know the time for us to go.” Just at dawn, they went to the river to wash their faces. After they washed their faces, his friend said to him, ‘‘I thought you were going to let me have your belt.”” Nachééchi said, ‘‘ Yes, I will let you have it, but not forever.” ‘Come, let us hold that belt! If I get it first, it will be mine.” ‘No, if I roll it and you catch it before it unrolls, then it is yours.” So he rolled it up tight. Nachédéchi started to throw it. He hurled it forward three times. The fourth time he threw it and when his friend jumped for the belt it turned into a big snake. Nachééchi said to him, “My friend, do not cry!” His tears were falling. ‘When you tricked me, I did not ery. You know that I was the father of every creature and everybody in this world, and 386 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 you know I held everybody under my arms, and see what you did to me. Since you are greedy, I will give you all this mountain to travel on. I will leave this corn meal for you. If you are lucky, people will remember you with this meal.’’ So Nachééchi gave him corn meal and sent him to the east, the north, the west, and the south, and finally to the east where stands the big rocky mountain. Then Nachééchi went home. He went to the boy’s sister and relatives. He gathered them together and told them what he had done on account of the trick his friend had just done to him. Therefore people have to believe in the rattlesnake (chararde) for the rattle- snake was aman. From then on Nachééchi lived on as before, until he was ready to get married. And that is as far as I know. 11. How Tury Brcan To Rack For THE SUN At Namchurtainin ” (earth yellow people) lived bad people. They used to hate each other, and one time the Yellow Earth people went to Nabatétée (white village) to ask them to have a race and bet one man from the Yellow Earth people and one man from White village. So the people of White village agreed to run. The head men of the Yellow Earth people proposed to bet their lives. The White village people agreed to it. They had a meeting for one day and over night. The Yellow Earth people had their own witch ceremony (na’ihy). The White village had the ceremony of the medicine men (lifietoynin, root medicine men). The White village people chose a runner and they worked their power over him, so he would be light and strong, and they gave him the power to run as a deer. They made three cane cigarettes (wire). They told him he was to go kértim, in all directions (all around the world). When he got to pathuwetée (east side), where the piaunen * are, he was to light a cigarette and smoke it in all the five directions and leave it for the piaunen. The Yellow Earth people prepared their runner and made three bundles of nafi (dust or powder). They told him to blow the nafi before he reached pathywetée and when he turned from pathuwetée to koafiwetée (the north) to blow the second bundle of nafi. On the second day they started for Turshuma natuai, Yellow Bird Hill. When they got there the Yellow Earth people wanted to stand on the right side and so did the White village people. They began to fight. Then they said they would toss for it (ifun’- urihi). The medicine man had already made a ring (max6’), for they knew beforehand that they were going to dispute positions. The head man of the White village people said, “Let us choose the sides 78 The houses just across the river have been so referred to. In this tale the mesa bluff above those houses is the home of the Yellow Earth people. Below the bluff is where the White village lay, where stand the houses occupied to-day. £0 See p. 344. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 387 we want.” So the witch ceremony head man (naihude) chose the side that was the sun and the White village people chose the side that was the moon. Then they tossed it up. When it fell it was on the moon side and the White village people won and were to stand on the right side. They stood up the two runners. When they said one, two, three, wiba! wichu! pachuwin! the runners were to start. They counted and they started, and the Yellow Earth people and the White village people were praying hard. The runners got far out, they could not see them. When they were getting to the end of the world in the east, midway the Yellow Earth people racer, takia6wade, Hawk youth, blew his powder. When he blew his powder, the sun struck very hot on piéwade, Deer youth, of the White village people and made him tired and hot and thirsty. Hawk youth passed by him and left him. Hawk youth said to Deer youth, “‘Yutin beyabem, this is the way a man does!”’ So he turned into a hawk and flew away. Deer youth was tired and hungry and thirsty. Hawk youth was the first to reach pathuwetée. He said, “'Akuwam!”’ And the piaunen answered, ‘“‘Akuwam menhura!”’ “Same to you.” So he started north to koafiwetée. Then, late, Deer youth arrived, and he said, ‘‘Akuwam!”’ And they answered, ‘‘Akuwam menhura!”’ As he started for the north side, he smoked his cane cigarette, in all the directions, and left the cigarette at pathuwetée. The clouds began to move, and as Hawk youth was midway to the north side, the rain began to fall and wet him and he could not fly. He had to stop under a rock to wait until the rain was over. Deer youth was running happily and he passed Hawk youth and left him behind. Deer youth reached the north side first. He said, ‘“Akuwam!” They answered, ‘‘Akuwam menhura!’’ He lit his cigarette and smoked in the directions and left it there, and he turned to the west. Then Hawk youth got to the north side and said, ‘“‘Akuwam!’’ and they (piaunen) answered, “‘Akuwam menhura!’’ When Hawk youth turned to the west he blew his powder and the sun began to strike hard again. Deer youth was so hot and thirsty he could not run and had to stay in the shade under a tree. Hawk youth was flying fast. When he passed Deer youth he said, ‘‘This is the way a man does!”’ He was approaching close to fieruwetée (the west side), when it began to rain, and Deer youth overtook him and both reached the west side together. Both together said, ‘‘Makuwam (dual)!” and the piaunen said, ‘‘ Menkuwamhura!”’ So they were to start again, but Deer youth staid behind to smoke his last cigarette and Hawk youth started first. When Deer youth started, Hawk youth was far ahead. The sun began to be hot again. Deer youth had to stop under a tree. When he was midway to the south the wind began to blow from the south, and Hawk youth could not fly, and had to get under a rock. Clouds came behind 388 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 the wind, and the rain began. Deer youth began to run fast and he came to where Hawk youth was sitting and he said ‘Friend (poyu), this is the way a man does, so I will say good-bye (huaiyu akuterimi).”” And Deer youth ran on. When the rain was over, Hawk youth started to fly, but he was all wet. The people saw them coming. Yellow Earth people were sure their man was ahead; the White village people were sure it was their man. So they all began to wave blankets and to shout. At this time he was not a deer, but a young man. They saw the other man coming behind. Deer youth came in first. The Yellow Earth people were sad, and the White village people were glad they had won. They all went to their respective villages. Next day the White village people made their ceremony of lightning and thunder (nashau upinide au koanide au) to kill the man. The clouds came, it rained, it lightened and thun- dered. Some of the Yellow Earth people ran out of the village and hid. And the others were killed. And none was left in that village. That old village (natoiluh, village old, i. e., ruin) is still there. The people who hid reared children and the witches of to-day have come from them. From that time they started the races for the sun. What we call the t’aikabede’s races. VARIANT Natéai there were living two different peoples, namchér tainin, Yellow Sand people, and nampaté tainin, White Sand people. Yellow Sand people would always game and gamble and wanted to excel White Sand people, but somehow they could not get their power good, the way they wanted, because little pitiude (big head) belonging to White Sand people had power just like theirs. So Yellow Sand people one time had a council. They decided they would go over to White Sand people and bet their lives and they would get a boy to race against the witch people’s boy. Some of the Yellow Sand people said, ‘But how can we race? We do not know whether we will beat or not.”’ But the leader (kabede) of the Yellow Sand people said, “T will bet my life and the lives of all my children (people) because I know the way.”” They asked him, ‘“‘What do you know?” Kabede said, ‘‘ After we leave the starting place, I will run myself. When I get far away from the Yellow Sand people I will turn myself into a hawk (takiede). I will leave the other runner far behind. I will get in by dinner time long before he gets in.” Then all called out, “That’s good! Let us do so, so we can take the village away from them.”’ They went to White Sand people and made the bet with them. White Sand people said they had to wait until the next day because they were going to make their council that night. Then the White Sand people called out for a meeting. After they met, they said the Yellow Sand people wanted to bet their lives. The White PARSONS] FOLK TALES 389 Sand people boys said they did not want to run because the Yellow Sand people were too tricky. The White Sand people kabede said, “JT will get you out of the trouble.” The boys asked him since there were no toynin (medicine men) there how could he run against the Yellow Sand people who had so much power. He said he was going to get his power from the thought of God.*! His people did not know yet that he was a powerful boy. He (big headed boy) said he would take up the bet with the Yellow Sand people. All he wanted was for his people to think they were going to beat. So they sent word to Yellow Sand people they would race as they wanted. After the Yellow Sand people got this word from the White Sand people who were very few and knew nothing, on the fourth day in the morning at sunrise they all came together where they were going to start. The Yellow Sand boy did not know he was going to race with a powerful man and he was happy because he was going to turn himself into a hawk. When he told them good-bye he told them to expect him about noon. Then White Sand boy told his people, “I am going. Good-bye. If God help me, L will be back by sundown.” Away they went. The White Sand people stayed crying, thinking they were going to lose their lives by sundown. The Yellow Sand people stayed laughing and dancing and singing because they were so sure they were going to beat. When the two racers got out of sight of the people, the Yellow Sand man turned himself into a hawk. Away he flew ahead. ‘‘Good-bye!”’ he said to the little boy. “If you are lucky (akamuun), you will catch up with me. If you are not lucky, you are going to stay here.” Big headed boy answered, ‘‘Good-bye, my friend! If you are lucky, God will help you. If you are not lucky, I will overtake you.” As soon as the hawk flew away, the little boy started to smoke. Every time he smoked, the clouds began to come out. The more he smoked, the more clouds came out. Pretty soon he turned himself into a little deer (piude). Pretty soon it started to rain hard. The harder it rained, the stronger the little deer got. The stronger the little deer got, the weaker the hawk got until he could not fly any more. Finally when he overtook the hawk, Hawk was sitting on a tree crying and as wet as he could be. When the little deer passed by, he said to Hawk, ‘‘Do not cry, my friend, keep up! I did not ery when you passed me.” After he had gone a long way ahead of Hawk, the sun started to shine again. It got so hot that the little deer got tired. Then Hawk overtook him. Then Hawk said, ‘‘This is the way I am going to do with you. Now, you stay where you belong.’ Little Deer answered, ‘‘All right, my friend. If God help you, go on. I will §1 Thus freely translated was kimka’awei (our father) atika’an (fathers), Ati was translated Indian spirits, 390 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [eTH. ANN. 47 take a rest.’’ While he was resting he smoked again. As soon as he smoked, the clouds came up again. Then when the clouds came up, he cooled off and he started running. The more he ran the more the clouds came, and it started to rain again. He overtook Hawk again. Hawk was crying away, thinking he had just one more chance to make the sun come out. When Little Deer saw Hawk crying, he said, ‘‘Do not ery, my friend, do not cry. You were the one who wanted this bet.’”” Away the little deer passed again. Again Hawk did his business and made the sun come out. Again he over- took the little deer. When he reached Little Deer, he said, ‘‘My son, let us both go together from here. We will take it easy and neither one win, and we will come in together and save our people’s lives. Little Deer said, ‘‘No, you looked for it, go on ahead. I can not overtake you. I am too tired.” Hawk started crying. Little Deer said to him, “‘Do not ery, let’s smoke together.” But Hawk would not do it. He went on ahead. Then Little Deer stayed smok- ing. The more he smoked, the more clouds came out, and soon it began to sprinkle. As soon as it started sprinkling, Little Deer got strong again. When he started on, it was almost dinner time and he was getting close to the starting place. As he got close he changed himself into a boy again. When the Yellow Sand people saw him coming, they started to catch the White Sand people to kill them. They were so sure 1t was their man coming. When the little boy got there, he was alone, and the man wasleft behind. White Sand people said, ‘‘We are not going to kill you. Wait till your man comes, too, but we won’t kill you.”” By sundown the man came in. As soon as he got inside the line, he dropped dead, he was so ashamed of himself. At that White Sand people told Yellow Sand people they would not take their lives away from them but God knew who was in the right, and they would leave it to God. Just one thing White Sand people asked of Yellow Sand people, that they must always remember and not think less of other people because they knew a little more than the others. After that White Sand people were not disturbed by the Yellow Sand people and they increased, and the Yellow Sand people died off from sickness. Gaw'ikiemu. 12. Tue Sun Taxes A Heap” Natéai there was a man living with his wife. He used to go after wood to bring on his back early in the morning before sunrise. When he got to the woods he used to chop wood and load it on his back and hurry back before the sun rose. He used to bring it that way all his life. Finally, one time, the sun came out while he was chopping the wood, and the sun chopped off his head and took it with him. The 8 Compare Picuris, Harrington and Roberts, 313-323 PARSONS] FOLK TALES 391 sun buried his body and took the head where he lived and hung it inside of his hooded chimney. Finally, after he was killed, they learned where he was killed, and how he was killed. He had two little sons, and they grew up. After they grew up they asked their mother who was their father. Their mother said their father was killed by the sun, long since. She understood that the sun had taken their father’s head to where he lived and that was all she knew. They said, ‘‘Mother, will you make us a lunch, and we will track Sun to where he lives?” ‘“‘No, my sons, you are too small, yet.” ‘“‘That’s all right, mother, but we will try our best.” So finally they persuaded their mother to prepare a lunch for them, and the next morning they started out to look for their father’s head. As they were going along and were far from home, they came to Spider Grandmother’s place. She asked, ‘“‘How did you get here where nobody ever comes?”’ The little boys answered, ‘‘We are going east to where Sun rises to see where he lives.” Then Spider Grandmother said, ‘‘Nobody ever comes here. You are the first to come. You say you are going to look for Sun. Sun is pretty mean. You could never get close to him, but I will see to it that you can get near him. Take this cigarette for Sun and take this cigarette for yourself to smoke when you ap- proach the hot place.’”’ They kept on going until they got near where Sun was living. When they were close to the hot ground, they smoked the corn-husk cigarette Spider Grandmother had given them. When they smoked the clouds came out, and it started to sprinkle, and it cooled off the hot ground. When they got to the house of Sun the boys gave him the cigarette Spider Grandmother had fixed for him and Sun started to smoke it. With that cigarette he got drunk. Then the boys asked him where the head was lying. Sun answered that it was under the chimney, because he and Sun had bet that if Sun came out before the man ever finished chopping wood he was to cut off his head. Then the younger one said, ‘‘Father, you better smoke another cigarette, and then you will surely feel good.” After he smoked he went to sleep and knew nothing more. When Sun went to sleep, the boys went into the other room and took the head down from the chimney. So they took the head and went home. When they got to Spider Grandmother’s place, she said, ‘‘ Are you going home, my grandsons?’”’ They said, ‘“‘ Yes; we are going home.” She asked, “How did you fare?” ‘‘Grandmother, we came out all right. The cigarette you gave us we gave to Sun. With the first smoke he got dizzy, and with the second he fell down and went to sleep. As soon as he went to sleep we went and got the head, and here it is.’ Spider Grandmother said, ‘“‘ You take this head home, and you look for two ceremonial white mantas, lay the head on one and cover it over with the other one. Tell your mother not to peep in until your father stands up. You learn this song from me and sing it, when you are 392 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 bringing your father to life.’ From there they went home to their mother’s house. When they got there they told their mother that they got the head, and that Spider Grandmother told them she must look for two ceremonial mantas, and on one they would place the head and with the other cover it over. But nobody must peep in to see what they were going to do until their father sat up. So they put their mother out, and they laid down the manta and put on it the head and covered it up, and they started to sing: tabu’rikun * ho woman inkaiwem my father They sang this twice, then hestarted to move his head. The third time he had all his body. The fourth time the body was complete. The fifth time he raised his head up and stretched his arm. Then his head fell back. So they thought somebody was peeping, so they sang: tabu’rikunto inkaiwem ai ai! They sang it five times again, but he did not move. They uncoy- ered him. He looked as if he was newly dead. So they called in their mother and their relatives to show that they had brought back their father’s head, but because their mother peeped in their father did not come to life. 13. UNWeELcoME Surtors; IMpREGNATION By Sun; Lake Boy; THE Twins Seek THerr FatHer Sun; Suot Insine THE Arrow; GRANDMOTHER SpipEr’s Lirrte Pot; Dove Grris; THe Twins MAkE THE SERPENT DiscorGe; Heart IN THE Kaa; Sun Tzsts IN Oven; Sun Gets A New Heart Natéai a man and a woman were living in Shamnue’tée’ (Picuris). They had a daughter (apiutéai), Pechuri (road yellow). Her father was always jealous (liapiai) of the boys who came around. Her mother never scolded her; she loved her. Kabede he’wai wei’wa (chief east belonging) asked for her, bringing white clothes for her. Her father and mother told him to wait until they asked her and showed her the clothes. They called her. Her father said, ‘‘The chief of the east came and asked you to marry him. What do you think about it? He brought clothes for you, if you wish to marry him.’’ She was looking at the clothes; she said, ‘O’ri! (oh, my!) What will the people of the village say if I marry him and use the white clothes? They will say, ‘There comes the pashimtere’de (white long)!” She felt ashamed and did not want to marry him. So next day the chief of the east came to see what they thought. Pawieban,** they pump- 83 An esoteric term for three ritual sticks. 54 Pumpkin or squash. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 393 kined him. When the chief of the north (heui kabede wei) heard that this girl did not want to marry the chief of the east, he said, “Well, I am going to ask for her.’’ So next day he went and asked. for her, taking all black clothes. When he asked for her, the-man and the woman said to wait; they would ask their daughter what she would say. So when he was gone they called the girl and asked her if she wanted to marry the chief of the north. So she was looking at the clothes. She said, ‘“‘O’ri! If I marry him what will the people say to me with these clothes? They might say, ‘There comes crow (karade)!’’? So she did not want to marry him. When the chief of the west (henai kabede wei) heard that the others had been pump- kined, he said he was going to ask for the girl. So the chief of the west asked for the girl, bringing the clothes with him. So the old man (tulire) and the old woman (hure) told him to wait; they would ask the girl. So when the man went away, they called their daughter and asked her. She said, ‘‘O’ri! What would the people say about me if I dressed up in this? They might say, ‘Here comes tujurmale (yellow bird)!’”? So she gave him the pumpkin again. Then the chief of the south (hekui kabede wei) heard that the others had got the pumpkin. He said that he was going to try; he was sure to get her. So he asked for her, taking the clothes for her. The old woman and the old man told him to wait for what she would say. They called her and showed her the clothes. She said, ‘‘O’ri! What would the people say about me if I dressed up in these clothes? They might say, ‘Here comes koawatéakeri (blue jay)!’’’ So she would not marry him. Toérchu kabede (all colors chief) heard about it. He said he would try for her. He took the clothes with him. They told him to wait until they asked her. When he went away they called her again, and asked what she would say to the last ka’a (Father) who asked for her. They showed her the clothes. She said, ‘‘O’ri! What would the people call me? They might cali me ko’arade (an all colored bird which lives in cottonwood trees)!”? So she gave him the pumpkin. Next day he came and took his clothes. He was sorry he was pumpkined. The old man got mad at her. He scolded her; tried to whip her; and the old woman was protecting her. The old man got so mad he locked her into a cellar. He kept her there all the time. Her mother took the food in to her. It was dark in there, but somewhere there was a little hole (as big as this match). At noon the sun shone into this crack. On the floor when the sun shone, she used to come and lie, looking at the sun outside. She stayed there a long time. Once when her mother took in her food, her father came in to see her. He saw she was big with child. He got mad. He asked the old woman what had happened that their daughter was growing big with child. The old woman did not believe him. So they went in again 6066°—32——26 394 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [er. ANN. 47 together; and the girl began to cry and said to her father that nobody had come in, only her mother bringing in the food. Her father was so angry that he put his daughter out of the house. So she went. It was growing dark. She went around the village, ashamed to go into a house because of her figure. She was passing a house where an old woman was living alone. Then she asked the old woman if she could stay with her. The old woman was pleased to take her for a chabe (younger female relation) or maku (grandchild). Then she told all about it to her grandmother (chi’1)._ While they were living there the time came for her to have the baby. She had twins (kuyu), and the old woman was very glad to have more grandchildren. She told the girl that all she had would belong to them. So the little boys were growing up. They began to go out and wanted to play with the children of the village. The children did not like the little boys and would make them cry. One day, in the morn- ing, the twins thought to go to a lake near the village to play. They came in and asked their grandmother to let them go and play. Their grandmother said, ‘‘No, grandchild, I won’t let you go and play at that lake; you might get drowned.” But they decided to go, and they hid from her. When they got to the lake, they threw stones into it. Then a young boy (6wa’de) came out of the lake, Paw‘ieséan, Lake boy. He said to the children, ‘‘Why are you casting into the lake. Don’t you know people are living in the lake? You might hit somebody.” The boys said no; they did not know anybody was living there. Lake boy asked the children who was their father? They said that they had no father, only a grandmother. Lake boy said yes; they had a father; the sun was their father. ‘‘ You better go; do not stay around the lake here. Stay in the house with your grandmother.” So they started back home. When they came in their grandmother asked, ‘‘Where have you been, pikhorun, you rock heather?”’ ‘‘Grandmother, we have been out to the lake throwing stones, and a young man came out and asked us if we did not know people were living there.””’ The old woman began to scold them, too. “Why did you go? No children go there, and you pitung’en (big heads) went there. Did I not tell you not to go, and yet you went. Now you know what you do not need to know.”’ ‘‘ Yes, grandmother, we know the sun is our father, and we want to see him.” ‘‘Ea’/w6‘, you are not the sons of the sun, you big heads! You snotty nosed (leretungen; Mexican, mokosso)—who would want you for sons?” The little boys paid no attention to their grandmother. They played horseback (with sticks). Late in the evening the boys told their grandmother and mother to prepare a lunch for them, they were going to look for their father. ‘‘Ka/w6‘, grandson, you can not reach him. You will die first. He is so far.’”’ The boys said they were going anyhow. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 395 Their mother began to make them bows and arrows; their grand- mother made them akuta’re (wheaten slapjacks in lard). Next morning early they all ate. When the sun rose they started. ‘“ Aku- terimi, good-bye,” they said to their grandmother and mother. They left them worrying and crying. Out far from the village younger brother got tired. Older brother said, ‘‘I’ll take you.” He took the cord of tendon © off his arrow and took off the oak stick (pikwiri).*® He asked his brother to go into the cane arrow. When his brother went in, he tied the arrow again. He put it to the bow and shot to the east. It fell to the center of the world. Then he ran on himself to the middle of the world before his younger brother should choke inside the arrow. It was stuck in a hill where chi’ipayuhiu (grand- mother Spider old woman) lived. She came out and took it into her house. When older brother got there he found only the mark of the arrow, and the footprints of grandmother Spider old woman. He tracked her to her little house, to a little hole. He said, ‘“‘Akuwam’!”’ “Akuwam’, grandchild,” she answered, ‘‘come in, grandchild.” The boy said, ‘‘How can I come in? I can not fit into this door.”’ ‘Yes, you can come in if you but try to come in.”’ Then the boy tried to go in, and it was a big house. He asked for his arrow. Grand- mother Spider old woman said she did not take it. ‘Yes; you took it, for I tracked you right to your house.’”’ She had it hidden behind the wall of the fireplace. ‘‘ Yes; I did take it,”’ she said, and she went and got it and handed it to him. Hawé6‘, chi’i (thank you, grand- mother). Then he untied the oak end and out jumped the younger boy. Grandmother Spider old woman was surprised to see him. When he jumped out, he said, ‘‘Grandmother, grandmother!” and the old woman said, “Grandchild, grandchild!”” and embraced him. Then she began to ask how it happened that where nobody came around they had come. The older boy told the story of how they lived, and how they found the pond, and how the young man told them the sun was their father, and how they went out to look for him. Grand- mother Spider old woman said, ‘‘Ea’w6‘, grandchild, you will die before you can reach him, but I will try to help you arrive where your father lives. 1 warn you that when you arrive there, your father being mean, is not going to recognize you. He lives at Toshanpaw‘ie’ (sunrise lake). He has another heart. He has not his own heart; that is why he is mean. But I will give you something to change his heart—put a new heart in him, then he will recognize you. Do not be afraid. I will help you.” (She had a little power.) The children were pleased and thanked her. ‘‘Before you start to go, let us eat a meal together.” The older boy said, ‘‘No, grand- 8* Shie, from back of sheep, used to make bowstring and to sew moccasins and fasten arrows. % Fastened to the end of the cane arrow. 396 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 mother, we are not hungry’; but the younger boy said, ‘‘ Yes, I am hungry. I want something to eat.” So grandmother Spider old woman went to her fireplace. It was a little fireplace, with a little pot, with the bone of an ant boiling in it. Older brother said to her, “Well, grandmother, there is nothing there for me.” The old woman said, ‘‘No, grandchild, you eat and you will get full.” So they started to eat, and the pot kept filling up. They had plenty, and there was some left for her. They thanked her. And she gave them something for their father. She told them they would find a lake there, and on Sunrise Lake they would find three doves swimming, and to try hard to catch the youngest one, and she would tell them what to do. The elder put the younger into the arrow again and shot the arrow toward the sunrise. The arrow fell near the lake. Then he ran fast himself and got there before the younger one choked. He let him rest a little. They walked nearer to the lake. They got to the edge of the lake, watching over night for the doves to come. Early, early in the morning those doves would come and swim. They would take off their clothes—i. e., their skins—and become girls and go into the water. The boys ran and got the clothes of the youngest girl, and she stayed in the lake. The other two girls came out and put on their clothes and flew away to the mountain near by. The girl said to the twins to please give the clothes back; her sisters were waiting for her, and her father and mother would be worrying about her. So they said to the girl, “‘If you promise to tell us where our father lives, and how to get to his place, we will give them back.” So she promised to tell, and the twins gave back her clothes to the dove girl. She told them, ‘Your father is my grandfather. He lives across the pond. He is mean. If he sees you coming, he will try to kill you. But do not worry, I will help you myself.” She told the boys to go to the mountain where she lived. So they went, and the older sisters came out to meet them, and they said to the youngest girl, ‘Where did you find our two little brothers?”? The youngest girl went into the house and told her father and mother they were going to have two little brothers to live with them. The old man and old woman were glad and told her to bring them in and give them breakfast. After breakfast the little boys looked around. This man had sheep, and the youngest girl used to herd the sheep. So the boys asked the old man if they could go and herd the sheep and let their little sister stay home. ‘No,’ said the old man, ‘‘she can herd them; you stay home.” ‘No, we are men; we can herd them.” So the old woman made some lunch for them. The old man told the boys not to go around the pond to water their sheep; there was a serpiente (serpent) living there on the east side of the mountain. “Tf he saw you and the sheep, he would eat you up.” So the little PARSONS] FOLK TALES 397 boys went out to herd the sheep. They went one way, but turned around in the direction of the pond and took the sheep to drink. While they were there the serpent came down from his cave, with mouth open to swallow them. The serpent said to them to go away, he would eat the sheep. The twins said they were man enough to fight. When they said this, the sheep the serpent had swallowed came out of the pond. He had swallowed them into the pond. So the boys had more sheep than before. The youngest girl the father had told to follow the boys and watch them. So she was watching them. Then the boys turned back to go to the corral. The girl ran on ahead and told her father, ‘‘What you told the boys not to do they did and went to the lake and tried to fight the serpent, and more sheep came out of the lake, and we have more sheep than before.”’ So they went for three days to the pond and fought with the serpent, and the more they fought, the more sheep they got. On the fourth day the serpent said this was the last time he was going to fight. “All right, we are man enough to fight.”” And the younger got his bow and arrow, and when the serpent was going to swallow him he put his bow up against his mouth. The girl was still watching them, and she ran to her house and told her father the boys were fighting with the serpent. Inside of the serpent was the heart of their father, the sun.’ That is why they were fighting him. The younger boy called with his power (nashau) the bear and the lion. The lion and the bear came and the eagle, and all fought the serpent, and at last they killed him. The older boy wanted to open the serpent with bis stone knife. When he opened it a dove was sitting on the heart, which was an egg, and the dove flew out with the egg and lit on a high tree in the mountain, and the younger boy called the eagle to catch the dove, and the eagle flew and caught the dove. This dove was the youngest girl who was taking care of her grandfather’s heart. The eagle brought her down. The younger boy cut open the dove with his knife because she had swallowed the heart. When he opened the dove a rat ran out with the heart. Then the lion ran after the rat and killed the rat, and they took out theegg. They gave thanks to the lion and the eagle and the bear. Then all the sheep that were in the lake came out, and the lake went dry. Then all at home were glad. Next morning they said to the old man they were going away, leaving lots of sheep for him. So they went out across where the lake was, and at last they reached where their father was living. They came near the house. He had an old man there. He was surprised to see the boys. ‘‘What are you doing here? The sun will kill you. I am going to tell him.” “Call them in,” said the sun. They went and said, “Akuwam 57 The girl had told that to the boys. 398 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [pTH, ANN. 47 ka’a!” “Akuwam imuwe, my sons!’”’ They told him how they were born, and the sun did not like it. ‘‘I have no sons in the world like you, with a big head and snotty nose.” The sun wasmad. He said to the old man, ‘‘Build a big fire in the oven and put them in. If they come out alive they are my sons; if they burn they are not my sons.”’ These boys were powerful, and they slept well that night in the oven. So the next morning they came out hollering and laugh- ing, and the sun said, ‘‘ Yes, my boys, you are my sons.”” Then the sun asked the younger boy, ‘‘ How do you use those bows and arrows?” The boy drew the bow and shot his father in the heart and killed him. The older one opened his chest with his knife. He had a rock for a heart. The boy took out the rock and put in the egg they got, which was his right heart. The younger boy went and sewed up his father.** After a while the father woke up and said, ‘‘My sons, I fainted.”’ So the boys said, ‘‘ Well, we will take care of you.”” That is why some- times the sun has two suns, one on each side. This means it is going to be a good year—the sun has recognized his sons. 14. Test ror Paternity; VARIANT (LAKE Boy; THE TWINs SEEK THEIR FarHer Sun; Sun Txsts IN Oven) There was an old woman living by herself. She had a daughter. Their father was dead. Everybody hated them. The girl had noth- ing else to do but grind and make blue bread. That way they were living. At last the girl appeared to be pregnant. They wondered how she was like that when she did not go outdoors or anywhere. They thought the witawe would call a meeting at the house of the t’aikabede and find out how the girl had got that way. At the council they brought the girl and her mother to question them. At the coun- cil they could learn nothing because the girl never went anywhere. She did not know how she had become pregnant. The t’aikabede decided to let her go until the child was born. While she was waiting for the birth, they were never out of corn or wheat or deer meat. When the child was born, 12 days later, they made another council. Two boys were born. When they had the meeting again, they asked who had put her in that trouble. She said she had never been with anyone in this world. They told her if she really did not know she must get ready and take the children to the spring pawiha.® After they told her that, t’aikabede told her, ‘‘I will prepare and on the fourth day in the morning you go and throw the children into the spring.” On this fourth day the t’aikabede and the 12 witawe had to have moccasins ready for the children. On the fourth day in the morning they took the little moccasins to the woman, telling her that 5§ Compare Parsons 17: 86. 8 Informant stated that the blue lake at Taos was referred to. But Lincline to think from the song given on:p. 400 that a lake or spring in the sacred mountain of Isleta is being referred to. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 399 she must take the children, tie the moccasins to the children, and throw them into the spring. They gave her some eagle feathers and turkey feathers. When she and her mother got to the spring, she took one child and threw him in. After she threw him in she did not want to throw in the other one. She drew back. After that she and her mother talked of how they could raise up the other child. Her mother said, ‘‘ We will take him and leave him in the woods and cover him up well, and at night we will come after him.’’ And so they went home without any children. They told the t’aikabede they had done what they were told to do, and he was pleased. Afterwards the grandmother went and got the little boy and brought him home. They raised him secretly. He grew up very fast. A few months afterwards they learned that this girl had a child, and they called another council (natéim). After they called the council they brought in the girl and her mother and the little boy. They brought in every man that was around the village. Then they started to ask the woman again to whom the child belonged. Why had she not done as she had been told? The girl said she had obeyed and thrown away one to please the t’aikabede, and she had kept one for the sake of the pains she had before the child was born. So the t’aikabede asked her again who those children belonged to. She said she did not know for she had not been around with anybody, unless it was our Wind father (kakaawei walas6n) or our Sun father (kikaawei huride) or our Moon father (kikaawei paiide). ‘‘What makes you say this?” said the t’aikabede, “when you are only a sinner in this world (nabiirlade) © and how do you expect to have a child from one of these three men?” After the t’aikabede asked this she answered again, ‘“‘ Nobody comes into the house, no man but Wind father, Sun father, and Moon father.” They decided, “‘If that is so, we will let the little boy stay here and let all the men come in, and he will go to one of them, and that man will have to support him, and if he is the son of the Sun of God he will go where Sun comes through from the hole in the roof. If he is the son of Wind, he will go out where wind is blowing. If he is the son of Moon, he will go out and lie down and wait until Moon comes out. In this way we will find it out.” So they took the baby out of the woman’s arms and put him in the middle of the kiva. After they put him there the baby looked around, laughing and smiling. Soon he started crawling to the east and then back, and then to the north and then back, and then to the west and then back, and then to the south and then back (there in the center where his little moccasins were lying), and then he went around (in circuit) all of them sitting there and picked up his little moccasins and went to the spot where the sun was coming in. They said, ‘‘ Probably he is the son of Sun. If he is the ® Somebody might say, ‘‘I wish I could see through the wall.’’ Another would rejoin, ‘‘You can not; you are nabiirtade; you have not the power; only a person not a sinner can do it.’’ 400 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 son of Sun, let us wait until Sun comes in and see which direction he will go to.”” They waited, and wherever the sun shone down the baby followed until the sun was gone. When the sunlight was gone the little boy took his little moccasins and went to his mother. Then the t’aikabede and the others decided to let the little boy go until he gotolder. The little boy grew so fast that in four days he was already a youth. One night while they were sitting by the fireplace somebody knocked at the door. When the young boy (6wade) opened the door there was another young boy standing at the door, and he told him to come in. When this boy came in and sat down he called the woman, mother. “T came to ask you if you would please tell me where my father is.” The woman answered, ‘‘I do not even know who you are, my son.” The boy said, ‘‘Mother, do you remember the baby you took to Blue water?” The woman said, ‘‘Yes, I remember.’”’ The boy said, “I am your child, mother. I am the one you took to Blue water. I have come back.” He told his little brother he was his brother and that was his mother. He brought a dress and manta (white, secret ritual blanket) and moccasins for his mother to wear while she was on this earth. He said he brought these things for her because it was time for them to go and look for their father. Their grandmother and mother began to ery, wondering how they could reach their father. The boy who came in and brought the clothes said, ‘‘ Mother, IT am the son of Sun. I have got to go and look for my father so I can go around with him, to give life to the people (waidemai) and luck (nakamu) and watch over them. His mother started crying. She said, ‘‘How can you find your father?” He said, ‘‘ You get our bows and arrows ready. In four days we will go.’’ On the first night the boy from the blue water began to sing: , Way over east from the pueblo Where the blue lake is Where my mother gave me up Right there I was told From the middle of the lake To come up by the ladder To bid good-bye to my mother. So, good-bye.*! The first night when the t’aikabede heard this song, he paid no attention to it. Nor the second night. He thought it was the boys improvising a song,” because they had heard of the woman casting away the boy. But the third night he learned it was the boy himself who had come back. The fourth day in the morning the paiwilawe came in, wanting to find out what the song meant and where the boy had come from. The little boys were all ready to leave to look for 81 “Tt breaks our heart, that song.” 92 See p. 210. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 401 their father. So paiwilawe told them they could not go. They had to come to the meeting that night. Paiwilawe kept on insisting, but the older boy said, ‘‘That is true, father, you are the leader of the pueblo. You are the headman; but at the same time I am com- manded by my father to leave the pueblo and look for him and help him in this world.” They said good-bye to their grandmother and mother, and they went out toward the east. As they were going, the t’aikabede called out for them to bring back the little boys. All the fast runners in the pueblo ran to overtake them, and all the people in the pueblo ran after them, but they could not catch them. The faster they chased them, the faster they ran. They kept on chasing them four days. On the fourth day they gave up, for it began to rain and rain and rain, and the more it rained the faster the little boys ran. After they came back, on the fourth day, at night, they called for another meet- ing, but it was too late. They could do nothing about it. They went and talked to the toyide (medicine man). He said that it was always better to think in advance of doing anything, and that it was now too late. Because the t’aikabede made this mistake of planning too late, afterwards in this world people would always plan too late. From there the little boys went on and went on until they came to the house of Spider grandmother. That was on the eighth day after they had started out. Spider grandmother asked them where they were going. They were so small and nobody ever came around there, and how did they get there? They told where they were going and for whom they were looking. Spider grandmother said, ‘‘My grandsons, you are going very far. You will get over there four days from to-day; but I think you will never talk to the sun because he is very, very mean. You will be burned before you get close to him.” The little boys said whether or not they got burned they had to go. So the next morning they started again. They told Spider old woman good- bye. She told them what direction to go in, and how they would come to a big mountain. After they went out they passed just where Spider old woman told them. The younger boy was getting tired over the rocky mountain. He was falling back and did not want to go any farther. That was on the tenth day. His brother said, ‘“‘We have to go. Do not think of giving up. Our mother is thinking too much about you. That is why you are getting tired. But do not think of mother. We will see her every day in this world and take care of her. No matter how far we are from her we will watch over her every day. You will find that out after you get over there.” That made the little boy feel happier, and he went on again. On the eleventh day they got as close as they could get. On the twelfth day in the morning they got right inside where Sun was, and there was a man standing at the door. They asked him if they 402 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 could go in and see the son of God. He answered, ‘‘ There is nobody in the world who could ever see him or talk to him.’”’ He asked how did they get there where nobody ever came. The older boy answered they were sent over there by the people in the blue water, and told they were the sons of the sun, and they were looking for him, and they wanted to talk with him. So the guard (wilawe) went in and told Sun that two boys were looking for him and claimed they were his sons, and what should he do with them? Sun said, “If they claim they are my sons, you let them stay with you and see if they can stand the heat I am going to give for them.” So the guard came out from Sun’s house and told the little boys, ‘“‘Sun says for you to stand out here until he is ready for you.”’ So they stayed there, and for three days they slept; they never woke up. They did not feel the heat of Sun, although the eround was as if boiling; it was so hot. They slept soundly as if under a tree. On the fourth day in the morning the wood which the euard had been gathering was all ready. Then the little boys were put in the oven where there was fire. Should they not burn, they were the sons of God. If they burned, they were of no account. The next day when they opened the oven the little boys were as happy as birds playing on top of snow. So Sun said, ‘‘ Well, these are surely my children. Bring them in here!’’ When they got in, their father said to them they were his sons. He took them to be his helpers. The one from the blue water came up with a little bow and arrow, and that bow is the rambow which comes out after it rains, and the little boy who cried for his mother was the little rainbow™ that stands by the sun when he goes down. He was a little coward, so he had to stand close to his father. 15. Sun aND His Sons Long ago our father Sun had two sons. After he started in the morning, after he arose, he went on all the long way to Welimai. He went underground on his way to the east again. He would get there early in the morning. When he was ready to come out, he would meet his son to say good-bye. He said, ‘‘We shall see each other again to-morrow morning.” There should be the two boys standing at the door, one on each side. The older son would say, “Father, we are ready to go with you to-day and help you all the way to Welimai.” ‘Allright, sons, we will all start. When we get to Welimai T will say to your grandmother and grandfather that you are my sons. Then grandmother will want you to stay with her in Welimai, and I will go along by myself to the east again, and I will tell my wife 93 Our father Sun (kikaawei turide) was regularly so referred to. %§ Wenin, from whom the tiwan get their power. 95 It is not shaped like a bow, but it has rainbow colors. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 403 about you two boys.’’ Then he said to his wife, when he got there, the sun, ‘‘My wife, how will you look at this now, what I am thinking about our children? The oldest boy I think I am going to give him a wife now.” “All right, my husband, let us do so.’’ So when they agreed on the boy having a wife, they went to the cacique’s house to ask for the girl. And the cacique talked to his wife, too, about their daughter. They thought it was well for the girl to get a husband from the sun. So they all, Sun’s wife and Sun, and the cacique’s wife and the cacique, agreed on the two children getting married. When the two children were married, Sun said to bis son, ‘“‘ Now, my son, this is your wife, I have given you what you needed; through her you are going to be happy; through her you are going to be cheerful; through her you are going to do your work cheerfully; through her you are going hunting cheerfully; through her you are going to be happy with the people. Her name will be Malinche.*® My son, I will make your home over by the salt lake, and we will come every day to see how you are getting along. After this you shall go hunting for deer, rabbits, birds, to support her nicely. This will be the con- clusion by your father of establishing you where you shall always stay.” That is the last ot it. 16. How toe Derr Got Tuetr Rep Eyes Deer old woman and Wolf old woman were good friends. They used to go out together after wood and after food. One day when they were out gathermg wood both were tired, and they sat down to rest under a cedar tree. Wolf old woman asked Deer old woman to let her comb her hair. When Deer old woman sat down, Wolf old woman hit her and killed her. Then Wolf old woman got some meat and took it home to her children. When she was passing the house of Deer old woman’s children, she gave them a piece of meat and told them their mother would be late coming home that night. Then Deer old woman’s children took the piece of meat and went inside to roast it. As they were roasting it, it started to talk; it said it was their mother’s flesh and that Wolf old woman had killed her. So they sat down and cried all night long. Next morning Wolf old woman went out to the mountain to get the rest of her meat. Wolf old woman’s children and Deer old woman’s children came out to play together. Wolf old woman’s children were asking Deer old woman’s children how they got such pretty red eyes. Deer old woman’s children told Wolf old woman’s children that if they wished to have pretty eyes, too, they would show them how. So they got a lot of corn cobs and shut Wolf old woman’s children in, and Deer old woman’s children ran away before Wolf old woman came back. %© The Mexican term for the woman associated with Montezuma, his wife or sister. 404 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 When Wolf old woman came back, she found her two children smoth- ered to death. So Wolf old woman ran after Deer old woman’s chil- dren. Deer oid woman’s children came to a bunch of blackbirds and asked them to help them run away from Wolf old woman. So they put them inside of a football and kicked the football down south. By and by Wolf old woman came to the blackbirds and asked them had they seen Deer old woman’s children run by. The blackbirds did not answer. Soon Deer old woman’s children came to a river and they told Beaver to take them across. When Wolf old woman came there, she asked Beaver to take her across. After Wolf old woman got on Beaver’s back, he began to dive, and it took them a long time to cross that river, and by that time Deer old woman’s children got to the cave where the other deer were living, and they told deer what bad happened to their mother. Then all the bucks began to sharpen their horns to wait for Wolf old woman. Soon Wolf old woman came in. They told her to pass in. Deer old woman’s children were in there. As soon as she came down they caught her on their horns and killed her, and they made soup out of her. All the deer were told to be careful and not drop any on the floor. If they did some wolves would come out from the den. One of the deer children happened to drop some soup on the floor. From that a lot of wolves came running. Ever since that time wolves and deer have been enemies. 17. THe Girt WuHo Marriep Aa BEAR Natéai there were living a woman and a man and they had one daughter. Ever since she was a child she knew how to grind and make blue bread (pakushin). When she became grown (chape’che- bak, after first menstruation), and while she was still living with her father and mother, the boys (6wan) would come and ask her to marry them. She was very strict with boys. She wanted to marry nobody. She would say she would rather marry a bear. She was already a grown woman (tahu raweai), and her father and others would tell her it was proper for her to marry, her father and mother were getting older every day. She said she would not do it; she would rather marry a bear than one of those boys. So one night when the dance was going on in the tuta, and everybody was in there dancing except- ing this girl, this bear came to the door. The girl went and opened the door to see who it was. Bear old man, kéatuh, said to the girl, “T have heard so much about you who wanted to marry a bear. Do you really mean it, or are you just saying that?” The girl said, “I mean it; that is why I said it.” And she was not afraid of that bear at all. Bear old man said to the girl, “I will give you four days to think it over, and I will be back on the fourth night.’”’ And so Bear old man left, and the girl stayed home as happy as could be. When her father and mother (berka’a berkye) came home from the dance, PARSONS] FOLK TALES 405 they found her very happy and glad. On the fourth day in the morn- ing she told her father and mother that she never wanted to marry anybody until she found a bear, and that she had found Bear, and she was going to marry him that night. Her father and mother started crying and told her how crazy she was to think of marrying Bear old man. “How could Bear old man come and get you?” By night the girl was ready to go with Bear old man. When he came she went out with him. After the old man went out and saw the girl sitting on Bear old man’s back, he asked all the people to help him kill that bear so he could not take the girl away with him. The men went out with their bows and arrows and koanta (thunder sticks) to kill Bear old man. After they went away, the rain started to fall and it washed away the bear’s tracks. They could not find his tracks anywhere. When Bear old man and the girl got to the cave in the mountain, they took a big stone from the mouth of the cave. When they went inside the cave, they found a nice place like an Indian home. Bear old man told her that there she was to live and grind corn, but she could not go out anywhere. That way she lived with Bear old man day after day. Finally she got in the family way. She had two boys, twins. They were half bear and half human—bear babies (kéauu). They became great hunters. One time when they were out hunting the people saw them and tracked them to the cave. They killed the boys and took their mother home. (Bear old man was already dead.) When they brought the woman home, her father was no longer living, nor her mother, and she herself died from sorrow for her sons who were killed. 18. Tor Borrowep Brar Cuss There were living a man and a woman, and this man became t’aika- bede. They had a daughter. All the people had to take care of the t’aikabede, give him food and clothes, and he never did any work. When his daughter grew up, she was the best grinder and maker of blue bread among the people. One time a man came to ask the t’aikabede to let him have his daughter to marry. T’aikabede said that he would not give his daughter up until he found a good hunter and shooter with bow and arrow. So the boys would practice shooting and would go hunting to become good hunters. Finally one appeared to be the best hunter of them all and the best shooter. T’aika- bede called a gathering for them to shoot with their bows and arrows. He put the shinny ball of buckskin on top of the pole of his ladder. The rival marksmen were to shoot down that ball. Nobody hit it, except the one who said he was the best marksman. His arrow hit the ball. So he won the first trial. Then they had a council to tell the boy that he was to show he was the best hunter by bringing in 406 ISLETA, NEW MEXICO [ETH. ANN. 47 a little bear alive. So the next morning the hunter went out and looked around for a bear cave. On the third day he found a cave where Bear old woman (kéaliu) had two cubs. So he sat down and made a cigarette. When he got to the cave he picked up a little stone and rolled it into the cave. Bear old woman heard the stone rolling, so she peeped out to see what it was. The boy began to smoke to pray to Bear old woman not to jump on him. When she saw the boy praying, although she was angry she decided to take the cigarette from the boy. After Bear old woman had smoked, they sat down to talk, and the boy told her what had brought him there. Bear old woman said, ‘‘I have two little ones inside, but I do not care to intrust them to anyone. If I give you my little ones will you promise to bring them back to-morrow night?” The boy promised to doit. At the same time he made another cigarette and gave it to Bear old woman to give him enough power, for the sake of the ciga- rette, to take the little bears home and not have them run away from him. So Bear old woman took this cigarette, and with it ordered her children to go with this boy and do as they were told by him. So from there they went on and got to his house on the third day at night. On the fourth day, early in the morning, before sunrise, this boy told the two little bears that they had to go to the t’aikabede’s house, and that they were to play up and down on the ladder, and not hurt anyone and remember what their mother had told them. So all three went together over to t’aikabede’s house and he set the little bears down outside, and he went inside and told t’aikabede, ‘‘My father, what I promised you, I have done. You asked me for one little live bear but instead of one I bring two.” And so t’aikabede went out to see if this was so. He saw the little bears going up and down on the ladder. So he told the kumpawilare to gather all the people to come and see the little bears the great hunter had brought. So everybody came and saw the little bears going up and down on the ladder all the day, and t’aikabede gave them his word that he would give his daughter to this hunter. In 12 days every one was to come to their wedding. Then the hunter took back the little bears in the afternoon. On the way he killed a deer and took it to Bear old woman, and with that he paid Bear old woman for letting him have the two little bears. He gave the deer and promised her that the following year, if there were pinon, he would bring her a sackful. So after he came back, in 12 days, they got married. After that, as long as they lived he and his wife would pick pifion every year for Bear old woman, and he believed greatly in Bear until he died. PARSONS] FOLK TALES 407 19. Tae Girt Wuo TurNepD Eacur; THE Man Wuo Unperstoop ANIMALS At Nafia‘ lived a man and his wife. They had a daughter. They loved her very much. The old man did not want his wife to scold her, nor did the old woman want him to scold. She used to grind corn early in the morning before sunrise. After she finished grinding, she would cook. After they ate, she would go after water to a spring. They lived near the mountain. She would clean the house, then she would prepare their dinner. The old man used to go around the village chopping wood. The old woman used to help other people in their houses. They would give her food. So they lived. One morning the girl went after water with her water jar. Some other girls were getting water in the same spring. She was waiting until they got their water. She never played with the other girls. One of the girls got her jar and threw out her water. So she went back and filled up her jar again. She put the jar on the ground and was talking to the girls. Another girl went and threw out her water. “Do not throw out my water! I will be late. They will scold me.” “No, they will not scold you. We always play this way, and they do not scold us.’’ You will hold discourse together, touching one another with them. You will encircle the world with your discourses. My fathers, Grasping your plume wands, You will see your plume wands. You will see whether they have been finished with precious paint,® Or else are unfinished. With your spittle, With your flesh, With your divine wisdom, They -will be made over afresh into human beings; They will be strong. From wherever you abide permanently You will make your roads come forth. Your little wind blown clouds, Your thin wisps of clouds, Your great masses of clouds Replete with living waters, You will send forth to stay with us. Your fine rain caressing the earth, Your heavy rain caressing the earth, Here at Itiwana, The abiding place of our fathers, Our mothers, The ones who first had beingy With your great pile of waters You will come together. When you have come together Our mothers, Our children, All the different kinds of corn, Nourishing themselves with their fa- ther’s waters Tenderly will bring forth their young. Clasping their children 7 All will finish their roads. PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI 645 Then our children, Our ladder-descending children, Will gather you in. Into all their houses. You will make your roads enter. To stay there quietly. Then also tenderly Their young will multiply Multiplying our young, Those toward whom our thoughts are bent, You will live. You will not think to hurry to some other place.§ Indeed, this shall not be. But always in their houses You will remain at rest. In order that our children’s thoughts may be bent to this, For this you are our father, You are our mother; For this you who first had being, Perpetuating your rite of the first beginning Sit here quietly. Holding all your country, Holding all your people, You sit here quietly. Even as you sit here quietly, Even as you listen to us, We pray to you. With your words, Divine ones, With your words You hold all your people. Do not let any one fall from your grasp ® When he has gone but a little ways! In order that this may not be, Our father, Our mother, The one who first haa being, Eyen as you listen to us We pray to you. Our father, Our mother, The one who first had being, Keeping your days, Your days that have already been made, ‘ 5 The fourth underground world, the place of origin of the people. ® Paint which has been brought from the underworld. It is the property of the priests. A tiny bit added to ordinary black paint makes the prayer stick ‘‘finished”’ (telikinan ya‘na) as distinct from the “‘unfinished”’ or ‘‘worthless’’ prayer stick (telikinan cimato). 7 The young ears, wrapped in their leaves. 5 When the spirit of the corn leaves the country the ears in the storerooms shrivel up and waste away. * That is, die before he reaches the full number of his days, 646 We pass our days. Whenever your days are at an end, Then we shall fulfill our thoughts. Our mother, The one who first had being, To wherever you abide permanently, To your fourth inner room, You will make your road go in. Then again, holding your country, Holding your people, You will sit down quietly for us, Therefore as children to one another We shall always remain. My child, My mother, According to my words, Even so may it be. Do not let go of your people; Let not your thoughts be thus. Let no difficulty befall any of our day- light children, Our ladder descending children, When they have gone but a little ways on their road! ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 That this may not be I commission you with my prayers. Because of my words You will sit down quietly. This many are the days, And when your days are at an end, You will sit down quietly. Although we say we have fulfilled your thoughts No! we have not yet fulfilled your thoughts. Our office never lapses. When we come to another day,!! Then again eagerly awaiting your rite We shall pass our days, For the winter eagerly waiting We shall pass our days. This is all. Thus with plain words, My father, My mother, My child, Thus you sit down quietly.” CI'WANI ANI Priest lu’kai ya’ton‘e This day hon a‘’tate i/lapona we fathers the ones (we) have tei:’mikainapkowa the ones that first had being a’wan ka’cim a’ntecemana their waters desiring yam he’cotan‘e our house ha’lawo‘tinan‘e prayer meal to’’o o’nea’ ye’lete’una shell pollen having prepared ka’thok® te’wus a’ka hither prayer with hon o/neala kwai”ikina we roads making come forth ka’thok" o’neat a*/kiké. hither roads made go. his 10 Literally, ‘I set you up outside the door,” used of appointing an object or person to any ceremonial or civil office. 11 The next period of retreat. The rite is handed down in a self-perpetuating group through the gen- erations. 2 The last part of the prayer refers to the bundle on the altar rather than the prayer stick offering. BUNZEL] PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI lo’kKwa le’wi tea ho’’nan a‘’tatcu Yonder all places our fathers a’wico yi’la a‘/ciwan‘i moss mountain priests le- te’tacin u’lapnapkowa all sacred place the ones that are around. te’wuli a‘’te’ona open space the ones who are. ta’ kwil-po’’ti forests to’na hon a‘’wona-e’lateka you we on your roads passed lu’kai ya’ton-e this day ha’lawo:tinan‘e prayer meal to: 9 shell o/nea*we pollen hom a*’tateu my fathers to’na hon a’tea’u. to you we give. to’na hon a*‘teana to you we having given a‘‘witela’ma hon fto’n a‘leaka. four times we to you gave. le’wi_ ta’kwil-po’’ti all forests ta’kwil-po’’ti brush yam a/nikwanan a/kA their knowledge with yam tu’wa-ta’ki’kowa their staying quietly where it is yam ka’cim iteana their waters holding ton o/’neat e/‘kuna‘wapa you roud leading la‘lik i’tiwanakwi nearby Itiwana to hon o/’neala_ te’’tcikdn-a we roads shall make reach te’kohanan yam_ tca’we daylight your children a’wan ki’cim te’li’tokwi their water inner room in ton o/nealt kwa’tokdna you road will make go in 647 648 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY ton i’tinan-la’kikana you will sit down quietly te’/inan = ko/kei night good ho’na teawi/lapfa fon a‘’wante’wan‘a us children having you will come to day te’wan ya’tone to-morrow ho’n _a*’wona‘wi’lona . us the one who holds (our) roads ho”’nawan ya’toka ta’teu our sun father yam te’tacinakwi ye/lana_ kwai’’ikina his ancient place standing coming out ho’n a*‘’wona-e’latepa us on (our) roads passing hen i’yona-e’latena*wapa Wo one another on (our) roads passing. ka’pin a‘’ho’i raw persons hot yam fi’nan ta’kikona where their staying quietly (where it is) o/neala kwai”ikina road taking come forth o/neal i’kdna road making come i’tinan ta/kikai — te/kwi they sat down quietly when te’mta hon i’yona-e’latena all we one another meeting yam a‘’tatcu our fathers, yam a‘’tsita our mothers, tei’mikinapkowa the ones that first had being, le’stiklea yam ar*’tatcu furthermore our fathers, u’wanam = a‘’clwan‘l rain-maker priests, u’wanam fpe’kwi-we rain-maker pekwins, u/wanam = a‘/pi’ta‘ci’wan'l rain-maker bow priests, a‘’wan = hai’to their rite hon te’likina’ a*’ho’-a‘’ya‘kana‘wa. we prayer sticks into human beings fashioned. hon te’likinan a‘’ho’-a‘’ya‘kana we prayer stick into human beings fashioning (ETH, ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI yam nan ili te’’ona our grandfather the one who is ton ots an a’weluyan la’tan‘e turkey male his cumulus cloud wing, ka’kal an su’lahaiyan la’tan‘e eagle his cirrus cloud wing, la’thok® o/lo’ikaiak&i wo-’we yonder summer birds a‘’wan ta’pihanan la’tan‘e their rain cloud wing, a’weluyan§ kii’ten‘e cumulus cloud tail. yamtsit i’/lapa te’’ona our mother the one who is pi’‘tsem ok’ an ci’nan koti pi’lenapte cotton woman, her flesh rough cord, even pile ci’kanapte cord dark, even ak’ a‘/witela’ma with it four times te’likina pa’nulapna i’kwiyante’’tcina prayer stick encircling belting all around, hon te’likina’ a‘ho’-a*’ya‘kinapka we prayer stick into human beings fashioned tem ta yam tsit i/lap’a te’”’ona and also our mother having the one who is ha’kwin o’ka black paint woman. an ci’nan a’/ka her flesh with ma’c i’yante’tcina. flesh reaching all over. hon te’likinan ye’lete’unapka. we prayer stick made ready. te‘likinan ye’lete’una. prayer stick making ready ka’ki ke’si le’ anakapa whenever now this saying yam te’likinan ya-’kikowa our prayer stick which we had finished te’/likinan i’leana prayer stick taking yam he’cotanan yev’lana kwai”’ikéina our house standing coming out le’hok® te’wus a’kii yonder prayers with hon o/’neat kwai”’ikina we road making come forth 6066°—32 42 649 650 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY ka’ka teimikaka wherever ther first beginning a/lapatsi le’anakana rock wedge ealled ho”’na‘wan a*’tatcu our fathers u/wanam = a‘/ciwan'i Tain-maker priests yam te’likinan i’teanaptun te’a their prayer stick where they were to take them yam ka’cima_ fe’li’tona their water inner room (in) te’m‘la ha’pona ko’keikwi all gathered together beautifully where hon a‘’wona-e’latenapka. we on their roads passed them. hon a‘’wona-e’latena we on their roads passing them i’skon yam a’tatcu there (to) our fathers hon te’likinan a‘/leanapka we prayer sticks gave to them ho”’na‘wan a*’tatcu our fathers yam a/nikwanan a/ka their knowledge with yam te’likinan ya’tena i’leana their prayer stick grasping taking le’si te’kwi to all directions te/likinan a/ki prayer stick with ton ya’cuwa_ te’takuna‘wa. you talking together will touch. li’wan pi’cle &’tul-u’/lapnakwi yonder north ocean where it surrounds ton a’ki ya’cuwa_ te’takuna‘wa. you with it talking together will touch. tem ta le’stiklea and also furthermore li’wan Kaliciankwin ta’tna ka’tul-u’lapnakwi yonder to the west direction ocean surrounding at ton a/ki ya’cuwa_ te’takuna you withit talking together will touch temta li’wan a’lahoankwin ta’‘na and also yonder to the south direction fon a’ki ya’cuwa te’takuna you with it talking together will bend down tem ta li’wan te’luwankwin ta’‘na and also yonder to the east direction [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI ton a’ki ya’cuwa_ te’takuna-wa. you with it talking together will bend down. tem ta iyamakwin ta’‘na and also above direction ton a’ki ya’cuwa_ fte’lakuna‘wa. you with it talking together will bend over. tem ta a‘’witen te’hulikwi and also fourth womb in tem ta ton a’ki ya’cuwa fe’lakuna‘wa. and also you withit talking together will bend over. ya’cu i’tulo‘kdna-wa. talking you will send around. hom a‘’tateu my fathers yam fon te’likina ya’ten‘a’ your you prayer stick grasping yam ton te’likinan u/’natikdna’wa your you prayer stick will see ho’lontapt a*’yakana whether finished ta’‘teat kwa a*’ya‘namepa or else not finished yam pi’kan‘e your spittle yam ci’’nan‘e your flesh yam a’nikwanan a’ki your knowledge with tei’m’on a’ho’-a’’yakinakii new into human beings having fashioned them tsu’mekinca. they will be strong. hof yam fi’nan ta’ki’kowa wherever your staying quietly where it is ton o/neala kwai”ik’dna you roads making come forth yam pi’’tcinan‘e your wind cloud yam su’lahaiyan‘e your cirrus cloud yam a’weluyan‘e your cumulus cloud ka/‘kwiya’/na living water _ filled with i’muna kwai’ikdina sitting down making come forth yam ka’tsana h’ton-te’takuna your smalldrops rain touching (the earth) yam ka/tana h’ton-te’lakuna your large drops rain touching (the earth) 651 652 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY i‘tiwanakwi. at Itiwana. yam a‘’tatcu Your fathers, yam a‘’tsita your mothers, tei’mikanapkowa the ones that first had being, ti/nan-ta’kikwi sitting quietly where yam ka/cima pu’ckwena your waters, the greater pile ton a’k’ i/yona-e’latena‘wa. you withit, will pass each other on your roads. e’latena’wapa having passed ho”’na‘wan a-’tsita our mothers ho”’na‘’wan tca’we our children to’wa te’m‘tanana corn all kinds yam a‘’tatcu their fathers a’wan ka/cima i’/ka‘kuna their waters drinking in e’letokna i’teapkukina‘wa carefully will bring forth young ko’wi tea’l i’/keckuna somewhat child clasping in (their) arms te’m‘ta a‘’wona-ya’’’ana all their roads will become finished ho’’na*wan tca’we our children le’tsilon Pa’nivnan ho’’na‘wan tea’we ladder descending our children to’na a‘’wana‘-u’/lana you drawing toward them ton a‘’wan he/cotakwi you their houses to , bes ka 5 o’/neala kwatokdn‘a roads will make enter i’tinan ta’kikna sitting down quietly tem ta e’letokna and also earefully fe/apkunan ci’wuna a‘’teapa young multiplying when they are iskon tse”’mak te’takwi that thoughts bending toward [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI te’apkuna ci/wuna young multiplying ton a‘’teapa you _ being thus kwa_ holte’kwi tse’mak i’kicetikdana not somewhere thoughts to hurry away ton a‘’team:ekina you shall (not) be a’’wan he’cofa’kowa their houses where they are fon yu’’tak’ a‘’teapa you resting being ho”’na‘wan tea’we our children i’skon tse’’mak-fe’lakwi there thoughts bending toward ta’’‘teaptun’on a’/ka in order that they may be thus tom hon tate i’/lapa you we father having tom hon tsit i/lapa you we mother having tei/mika’kowa the one that first had being yam ko”’nhot tei’/mika’kowa te’lia‘tna you matters first beginning according to following lit to’ i/m:-takiye here you stay quietly le’ yam u’lo‘nan ya’kna all your world holding, le’ yam ho’’i ya’kna all your people holding, to’ 1’m:-lakiye you stay quietly to’ i’m‘-lakinte you stay quietly even as ho”’na to ya’nhatiawan‘te to us you listen even as hon fe’wus a‘/peye’a. we prayers talk. to’man pe’naw a/ki& your words with ka’pin a‘’ho’i raw persons to”’na*wan penaw aki your words with le’ yam a*‘’ho’i yaknapa all your people holding et ko-w a‘‘/napa let not alittle having gone 653 654 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY tcu’waihot ya’kna fi’ya‘na someone holding let fall et te’ametun’on a/ki let it not be thus for this ho’’na‘wan ta’teu our father, ho’’na-wan tsi’ta our mother, tei/miki’kowa the one that first had being ho’”’na to’ a’nhatiawan‘te to us you listening even as hon te’wus a‘/peye’a we prayers speak. ho”’na‘wan ta’teu Our father, ho”’na‘wan tsi’ta our mother, tei/mika’kowa the one that first had being fom te’wanan yo’/kowa your day which has become hon te’wanan i’/lapa we day having hon te’wanan a‘’teaiye we day live hol tom fte’wanan i’te’tcapa when your day when it is used up hon a’k& tse’makwi mo’la‘n‘a we withit thoughts fulfill ho”’na‘wan tsi’ta our mother tei/mikaé’kowa the one that first had being hot yam i’m--takikwi where your sitting quietly where a‘’witen te’li’to fourth inner room fo’ o’/neala kwatokdn:a you road will make enter tem ta yam u’lo‘nan ya’tena and also your world grasping yam ho’’i ya’tena your people — grasping to’ i/mi-ta’kuna you will sit down quietly hon a/ka we for this ho’n tcea’wili fe’wanan te’kdn‘a. us children having time will live [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI hom tcea”’le my child, hom tsi’ta my mother, ho’man fenana’kowa my words according to i’‘snokon te’kan‘a there will it be e’t yam ho’ ya’kna‘na donot your people let go et tom tse”’makwi te’am‘ekiin'a. let not your thoughts let it not be ho”’na‘wan te’Kohanan tca’we our daylight children fe’tsilon Ppa’nivnan tca’we ladder descending children el teu’wantikhot do not someone et ko-w anapa donot alittle having gone teu’wantikholi someone kwa’tikhot a’ka something because of el te’nin a/cnam‘etun’on a/ki do not difficult do not make it for this tom ho’ te’wusu a/nuta’u. you I prayer set forth. ho’man fe’nan a’kii my word with to’ i/mi-ta’kun-a you will sit down quietly le’si te’wanan‘e ’ this many days toms fe'’wanan i’te’tcika te’a you now days come toanend when to i/mi-ta’kun‘a you will sit down quietly et hon tse’’makwi mo/ta‘na‘we hon le”’tikwapa but we thoughts fulfill we saying e’ta* kwa hon tse’’*makwi mo’la‘na*‘wam‘e nol kwa we thoughts we do not fulfill et kwa la’ninam‘e hon a‘’ho’i. never not fallingdown we people. to’pa te’watun te’kwi hai’to a’ntsume‘na another day to be when ceremony eagerly tem ta hon fe’wanan a‘’tekin-a. and also we time shall live te’‘tsinan’e a’ntsume‘na winter eagerly 655 656 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY a’’ho’ te’wanan a‘’tekdn-a people time shall live le-’wi all le: this many hom my hom my hom my 10 15 20 25 pe’nan a/kA words with ta’teu father tsi’ta mother tea’”’le child les i/mi-laku thus sit down quietly PRAYER OF A Priest DurInG This many are the days, Since those who are our fathers, Those who are our mothers, The ones who first had being ka’etoew- Teu’eto-we Had kept for them their days. This many days, Anxiously waiting, We passed our days. When all these days were past, Now we have come to the ap- pointed time. Our fathers, Our mothers, In your fourth inner room You stay quietly. This day we have reached the ap- pointed time. Our fathers, Our ancestors, Yonder, you who were when you were alive, We have reached your appointed time.!8 This day Your day has been made. The one who is my father, The one who is my mother, Four times I shall hold you fast. priests 10 15 20 (ETH, ANN. 47 His Summer Retreat le’si te’ wanan‘e hon a‘’tate i/lapona hon a‘’tsit i/lapona tei’mi kinapkowa ka-e’to-we teu-e’to*we a’’ wan fe/wana yo’’’apa le’si te’ wanan-e a/ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a‘’teaki. hon te’wanan a*’teaka te’kwi kes le’na hai’tokwin te’’tcika ho”’na‘wan a*’tatcu ho’’na‘wan a‘’tsita yam a‘’witen fe’li’tona ton ti’nan ta’/kika lu’ka ya’ton-e hai’tokwin te’’tcika ho’’na‘wan a*’tateu ho’’na‘wan a*’laci/na*we la/thok" ton a*/ciwan‘i ka’ka a:'ho’ a‘/teakowa to’na‘wan hai’tokwin te’’tcika. lu’ka ya’tone to’’na*wan te’wanan yo°'ka yam tate-i'li te’’ona yam. tsit-i/li te’’ona a’ witela’ma ya’tena-tsu/mekiin‘a. 13 In the songs used during the retreat all the deceased members of the priesthood as far back as tradition goes are invoked by name—a notable exception to the taboo on the use of the names of the dead. The dead priests who abide with the rain makers are believed to be present in spirit. The sense of continuity is stronger in the priestly rituals than in other Zufi rites. BUNZEL] 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 This day With the flesh of the white corn, Prayer meal, commissioned with our prayer, This day with prayer meal Four times we shall spread out the mist blanket. We shall fashion the house of massed clouds, We shall fashion the life-giving road, Four times we shall fashion your spring. This day, My father, My mother, Four times I shall set you down quietly. Four times you quietly. Holding all your world, Holding all your people, Perpetuating your rite had since the first beginning, You will sit down quietly among us. When you have sat down, At your back, At your feet, We shall sit down beside you. Desiring your waters, Keeping your days for this We shall pass our days. Our fathers, Rain maker priests, Rain maker pekwins, From wherever you abide per- manently You will make your roads come forth. To the one whom you call father, To the one whom you ¢all mother, Four times with all your waters will sit down To us your mother, Your fathers, You will come. In order that you may thus come to us, Our father, 14 The meal painting on the altar. PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 657 lu’ka ya’ton-e 7o/wa ko’han an ci’’nan‘e ha’lawo'tinan‘e te’wusu ya’nulana lu’ka ya’ton‘e a’/witela’ma ci’pololon pe’wuna a’weluya ki’kwen ya‘’kina o/naya’’nakaé o/nealan ya*‘kina a‘‘witela’ma ka/’nakwenan ya-’- kana lu’ka ya’ton‘e hom ta’/teu hom tsi’ta a‘’witela’ma fom ho’ kuna. a‘/witela’ma to’ i*’m-ila’kuna a’nim-ta/- le’ yam ’u’lo‘nan ya/tena le’ yam ho’’i ya/tena yam ko’nhol tci’mika’kowa te’lia‘- na to’ i:’mita’kuna fo’ i/mita’/kuka to’man ma/si’a to’man sa/kwi’a i-’miyawelana to/man ki’cim a/ntecemana to’man te’wanan i’lapa hon te’wanan a’’tekan‘a ho’’na*wan a‘’tateu u/wanam a’’ciwan‘i u/wanam pe’kwi-we hot-yam ti’nan ta’ki’kowa ton o’neala kwai’’ikan‘a. yam tate-i’lapona yam tsit-i/lapona yam ki’cim a/ka a‘’witela’ma yam tsi’ta yam a‘‘tatceu ho’’na ton a*‘wona-e’latena‘wa. ho’’na ton a‘’wona-e’latenaptun’- on a/ ka ho’’na*wan ta’teu 658 100 70 Our mother, Perpetuating your rite had since the first beginning, This one sits quietly here. Your day is made. Keeping your days we pass our days. Our mothers, The ones who first had being Keeping your days, We pass our days. That all our fathers, Our mothers, Our children, That all these may be filled with the water of life, Anxiously awaiting the making of your days, We have passed our days. Our children, All the different kinds of corn, All over their earth mother Stand poor at the borders of our land. With their hands a little burnt, With their heads a little brown, They stand at the borders of our land. So that these may be watered with fresh water We keep your days. That all our children May nourish themselves with fresh 75 80 85 90 95 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 70 (ETH. ANN. 47 ho’’nawan tsi’ta yam ko/’’nhot tci’/mika’kowa te’- lia‘na lit lu’k’ i’m-ita/kuka to”na‘wan te’wanan yoki to’’na‘wan te’wanan i’lap te’wanan a‘’teaiye. ho”’na‘wan a‘’tsita tei’ mikina’kowa’ to’’na*wan te’wanan i’/lapa hon te’wanan a’’teaiye. yam le’ a*’tateu yam a*’tsita yam tea’/we le’ ka’cim a*’ka*kunakwi hon to’’na'wa te/wanan yo:”’kowa a’/ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a’’teaiye. ho’’na*wan tea’we to’ wa te’mliana'wa yam a/witelintsi’ta’ a-na’kowa te’wuko’liya tu’ wanel-pa’Itoye. ko'w a*’wasi-tea’pina ko'w a*/wotsimowa-so’sona tu’wanel-pa’Itoye. lu’kniakon kicima tci’m’ona a‘ ka‘kunakwi hon te’wanan i’lapa. le-wi ho’’na*wan tca’we ka’cima tei’m’ona water i’ ka‘kunaptun’ona Carefully they will rear their eletokna te’apkunan o/na-ya’ young. Kanva. And when our daylight children Have nourished themselves with fresh water We shall live happily All our days. This is all. 100 ho/’na‘wan te’/kohanan tea’we ka’cima i’ ka‘kuna fe’wanan ke’ tsanici hon te’wanan a*’tekina. le*’wi . 105 105 le yu’’he‘to pe’nan kwai’’ina tom Jo’ a/nim-ta/ku. Thus speaking plain words T set you down quietly. Tue Pexwin Goes Into Rerreat The retreat of the pekwin follows next after the priests of the four directions. He is priest of the sun, and is associated, according to Mrs. Stevenson, with the zenith. This association, however, does not seem firmly fixed. 15 The sacred bundle. 659 The pekwin has no eton‘e or priestly bundle. He has pots of black paint brought from the underworld and undoubtedly other cere- monial paraphernalia. But his altar lacks the water and seed-filled reeds which constitute the most sacred and potent possessions of the other priests. He is thought to be so pure in heart that he has no need of magic to make his prayers effective. Therefore, before going into retreat he plants his prayer sticks not at a spring, but in his corn- field. He does not bring back a jug of the sacred water of some spring to place on his altar. For the first part of his retreat ‘‘he tries himself.”’ He sits down before an altar consisting only of his paint pots on a painting of meal. It lacks even the bowl of medicine water. As soon as the first rain falls he may mix his medicine in the fresh rain water. If no rain falls, he must continue until the end without even this frail aid to prayer. He is tested at each retreat, and it is always a point of special note whether or not his days are blessed with rain. The following prayer is recited at the beginning of his retreat. The first part is spoken outside when he plants his prayer sticks, the latter half after he returns to his home.!° BUNZEL] PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI 10 This many are the days, Since the new year, The cycle of the months of our fathers, le’si te’ wanan‘e i’tiwana yam a‘’tateu tei/mi-kinapkowa The ones that first had being. 5 a‘’wan yi’teu pi’lan-e This many days le’si te’wanan hon fte’wanan We have awaited our time. a‘teaka. It has come to summer. My fathers, My mothers, The ones that first had being, Your day goes on. Not long ago, At the middle of the year ” I made my fathers’ days.'8 This many were the days of the rain makers of all directions. And now that my fathers’ days are at an end, Yonder, wherever the roads of the rain makers come forth,'® Where people pray to finish their roads, There you stand at the borders of our land, Male willow, female willow. Four times breaking off straight young shoots, the 10 o’loikanakwin te’’tcika hom a‘’tateu hom a’’tsita tei’mikanapkona to’na‘wan te’wanan a‘/ne to’kwa le’tea i’tiwanaki tea yam a-’tatcu a‘’wan ho te’wanan a/cana lathok® Je*’wi u’wanam‘i le’si te’ wanan‘e yam a‘’tatcu a*’wan te’wanan i’te’tcikatea la/thok® u’/wanam‘i a‘wan o/neala kwai’’i’kowa ho’ o/na-ya’’kana’kwi ton tuwalan-pa’Itoye pilo’tsi pilo’ka te’ona a’witela’ma a/kewulkwi‘'na’kowa 16 Dictated by a man formerly associated with the priesthood of the Water Serpent. The summer solstice. The pekwin plants several times at this time. After that he must keep count of the days and see that each priesthood goes in on schedule time. 18 The retreats of the four chief priesthoods. 9 At springs and along watercourses. 660 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 25 To my house 25 hom hecotakwi I brought my road. o’neat i’kana Sitting down quietly, i’tinan ta’kikna Throughout a blessed night te’tinan ko’kei With our children *® we came ho’n tea’wilap a*’wante’ waka to day. 30 This day, my fathers, 30 lu’ka ya’ton'e You who here were pekwins, hom a‘’tateu You who used to take care of the li:’Ino ton fe’kwi'w a‘/teakowa world, to’n u’lo‘na i/lap a‘/tea’kowa You who used to be chiefs of the Kahaiya te’kwi fon a*/mos downy feather,? a‘‘teakowa 385 And furthermore, my sun father, 35 le’stiklea hom ya’toka ta’teu My child, hom tea’’le This day, lu’ka ya’ton-e When you came out standing to yam te’lacinakwi your sacred place, to’ ye"‘lana kwai’ikaka te’a’ana 40 This day 40 lu’ka ya’ton‘e In my house yam he’cotan‘e For your rite to’na*wan haito I fashioned plume wands in human ho’ te’likina a‘’ho’ a*’ya-kana form. With the striped cloud wing of my yam ta’tcili te’ona father, 45 Male turkey, 45 ton o’tsi an la’pihanan la’tan-e With the striped cloud wing of o/noliké pe’kwin ci’ wan‘i oriole, pekwin priest,” an ta’pihanan la’tan‘e And blue jay, pekwin priest, mai’ya pe’kwin ci’/wan'i And the wings of all the different la'thok" 0’lo’ikaiaka wo-’we birds of summer, 50 a‘/wa’ la’tan‘e tem‘ta With these four times a’ka a’witela’ma I gave my plume wands human te/likina a‘’ho’ a‘’ya’ kaka form. With the flesh of my mother, yam tsi’ta My grandmother, yam ho’ta 55 Yucea fiber, 55 ho’yalaciwi Cotton woman, pitsem o/ka Even a soiled cotton thread, a‘'teian ci’’nan pi'le ci’kinapte With these I gave my plume a’k-a te’likinan ho’i ya’’/kanapka. wands human form. With the flesh of the one who is yam tsi’t i/li te’’ona my mother, 20 The willow sticks. 21 Prayer sticks offered to the sun, the moon, and the rain makers are made with downy feathers of the eagle. After planting these sticks the suppliant must refrain from animal food for four days. The downy feather is considered the fekwin’s because he always plants to the sun. The other priests use it when rain is urgently needed and thereafter must abstain from animal food. Prayer sticks to the ancestors, deceased members of societies or priesthoods, and the katci-nas are made with turkey feathers. It is as guardian of the calendar that the pekwin ‘takes care of the world.” 2 The bird associated with the north. The birds of the six directions are the pekwins or heralds of the directions. The pekwin, who is the herald of the sun, is frequently referred to as, “all the birds of sum- mer, pekwins.”” The feather of the blue jay is the feather of the priests which they are entitled to wear in the hair on ceremonial occasions. BUNZEL] 60 The one who first had being, Black paint woman, With her flesh making the flesh of my plume wands, I gave them human form, Saying, ‘‘Let it be now.” 65 Taking my plume wands, The plume wands which had been prepared, I made my road come forth. I made my road go forth. Somewhere in my _ water-filled fields 70 I passed my earth mother on her road. My fathers, My ancestors, You who used to be pekwins, You who used the downy feather, You who used to take charge of the world, 75 And furthermore my child, My father, Sun, My child, my mother, moon, My fathers, 80 Divine ones, This day I give you plume wands. Taking your plume wands, There where you abide perma- nently, 85 Clasping them in your arms, Caressing them, With your supernatural wisdom, You will distribute them amongst you. After a little while To my house 90 My road will reach. Making your days, I shall pass the days. PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI 60 65 75 80 85 90 661 tei’mika’kowa ha’kwin o’ké an ci”’nan a/ka te‘likinan a-ci’nan ya‘/kiina ho’i ya*/kanapka te’a ki-’ki kesi’ le”’anakipa yam te’likinan e’lete’u’kowa te/likinan i-/leana ho’ o/neala kwai’’ikina o’neal a*’/kina hol yam ka’cima te’atci/nakwi yam a‘’witelin tsi’ta ho’ o/na- elateka hom a‘’tateu hom a*’lacina*we ton pe’kwiwe a‘‘tea’kowa ka’haiyatekwi fon u/lo‘nan i’lap a‘’tea’kowa le’stiklea hom tea’’le hom ta’teu yitoka hom tea’’le hom tsi’ta ya’onan‘e hom a’’tateu ka’pin a‘’ho’i lu’ka ya’ton‘e to’’na ho’ te’likinan a‘'lea’u te’likinan i-feana yam ti’nan ta’kikwi ton a*/keckuna fe/takuna yam a/nikwanan a/k‘i ton te’likinan i-’yanhaitena we’tsim te’nala’ana yam hecotakwi ho’ o’/neala te’tcikina to’na’wan fte’wanan a/ena hon te’wanan a‘’tekiin-a. [He deposits the plume wands, then he returns to his ceremonial house, sets up This day, my fathers, his altar, which consists of dishes of sacred black paint and bowls of prayer meal. The prayer continues:] luka ya’ton’e hom a*’tactu *3 He plants in his cornfield, not at a sacred spring. 662 95 105 110 115 120 125 130 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY You who are my child, sun, You who are my mother, moon, This day I have passed you on your roads. This day, upon the flesh of the white corn, Prayer meal, Breathing my prayers Four times I have spread out your mist blanket; I have fashioned your cloud house; I have fashioned your road. Now that this is at an end Your days are made. After a little while From where you abide perma- nently You will make your road come forth. Yonder from the south, Where, they say, is the abiding place of summer, My fathers, Send forth your quick breath.™ Send forth your massed clouds to stay with us, Stretch out your watery hands, Let us embrace! To Itiwana you will come With all your people, Hiding behind your watery shield *5 With all your people; With your fine rain caressing the earth, With your heavy rain caressing the earth, Carrying your weapons, Your lightning, (Come to us!) Raise the sound of your thunders! At Itiwana With your great pile of waters May you pass me on my road, That this may be I have made your days. When your days are at an end, Meeting me with all your waters, May you stay with us, 95 100 105 110 115 120 125 130 [ETH. ANN. 47 tom ho’ tea”’ ili ya’toka tom ho’ tsi’t ili ya’onan‘e lu’ka ya’ton-e hom fon o’na-e’lateka. lu’ka ya’ton-e to’wa ko’han an ci’’nan‘e ha’lawo‘tinan’e te’wus a’/nutana a’witela’ma ho’ ci’pololon pe’wuka ho’ a’weluyan ka’kwen ya’’kika. to’na ho’ o/neala ya*/kika i’te’tcika te’a to’na‘wan te’wanan yo"'ka. we’tsim te’nala’ana hot yam te’/nan ta‘ki’kowa fon o/neala kwai’ikina. li'’wan a’lahoa’nkwin ta’‘na hot 0’lo’ik’4na‘wa le’anakankwi hom a‘’tateu yam ka’/hai ya’nkakuna_ kwai’’i- kina yam a/weluyan imuna kwai”’ikana yam ka’cima asta‘napa ho’n i:’wiyaten-tsu’mekin‘a i’tiwana’kowa yam ho’ i’/lap’a yam ka”’alan‘e yai’yal‘ana yam ho’ i’lap’a yam ka/tsana ti’ton-te’lakwi yam ka‘tana li’ton-te'lakwi yam sa/wanika te’ana. yam wi’lolonan‘e ku’lulunan-e te’hato‘nan ke’ato’u i’tiwanakwi yam ka’cima pu’ckwe'na ton a’k-4 hom o’na-e’latenaptun’- onaka to’na‘wan te’wanan yo"ka to’na‘wan Tfe’wanan _i’te’tcitun- te’kwi yam kia’cim a/k-é hom fon o/na-e’latena ton a‘’te- kanca. 24 The sudden showers of summer, which at Zuni always come from the southeast. 25 The rain makers cover themselves with clouds as a warrior with his shield. BUNZEI] PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI 663 135 Do not cause people to speak ill of | 135 et ton yam fe’wanan ci’tkina:/wa- your days,?® mekin'a But with waters caressing the yam fe’wanan‘e earth ka’cima-te’takwi Let your days be filled. hon te’wanan a*'tekin-a. With your waters yam ka’cim aka 140 You will pass me on my road. 140 hom fon o’na-e’latena’/wapa Those which all my ladder descend- le: te’tsilon pa’ni‘nan hom tea-we ing children Have sown with magical rites, la’/thok" a*’wan itsumana‘we All the different kinds of corn, to’wa te’m'tana Yonder all over their earth mother, yam a/witelin tsi’tana’kowa 145 They stand poor at the borders of | 145 te’wuko’liya tu’ walan-pa’ttoye our land. With their hands a little burnt, ko-w a-’wasi-we tca’pina With their heads brown, a’’wotsimo’wa so’sona They stand poor at the borders of te’wuko’liya luwalan pa’Itoye. our land. That these may be nourished with lu’kniako ka’cim a*ka‘*kunakwin fresh water, 150 Thus runs the thought of my } 150 lino hom te’wusu_ tse’makwi- prayer. a‘naiye When the time of my days is at an hom te’wanan’‘e end, te’wanan i*te’tceapa Though I say ‘‘my days are at an te’wanan i*’te’tcika le’kwapa end,” No—it is not so. ° e’ta 155 Waiting anxiously until another | 155 topa te’watun te’kwi a’ntsume‘na day comes We shall pass the days. hon fe’wanan a‘’tekiin-a. My fathers, hom a’’tateu Now I have fulfilled your thoughts. to’’na-wan ho’ tse’’makwi: mo’ta*ka ke’’si This is all. le*wi. Ture Bow Prirst 1n RETREAT IN SUMMER On the day the pekwin comes out of retreat in summer the bow priest begins to count days. He is not a rain priest. He has no altar; he has no rain-making fetish; his sacred possessions are asso- ciated rather with war. Therefore, instead of remaining in medita- tion and prayer in his ceremonial house, he makes offerings at the various shrines of the gods of war on mountain tops around Zuni. The first day he goes to the north, to Twin Mountains; the second day to the west—the place actually visited is a shrine to the south on a knoll near the road to the Salt Lake. The third day he goes to the south, Face Mountain, a shrine southeast of Zuni; the fourth day to the east, a knoll near the Black Rock road. At each of these shrines he offers corn meal and turquoise with prayers for rain and fertility. He offers these in his capacity of priest rather than as warrior. 2% The pekwin is severely criticized should it fail to rain during the days of his retreat. Criticism does not fall so heavily on other priests should they fail. 664 ZUNI RITUAL POBTRY This many days, Making the days of my two fathers, The ones who hold the high places,?? [ETH. ANN. 47 le’si te’ wanan‘e yam a-’tcia tate i’/li te’’ona te/alan i/lona a‘teian te’/wanan a/ena 5 Keeping their days, 5 a‘’tcian te’wanan i’li ho’ te’wanan I have lived. te’aiye My fathers, hom a*/tateu Rain maker priests, u’wanam a’’ciwan‘i Rain maker pekwins u’wanam‘i pe’/kwi'we. And you, far off at the fourth rim la’thok" a‘/witen i’yalto ka’tut of the encircling ocean, u’lapna’kowa 10 You who are our fathers, rain 10 to’na hon a‘‘tate i/li u’wanam maker bow priests, a‘ pi’ta‘ci/wani Tsikahiya,’s Kalawani,’8 tsi’ kahaiya ka/tawan‘i From wherever you abide per- hot yam Ti/nan Ia’ki’kowa manently yam ci’pololon‘e —ya/nhakuna Send forth your misty breath; kwai”’ikina Your little wind blown clouds, yam pi’tcinan‘e 15 Your thin wisps of cloud, 15 yam su’lahaiyan‘e Your black streaks of cloud, yam la’pihaiyan‘e Your masses of clouds replete with yam a/weluyan ka‘kwi ya‘’na living waters, You will send forth to stay with us. i-’muna kwai’’ik’aina With your fine rain caressing the yam ka’tsan li’ton te’takwi earth, With your heavy rain caressing the yam kii/lana liton te’lakwi earth, ° 20 With your great pile of waters here | 20 i’/tiwanakwi yam ki’cima fu’e- at Itiwana kwe'n a’/ka You will pass us on our roads. hom ton o/na-e’latena’wa Desiring this, my fathers, lu’k’ a’ntecemana hom a*’tateu I have made your days. to’’na‘wan ho’ fe’wanan a/ckii 25 When you pass me on my road 25 hom fon o’na-e’latena-wapa All my ladder descending children Will refresh themselves with your living waters. That the crowns of their heads may sometimes be wet with dew, In order that this may be You, my fathers, yonder on all sides, le-wi hom Ie’tsilon pani-nan tea’we a’/ka ka’cima ka*kwikina ko-w a‘/wotsimowa ka‘laiya hot te’wanan a‘'teatun’ona tem fa la/thok® le’si te’kwi hom a‘‘tateu 27 Or “those who guard the housetops’’—the twin gods of war. 28 Supernaturals associated in their dual capacity of warriors and rain makers with sudden thunder- storms. They live in springs and have long streaming hair. (Tsikahaiya means “quick moving hair.’’) A dirigible which flew over Zuni some years ago was identified with Katawani, who looks “‘like an icicle”’ when he appears to mortals. Railawani is sometimes impersonated in mask with a tablet headdress and long flowing hair reaching to his knees. The third supernatural usually mentioned with Tsikahaiya and Ralawani is Kupictaiya (cf. Keres Kopictaiya), called by Mrs. Stevenson lightning makers. There is some confusion in the minds of the Zuni as to whether these are individuals or classes of supernaturals. ‘The latter is more in keeping with Zuni ideology, BUNZEL] 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 You who dwell in high places, For this you live at sacred places Round about on all the mossy mountains. My fathers, To all your ladder descending chil- dren You will grant your power.” In order that my children may have strong hearts It is now your day. From wherever you stay perma- nently Your massed clouds filled with living water, may you send forth. Making your road come forth from where you stay permanently, With your rain caressing the earth, With your terrible lightning, Make your thunders resound! At Itiwana may you pass me on my road. When you have passed me on my road, My mothers, My children, All the different kinds of corn, Nourishing themselves with their fathers’ waters, Tenderly will bring forth their young. When they have finished their roads, When they are old, My children, My ladder descending children, Will bring in their children, All the different kinds of corn, Into their houses. That they may always be the ones toward whom our thoughts bend, For this all my children carefully have reared their young. All my children Will make their roads come into their houses. Staying there permanently, Your young increasing, You will always remain. PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 665 te’alan i/lapona le-w a’wico ya’la’kowa to’n te’tacin u’/lapna a*/teatye hom a*’tateu le: te’tsilon pa’nivnan yam tea’we ton sa/wanika ya’nhaitena‘wa. a’ka hom tea’we sa/wanik’ a‘/wi- kena a*’teatun’on a’/ki to’’na‘wan lit te’wana‘we. hot yam Ti’/nan ta/ki’kowa a’weluyan ka/‘kwi ya’’na i‘’muna kwai”’ikana yam fi’nan kwai”’ikina yam ti’ton te’takuna yam sa/wanika wi’lolonan-e yam ku’lulunan:e te’ha‘tonan ke’ato’u i‘tiwanakwi hom ton o’na-e’late- na'wa hom ton o’na-e’latena’/wapa ta’/ki’kowa_ = o/neata hom a‘’tsita hom tea’we to’wa te’mlana‘na yam a‘’tateu a‘’wan ka/cim i-’/ka‘kuna e/letokna te’apkunan o/na’ ya*’/ki- na‘wa a‘’wona: ya’’’apa a‘‘lacia‘pa hom tea’we te’tsilon pa/nisnan hom tea’we yam tca/we to’wa te’miana‘na yam he’cotakwin a‘/wana‘-u’lana i/skon tse’’mak fe’lakwi hot yam te’wanan a’/teatun’on a’/kii hom tea/we e’letokna ton fe’apku- nan o/na‘ya*/kanapka le-w hom tca’/we a‘’wan he’cota’kowa o’neata kwa’- tokana ton i/tinan ta’ki/kna te’apkunan ci’wuna ton tewanan a‘‘teapa 29 Or weapons. 6066°—32——43 666 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [eTH. ANN. 47 65 That the thoughts of my ladder 65 hom le’tsilon fpa’ni‘nan tea’we descending children May bend to this, i’skon tse’’mak-te’takwi a-/teatun- That this may be, on a/ka My fathers, hom a*’tateu Thus runs the thought of my li’Ino hom fe’wusu_ tse’’makwi prayer. a‘naiye Thus all my children hom le’na tea/we 70 May always be well provided with 70 a’k’ i’cette’ma to’waconan ane’la seeds. kana Desiring this, luk’ a’ntecemana IT watch over our daylight fathers, li-’Ino yam a*’tateu The ones who here have in their tei’/mikinapkowa keeping The rites of our fathers,°? ho’’na‘wan a‘‘tateu Those who first had being, 75 ko’’lea ivmos i/lap a*’/te’ona Our daylight fathers, fekohanana yam a-/tateu Who perpetuate the rites which tei’mikiinapkowa they hold in their keeping, ko”lehot i/mos i/lapa’’te’ona The rites of those who first had i’yantelia‘na being; te’kohanan yam a*‘‘tatcu 80 Sitting down among my daylight | 80 a‘’wan i’mawela fathers Watching over my fathers— yam a‘’tateu That one am I. a‘’wai yu’patei ho’ ho’’i My fathers, hom a‘’tateu You know me well. hom to’n an’ai’/yu’ya‘napa 85 Do not let me be a poor person.*! 85 et kwa’/hot te’wuko’liya ho’”’i te’am'e My fathers, yam a‘’tatcu You who hold the high piaces, your te’alan i’/lapona ya/nteliatna ho’ representative am I. a’/ka ho’. T have a bandoleer,*? ho’ yaé’tonan i/li I have an armlet; * ho’ pa’sikwin ili 90 Because of this 90 le’sna te’’onakaé I am my father’s mouth.*4 yan a‘’tatcu a‘’wan ho’ a’/watince. All my ladder descending children, le: te’tsilon pa/nivnan yam tcea’we All of them I hold in my hands, te’mla ho’ a*’yaknaiye. 95 May no one fall from my grasp 95 kwa ko-w a‘/napa. After going but a little ways— yam teu’waya et ya’/kna fi’ya‘na te’ametun’on a’ kai Those yonder toward the east, lehok® te/luwaiyankwin ta/‘na In all the villages that stand tu’wala- u’ta te/mta against the place of the rising yaé’tokwai’inankwin te’’tcinan sun, 40 The priests who possess sacred bundles. The bow priests are their messengers and the guardians of their secret rites. 31 A person with no ceremonial prerogatives. 82_A bandoleer embroidered with shells and containing hair from the scalps which he has taken since his installation as bow priest. It is a dangerous object which the warrior hangs by the door to protect the house. It is too dangerous to be brought into back rooms. Its contaminating influence must be kept especially from seeds and water. %* An arm band embroidered in shell, part of the warrior’s regalia. “ The twin deities who led the people out from the underworld are called ‘‘the mouth of the sacred bundles”’ (Ria’eto"we a wan awatin'e). These individuals, while distinct from the twin gods of war, are not unrelated. See origin myth, p. 549. BUNZEL] 100 105 110 115 Even to all those villages That stand against the place of the setting sun, Even every little bug, Even every dirty little bug, Let me hold them all fast in my hands, Let none of them fall from my grasp— In order that this may be, My fathers, I ask you for life. May my children’s roads all be fulfilled; May they grow old; May their roads reach all the way to dawn lake; May their roads be fulfilled; In order that your thoughts may bend to this, Your days are made. Now your days are at an end. Whatever I have wished I have spoken All our prayers which we have com- pleted for each other; Thus I have fulfilled our thoughts. Eagerly awaiting until it shall be another day, Until the winter, I shall now pass my time. My fathers, Your waters, Your seeds, Your riches, Your power, Your strong spirit, All this you will grant us; May my road be fulfilled, May I grow old, Even until I go with strong hands grasping a bent stick,* Thus may I grow old. PRAYERS TO THE UWANAMMI 100 105 110 115 120 130 667 ya’ton kwa’telenankwin te’’tcinan le tuwala-u’la te’mla kwa korwi no’me tsa’napte nom a/ntcimo’apte te’mla a*/wiyaten-tsu’mekana et kwa teu’wa ya/kna fi/ya'na te’ametun’on a/ka hom a‘’tateu to’’na ho’ te’kohanan yai’necemana hom tea’we te’mla a-’wona ya’’an-a a‘laci/an‘a te’luwaiyan Kaiakwi o’/neala te”’tcikwi te’mla a*’wona- ya‘’’- an‘a. i’skon tse’’mak-te’lakwi yam fe’- wanan teatun’onaka to’’na‘wan te’wanan te’aki to’’na-wan te’wanan i-te’’tcika holko’n a’ntecemana pe’nan kwai”’ina yam hon i*/yantewusu Pena’ ya‘’- kanapkowa ho’ tse”’makwin mo’la‘ka. to’pa te’watun te’kwi te’/‘tsinan’e a/nfsume‘na hos te/wanan te’kin‘a hom a‘’tateu yam kia’cima yam to’waconan-e yam u’tenan‘e yam sa/wanika yam tse’’makwin fsu’me te’mla homs ton a/niktciana-wa. ho’ o/naya’’an-a ho’ fa’ci’an‘a ta’powan te’a tsu’me ho’ ta/ci’an-a. %‘ That is, leaning on a cane, a common symbol for long lifeand old age. At the winter solstice the feather offerings of society members all contain bent prayer sticks as a prayer for old age. IV. PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT Tue Bow Priest Makes Prayer Sticks at THE WINTER SOLSTICE My two fathers, You who dwell in high places ! Ma’ase‘wi 2 Uyuye'wi hom a‘’tate a’’tei te’alan i/lon a°’tei ma/’’ase*wi u/yuye’wi 5 For you it is the new year. 5 to’na i’tiwanan te’’tei Since it is the new year, i’‘tiwanan te’’tcina All the beings that dwell in mossy lew a’wico yii’la’kowa a’’te’ona mountains, The beings who dwell in shady te’lula’kowa te’‘wa i’/lap a°’te’ona places, The forest beings, takwil po-/ti 10 The brush beings, 10 lakwit po-ti Oak being a’si a*‘/te’ona Willow being * i’pina a‘’te’ona Red willow being # ta’l-atu a‘’te’ona tanitkowa being * fa’nitkowa a’’te’ona 15 Cottonwood being 15 porla a‘’te’ona Taking the straight young shoots of te’mla a‘/kawutkwi'na all these, These we shall make into prayer u’‘sona te’likina*we plumes. aya’ kana-wa. For my fathers, yam a*’tateu 20 The divine ones, 20 ka’pin a‘’ho’i. I have destined these prayer plumes. te’likinan a*/wanhai’teka. When my fathers hom a‘’tatcu The divine ones kapin a‘’ho’i Take hold of their prayer plumes, te/likinan a*’yatena 25 When they clothe themselves with | 25 te’likinan i-/leana their prayer plumes, Then all to my children le-’w hom tca’we Long life, o/na ya*/naké Old age, ta’ciaka All good fortune whatsoever, kwa/hot yam te’n‘i ha’lowilin-e 30 You will grant; 30 te’mta hom ton a/nhaitena’wa So that I may raise corn, a’k’ ho’o mi’ya’un‘a So that I may raise beans, no’ka’un-a So that I may raise wheat, kdiya’un‘a So that I may raise squash, ho’ mo’la’un-a 35 So that with all good fortune I may | 35 kwa/hot te’/mta hom fon a/nik- teiana‘wa. be blessed. | The gods of war, whose shrines are on mountain tops. The phrase might also be rendered as “‘those who guard the housetops.”’ 2 The Keresan name for the elder of the two gods of war. His Zuni name, which is esoteric, is Matsailema. According to Mrs. Stevenson he is the younger brother. Both this name and that of Uyuye.wi were unknown to the interpreter to whom the prayer was read, but her father, who carves the image of the younger brother, knew the names, ’ The identifications are uncertain. 668 BUNZEL] 20 25 PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 669 Prayers Brerore GoInG oN A WAR Party Before going on the warpath the bow priests are summoned to their ceremonial house. Now this many days Because of the thoughts of the enemy Our thoughts have been troubled; 5 Our appetite has failed. This very day That by which they live, Turquoise,‘ To my fathers I have offered At all their abiding places. Yonder into the enemy’s country We shall take the warpath. 11 Because of the enemy, Because of their thoughts, We wish in vain see one another,® We can not see him of whom we think. Because it is thus, To be avenged We have made up our minds. My children, You shall set your minds to be men. You shall think to provide your- selves with good weapons. Then, perhaps, we shall have the good fortune, To get that which we wish, 15 That for which we ask— Namely that with the enemies’ flocks, Their clothing, Their precious stones, Their good shell beads, That with these our houses may obtain hearts, For this we have sent forth our prayers. Waiting anxiously until the ap- pointed time shall come, Cleansing our hearts, Cleansing our thoughts, Thus shall we live. Indeed we shall not be alone. Because yonder all about Abide our fathers. 30 35 10 15 25 390 35 ‘ Turquoise, above all else, the gift to the gods of war. ‘ Some of our number have died. The chief bow priest addresses them: ma’ le’si te’wanan‘e a’’winakwe a’wan tse’’makwin a/ka te’tse’mak-ponotkwi‘na ka’p i’kwilin i-/natina yam a‘’teon a’ka tei’mte ya’ton‘e yam a‘’tateu ti’na’-te’mla ho’ to-’’o a*/leaka. lehok® i‘nakwan ’ulo‘nakwi sa/munan a’ ka hon le’hot o/neat a*/kana‘wa. a/kap a*’winakwa'wa tse’’makwin a’ ka i*’yuna‘wetiya‘na hon a’ntse’man a/ni*nena*we. le’sna te’’onaka a’sukiina’ka ho’ tse’’makwi ya kika hom tcea’we ton 9/tsin tse/’makuna‘wa ton i/nasnan ko’ke a/ntse’nana‘wa ho/nkwe’k hon a*’halowili hot ko’n a/ntecemana Pena: ya’’’k ona a‘’winakw a‘/wan wo*/we a‘’wan u’tena-we a‘’wan a/’cona‘we. a‘’wan lo’ a‘’Kok-ei a’kai ho’’na*wan he’cota i’kenap- tun’onaka hon Ppe/nan kwai”ikanapka hot hai’tokwin te’’tcituntekwi a’n- tsume‘na i’/ken i’‘Kokeuna tse’’mak i*‘Kokeuna hon te’wanan a*’tekiin:a. a’tic hon a‘/sam a‘’tekina tse’na aka la’thok" ho’’na*wan a’'tatcu ti/na’ u/lapnaiye. 670 40 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 Spreading word about among them, You will think to give them good turquoise. To this end, my children, Through all the time set aside for them, Eagerly you will await their day. After a good night May you come to day. And to-morrow After a good day may you come to evening. And as each day comes, Eagerly may you wait their day. May your thought not be vacillat- ing. ; Indeed, though I call myself poor, Far off I shall have someone for my father. For there is one who by virtue of the dry bow 6 Holds us all as his children. His representative am I. Asking for life from him I shall add to your breath. And furthermore, Emerging into the daylight Yonder on all the mossy mountains All about they have set their sacred places,’ The ones who hold the high places, Ahayuta yellow,’ Blue, Red, White, Many colored, The dark one, These were bow priests. Holding us as their children They abide in all their sacred places round about. To all these places Sending forth my prayer to them, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 40 70 [ETH. ANN. 47 la’ ‘noko. a‘’wan Penan i’tulohana lo’”’o Kokei a*/leatun’ona ton a/ntse’mana‘wa te’wuna’ hom tca’we le’kon hai’to a’ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a*’tekin‘a te’tinan ko’kei ton a‘*’wantewatu. te’wan ya’ton‘e ya’ton ko’kei ton su’/nhakdna‘wa i’skiin te’wanan a‘/tun te’kwi a’ntsume‘na ton fte’wanan a‘’tekin-a el i’ke’tu'na to’na‘/wan tse/makwi tea‘metu ta-/teic te’ wuko’liya lekwanante ho’/fomacko’na teu’waya ho’ tate i/likin‘a pi’lan ku’sn’aki ho’ tea’wili te’’ona lu’kako a’/ntelia‘na yam ho’’i te’’ona te’kohanan ai’ncemana to’’na’wan ho’ pi’’nan te’liun‘a le’stikleapa te’kohanan ya‘nakipa la’thok" a’wico yala’kona te’tacin u/lapkanapka te’alan i’/lapona a’haiyuta tu’ptsina t’anca a’hon‘a kohan‘a i/topana‘na ei’/kan‘a lu’/knoko pi’laciwan ikika ho’’na tea/wilapa te’tacin u/lapna a‘/teaiye la‘noko yam fe’wusu pe’nan te’’tcikina 6 Pi’‘tan kusna, dry bow, used metaphorically for the war chief. gods, exert power through their human representatives. 7 At the time of the emergence. 8 The war gods, as inhabitants of their six shrines, associated with the six directions. The supernaturals, in this case the war BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 671 I ask for their life-giving breath, a‘’wan o’naya‘naka Pi’’nan‘e 85 Their breath of old age, 85 ta’ciaké pi/’nan-e Their breath of riches, u’tenan pi’’nan‘e Their breath of waters, ka’cima pi’’nan‘e Their breath of seeds, to’waconan pi’’nan‘e Their breath of fecundity, te’/apkunan fi’’nan‘e 90 Their breath of power, 90 a‘’wan sa’wanika pi’’nan‘e Their breath of strong spirit, tse’’makwin tsu’me pi’’nan‘e Their breath of all good fortune of kwa/’hol te/mta pi’’nan i’/lap a*’te’ona which they are possessed— Asking for their breath, pi’’nan yai’ncemana 95 And into my warm body drawing yam te’hut k’4’Inakwi their breath, 95 pi’nan a/litona T shall add to your breath. to’’na‘wan ho’ pi’’nan te’li’una To this end, my children: te’wuna’ hom tea/we May you be belssed with life. to’ te’kohanan ya/niktcia’tu. The date for starting is set. Any man who wishes to join the party tells the bow priests, and the destination is determined according to the size of the party. During the interval offerings are made by the bow priests at the various shrines referred to in the preceding prayer. The night before they leave all volunteers meet at the ceremonial house of the bow priests. Each man deposits prayer meal, corn pollen, and some precious material—shell, turquoise, red paint, or iridescent black paint—in each of four corn husks. These are imme- diately taken to four distant shrines, by the elder and younger brother bow priests, the war chief, and the society chief of the bow priesthood. On reaching the shrine the emissary says: How are you this evening? — ko’ ton suvnhakinapka— (He answers himself, speaking in the person of the god:) Happy. Have you come? Sit down. — ke’tsanici: fone a:/wia- i-’tinaka Now, indeed, you have passed us on ma’ la’/kimante our roads. to’na to’ a*/wona-e’lateka 5 Indeed, words not too long your 5 i’me’ kwa/tik pe’na te’yu’lanam‘e words will be. Ppe’nan te’akin-a If you let us know what they are, te’wuna’ u’‘son ho’’na to ai’yu’- ya'kapa Always we shall remember them. u‘son ai/yu’ya‘na Is it not so? hon te’wanan a*’tekiin-a hatei’— Tue MAN: Indeed it is so. — ma’i'/na mi’Ite 10 As you know, 10 e’pac le’hok® i/nakw an u/lo‘nakwi To all your different abiding places o’/neat a*/kina’ka I have gone about, pe’naw aka With words of taking our road into lino ton ti’na-te’mla the enemy’s country. ho’ a’luki. 15 To-morrow upon that 15 te’wan yi’ton-e The sun will arise. u/‘son a’kai ya’to kwai’’in‘a.— Tue Gop: Is that so? —haiyi’ That must not be. kwa le’sna te’acukwa We can not part with you. tom hon i’tcemana*we— 672 20 Tur MAN: Nevertheless there is no choice. To do that very thing I have made up my mind. And furthermore, Thinking to bring you fine shell, Prayer meal, 25 Corn pollen, Red paint, Sparkling paint, Eager for this I have passed my days. 30 Now this day We have reached the appointed time. Therefore we have passed you on your road. Tue cop: Is that so? Nevertheless, in spite of your speak- ing thus, 35 We can not part with you. We have your plume wands, We have your shells, We have your prayer meal. Tue MAN: Yes, that is why I have spoken words 40 Of going to the enemy’s country. Because on account of the enemy’s thoughts Our children have been destroyed. 45 Our flocks have been destroyed. Because of the enemy’s thoughts, We wish to see our relatives, And thinking of them we fail in it. 50 Tue Gop: Is that so? Very well, although we cherish you, You think thus. Our elder brothers yonder, The ones who abide in different places, 55 Do they also know it? Tue MAN: Yes, certainly. At all their abiding places, I have bent down to speak to them. ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 20 25 [ETH. ANN. 47 —ma’ e'te fa tenat hot ko’lea te’atun’ona ho’ tse/makwi ya'’/kaka le’s tikleapa to-o0 Ko/kei ha’lawo'tinan’e o’nean‘e a’hokona tsu/hapa te’’ona ton a‘'teatun’ona lon a’ntse’man te’wanan a’’teaka te/kwi lu’ka ya’ton’e kes hai’tokwin te’’tciké a’ki To’’na ton a*’wona-e’latekéi.— —haiyi’ ma’ e't fo le’sna peyepte tom hon i’tcemana‘we. fo’man ton te’likinan a‘/leaiye to’man hon Io’ a‘leaiye to/man hon ha’la wo‘tinan a*‘te- aiye.— —ma’ le’sna te’’onaké hot i‘nakw an u’lo‘nakwi a‘naka ho’ pe/nan kwai’’ikaka. a/k’aip a’winakw a‘wan tse’’mak- win a/ka ho”’na‘wan tea te’cukwai’’ina*we ho”’na‘wan wo: te’cukwai’’ina-we a‘’winakw a‘/wan tse’’makwin a/ka& yam i’ yanikinan‘e u/nakani‘ya‘nan hon a/ntse’man a/ni‘na*we.— —haiyi’ ma’ i’mat tom wapte fo’ lesna tse’ma la/thok® hon a*’papa ti/na*wan’ona hon i’tcemana:- ai’yu’ya*napci— —erh ma’ le’hapa le: ti’ma’-te’mla ho’ ya’cu wa te’/lakuké.— BUNZEL] 60 70 80 90 THE cop: Well, the one who is my elder brother, The one who stays at Long House Top, Does he know? THE MAN: Yes, at a time when he knows it I pass you on your road. Tue Gop: The one at Echo’s abid- ing place, does he know? THE MAN: Yes, even when he knows, I have passed you on your road. Tue Gop: The one who stays Where the rainbow bends over, Does he know? THE MAN: At a time when he knows, I have passed you on your road. THE Gop: Those yonder, where all talk together, Do they know? THE MAN: Yes, when they already know, I have passed you on your road. THe Gop: Very well. Now, per- haps, you have taken thought for your good weapons? THE MAN: Yes, I have taken thought. THE Gop: Very well, Our father, our child, You shall set your mind to be a man. Truly you shall not be alone. Perhaps all your fathers, In all their different abiding places, Are in agreement. THE MAN: Now this night, My prayer meal, My shell, My corn pollen, My sparkling paint, My red paint, My water roll,® You have taken. If you let me know how the world will be How the days will be That I shall always remember. PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 60 65 70 75 80 90 § The cigarette. 673 —ma’ co’ pap i’li te’’ona te’alan ta’cana i’n’ona ai’yu’ya’- naci.— ho’ —eh. ai’yu’yanakwi tom o/na-e’lateka. —te’cimik i’m’ona ai’yu’yanaci.— —e’h. ai’yu’yasnakwinte tom ho’ o/na-e’lateki.— —a’mitolan te’po’ulan te’’onac ai/yu’ya‘na— —ai’yu’ya'p’kwi tom ho’ o’na-e’lateki.— —la’/thok" le-w an ya/cuwa i’pito ai/yu’ya‘napaci. —ma’ ai’/yu’ya‘nakwi To’ to a*’wona-e’lateki.— —ma’ honkwa’ati’ ma’ ime’ to inasnan ko’kci a’/ntse- *maka— —ma’ ho’ a/ntse’makii— —ma’ ho/nkwa’ati’ ho’”’na‘wan ta’teu ho’’na*wan tea’’le to’ o‘tsin tse’’makuna a’tic to’ sa’m-a te’kainan tse’na i’me’ le-wi tona a*/tatcu ti/na-te’mla ya’ nselionaye.— —ma’ lu’ki te’linan-e ho’man ha’lawo‘tinan‘e ho’man to’’o ho’man o/nean‘e ho’man tsu’hapa ho/man a/hoko ho’man ki’cima fio’ne ton i*‘leana hot ko’n u’lo‘nan te’atun’ona ko’n hot te’wanan te’atun’ona hom ton yu’ya‘kina'wapa u’‘s al/yu’yana ho’ te’wanan tekdna. 674 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 He goes off a little way, and sitting down waits for an omen. The four messengers return at the same time to the ceremonial house and report what they have seen. Plans are made according to the divinations. PRAYERS OF THE ScaLPp DANCE Whenever an enemy is killed the slayer, if not already a member of the bow priesthood or one of the other two warrior societies, the Hunters (Saniakiikwe) or the Cactus Society (Kocikwe), must imme- diately join the bow priesthood to protect himself from the malevo- lence of the slain enemy. The initiation takes place in the course of the scalp dance which is held to celebrate the victory. The purpose of the scalp dance is twofold. First, to purify the scalper from the contaminating contact with the dead and make him safe for human association and by placing him under the protec- tion of the war gods, through membership in their cult, the bow priest- hood, save him from pursuit by the ghost; the second purpose is to propitiate the dead enemy, strip him of his power for evil, and turn to good account his potentialities as a rain maker. This propi- tiation of the scalp is primarily the office of the scalp chief, who also retains guardianship of the scalps reposing in the scalp house. Accompanying these important secret rites of purification and pro- pitiation are the great public festivities. Throughout the twelve days of the ceremony unrestrained merrymaking accompanied by sexual license is indulged in by young and old of both sexes. These three strands run side by side, all culminating in the great ceremonies of the final day. The order of events in this long and elaborate ritual has been de- scribed in the accounts by Mrs. Stevenson '° and Doctor Parsons "™ with varying emphasis on the different aspects, according to the affiliation of the informants. For convenience in reading the following prayers the events may be briefly summarized. The returning war party camps overnight outside the village. At dawn four men chosen to announce their return ride toward the village uttering their war cry. They are met by the scalp chief, who inquires concerning the exploits of the war party. During the day the scalp chief secretes the scalp at a distance from the village in a diminutive shelter of brush. The scalper and his “elder brother,’ the member of the bow priesthood who has “‘caught” the novice, take turns in watching over it. Toward evening they go through a sham conflict and take the scalp, bringing it to a place on the plain where pekwin has prepared an altar. Here they are met 10 Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 578. 1 Scalp Ceremonial at Zuni. BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 675 by men and women appointed to take part in the coming ceremonies, the priests, the scalp chief, the bow priesthood, the Ant Society, the guardians of war bundles, and the male populace. There is cere- monial smoking by all present. Prayer sticks are planted by the scalper in a near-by ant hill, and many songs are sung and prayers offered. Finally the scalp is placed on the foot of the aunt of the scalper, who kicks it four times. Encircling the village four times, in counterclockwise circuit, the party goes in. The scalp is set upon a tall pole in the plaza amid general rejoicings, and the period of fes- tivity is announced first by pekwin and then by the bow priest. The scalper goes into retreat in the ceremonial house of the bow priests. For four days he eats no meat or grease or any hot food. He sits away from the fire, sleeps little, does not speak, and is un- touchable. He drinks emetics and goes out each morning to pray for deliverance from the scalp. He must also observe the sexual taboos placed upon the widowed.” The woman who brought in the scalp must also observe all these taboos. The days are spent in prepara- tion for the final ceremonies. On the fifth day the scalp is washed by two men appointed for this purpose. Thus is the enemy received into the company of the rain makers who live in the scalp house. Meanwhile the public festivities have begun. There are public dances each day, two selected groups performing on alternate days, while at night young and old of both sexes dance about the scalp pole. About the sixth day a man of the Deer clan and a man of the Bear clan start work on the images of the gods of war. On the twelfth night these and all their paraphernalia are taken into the house of the bow priests. Here, in an all-night ceremony, the novice is finally taken into their company to share their supernatural prerogatives, including the special protection of the gods of war. The following day is the ‘‘great dance.’’ The images of the gods of war, the various war bundles, and the chief priestly bundles are set up on an altar in the plaza, behind which sit all the high officials of the Zuni hierarchy. Throughout the day various dancers take turns in dancing before this altar. Toward evening the bow priests sing the songs given them at the institution of their society by the gods of war. After this the altar is demolished and the meal painting obliterated. The sacred bundles are returned to the houses where they are kept. The images of the gods of war are taken to their houses by members of the bow priesthood, and next day carried to appropriate shrines (not the ones that are visited during the winter solstice). Late at night the scalp is removed from the pole by the scalp chief and de- posited by him in the scalp house, with special prayers for protection in his dangerous office. 2 See p. 632. 676 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 The following prayers represent but the least fragment of this com- plex ritual. They deal almost entirely with the office of scalp chief; that is, the propitiation of the scalp. They were dictated by an old man, ason of a former scalp chief, now deceased. At dawn the scalp chief meets four men who announce the return of the war party: 30 Now, neglecting your children, Neglecting your wives, Yonder into the country of the enemy You made your road go forth. 5 Perhaps one of the enemy, Even one who thought himself virile, Under a shower of arrows, A shower of war clubs, With bloody head, One of the enemy, Reached the end of his life. Our fathers, Beast bow priests, Took from the enemy, His water-filled covering." Now you will tell us of that, 10 15 And knowing that we shall live. 20 Is it not so? The four announcers reply: Indeed it is so. Neglecting our children, Neglecting our wives, Yonder into the enemy’s country 5 We made our road go forth. Indeed it is so. We started out. We went. Yonder at Rock Cave we arrived. There we spent the night. Early next day we arose. We went on. At Ox-Eye-Place 10 15 20 30 ma’ ton yam tca’-tekalaena o’ye-tekilacna lehok" i’nakw anu’‘lo‘nakwi ton o/neal a*/kKainapka. i’me’ i/nakwe te’’ona o’tsina ya’/ntse’ma’ente i‘nakwe te’’ona ko-/wi co’-li’tekwanel-a ko’/wi ta-ti’tekwanel-a ko*/wi ce’mkaia i/nakwe te’’ona te’kohanan pa/ttopa hon a’’tate i/lapona we'/ma’ a‘’pi’la‘ciwan‘i i/nakwe te’’ona ka/cima po’’yan ai’yonapka te’wuna’ u‘son ho’’na ton ai’yu’ya- kana'wa u‘son ai’yu’ya‘na hon te’wanan a‘’tekan-a hatci’ ma’ i‘na mi’Ite hon yam tea’-tekdtacna yam o’ye-tekilacna le’hok® i/nakwan u’lo‘tnakwi hon o’neal a‘ kinapka ma’i-’/na mi’Ite ton u/kwe'ka. hon a‘’wa'ka. lakw a’mekuliakwi hon a°’te’tcina. hon i’skon a*/wantewaki te’wap ca/mli hon lu’walemakna hon a*’wa'kaé kanaituna*kwi 13 Twenty-third Ann Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p 579. Na Kacima po”’yanre, the scalp. The usual ceremonial appellation . BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE 35 We arrived. 35 There we spent the night. Next day we went on. Yonder at Cattail Spring we arrived. There, when we arrived at their camp site, We attacked them. There this one, (And one of the enemy) Fought together. . . . . 40 (The account breaks off here. 677 WAR CULT hon a‘’te’tcina i’skon hon a*’wantewaka te’wap hon a*’waka lak to”olelakinakwi hon a*’te’- teina i’skon ti’nakwi hon a‘’te’tcina i’skon hon ya’/nte’unapka i’skon lu’kon i-wiyattoké. . ... The informant lacked imagination to continue the narrative of the exploits of the war party.) In the evening the scalp is brought into the village." At the close of the ceremonies on the plain the scalp chief deposits in an excavation between two mounds of bread which he collected earlier in the day at the houses of the priests. Navaho. This day Into the corn priests’ © country, You will make your road enter. With the fruit of the corn priests’ labor You will add to your heart.1® So that if any of the corn priests’ ladder descending children Should by mistake cut off your road,!? No evil consequence 8 may come to him because of it. And furthermore, You who are my grandfather, Male turkey, !” Weakening the enemies’ hearts, 10 You will remain here always. So that your children, Their breath drifting hither only, When they attain their house, They will make their roads come in.20 Longing for them You will live. To this end, add to your hearts. | 15 20 20 The offering is specifically to the slain lu’ka ya’ton‘e to’wa ci’wan an u’lo‘nakwi to’ o/neala kwa’tokan-a to’ waci’wan‘an yu’/mokwe'nan a’ka to’ i’wikena te’liana a/ka le to’ wa ci’wan an te’tsilon Ppani-nan tea’ we hot teu’ wa to’miyacna to’man o/neat aptsipa kwa ak’ i-’yatonan te’am-ekana le’stikleapa tom ho’ nan i’li ho’tolo’waci a*’winakwe a‘’wike'na ta’tapikana to’ i’mita’kuna. a’ka to’’na*wan tea’we ka/tem te’’tei ai’yupi’la‘na yam _ he’cot’a napka te’kwi o/neata kwa’tokana i’ ya’hawakana ton a‘’tekan‘a tewuna’ i’ke'na te’liana-we. o’ ka- 4 See Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 581. 18 The priests, hence Zufi. 16 He offers bread cooked in the houses of the priests. 17 Cross their road while they encircle the village. 18 j/yatonan’e, literally, an exchange, especially bad dreams or hallucinations—the usual means whereby supernaturals punish the breaches of mortals—provided, always, proper precautions are not taken. 19 Wing feathers of the male turkey, which had lain on the meal painting, are deposited in the hole with the food. Turkey feathers are used on prayer sticks for the dead. * May more of the enemy be killed and brought in thus. 678 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 After the scalp has been set up in the plaza the pekwin addresses the people: 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Now this day This many of the children of the corn priests, Neglecting their children, Neglecting their wives, Went out yonder into the enemy’s country. Then suddenly, one of the enemy, Even one who stayed quietly in his hut, Even one who thought himself a man, In a shower of arrows, In a shower of stones, In a shower of war clubs, With bloody head, The enemy Reached the end of his life. The ones who are our fathers, Beast bow priests, With their claws, Tore from the enemy His water-filled covering. Into the country of the corn priests The enemy made his road enter. Four times encircling the town, The corn priests water-filled court He made his road enter, In the corn priests’ water-filled court Setting him up, When his days are made, Eagerly you shall await his time. When all the enemy’s days are passed, When those who are our fathers, Rain maker priests, With their fresh waters Have sprinkled the enemy,” Whenever his day is made, Tirelessly unwearied You shall pass the time. For indeed, the enemy, 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 ma’ lu’/ka ya’ton-e le: to’wa ci/wan an tea’we yam tea’/-tekalacna o’y-tekalacna lehok" i’/nakwan ’u’lo‘nakwi ke’ctce't i’nakwe te’’ona yam ha’cotcina yu'tak i/mtakapte i‘nakwe te’’ona o’tsina ya’ntse’mante ko-wi co’-ti’‘tekwanel-a ko-’w a’-litekwanel'a ko-wi ta-litekwanel-a ko-/wi ce’mkaia i/nakwe te’’ona te’ kohanan pa/Itoupa hon a‘’tate i/lapona we''ma a’pi’la-ciwan‘i yam sa/wanik a’/ka i/nakwe te’’ona kii’cima po/’yan ai’ yona*wapa i/nakwa te’’ona to’wa ci/wan an ulo‘nakwi o/neala kwa’tokina a’’witela’ma o/neat u’lapkina to’wa ci’wan an ka’cima te‘wi'to- kwi o/neala kwa’tokina to’wa ci/wan an ka’cima fe’* wita ye'liato’upa a’n te’/wanan yo’’apa an te’wanan a/ntsume‘na ton te’wanan a‘’tekin:a. hot i‘nakw an te’mla te’waki te’a’ana hon a*’tate i/lapona u/wanam a*/ciwani yam ka’cima tci’m’on aka& i/nakwe te’’ona ka’tina-wapa hot yam te’wana yo” apa pu’a’aconici o’ntia’utunici ton te’wanan a-'tekina he’ktce't i’nakwe te’’ona 21 The washing of the scalp on the fifth day. BUNZEL] 45 50 55 60 65 70 85 Even though he was without value, Notwithstanding he was a being of this kind— Yet he was a water being; He was a seed being. Desiring the enemy’s waters Desiring his seeds Desiring his wealth Eagerly you shall await his day. Whenever his days are made, Throughout the days, Throughout the nights, Tirelessly, unwearied, You shall live. Indeed, even though you ache from singing, Even though you fain would sleep, In order to win the enemy’s waters, His seeds, His wealth, His power, His strong spirit, To win these. Throughout the nights Throughout the days, Tirelessly, unwearied You shall live. Then indeed, if we are lucky, To some little corner Where the dust lies thick, (You will steal away.) In order to procreate sturdy #2 men And sturdy women, Tirelessly you will live. To procreate strong males, To procreate sturdy females, To be the ones toward your thoughts may bend, Eager for this, You will keep the days. For indeed, the enemy, Even though on rubbish * PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 45 679 kwa’/mastapt a/ka& ho’’i ya*‘katapte kacim ho’’i te’a’ka to’waconan ho’’i te’a’ka i’nakwe te’’ona an ka/cim a/ntecemana an to’waconan a/ntecemana an u’tenan a’ntecemana a/ntsume‘na ton te’wanan a-’tekiina. hot yam an te’wanan yo”’apa yii'to-we te’lina'we pu’a’aconici o’ntia’ulunici ton a‘’tekan-a he’ktce-t te’neap-u’apte a‘liak’ a’liteapte i/nakwe te’’ona an ka’cima an to’waconan’e an u’tenan‘e an sa’wanika an tse’’makwin tsu’me o/kainakwi te’lina’we yi’to-we pu’a’aconici o’ntia’ulunici ton a‘’tekan-a. ho’nkwe-t hon a*‘halowilapa ko-/wi po’tceyo ya’hona ko-’w he’cokopa tsa’/na o’tsi ya’sute o’ka ya’sute i‘to‘tun’on aka pu’a’aconici ton a‘‘tekina hot o’tsia ittohapa o’ka ya’sut i‘tohapa i’skon tse’’mak- te’lakwi yam a*’- teatun’ona’ka a/ntsume‘na ton te’wanan a‘’tekéna. he’ktce’t i’nakwe te’’ona kwa’hamackon a’ka 22 Children conceived at this time are under the special protection of the gods of war, and are therefore especially strong. 3% The Navajos have no cultivated crops. 680 90 95 100 105 110 120 125 130 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY He lived and grew to maturity, By virtue of the corn priests’ rain prayers (He becomes valuable;) Indeed, the enemy, Though in his life He was a person given to falsehood, He has become one to fortell How the world will be, How the days will be. That during his time, We may have good days, Beautiful days, Hoping for this, We shall keep his days. Indeed, if we are lucky, During the enemy’s time Fine rain caressing the earth, Heavy rain caressing the earth, (We shall win.) When the enemy’s days are in progress, The enemy’s waters, We shall win, His seeds we shall win, His riches we shall win, His power, His strong spirit, His long life, His old age, In order to win these, Tirelessly, unwearied, We shall pass his days. Now, indeed, the enemy, Even one who thought himself a man, In a shower of arrows, In a shower of war clubs, With bloody head, The enemy, Reaching the end of his life, Added to the flesh of our earth mother. Beast bow priests, With their claws, Tore from the enemy His water-filled covering. 90 95 100 105 110 115 120 130 [ETH. ANN. 47 ho’’i ya’”’ente to’wa ci/wan an ki’cima pe/yen alka he’kte't i’nakwe te’’ona te’/kohanana kwa’/hot yo’sekinaka ho’’i te’ka’ente ko’n u’lo‘nan te’atun’ona ko’na te’wana te’/atun’ona ho”’i yoka hot an te’wanan-a ya’ton ko/kei ya’ton tso’ya te’wanan te’atun’ona u/‘son a/ntsume‘na hon fe’wanan a‘’tekin-a. ho/nkwe't hon a*’/halowilapa hot i/nakwan fe’wanana ko-/wi ka’tsana ti’ton-te’takwi ko*/wi kalan li’ton-te’/takwi hot an te’wanan te’apa i/nakwe te’’ona hon an kacim o/kana‘wa hon an to’waconan o’kana*wa hon an u’tenan o’kana*we an sa’wanika an tse’’*makwin ftsu’/me an o/naya‘naka an ta/ciakaé o’kanakaka pu’a’aconici o/nta’ulunici hon te’wanan a‘’tekan‘a he’ktce’t i/nakwe te’’ona o’tsina ya’ntse’ma’ente ko*/wi co’-li’tekwanel-a ko*/wi ta-ti’telwanel’a ko*/wi ce’/mkiia i/nakwe te’’ona te’kohanan pa’ttona ho’’na‘wan a/witelin tsi’ta ei’’na te’lia’upa we'ma’ a‘’pi’fa‘ci’wan'i yam sa/wanik’ a’/kii i‘nakwe te’’ona an ka/cima po’’yan ai’yona'wapa BUNZEL] 135 Then the enemy Into the corn priests’ country Made his road enter. Now shout! Pu-hu hu Huh hu PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 135 i’nakwe te’’ona to’wa ci’wan an u’lo‘nakwi o/neata kwa’/tokaka te’wuna’ we’ana‘we’ oO te/ya oO te’va to) alnate oO p’u hu hum hu hum we——— The elder brother bow priest addresses the people in the same vein. Then the scalp chief offers to the scalp a handful of bread saved from his earlier offering. Now, this day That you have been set up In the corn priests’ rain-filled court, All the children of the corn priest 5 Will be dancing for you. All the children of the corn priest Will pass you on your road. They will add to your heart. 10 Should anyone by mistake touch you May no evil consequence befall him because of it. With this fruit of the corn priests’ labor Add to your heart. Your long life, 15 Your old age, Your waters, Your seeds. Grant them. To cleanse the thoughts 20 Of whoever has angry thoughts, For this you will stand up here. 10 15 ma’ lu’ka ya’ton’e to’wa ci’/wan an ikcima te/‘wito’a to’ ye’liato’una le: to’wa ci’wan an tea’we to’ma ta’Ina a*‘tekina le: to’wa ci’wan an tea’we tom o/na-e’/latena*wa tom i’ke’na te’liana*wa hot teu’wa tomiyacna tom a’Ipitina kwa i’yatonan te’amekin-a to’wa ci’wan an a’ ka i’ke'n i-’teliana. yam o/naya’‘naka yam ta/ciaké yam ka’cima yam to’waconan’e to’ ya/nhaiten-a hot teu’wa tse’’makwi* sa’mu _ tea’- kowa yu’mo'kwe'nan 20 hon tse”’makwi: ko’/keunakwi to e/latokan:a. After four days the scalp is washed at any spring outside the town or in the river. Care is taken that the water used for the washing does not flow back into the river to bring death to those who drink of it. gods. The scalp washer bites the scalp to get the power of the beast “He acts like an animal,’ and therefore he does not need, in order to save his life, to observe the taboos generally required by con- taminating contact with the dead. Prayer sticks are planted before the ceremony. At the conclusion the bowl is broken and cast away 6066°—32——44 682 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 and offerings of food are thrown about on the ground. During the ceremony of washing, the choir sings new songs made for the occasion and the scalp washer prays: aunt. Now this day Our sun father, Having come out standing To his sacred place, The enemy Reached the end of his life. When with your clear water You have sprinkled the enemy, ma’ lu’ka ya tone hon ya’toki tate i’lap a:’te’ona yam te’tacinakwi ye"lana kwai”’ikana A little space yet remains 5 yam to’paka te’lacinakwi Ere he goes in to sit down at his iimuna kwa’tokatun te’kwi other sacred place. ko-w a’nte‘wetcikwi Now four times raising our niece,” yam e’ye te’’ona a‘’witela’ma 10 And making her stand up, 10 a’/na‘-e’/lemakiina Her road going first, yam o’neal e’*kwikona Hither with prayers, ka'thok" fe’wus a’/ka We have made our road come forth. hon o/neat a*’/kinapka Here, near by, our fathers, lo-’kwi le*/wi te’a’a 15 hon a‘’tate i‘lapona 15 Rain maker bow priests, u/wanam a*/pi’la-ci’wan'i Where your watery road comes yam kiacim o’neat kwai’’ina forth, Where you are waiting, co’/kya‘kwi ton a‘’wona-e’latena We have passed you on your road. We have offered you plume wands. ton te’lekinan a‘/leakapa 20 Taking your plume wands, 20 te’likinan i-/teana With them you will take firm hold i’/nakwe te’’ona Of the enemy’s water-filled covering. an ka’cima po’’yan‘e ya’tena-tsu/mekina With your fresh water yam ki’cima tei’m’on a/ka 25 You will sprinkle him. 25 ton ka’tin-a Then again, if your hands go first, tem ta fo’’na’wan a/si° e’/‘kwi’kona Our hands following, hon a*’was-yi’lu’kona We shall meet no evil consequence.°° kwa i’yatonan te’/amekina You who are our fathers, ton hon a‘’tate i/lapa 30 Rain maker bow priests, 30 u’wanam a/’pi’la‘ci’wan'i Kalawan-i, ka/'tawan‘i Tsikaihaya, tsi/kahaiya RKupictaya ku’’pictaiya Beast bow priests, we'ma’ a*’pi’ta‘ci/wan'i 35 By virtue of your thoughts 35 to’’na‘wan tse’’makwin a’ka hot i/nakwe te’kohanan pa’tto"ka. yam ka’cim a/ka i/nakwe te’’ona ton ka‘lina‘wapa 24 Brothers’ daughter; i. e., the scalp. The rite of head washing is always performed by the paternal No explanation is given for inversion of sex. 2 That is, from contact with the scalp. BUuNzEL] PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 683 40 When into the corn priests’ country | 40 to’wa ci’wan an u’lo‘nakwi He has brought his road, o’neal a*’kina When in the corn priests’ water- to’wa ci’wan an ki’cima te’‘witona filled court He has been set up, ye’liato’upa All the corn priests’ children to’wa ci’wan an tea’we 45 With the song sequences of the | 45 yam a-’tatcu fathers, a*’wan i’piclenan te’na-pi’’lan a’ka Will be dancing for him. ta’Ina a-’tekana And whenever all his days are past, hot an ki-/ka te’mla fe’waka tea’’- ana Then a good day, ya’ton ko’kci 50 A beautiful day, 50 yi’ton tso”’ya A day filled with great shouting, ko-/wi we’ana ta/na With great laughter, ko-/wi ci’kwi ta’na A good day, ya’ton ko/kei With us, your children, ho’’na ton tea’/wilapa 55 You will pass. 55 te’wanan a‘/tekana Thus the corn priests’ children a’ka to’wa ci/wan an tca/we sa’wa- Winning your power, nik’ okinakaina Winning your strong spirit, tse’’makwin tsum o’kanakana Will come to evening. su’/nhakina‘wa To this end, my fathers, fe’wuna’ hom a’tatcu 60 Now let us take hold of our niece. 60 yam e’ye te’’ona hon ya’tenapce ke’si. After the dancing of the last day the scalp chief takes down the scalp. He and his associates remain in hiding on the outskirts of the village until midnight. Then they proceed singing to the scalp house. Each has under his tongue several grains of black corn to prevent pursuit by the ghost.** The scalp chief places the scalp in the jar in the scalp house and prays: Now this many are the days ma’ le’si te’wanan-e Since the enemy i/nakwe te’’ona Reached the end of his life. te’kohanan pa’Itopa Our fathers, hon a’’tate i/lapona 5 Those who hold the high places, 5 te’alan i’/lapona Beast bow priests, we'ma: a‘’pi’la-ciwan'i Tore from the enemy inakw an ka’cim fo’’yan ai’yo- His water-filled covering. na'wapa Into the corn priests’ country, to’wa ci/wan an u’lo‘nakwi They made his road enter. o’neala kwa’tokadna 10 And in the corn priests’ water-filled 10 to’wa ci’wan an ka/cima te‘wito court Standing him up, ye"'liato‘na They made his days. te’wanan a’/capa This many are the days. le’si te’ wanan‘e And when the set number of days an te’wanan ai’yilenan a-’tea’ka had all been counted up, te’a’ana 25 Compare with use of black corn to bring forgetfulness of dead relatives. 684 15 20 30 35 40 45 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Way back, when all these days had past, The ones who are our fathers, Rain maker priests, With their clear water Took firm hold of him.?? Again in the corn priests’ court Setting him up, they made his days. This many days The corn priests’ children With their fathers’ song sequences Have consumed in dancing. Then yesterday, When the number of their days was at an end, Those who are our fathers, The two who hold the high places,”8 With their elder brothers’ plume wands, Their prayer feathers, Their shells, In these wrapping themselves they renewed their human form.?® Holding their world, Holding their people fast, Sitting down quietly, With us their children After a blessed night *° They came to day. This very day When he who is our sun father, Coming out standing to his sacred place Passed us on our roads, Saying, let it be now, Those who are our fathers, The ones that first had being,*! Came out standing Into the daylight of their sun father. Near by, in the corn priests’ court, Our two fathers, The ones who hold the high places, With all their sacred things 15 25 30 35 40 45 50 [ETH. ANN. 47 fokwan te’mla te’ waka te’a’ana hon a‘’tate i/lapona u/wanam a*‘/ciwan‘i yam ka’cim a/ka ya’tena-tsu’mekina*wapa to’wa ci’wan an te’‘wito’a ye’liato‘na’ te’wanan a’/capa le’si fe’ wanan‘e to’wa ci/wan an tea’we yam a‘’tateu a‘wan i’piclenan tena‘-pi’/lan a/ka& ta’'Ina a‘'teaka te’a’ana te’cukwa yi’ton‘e kes an te’wanan i*’te’tcapa hon a‘’teia tate i/lapa te’alan i/lon a*’tei yam a’papon te’likinan‘e a*’wa la’cowan‘e a‘’wan to’ aki a‘te i:’pa’una tci’m’on ho’i-ya‘’- kana yam u’lo‘nan ya’/tena yam ho’’i ya’tena-tsu’mekana a‘te i’me-la’kuna te’tinan ko/kei ho’ tea’wilap a*’wantewaki tei’mte ya’ton-e hon ya’toka tate i/lap a:’te’ona yam te’lacinakwi ye"lana kwai’’ikipa hon a*wona-e’latepa hot ka*’ki kesi’ le’’anakapa hon a*‘tate i‘lapona tei’mikinapkona yam ya’ toké ta’teu an te’/kohanankwi i’tuwakna kwai”’ina la/lik to’wa ci’wan an teli’tokwi hon a‘’tcia tate i/lap a*’te’ona te’alan i’lon a*’tei yam e’leteliwe a*/wili *7 The washing of the scalp. 28 The gods of war. “ The completion of the images. 30 In the house of the bow priests. “| The sacred war bundles, and the bundle of the chief priesthood. The allusion is to the making of the images. BUNZEL] 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 Made their roads enter. Yonder from all sides, Those who are our fathers, All the water bringing birds, Pekwins, priests,%” Made their roads come forth. They made their roads come hither. With his hand, With his heart His fathers’ cloud house he fash- ioned,** Their mist blanket he spread out, Their life-giving road he sent forth, Their perfect spring he prepared; Then our two fathers, Those who hold the high places, With their house chiefs,°4 Their pekwins, Holding all their sacred things Sitting down quietly Throughout a blessed day, With us, their children, they came to evening. When the one who is our sun father Had gone in to sit down at his sacred place, And our night fathers, Our night mothers, Night priests, Slowly rising to their sacred place, Had passed us on our roads, We passed you on your road. You, Navaho priests,®° have died. Truly during your lives You dealt falsely, Although that was your nature in life, PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 55 o/neala kwa’tokipa la/lhok le’si tekwi hon a’’ate ilapona kiicima wo'/we pe’kwi a‘/ciwan‘i o’neala kwai”ilekana o’neal i’/kana yam a/sin a/ka yam i’kesnan a/ki yam a‘’tate’on a‘’wan a’/weluyan ka’kwe ya*/kana ci/pololon pewuna o/naya‘/nak’ o/neatan a*/kana ka’nakwe‘nan ya‘’na ye’lete’una hon a‘’tcia tate ilapa te’alan i/lon a*’tei yam ki’wa'mosi yam pe’kwi'we yam e’leteli-we a*’wili a‘te i’me-ta’kuna ya’ton ko’kei hon tea’wilapa su*/nhakanapka hon ya’toka tate i/lapona yam te’lacinakwi i-’muna kwa’tokapa hon te’tiak’ a*’tate i/lapona hon fe’tiak’ a*’tsit i/lapona te’tiak’ a*’ciwan'i yam te’tacinakwi ko-w i-‘tuwakna ye*’makna hon a*’wona-e’latena*wapa to’’na fon a*/wona-e’latenapki ton pa’teu ci’wan'i ya’ce*napka ke*’stce’t tekohanana kwa’hot yo’sekanaka ton a‘’ho’ a*’teka’ente ® There is only one pekwin, but he is the representative or human counterpart of all the summer birds. The translation is unavoidably awkward. 33 The meal painting on the altar. 4 R’Ak’wa'mosi, the first priesthood of the hierarchy. 35 The inmates of the scalp house, 686 90 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Recently, by virtue of the corn priests water-bringing words, You have passed one another on your road. When you reveal to us * How the days will be, How the world will be, Knowing that, We shall pass our days. To this end, my nieces,*’ Add to your hearts. So that your people you may waft hither only, So that you may speed them hither, On this do not fail to fix your thoughts.** This is all. 90 95 100 [ETH. ANN, 47 to’wa ci’wan an ki’cima fpe/yen a’/ka ton i-’yona-e’latenapkii ko’’nholt tewanan te’atun’ona ko’’nhotu’lo‘nan te’atun’ona ho’’na fon ai’yu’ya‘kina‘wapa. u's ai/yu’ya‘na hon te’wanan a‘’tekina te’wuna’ hom a‘’/weye. i’‘ken i*’teliana kal te’’tei ai’ yupila‘na i’ya‘hawakan‘a el ton te’alt kersi le-wi. i/yantse’’manamtu He deposits the scalp in the scalp house, replaces the cover and comes back to the village. On his way back he mounts to four housetops, leaving on each a grain of black corn ‘‘to make his road dark.”’ At his own house the ladder has been turned upside down. As soon as he has mounted it, it is righted so that the ghost can not follow him up. He comes into the house without speaking, hangs up his blanket and goes right out. Standing on the housetop facing the east, holding in his hands what yet remains of the black corn, he prays: 10 15 This many are the days Since our children Neglecting their little ones, Neglecting their wives, Yonder into the enemy’s country Made their road go forth. Presently, even where the enemy Stayed peacefully in their huts Our fathers, The ones who hold the high places, Having commanded the enemy to be as women, In a shower of arrows, A shower of war clubs, With bloody head, The enemy reached the end of his life. Our fathers, Beast bow priests, 5 10 15 ma’ le’si te’ wanan‘e ho”’na‘wan fte’/apkuna‘we yam tea’-tekilacna yam o’y-tekilacna le’hok" i’nakwe an u’lo‘nakwi o’neat a*/kanapki ke’ctce't i/nakwe te’’ona hot yam ha’cotecina yu’laki ti/nan la’ kapte hon a*’tate ilapona te’alan i/lapona o’kinakwe ya’nhe-tocna*wapa i’‘nakwe te’’ona ko*/wi co’-li’tekwanel'a ko-/wi ta-li’ tekwanel'a ko-/wi ce’/mkaia i’nakwe te’’ona te’kohanan pa’Itopa hon a*’tate i’/lapona we'ma: a‘’pi’la‘ci’wan'i 36 The scalp chief hopes for some omen at this time. 37 The scalps. 28 May we kill more of the enemy and imprison them here to serve our ends. BUNZEL] 20 With their claws,*? Tearing from him his rain filled covering, Commanded him to be the one to count those who have their homes above— All little sparkling stars.‘ The enemy, PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 20 687 vam sa/wanik’ a’/ki ka’cima po’’yan ai’yovna li’wan i/yamakwi te/‘wilap a’’te’ona tsu’/hapa mo’yatcu'we a‘’wiydlena ho’’i te’atun’ona a’nhe‘toenakapa i’nakwe te’’ona ho’’na*wan tsi’ta 30 Having added to the flesh of our mother earth,*! 30 a’witeline ci’’na te’liana Hither into the corn priests’ coun- ka’thok» to’wa ci’wan an u’lo‘- try, nakwi He made his road go. o’neal av’ kaka 35 When his road came here to lita i’tiwanakwi Itiwana, 35 o/neal i’kipa Our two mothers, hon a-’tcia tsit i’/lap a*’te’ona Taking hold of him fast, a‘tci ya’tena-tsumekiina The country of the corn priests, to’wa ci’wan an u’lo‘nakna Four times successively encireling a‘’witen i-’yalto 40 o’neat u/lapkina Into the corn priests’ rain filled to’wa ci/wan an ka’ci’ma te’‘wit- court i’tiwanakwi Making their roads come in, o’nealt kwa’tokina There they set him up. ve’liato’upa His days were made. an te’wanan yo’’apa 45 When we had lived eagerly await- | 45 an te’wanan a’ntsume‘na ing his days, hon a‘’teaka te’kwi The rain maker priests, u/wanam a*’ciwan'i With their fresh water, yam kii/cima tei’m’on a/ka i/nakwe te’’ona 50 Took firm hold of the enemy. 50 ya’tena-tsu’mekina-wapa Then the days were made te/alan i/lapona For those who hold the high places. a-’wan te/wanan yo-’apa Through all these days, le’si te’ wanan-e Mindful of their days, yam te’wanan a’na‘ yu’’ya‘na 55 You came to the time. 55 ton a‘teaka tekwi Then yesterday, te’cukwa ya’ton'e Our two fathers, hon a-'tcia tate i/lap a‘/te’ona Those who hold the high places, te’alan i’lon a‘’tci Once more assuming human form, a*’tei tei’m’on ho’’i-ya*/kiina 60 After a blessed night 60 te’linan Ko'kei With us their children They came to day. This day # When he who is our sun father hon tea’wilap a°’wantewakii lu’ka ya’ton‘e hon ya’toka tate i/lap a‘’te’ona 39 Sa’wanika, any weapon, and abstractly, power. 40 The fallen enemy is left face upward and commanded to count the stars; that is, taunted to do the impossible. 41 His blood fertilizes the earth. Wherever an enemy falls is formed an ant hill—a symbol, probably, of fecundity. Therefore prayer sticks are planted in ant hills, and the Ant Society figures prominently in scalp-dance ceremonies. ‘2 By this time it is nearly day. The images of the war gods are taken to appropriate shrines, where they replace older ones which are removed and placed on a pile of similar ones behind the shrine. 688 65 95 100 Has come out standing to his sacred place, Saying, let it be now, Our two fathers, The ones who hold the high places, Yonder will pass their elder brothers on their roads. Wherever they pass the divine ones on their roads Taking their places, They will sit down quietly. Yonder on all the mossy mountain tops, All about they will have their sacred places. All the forests All the brush Being made representatives in prayer That all the corn priests’ children May hold fast to life; That this may be so, The divine ones, Taking one another’s places, Sit down quietly. Holding all their world, Holding all their people fast, They will sit down quietly. And then also these others,** Asking in prayer for life for children They will add to our breath, Seeking our relatives, Our elders, Near-by in all their houses Wherever they lie sleeping, These they will hold fast. their And also our children, Those who watch over the ones through which we prosper,‘* Those who for the sake of their children, For the sake of their flocks Yonder on all sides Wander over their earth mother, Who even on the bare ground stand at the edges of our land— ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 100 [ETH. ANN. 47 yam te’lacinakwi ye'lana kwai’’ikapa hot ka-ki ke:si’le’’anakapa hon a‘tcia tate i/lap a‘/te’’ona te’alan i’lon a*’tei le’hok" yam a‘’papa a-te a‘’wona-e’latekiin’a hot ka’pin a‘’ho’i i:’yona-e’latena i’ yalina i-‘tinan ta’/kikna la’/thok" le-w a/wico yila kitsowa- ’kona te’tacin u/lapkana takwil-po'ti takwil-po- i te wus ya’nulana’wapa to’wa ci’wan an fe’apkuna‘we ya’kna tsu’me hot a*’teatun’onaka ka’pin a*/ho’i i/yali‘nan i*’tinan ta’kikna le-w yam u’lo‘nan ya’tena le’ yam ho’’i ya’tena-tsu’mekina i’tinan ita’kikapa tem ta lu’knia’konte te’wusu te’kohanan yai/ncemana yam tca’we ho’’na’ wan pi’’nan te’liana‘wa ho”’na-wan i’’yaniki’na'’we ho’’na‘wan a*’tacina‘we la/lik yam he’cota‘wa’kona ya’telan a‘’ne ta’pana lu’kniako a‘’wiyaten-tsu’mekina tem ta ho’’na*wan tea’we yam a’k’ el a’’te’ona yam tea’ wak’ a‘’ni yam wo'/wak’ a‘/ni la‘thok» le’si te’kwi yam a’witelin tsi’tana’kona a’wek pa’Itocon’ona 43 The old images that are laid aside. 44 The herders of sheep. BUNzEr] PRAYERS OF THE WAR CULT 689 105 All these also they will hold fast. | 105 lu’kniako te’mla = a*/wiyaten- tsu’/mekana I have sent forth my prayers. ho’ te’wusu fe’nan kwai’’ikiki Our children, ho’’na*wan tea’we Even those who have erected their hot te’li-pa’Ito’konatapte shelters yam he’cota ya*’/kainapka te’a’kona At the edge of the wilderness, 110 May their roads come in sa‘ely, 110 o’neat kwa’tona ko’kei May the forests le: takwil-po’'ti And the brush ta’kwil-po’’ti Stretch out their water-filled arms a’’wan ka’cima a/s-ta‘nanaka To shield their hearts; a*’wiken ai’yala 115 May their roads come in safely; 115 o’neat kwaton-a May their roads all be fulfilled, a‘/wona-ya’’/an-a May it not somehow become diffi- el ko-w a‘/napa cult for them kwa’tikot a’ka When they have gone but a little te’n'i yo*’na’mana ways, 120 May all the little boys, 120 kow a‘’waktsik a‘/lana All the little girls, korw a‘/katsik a*’/lana And those whose roads are ahead, a‘/won-a’’we'kwinte May they have powerful hearts, sa/wanik’ a*/wikena Strong spirits; tse’’makwin tsum i’lapa 125 On roads reaching to Dawn Lake 125 te’luwaiyan kaiakwi o’neata te’’- teina May you grow old; ton a*‘lacitu May your roads be fulfilled; ton a‘’wona-ya*/tu May you be blessed with life. to’n te’kKohanan ya/niktciatu’ hol yam ya’toka ta’teu 130 Where the life-giving road of your | 130 an o/naya‘naké o/nealan kwai’’- sun father comes out, inakwi May your roads reach; o/neata: te’tcina May your roads be fulfilled. ton a*/wona-ya’tuntiyo‘na Taking out the black corn, he passes it around four times in front of him. Reentering the house, he repeats the prayer, still holding the corn in his hand. At the end, he again passes it around counter- clockwise before him, as a rite of exorcism, and sets it aside to be planted in spring. Then his aunts wash his head and bathe him. The following day he deposits prayer sticks at amitolan tepo’ulikwi (where the rainbow bends over), a shrine to the gods of war, located in the canyon southwest of Zuni. The prayer is similar. V. PRAYERS AND CHANTS OF THE PRIESTS OF THE MASKED GODS. I Tue Comina or KAKLO In former times the preliminary initiation of small children took place every fourth year. In these years the chief of the cult group in charge of the Kiaklo ritual received from the priests at the winter solstice a prayer stick commanding his participation. The ceremony is held in March or April. Eight days before the actual whipping of the children Kiklo appears to announce the ap- proaching ceremony and command those concerned to prepare for it. In each kiva he intones a long chant describing in great detail the mythological sanction of the coming ceremony.' After visiting all the kivas he departs. After eight days he comes again. Again he visits each kiva, repeat- ing his chant. At dawn he is ready to depart. As he leaves, the gods who perform the initiation ceremonies appear and enter the village. The following prayer is spoken by the impersonator of Kiklo at some time during his preparations for his ceremony, probably at the moment of taking out the mask before his second appearance. le’si te’ wanan‘e hon ya/onaka tsit i/lap a*’te’ona This many are the days Since the moon who is our mother Yonder in the west a small thing First became visible. When she reached maturity liwan ka’liciankwin ta’‘na ko-’wi tsa’na ye’tsakina ho” i-ya’/kaka te’’a’ana 5 Then the one who is my father, 5 hon tate i’/lap a-’te’ona Kaklo, pekwin priest, ka’klo pe’kwin ci’wan‘i Perpetuating his rite had since the yam yii’/lan ya*‘/na’a first beginning— yam ko’’nhot tei/mik’a’kona_te’- Yonder from his perfect mountain lia‘na Made his road come forth. o’neata kwai’’ikana 10 He made his road come hither. 10 o/neat i’kina Into Itiwana his road entered, There, wherever the roads of his children come forth He made his road enter. His words came forth. i‘tiwanakwi o’neata kwa/tokana la’thok® yam te’apkunan o/neata* kwai’’ina’kowa o’neala’ kwa’tokina yam pe’nan kwai’’ina 1 The text recorded by Mrs. Stevenson (Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 80) is incom- plete. events and ceremonies described in the fuller version take place. This is a telescopic version, a mnemonic device consisting merely of a list of place names at which The complete chant, which is intoned in very rapid rhythm, takes about six hours to perform—it is longer even than the sayataca chant. It is in the keeping of a cult group of four men who take turns in impersonating the god. 690 BUNZEL] 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 All the ladder descending children of the corn priest Desire the breath of their fathers, Priests of the masked gods; Since somehow it was not clear to which clan they belonged, Kaklo, pekwin priest, Made his road come hither. To all the ladder descending chil- dren of the corn priests (he came) In order that their children may have someone whom they call their second father, That they may have one whom they call their second mother, Now that they have sent for us For this we have passed you on your roads. I have told off the sequence of your days, Anxiously awaiting your time, I have told off the sequence of your days. Seemingly now all the eight days are past, It is the ninth night, Now all of us Shall pass you on your roads. We shall pass a blessed night to- gether, And to-morrow, When our sun father Has come forth standing to his sacred place, Throughout a blessed day, We shall come to evening. When our children Into the corn priest’s court have brought their roads, Our fathers, Priests of the masked gods, With their powerful weapons Four times will strike our young ones, In order that this may be We have passed you on your roads. This is all. Thus with plain words We have passed you on your road. To-morrow PRAYERS AND 15 40 691 CHANTS le: te’tsilon fa/nivnan to’wa ci’wa an tcea’we yam a‘’tateu kokwa’’ciwani a‘‘’wan pi’’nan a’ntecemana elt kwa’ ho’Ino a/notan yu”’hetame a‘’teakwi ai’klo pe’kwin ci/wan'i o’/nealan i’/kipa le te’tsilon pa/ni-nan to’wa ci’wan an te/apkuna i-me* kwi'likén a-'na ta’teu le’’tikwatun’- on a’ ka te’ona kwi’likin a‘’na tsi’ta le’’tikwatun’ on aka ho’n a’ntecematina’pka te’kwi to’’na hon a-’wona-e’lateki. to’’na*wan ho’ yi’lenan pi’’la ton te’wanan a’/ntsume‘na to’’na‘wan ho’ ya’lenan pi’’la hi’nteol le’si tewanan ha’’eleka te’wan te/nalekaé fe’na te’linan‘e kes te’mltamo to’’na hon a*’wona-e’latena’wa. te’tinan ko’kei hon a‘’wantewana te’wap yd’ton‘e ho”’na*wan ya’toka ta’teu yam fe’tacinakwi ye-’/lana kwai’’- ikaka ya’ton ko’’kei hon su’nhak’ana:wa ho’’na‘wan tea’we to’wa ci’wan an te’‘witokwi o/neata kwa’toka’na*wapa hon a-’tate i/lapona kokwa’’ciwan‘i yam sa’/wanik’ a’ki ho’’na‘wan te’apkuna‘we a‘’witela’ma sa’wa‘nik’ a‘’lapanana te’atun’on a’kii to’’na hon a*’wona‘e’lateki. le-wi. le’ yu”’he'to pe’nan a’ki to’’na hon a*/wona-e’lateki. te’wan yii’not-e 55 60 65 692 50 Our young ones The plume wands of their fathers, Priests of the masked gods They will fashion into human form. When to our fathers, Priests of the masked gods, We have given these plume wands, Then making their days, Keeping their sacred days, We shall pass our days. And so, our fathers, Your long life, Your old age, Your power, Your strong spirit, You will give to us, So that we may be people blessed in all things. Yonder toward the place of dawn We shall give our fathers prayer ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 50 (ETH. ANN. 47 yam fe/apkuna‘we yam a‘’tatcu kokwa’’ciwan'i a‘wan te’likina ton a*‘ho’-a:'ye:- kana‘wa yam a*’tatcu kokwa’/ciwan‘i hon te’likinan a‘/leara a‘’wan te’wanan a/cana a‘’wan te’wanan i’lapa hon te’wanan a*’tekin’a ten ho’’na-wan a‘‘tatcu yam o/naya’’naka yam ta/ciaki yam sa’ wanika yam tse’’makwin tsu’me ho’’na ya/nhaitena*wapa a’kii kwahot te’mfa hon a/niktcia a‘’ho’a’’tekan‘a li’wan te’/luwankwin ta’/‘na yam a‘’tatcu meal. ha’lawo-’tinan hon a‘’wan hai’tena 70 Anxiously waiting we shall pass our | 70 antsume‘na hon fe’wanan a‘’tek’- days. ana. When all their days are at an end With our clear water We shall bind our children fast, So that their roads may reach to dawn lake So that our young ones’ roads may be fulfilled. 75 a‘’wan te’wanan i*’te’tcapa yam tca’we yam ka/cima ko’kei hon a‘’wiya- tena tsu’mekina‘wapa a’ka te’luwaian Kkai/akwi te” tcina ho’’na-wan te’/apkuna‘we ton a‘’wona-ya’’’an-a. o/neala PRAYER OF THE IMPERSONATOR OF Pa’UTIWA Pautiwa is the katcina chief at Katcina village. It is he who determines the order of masked rituals and dances, and sends forth masked beings to dance for his daylight children at Zuni. The great masked ceremonies are held expressly by his order. They can only be held when he commands them at the new year. In folklore he appears frequently in the réle of the divine lover of mortal maidens. He appears three times annually at Zuni—twice during the winter solstice,-and at the mola‘wia which closes the great masked festival of the late fall. He comes, therefore, at the beginning and end of the year. He is one of the most beautiful of all Zufi impersonations. The mask is turquoise blue, elaborately adorned with the most precious feathers, in particular the priceless tail feathers of the macaw. He is fully clothed in rich clothing, including four embroid- ered white cotton blankets and innumerable strings of the finest turquoise. His gait is slow and stately. He always goes sprinkling corn meal before him. It is altogether an impersonation of the greatest splendor and solemnity.’ 2 See pl I’, and Twenty-third Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pl. xxvii. BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 693 The winter solstice ceremonies and Pautiwa’s part in them are described on pp. 535 and 908. After Pautiwa has visited all the kivas he goes out toward the west. After undressing, at a point on the river, he is met by men of the Sun clan who escort him to the house of the house chief. Here are assembled all priests of the council, and members of the Dogwood clan. On entering, the impersonator of Pautiwa offers a long prayer recounting the duties of his office and invoking a blessing on the people. The house chief replies, thanking him, and then asks him what he has seen in his rounds of the village. He then relates what omens have been observed in the four excavations. The following prayer recited when he enters the ceremonial room, was dictated by a member of the Dogwood clan: Now this many are the days Since there yet remained a little space Ere our sun father Stood close beside his left hand sacred place, ma’ le’si te’ wanan‘e hon ya’toka tate i/lap a*’te’ona yam we’ cikinem fe’tacisnakwi i’‘tiulatuntekwi kow a/nte‘wetci kwi 5 When our daylight father of the 5 hon tekohanan tate i/lap a-’te’ona Dogwood clan, Pekwin, priest, pi’tcik a’nota pe/kwin ci’wan'i For his fathers, yam a‘’tatcu The ones that first had being— tei/mikinapkowa Kieto-we, ka’eto-we 10 Tcu’eto-we, 10 teu’’e’to-we Mu’eto'we mu‘’’e’to-we Mu’eto'we Le’eto'we te-’’e’towe All the society priests, le ti’ka a‘/ciwan‘i For them he counted up the days. a*’wan te’wanan pi’’lapa 15 When we had lived through the 15 an hon te’wanan ai‘yalena a’teakié full number of his days, tekwi And when all the days were past, tokw an te’/mla tewaka tea He thought of those said to be the lathok» le’si te’kwi bearers of messages ya’cu’itulo‘kanaptun’ona To all the different directions, The forest beings, le’’anakap takwil po-’ti 20 The brush beings. 20 ta’/kwit po-’Ti When for their sun father, yam ya’toka ta’tcu Their moon mother, yam yi’onaka tsi’ta Our daylight children yam fe’kohanan tca’we Had counted up the days a’’wan fewanan pi’lap tokwan And when we come to the middle i’ti’ihakika te’a’ana division of the days,’ 25 Our children, 25 ho’’na‘wan tea’we Whoever of them thought to grow old, Taking prayer meal, Taking shell, Taking corn pollen, 3 The fifth day of the pekwin’s count. hot teu’ wa ta/cina tse’’ma’kona ha’lawotinan i-’teana to’ i-‘teana o/nean i*’feana This is the traditional day for gathering willow sticks for making prayer sticks, As a matter of fact, sticks are brought in at any time. 694 30 36 40 45 50 55 60 65 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Yonder toward all directions One by one they made their roads go forth. Yonder finding those who have been granted domain On all the mossy mountains, Along the slopes of the mountains, In all the shady places, The forests, The brush, And at the feet of some lucky one Offering prayer meal, Shell, Corn pollen, Among their slender finger tips They looked about. Breaking off the young green shoots of some lucky one, And drawing them toward him # Even from where they abide quietly, Holding their long life, Holding their old age, He brought them hither. Now this many days In our houses, With us, their children, They have stayed. Then, when all their days were past, With their warm human hands, They took firm hold of them. For their ancestors, Their children, The ones who have attained the far off place of waters,° For their sun father, For their moon mother, For their need We prepared plume wands. With the massed cloud robe Of the one who is our grandfather, Male turkey, 30 36 40 45 50 55 60 65 [ETH. ANN. 47 lathok" le’si te’ kwi o’neala> kwai’ilenapka. lathok® a*’wico ya’la’kona te’lete i/tiwa’kona te’tula’kona ulo‘na ya’niktcia’kona ta’kwi-lpo’’ti la/kwi-tpoti hot teuw ha/lowi’li’kona an sa/kwia ha/lawo'tinan’e lo’’o o’nean‘e a‘teakna a’sin ka’tsowakwinte i’yun’ulapnap’ka. hot teuw ha/lowili ’kona a’ kawulkwi'nakna a*’wana’ulakdpa. hot yam tu’ wa‘la’ki’konante yam o’naya’'naké te’apa yam la/ciaka le’apa o’/neat i’ kina le’si te’wanan-e ho’na‘wan he’cota’kona ho’na tea’ wilapa te’wanan a‘'teaka kes an te’mla tewaka tea’ana yam a/sin kimaka a‘/wiyatenatsu’mekana yam a‘‘tacina*we yam tca’we le/hok® kacima te*‘wokinapka yam ya'toka ta’teu yam ya’onaka tsi’ta a’’wan hai’to hon te’likina’ ye’lete’unapka. yam nanili te’ona ton ots an a/weluyan fa’in-e ‘ Changes from singular to plural, from first to third person, are frequent in Zuni prayers which make Indeed, obscurity is a prized feature of the style of little effort toward coherence or clarity of expression. the men ‘‘who know how to pray.”” Lucidity is characterized as childish. 5 The dead. Sticks are offered to the ancestors, the sun, and the moon, BUNZEL] 70 75 80 85 90 95 105 With eagle’s thin cloud wing, And with the striped cloud wings And massed cloud tails Of all the birds of summer, With these four times wrapping our plume wands, We gave them human form. With the flesh of our grandfather, Giant yueca Even a roughly made cord, Even a dirty cord, With this four times encircling the plume wands We tied it about their bodies; With water-bringing hanging feathers, We made them into living beings. With the flesh of our two mothers, Black paint woman, Clay woman, We clothed our plume wands with flesh; Giving them flesh, we gave them human form. Then our two fathers, The ones who hold the high places,® Wrapping themselves in their elder brothers’ plume wands, Their elder brothers’ prayer feath- ers, Their elder brothers’ shell beads, They became living beings; Holding all their world, Holding all their people fast, The two sat down quietly. Then while yet a little space re- mained Ere our sun father Went in to sit down at his sacred place, Yonder from all directions, Our fathers, water birds, Pekwin priests, By means of their supernatural wisdom Made their roads come in.” Having brought their roads hither Thinking, ‘‘ Let it be here,” PRAYERS AND CHANTS 90 100 105 695 kakal an su’lahaiyan la’tan‘e lathok" 9/lo’ikaiak&é wo/we a-’wan ta’pihanan la’tan‘e a‘’wan a/weluyan kiten‘e a’k’ a*’witela’ma te‘likina a*’pa’una a’ho’ a*’ya‘’kana yam na/n ili te’ona ho’yala/ciwu ko-’ti pi’ lenapte pile ci’kinapte a’ka a‘’witela’ma pa/nulap i’kwi- yan te’’tci-na kacima la’cowa te’likinan ho’i ya’’kaina*wapa yam tsi’tili te’’ona ha’kwin o/ka he’tet o’ ka a‘’tcian ci’nan a/ki ak’ a‘’witela’ma te/likinan ma/’ci’- nan i*’yante’tcina te’likinan i-’ciana ho’i ya’ kapa hon a‘’tcia tate i‘lap a‘‘te’ona te’alan i/lon a*’tei yam a‘’papon a*‘’wan te’likinan aka yam a*’papon a*’wan la/cowan aka yam a‘’papon a‘’wan lo’aka a'te i-’pa’un ho”’i ya"/k’ana le’ yam u’lo‘nan ya’tena le- yam ho/i ya/tena tsumekana a‘te i/mita’kupa hon ya’toka tate ilap a‘’te’ona yam te’taci‘nakwi i-’muna kwa/tokatun‘tekwi ko-w an’te‘we’tcikwi lathok» le’si te’kwi hon a-’tate i/lapona ka’cima wo'’we fe’kwiw a’’ci- wali yam a/nikwanan aki o’neala kwai”’ikdna o’neat i’ kina hot li-/ta le’ hatina ® The images of the gods of war are carved and set up in the houses of the image makers. See pp. 526, 535. ? The pekwin makes the altar painting in He’iwa kiva. sentative of the summer-bringing birds. The pekwin is here conceived plurally as repre- 696 110 115 120 130 135 140 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY His fathers’ massed cloud house he fashioned, Their mist blanket he spread out, Their life-giving road he fashioned, Their perfect spring he prepared. When all was ready our two fathers, The ones who hold the high places, And their house chiefs, Their pekwins, Their bow priests, All with their sacred possessions,® Made their roads come in. Perpetuating their rite handed down since the first beginning, The two sat down quietly. Listening for this, All the society priests Kept to their houses.® And to wherever they staid in, Along a single road The divine ones came to them. Sitting down quietly Throughout a blessed night With us, their children, they came to day. Next day, Saying, ‘‘Let it be now,” Our two fathers, The ones who hold the high places, Met their elder brothers,'° Changing places with them The divine ones sat down quietly, And counted the days for us. When all our days were passed in anticipation, And when we came to the middle division of the days, The ones who are our fathers Those of the Dogwood clan 110 115 120 125 130 135 140 (ETH. ANN, 47 yam a‘’tatcona*wa a’weluyan ka’kwen ya‘kina ci’pololon pe’ wuna o’na‘ya*’naké o’nealan ya’’k’ina ka/’nakwai’in‘e ya‘’na ye’lete’uka te’kwi hon a’’tcia tate i/lap a*’te’ona te’alan i’lon a‘’tei yam ka’/kwa'mos‘i yam pe’kwi'we yam a’’pi’taciwan‘i yam e’leteli-we a’/wili a‘te o/neala kwa/tokiina yam ko: tci:’mikia’kowa te’lia‘na ate a’mila’kupa leko yu’ hatia‘na le: ti/ka a*/ciwan‘i hol yam he’cotakanapki tea’kona to’pint o’nealta’ ana ka’pin a*’/ho’i itinan tla’/kikna te’/tinan ko/kei ho’n teawilap a-’wantewaké. te’wap ya’ton‘e hot ka-’ki ke’’si le’’anakipa hon a‘’tcia tate i‘/lap a‘/teo’na te’alan i/lon a*’tei yam a‘/papa a‘te a‘’wona-e’latena ka’pin a’ho’i i/yali‘na itinan-ta’kikna ho’na‘wan te’wanan pi’’lana‘wapa hon a‘’wantewanan antsume‘na a‘‘teaka te’a’ana tokw a‘/wan i’tiwi:/hakika te’a’ana hon a-’tate i/lapona pi’’tcik a’not a’nilap a-’te’ona 8 The war gods come into the kiva, followed by the various sacred war bundles, and parts of the rain- making bundles of the chief priesthoods. ° The priests wait in the kiva until they are visited by the Ne’we'kwe. Then they start their ceremonies, and, on hearing their drum, the other societies that have been waiting start their own ceremonies. 10 The war gods are taken out to their shrines, where they are set up to replace the images of previous years. BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 697 145 Desiring one another sat down in | 145 i-’yanteceman i*/wokwikna council. Among all our ladder descending le- yam te’tsilon pa*/ni-nan tca/we children We looked about. hon a‘’wun-ulapnapka Toward whoever was trustworthy hot teuw hi’ yawotuena Our fathers, who once had been yam a*’tate a*’tekwi thus,!! 150 Bent their thoughts, 150 tse’’mak te’lakwi Their thoughts following, ts‘e’’mak ya'lu The living ones chose me te’wus fen ili te’atun’ona To be the one to keep their hon a/nawana’kipa prayers. 155 Yonder from all sides, ka’pin a‘’ho’i From wherever they abide per- | 155 lathok le’si te’kw‘i manently yam fi/nan ta’ki’kona The divine ones made their roads come forth. o/neata kwai’’ikina They made their roads come hither, o’neat i’ kana Their roads went first, o’/neal e’‘kuna*wapa 160 The others followed at their backs. | 160 a:/wa ma/sikwi e’layé’/lu Into my house ka’/pin a*’ho’i The divine ones made their road ho’man he’cotakwi enter. o/neat i’kina After they had sat down quietly iitnan ta/kika te’a’ana 165 We in the daylight 165 te’kohanana Met one another. hon i-’yona-e’latena The divine ones’ prayers leading, kapin a‘’ho’i a‘’wan te’wusu fe’nan e’‘kwi’kona Our words following, yam pe’nan ya’/luna 170 With prayer meal 170 ha’‘lawortinan a’/ki We held one another fast. hon i*’wiyaten-tsu’/mekika That I might be the one to repre- yam tatcili te’’ona sent our father, kawutia pa/utiwa Kiwulia, Pautiwa,” a’ntelia‘na 176 My daylight father, 175 ho’ ho’i te’atun’on a/ka He of the Dogwood clan who holds ho’ te’kKohanan tate i'li te’a’ona this rite, pi’tcik a/not’an ilap te’a’ona For this with prayer meal ha’lawo'tinan a’ki He held me fast. hom ya’tena-tsu/mekika 180 Now that this many days 180 le’si te’wanan‘e Eagerly we have lived. a’ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a‘’teaki te’a’ana Yesterday the appointed time te’ecukwa yi’'ton‘e arrived, kes le’n hai’/tokwin te’tcipa 11 The selection is made by members of the cult group; that is, by former impersonators of the god. The choice is inspired by deceased impersonators. 12 In prayers, he is always referred to under the double name. No explanation of the first part could be elicited. The dual form of the verb and the pronoun is used. 6066°—32——45 698 185 190 195 205 210 215 220 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY When all my fathers, Passed me on my road, Yonder from all sides The divine ones made their roads come forth. They made their hither Whenever it was that they first took hold of our plume wands, In the brush, The straight green shoots of some lucky one Drawing toward them, They held them fast. Holding in our hands Plume wands ordained for our two fathers, Kawutia, Pautiwa, Thus we came to evening. With the massed cloud robe Of him who is our grandfather, Male turkey, With eagle’s thin cloud wing, With the striped cloud wings And massed cloud tails Of all the birds of summer, roads come With these four times wrapping our plume wands We gave them human form; With the one who is our grand- father, Giant yucca, Even a roughly made thread, Even a dirty thread, With this four times encircling them, We tied it about their bodies; With our mothers, Black paint woman, Clay woman, With their flesh four times we clothed our plume wands all over with flesh, Putting flesh on our plume wands We gave them human form. Then when yet a little space re- mained Ere our sun father went in 185 190 195 202 205 210 215 220 [ETH. ANN, 47 homa le’n a‘/tatcu hom o’na-e’latena*wapa la/thok» le’si tekwi ka’pin a‘/ho’i o’/neala kwai’ikana o/neal i’/kana hot ke’la yam te’likinan ya’tena tsu/mekinapka te’a’ana la/kwil po-’ti hot teuw ha/lowili’kona a kiwulkwi'nakna a’’wana-ula’kona a’/wiyaten-tsu/mekana yam a‘’tcia tate ilap a‘’te’ona kawutia pa’utiwa a‘‘tcian hai/to hon te’likinan te’apa su/nhakanapka yam nan i'li te’’ona ton ots an a/weluyan fa’’in‘e ka’kal an su’/lahaiyan la’tan‘e la/thok® o/lo’ikaiaka wo’we a’/wan ta’pihanan la’tan‘e a’weluyan ka’tene a’k’ a‘’witela’ma te/likina a‘/pa’una a‘'ho’ a‘’ya'/kana yam nan i’li te’’ona ho’yalaciwa ko’ti pi’’lenapte pi’’le ci’ kainapte a‘’witela’ma pa’nulapnan i/kwian te’’teina yam tsit i’li te’’ona ha’kwin o’ka he’tet ok’ a‘’tcian ci’’nan‘e ak’ a‘’witela’ma te’likinan ma’ ci’nana i-’yante’teina te’likinan i‘’ci-’*nana ho”’i ya*/kaina*wapa hon ya’toka tate i’/lap a/te’ona yam te’taci/nakwi BUNZEL] 230 235 240 245 250 260 To sit down at his ancient place For our two fathers We made the bundle of wood % The bundle of sticks,!* The bundle of twigs—% That which is generally called the water terrace. Then perpetuating their rite had since the first beginning, The two assumed human form. Holding all their world Holding all their people fast, With us their children They came to day. When he who is our sun father, Coming out standing to his ancient place Passed us on our roads, Saying, ‘‘ Let it be now,”’ The divine ones leading We following at their backs, Yonder to the south, With prayers we made our road go forth. Reaching the place Whence my fathers make the world over anew,!4 Representing my father, Kawulia Pautiwa, I assumed his person.!5 Carrying his waters, His seeds, And earrying my fathers’ perfect !® plume wands, 1 made my road come hither. I offered my fathers plume wands, Praying to know how the world would be, I offered my fathers plume wands. Drawing my plume wands to them How the days will be. g PRAYERS AND CHANTS 225 230 235 240 245 250 255 260 699 i-’muna kwa’totun te’kwi kow a/nte‘we’tcikwi hon a‘’teia tate i/lap a*/te’ona i’yanil po-k’i ta’/t po’ ki tsel po’k’i e’tsakii ka’’etcin le’anikin’ona yam ko: tci’mik’a’kona te’lia‘na a‘te ho’’i ya*’k’ana le’ yam u’lo‘nan ya’tena les yam ho’’i ya’ tena-tsu/mek’ dina a‘te ho’na teawil a’ntewaka. hon yai’toka tate i/lap a’teona yam te’laci/nakwi ye’/lana kwai-’’i- kana ho’n a‘’wona-elatepa hot ka’ki kesi le’anikapa kapin a/ho’i o’neat e/‘kuna*wapa a‘’wa ma/sikwi e’layalu le’hok® a’laho’ankwin ta’‘na te’wus a’ka o’neat kwai”ikanapka. hot yam a’’tateu a‘’wan tcim’ona u’lo‘na ya‘/nakwi o’neala te’tcikana yam tate ili te’’ona kawultia pa’utiwa a/ntelia‘na ho’’i ya*’kana an ka’cima an to’wa conan‘e yam a‘‘tate a‘’wan ya‘/na i*‘leana o’neat i’ kiina yam a*’tateu ho’ te’likinan a‘’te’upa ko’n hot u/lo‘nan te’atun’ona te’wusu Ppenan kwai”ikaina yam a*’tatcu ho’ te’likinan a*’teapa homan te’likinan a’/nula’a hot ko’na te’wanan te’atun’ona te/likinan 13 These are three esoteric names for a large bundle of prayer sticks, the common name of which is Kii’etcine, ‘‘ water steps,’’ so called from the fact that it is arranged like a terraced house, with the longer sticks in the center. rain gods descend from heaven. 4’ Pautiwa comes from the land of summer, With characteristic Zuni double entendre it might mean also the steps by which the Therefore he clothes himself and comes in from the south, 1s He puts on the mask, thereby assuming the form and personality of the god. This power to change one’s personality resides in the mask which is the body of the god. 16 The telna’we or staves of office made by the priests and ‘‘finished"’ with their sacred paint. 700 265 275 280 290 295 300 305 They revealed to me. Knowing that, I prayed that throughout the country of the Corn priests Our earth mother might be wrap- ped In four layers of green blanket, That the land might be full of moss, Full of flowers Full of corn pollen— Sending forth might be thus, I offered my fathers’ plume wands. Four times I made my road en- circle The land of the Corn priests Then yonder, wherever the water roads of my kiva children come out, T laid down plume wands. Then far off to his own country My father prayers that it Made his road go forth Carrying my fathers’ plume wands, Carrying his prayer meal, I made his road go forth. Far off at the place of the first be- ginning Touching them with my plume wands, With all the others he will hold discourse. Our fathers will take hold of our plume wands. Then in that way Their long life, Their old age, They will grant to us. That our roads may reach to where the life-giving road of our sun father comes out, That we may finish our roads— This they will grant us. This day in accordance with what- ever you wished, Whatever you wished when you appointed me, I have fulfilled your thoughts. With thoughts in harmony May we live together. ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 265 270 280 290 295 300 305 (ETH. ANN, 47 hom tu’nakana‘wapa u's ai’yu’ya‘na to’wa ci’wan an u’lo‘na’a a‘’witen i*’yalto hon a/witelin tsit i/lap a*’te’ona pa’’i li’ana ko'w a/wicona po’ti ko-w u’tea fo’ti kotw o/nea po’ti u’lo‘nan te’atun’ona fe’/wusu pe’nan kwai’’’ikina yam a‘’tateu ho’ te’likinan a‘‘leaka. a‘witen i*yalto towaci’/wan an u’lo‘na’a ho’ o/neat ulapkina la'thok= le-’wi yam u’pa tea/’we a’wan ka’cim o/neal kwai’’i- na’kona te’likinan wo’ta lakuna le’hok" yam u’lo‘nakwi ho’ tate ili te’’ona o/neat a*’kipa. yam tate i’li te’’ona ho’ te’likinan te’ana ha/lawo'tinan le’ana ho’ an o/nealan a/*kipa homan te’likinan a’ka lehok® yam tci’mikika te’kwi ak’ ya/cuwa te/lakupa hon a‘’tate iJapona homan te’likinan ya’tena-tsu’me- kina la’ kinkonte yam o/na‘ya‘/naka yam ta/ciakii ho’na ya’nhaitena‘wapa hol yam ya’ toka ta’teu yam o/na‘ya’/naka o/neala kwai’- “inakwi o’neat te’tcina hon a‘’wona ya‘/tun’ona ho’na yanhaitena‘wa. lu’ka ya’ton‘e hotko’n ya’/ntecemana hot ton ko’n a/ntecemana’ hot ton a/nulanapkona ho’ tse’’makwin mo’la*ka ke’’si. to’pint ir’tse’makuna hon te’wanan a‘’tekdna BUNZEL] 310 315 320 325 330 PRAYERS For even while I call myself poor, Somewhere far off Is one who is my father. Beseeching the breath of the di- vine one, Kawutia Pautiwa, His life giving breath, His breath of old age His breath of waters, His breath of seeds, His breath of riches, His breath of fecundity, His breath of power, His breath of strong spirit, His breath of all good fortune whatsoever, Asking for his breath And into my warm body drawing his breath, I add to your breath That happily you may always live. To this end, my fathers, My children: May you be blessed with light. AND CHANTS 310 315 320 325 330 701 ta‘/teic tewuko’liya le’kwanante ho’/tomackona teu’wa tate i/li- Kan-a ka’pin ho’i ka/wulia pa’utiwa an o/na‘ya‘/naka pi’’nan‘e an ta/ciaké pi’’nan-e an kacima pi’’nan‘e an to’wa conan fi’’nan-e avn u’tenan pi’’nan‘e an te’/apkunan pi’’nan‘e an sa/wanika pi’’nan‘e an tse’makwin tsume pi’’nan‘e kwahol temla pi/’nan ho’’i te’’ona pi’’nan ai/ncemana yam ce’inakwi pi’’nan a’/na‘kwa’tokana to’na ho’ pi’’nan te’liupa a’ka ke’ tsanici ton tewanan a‘’tekan‘a. tewuna’ hom a*’tatcu hom tea’we to’ te’kohanan ya/niktcia’tu VI. PRAYERS AND CHANTS OF THE PRIESTS OF THE MASKED GODS. II PRAYERS AND CHANTS OF THE Ca’LAKO CEREMONIES During the taboo period of the winter selstice ' ceremony the priests select men who are to impersonate the priests of the masked gods during the coming year. They are notified of their appointment, and on the final day of the winter solstice are summoned to Hei’’wa kiva to receive their staves of office—the feathered staves which the impersonator of Pautiwa left there the night before. The men who are chosen must be known to be above reproach— men of pure heart and kindly disposition, who will not neglect any of the taboos attaching to their office and who will be diligent in their prayers. Their duties begin the evening of the day on which they receive their sticks of office. Every day at sunrise they must offer meal to the sun with prayers for their people. They must go out of the vil- lage toward the east for their prayer. Many Zufiis pray each morn- ing, but on priests and impersonators of the gods this observance is obligatory. Every evening after dark they sacrifice food in the river to the west of the village. On their first evening following their appointment they start their nightly meetings with the trustees of their ritual to learn the long prayers and complicated rites connected with their office. These nightly meetings continue throughout the year until their days are fulfilled in November. The 10 Koyemci meet in the house of their father, the impersonators of the priests of the masked gods—Cula ‘witsi Sayataca, Hututu, the two Yamuhato meet in the house of the imper- sonator of Sayataca. The little boy Cula‘witsi and his ceremonial father are required to attend only the four nights following the plant- ing at the new moon. The Ca’lako impersonators meet formally only on these four nights each month, but hold informal meetings in between. The first prayer that is learned is the one that accom- panies the monthly offerings of prayer sticks. At each full moon all the impersonators plant together at springs in the mountains south of Zuni. On these days they gather early in the morning in their ceremonial houses to make their prayer sticks. Long prayers are recited at the conclusion of their work. Then after a feast they leave for the shrines, whicb lie to the south at a distance of 4 to 8 miles. The prayer sticks are deposited beside the spring in regular order, and 1 See p. 535, 702 BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 703 long prayers are offered. The impersonators of Sayataca recite the prayer, the others joining in according to the extent of their knowl- edge. Toward sunset the party approaches the village, marching in regular order across the plains, singing songs of the masked dancers. Throughout the year each group of impersonators must work for the household which is to entertain them at the great public festival. From midsummer on every day is spent in labor for their hosts. They do all the work of the fields and build the new home in which the gods are to be received. On the morning of the tenth planting, which takes place early in October, the impersonators of Sayataca and Molanhakto receive from the priest the two day counts—cotton strings containing 49 knots. One knot is untied each morning until the day of the great public ceremony. During this period there are plantings at intervals of 10 days at rock shrines to the southwest of the village. The public ceremonies start on the fortieth day,? with the arrival of the Koyemci in the evening. They come masked, visiting each of the four plazas to announce the coming of the gods in eight days. They then go into retreat in the house of their father, where they remain in seclusion, with the exception of appearances in the plaza, until the festival is concluded fifteen days later. Four days after the appearance of the Koyemci the Sayataca party come in in the evening and go into retreat in the house of the im- personator of Sayataca. On thesame night the Ca’lako impersonators go into retreat in their respective houses. On the eighth day there is another planting of prayer sticks with elaborate ceremonies at which the gods are summoned from the village of the masked gods. After they are clothed and masked they approach the village. The giant Ca’lako gods wait on the south bank of the river but the priests of the masked gods—Cula-witsi, Sayataca, Hututu, two Yamuhakto, and two Salimopia—enter the village in mid afternoon. After plant- ing prayer sticks in six excavations in the streets of the village they repair to the house where they are to be entertained for the night. This is always a new or at least a renovated house, and the visit of the gods is a blessing, a dedication. Prayer sticks are planted inside the threshold (formerly under the outside ladder) and in a decorated box suspended from the center of the ceiling. The walls of the house are marked with corn meal. In all excavations in the center of the floor seeds of all kinds are deposited. Similar rites are performed later in the evening by the six Ca’lako and the Koyemci in the houses where they are to be entertained. ? That is, if the ceremony is not postponed. However, almost without exception, a postponement of 10 days is necessary, 704 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 After the blessing of the house the gods are seated by the pekwin, their masks raised. Reed cigarettes are brought and each god smokes with the person seated opposite him, exchanging with him the cus- tomary terms of relationship. Then the host (in the Sayataca house, the village chief serves as host) questions the gods concerning the circumstance of their coming. In the long recital that follows he reviews all the events leading up to the present moment, and invokes upon the house all the blessings of the gods, especially the blessing of fecundity. This litany chanted in unison by the four leaders (Cula-witsi is not required to learn it) takes about six hours to perform. It is chanted in loud tones and very slowly in monotone, except for the last syllable of each line, which is higher in pitch, heavily accented, and prolonged. The chants of the Ca’lako, which omit the recital of the 29 springs visited by the gods on their way to Zuni and curtail other portions, take from one to two hours to perform. All are finished at about 11 o’clock at night, when an elaborate feast is served in all the houses. After this all the masked personages dance until day in the house of their hosts. At the first sign of approaching dawn Sayataca ascends to the roof of the house where he has spent the night, and facing the east, unties the last knot in his counting string while he intones another prayer. Returning to the house, he repeats the prayer. He then thanks the members of the society choir who furnished the music during the night. The dancing continues until sunrise, when the heads of all impersona- tors are washed by the women of the house where they were enter- tained, as a symbol of their permanent association with these houses. At about noon, after planting prayer sticks and performing magical ceremonies in a field on the south of the river, the Ca’lako gods and the Sayataca group depart for their home in the west. This closes their year, and the impersonators of the Sayataca group and the six Ca’lako are now free after the exacting period of service. The Koyemci, however, are not yet free. Throughout the year their duties have been heavier. They hold nightly meetings and par- ticipate in the monthly plantings of the other impersonators. Fur- thermore, at all of the dances of the summer series (six in all, lasting from one to eight days) they must come out and “play,” observing all the usual taboos from the evening preceding the dance until the final departure. They may appear also in winter, and if they do must observe the same restrictions. If any extra dances are inserted into the calendar in the summer and fall, as frequently happens, the Koyemci are required to attend. For five nights following the departure of the Ca’lako gods, dancers from each of the six kivas are supposed to visit all the houses which have entertained the gods. Some of them dance in the plaza during BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 705 the day. Throughout this period the Koyemci remain in strict retreat in the house where they were entertained. At night they dance in their house; during the day they “play” in the plaza and attend any dancers who appear there. These are days of great festivity. On the fifth evening they eat early and sparingly, and from this time on food and drink are taboo until the following night. Speech also is forbidden them, nor may they appear unmasked. After they enter upon this period the character of their dancing changes, becom- ing more solemn. They do not indulge in their usual obscenity. On the following morning they come out early and are taken to be washed in the house of the village chief. Here the women give them gifts of food. On coming out, they are taken by men of their fathers’ clans to the houses of their fathers’ sisters. Here they receive gifts from all members of the fathers’ clan. Each impersonator will receive as many as thirty slaughtered sheep, as many baskets of corn or wheat flour, bread, melons, and miscellaneous gifts of clothing, frequently of great value. The gifts are brought to the plaza, where they remain until night. Meanwhile the Koyemci attend upon the various dancers until later at night. At nightfall the last of the dancers, the Molawia, have departed. Then the Koyemci, in pairs, visit every house in the village to invoke upon it the blessings of the gods. At each house they receive gifts of food from the female inhabitants. Returning to the plaza, they take their prayer sticks out to plant. They return to the house of their father late at night, and removing their masks for the first time all day give them to their father to return to the house where they are kept. When he comes back he thanks his children for their year of work and sets them free. Then for the first time since the preceding evening they drink, and after eating and bathing return to their homes. Their retreat, fifteen days, is the longest in Zuni ritual. The following prayers are only a fragment of the whole ritual. In addition to those recorded there are long series of prayers spoken at the time of appointment to office, for making prayer sticks, for offer- ing corn meal to the sun (different in summer and winter) and food to the ancestors, for untying the knots of the day count, for each stage of dressing for the public ceremony, and for each offering of prayer sticks. In addition, the host and officials of the Katcina society have many long prayers. Each of the six Ca’lako impersonations has a different chant, and that of the Koyemci is again different. 706 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 PRAYER OF THE IMPERSONATORS OF THE Maskep Gops WitH Montuiy OFFERING OF PRAYER STICKS 10 15 20 25 30 35 And now indeed it is so. At the New Year Our fathers Four times prepared their precious plume wands. With their plume wands they took hold of me.! This many days Anxiously we have awaited our time. When the moon, who is our mother Yonder in the west As a small thing appeared,? Carrying our fathers’ precious plume wand, With our own poor plume wand Fastened to our fathers’ plume wand, At the place called since the first beginning Snow hanging, or where snow hangs, To our fathers, Priests of the masked gods, Cula-witsi, pekwin priest, Sayataca, bow priest, Hututu, bow priest, Yamuhakto, bow priests, To all the masked gods, (Our plume wands we gave.) Where they were to receive their plume wands, All happily gathered together, There we passed them on their roads. This day We shall give you plume wands. Keeping your days, Throughout the cycle of your months, Throughout the summer, Anxiously we shall await your time. Our fathers, Yonder toward the south Wherever your roads come out, We have given you plume wands. 10 15 20 25 30 35 i'’na no/milte i’tiwan‘a hon a‘’tate i/lapona a‘’witela’ma te/likinan ya’’na ye’lete’una te‘likinan a/ki hom _ ya/tena- tsu/mekaka le’si te’wanan‘e te’wanan a/ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a-’teaki. hon ya’/onaka tsit ilap a‘’te’ona li’wan ka’lici’a/nkwin ta/‘na ko-wi'ta’na ye/tsakika te’a’ana yam a‘’tateu a‘’wan te’likinan ya‘’na’a yam te’likinan ci/mato yam a‘’tateu a‘’wan te’likinan ya‘na a’mpatcuna te/likinan i'‘leana kaka tei/mikaka ’u’/hana’a ’uhanaiye le’anaka yam a‘’tateu kokwa’/ciwan‘i cu’la-witsi pe’/kwin ci/wan‘i sai/yataca pi’laci’/wan'i hu’/tutu pi’’faci/wani ya’muhakto a‘’pi’la‘ci’wan'i ko’ko te’mla yam te’likinan i‘leanaptun te’a te’mla ha’pona ko’kcikwi to’’na hon a*/wona-e’latenapka. lu’ka ya’ton-e to’’na hon te’likina a*/teana'wa. to’’na*wan te’wanan a’/ena to’’na ya’teu pi’lan‘e o/lo’ikéinan‘e a’ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a:’te- kan-a. hon a‘‘tate i/lapona li’wan a/laho’a/nk-win ta/‘na to’’na‘ wan o’/neata’ kwai’’inapkowa to’’na hon te’likina a*/leanapki. 1 The appointment of the impersonator at the winter solstice. 2The new moon. The first planting may be at the new moon or at the full moon, depending upon how quickly the appointments of the Ca’lako impersonators and the nine Koyemci are made, BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 707 40 When your springs were at an end, | 40 to’’na’wa ki/nakwerna i’te’tcapa Our fathers, hon a‘’tate i/lapona In their rain-filled room yam ki’cima fte’li’tona Met together. te’mlamo i:/yona-e’latena 45 The flesh of their mother, cotton yam tsit i’lap a’’te’ona woman, 45 pi’tsem o’ki an ci’’nan‘e Four times counting up, a’’witela’ma They gave their day counts human i’ydlenan ho’’i ya*’kiina. form.’ hon a‘’teia tact i/lapona Of our two fathers, sai/yataca pi’’taci/wan'i Sayataca, bow priest, 50 mo/lanhakto kiikwemos‘i 50 Molanhaktu, house chief, a‘tei a’ntecematinakipa They had need. yam a*’tateu The two passed their fathers on ate a’wona-e’latekii. their roads. yam tsit i/lap a‘’te’ona With the flesh of their mother, 55 pi’tsem o’k’ an ci’nan‘e 55 Cotton woman, a‘’witela’ma ya’lenan yam ho’’i Four times counted up, and given ya'/kinapkowa human form, a‘'tcia ya/tenapki. With this they took hold of them. yam a*’tatcu ti’na’a From where our fathers stay, ya’‘lenan i-/leana Carrying the day count 60 o/neat kwai’’ikina 60 They made their roads go forth. yam he’cotakwi To their own houses o/neala te’’teikina Their roads reached. we’tsim te’la’apa A little later yam a‘’tateu » | 65 a’wa ya’lenana 65 Carrying their fathers’ day count yam te’likinan a’/mpatcu’kowa With their plume wands fastened ifeana together, o/neala kwai”ikina They made their roads go forth. le’hok® hon a*/wona‘ka. Yonder we took our way. 70 kaka tei’mik’aka 70 At the place called since the first beginning. a‘’yayaki, Aiyayaka, 4 yam a‘’tateu Our fathers, u/wanam‘i Rain makers, ho”’na‘wan a‘’tatcu Our fathers, 75 kokwa:’ciwan'i 75 Priests of the masked gods, te’mla ha’pona’kwi Where they were all gathered to- gether, hon a‘’wona-e’latenapka. We passed them on their roads. yam a‘’tatcu Giving them our fathers’ plume wands, te/likinan a‘/teana 80 ya’lenan a*/teana 80 Giving them their day count, le’si te’ wanane This many days a‘’wa ya’lenan pi’’lan‘e The days of their counting string, a’ntsume‘na Anxiously we have awaited our hon te’wanan a‘’teakii. time. 3 Kohaito, ‘‘setting the day for the gods.” The presentation of the day count with its 49 knots theoreti- cally fixes the date of the festival. Kohaito may take place at the new moon or the full moon of October. 4 The place used to be Halon Kwaton. See below. 708 85 90 100 105 110 115 120 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY When all their days were past, When their day-count was at an end Again we prepared plume wands. Carrying our plume wands At the place called since the first beginning Rock Face, We passed our fathers on their roads. Meeting our fathers, We gave them plume wands. Keeping their days Anxiously waiting We passed our days. This many are the days. And when their days were at an end, Over there, following your springs, We gave you plume wands. When all your days are past, Our fathers, Priests of the masked gods Bow priests of the masked gods Cula-witsi pekwin priest, Sayataca bow priest, Hututu bow priest, Yamuhaktu bow priests, Ca’lako bow priests, All the masked gods There from your home set with mountains, Bringing your waters, Bringing your seeds, Bringing all your good fortune, Our fathers, You will make your roads come forth. ““Yes,®> now every one of us will come forth. Our fathers at Itiwana, We shall pass on their roads. Let no one be left behind. All the men, 85 90 95 100 105 110 115 [ETH. ANN, 47 a‘’wan te’mla te’wapa a‘’wan ya’lenan i-’te’teapa tem ta te’likinan ye’lete’una te’likina i-/leana kaka tei/mika ka pa/nitan i-’ma yam a‘’tatcu hon a*’wona-e’latenapka. hon a*’wona-elatena yam a‘’tatcu te’likinan a°'leana te’wanan a’/cna a‘’wan te’wanan a’/ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a‘’teaki. a‘’wan te’ wanan i*’te’tcapa le’si Te’ wanan‘e a‘’wan fte’wanan i*’te’tcapa la’khok® to’na Kkanakwe-nan ta/pana to’’na hon te’likinan a-‘leanapka. a‘’wan te’mla te’waka te’a’ana ho’na‘wan a*’tateu kokwa’ciwan‘i kokwa’’ pi’ta‘ci’wan'i cu’la-witsi pe’kwin ci’ wan‘i sai’yataca pi’’laci/wan‘i hu’‘tutu pi’taci’/wan'i ya/muhaktu pi’’taci’wan‘i ca’lako a’ pi’laci’han‘i ko’ko te/mta hot yam yAé’lan ya‘’’na’a yam kicim i‘’leana yam to’ waconan i*/feana yam kwa/’/hot te’ni ha/lowi’lin i‘leana hon a‘’tate i/lapona o’neat kwai’’ikina eS ma’ kes te’mlamo i’‘tiwanakwi yam a‘’tatcu hon a‘’wona-e’latenan kwai’’ina el kwa teu’hol i/metcam‘e a‘’wots a‘te’’ona ’ From this point to the end the speaker quotes from the Ca’lako chant. The frequent changes of tense throughout the prayer make it impossible to fix it in the calendar. The Zuii use of tense is not the same as ours. BUNZEL] 125 130 135 140 146 150 155 160 165 170 Those with snow upon their heads, With moss upon their faces, With bony knees, No longer upright, but bent over canes, Now all of us Shall pass our fathers on their roads. And the women, With snow upon their heads, Even those who are with child, Carrying one on the back, With another on the cradle board, Leading one by the hand, With yet another going before, Even all of us Shall pass you on your roads. Indeed, it is so The thoughts of our fathers, Who at the New Year With their precious plume wands Appointed us Their thoughts we now fulfill. This is all. Thus with plain words we have passed you on your roads. Now we fulfill the thoughts of our fathers. Always with one thought We shall live together. This is all. Thus with plain words we have passed you on your roads. For whatever our fathers desired When at the New Year They sent forth their sacred words, We have now fulfilled their thoughts. To this end: My fathers, My mothers, My children, Always with one thought May we live together. With your waters, Your seeds, Your riches, Your power, Your strong spirit, All your good fortune, With all this may you bless us.” PRAYERS AND CHANTS 125 130 135 140 146 150 155 160 165 170 709 u’teina ha’ktopa po’hetei a’ wiconapa o’ci kep yaJupna e‘lemakna i-’natina ta’powan sa’ tili kes te’mlamo hon a*’tateu hon a*/wona-e’latena*wa. a‘’wok’ a’te’ona u’tcinan haktopa ya/nine’nante top i’setona topa te’/mana yi’Ito i’keckuna top i:/piyana topa e/‘kukana kes te’mltamo to’’na hon a*/wona-e’latenapka. no/milte i’tiwana te‘likinan ya‘’n a/ka ho’n a/nulanapkowa yam a‘’tateu hons a‘’wan tse’’makwin mo’la‘na*wa. le*’ wi. le’ yu'’he'to pe’nan a’ka to’’*na hon a‘’wona-e’latenapki. yam a‘’tateu ol yxy } ?. k 7 1} . . a‘’wan hon tse’*makwi mo’la‘na‘we. topint i*’tse’makuna hon fe’wanan a‘’tekinca. le-’ wi le’ yu’’*he-to pe’nan a’ka to’’na hon a*/wona-e’latenapka. i’tiwana yam a‘’tateu ko’’n a/ntecemana te’wusu fe’nan kwai”ikinapkowa hon tse’’*makwin mo/’ta7na*we te’wuna’ hom a*’tatcu hom a*’tsita hom tea’we to’ pint i’tse’makuna hons te’wanan a*’tekan’a. yam kia’cima yam to’waconan-e yam u’tenan-‘e yam sa’ wanika yam tse’’makwin tsu’/me yam kwahol teni ha’lowilin-e temla ho’na to ya’niktciatu. 710 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 Sayaraca’s Nigur CHant And now indeed it has come to pass. When the sun who is our father Had yet a little ways to go to reach his left-hand altar,’ Our daylight father, Pekwin of the Dogwood clan, Desired the waters, the seeds Of his fathers, Priests of the masked gods. Then our fathers, ! Sharing one another’s desire, sat down together In the rain-filled room Of those that first came into being.’ Yonder following all the springs, They sought those ordained to bring long life to man,® Those that stand upright, But (like the waters of the world), Springing from one root, are joined to- gether fast.” At the feet of some fortunate one ° Offering prayer meal, Turquoise, corn pollen, Breaking the straight young shoots, With their warm human hands They held them fast. Taking the massed cloud robe of their grandfather, turkey man, Eagle’s mist garment, The thin cloud wings and massed cloud tails Of all the birds of summer, With these four times clothing their plume wands, They made the plume wands into living beings. 3 I. e., the south, therefore, at the winter solstice. 4 The priests. 5 E’to'we, the fetishes of the priests. With the flesh of their mother, Cotton woman, Even a thread badly made, A soiled cotton thread,?® Four times encircling their wand they made their belts;'° With rain-bringing prayer feathers They made them into living beings. With the flesh of their two mothers, Black paint woman, Clay woman, Clothing their plume wands with flesh, They made them into living beings. When they said, “‘ Let it be now,” The ones who are our fathers Commissioned with prayers The prayer wands that they had fash- ioned. When the sun who is our father, Had gone in to sit down at his ancient place," Then over toward the south, Whence the earth is clothed anew,” Our father, Kaiwutia Pautiwa,® Perpetuating what had been since the first beginning Again assumed human form.'4 Carrying his fathers’ finished © plume wands He made his road come hither. Wherever he thought, ‘‘ Let it be here,” Into his fathers’ rain-filled room, He made his road to enter. And when our sun father, Had yet a little ways to go To go in to sit down at his ancient place, Yonder from all sides ® The red willow, the wood most commonly used for prayer sticks. 7 According to Zuni cosmology, springs are outlets of a system of underground waters. By analogy, a shrub whose shoots are joined to a common rootstock is used to bring rain. 8 This one is not cut. ® That is, so long as it is cotton. 10 A characteristic word play, literally, ‘they brought it around to be tied”’ or ‘‘they reached their belts.”” 11 Sunset. 12 The south wind and the summer birds bring summer from the south. 13 Mrs. Stevenson calls him komosona (head of the masked god cult) of Kotuwalawa. He is described as “the highest chief.’’ None of the gods can come to Zufii save by his order. The plans are made at the New Year, when he leaves the crooks for all the dancers. 14 The impersonator dons the mask and becomes the god, and inversely the god assumes human form. As a matter of fact, in the evening the impersonator comes unmasked, the mask having previously been taken to the kiva. 15 Finished with the special paint used by priests, which was brought from the underworld at the time of the emergence, BUNZEL] Rain-bringing birds,'* Pekwin, priest From where he stays quietly, Made his road come forth. Making his road come hither, Into his fathers’ rain-filled room, He made his road to enter. With his wings, His fathers’ cloud house ” he fashioned, Their bed of mist 17 he spread out, Their life-giving road'® of meal he sent forth Their precious spring !° he prepared. When all was ready, Our father, Kiwutia Pautiwa Reaching his house chiefs,?° His pekwin His bow priests, He made his road to go in. Following one road, Sitting down quietly, A blessed night The divine ones With us, their children, came to day. Next day, when our sun father Had come out standing to his sacred place,” Saying, “ Let it be now.” Over there to the south, Whence the earth is clothed anew, Our father, Kawulia Pautiwa, Perpetuating what had been since the first beginning, Again assumed human form. 16 An esoteric designation for the pekwin. 17 The meal painting on the altar. PRAYERS AND CHANTS 711 Carrying his waters, Carrying his seeds, Carrying his fathers’ precious plume wands, He made his road come forth. He made his road come hither. The country of the Corn priests, Four times he made his road encircle.” Yonder wherever all his kiva children’s rain-filled roads come out *8 His precious plume wands He laid down. Then turning he went back to his own country. My father picked up the prayer plume, And with the precious prayer plume Me he appointed.*4 The moon, who is our mother, Yonder in the west waxed large; And when standing fully grown against the eastern sky,?5 She made her days, For my fathers, Rain maker priests, Priests of the masked gods. I fashioned prayer plumes into living beings. My own common *° prayer plume, I fastened to the precious prayer plume of my fathers. At the place since the first beginning called cotton hanging, I brought my fathers 2” prayer plumes. Drawing my prayer plumes toward them, 18 A line of meal reaching from the altar to the ladder, along which impersonators walk. 19 The bow] of medicine water placed on the altar. 20 The chief priesthood. 21 Sunrise. Pautiwa enters the village just after sunset. In fact, by the time he has visited all the kivas it is quite dark. However, the ceremonies on the plain, where he dresses, begin shortly after noon. 2 Pautiwa in coming in at this time encircles the village four times in narrowing circles, symbolic of the search for the middle. 23 At the hatchways of all the kivas; Pautiwa does not enter the kivas. He leaves the plume wands on the roofs. The description is of the leaving of the crooks for the six Ca’lako impersonations. The crooks for the Sayataca group and the Koyemci are brought to He’iwa kiva by the impersonator of Pautiwa when he comes unmasked for the night ceremonies of the New Year. They have already been distributed before his after- noon appearance with the Ca’lako crooks. % The ‘‘Ca’lako crook”’ left by Pautiwa is taken by one of the kiva officials who is waiting in the kiva to receive it. He takes it home. Next evening members are summoned to his home for the ceremony of installation. The ‘‘crook’’ contains one long and two short sticks. The long stick and one short one are given to the man who volunteers to entertain the gods. The short stick is planted at the first full moon of the New Year. The long one is kept in the house until the last day of the Ca’lako festival, when it is given to the father of the Koyemci, who plants it with his own prayer sticks that night. The other short stick is given to the impersonator and is planted by him at the first full moon, as described in the folloinwg passage. % At the full moon. % Painted with common paint. 7 His ancestors, the deceased impersonators of Sayataca, and the katcinas. 712 They spoke to those inside the place of our first beginning.?§ Yonder following all the springs, On all the mossy mountains, In all the wooded places, At the encircling ocean, With my prayer plumes, With my sacred meal, With my sacred words, They talked to those within. Winter, Summer, Through the cycle of the months, Though my prayer plumes were but poor ones, There toward the south, Wherever my fathers’ roads come out”? I continued to give them prayer plumes. And when the cycle of months was at an end My fathers®° made their rain roads come in To their fathers, Their mothers, Those that first came into being. Sharing one another’s desire, they sat down together. With the flesh of their mother, Cotton woman, Even a cord badly made, A soiled cotton cord, With this four times They made the day counts *! into living beings. Saying, ‘Let it be now,” They sent for me. ZUNI RITUAL POETRY (ETH. ANN. 47 I came to my fathers, Where they were waiting for me. With their day count They took hold of me fast. Carrying their day count I came back to my house. Saying, ‘‘ Let it be now,” And carrying the prayer plumes which I had prepared, Yonder to the south With prayers, I made my road go forth. To the place ever since the first begin- ning called ‘“‘Ants go in,’ My road reached. There where my fathers’ water-filled roads come out, I gave them plume wands; I gave them prayer feathers; There I asked for light for you. That you may finish your roads, That you may grow old, That you may have corn, That you may have beans, That you may have squash, That you may have wheat, That you may kill game, That you may be blessed with riches, For all this I asked. Then over toward the west ** Where the road of my fathers comes in, I gave them plume wands. And now, when all of their days were past, Over toward the west, 28 The rain makers. 29 At various springs in the mountains south of Zuni. At the present time these are visited in the follow- ing order: Uhanaa (snow hanging), January; Alapatsi (rock wedge), February; Atsinakwi (painted rock), March; Picukaia (poison water weed spring), April; kinula (mesa wall spring, lit., water against some- thing), May; Toloknana, two plantings, in June and July; kitetci (evil smelling water), August; Opum- pia (sack of meal hanging), September; Ayayakya (bluebird), October (Ko haito). The matter, however, is not so simple, and there are always arguments as to the dates and places of planting. The first planting need not be at the full moon. If the New Year is at the full moon the first planting may be immediately after or delayed a month. If it takes place the end of January there is disagreement concerning the advis- ability of planting twice at Toloknana and as to whether the last planting at Ayayakya should be made at the full moon or the first quarter. The final decision rests with the personator of Sayataca. No matter when the plantings are made, it is always necessary at the end to postpone the festival because the houses are not ready. This is done after consultation with the Pekwin, so that the dates may not conflict with his dates for the winter solstice. 30 The priests. 1 A cotton string containing 49 knots. Starting with the following morning, one knot is untied each morning, the last being untied at daybreak the morning the gods go out after their night of dancing in the houses. One such string is given to the Sayataca impersonator, one to the father of the Koyemci. 32 Halon Kwaton, at the foot of Corn Mountain. M. C. Stevenson records ko haito as being made at this place. In 1927 and in preceding years this ceremony took place at Ayayakya, on the opposite side of the valley. 33 The plantings to the west are at intervals of 10 days. They are not at springs. BUNZEL] Where the gray mountain stands,*4 And the blue mountain, Where rain always falls, Where seeds are renewed, Where life is renewed, Where no one ever falls down,®® At the abiding place Of those who are our children, *¢ There I met them on their roads. There where the one who is my father Had prepared my seat Four times my father %7 prayer meal. sprinkled On the crown of my head Four times he sprinkled prayer meal. And after he had sprinkled prayer meal on his rain seat, Following him, My prayer meal Four times I sprinkled. My father’s rain seat I stood beside. My father took hold of me. Presenting me to all the directions,?* he made me sit down. When I had sat down, My father Took his grandson, Reed youth. Within his body, He bored a hole going through him. Four times drawing toward him his bag of native tobacco, Into the palm of his hand He measured out the tobacco. Within his body He placed mist.*? He took his grandmother “ by the hand, And made her sit down in the door- way. Having made her sit in the doorway, PRAYERS AND CHANTS 713 Four times inhaling, he drew the mist through. With the mist He added to the hearts # Of the rain maker priests of all direc- tions. It is well; Praying that the rain makers Might not withhold their misty breath, With his prayers ' He added to their hearts. He handed it to me. Four times inhaling, Into my body I made the mist pass through. Then with the mist, T added to the hearts of my fathers of all the directions. When this was at an end, We greeted one another with terms of kinship: Father, Son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grand- son; ancestor, descendant. With this many words we greeted one another. When all this was at an end, My father questioned me: “Yes, now indeed You have passed us on our roads. Surely you will have something to say, some words that are not too long.’’ Thus he spoke to me. “Yes, indeed it is so. Back at the New Year, All my fathers Desiring something, With their precious prayer plume Appointed me. Yonder toward the south, At all the places where the roads of the rain makers come out, 3% Ko’tuwalawa, katcina village. at Akohana ti’nakwi, a shrine about 2 miles southwest of Zuni. Actually the impersonator is dressed, with elaborate ceremonies, Here two mounds of corn meal are made to represent the mountains at Kotwala‘wa. Komosona, chief of the katcina cult, officiates as the “‘father.’” %T.e., dies. % The katcinas. 7 Sayatca, the god, represented by komosona 88 Holding his shoulder and moving him gently to the north, west, south, east, up, and then seating him. % Cipololon’e, a common word play. Cipololon-e means both mist and smoke, ceremonially. The ordi- nary word for smoke is tikaian‘e. 40 Fire. 41 At the end of the cigarette. The significance of the rite suffers in translation. In ritual smoking the cigarette is lighted with live coal from the fireplace. 42 The common terms for offerings to supernaturals, used especially of offerings of smoke and food. 43 Stevenson and Parsons give different translations. 6066°—32——46 (See p. 762.) 714 I have continued to offer you prayer plumes. Now that the cycle of your months is at an end, Now that the counted number of your days has been told off Now that this many days Anxiously we have awaited your day, Now this day, We have reached the appointed time. Now I have passed you on your roads.” Thus I spoke to them. When I had spoken thus, Hurriedly, without delay, My father took hold of me. From the very soles of my feet Even to the crown of my head He clothed me all over with all things needful. When all this was at an end, Then also with that which is called my belt, His prayer meal, He covered my navel. With his bundle that covered it all over. He took hold of me, His bundle reached all around my body. When all this was at an end, Then also the different kinds of seeds four times he placed over my navel.** All different kinds of seeds his bundle contained: The seeds of the yellow corn, The seeds of the blue corn, The seeds of the red corn, The seeds of the white corn, The seeds of the speckled corn, The seeds of the black corn, And also that by means of which you may have firm flesh, Namely, the seeds of the sweet corn; And also those which will be your sweet tasting delicacies, Namely, all the clans of beans— The yellow beans, The blue beans, The red beans, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN, 47 The white beans, The spotted beans, The black beans, The large beans, The small beans, The little gray beans, The round beans, The string beans; Then also those that are called the ancient round things—* The striped squash, The crooked-neck squash, The watermelons, The sweet melons, And also those which you will use to dip up your clear water, Namely, the gourds; And then also the seeds of the pifion tree, The seeds of the juniper tree, The seeds of the oak tree, The seeds of the peach tree, The seeds of the black wood shrub, The seeds of the first flowering shrub, The seeds of the kapuli #* shrub The seeds of the large yucca, The seeds of the small yucea, The seeds of the branched cactus, The seeds of the brown cactus, The seeds of the small cactus; And then also the seeds of all the wild grasses— The evil smelling weeds,‘7 The little grass, Tecukta, Kucutsi, O’co, Apitalu, Sutoka, Mololoka, Piculiya Small piculiya, Hamato Mitaliko; And then also the seeds of those that stand in their doorways,’ Namely the cat-tails, The tall flags, 44 Every masked dancer carries a package of seeds in his belt. It is his ‘“‘heart.’’ At the close of any dance the priest who thanks the dancers takes some of the seeds to plant. Those carried by Sayataca are planted in the floor of the house he dedicates. 45 Native squashes. (See p. 873.) 46 An unidentified shrub sometimes used for prayer sticks. 47 None of these have been identified. Many are food plants. 48 The doorways of the rain makers, the springs. BUNZEL] The water weeds, The water cress, The round-leafed weed; Across my navel His bundle reached. And then also, the yellow clothing bundle *° of the priest of the north, The blue clothing bundle of the priest of the west, The red clothing bundle of the priest of the south, The white clothing bundle of the priest of the east, The many colored bundle of the priest of the above, The dark colored bundle of the priest of the below; Across my navel His bundle reached. When all this was at an end, My father spoke to me: “Thus you will go. Your daylight fathers, Your daylight mothers, Your daylight children You will pass on their roads. And wherever you come to rest, We shall come to you.” Assuredly none of us shall be left behind— All the men, Those with snow upon their heads, With moss on their faces, With skinny knees, no longer upright, and leaning on canes, Even all of these; And furthermore the women, Even those who are with child, Carrying one child on the back, Holding another on a cradle board, Leading one by the hand, With yet another going before, Even all of us, Our daylight fathers, Our daylight mothers, PRAYERS AND CHANTS Our children, We shall pass on their roads.” Thus my father said. Having spoken thus, He took hold of me. Presenting me to all the directions he made me arise. With his prayer meal Four times he sprinkled his water- filled ladder. After him, Four times I sprinkled my prayer meal. Taking four steps, Four times striding forward, Standing, I came out. [Having come out standing, Yonder to all directions I looked; *" I looked toward the north, I looked toward the west, I looked toward the south, I looked toward the east. Hither, toward the place of dawn, I saw four roads going side by side. Along the middle road, Four times my prayer meal I sprinkled. There I made the sound of the water- filled breath of the priest of the north.® Taking four steps, Four times striding forward, To the place known since the first beginning as Great Lake,® My road came. Where my father’s road comes out I stood in the doorway. That which formed my belt, My prayer meal, Four times sprinkling inside, I opened their curtain of scum.*4 After that, Four times sprinkling prayer meal inside Standing I came in. When I came in standing, 49 U’tenan he’kun‘e. A word of esoteric meaning; utenan‘e is clothing and ornaments, any movable wealth. It is not the ordinary word for clothing. Corn dance the leaders carry hekune on their heads. U’tenan hekune seems to be a symbol of wealth. tains inside the rich wrappings. Pekwin possesses hekune instead of e’tone. In the Pekwin makes it, and no one knows what it con- 50 The gods who are believed to be present in spirit on this night. 51 At this point in the prayer the chief wo’le rises and whirls a rhombus, symbolizing the breath of the rain makers. 82 The north wind. Wind brings rain. 53 One of the springs at which the a’’ciwi stopped on their journey in search of the middle place. 4 In this case he actually enters the spring. The term, ‘‘to open the scum,” is, however, used esoterically to refer to the entrance of any impersonator into a kiva or other ceremonial room. 716 My father 5 Hurrying without delay Where he had prepared his rain seat, His prayer meal Four times he sprinkled. On the top of my head His prayer meal Four times he sprinkled. After him Four times sprinkling my prayer meal, My father’s rain seat I stood beside. As I stood up beside it My father took hold of me, Yonder to all the directions presenting me, He made me sit down. Having seated me The one who is my father Took the water bringing cigarettes which he had prepared. Four times drawing it toward him, He took his grandmother by the hand And made her sit down in the doorway, Four times inhaling, he drew the mist through. With the mist He added to the hearts of fathers, Rain maker priests. Thus it is well; In order that the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath. With mist he added to their hearts. When all this was at an end, My father handed it to me. Four times inhaling, I drew the mist through. Into my breath, With the mist I added to the hearts of my fathers. This is well; In order that the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath, With mist I added to their hearts. When all this was at an end, We greeted one another with terms of kinship: Father, Son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grand- son; ancestor, descendant. body drawing the misty ZUNI RITUAL POETRY (ETH. ANN. 47 With these words we greeted one an- other. When all this was at an end My father questioned me: “Yes, now at this time You have passed us on our roads. Surely you will have something to say, some word that is not too long, If you let us know that, I shall know it for all time.” Thus my father spoke. When he had spoken thus, (I answered) “Yes, indeed it is so. Yonder to the south, Following wherever your roads come out, I have been bringing you prayer sticks, I have been bringing you prayer feathers. Now this day, Having reached the appointed time, I have passed you on your roads.” “Ts that so. With plain words you have come to us. We are clothed with your prayer sticks; We hold your prayer meal; With your prayer plumes in our hair we are sitting in here waiting. Here where we are just standing around, Where we are just sitting on our haunches, You have come to us. When the sun who is our father Has yet a little ways to go, Before he goes in to sit down at his sacred place, Nearby your daylight fathers, Your daylight mothers, Your children, You will pass on their roads. Wherever you come to rest, All together we shall come to you. All the men, Those with snow upon their heads, with moss upon their faces, With skinny knees, No longer upright but leaning on canes; And the women, Even those who are with child, Carrying one upon the back, Holding another on the cradle board, 56 The inhabitants of the spring, differently interpreted as rain makers, some special, unnamed class of beings living in springs, or simply alacina’we, the ancestors. BUNZEL] PRAYERS Leading one by the hand, With yet another going before. Yes, with all of these, Your daylight fathers, Your daylight mothers, Your children, You will pass on their roads. And wherever you come to rest We shall come to you.” Thus my father spoke. When he had spoken thus, He took hold of me. Yonder to all the directions Presenting me He made me arise. After he had made me arise With his prayer meal His water-filled ladder He sprinkled. After him sprinkling my prayer meal Standing, I came out.] ® * * * Coming out standing Yonder to all directions I looked. T looked to the north, I looked to the west, I looked to the south, I looked to the east, Hither toward Itiwana% I saw four roads going side by side. AND CHANTS 717 Along the middle road, My prayer meal Four times I sprinkled before me. Then I made the sound of the rain- filled breath of the rain maker priest of the below. Taking four steps, Four times striding forward, Where descends the watery road. Of my daylight fathers,** My daylight mothers, I stood. Then I consecrated °° the place Where my father’s watery road de- scends. That none of his children might fall from the ladder, Having still one rung left to go, Having still two rungs left to go, Having still three rungs left to go, Having still four rungs left to go; In order that none of his children should fall down I consecrated the place where his watery road descends. When all this was at an end The one who is my father On the crown of my head Four times sprinkled prayer meal. On his watery wood pile * 56 The bracketed portion is repeated unchanged, except for two words, for the other 28 springs visited by the A’ciwi during their migrations. In addition to substituting the names of the springs, the different winds are invoked in the following order: West, south, east, above, below, north, west, etc. The springs are visited in the following order which is not that of the ca’lako (see p. 771): 2. te’wut i’ti-wa pikaia le’ana- finakwi, the place called water cress in the valley; 3, he’i patcikwi, cliff dwelling; 4, ha’ntipinkakwi, place of stealing; 5, kina pa’itokwi, last spring; 6, i’na i’tiwakwi, middle spring; 7, to’pa pi’kaiakwi, the other watercress spring; 8, ko’lowisi kakwekwi, Kolowisi’s home; 9, patsikinakwi, dripping spring; 10, po’co- wakwi, grass bending over; 11, lw-kanakwi, ashes spring; 12, to’seluna ka’nakwi, cat tail spring; 13, a’miltolan a’iakwi, rainbow spring; 14, kipkwenakwi, water flowing out (Ojo Caliente); 15, wa’tsita‘na- kwi, dog’s corner; 16, ca’lakonakwi, ca’lako place; 17, u’hanakwi, snow hanging place; 18, a’tapatsikwi, rock wedge place; 19, a’tsinakwi, pictograph place; 20, pi’-cufaiakwi, poison water weed spring; 21, kii/nuta*kwi, mesa wall spring; 22, to/loknanakwi (no translation); 23, ki’ tetcikwi, evil smelling water; 24, o/pumpiakwi, where the sack of flour hangs; 25, a’yayakakwi, bluebird place; 26, ha’lon kwa’tonankwi, where ants go in; 27, to’wa yii‘lakwi, Corn Mountain (substitute ‘‘toward Itiwan‘a”’ for “‘toward the east”’); 28, matasaka hepatina le’ana kanakwi, the place called matsaka hepatina; 29, Ko’lin Kai’akwi e’tsaka hepatinakwi, sul- phur spring, commonly called hepatina. 57 The middle; i. e., Zui. The word in common use is ci/wina*kwi. 58 The outer ladder. Sayataca still enters through the roof. None of the prayers make any mention of the planting of prayer sticks in the six permanent excavations in the street of the village. In 1927 these were visited in the following order: Tekanawa, o’na‘wa, pa’ttowa, tsi’a’a'wa, hekiipawa, te’‘witota’na. Their house was in the large plaza. Inthese excavations Cu’la-witsi, Sa’yataca and Hu’‘tutu deposit telikina fsume (strong prayer sticks) to the Uwanami of the six regions. They are colored with the appropriate colors. 89 He deposits a double prayer stick just inside the threshold of the door, where every one passes. This was formerly planted under the ladder. Like those placed in the roof, these are colored blue and yellow and are male and female, respectively. 6 That is, die before their time. 61 Racima tapela is an archaic expression for a load of firewood made by laying short sticks across two long poles. 718 Four times he threw upward. Then after him, My prayer meal Sprinkling before me, Where my father’s water-filled road ascends I made my road ascend. The one who is my father Four times sprinkled prayer meal be- fore him. After him Four times sprinkling prayer meal be- fore me, Standing, I came in. As standing I came in I could scarcely see all my fathers, So full was his house. prayer meal Then my father’s rain-filled room I rooted at the north,® I rooted at the west, I rooted at the south, I rooted at the east, I rooted above, Then in the middle of my father’s roof, With two plume wands joined to- gether, I consecrated his roof. This is well; In order that my father’s offspring may increase, I consecrated the center of his roof. And then also, the center of my father’s floor, With seeds of all kinds, I consecrated the center of his floor. This is well; In order that my father’s fourth room May be bursting with corn, That even in his doorway, The shelled corn may be scattered be- fore the door, The beans may be scattered before the door, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 That his house may be full of little boys, And little girls, And people grown to maturity; That in his house Children may jostle one another in the doorway, In order that it may be thus, I have consecrated the rain-filled room Of my daylight father, My daylight mother. When all this was at an end, The one who is my father © Four times sprinkled prayer meal Where he had prepared my seat. Following him, Four times sprinkling prayer meal be- fore me, Where my father had prepared my seat, I stood beside it. My father took hold of me. Presenting me to all the directions, he made me sit down. After my father had seated me, The rain invoking cigarette which he had prepared My father drew toward him. He took his grandmother by the hand And made her sit in the doorway. Having seated her in the doorway, Four times inhaling he made the mist pass through; Into his body He drew the misty breath. With the mist he added to the hearts of his fathers. This is well: That the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath, With mist He added to the hearts of his fathers. He handed it to me. Four times inhaling I made the mist pass through; 62 Consecrating the walls of the house. Each of the impersonators makes one stroke downward on each wall, using for this purpose whatever he is carrying. Cula‘witsi uses his torch, Sayataca, Hututu, the two Yaumhakto use their tena-we, the Siilimopia their yucca. This is not done above and below. 63 In the decorated box made to receive them. nent or temporary altar or sacred place. the yellow female. The female has a face painted on one side. The box is called teckwin‘e, the word used for any perma- The sticks are painted blue and yellow; the blue one is male, They are deposited with the face toward the east. They are called wihawe, “babies.” This term is used for prayer sticks in the excavations visited by Pa’utiwa at the New Year, from which he foretells the future, and for the dolls given at the winter solstice ceremonies to barren or unlucky women to insure conception or safe delivery. The seeds are deposited in a permanent excavation carefully concealed. Sometimes at the winter sol- stice articles of clay are deposited in this excavation. 65 Pekwin seats the personators in the Sayataca house, and they smoke with the priests. Stevenson.) (See M. C, BUNZEL] Into my warm body I drew the misty breath. With mist I added to the hearts of my fathers. This is well: That the rain makers may not with- hold their misty breath, With mist I added to their hearts. When all this was at an end, We greeted one another with terms of kinship: Father, Son, elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grand- son; ancestor, descendant. With this many words we greeted one another, When all this was at an end, My daylight father questioned me:* “Yes, now indeed You have passed us on our roads, The one whom all our fathers, Desiring something, Appointed at the New Year. Yonder to the south Wherever emerge the precious roads of our fathers, Rain maker priests, Rain maker Pekwins, Rain maker bow priests. With your prayer plumes—poorly made though they were, You have asked for light for us. Now this day, the appointed time has come.” Thus my father said to me. Now our fathers, Cula-witsi, pekwin priest, 7 Sayataca, bow priest,’ Hututu, bow priest, The two Yamuhakto, bow priests, Perpetuating their rite, Have once more assumed human form. Their seeds, Their riches, Their fecundity, The seeds of the yellow corn, PRAYERS AND CHANTS 719 The seeds of the blue corn, The seeds of the red corn, The seeds of the white corn, The seeds of the speckled corn, The seeds of the black corn, The seeds of the sweet corn, All the clans of beans, All the ancient round things, The seeds of all the different trees, The seeds of all the wild weeds, I carry over my navel. Those which we brought, These seeds we now leave here In the rain-filled rooms Of our daylight fathers, Our daylight mothers. When in the spring, Your earth mother is enriched with living waters, Then in all your water-filled fields, These, with which you will renew your- selves, Your mothers, All the different kinds of corn, Within your earth mother You will lay down. With our earth mother’s living waters, They will once more become living beings. Into the daylight of our sun father They will come out standing. They will stand holding out their hands to all the directions, Calling for water. And from somewhere, Our fathers with their fresh water Will come to them. Their fresh waters They will drink in. They will clasp their children in their arms; Their young will finish their roads. Into your house, You will bring them, To be your beloved ones. In order that you may live thus, In the rain-filled rooms Of our daylight fathers, 66 Pekwin speaks. *? The cula’witsi personator, usually a boy 10 to 13 years of age, is always referred to as pekwin fsana, the little sun priest. ®8 Sayataca is never called k’i’/kawam‘osi, house chief, as Mrs. Stevenson reports. The koyemcei are the k’a’kwa'mosi. In prayers their father is always called mo’lan haktu ki’/kwemosi ci’wani. 720 Our daylight mothers, Our daylight children, The seeds which we brought tied about our waists We leave here now. This is well; That going but a little ways from their house Our fathers may meet their children; That going about, as they say, With your water-filled breath (You may meet) antelope, Mountain goats. Does, Bucks, Jack rabbits, Cottontails, Wood rats, Small game—even little bugs; So that thus going out from your houses, With the flesh of these You may satisfy your hunger. This is well; In order that my daylight fathers’ rain- filled rooms, May be filled with all kinds of clothing, That their house may have a heart, That even in his doorway The shelled corn may be spilled before his door, That beans may be spilled before his door, That wheat may be spilled outside the door, (That the house may be full of) little boys, And little girls, And men and women grown to matu- rity, That in his house Children may jostle one another in the doorway, In order that it may be thus, With two plume wands joined together, I have consecrated the center of his roof. ZUNI RITUAL POETRY (ETH. ANN. 47 Praying for whatever you wished, Through the winter, Through the summer, Throughout the cycle of the months, I have prayed for light for you. Now this day, I have fulfilled their thoughts. Perpetuating the rite of our father, Sayataca, bow priest, And giving him human form 7! I have passed you on your roads. My divine father’s life-giving ” breath, His breath of old age, His breath of waters, His breath of seeds, His breath of riches, His breath of fecundity,” His breath of power, His breath of strong spirit, His breath of all good fortune whatso- ever, Asking for his breath, And into my warm body Drawing his breath, IT add to your breath now. Let no one despise the breath of his fathers, But into your bodies, Draw their breath. That yonder to where the road of our sun father comes out, Your roads may reach; That clasping hands, Holding one another fast, You may finish your roads, To this end, I add to your breath now. Verily, so long as we enjoy the light of day May we greet one another with love; “ Verily, so long as we enjoy the light of day May we wish one another well, Verily may we pray for one another. To this end, my fathers, My mothers, My children: 6° Game animals. 70 An empty house “‘ has no heart.’’ beings. 71 The syntax of this passage is obscure. the impersonator. ” O’/naya‘naka, literally, road finishing. The heart of the house is anything which has been used by human The reference is to the complete identification of the god with 73 Pe’apkunan:e, a word difficult to render into English. It includes children, domesticated animals, and game. 4 J’yanikinawa, literally, ‘call one another by terms of relationship.” The impersonator remains a “child” of the house he has dedicated and calls the host and hostess father and mother. BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS Al May you be blessed with light; To where the life-giving road of your May your roads be fulfilled; sun father comes out May you grow old; May your roads reach; May you be blessed in the chase; May your roads all be fulfilled. Sai’yataca an fe’na_ ta/cana Sai’yataca his talk long e’ma’ no/milte yes now indeed it is so hon ya’toki tate i/lap a‘’te’ona % we sun father having the ones li’wanem yam we’cikiinem fe’taci/nakwi hither his left ancient place i’tiutatuntekwin kow an’te‘we’tcikwi when he should stand against it alittle space yet remained for him (when) hon fe’kohanan tate i/lap a*’teona we daylight father having the ones pi’teik a’nota fe’kwin ci’wan‘l Dogwood clan speaker priest yam a‘’tatcu his fathers kokw a‘’ciwan'l masked god priests a’wan kicima their waters a‘'’wan to’waconan‘e their seeds a’/ntecemana desiring yam a‘’tatcu their fathers tei/mikina’pkowa the ones who first had being a’wan ki’cima_ te’li’tona their water inner room in i’yanteceman i/wo'kwikna one another desiring sitting down in a circle la‘Ikok"” ki’nakwena’ tapana yonder springs following to’pinte ta’kwimon a/k‘i one root with i/piyatsumepa holding one another fast ho’ o/na‘ya‘kanaka person prolonging life for ya’nula’a appointed 75 A reciprocal relationship is implied; hence the obscurity of the grammatical construction. Freely translated ‘our sun father ”’ or ‘the sun, who is our father.”” Lan A ~ 722 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY tu’wanan’ona the ones that stand hol teuw ha’lowili’kona whoever the one who is lucky a‘’wan sa’kwia their feet ha’lawo:tinan‘e prayer meal lo'’o o/nean‘e a‘/leakna shell pollen giving to them a‘kewulkwinakna the young shoots breaking off yam a/sin ka’Inak& his hand warm with a‘/wiyaten-tsu’mekiina. them they held fast yam na’nili te’’ona his grandfather [having] the one who is ton ots an a’weluyan fa’ine turkey male his cumulus cloud robe kai’kal an ci’pololon u’tcun‘e eagle his mist garment lalhok® o/lo’ikaiakii wo’we yonder summer birds a'’wan ta’pihanan la’tane their hanging cloud wing a'’wan a’weluyan ki‘’tene their cumulus cloud tail a’k’ a’witela’ma with them four times te’likinan a‘’pa’una prayer stick clothing a’ho”’ a’ya'kana persons having finished them yam tsitili te’ona his mother having the one who is pitsem o/ka cotton woman ko’ti pi’ lenapte rough string even though it is pi’le ci’ kinapte string soiled even though it is a’witela’ma four times pa’nulap i/kwiyante’tcina winding around reaching around its waist k’iicima la’cowa water hair feather ho’i ya‘/kaina'wapa person having finished it [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS yam tsitili te’ona his mother [with] the one who is ha’kwin o’kai black paint woman he’tet o0/ka 7 clay woman ateian ci’nanaka their flesh with te’/likinan ci’nana prayer stick giving flesh ho’i yakapa person having finished it ka-’ki ke’si le’anikipa whenever now thus saying hon a‘’tate i/lap a‘’te’ona we fathers having the ones yam te’likinan ya ‘kakona his prayer stick the one he had finished tewusu ya’nulana prayer appointed hon yitoki tate i/lap: a-’te’ona we sun father having the ones yam fe’tacinakwi his ancient place i’muna kwa’tokipa sitting down having gone in hon a*’tcia tatci/lap a‘’te’ona we two fathers having the ones ka’wutia pa’utiwa kai’ wulia pa’utiwa li’wan a’lahoankwin ta’‘na hither to the south direction hot yam tcim’on u/lo‘nana ya*‘’na’a wherever their new world becoming made yam ko’ tei/miki’kowa te’lia‘na his rite according to the first beginning perpetuating ho’i ya’’kina person having made (himself) yam a‘’tatecu a’wan te’likinan yan i’leana his fathers their prayer stick finished ate o’neal i’k’dna the two road making come hot li’Ia le-’hatina wherever here thinking yam a‘’tatecu a’wan ki’cima fe’li’tonankwi their fathers their water inner room (into) a'te o’neata kwa’tok’apa the two road having made come in hon yi’toki tate i/lap a/te’ona we sun father having the ones 723 724. ZUNI RITUAL POETRY yam te’tacinakwi his ancient place i’/muna kwa/totuntekwi kow a/nte‘we’tcikwi. sitting down when he should go in little space yet remained for him la’thok" le’si tekwi yonder all directions ka’cima wo’we fpekwiw a‘/ciwan‘i water birds speakers priests hot yam fi/nan ta’kikana wherever their staying quietly places (where) o’/neat kwai’l k’aina road making come out o’neat i’k’Aina road making come yam a‘’tatcu a’wan ka’cima __ feli’tonankwi their fathers their water inner room (into) o’neala kwa’tokina road making come in yam la’tan aka their wing with yam a‘’tatcana'wa their fathers’ a’weluyan ka’kwen ya‘’Kina cumulus cloud house having made ci’pololon pe’wuna mist blanket having spread out o’/naya’’naki o’nealan a‘/kiina life-giving road sending out ki/nakwai’inan ya‘’na ye’lete’ukitekwi spring complete he had made ready when hon ar’tcia tate i’lapona we both fathers the ones [we] have ka/’wulia fpa’utiwa yam ka’kwa‘mos‘i their house chiefs yam fe’kwiwe their speakers yam a*’pi’ta‘ci’wani their bow-priests a’tei te’’tcin o/neala kwatokina they reaching [their] road brought in to’pint o/’neatana‘’na one road along ki’pin a‘ho’i raw persons i’tinan-la’kikna sitting down quietly te’linan ko’kci night good [ETH. ANN. 47 BuNzEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 725 ho’ tea’wilap a‘/wantewaki us children having they came to day te’wap ya’tone hom yi’toka tate i/lap a‘’te’ona next day we sun father having the ones yam te’tacinakwi his ancient place ye‘lana kwai’ikiipa standing having come out holt ka-’ki ke-’si le’anakipa whenever now having said li’wan a/lahoankwin ta’‘na hither to the south direction hon a‘’tcia tate i/lap a-’te’ona we two fathers having the ones ka’wula pa/utiwa K p yam tcim’on u’lo‘nan ya‘/nakwi his new world where it became made yam ko’ tei’mik i’ kowa telia‘na his rite according to the first beginning perpetuaving tei’m’on ho’i ya‘’kéina new person having made yam ki’cima i-/leana their waters taking yam to’waconan i-‘Ieana their seeds taking yam a‘’tatcon a‘wan te’likina ya‘na 1’leana their fathers’ their prayer stick complete taking ate o’neala kwaiikdna the two road making come out a'te o/neat i’kdina the two road making come to’wa ci’wan an u’lo‘na’a Corn priest his country a’witela’ma o’neat u’lapkana four times road encircling it lalhok" le: yam upa’ tcawe yonder that many their kiva children a‘’wan ka’cim o/’neala kwai”ina’kona their water Toads they come out where te/likina’ ya‘na prayer sticks complete wo’ tata’kuna laying down le’hok” yam u’lo‘nakwi yonder their country a‘tel tu’niko*pupa the two having turned around hon tate i/lap a’’te’ona we father having the ones 726 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY te/likinan a‘n’ulana prayer stick drawing toward him telikina ya’n aka prayer stick complete with hom a/nulakipa me having appointed hon ya’onaka tsit i/lap a’’te’ona we moon mother having — the ones li’wan kdéliciankwin ta’‘na hither to the west direction ko’witana —_—-ye’tsakiéna still small appearing te’luankwin fa‘na to the east direction i’tiulana standing against ho’i ya‘‘kinaka te’wanan a’capa person finishing day having made yam a‘’tatcu (for) my fathers u’wanam a‘/ciwan‘l rain maker priests kokwa‘ciwan'l masked god priests ho’ te’likina ho’i ya*/kaka. I prayer sticks person finished yam te’likinan ci’matana my prayer stick poor (to) yam a‘’tate a‘’wan te’likin ya‘’na a’mpatcuna my fathers their prayer stick complete fastening to it kaki tei’ mik’aka sometime the first beginning u’hana le’anik’ ‘ina cotton hanging so-called yam a‘’tatcu my fathers ho’ te’likinana’Ie’upa I prayer stick having given to them ho’man te’likinan a‘n-ulana my prayer stick drawing toward them hot yam tei/mikakatekwi somewhere their they had (their) first beginning where ya’cuwa telakuna'wapa talking together bending over lathok" Kinakwe'na fa’apana yonder springs following a’wico yiila’kona mossy mountains along takwilpotina’kona wooded places along [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS ka’tul-ulapna’kona encircling oceans along ho’/man te’likinan aka my prayer stick with ho’man ha/lawo‘tinan aki my prayer meal with ho’man te’wusu pe’nan ak-f my prayers words with ya’cuwa telakuna‘wapa talking together bending over te‘tsinane winter o’lo’ik’inan‘e summer yi’teu pi’lan‘e month sequence te/liki’nan ko/ti’a’lewunante prayer stick badly made even li’wan a’lakoan’kwin ta’‘na hither to the south direction yam a‘’tatcona’wa my fathers’ a’’wan o’neala kwai’’ina’kona their roads they come out wherever ho’ te’likinan a*/tean te’akia. I prayer stick givingtothem (I) have lived. kes le’na yitcu fi’lan i’te’tcika te’a’ana now all month sequence came to the end when hon a‘’tate llapona we fathers the ones we have yam a‘’tateu their fathers yam a‘’tsita their mothers tei’mikanapkowa the ones that first had being a’wan kicima o/nealan kwa/tona their water road coming in l’yante’ceman i’wo'kwikna desiring one another sitting down in a circle yam tsi’ till te”’ona their mother (having) the one pi’tsem o’ka cotton woman Ko’ ti pl’lenapte rough cord even though it is pi’le ci’ kanapte cord dark even though it is 027 728 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 a’k awite’la’ma with it four times yi'lenan a‘’tei ho”i ya*’kiina’wapa count two having made into persons hot kia/’ki kersi’ le’’anakiipa whenever now having said hom a’/ntecematinakipa me having summoned yam a‘’tatcu my fathers ho’ ~—_a*’wona-e’lateka I on their roads passed yi’lenanaka with the count hom ya’tena-tsu’mekina*wapa me having grasped strongly yi/lenan i-’leana the count taking yam he’cotakwi my house to o’/neala _te’’tcikdina road making reach hol ka-/ki kersi’ —_ le’anakapa whenever now having said yam te’likinan ~—ye’lete’u’kona —_i'’leana my prayer stick the one I had prepared taking li’wan a’lahoankwin ta’‘na hither to the south direction ho’ fe’wus aki ho’ o’neata’’k’aka I prayers with iC my road go made kaka tei’ mikika somewhere the first beginning ha’lon kwa’ton le’anak’Akwi ant going in where it is so called o’neala te’’tcikina road reaching yam a‘’tatcu my fathers a‘’wan ka’cim o’neala kwai”’ina their water road coming out ho’ te’likinan ~~ a’’IJeana I prayer stick giving to them ho’ la’cowan = a’Jeana I prayer feathers giving to them i’skon to’natwan ho’ te’kohanan ce’maka. there for you I light asked. ton a‘/wona-ya’‘tun’ona (that) you may be the ones whose roads may be fulfilled ton a‘‘lacitun’ona (that) you —s may be the ones to grow old BUNZEL] ton (that) you ton (that) you ton (that) you ton (that) you ton (that) you ton (that) you PRAYERS AND CHANTS mi’yaptun’ona may be the ones to have growing corn no’ kainaptun’ona may be the ones to have beans mo’’lenaptun’ona may be the ones to have squash kayanaptun’ona may be the ones to have wheat kwa ai’/nanaptun’ona something may be the ones to kill u’tenan ~—sya’niktcia’tun’ona clothing may be the ones to be blessed (with) ho’ yai’ncemakii. I for this asked. li’wan kialician’kwin ta’‘na hither to the west direction yam a‘’tatcu my fathers a’wan o/neat i/nakwi their road where it comes ho’ te’likinan a*’tleaka. I prayer sticks gave to them. kes le’n atwan te’mta te’waka te’a’ana Now so much their all time has passed when li’wan ka‘licia’nkwin ta’‘na hither to the west direction yi'lan lo’kin ima mountain gray standing ya’lan h’ana mountain blue ki’cima_ _ te’lakwi water where it lies to’waconan ci/wuna seeds renewing teapkunan ci’wuna children renewing kwa_ e’ta_ la/ninam’e none falls down ho’ tea’wilapa I children having ti‘nan = ta’ kikwi where they stay quietly ho’ a‘’wona-e’lateki. I on their roads passed them. i’skon ho’ ta’tcili __te’ona there my father having the one 6066°—32 47 729 730 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY yam kdcima fai’/yan e’lete’ukitekwi his water seat where it was prepared yam ha’lawo'tinane his prayer meal a’witela’ma four times o’ta‘wite-yiltona sprinkling on top ho’man o’tsimowa my crown yam ha’lawo‘tinan‘e his prayer meal o’ta‘wite-ya’Itona sprinkling on top yam ki’cima fai’yan a’tkwi his water seat where it lay ha’lawo'tinan o/ta‘wite-yi’/ltopa prayer meal sprinkling on top i’ste yi’lu him following yam ha’lawo‘tinan‘e my prayer meal ho’ o’ta‘wite-yii’Itona I sprinkling on top yam ta’te’?on ani my father’s his ka’cima fai/yan a’tkwi rain seat where it lay ho’ ye’lv’ula’ka. I stood beside it. ho’ma_ ta’teu_ te’a’ona my father the one who is homa_ ya’teka me grasped lathok" le’si te’kwi ta’‘kina ho’m yonder to all directions presenting me ho’ i’milakupa I having sat down quietly ho’ma_ ta’tcu te’a’ona my father the one who is yam na/‘nili te’’ona his grandson (having) the one who is la’kaia tsa’wak’ te’’ona read youth the one who is an ce’Ina’a his inside pu’sua/npikwai’i_—a/nhaiteka hole piercing him he gave to him an’imla’kuka. he made sit down quietly yam se’weke wo’pun a’witela’ma a‘n-ulana his tobacco sack four times drawing toward him [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS yam _ a/stecokta his palm of the hand se’weke wo''Ikipowan i’yanhai’’teka. tobacco measuring out he gave them to him anc’e’Ina’a his inside ci’/pololon u’teuna smoke having put in yam hot a’si’-a‘naka. his grandmother he took by the hand. a’/nim-koskuka. he seated her in the doorway a/nim-koskuna having seated her in the doorway a’witela’ma ci’pololon cu/lulutina a/na‘pikwaiikika. four times smoke sucking he made it pass through. la’thok" le’si te’kwi yonder on all sides u/wanam = a‘’clwan‘i rain maker priests ei’/pololon a’k-& a*’wikena te’liaka. with the smoke (their) hearts he added to. ke’sic e’letapa now indeed it is well u’wanamik a‘’te’ona rain maker beings yam ci’pololon ya’nhakunan » kwai’’ina their smoke breath coming out a‘’teametun’ona that they may not be pe’nan kwai’ikdna word sending out a wikena-te’liana their hearts adding to ho’ma __ Jeakaka. to me he handed it. yam ce/Inakwi my inside a’witela’ma four times ci’pololon cu’lulutin§ pi’/kwai’ina an’haiteka smoke sucking passing through I gave him la‘thok® le’si te’kwi yonder on all sides yam a‘’tatcu my fathers ho’ ci’pololon a*’wikena te’liaka. I smoke their hearts I added to. lu’kakon i’te’tcapa this being at an end 731 i-witceman withholding daz ZUNI RITUAL POETRY i’skon hon i’yanikika. there we greeted one another. ta’/tcumo father ta’le pa’pa su’we ka’ka ka’se na’na son elder brother younger brother uncle nephew grandfather u’ waka great grandson le’? n aka hon i/yanikika with these we greeted one another lukakon Ile’n i’te’tcapa this all being at an end ho’ tatcili te’ona my father [with] the one who is i’te‘kunaka questioned e’ma’ la’/kima yes now at this time ho’n a‘’wona-elateka. us (you) have passed on our roads. ime’ kwa’hol fe’nan te’yulanam’e fe’nan perhaps some word not too long word le’? hom i’yantikwaka. thus to me they said , > yA = e’ma i’namilte yes now indeed it is so hot i’tiwana sometime at the middle of the year ho’ma le’n a‘’tatcu my this many fathers ko’n a/ntecemana something desiring te‘likinan ya‘/naka prayer stick complete with hom a/nulana‘*wapa me having appointed li’wan a’lahoankwin ta’‘na hither to the south direction u’wanam a‘’wan o/’neata kwai’’ina ta’pana rain makers their roads coming out following to’n ho’ te’likina te’an te’akd te’kwi to you I prayer sticks giving have lived when kes le’na to’na‘wa ya’tcu pi’’lan i’te’tcapa now this much your month sequence being at an end to’na‘'wan yi’/lenan pi’’lakipa your count having been counted up le’si te’wanan‘e this many days a’ntsume‘na eagerly [ETH. ANN, 47 to’cle a’le grandson great grandfather te’akiina may be BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS hon fe’wanan a‘’teakitekwi we time have lived when lu’kai ya’ton‘e this day kes le’n hai’tokwin te’’tcika now this much the appointed time has come to’na to a‘’wona-e’lateka. you I have passed on your roads. lec ho’ i’yantikwaka. thus I to them said. lec ho’ i’yantikwapa thus I having said to them ho’ma ta’tcu te’a’ona my father _ the one who is a/nanam’e i’kdcetikina ho’ma_ ya/teka without delay hurrying me he grasped sa’kwikwi we/kwikwinte (from) feet even the soles of my feet o’ts’mowakwinte even to the crown of my head kwa’hot tean i’yante’tcina hom te’’eki some clothing covering all over me he dressed u’‘sona le’n i’te’tcapa that all being at an end tem fa ho’ a’/ka a/nikwitunona le’’anakapa then also with it that I might have my belt as it is said yam ha’lawo‘tinan-e his prayer meal ho’man k&é’mulukwia my navel . = . pe’han i’yante’tcina bundle covering all over ho’ma_ ya’teka me he took hold of hom o/pikun i’yante’tcikaka. my abdomen covered completely lu’kakon le’n i’te’tcapa this all being at an end tem ta towaconan te’mla a/witela’ma ho’ma then also seeds all four times my to’waconan fe’han i’te’tcikaka; seed bundle he fitted on lu’ptsikwa to’waconan-e yellow seeds h-’akwa fo’waconan te’’ona blue seed the one that is ci‘lowa to’waconan te’’ona red seed the one that is 733 kamulukwia navel 734 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 ko’/hakwa to’waconan te’’ona white seed the one that is ku’teutcukwi fo’waconan te’’ona speckled seed the one that is kwi/nikwa to’waconan te’’ona black seed the one that is tem ta ton a’ka ci’na pika a-’teatun’ona le’anakip co’ tsito and also you withit flesh firm the one that may be so-called sweet corn to/waconan _ te’’ona seed the one that is tem ta ton a’ki ye’pna fko’kci a‘’teatun’ona le’anakip and also you with delicacies good the ones that may be so-called no’ a‘n‘oti temta bean clans all no’ tlu’ptsina te”’ona bean yellow the one that is no’ h’ana te’a’ona bean blue the one that is no’ ci’/lowa_ te’a’ona bean red the one that is no’ ko’hana_ te’a’ona bean white the one that is Y no’ ci’he_ te’a’ona bean spotted the one that is no’ kwi'ne te’a’ona bean black the one that is no’ ta’na_ te’a’ona bean large the one that is no’ tsa’na_ te’a’ona bean small the one that is tsikapuli te’a’ona « little grey bean the one that is nokimuliya te’a’ona bean round the one that is (pea) ta’pihaka te’a’ona string bean the one that is tem ta to’wa ka’moliya le’’anakipa and also. ancient round fruits thus called mo’teata te”’ona striped squash the one that is mo’kisi te’’ona crooked-neck squash the one that is mo’laknan te’’ona watermelon the one that is me’luna te”ona cantaloupe the one that is tem ta a/ki ka’cima ko’kci ton ya’nawilapa a‘’teatunona and also that with which water clear you to use for this the ones that will be BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS le’anakipa co’pa_ te’a’ona so-called gourd the one that is tem ta he’’cofatan an kukwin‘e and also pinhon tree its seed a’sutatan an kukwin-e juniper tree its seed ta’wi ta’tan an kukwin-e oak tree its seed mo’tcikwa tatan an kukwin-e peach tree its seed takwin tatan an kukwin-e blackwood brush its seed ke’la ci’wuna tatan an kukwin‘e first flowering brush its seed kapuli latan an kukwin'e ——— brush its seed ho’kap ho’ton an kukwin'e giant yucca its seed hotsan ho’/ton an kukwin‘e small yucca its seed me’tan an kukwine cactus its seed . cu’lep an kukwin'e brown cactus _ its seed utsipana me’tan an kukwine small cactus its seed tem ta kéiwawula’ temta le’’anakipa and also wild grasses all so-called ka’tetei te’a’ona grass evil-smelling the one that is ka’tsana te’a’ona small grass the one that is tecuk te’a’ona ku’cutsi te’a’ona o’co te’a’ona a’pitalu te’a’ona su’'Itoka te’a’ona mo’loloki te’ona pi’culiya te’’ona pi’culiya tsan’ona ha’mato te”’ona mi’talik te’’ona 735 tem ta li’t yam a’wena’kona fo’waconan and also here your doorways in seeds wlato ko’skwi’kona le’anakiip o/’welu the ones that are scattered in so-called eattail the doorway te’ona the one 736 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 tonoli te’’ona to’selu te’’ona ™ pi’/k’aia_ te’’ona ® ha’pitsulia te’’ona 7 watercress the one that is homan ké’mulukwia my navel pe’han iyante’tcikaka bundle he covered all over tem ta pi’cle ci‘wan an u’tenan he’kun lu’ptsikwa and also north priest his clothing bundle yellow ka’/lici ci’wan an u’tenan he’kun h’ana west priest his clothing bundle blue a’laho ci’wan an u/’tenan he’kun a/’/hona south priest his clothing bundle red te’makoha ci/wan an u’tenan he’kun ko’hana east priest his clothing bundle white i’yama ci/wan an _ u’tenan he’kun tsi’lipana above priest his clothing bundle many colored ma/nilama ci’wan an u/’tenan he’kun ci’kana below priest his clothing © bundle dark ho’ma ka’mulukwia my navel pe’han i’yante’tcikina bundle covering all over lu’kakon le’n i'te’tcapa this all being at an end le’na to’ o’na‘kina thus you will make your road go forth te’‘kohanan yam _ a’’tatcu daylight your fathers tekohanan yam a*‘tsita daylight your mothers te’kohanan yam _ tca’we daylight your children to’ a‘’wona-e’latena you will pass them on their roads ho’ to’? yu'/takuki te’a’ana somewhere you have come to rest where fom hon o/’na-e’latena’wa you we shall pass on your road a’tichon fi/nan-e’tcikinan tse’na on no account will any stay behind a‘’wots a‘’te’ona men the ones who are u’teinan = ha’ktopa snow carrying on the head 78 Unidentified aquatic plants. BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS po’hetei a’wiconapa cheeks covered with moss o’ci_ ke’pyélupna e’lemak-i-’natina tapowan knees skinny with unable to stand cane kes te’mtate now even all le’stiklea o’kanan a‘’te’ona furthermore womankind the ones who are ya’nine‘nante even those with child top i’seto'na one carrying on the back fopa temayilto i’k’eckuna another on the cradle clasping top i’ piyana another holding by the hand top e’‘*kuk’idina another sending ahead kes te’mlate now even all yam te’kohanan a*’tatcu our dayligh. fathers yam te’kohanan a‘’tsita our daylight mothers yam tca’we our children hon a‘’wona-elatenaptun’ona te’akdn-a we the ones who shall pass them on their shall be roads ho’m ta’tcili te’’ona my father (having) the one who is le’ciantikwaka thus he said to me. le’ciantikwana thus having said ho’ma_ ya’teka me he grasped satili helping lathok" le’si te’kwi ho’ma ta‘kuna — e’lemakika. yonder to all sides me presenting he made me arise. yam _ha’lawo-tinan‘e his prayer meal yam kacima fapelakwi his water woodpile a’witela’ma o’ta‘wite'yé’Itoka. four times he sprinkled meal on it. iste ya'lu him following 737 738 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY yam ha’lawo‘tinan‘e my prayer meal ho’ o’ta‘wite'-ya’/Itoka. I sprinkled meal on it. a’witenakin te’tcunan a’la‘nana four times step taking a’witenakin ye’letelupnana four times striding forward ho’ ye’lana kwai’ikaka.” ut standing came out. ho ye’lana kwai’’i kina I standing having come out la’thok" le’si te’kwin ho’ ftunatika. yonder to all sides I looked ho’ pi’cle tu’natika. I north looked. ho’ ka/lici ftu’natika. I west looked. ho’ a’laho tunatika. I south looked. ho’ te’mako funatika. I east looked. kathok" fe’luankwin ta’‘na yonder to the east direction a‘‘witena‘na o/neata wo’kapa fourfold roads parallel ho’ unatikaka. I saw. i’tiw o’neata’kona middle road along yam ha’lawo‘tinan o’ta‘wite‘’-ya’Itona i’sko ho’ pi’cle my prayer meal sprinkling on it there I north an kicima ya’n hakunan ho’ tehatoka. his water breath I sounded a/witenakiin tetcun a/la‘nana four times step taking a’witenakin ye’letelupnana four times striding forward kav’ka tei/mikaka ey > sometime the first beginning ka’tulanakwi le’ anakikwi great lake where it is named ho’ o’neal i/kaka I road brought [ETH. ANN. 47 ci’wan priest 79 The following section is repeated for the 29 sacred springs visited by the Zufiis in their migrations. BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS hom a‘’tateu my father a’’wan o/nealan kwai’ina’a their road coming out ho’ ye*’likoskuka. I stood in the doorway. yam a/ka anikwian’ona my by means of which I am belted yam ha/lawo:tinan‘e my prayer meal ho’ a’witela’ma o’ta‘wite-‘kwa’tokiina iT four times sprinkling in ho’ a‘wan a/wic a’itika. I their scum opened ste yia’lu after that yam ha/lawo'tinan o’ta‘wite-kwatokdna my prayer meal sprinkling in ye'lana kwa/tokika. I standing came in. ho’ ye’lana kwa’tokipa I standing having come in h / , (2a) oma ta’tcu te’a’ona my father the one who is a’nanam’ = i‘kacetikina without delay hastening yam ka’cima_ fa’‘iyan ye’lete’uka te’kwi his rain seat he got ready when vam ha’lawo‘tinan-e his prayer meal a’witela’ma 0’ta‘wite'-yA’Itona four times sprinkling on it ho’man o/tsimowa my crown yam ha’lawo-tinan-e his prayer meal a’witela’ma o’ta‘wite'-yaltona four times sprinkling on it i’ste yalu him after yam ha’lawo‘tinan‘e my prayer meal o’ta‘wite’-ya’Itona sprinkling on it yam ta’tcu te’”’ona my father the one who is an ka’cima fPaiyanana his water seat 739 740 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY ho’ ye’le-ulaka I stood beside ho’ _—_—ye’le-ulapa I having stood beside it ho’ma ta’tcu te’ona my father the one who is ho’ma_ ya’teki me grasped la’thok" le’si_ te’kwi yonder toall directions hom e’lulatena me presenting hom a’/nimta’kuka me he seated quietly ho’ i’mila’kupa 1E having saf down quietly ho’ma ta’tcu te’’ona my father the one who is yam kia/cima fo’ne ye’leteu’kona his water roll which he had made ready a’witela’ma four times a’‘n’ulana drawing toward him yam hot as‘ana‘ka. his grandmother taking by the hand a/nim-ko’skuka. he seated her in the doorway a’witela’ma ci’pololon cululutinan a/na‘pikwai’ikina four times smoke sucking he drew it through yam a‘’tatcu his fathers u/wanam = a‘’ciwan‘i rain maker priests cv'’pololon a’ka a‘’wikena te’liaka smoke with (their) hearts he added to ke’sic e’letapa now indeed __ it is well u’wanamik a‘te’ona rain maker beings et yam ci’pololon ya’nhakuna — kwai’inan their smoke breath coming out a‘’team‘etun’onaki order that they may not be thus ci’polonak’ a‘’wike-na_ te’liakd. with smoke their hearts he added to lu’kakon i’te’tcapa this being at an end ho’ma_ ta’tcu te’a’ona my father the one who is ho’ma teakaka to me» handed it [ETH. ANN. 47 i’witcemana withholding in BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 741 a’witela’ma ci‘’pololon cululutinan a’na‘pikwai’ina four times smoke sucking drawing it through yam ce’Inakwi ci’pololon yanhakuna kwatokina my body smoke breath taking in yam a‘’tatecu my fathers ci'’pololon a’/ka smoke with ho’ a‘wikena-te’liak& I their hearts added to ke’sic _e’letapa now indeed this is well u’wanamik’ a‘’te’ona rain maker beings yam ci’pololon ya’nhakuna kwai”’inan~ el = i’witcemana their smoke breath coming out not withholding a‘’team-etu’n’onak'a that they may not be thus ho’ ci’pololonak’’ a-’wike'na te’liaka I smoke with their heart added to lu’kakon le’n i’te’tcapa this all being at an end hon i’skon i’yanikika. we then greeted one another ta’tcumo father ta’le pa’pa su/we ki/ki Kka’se na‘na_ to’cle a’li son elder brother younger brother uncle nephew grandfather grandson great grandfather u/waka = _le’n hon 1’yanikika. great grandson thus we greeted one another lu’kikon le’n i’te’tcapa this all being at and end ho’ma ta’teu _te’ona my father the one whois i’te‘kuna’ka. inquired e’ma’ la’kimante yes now at this very time ho’na_t’a*’wona-e’lateka. us you have passed on our roads ime’ kwa’tikot pe’nan te’yulanam’e pe’nan te’akina. 5 perhaps some kind of word not too long (your) word will be u’‘son ho’na t’ai’yu’’ya‘kipa that us you having let know u’‘son ai/yu’’ya‘na that knowing hon ¢e’wanan a‘’tekina— we (our) time shall live ho’ma ta’tcu te’a’ona my father the one who is 742 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY le’ciantikwaka thus he said le’ciantikwapa thus having spoken —e'/ma’ i/nami’Ite yes now indeed it is so li’wan a’lahoan’kwin ta’‘ hither to the south direction fo’na'wan o’neala kwai’’ina ta’pana your roads coming out following fo’n ho’ te’likina a‘’lean te’akatea to you I prayersticks giving have lived when to’na ho’ la’cowan a‘’lean te’akatea toyou I prayer feathers giving have lived when lu’ka ya’tone kes bhai’tokwin te’’tcipa this day now the appointed time having arrived to’na ho’ a‘’wona-e’lateka you I on your roads have passed. ma’ honkwa yu’’he’to fe’nan ho’na fo’ a‘’wona-e’lateka. Is that so (with) plain words us you have passed on your roads fo’man te’likinan hon a-’leaye. your prayer stick we hold them fo’man ha’lawotinan hon a‘’teaye. your prayer meal we hold to’man la’cowa'we hon a‘’lacowapa tinan’uliye. (with) your prayer feathers we feathered sit inside ma’ tomt hon tu’wan’u’laconankwi now just we stand around waiting where kes fomt mo’tsokta ti’na’u’likwi ‘ now just crouched on our buttocks where we sit inside ho’na __ ta*wona-elateki. us you on our roads have passed hon yia’toki tate i/lap a’’teona we sun father having the ones who are yam te’lacinakwi his ancient place i’muna kwa’tokitun tekwi sitting down when he should go in kow a/nte‘wetci kwi alittle space yet remained for him lalik® fe’Kohanan yam a‘‘tatcu near by daylight your fathers te’Kohanan yam a’’tsita daylight your mothers yam tca’we fo’ a*’wona-e’laten‘a your children you on their roads will pass to’ yu/lakuka te’a’ana you have come to rest when [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEI] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 743 kes a’nsamo now together tom hon o’na-e’latena’wa. you we shall pass on your roads. a‘’wots a‘’te’ona u’tcinan ha’ktopa po’hetci a’wicona men beings snow carrying on the head cheeks mossy o’cikep ya’lupna with knees skinny e’lemak i-’natina tapowan sa’tili unable to arise (with) cane helping o’kénan a‘’te’ona womankind beings ya’nine‘nante even those with cbild top _i’setona one carrying on the back top’a te’mayi’/Ito i’/keckuna another on the cradle board clasping top i/piyana another holding by the hand top e’*kukana another sending ahead kes temlate now even all of these la’lik yam te’kKohanan a‘’tatcu near by your daylight fathers yam te’kohanan a‘’tsita your daylight mothers yam tca’we your children ton a‘’wona-e’latena you their roads will pass on hot fo yu’takukaé te’a’ana Somewhere you have come to rest when tom hon o’na-e’latena:wa— you we shall pass on your road ho’ma ta’tcu tea’ana my father the one who is le’ciantikwaka. thus he said le’ciantikwana when he had spoken thus i’skon ho’ma ya’teka. there me he grasped lathok" Je’si te’kwi ; yonder to all sides ho’ma ta‘kina me presenting 744 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY hom a/‘na‘-e’/lemakaka. he pulled me up hom a/na‘e’/lemakina me having pulled up yam ha’lawo:tinan‘e his prayer meal yam ka’cima fa’pelakwi his water woodpile o’ta‘wite‘-ya/Itona sprinkling on it i’ste ya’lu after him ho’ yam ha‘lawo'tinan o’ta‘wite‘yéltona I my prayer meal sprinkling on it ho’ ye‘lana kwai'/ikaka. I standing came out. * * * * * ho’ ye‘lana kwai’ikana I standing having come out la/thok®" le’si te’kwin ho’ tu’natiké yonder to all directions I looked ho’ pi’cle tunatika I north looked ho’ kalici tunatikaé I west looked ho’ a’laho tu’/natika i south looked ho’ te’makoha tu/natika I east looked [ETH. ANN. 47 ka/lok" i/tiwanakwi a’witena’na o/neal wo-’kApa’ ho’ u’natikaka. hither Itiwana to fourfold road parallel I i’tiwan o/neala’kona the middle road along yam ha’lawo'tinan‘e my prayer meal a’witela’ma o’ta‘wite-e'kuna four times sprinkling before me i’skon ho’ manila’ma u’wanam ci’wan an there I below rain maker priest bis ho’ te’hatoka I sounded a’witenakin te’tcu a’la‘mana four times step taking a’witenakiin ye’letelupnana four times striding forward yam fe’Kohanan ta’tcili te’’ona my daylight father [having] the one who yam te’kohanan _ tsi’tili te’’ona my daylight mother [having] the one who is ka’cima water saw ya’nhakuna breath BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS an ka’cima o/neal pa’ni/nankwi their water road descends where ho’ ye’li-utana I stood beside it i’skon yam ta’tcili te’’ona there my father with the one whois an ka/cima o’nealan pa’nitnan ho’ an e‘lete’uka, his water road descending I for him made it ready elan teapkuna-we that not his children topacot ta’myilan e’tci just one rung remaining kwi/licol fta’myitan e’tci just two rungs remaining ha’icot ta’myitan e’tci just three rungs remaining a’witencot ta’myilan e’tci just four rungs remaining et an teapkunan fu/lahin fa/nivna a‘’teametun’onakaé {not] his children falling down that they might not be thus an ka’cima o/’neala fa/‘nivnan ho’ an e’lete’uka his water road descending I for him prepared it lu’ka le’n i’te’tcapa this all being at an end ho’ma ta’tecu te’a’ona my father the one who is ho’man o/tsimona’a my crown hom ha’lawo'tinan a/witela’ma o/ta‘wite‘-yiltonk’dna me prayer meal four times sprinkling on it yam kéa’cima fa’pelakwi his water woodpile ha’lawo'tinan§ a‘witela’ma o’ta‘wite‘’-ye’makina prayer meal four times sprinkling upward i’ste ya’lu after him yam _ ha’lawo‘tinan‘e my prayer meal o’ta‘wite’-e*kuna sprinkling before me yam ta’tcili te’ona my father [having] the one who is an ka/cima o/neala ye’maknakwi his water road where it ascends ho’ o’neat ye’makaka I road made ascend 6066°—32 48 745 746 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY ho’ma ta’tcu te’a’ona my father the one who is yam _ha’lawo‘tinan‘e his prayer meal a’witela’ma o/ta‘wite-‘e’*kupa four times sprinkling before him i’ste ya‘’lu after him ha’l aes Q yam _ ha’lawo‘tinan‘e my prayer meal ho’ ota‘wite‘-e’*kuna I sprinkled before me ho’ ye’lana kwa’tokika I standing came in ho’ ye’lana kwatokipa I standing having come in hom a‘’tatcu kwa les i’yunite’tcinam’e my fathers [not] all I was hardly able to see ti‘nanpo’ti ho’ a'wunatikaka sitting crowded HE saw them i’skon yam _ ta’tcili te’ona them my father [having] the one whois an ka’cima_ fe’li’to’a his water inner room ho’ pi’cle ta’kwimoka I north rooted ho’? ka&-‘lici ta’kwimoki I west rooted ho’? a’laho ta’/kwimoka I south rooted ho’ temako ta’kwimoki I east rooted ho’ i’yama_ ta’kwimoki I above rooted yam tate an tafpoi’tiwana’a my father his ceiling middle te’likinan i’patciaka prayer sticks fastened together with ho’ an tapo’ i’tiwanan an_ e’lete’uka I his ceiling middle for him I prepared ke’sic _e’letapa now indeed _ this is well ho’ma_ ta’tcu te’a’ona my father the one who is an teapkunan ci’wuna_ teatun’onak-a his offspring renewing that it might be thus ho’ an ftapo’i’tiwanan an __ e’lete’uka I his __ the middle of his ceiling for him (1) prepared tem ta yam ta’tcili teona and also my father with the one who is (ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] an te‘witiwana’a his middle of the floor to’waconan te’mt aka seeds all with ho’ an te’‘witiwanan an for him I his floor the middle kesic e’letapa now this is well ho’ ta’tcili te’’ona my father with the one who is an a/witen his fourth to’wacona’ ‘wo’’pakwi seeds where they are stored an a’wenakwin‘te his doorway even there teu pe’wikoskwi corn spread before the door no- pe’wikoskwi beans spread before the door kow a‘’waktsik’ a‘/tana half grown boys kow a’kitsik’ a‘’tana half grown girls a‘’wonan a‘/we'kwin‘te even those whose roads go ahead kes an he’cotana now his house in te’apkunan children jostling one another yam te’kKohanan ta’tcu my daylight father yam te’kohanan tsi’ta my daylight mother ho’ a’tcian ké’cima I their water u’iton i’tetcapa being at an end te’a’ona the one who is lu’ka le’n this all ho’ma__ta’tcu my father tel’ tokwinte inner room even there u’kwai’in'a te’li’tona an inner room PRAYERS AND CHANTS elete’uka prepared coming kwai’’ilena as they go out te’atun’onale 4 that it may be thus e‘lete’uki. for him I prepared yam ki’cima fai’yan e’lete’ukitekwi his water seat yam _ ha’lawo‘tinan-e his prayer meal o’ ta‘wite-yii’/Itopa sprinkling on it iste yi/lu after him where he had prepared it 747 748 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY yam ha/lawotinan‘e. my prayer meal o’ta‘wite®-e‘'kuna sprinkling on it yam ta’ctona ki’cima fai’yan a’tkwi my father’s water seat where it lay ho’ ye’li’ulapa it stood beside it ho’ma_ ta’tcu te’a’ona my father the one who is ho’ma ya’teki. me grasped la’thok® le’si te’kwi hom ta‘kain ani’mtakuké - yonder to all sides me presenting he seated me ho’ma_ ta’teu te’a’ona my father the one who is hom a/nimlakupa me having seated quietly yam ka/cima fo’ne ye’lete’u’kona his water roll the one he had prepared a’/‘n’ulana drawing toward him yam hot a’s’ana‘ka his grandmother taking him by the hand a/nimkoskuka he seated her in the doorway a’nimkoskuna having seated her in the doorway a’witela’ma_ ci’pololon cu’lulutinan ana‘pikwai’ikdna four times smoke sucking drawing it through yam ce’Inakwi his body ci’pololon ya’nhakuna kwa’tok’ina smoke breath taking in yam a‘’tatcu his fathers ci’pololonak'& a-’wike'na te’liana smoke with their hearts adding to ke’sic e’letapa now indeed this is well u/wanamik’ a‘’te’ona rain maker beings [ETH. ANN, 47 et yam ci’pololon yanhakuna kwai’inan i‘’witcemana [that not) their smoke breath coming out a‘‘team‘etun’onak:a that they might hot be thus yam a*’tatcu his fathers ci/pololonak’i a‘wike'na te’liaka. with smoke their hearts he added to withholding BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 749 ho’ma teakaka. to me he handed it. a’witela’ma ci’pololon cu’lulutina § a/na‘pikwai’ina four times smoke sucking passing through yam tehut kalmakwi my body cavity warm (in) ho’ ci’pololon ya/’nhakuna kwa’tokina I smoke breath took in yam a*’tateu my fathers ho’ ci’pololon a‘’wike:na te’liaka. I smoke their hearts added to ke’sice _e’letapa now indeed this is well u/wanamik’ a-’te’ona rain maker beings et yam __ci’pololon ya’nhakuna kwai”inan i’witcemana (that not) their smoke breath coming out withholding a‘’team‘e un’onaka that they might not be thus ci’pololonak’& ho’ a:’/wikena te’liakii. smoke with I their hearts added to lu’kakon i’te’tcapa this being at an end hon i’yanikika. we greeted one another. ta’tcumo father ta’le -pa’pa su’we ka’ka ka’’se na’na_ to’cle a’li son elder brother younger brother uncle nephew grandfather grandson great grandfather u/waka great grandson le’n hon i’yanikinapka. thus we greeted one another lu’ka le’n i’te’tcapa this all being at an end hom tekohanan _ tatcili te’ona my daylight father [having] the one who is i’te‘kunaka questioned [me] e* ma’ la’kima yes now at this time fo’na__—t’a’ wona-e’latekii us you on our roads have passed hot i’tiwana’a sometime at the middle of the year to’ma le’n a*’tateu your this many fathers ko’n a/ntecemana something desiring 750 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY tom a/nulanapkona you the one they appointed li’wan a/lahoa’nkwin ta’‘na hither to the south direction yam a‘’tatcu your fathers u/wanam a‘’/ciwan‘i rain maker priests u’wanami fekwi'we rain maker speakers u/wanam = a‘’pi’la‘ci’wan‘i rain maker bow priests a’wan kaé’cima o/neala kwai’ina _ te‘yapte their water roads coming out valuable even there te‘likinan o-tia’lewunante prayer sticks badly made even ho’na‘wan to ftekohanan ceman te’aki tekwi for us you daylight asking have lived when kes lu’k& ya’ton‘e hai’tokwin te’tciki— now this day the appointed time _ has arrived ho’ tatcili te’ona le’ciantikwaka. I father having the one thus he said. yam ta’tcili_ te’ona my father the one cu/la‘witsi pe’kwin ci/wan‘i eu’la‘witsi speaker priest sal’yataca pi’laci’wan'i long horn bow priest hu’tutu pi’faci’wan'i hu’tutu bow priest ya’muhakt a‘’pi’la‘ci’wan'i stick carriers bow priests ya’nteliatna hoi ya‘kina impersonating making persons a'’wan to’waconan‘e their seeds a‘’wan u/’tenan‘e their clothing a‘’wen te’/apkunan‘e their offspring to’waconan tu’ptsikwa_ te’a’ona seeds the yellow ones to’waconan H’’akwa_ te”’ona seed the blue one to’waconan ci’loakwa_ te”’ona seed the red one to/waconan fko’hakwa_ te’’ona seed the white one to/waconan ku’teutcukwi_ te’’ona seed the speckled one [ETH, ANN. 47 BUNZEL]) PRAYERS AND CHANTS kwin‘akwa to’waconan te’’ona black seed the one that is co’tsito to’waconan te’’ona sweet corn seed the one that is no’ a/noti te’mia bean clans all towa ki’maliya te’’ona ancient round fruit the one ta‘kwitpot an kukwi’-we forest trees their seeds ki’wula te’mlia wild grasses all yam kamulukwia my navel to’waconan ha’tapiya. seeds carrying around my waist yam ik’ona my the ones I brought yam te’kohanan ta’tcu my daylight father AR 7 yam te’kohanan tsi’ta my daylight mother an ka’cima fe’li’tona their water inner room hon fo’waconan a/lakuna‘we_ kersi. we seeds leave now. hon a*‘witelin tsi’tili a‘’te’ona we earth mother [having] the ones ka/kwi ya‘/nap te’lakwai’ikapa replete with living water when it is spring yam ka’cima te’atcina’kona your water fields all over yam aki ci’’natun’ona that with which you may have flesh yam a‘’tsita your mothers to’wa_ te/mlanana corn all kinds yam a‘’witelin tsi’tana your earth mother in ton fi/nana kwa/tokdina:-wafa you when you have laid them down inside yam a*’witelin tsit an ka‘tkwin aka their earth mother her living water with tei*’m’on ho’’i ya‘‘kina anew persons making themselves yam yi/toka ta’tcu their sun father 751 to2, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY an te’kohanankwi his daylight tuwakna_ kwai’’ina arising coming out la’thok" le’si te’kwi yonder to all sides ka’cima ceman a/sta‘kina’wapa water asking their hands stretching out ho’kanti’hoh from somewhere ka’cima_ tei’m’on_ aka water fresh with a‘’wona-e’latenakipa on their roads having passed them ka’cima _ tci’m’ona water fresh i’ka’*kuna drinking in tca’l i’Keckuna‘wapa their children clasping te’apkunan o’naya’kiina‘wapa their offspring to the end of their roads having brought yam he’cotakwi your houses to a’’wana‘n-ulana taking them in a‘’tapana following them tse’’mak-te’tlakwi ton te’wanan a*’teatan’onak-4 whither your thoughts bend you your time that you may live for this yam te’kohanan a*’tatcu our daylight fathers yam te’Kohanan a‘’tsita our daylight mothers yam te’kohanan tea’we our daylight children a’wan k§’cima fe’li’tona their water inner room yam to’waconan ha’tapi i’k’ona our seed (bundle) the one I brought tied about my waist hon wo’talta’kunapka ke’si. we set them down quietly now ke’sic e’letapa now indeed it is well yam hecotana your house ko-’’wi ye’lana kwai”ikdna a little ways standing going out [ETH. ANN, 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS yam a‘’tatcu your fathers a‘’wan te’apkunan‘e their offspring fom Ki’cima pi’nan a’k& a*’wulacon’ona your water breath with the ones that wait around ka/cima_ co/‘wita water deer ha‘liku te”’ona mountain goat the one who is ma’wi te’ona doe the one that is o’holi te’’ona buck the one that is po’ka te”’ona jack rabbit the one that is o’keik te’’ona cottontail the one that is ko’tei te’’ona wood rat the one that is i’skin kwa kowi no’me_ tsa/napte then some small bug even the little ones yam _ he’cotana your house ye’lana kwai’’ikina standing going out a‘’wan ci’nan a‘ka their flesh with fon yu'’yackwa’tea a*’teatun’onaké you well nourished that you may be thus ke’sic _e/letapa now indeed this is well hon ftekohanan tate i/lap a‘’te’ona we daylight father having the ones an kaé’cima fte’li’tona his water inner room u’tenan te’mtananak-i clothing all kinds with an he’cota i’kenatun’ona his house that it may have a heart kow an a’wenakwinte alittle in his doorway even teu pe’wikoskwi corn spread before the door no’ fpe’wikio’skwi beans spread before the door ka pe/wiko’skwi wheat spread before the door ku’ pe/’wiko’skwi nuts spread before the door le’anakipa so called 753 754 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY kow a‘’waktsik a*/tana half-grown boys kow a*’katsik a*’tana half grown girls a‘’wona’/we'kwinte even those whose roads go first an he’cotana his house in feapkunan u/’Iton kwai’ilen teatun’onak-d his offspring jostling one another going out that it may be thus an tapowan i’tiwanana his ceiling middle te’likinan i/patcak-& prayer sticks fastened together with ho’ an e’lete’uka: I forbim prepared it hot ko’n a’ntecemana sometime something desiring te’wusu pe’na ya’’ kona prayer words the ones that are finished te’‘tsinan‘e winter o’lo’ikiinan‘e summer yi’teu pi’lane the sequence of months fo’na‘wan ho’ fe’kohanan ce’man_ te’aka for you I daylight asking have lived lu’ki ya’ton'e this day kes ho’ tse”’makwin mo’laki_ ke’’si now I thought have straightened now yam ta’tcili _—ite”’ona our father [having] the one who is sai’yataca pi’laci’wan‘l long horn bow priest a’nteliatna ho’’i yir'kina impersonating aperson having made himself fo’n ho’ a*’wona-e’lateka you I on your roads have passed yam _ ta’ tcili te”’ona your father [having] the one who is ka’pin ho’’i Taw person an o/naya’’naki pi/’nan‘e his life-giving breath an la/ciaki /pi’’nan‘e his old age breath te’kwi when (ETH. ANN, 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 755 an ka’cima _— pi’’nane his water breath an to’waconan fi’nan‘e his seed breath an u’tenan i’’nan‘e his clothing breath an te’apkunan i’’nan-e his offspring breath an sa’waniki i/’nan-e his power breath an tse’makwin tsume i’’nan‘e his spirit strong breath an kwahol te’ni ha’lowilin pi’nan his everything good luck breath pi’nan ai’ncemana breath asking for yam fe’hut ka’makwi my body cavity warm in ho’ pi’na ya’nhakuna kwa’tokina I breath breath taking in ili te’’ona the one he has to’na‘wan ho’ pi’nan te’liun‘a ke’’si’ your I breath shall add to now ef teuwa ton yam a‘’tatca‘wa let no one you your fathers’ pi’na ya’tcitanam‘kona breath despise yam ce’makwi your body (in) pi’nan a’na‘kwa’to’kana breath drawing in hot yam yi’toki ta’tcu somewhere you sun father ceu o/neat kwai’’inakwi his road where it come out o’neata_ te’’tcina (your) road reaching i’piyatsumepa holding hands strongly i’yakna to-’o grasping one another tight yam a‘’wona ya‘’tun’onak:a that your roads may be finished to’na‘wan Io’ for you I breath shall add to now e’pac. te’kohanana verily in the daylight hon i’yanikinapa we greeting one another e’pac te’kohanana verily in the daylight pi’nan te’liun‘a’ ke’’si 756 hon we ZUNI RITUAL POETRY i’yona ya‘’kana‘weti’ya‘na (for one another) would that we might finish our roads e’pac tewusuke-na‘we verily we shall pray (for this) tewuna’ hom a‘’tatcu finally my fathers hom a‘’tsita my mothers hom tca’we my children to’na fte’kKohanan ya/niktcia’t'u to you life may it be given to’n a‘’wona yatu your roads may they be fulfilled ton a*‘tacittu you fo’na kwa ai’naki ya’niktciat‘u to you some killing may it be given hot yam yia’toka ta’tcu somewhere your sun father mnay grow old an o/’naya’’nak& o’nealan kwai’inakwi his life giving road o’neat u’ta (your) road stretching to’n a‘wonaya’’tunti’ya‘na. your 12 15 7° At the first sign of dawn Sayataca with pekwin ascends to the roof of knot in the counting string, as a sign that his year is ended. He chants the following prayer, stretching out the string at the end of each line. The prayer is afterwards repeated in the house. roads may be fulfilled [would that]. where it comes out Sayataca’s Mornine Cuant 7? And now indeed it has come to pass. This past day, I stood beside the water-filled ladder Of my daylight fathers, My daylight mothers, My daylight children. We who had stood there, In the rain-filled room Of our daylight fathers, Staying quietly we came to day. Now our dawn fathers, Dawn old men, Dawn youths, Dawn boys, Dawn old women, Dawn matrons, Dawn maidens, Dawn girls, no/milttakwa te’cukwa yi’ton‘e yam te’kohanan a‘’tateu yam te’kohanan a’tsita yam te’kohanan tca’we a‘’wan ka’cima fa’pela hon i’tuwa-yu’taka. hon i‘tuwa-yu’la’kona yam te’kohanan a‘/tatcu a‘’wan kacima fe’li’to’kona hon ti’nan ta’ki te’/wakanapka hon te’luwaiak’ a*’tate ilapona te’luwaiak’ a-'laci te/luwaiak’ a‘/tsawaki te/luwaiak’ a*’waktsiki te/luwaiak’ a‘’wak’ a‘/laci te/luwaiak’ a*/maki te/luwaiak’ e’wactoki te/luwaiak’ a*’kitsiki (ETH. ANN. 47 the house and unties the last BUNZEL] 20 27 30 35 40 45 Rising, standing at their sacred place, Have come to meet us now. My children, There in the rain-filled rooms Of your daylight fathers, Your daylight mothers You have stayed throughout the night. Finally, my children, Make haste now, Get ready now. Yesterday our daylight fathers,*! Whoever of them wished to grow old, Working on plume wands came to evening; Working on prayer feathers they came to evening. And furthermore our mothers,” Whoever of them wished to grow old, In order to add to the hearts of their ancestors, Their children,® Sitting weary by the fireplaces, They came to evening. With aching kmees, With sweat running down their faces, With burned fingers, Sitting wearily they evening. And whoever else wished to grow old, Preparing prayer meal * They gave it to us. Taking only that, The plume wands they gave us, came to PRAYERS AND CHANTS 20 bo on 757 yam fe’laci‘nakwi ituwakna ke’atokna ho’n a‘’wona- elatenapkaé ke-’si hom tca’we lathok yam fe’kohanan a*’tatcu yam te’kohanan a’’tsita a‘’wan ka/cima feli’to’kona ton fi’nan ta/ki tewakadnapka ke'si. te’wuna’ tca’we he’cikina‘we ke'si ye’lete’ena'we ke’si. ho’na‘wan te’’kohanan a-‘’tatcu hot teuwa tacina tse’makona te’likinan teapa su/nhakainapka la’cowan teapa su’nahakdinapka. le’stiklea ho-na-wan a’’tsita hot teuwa tacina tse’makona yam a‘’tacina’we yam tca’we a'wikena telianakwi yam a/klikdna’a tina yu’’te’teina su’nhakanapka. ko-w o’ci tu’tsisona ko-w ha’kwitna kwai’’ina ko-w a/simoyaltco tca’/pina ti/na yu’’’te’tcina su/nhakdnapka. hot teuwa ta’cina tse’makona yam ha/lawo‘tinan ye’lete’u’kona hon a‘’tea’upa. u’‘si te’’tci le’apa ho’ te’likinan a-’lea’kona 8 The other impersonators, including the Ca’lako, but not the Koyemci, who do not leave for six days. As a matter of fact, the dancing continues in all the houses until broad daylight. day this prayer closed the ceremonies. 8! The priests and the men of the house and their close relatives (in 1927 several members of the clan of the house) make prayer sticks for all members of the Sayataca party. 52 The women who cook for the feast, the women of the house, their blood relatives, members of their clan. In Mrs. Stevenson’s 8 Before the food is eaten in the night each of the seven impersonators takes a bit from each dish. All go out together and bury the food at Wide River, as an offering to a‘tacina’we. (See M. C. Stevenson for a different account.) The food was not buried under the ladder in 1927. “ The gods are sprinkled with meal by all observers during their progress around the village in the afternoon of their entrance, 758 50 55 60 65 70 80 85 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY The food ® which they cooked for us, and gave us to take along. Taking only that, We shall make our roads descend.** With the song cycles of our fathers,®’ yonder, Life-giving priests, Life-giving pekwins, Life-giving bow priests, We danced the night away. Now at last, my children, Hasten now, Get ready now. At the new year All my fathers With their precious plume wand Appointed me. There to the south Following where come out the roads of my fathers, Rain-makers, priests, Even with my own poorly made plume wands, I continued to give my fathers plume wands. And when all the cycle of their months was at an end, At the place called since the first beginning Ayayaka * Meeting my fathers, I gave them plume wands. Their day count having counted up, There to the west, Where my fathers’ road comes in, I continued to give them plume wands. When all these days were past, been The one who is my father Took hold of me; Where he had laid a seat Four times he sprinkled prayer meal upon it. 50 [ETH. ANN. 47 ho’ i’tona’kona a‘’hanelan’kona u’‘si te’tci te/apa hon o/neata pa/ni‘kina‘wa lathoke yam a‘’tatcu o/na‘ya’’naka a‘/ciwan'i o/na‘ya’’naka pe’kwi'we o/na‘ya’’nakaé a‘’pi’taciwan‘i a‘’wan pi’clenan tena’pi’la na’ka hon i’taina te’wakdinapka. te’wuna’ tca’we he’cikina‘we ke’’si ye’lete’ena'we ke-’si hol i/tiwana homa le-w a-’tateu te‘likina ya‘’n a/ka hom a/nutana*wapa li’wan a’laho’ankwin ta’‘na yam a‘‘tatcu u’/wanam a‘’ciwan'i a’’wan ka’cima o/neala’ kwai’’nai ta’/pana te/likina ko-/ti a’lewunante yam a‘’tatcu ho’ te’likin a*’lea’u teakd. kes le’na a‘’wan ya/teupi’la i*'te’- teika tea’ana ka’ka tei/mikaka ai’yaya’ka le’ anikaénankwi ho’ yam a‘/tatcu a‘’wona-elatena. ho’ te’likinan a‘‘leapa a‘’wa ya’lenan pi’lakapa li’wan kalici’ankwin ta’‘na yam a‘’tatcu a‘’wan o/neat i/nakwi ho’ te’likinan a‘’‘lean teaka. kes le’na a:’wan te’mla te’waka te’a’ana ho’ma ta’/teu te’’ona ho’ma ya'teka yam kicima pai/yan a’tkwi a’’witela’ma ha’lawo'tinan a:’witela’ma_ o’ta‘- wite’-ya’Itona ee, & The bowls of food from which the offerings are made during the night are immediately taken by the girls of the house to the houses of the impersonators, as a gift from the house. This is also done in the morning, when other gifts are also taken, a butchered sheep, piece of calico, and sometimes blankets. % That is, go out. & The choir of the medicine society that sang for them. © The spring at which kohaito was made in 1927.” When they come in they “climb up” (the ladder). BUNZEL] 90 95 100 105 110 115 120 The top of my head Four times he sprinkled. Where his seat was laid He took hold of me. Presenting me to all the directions, He made me sit down. Taking his grandson, Reed youth, Within his body, Four times he bored a hole going through. Four times drawing toward him his bag of native tobacco. He put his hand in. Into the palm of his hand Four times he measured out tobacco. Into his body, Four times he stuffed the mist. He took his grandmother by the hand, Four times inhaling he drew the mist through; Into his body He drew the misty breath, Yonder on all sides With mist he added to the hearts of his fathers. He handed it to me. Four times inhaling I made the mist pass through. Into my body I drew the mist. Yonder on all sides. With mist I added to the hearts of my fathers. This is well: That the rain makers may not withhold their misty breath, With mist I added to their hearts. When all this was at an end, Then we greeted one another with terms of kinship: Father, son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grand- father, grandson, ancestor, de- scendant, PRAYERS AND CHANTS 90 95 100 105 110 115 759 ho’man 09/tsimowa’a, a‘’witela’ma o’ta‘wite’-ya'ttona yam ka’cima fai’yanana ho’ma ya’teka la'thok» le’si te’kwi hom ta/‘k’ana hom a/nimlakuki yam nan i’li te’’ona la’Kaia tsa’wak te’’ona ai/ncelna’a a‘’witela’ma pu’suw a/mpikwai’ina an’haiteka yam se/weke wo’pPon a‘’witela’ma a’ ‘nulakaé a’skwatona yam a/stecokta’a a‘’witela’ma se’weke wo’lakipa i*’yanhaiteka ai’neelna’a a‘’witela’ma ci’pololon u’tcuna yam hot a/sana‘ka a‘’witela’ma ci’pololon ecu’lulutina a/na‘pikwai’ikaka yam ce’Inakwi ci’pololon ya’/nhekuna kwa/tokaka lathok" lesi te’kwi yam a‘‘tateu ei’pololon a’ké a*’wike-na te’liaka ho’me te’akaka a'wi’ __a’ma ci’pololon cu’lulutina a’/na‘pikwai’ikaka yam ceinakwi ho’ ci’pololon a/letoka& la’thok» le’si te’kwi yam a’’tatcu ho’ ci’pololon le’si te’kwi a*’wike'na te’liaka ke’sic e’letapa u’wanamik’ a‘/te’ona el yam ci’pololon ya/nhakunan kwai’’inan i-’witcemana a’’te- am‘e tun’onaka ho’ ci’pololon aka a*/wike-na te’‘li- aka. lu’kakon le’n i-’te’tcapa i’skon hon i*yanikika ta’teu ta’le pa’pa su’we ka’ka ka’se na’na to’cle a/li u’waka 130 135 140 145 150 155 160 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY With this many words we greeted one another. When all this was at an end My father questioned me: “Indeed now it seems you will have something to say, some word that is not too long So finally, if you let me know it, I shall know it for all time.” Thus my fathers spoke. “Yes indeed it is so. There to the south, Following where my watery roads come forth fathers’ I have been asking for light for you. Yesterday we reached the ap- pointed time. Perpetuating the rite of the one who is our father, Sayataca, bow priest, And once more giving him human form I came out standing. I looked to the north, I looked to the west, I looked to the south, I looked to the east, Hither, toward the place of dawn, I saw four road going side by side. Along the middle road. Four times I sprinkled prayer meal. Then I made the sound of the water-filled breath of the rain- maker priest of the north. Taking four steps, Four times striding forward, The water filled woodpile Of my daylight father I stood beside. My father Four times sprinkled my head with prayer meal. 125 130 135 140 145 150 155 160 [ETH. ANN. 47 le’n hon i’ yanikika lu’kakon i-’te’teapa ho’ tate i’li te’ona i’te‘kunaka e’m‘a’ i’/mat kwa’hot fe’na: te’yu’- lanam‘e fe’nan te’akiana te’wuna’ u’‘son hom fo’ ya'kapa u‘hs ai/yu'ya‘na ho’ te’ wanan te’ kin‘a ho’m a‘’tatcu a‘’te’ona le’ciantikwaka ma’ i*’na milte li'’wan a/laho’ankwin ta/‘na yam a‘’tatcu a-’wan ki/cima o/neala kwai’’ina tapana fo’na‘wan ak’ ho’ te’kohanan ce’- man te’aka te’cukwa yd’ton’e kes hai’tokwin te’’tcipa yam tate i’li te’’ona yu’ 3 sai’yataca pi’’taci’wan‘i te’’ona a’/ntelia‘na ho’ ho’i-ya*kina ho’ ye'lana kwai”’ikaka ho’ pi’cle tu’/natika ho’ kalici tu/natika ho a’/laho tu’natika ho te’mako tu’natika kathok® teluwankwin ta’/‘na a‘’witena’na o’neata wo’kapa ho’ u/natikaka. i’tiw o/nealtkowa yam ha’lawo-tinan-e ho’ a’ witela’ma o/ta‘wite‘-ya'Itoka i’skon pi’cle u’wanam ci/wan an ka’cima ya’nhakunan ho’ te’ha‘toka a‘/witela’ma te’tcunan ala‘nana a‘’witela’ma ye’letelupna‘na yam te’kohanan tatci’li te’’ona an ka/cima ta’pelakwi ho ye’li u/taka hom ta’tcu te’’ona yam ha’lawo-tinan‘e a’ witela’ma ho’man 0’tsimowa’a BUNZEL] 166 170 180 185 190 200 205 His rain filled woodpile, He sprinkled with meal. After him, I sprinkled my prayer meal on it. This night The thoughts of all my fathers, Whatever they wished When they appointed me with their precious plume wand, I have fulfilled. The breath of my father, Sayataca, bow priest, His life-giving breath His breath of old age His breath of waters, His breath of fecundity, His breath of seeds, His breath of riches, His breath of power, His breath of strong spirit, His breath of all good fortune whatsoever,— Asking for his breath, And into my body Drawing his breath. T add to your breath now. And furthermore, the yellow cloth- ing bundle of the priest of the north, The blue clothing bundle of the priest of the west, The red clothing bundle of the priest of the south, The white clothing bundle of the priest of the east, The many colored clothing bundle of the priest of the above, The dark colored clothing bundle of the priest of the below, All kinds of good fortune whatso- ever,— Asking for the breath of these, And into my warm body Inhaling their breath, I add to your breath. To this end, my children: May you be blessed with light; May your roads be fulfilled; May you grow old; Yonder to where the road of your sun father comes out, 6066°—32 49 PRAYERS AND CHANTS 165 170 175 an (ea) or 190 200 205 761 o’ta‘wite* ya/ttoka yam kicima ta’pelakwi yam ha’lawo'tinan‘e o'ta‘wite'-ya/ltoka i’ste ya’lu yam ha’lawo'tinan‘e ho’ o’ta‘wite* ya’ttoka lu’ka te’tinan-e hom le’n a’’tateu hotko’n a’/ntecemana telikinan ya‘naka& hom a’nutanapkowa ho tse’makwi* mo’la’ ke’’si yam tate i’li te’”’ona sai’yataca pi’laciwan‘i te’’ona an o/na‘ya’’naké pi’’nanre an ta’ciaka pi’nan‘e an ka’cima pi/’nan‘e an te’apkunan pi’’nan-e an to’waconan pi’’nan‘e an u’tenan pi’’nan‘e an sa’wanika pi’’nan‘e an tse’’makwin tsu’me i’’nan-e kwa’/hot Te’mla te’ni ha’lowilin pi’nan i’li te’’ona pi’’nan ai’ncemana yam ce/Inakwi pi’’nan a’letona to”’na‘wan ho’ pi’’nan te’liana'wa le’stiklea pi’cle ci’wan an u’ten- he’konan ftuptsina kalici ci’wan an u’ten he’konan ti”’ana a’/laho ci’wan an u’ten he’konan a’hona te’mako ci’wanan u’ten he’konan ko’hana i’vama ci/wan an u’ten he’konan tsi*‘lipana ma’nila’ma ci’ wan he’konan cikana kwa/hot te’mla te’n‘i te’’ona pi’nan yai’ncemana yam te’hul kalnakwi pi’nan ya’nhakunan kwa’tokiina to’na‘wan ho’ pi’’nan te’liuna te’wuna’ tca’we to’na te’kohanan ya’niktciatu to’n a*’wonaya’’tu ton a*’tacitu hot yam ya’toka tateu an o/neata kwai’’inakwi an u’ten- ha/lowilin 762 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 210 May your roads reach 210 o’neata te’’tcina Together may your roads_ be a’nsam‘o fulfilled. to’n a*’ wonaya‘tuntiyo‘na. Nigur Cuant or HekApa‘KwE Ca’LAKo Host: * Father! ta’/tcumo Ca’lako: Son! ta’lemo Host: Elder brother! pa’pamo Ca’lako: Younger brother! su’wemo 5 Host: Uncle! 5 ka’kimo Ca’lako: Nephew! ka’semo Host: Grandfather! na’/namo Ca’lako: Grandson! a’lemo Host: Great-grandfather! to’clemo 10 Ca’lako: Great-grandson! 10 u’wakimo Host: This night lu’ka te’linan‘e The ones who are our fathers hon a*'tate i/lapona Masked god priests, kokwa‘/ciwan'i All the masked gods. ko’ko te’mla 15 At their precious mountain, 15 yam ya’la ya‘’na Their precious lake, yam ka/watulin ya‘/na Perpetuating what has been since yam ko/’nhot tei/miké’kona_ te’li- the first beginning, a‘na Have assumed human form. ho’’i ya‘’Kiina Carrying your waters, yam ka’cim i-‘teana 20 Carrying your seeds, 20 yam to’waconan i*/leana Making your roads come forth. o’neat kwai’’ikaina Making your roads come hither, o’neat i’kana You have passed us on our roads ho’’na ton a*’wona-e’latenapka. This night. lu’ka tetinan-e 25 We see you, 25 fo’’na hon u/natikinap’ka From the soles of your feet we’kwikwinte Even to the crowns of your heads, o’tsimowakwi te’’tcina Clothed in all fine things kwa’hot te’mia te’a i-’yante’tcina You have passed us on our roads. ho’’na_ ton a*’wona-e’latenapka. 30 Looking at you 30 to’’na hon a*’wunatikina’wapa We know you have passed us on ho’’na tona:/wona-e’latenapka. our roads. Surely because you have some- i’me’ hintcot kwahot pe’nan teyu- thing to say, some word that is lanam‘e Pe’nan te’’onaka not too long, You have passed us on our roads. ho’’na ton a*’wona-e’latenapka. If you let us know that u’‘son ho/’na ton ai’yu’ya‘kina’- wapa % The host sits opposite the impersonator, and together they smoke a cigarette of native tobacco, and passing the cigarette back and forth, exchange terms of relationship. There are certain peculiarities in the terms used. Talemo: tale, brother’s son, any male whose father belongs to my clan, hence, ‘‘my son,” man speaking. There is no term for son. tca’le, “‘child” is use in describing a relationship; tsawak: ‘*vouth,”’ in referring toa person, This is not a term of relationship. Alemo: used only in this connection. Ordinarily nana is used reciprocally for grandfather, grandson. Toclemo, uwakiimo used only in this con- nection. There are no equivalents. Possibly these, and alemo, are obsolete terms. They do not alw: appear in the same order in the texts. (See pp. 713, 732.) The vocative suffix, too, is used only thus. A man, in receiving a present, always in receiving a gift of tobacco, will say tateumo or papamo, to which the answer is talemo or suwemo. To a woman he sometimes says kawumo (elder sister) or kukumo (father’s sister). She answers hanimo (younger brother or sister) or ta’/lemo (brother’s son). BUNZEL] 35 10 15 20 25 30 35 Thinking of that, we shall always live, Is it not so? Guests: It is so. Ca’lako: Now, indeed, it has come to pass. At the New Year All my fathers Prepared precious plume wands. When they were ready With sacred words, They commissioned them, When our sun father Had gone in to sit down at his ancient place, After a blessed night They came to day. Next day When our sun father Coming out standing to his ancient place, Passed us on our roads, Then our fathers Four times drew toward them The plume wands commissioned with their prayers. The one who is our father, Kawulia Pautiwa, With their plume wands. Four times they held fast. Saying, ‘‘Let it be now.” Carrying his fathers’ wands, He made his road come forth. Over to the south He made his road go. Thinking, ‘‘Let it be here,”’ Perpetuating what has been since the first beginning, Once more he assumed human form. Carrying his father’s plume wands He made his road come forth. Into Itiwana He made his road enter. Four times he made his road go round, Then into Itiwana plume PRAYERS AND CHANTS 35 bo a 35 763 u’‘si tse’’makuna hon te’wanan a-’tekan-a. hatci’. hatei’. e/ma no/*miltakwa i’‘tiwana le hon a-’tate i’/lapona te’likina’ ya‘’na ye’lete’unapki. ye’lete’una tewusu ya’nulana-wapa ho/’na‘wan yii’toka ta’teu yam te’lacinakwi i-’muna kwa’tokapa te’/tinan Ko’kci a‘’wan tewaki. te’wap ya’tone hon ya’toka tate ilap a‘’te’ona yam te’tacinakwi ye"lana kwai’’ikina ho’n a*’wona-e’latapa hon a*’tate i‘/lapona yam te’likinan te’wus ya’nula- napkowa a’witela’ma a‘nulana yam tate ilap a-’te’ona ka’ wutia pa’/utiwa telipinanak-a a’ witela’ma ya’ten-atsu’mekanapka ka-’ki ke’’si le’anak’dipa yam a*’tateu a‘’wan te’likinan i-‘feana o/neatan kwai’ikana li-’wan a’lahoa/nkwin ta’‘na o’neal a*/kaka. hot li-’ta le’*hatina yam ko’nhot tci’mikikowa_ te’- lia‘na tei’m’on ho”’i ya’’kana yam a*’tateu a‘’wan te’likinan ya‘’na i*‘feana o/nealan kwai’ikana i’‘tiwanakwi o’neat kwa’tokina a’witela’ma o’neat u’lapkina i’tiwanakwi % The priests of the council: The three priests of the north, the head priests of the east, west, and south, and the pekwin. 764 40 45 50 55 60 70 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY He made his road enter Wherever his children’s roads come out,®4 His precious plume wands He laid down. After he had laid them down, To his own country He made his road go forth. Then our fathers Drawing toward them their plume wands, To their own houses Made their roads return. Now this many days Eagerly they have awaited the time. Among all their ladder descending children % They looked about. And though we were ignorant (They sent for us *”) Then those who are our fathers Passed us on their roads. When they passed us on their roads Our fathers drew toward them Their father’s plume wand. Drawing it toward them They handed it to us That we might be the ones to im- personate our father, Ca’lako, bow priest; For this with their plume wand They held us fast. Carrying their plume wand We made our roads come forth. To our houses, Our roads reached. This many are the days We have eagerly awaited the time When the moon who is our mother, 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 [ETH. ANN. 47 o’nealan kwa’tokdna lathoke yam fteapkuna a*’wan o’/neata’ kwai’’inapkowa te/likina’ ya‘’na wo’’tatakuka. wo’’tata’kuna yam u’lo‘nakwi o’/neat a*/kapa hon a‘’tate i/laopna yam te’likinan a‘n-uluna yam he’co takwi o’nealan te’’tcikiina le’si tewanane a’ntsume‘na tewanan a*’teapa le: fe’tsilon pa/nivnan tea’we a’’wun-u'lapnapka te’kwante te’atipa hon a‘’tate i’lapona ho’na a*’wona-elateka ho’na a‘’wona-elatepa hon a’’tate i/lapona yam a‘‘tateu a*’wan te’likinan a/‘n-ulanapka a’/‘n-ulana ho’na te’akanapka. yam tate’ili te’ona ca’lako pi’’laci’wan'i a/ntelia‘na hon ho’i teatun’onak-& te’likinan a’k-& ho’na ya’tena-tsu- mekidnapka. te/likinan i-’teana o/neala kwai”ikana yam he’cotakwi o/neala te”’tcikana le’si te’ wanan-e a’ntsume‘na hon te’ wanan a’’teaka. hon ya’onaka tsit i/lap a*’te’ona At the entrances to the kivas. % The dance directors or w'we of the kivas. % Human children. % The two impersonators, elder and younger brother. intone the prayer. They take turns in wearing the mask. Both BUNZEL] 75 80 85 90 95 100 105 % The 10 plantings at the springs to the south are generally at the full moon. the New Year there may be 11 plantings (two at toloknana in midsummer). may be when the moon is 6 days old. Literally ‘‘finished,”’ i. e., with the paint brought by the priests from the underworld. of the sacred paraphernalia of the priests and forms part of their altars at seasons of retreat. Yonder in the west, Had grown to maturity. Carrying our fathers’ precious plume wand, To which we had fastened our own common ! plume wand, Carrying these plume wands, Yonder to the south, We made our roads go. At the place called since the first beginning Snow hanging, We met our fathers on their roads. Where their watery roads come forth ? We stood in the doorway. There we gave our fathers plume wands, We gave them prayer feathers, We gave them rain-bringing ciga- rettes, We gave them prayer meal. Making their days, Throughout the sequence of their months Eagerly we awaited our time. Whenever the time came, Yonder to the south, Throughout the sequence of the months of summer, Wherever the roads of our fathers come out, We gave them plume wands. When all their springs were at an end, Our fathers, For that which was soon to be Met all together in their water- filled room. With the flesh of their mother, PRAYERS AND CHANTS 75 80 85 90 100 105 765 li’wan ka’lici a’/nkwin ta’‘na ho’’i ya‘ kika tea’ana yam a‘’tatcu a‘’wan te’likinan ya‘/na yam te’likinan ci’mato a’mpatcu’- kowa te/likinan i-’leana lehok® a‘‘lahoa/nkwin ta/‘na hon o/neala a’ kanapka. ka-'ka tei’mikaka u‘’hana’a le’anakina yam a‘’tateu hon a‘’wona-e’latenapka. a‘’wan ka/cim o’nealan kwai’’ina hon i-/tuwan i/koskwika iskon yam a‘’tatcu hon te’likinan a-/leana la’cowa a*/teana ka’cima fo’ne a‘’/leana ha/lawo'tinan a*/leana a‘’wan te’wanan a/ena a‘’wan ya’teu fi’lana a‘’wan te’wanan a’ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a’’teaki. a‘‘teakatekwin li’wan a/laho’a’n- kwin ta’‘na yateu pi’’lan-e o’lo’ik’anan‘e yam a*’tatcu a‘’wan o’neala kwai’’ina’kowa hon te’likinan a*‘leanapka a‘’wan ki’nakwai’ina i-'te’teapa hon a*‘tate ilapona ke’sti te’atun’onak-a yam ka’cima fe’li’tokwi te’mlamo i-’yona-e’latenapki. yam tsit i’lap a‘’te’ona is scraped off and mixed with other paint. } Painted with ordinary paint. 2 At springs See p. 712, note. If the moon is waxing at The first and last plantings This is part A tiny bit 766 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY (ETH. ANN. 47 110 Cotton woman, 110 pi’tsem o’ka Even a roughly made _ cotton an ci’nan‘e thread, pi’le ko’tinapte A soiled cotton thread, pi’le ci’ kanapte And with beads, la‘thok» le-w tu’walan ya’tciwe Even if only a single bead 115 hot yam to’pacoti Borrowed somewheres from among to’’o i*lopi’kowa all the village branches,* And with the pollen of their yam a‘’tatcu fathers, Their mothers, yam a’’tsita Their children, yam tca’we 120 The different kinds of corn, 120 to’wa a:’wan o/neaw a’ka And with turquoise, to’o aki Keeping it in their hearts, i'’wikena‘wa They gave their day count human ydlanan ho’i ya’ kikatea’ana form. Then our fathers, hon a’’tcia ta’tcili a*’te’ona 125 Sayataca, bow priest, 125 sai’yataca pi’’taci’ wan‘i Molanhakto,! house chief priest, mo’lanha’/kto ka’kwemos‘i_ ci’- wan'i Passed their fathers on their road. yam a‘’tateu The day count to which they had ate a*’wona-e’lateka given human form, yam ya'lenan ho’’i ya*’kinapkowa 130 Four times drawing toward them, 130 a’witela’ma a’‘nautana With their day count yam a*’teia ta’tei'li te’’ona They took firm hold of their yi’ lenan a’k*a fathers. a‘'tcia tsu’me ya’tenapka. Carrying the day count, ya’lenan i-’teana 135 They made their roads come forth. | 135 o’neala kwai’ikana To their houses yam he’cotakwi Their roads reached. o/neata te’tcikana Saying, ‘“‘Let it be now,’ kiki ke’’si’ le’anakapa Carrying the plume wands which yam _ te’Jikinan __ye’lete’ukowa they had prepared, i‘leana 140 Carrying their father’s day count, | 140 yam a*’tatcu a‘’wan ya’lenan i*‘teana They made their roads go forth. o’neala kwai’’ikiina There to the south, lehok" a/laho’a’/nkwin ta’‘na We made our roads go. hon o/neat a-/kanapka. 145 At the place called since the first | 145 kaka tei’mikaka beginning Ants-go-in ° ha’lon kwa’tona We passed our fathers on their yam a*’tatcu roads. hon a‘’wona-e’latenapka. ‘ Zuni is the center, the trunk of the tree, the other pueblos are the branches. The Zunis do not classify the Hopis with the ‘‘ village people,”’ as they call the eastern pueblos. 4“ Carrying squash (round things) on the head,’’ the father of the Koyemci. The name is characteris- tically ambiguous, referring both to the knobs on the mask and the squash seeds in the knobs. All the Koyemci are called Molanhaktu in songs and prayers. Koyemci is merely a nickname. They are distin- guished by name, Molanhaktu a wan atcu, molanhaktu a wan pekwin, molanhaktu ocotsi, ete. 5 The ceremony no longer takes place at this spring, which is at the foot of Corn Mountain, and at the base of the Kitikima, but at Ayayakya, on the west side of Kikima Canyon. (See p. 712 for the names of the springs visited.) BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 767 150 There we gave them our father’s i’skon yam a‘‘tatcu plume wands; 150 hon te’likinan a*‘teana There with our father’s day count yam a*’tatcu We counted the sequence of the a'wa ya’lenan iskon a/ka days. hon yalenan pi’lenapka. This many days, le’si te’wanan-e 155 Anxiously we have awaited the | 155 a’ntsume‘na time. hon te’wanan a*’teaki. Yonder to the west ® li’wan k&/lici’a/’nkwin ta’‘na We gave our fathers plume wands. yam a-’tatcu hon te’likinan a‘/teana 160 When the number of their days |} 160 a-’’wan ya’lenan i-’te’tcap ke’sti was at an end te’atun’onaka For that which was soon to be We again prepared plume wands. tem ta te’likina: ye’lete’uka. When our plume wands were te‘likina ye’lete’una ready, There to the west, li’wan ka/lici’a’nkwin ta’‘na At the place called since the first kaka tei’mikaka beginning 165 Village of the masked gods,? 165 ko’/luwala‘wa Where the gray mountain stands, ya‘lan lo’kana And the blue mountain, ya’lan Hi’ana Where their altar stands above, te‘lacina ya’Ito Where their altar lies beneath, te’lacina pa’li 170 Where our fathers abide, 170 yam a‘’tatcu We met them on their roads. ti/nan takikwi Where their water filled doorway hon a*’wona-elateka. opens outward, a*’wan ka’/cima a’we’nan kwai’”’ ina We stood in the doorway. hon ye’li-koskuna 175 There where our fathers’ road | 175 i’skon yam a‘’tatcu comes out, a‘’wan o/nealan kwai’’ina At their water-filled woodpile, a’’wan ka’cima fa’pela’a Four times we sprinkled prayer yam ha’lawo‘tinan‘e meal inside. a’’witela’ma o/ta‘wite’ kwa’to- kaka 180 Four times stepping down 180 a-’witela’ma we’Piydlto Standing we came in. ho’ ye*’lana kwa/tokaka Coming in standing, ho’ ye*lana kwa’tokina There our fathers, i’skon yam a‘’tatcu (Our ancestors) rain old men, ka’cim a‘’wots a‘‘laci 185 We passed on their roads. 185 hon a‘wona’elateka (Our ancestors) rain old women ka’cim a‘/wok’ a-‘taci We passed on their roads. hon a‘’wona-e’latena We saw them. hon a‘’wunatikaka Not one of them was missing; et kwa tcu’wa i’metcam’e 6 The plantings to the west (i. e., southwest) are at intervals of 10 days. They are not at springs. They are at the following places: Panitaime, anelawan tekyapoa, suskan acoktan‘e (suma’cokta), akohana tinakwi. The last planting, at akohana tinakwi, is on the fortieth day, the day the Koyemci enter. 7 The ceremony takes place at Ca’lako house, an inclosure on the west side of the hill surmounted by white rocks. The Ca’lako wo’le of each kiva impersonates the “‘father,’”’ 768 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 190 At the blessed place where they 1 2 95 15 were all gathered together, We saw them. Then with our prayer meal Four times we sprinkled the tops of their heads. This we did to all. When this was at an end, The one who is our father, Overhearing us, Prepared rain seats for us. His prayer meal Four times he sprinkled upon us. Following him Our father’s rain seats We stood beside. Then the one who is our father Took hold of us. Presenting us to all the directions he made us sit down. We sat quietly; We waited for his words. Our father four times drew toward him The rain cigarette which he had prepared. Taking his grandmother by the hand, He made her sit in the doorway. Four times the mist passed through. With the mist, We added to the hearts of our fathers, Our beloved ones of directions, Asking for the waters Of our fathers of all the directions all the When all this was at an end, Into our bodies We drew the misty breath. Drawing in our breath With the terms of kinship We greeted one another: Father, son; elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grand- father, grandson; great-grand- father, great-grandson, Thus we greeted one another. 190 195 205 210 215 [ETH. ANN. 47 te’mla ha’pona fo/keikwi Pp hon a‘’wunatkikaa i’skon yam ha/lawo‘tinan‘e a‘‘witela’ma a‘’wan o0’tsimowa’- kowa a-’witela’ma o’ta‘wite’ ta/kuna lu’kikon i-‘te’tcika lu'kakon i-’te’teapa ho’’no tate i’li te’’ona tomt ha’‘tian ha/ntina yam ka’cima fai’yan e’lete’uki te’kwi yam ha/lawo-tinan‘e a‘‘witela’ma ho’na u'laka i’ste ya’lu yam ta’teona paiyan a/tkwi ho’no ye’li-u'laka hon tate i’/li te’’ona ho’no ya’ teka. le‘se te’kwi ta’‘kaina ho’no a/nim- ta/kuka. hon i/melakuka. hon se’weke i‘’cokyaka. hon tate i/li te’’ona o’’ta‘wite‘- yam ka’cima fio’ne e’lete’u’kowa a/witila’ma a/‘n-u/takai yam hot as‘a’‘naké a’mim ko’/skuka a‘’witela’ma ci’pololon a/na‘pik- wai'ika la/thok" le’si te’kwi yam tse’mak-te’lakwi’kowa yam a‘’tatcu ei’pololon a/ka a‘‘wikena te’lia‘na la'‘thok® le’si te’/kwi yam a‘tateu ka’cima mana lu’kakon i:’te’teapa yam te’hutkwi ci’pololon hakun kwatokaka ya/nhakuna kwa’tokina yam hon a/ka i’yanikinapona i‘skon hon a’/ka i-’yanikinapka. ta’/teu ta’le pa’pa su’we ka’ka ka’se na’na to/’cle a’le u’wa- kamo hon a/&’i’/yanikinapkiio yai’nce- ya’n- BUNZEL] 230 240 250 255 260 * The impersonator turns to his alternate for corroboration. PRAYERS When all this was at an end, The one who is my father Questioned me: “Yes, now, even now, You have passed us on our roads. Surely because of some words of our fathers, Spoken at the New Year, Because of some words of import- ance, some word that is not too long, You have passed us on our roads. So finally, if you let us know that, Thinking always of that, We shall pass our days.” Thus our father spoke to us, did he not? 8 —Even so.— “Yes, indeed it is true. This many days Throughout the winter, Throughout the summer, There to the south, We brought you plume wands, Wherever your roads come out, Though our plume wands were but poorly made, We brought you plume wands, We brought you prayer feathers, We brought you rain cigarettes. When all this was at an end, Now for that which is soon to be We have passed you on your roads.” Thus we said to our father, did we not? —Even so.— When we had spoken thus (Our father spoke.) “Tndeed, these are your days. Now that we have remembered your days You have come to us, My two children.” Saying this, Our father took hold of us. From the soles of our feet To the crowns of our heads, AND CHANTS 240 245 260 265 769 lu’kakon_ i-’te’teapa hom tate i’li te’’ona li‘tkon i’te‘kunaka: eh ma’ la’/kima ho’’na ton a:’wona-e’lateka i‘me’ la/lik i’tiwana hon a’’tate i’lapona ? kwa/’hot Ppe’nan ime’ a’wan _hi’ntcot Ppe’nan teyutanam‘e te’’ona’ka ho’na ton a‘’wona-e’lateka te’wuna’ ~—_—u’‘son ho’na ai’yu’ya‘kina u‘s i’tse’makuna hon te’wanan a‘‘tekan‘a hon tate i’li te’’ona hate ho’’na le’anikwana hatei’ ma’ no/milte le’si te’wanane te’‘tsinan’e o'lo’ikanan‘e li'’wan a’laho’a/nkwin ta’‘na to’na hon te’likina’ a-‘teaki. to’’*na*wan o/neata’ kwai’’na’kowa ko’ti te’likinan a’/lewunant-e ton to’’na hon te’likina’ a-'teaki. to’’na hon la’cow a*‘leaka to’’na hon ka’cima po’n‘e: a*’teaki. kes le’na i*’te’teapa ke’sti te’atun’onakaé to”’na hon a*/wona-e’lateki. yam tate i’li te’’ona hate hon le’anikwaka. hatci’ hon le’anikwaka evha ma’ to’na ho’n te’wanan to’a/ni hon te’ wanan ai’yu-ya‘na a’’teakwi ho’na ton a‘’/wona-e’lateka hom tea’w a‘tci hom tate i/li te’’ona ho’na le’anikwana ho’na ya’teka we’kwikwinte o/tsimowakwinte He answers, “‘ Hatci’.”” 275 290 300 305 Clothing us with all things needful, He made us ready. When he had made us ready Four times With our cover of thin clouds *® he fitted us. When he had reached the end, (he spoke) : “This is all. With plain words You have passed us on our road. When our sun father Has gone in to sit down at his ancient place, And when our night fathers, Our mothers, Over their ancient place, Have raised their dark curtain, All together Our daylight fathers, Our mothers, Our children, We shall pass on their roads.” Thus our father spoke to us, Did he not? Even so.— “Yonder, our daylight fathers, Our children, All of us shall pass on their roads.” Thus our father said to us. Now that we four times have gone ahead Our fathers, Even those with snow upon their heads, With moss upon their faces, No longer upright but leaning on canes, Even all of them Will pass us on our roads. And furthermore the women, Even those who are with child, Holding another on the cradle, With another going before ZUNI RITUAL POETRY 270 275 280 285 290 295 300 305 [ETH. ANN. 47 kwa/’hot te’mla te’a i:’yante’teina ho’’na an e’lete’uka ho’’na an e’lete’una a*’witela’ma ho’na su’lahaiyan po’yan i*’yan- te’teika i-’yante'tcik’ana le’ wi yu'’’he‘to fpe’nan a’ka ho’’na ton a*/wona-e’ lateka hon ya’toka tate i’/lapa te’’ona yam te’lacinakwi i-’muna kwa/tokipa hon te’tiak’ a*’tate i’lapona a‘’tsit i/lapona yam te’lacinakwi ko-w a/lan keatoka te’a kes te’mlamo te’kohanan yam a‘’tatcu yam a-’tsita yam tea’we kes te’mlamo hona -/wona-e’late- natun’ona teakiina hon tate i’li te’’ona hate ho’na le’anikwaki. hatci’ le’hok® yam te’kohanan a*’tateu hom tcawe te’mla hon a*’wona-e’latenatun- ona te’akin-a hon tate i’li te’’ona ho’na le’anikwapa a‘’witela’ma hon o/neal e“kuka tea’ana ho”na*wan a’’tateu kow u’teinan ha/ktopa po’hetci a’wiconapa e‘lemaknan i-‘natina tapowan sati‘li kes te’mlamo ho’n a*/wona-e’latena‘wa. a‘’wok’ a‘/teo’na ya’/nine‘nante to’pa le’mana yalto i’keckuna top e/‘kuka ® The buckskin caps worn by the Ca’lako impersonators. They are the same as those worn by war chiefs. In the war dance the scalp is called kaicima po’yane (water cover). BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS THA 310 Leading one by the hand 310 top i‘piyana Even all of them kes te’mlamo Will come out to meet their fathers yam a‘’tatcu Their mothers yam a‘’tsita Their children. yam tca’we 315 hon a‘’wona-e’latenan kwai’’ina Thus speaking to us, hon tate i*’li te’’ona Our father took hold of us. ho”’na le’anikwana ho’’na ya’ teka Presenting us to all the directions la’thok» le’si te’kwi ho’na ta’ ‘kina 320 He made us arise. 320 hon ana‘-e/lemakaka On our heads yam ha’lawo-tinan‘e Four times he sprinkled prayer ho’n o’tsimowa’kowa meal, a‘’wi'tela’ma o’ta‘wite*® ya’Itona 325 On his rain-filled woodpile 325 yam ha’lawo-tinan‘e He sprinkled prayer meal for us. yam ka’cima ta’pelakwi ho”nan 9’ta‘wite® u/laka After him, i’ste ya’lu 330 We sprinkled our prayer meal. 330 yam ha’lawotinan ot’a‘wite‘ u/Jana Then the one who is our father hon tate i/li te’90na His water-filled woodpile yam ka’cima ta’pelakwi He sprinkled for us. ho”’nan 0’ta‘wite® kwai’ikaka Four times sprinkling prayer meal tem ta yam ha’lawo:tinan a‘/wite- going out, la’ma, o‘ta‘wite® kwai”ikana 335 Stepping up four times, 335 a:/witela’ma we’pi ya’Ito We came out standing. hon ye/lana kwai”’ikina Yonder toward all directions we la‘Thok# le’si te’kwi hon tunatika looked. Hither toward Halona Itiwana,! ka/thok» ha/lona i’tiwanakwi We saw four roads going side by a‘’witena*/na hon o’/neala u/natika- side. napka. 340 Along the middle path sprinkling | 340 i’tiwa o’nakowa yam ha’lawo:tinan prayer meal before us, o/ta‘wite® e/‘kuna Hither we took our way. kal hon a*’wona‘kapa At the places," called since the kaki tei’mikaka first beginning Great lake, ka’tulana Hanlipinkya, ha‘ntipinkaé 345 Cliff house, 345 he’’ipatciwa Last spring, ka’napa’Ito Middle spring, ka’na’i’tiwa Water-cress spring, pi’ kaia Kolowisi’s house, ko/lo-wisi ki’/kwe’a 10 The places at which they stopped, after leaving Kotuwala’wa in their wanderings in search of the center of the world. There are 29; two, kipkwenakwi (water coming out, Ojo Caliente) and watsita‘nakwi (dog place), are omitted from the present version. They follow Rainbow Spring. The emergence myth (and Sayataca’s talk) give the last three springs as towa yallakwi (Corn Mountain), matsakya hepatina, Kolinkaiakwi etsakya hepatina (sulphur spring, commonly called hepatina). The present account gives the three places where the impersonators deposit plumes on their way in: White rocks; Where the masked dancers come out (Grease Hill); Hepatina. 11 Cushing translates this ‘‘ The middle ant hill of the world.”” It isa bracketing of two names by which Zuhi is known. Halonawa in a more restricted sense refers to the ruin on the south bank of the river. 772 350 355 360 365 370 380 385 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY The other Water-cress spring, Dripping spring, Bending grass, Ashes spring, Cat tail spring, Rainbow spring, Ca’lako place, Snow hanging, Rock wedge, Painted rock, Poison weed spring, Mesa wall spring, Toloknana, Evil smelling water, Sack of flour hanging, Bluebird place, Where ants go in, White rocks sitting, Where the masked dancers come out, Sulphur spring, otherwise called | hepatina, (At all these places), We passed our fathers on their roads. Wherever their rain-filled door- ways open outward, Where their roads come out, Four times we gave them prayer | meal, Yonder toward all directions we looked, Hither, toward Halona Itiwana, Our daylight fathers’ fourfold road we saw. And now, at last, it seems, Here we shall take our road, Thus we said to one another. Along the middle road four times sprinkling prayer meal before us Hither we took our way. Our daylight fathers’ Our daylight mothers’ watery roads coming out, We saw. Sprinkling prayer meal Where come forth the watery roads Of our daylight fathers, We sat down in the doorway,” Four times rising We came in. [ETH. ANN. 47 350 to’pa pi’ kaia ka’tsikana po’cowa lu’ kana to’soluna kaia 355 a/mitolankana ca’lakona. u’hana’a a’’tapatsi’a a’ tsina’wa 360 pi’cuk’aia ka’nuta to/loknana ka/tetei’a o’pumpi' ya 365 ai’yaya’ka ha/lonkwa’ton a’kohana tinawa. ko’m kwai’ikate’a ko/lin kaia e’tsakana he’patina 370 yam a‘’tateu hon a‘/wona-e’latenapka. a‘’wan ka/cim a’wenan kwai’’ina’a yam ha’lawo'tinan a‘’witela’ma o/neala kwai’’ina 375 hon a*’wanhaiteka la’thok" le’si te’kwi hon fu’natika ka/thok» ha/lona i’tiwanakwi te’kohanan yam a’’tateu a‘’wan o/neala a‘/witena‘na a°’wan o’/neata hon u’natikaka 380 i’me’ honkwa ta li‘’Ino hon a*’wana’’kan‘a le’con i’ yantikwana yam ha/lawo‘tinan i’tiwa o’nakowa a*’witela’ma 9’ta‘wite* e’‘kuna kal hon a*’wona‘ka 385 te’kohanan yam a’’tateu yam a‘’tsita a‘’wan ka/cima o’neatan kwai’’ina hon u’natikanapka. yam ha‘lawo‘tinan‘e 390 yam te’kohanan a’’tatcu a‘’wan ka/cima o’neala kwai’’ina hon i*/tina ko’skwika a’’witela’ma hon i-‘tuwakna kwatona 12 The mask, borne aloft on a pole, with embroidered blankets held out by hoops concealing the bearer, is set down outside, while the two impersonators bless the house. When they are finished the mask is brought in and set down beside the altar while the prayer is chanted. BUNZEL] 395 400 405 410 415 425 The water-filled room of our day- light fathers, Our daylight mothers, Our daylight children, Four times we rooted all about: The north root, The west root, The south root, The east root, The upper root, The lower root— This we brought to an end. When this was at an end,!* Our daylight father, To where his rain seat had been spread Four times he threw out prayer meal. Our daylight father took hold of us; Presenting us to all directions He made us sit down. We sat down quietly We waited for his words. Our daylight father Four times drew toward him his water roll. Taking his grandmother by the hand He made her sit in the doorway. Four times into his body He drew the mist. With mist he added to the hearts of his fathers. That so long as we enjoy the light of day we may greet one another as kindred We now greeted one another. Fathers,'§ Sons; Elder brother, younger brother; uncle, nephew; grandfather, grandson; great-grandfather, great-grandson. With this many words we greeted one another. PRAYERS AND CHANTS 773 395 400 405 410 415 425 yam te’kohanan a’’tatcu yam fe’kohanan a’‘tsita yam te’kohanan tca’/we a‘’wan kicima fe’li’tona a‘’witela’ma hon ta’kwimona i’ yante’tcikanapka hon pi’cle ta’kwimona hon kalici ta’kwimona hon a’laho ta’/kwimona hon te’mako ta/kwimona hon i’yama fta’wimona hon ma/nila’ma la’kwimona lu’kakon i-'te’tcika i-’te’tcapa hon te’kohanan tatci’li te’’ona yam ka’cima fai’yan e’lete’aka- tekwi yam ha/lawo'tinan a-’witela’ma ho’n 90’ta‘wite* u/faké hon te’kohanan tate i'li te’’ona ho’’na ya’/teka le’si te’kwin ta/‘kana ho’’na a/nimta’/kukaé hon i/mila’kuka hon se/weke i-’cokya‘ka hon te’konanan tate i’lite’’ona yam ki’cima fon‘e a’witela’ma a’‘na’ulaka yam hot as‘a’/‘naka a’/nimko’skuka. a‘’witela’ma ci’pololon yam fe’- hulkwi a/na‘kwatoka yam a*’tatcu ci’pololon a’ka a-’wike’na te’liaka te’kohanan yam a’ka i-’yanikina- pona hon a’‘yanikinapka. ta’tcuwe ta/lewe pa/pamo su’wemo ka/kamo ka/- semo na’namo a/limo to’clemo u/wakimo hon a’ka i*’yanikina 18 The marking of the walls with corn meal. The roof and floor are not marked. 14 The text makes no mention of the deposit of plume wands in the roof and of seeds inthe floor. This, presumably, is an omission, since the rite is performed as in the Sayataca house, and is fully described in the Sayataca chant. 1s For the first two terms, plurals are used tatcuwe, talewe (the regular plural of tatcu is a’’tatcu). Tale is the usual word for brother’s son, or any male ‘‘child’’ of one’s clan. This explains its use instead of the expected tcal’e. 774 430 435 440 445 450 460 465 470 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Then we made an end of this. Now that this is at an end, The ones who are our fathers From their abode set with moun- tains, Set with lakes, Making their roads come forth, Making their roads come hither, They have passed you on your roads. This night, Bringing all their good fortune, They have passed you on your roads. Their seeds of corn: ones, The blue ones, The red ones, The white ones, The speckled ones, The black ones, The sweet corn seeds; All the different clans of beans, The yellow beans, The blue beans, The red beans, The white beans, The many colored beans, The black beans, The string beans, The small beans, The little spotted beans, All the different tiny beans; With all these seeds bundled about our waists, We have passed you on your roads. And then also the seeds of all the forest trees: The seeds of the pinon tree, The seeds of the oak tree, The seeds of the first-flowering shrub, The seeds of all the small shrubs; And then all the ancient round ones: The striped squash, The crooked-neck squash, The watermelons, The sweet melons, The gourds; The seeds of the large yucca, The seeds of the small yucca, The seeds of the cactus, the yellow 430 435 440 445 450 455 460 465 470 [ETH. ANN. 47 lu’kakon i-’te’tcika i’te’teapa hon a‘’tate i/lapona yam yii/la ya‘na yam ka’wutuli ya‘’na o/neala kwai’’kiana o/neat i‘/kana to’’na a*’wona-e’latenapka luka te’tinan-e yam kwa/hot te’mla te’n‘i ha’- lowilin i:’feana to’’na a*’wona-elatenapki. yam to’ waconan tuptsikwa te’’ona ti’akwa te’’ona ci’/lowakwa te’’ona ko’hakwa te’’ona ku’teutcukwi te’’ona kwi’nakwa te’’ona co’tsito te’’ona no: a’/ntoti te’mla no° fu’ptsina no’ ti’’ana no’ ci/lowa > ko’/hakwa - i/topana‘nan’ona no’ kwin’a ta’piyaka no’ tsa’/na no ci‘he* te’’ona tsi/kapuli te’mla to’waconan i*’/hatapiyana to’’na hon a*’wona-e’latenapka tem ta ta’kwil po’ti a‘’wan ku’- kwin‘e he’’cota’tan an ku/kwin‘e ta/wi ta’tan an ku’kwin-e ke-la ci’wuna ta’tsan an ku’kwin’e ta/‘kwi ta’/tsan an ku’kwin‘e tem ta to’wa kamoliya mo’teata mo’ kisi mo’laknana me’luna co’ pa ho’kap ho’tan an ku’kwin’e ho’tsan ho’tan an ku’/kwin‘e me*/tan an ku’kwin’e BUNZEL] 475 All of these. 480 490 500 505 510 With these tied about our waists, Provided with this bundle over our navels, We have passed you on your roads. For you we leave these seeds. This is all. Thus with plain words We have passed you on your roads. Here for you we leave these seeds. When in the spring, Your earth mother is wet, In your earth mother You will bury these seeds. Carefully they will bring forth their young. Bringing them back, Toward this your thoughts will bend. And henceforth, as kindred, Talking kindly to one another, We shall always live.!* And now indeed it has come to pass. The thoughts of our fathers, Who at the New Year With precious plume wands ap- pointed us— Their thoughts we now have ful- filled. Always with one thought We shall live. This is all. Thus with plain words We have passed you on your roads. This our father’s waters, His seeds, His riches, His power, His strong spirit, All his good fortune whatsoever, We shall give to you. To the end, my fathers, My children, Verily, so long as we enjoy the light of day, We shall greet one another as kindred. PRAYERS AND CHANTS 475 480 485 490 500 505 510 515 775 le-wi i’hatapi’yana ka/mulukwia pe’han i*’yante’tci to’na hon a‘’wona-e’latenapki. to’’na to’waconan hon a‘takuna le-’wi le'wi yu’’he'to Ppe’/nanaka, to’’na hon a‘/wona’e’latenapka. to’na'wan ili’no_ _‘ to’waconan a‘takuna hon a/witelin tsit i‘lap a’’te’’ona te’kina te’lakwai” ina yam a’witelin tsi’tana ton towaconan a*’paluna‘wa e’/letokna teapkuna’wa a‘wana‘ ’u’lana i’skon tse’’mak-te’ltakwi i’ ‘yanikinapa ya’cuwa kokei hon a*’tekana no’ mitte hot i’tiwana’a hon a‘’tate ilapona te’likinan ya*’na aka ho’’na a/nulanapkowa a‘’wan son tse’makwin mo’taki. to’pint i-’tse’makuna hon te’wanan a‘’tekin-a le-wi le yu’ he‘to pe’nan a’ka to’’na hon a*/wona-e’latenapki. lu’ka hon tatei‘li lu’ka an ka’cima an to’waconan’e an u’tenan’e an sa/wanika an tse’’makwin tsu’/me an kwa‘hot te’mta te’n‘i ha’lowi- lin‘e to’’na hon ya’nhaiten’a. te’wuna’ hom a’’tatcu hom tea’we e’pac hon te’kohanan hon i*’yani- kinapa ‘6 A passage of double meaning. and the household which has welcomed him. It refers to the relationship between man and corn and the speaker 776 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 Verily, we shall pray that our e’pac ho’n a‘/wonaya’’’antia‘na roads may be fulfilled. hon te’ wusaken-a- To where your sun father’s road hot yam ya’toka ta’tcu comes out an o/neat kwai’’ina May your roads reach. 520 o/neata te’’tcina May your roads be fulfilled. te’mla ton a‘wonaya‘t'tu’ WasxHine THE Heap or Ca’LaAko IMPERSONATOR The female head of the house washes the head of the Ca’lako imper- sonator at the close of the all-night ceremonies, at about 8 o’clock in the morning. The other women present sprinkle water on his head. This day, lu’ka ya’ton-e My two children, homtea’wa.-tei 1” With our clear water yam ka’cima ko’kei We shall hold you fast. to’n a’ka4 hon ya’tena-tsu/mekina 5 My child, 5 hom tca’le In order that your road may be ful- hot yam ya’toka ta’teu filled, an o/neat kwai’’inakwi o’neal te’’- Reaching yonder to where the road tcina of our sun father comes out, to’ o/naya*’tun’ona’ ka For this with our clear water, yam ka’cima ko’/keakit 10 We hold you fast. 10 tom hon ya’/tena-tsu’meka. Somehow because of the thoughts of hot yam a‘’tateu our fathers, a‘’wan tse’’makwin a/ka The ones who appointed you with a‘’wan te’likinan a/ka their plume wand, tom a’nulana’kowa 15 Throughout the winter, 15 te’‘tsinan‘e Throughout the summer, o/lo’ik’anan‘e Yonder to the south li-’wan a‘laho’a’nkwin ta’‘na Wherever the roads of our fathers yam a‘‘tateu come out, a‘’wan o/neala- kwai’’ina’kowa 20 With your plume wands 20 yam te’likinan a’ka You have asked continually for life ho’na‘wan to’ te’Kohanan ce’man- for us. te’a’ka This day lu’ka ya’ton‘e You have fulfilled their thoughts. to’ tse’’makwi: mo’la”’upa With our waters yam ka’cim a/ka We hold you fast. 25 tom ho’ ya/tena-tsumeka. Our child, ho’na‘wan tea’le Always talking together kindly, i’celte’ma ya/cuwako’ kei So long as we still can see one te’mla i-’yunapa’te another, That thus our roads may be ful- yam hon a*’wonaya’’tun’on a/ka filled 30 For this, with our waters 30 yam ka’cim a/ka We have bound you fast. tom hon ya’tena tsu’mekanapka 17 The dual, used in the first sentence, should be used consistently to the end, because the prayer is supposedly addressed to the two impersonators. After the first sentence, the singular is used. BUNZEL] 35 40 Later at the houses of their “aunts” they are also “washed.” the rite is entirely symbolic. Corn meal is sprinkled on the head and gifts are presented. This, too, is called “washing.” PRAYERS The thoughts of your fathers You have fulfilled. Do not forget your house. Here in your own house You will go about happily. Always talking together kindly We shall pass our days. Our child, Your road will be fulfilled; Your road will reach all the way to Dawn Lake. May your road be fulfilled; May you grow old; May you be blessed with life. AND CHANTS 4 4 We yam a‘’tateu a‘’wan fo’ tse’’makwi* mo’la*ka el yam he’cotan‘e 5 to an to/miyona’ma li‘tonhot yam he’ecota’kowa ke’tsanici to a/luna. i’celttema ya’cuwa ko/kei hon a‘’tekan‘a 0 ho’na-wan tea’le to’ o/naya’’’ana te/luwaiyan kai’akwi o’neala te’’- teina to’ o/naya‘’t'u to’ facit‘u 5 tom fe’kohanan a/niktciat‘u. ““WasHinc” tHe Koyemci The Koyemci are actually bathed in the house of the priests, and each receives a gift of food from each of the women who participate in the ceremony, the wives and daughters of priests of the council. Here Ritual washing of the head is always the function of the paternal aunt. with the following prayer. The wives of the priests: This day, my fathers, Mo’lanhakto, priests You have passed us on our roads. With our clear water We hold you fast. My children, May your roads reach to Dawn Lake, May your roads be fulfilled; May you grow old. In order that you may grow old, With our clear water We have bound you fast. 1 lu’ka ya’ton‘e hom a*’tateu mo’lanhakt a‘’ciwan‘i ho’na ton a*/wona-e’latenapka 5 yam ka/cima ko’kei a’ka to’na hon a‘’wiyatena tsu’me hom tea’we te’/luwaiyan kai/akwi o’neala te’’tci- nan ton a*’wona-ya’’’an‘a 0 ton a:/tacian‘a ton a‘lacitun’on a’ka yam ka’cima ko’/kei to’’na hon a‘wiyaten ftsu/meki- napka. In the ancestral house of his father, meal is sprinkled on his head by his paternal aunt and all the women of his father’s clan istically brief. My father, This day, With our clear water We have held you fast. May your road reach to Dawn Lake May your road be fulfilled, May you grow old. 6066°—32——_50 The two women’s prayers are character- hom ta’teu lu’ka ya’ton‘e yam ka’cimaka tom hon ya/tena-tsu’mekanapka. 5 te’luwaiyan kai’akwi o’neala te’’- tcinan to’ o’/na-ya‘’ana to’ ta’ci’an‘a. 778 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 His father’s brother hands him a bundle of prayer sticks made for him by male members of the clan. The uncle: This many are the days Since our fathers, Priests of the masked gods, Cula‘witsi, pekwin, priest Sayataca, bow priest, Hututu, bow priest, Yamuhaktu, bow priests, Ca’lako, bow priests, All the masked gods Made their roads come hither. Wherever perfect plume wands had been left for them, They made their roads ascend. 10 Sitting down quietly they came | to day. Next day, Laying down all their gifts— Their seeds, Their riches, All that they had brought tied about their waists— Back to their own country They took their way. Leaving their children!’ to stay quietly They took their way. And wherever plume wands had been left for them Their children With their words issuing forth, With their sighing breath, Stayed in our houses. All their days being past This day For the one who is our father, Molanhakto, 15 20 25 30 We have prepared plume wands. Our children, Whoever of them wished to grow old, Upon the plume wands which they had prepared Breathed their sacred words. Here to our house 35 | | 10 15 30 35 le’si te’wanan‘e ho’”’na‘wan a*’tateu kokwa’’ciwan‘i cu’la‘witsi pe’kwin ci’wan‘i sai/yataca pi’taci’wan'i hututu pi’’taci’wan'i ya’muhakt a‘’pi’taci’wan'i ca’lako pi’’taci’wan‘i ko’ko te’mta o’neat i’kiina yam te’likinan ya‘na wo’ tataki’- kowa o’/neat ye’makana i-‘tinan ta’kinan a‘/wantewaki. te’wap ya’ton'e yam kwahot temla yam to’waconan-‘e yam u’tenan‘e a’hatapiya a’’wi’kowa wo'’tala’kuna yam ’ulo‘nakwi o’neat a°/kana yam te’apkuna‘we ti/nan takuna. o/neat a*’kina*wapa a‘’wan te’apkuna‘we hot yam te’likinan te’a’kowa yam pe’nan kwai’’inan ak& yam he’ciatinan a’ka he’cota’an a‘’teaka. a‘’wan te’mla fe’wapa lu’ka ya’ton‘e yam tate i’li te’’ona mo/lanhakto an hai’to hon te’likina’ ye’lete’unapka. ho’’na‘wan tea’we hot teu-’wa ta’cina tse’’makowa wo" tataki te’likina ye’leteukowa te’wusu ya’nulana ho’’na‘wan_ he’cotakwi 18 The katcinas, who remained behind to dance in all the Ca’lako houses. BUNZEL] 40 With these we pass you on your 45 65 70 75 road. This day with these our plume wands We hold you fast. With these plume wands We hold one another fast. Whenever our father, Saying let it be now, Makes his road go forth, Then also reinforcing with your words, The prayers which we have laid upon our plume wands, To our fathers You will give the plume wands. Our fathers’ day has been made. Their waters eagerly awaiting We pass our days. My child, Verily at the new year, Our fathers appointed you with their plume wand, The perfect plume wand which they had prepared. This many days Anxiously awaiting your time We have passed our days. Throughout the cycle of our fathers’ months, Throughout the summer, Yonder toward the south, Wherever the roads of our fathers come forth, Even with your poorly made plume wands You have been asking for life for us. Now this day, We have reached the appointed time. Holding this plume wand, Anxiously you will pass the day. When our sun father Has gone in to sit down at his sacred place PRAYERS AND 40 45 6 65 70 779 CHANTS hon a’ka a‘’wona-e’latenapkowa lu’ka ya’ton-e te’likinan a/ka tom to ya’tena-tsu’mekaka. te’likinan a’ka hon i-’wiyaten-tsumekiaka. hot ké’ki kersi’ le’ anikapa yam tate i’li te’’ona an o/neat a‘/kana tem ta ho’Ino ko’n hon te’likinan te’wusu a’nulanapka te’a’kowa i’snokon pe’na’ yalto yam a‘’tateu to’ te’likinan a*‘tea’u ho’’na*wan a‘’tatcu a‘’wan te’wana yo" apa a‘wan ka’cim antsume‘na hon te’wanan a‘’tekina hom tea’’le no’mitte hot i’tiwan‘a ho”’na*wan a‘‘tateu te’likinan ya‘’na ye’lete’unapkowa te’likinan a’ka i-’yanulana le’si te’wanan‘e a’ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a‘’teaka yam a‘’tateu a‘wa ya’teu pi’’lan‘e o/lo’ikanan‘e li’wan a’laho’a’nakwin ta‘na yam a’’tatcu a‘’wan o’neala kwai’’ina’kowa ko-'ti te’likinan a’lewuna ho’na‘wan ton aka _ te’kohanan ce’mana a‘’teakowa lukaé ya’tone kes le’n hai’tokwin te’’teika lu’ka te’likinan i:/teana to a’ntsume‘na ya’ton te’kana. hon ya’toka tate ilapona yam te’lacinakwi i’muna kwatokipa 780 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY (ETH. ANN. 47 80 Saying, Let it be now, 80 ka’ki kersi’ le’anikapa You will make your fathers’ road go yam a‘’tatcu forth. a‘’wan o/neal a‘/kan-a Then again reinforcing with your tem ta own words te/likinan hon te’wusu a/nutanapka The prayers which we have laid te’a’kowa upon these plume wands, 85 i’snokon fe/nan ya’ltona To your fathers yam a‘’tateu Give these plume wands. to te’likinan a*/lea’u With them you shall ask for life for a/ki ho’’narwan to’ tekohanan us. ce/man’a. The Koyemci takes the prayer sticks and thanks the giver, invok- ing on those present all the blessings of the gods. The prayer sticks are planted with his own at night. DIsMIssAL OF THE KoOYEMCI The Koyemci remain all day in the plaza in attendance on the various sets of dancers. At nightfall the last of the dancers, the Molawia, have departed. Then the Koyemci in pairs visit every house in the village, to invoke upon it the blessings of the gods. At each house they receive gifts of food from the female inhabitants. Returning to the plaza, they take their prayer sticks out to plant. They return to the house of their father late at night, and removing their masks for the first time all day give them to their father toreturn to the house where they are kept. When he comes back, he thanks his children for their year of work, and sets them free. Then for the first time since the preceding evening they drink, and after eating and bathing, return to their homes. Their retreat, fifteen days, is the longest in Zuni ritual. The following is the prayer of the father of the Koyemci, setting them free. This many are the days, le’si te’wan‘e My children, hom tea’we Since with their plume wand they te/likinan a’/ka appointed us. ho’’na ya/nulaka 5 Throughout the winter, 5 te’tsinan-e And the summer o'lo’ik’anan-e Anxiously we have awaited our a/ntsume‘na time. hon te/wanan a‘’teaka Hither toward the south yam a‘/tatcu We have given our fathers plume | 10 a‘’wan te’likinan-e wands. li'’wan a’/laho’a’nkwin ta’‘na | hon te’likinan a-/teakié For all our ladder descending chil- | Je’ yam te’ts*lon fa’ni‘nan tea’ we dren hon a‘’wan te’kohanan ce’mana We have been asking for life. a''teaka BUNZEL] PRAYERS AND CHANTS 781 15 Now we have reached the appointed | 15 hai’tokwin te’’teika 20 30 35 40 time. This night We have fulfilled the thoughts of our fathers. | Always with one thought We shall live. My children, This night Your children, Your families, Happily you will pass on their roads. Happily we shall always live. | Even though we say we have fulfilled their thoughts No indeed Anxiously awaiting until we shall again come to time We shall live henceforth. My children, | Thus I have finished my words for | you. To this end, my children: May you now go happily to your children. Asking for life from my fathers Yonder on all sides, Asking for my fathers’ life-giving | breath, Their breath of old age, And into my warm body, Drawing their breath, I add to your breath. To this end, my children May your roads be fulfilled; May you grow old; May you be blessed with life. 20 25 30 our appointed | 35 40 45 50 luka te’linan‘e yam a‘’tateu hon a-’wan tse’’makwin mo’la‘nap- ka. topint i’tse’makuna hon te’wanan a’’tekiin-a hom tea’ we lu’ka te’tinan-e yam tea’we yam i‘/yanikinan‘e ke’ tsanici ton a*’wona-e’latena-wa. ke’tsanici hon te’wanan a‘/tek’iin’a ete hon tse’’makwi- mo’la‘na'we le’kwapte e’la: hot kaki hai’tokwink te’’tcitun te’kwi antsume‘na hon te’wanan a:’tekiin-a. hom tca’we le’ to’’na‘wan ho kaka te’wuna’” hom tea’we ke’ tsanici yam tea’ we toms a*’wona-e’laten-wa la’/thok» le’si tekwi yam a*’tateu te’/kohanan yai/ncemana yam a‘’tateu a‘’wan o/na ya‘’naka pi’’nan‘e a‘’wan ta’/ciaka pi’’nan‘e yai’nace- mana yam te’hut ka’/makwi pi’nan ana‘kwatokina to’’na‘wan ho’ pi’’nan te’lia’ana te’wuna’ hom teawe ton a‘’wona ya’'tu ton a‘‘tacitu to’’na te’kohanan ya/niktcia’tu. ’ , Ppe’nan ya’’- VII. PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT Tuer Great Fire Society Cuier Sets Up His Atrar The Great Fire Society convenes for the first time in November at the full moon. Before sunset the male members assemble at their ceremonial house. The women bring food to the house and leave their sacred corn fetishes to be placed on the altar. The tablet altar has been set up against the west wall of the room. At sunset the choir begins to sing very softly a set of eight songs known as ‘‘For Pouring in the Water.’’ At the beginning of the fourth song two men go out to offer food in the river. The society pekwin rises and makes the meal painting and sets up the corn fetishes. At the fifth song the society chief takes the bowl for the medicine water, at the sixth he mixes the medicine, at the seventh he puts in sacred colored pebbles, during the eighth he “smokes” the altar. The following prayer is spoken in a low voice by the society chief while performing these rites. The procedure is followed whenever the society altar is set up. It is followed by a rite of exorcism which leads into the main body of the ceremony. It is about the same for all societies. The peculiar style of the following prayer may be due to the fact that it is accom- panied by song. This many are the days At the feet of some lucky one Since our moon mother Offering prayer meal, Yonder in the west, | Shell, As a small thing became visible. Among their finger tips, Now yonder in the west, They looked about. Standing fully grown against the sky Breaking off the young shoots She makes her days. Of some fortunate one, Our spring children,! And drawing them toward them, Whoever wished to grow old, These very ones who stayed there Carrying prayer meal, quietly, Carrying shells, Bearing their long life, ' Yonder, with prayers, Bearing their old age, One by one they made their roads go | He brought back. forth. Into the rain filled rooms Yonder they met those Of his daylight fathers,’ Who since the first beginning His mothers, Have been given the world,? His children, The forests, He made their roads come in. The brush. This many days the divine ones‘ 1 Members of the society, who have drunk from the sacred “‘spring ’’; the bow] of medicine water that stands on the altar. 2 The shrubs whose wood is used for prayer sticks. That is, human. The ceremonial room of the society. ‘apin a‘‘ho’i, literally “‘raw persons,’ as distinct from the through having been born on a bed of warm sand. 782 “daylight people” “who are cooked” BUNZEL] Have remained with us their children. Now this very day For the rite of our fathers, Beast priests, ® We have prepared plume wands. When yet a little space remained, Ere our sun father Went in to sit down at his sacred place © Coming to my earth mother, Have I offered ‘plume wands to my fathers, And returned to my house. Then yonder from all sides Those who are my fathers, The divine ones,’ With none among them lacking, Will make their roads come forth, Hither they will come. Then having made my fathers’ massed cloud house,® Having spread out their mist blanket, Having sent forth their life giving road, Having laid down their rainbow bow, Having laid down their lightning arrow, I shall sit down quietly. I shall set down my white shell bowl.® Then from afar on all sides You, my fathers, Will come. Yonder from the north, The rain maker priests,10 Bringing their waters, Will make their roads come hither. Where lies my white shell bow], Four times they will make their road come in. Yonder from the west The rain maker priests, Bringing their waters, Will make their roads come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 783 Four times they will make their road come in. Yonder from the south, The rain maker priests, Bringing their waters, Will make their roads come hither. Where lies my white shell bow], Four times they will make their road come in. Yonder from the east The rain maker priests, Bringing their waters, Will make their roads come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl. Four times they will make their roads come in. Yonder from the above The rain maker priests, Bringing their waters, Will make their roads come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times they will make their roads come in. Yonder from below The rain maker priests, Bringing their waters, Will make their roads come in. Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times they will make their roads come in. When you have all sat down quietly Our young ones !! Will refresh themselves with waters. Then to dawn lake reaching, Their roads will be fulfilled. your And furthermore, yonder in the north, You who are my father, Mountain lion,” * We-'ma a*‘ciwan‘i, the special] protectors of the medicine societies and the source of life, medicine power, and witchcraft. 6 Late afternoon, the usual hour for making offerings of prayer sticks. 7 The beast gods, who are present in spirit throughout the ceremonies. * The meal painting on the altar; the “‘house’’ is the terraced outline, the ‘‘ blanket” the filling of fine meal, the ‘‘road”’ the line of meal, generally crossed at four points, leading from the altar to the door at the farther end of the room. * For mixing the medicine water. © U’wanam i—during this invocation he pours the water with a gourd, four gourds of water. n Te’apkuna*we—children, also domesticated and game animals. The word is used as a general term for fecundity. Here specifically the members of the society. #? He now invokes in turn the beast gods of the six directions, meanwhile adding pulverized roots with medicinal properties. 784 You are life-giving society chief; Bringing your medicine, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times making your road come in, Watch over my spring. When you sit down quietly We shall be one person. And, furthermore, yonder in the west You who are my father, bear, You are life-giving society chief; Bringing your medicine, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times making your road come in, | Watch over my spring. When you sit down quietly We shall be one person. And, furthermore, yonder in the south You who are my father, badger, You are life-giving society chief; Bringing your medicine, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bow], Four times making your road come in, Watch over my spring. When you sit down quietly We shall be one person. And, furthermore, yonder in the east You who are my father, wolf, You are life-giving society chief; Bringing your medicine, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times making your road come in, | Watch over my spring. When you sit down quietly, We shall be one person. And furthermore, yonder above You who are my father, knife-wing, You are life-giving society chief. Bringing your medicine, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 Four times making your road come in, Watch over my spring. When you sit down quietly We shall be one person. ry And furthermore, yonder below You who are my father, gopher, You are life-giving society chief. Bringing your medicine, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bow], Four times making your road come in, Watch over my spring. When you sit down quietly We shall be one person. And furthermore, yonder in the north On all the mossy mountains, On the tops of the mountains, And along their slopes, Where the ravines open out, You hold the world in your keeping; Ancient yellow stone,'# You will make your road come hither Where lies my white shell bow], Four times making your road come in, You will sit down quietly. Then with your living waters Our young ones will nourish themselves; Reaching to Dawn Lake Their roads will be fulfilled. And furthermore, yonder in the west | On all the mossy mountains, On the tops of the mountains, And along their slopes, Wherever the ravines open out, You hold the world in your keeping; Ancient blue stone, You will make your road come hither Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times making your road come in You will sit down quietly. Then with your living waters Our young ones will nourish themselves; Reaching to Dawn Lake Their roads will be fulfilled. 13 During the final ceremony of the societies at the winter solstice when the sick are cured the identifi- cation is felt to be complete for those who have esoteric knowledge. At that time there is a complete change of personality; the shamans rush about uttering the cries of animals. They are very much feared. It is especially the prerogative of the bear to give this power of magical impersonation. 14 He adds small round pebbles believed to have been brought from the underworld at the time of emergence. Asa matter of fact any curiously shaped or colored pebble that may be picked up is believed to have magical properties. A collection of these forms part of every shaman’s equipment. There are prayers and simple rituals for each one. BUNZEL] And furthermore, yonder in the south On all the mossy mountains, On the tops of the mountains, And along their slopes, Wherever the ravines open out, You hold the world in your keeping; Ancient red stone, You will make your road come hither, Where lies my white shell bow], Four times making your road come in You will sit down quietly. Then with your living waters Our young ones will nourish them- selves; Reaching to Dawn Lake Their roads will be fulfilled. And furthermore, yonder in the east On all the mossy mountains, On the tops of the mountains, And along their slopes, Wherever the ravines open out, You hold the world in your keeping; Ancient white stone, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bow], Four times making your road come in You will sit down quietly. Then with your living waters Our young ones will nourish themselves; Reaching to Dawn Lake Their roads will be fulfilled. PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 785 And furthermore, yonder above On all the mossy mountains, On the tops of the mountains, And along their slopes, Wherever the ravines open out, You hold the world in your keeping; Ancient many colored stone, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times making your road come in You will sit down quietly. Then with your living waters Our young ones will nourish themselves; Reaching to Dawn Lake Their roads will be fulfilled. And furthermore, yonder below, On all the mossy mountains, On the tops of the mountains, And along their slopes, Wherever ravines open out, You hold the world in your keeping; Ancient dark stone, You will make your road come hither. Where lies my white shell bowl, Four times making your road come in You will sit down quietly. Then with your living waters Our young ones will nourish themselves; Reaching to Dawn Lake Their roads will be fulfilled. ka/linon’aka te’wusu pouring in water for ma’ le’si te’wanan‘e now this many days hon ya’onak& tsit i’lap a-’teona we moon mother having the ones li’wan kéliciankwin ta’‘na yonder the west to direction ko-/wi ta’na ye’tsakina somewhat large becoming visible li’wan te’/luwankwin ta’‘na yonder to the east direction i’tiulana standing against (the horizon) person ho’na‘wan ki’nakwe'nan tca’we our spring hot teu’wa ta’cina tse’’makona whoever 15 This is followed by the rite of ‘‘smoking”’ the altar. ho’ ya"‘kinaka finishing children growing old the ones who think prayer fe’wanan a’/capa day making The prayer for this was withheld from me. 786 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY ha‘lawotinan i/leana prayer meal taking to’ i’teana shell taking le’hok" fe’wus a’ki yonder prayer with o’/neala kwai”ilenapki roads made go out severally hot tei/mikana’kapa somewhere at the First Beginning ulo‘na ya/niktci‘a’kona world those-who were given la’ kwil-po’’ti the brush ta’kwil-po’’fi the forest a’’wona-e’latena on their roads passing them hot teu’wa ha’lowili’kona whoever the lucky one an sa’kwi’a his feet (at) ha’lawotinan‘e prayer meal lo:”’o shell a‘teakna giving a’si kitsowakwin'te finger tips even there i’yun u’lapnapki they looked about among them hot teu’wa ha’lowili’kona whoever the one who is lucky a‘ kawulkwi‘nakna the young shoots pulling a‘‘wana® u’lak’apa drawing them toward them hot yam _— tu’wala’ki’konate wherever their staying quietly even where it is yam o’naya‘’naki te’apa their long life holding yam ta’ciakaé te’apa their old age holding oneal i’kina road making come ey, Al yam fte’kohanan a‘’tatcu their daylight fathers yam a‘’tsita their mothers (ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT yam tca’we their children a‘’wan ka’cima te’li’tokwi their water inner room (to) o’/neala kwa/tokdna road making enter le’si_ te’wanan‘e this many days ka’pin a‘’ho’i Taw persons ho’ tea’wilapa us children having te’wanan a‘’teaki te’kwi days they lived when tei’mte yi’ton-e even this day we'’/ma’ a‘/ciwan'i beast priests a‘’wan hai’to for them ordained hon te’likinan ye’lete’unapka. we prayer sticks prepared. hon ya’toké tate i’lap a‘’te’ona we sun father having the ones yam te’tacinakwi his sacred place i’muna_ kwa/tokitun te’kwi sitting down about to go in when it is ko-w a/nte‘wetcikwi alittle space remained for him when ho’man a‘’witelin tsit o’na-e’latena my earth mother on her road passing yam a‘’tatecu my fathers te’likinan a‘’leana prayer stick giving to them yam he’cotakwi my house to o/neal i’kiina road making come la’thok® le’si te’kwi yonder this many places to’na ho’ atate i/lapa you I fathers having ka’pin a‘’ho’i raw persons et kwa teu’ i/metcam-e do not someone be (not) missing 787 788 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY o/neala kwai’ikdna road making come forth vam a‘’tateu my fathers a‘’wan a’weluyan ki’kwe ya‘’Kiina their cloud house finishing a‘’wan ci’pololon pe’wuna their mist blanket spread out o/nayanaka o’neatan a‘/kiina life giving road making go a‘’wan a’/mitolan pi’tan a”’una their rainbow bow putting down a‘’wan wi’lolonan co’l a/’una their lightning arrow putting down ho’ i-/mitakuna I sitting down quietly yam ko’hakwa sa’l a/nimla’kuna my white shell bowl setting down quietly la’t hok® le’si te’kwi yonder so many places fo’n hon a‘’tate i/li. you we fathers have. ||: li-’wan piclankwin ta’‘na yonder to the north direction u’wanam a‘’/clwan'l rain maker priests yam ki’cim i’teana your __ waters carrying o/neat i’kiina road making come vam ko’hakwa sa’l a’la your white shell bowl lying a‘/witela’ma four times o’/neatan kwa’tokdna. :|| road will make come in. The foregoing section is repeated as follows: li’wan ka’liciankwin ta’‘na... yonder to the west direction liv’wan a’lahoankwin ta’‘na yonder to the south direction li’wan fte/luwankwin ta’tna... yonder to the east direction li’wan i/yamakwin ta’‘na yonder to the above direction li/wan ma/nikikwin ta’na... yonder to the below direction [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT ton i/tinan-la’kikapa you having sat down quietly fo’na'wan kicima your waters ho’na‘wan te’apkuna‘we our children =A ea i’ka‘kuna drinking in te’‘luwaian Kai’akwi dawn lake to , 9 7 o’neal te’’tcina road reaching a‘’wona ya’’’an‘a. their roads will be fulfilled. le’st:-kleapa furthermore |li-’wan pi’clankwin ta’‘na yonder to the north direction tom ho’ tate i/li you I father have ho’ktita’cana mountain lion (tail long) o’nayanaka life giving to’ ti/kimo/siye you are society chief yam a’kwan i’teana your medicine carrying to’ o’neal i’kana you road will make come yam ko’hakwa sa’l a’la your white shell bowl lying a’ ‘witela’ma four times o’nealan kwa/tokin-a road will make come in homan ka/nakwai”in-e my spring yai’/yupatci watching to’ immita’kuna you sitting down quietly hon to’pin? ho’’i.:|! we one person. The foregoing section is repeated as follows: li’wan kaliciankwin ta’‘na yonder to the west direction tom ho’ tate ili you I father have 789 790 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY AIGNCOMsEe Nene bear li-’wan a/lahoankwin ta’’na yonder to the south direction tom ho’ tate ili you I father have to’naci ... badger li’wan fte’luwankwin ta’‘na yonder to the east direction tom ho’ tate 1'li you i father have yu/nawiko ... wolf lii’wan i’yamakwin ta’‘na yonder to the above direction tom ho’ tate ili you I father have a’teiala’tapa knife wing liv’wan ma/nikikwin ta‘‘na yonder to the below direction tom ho’ tate ili you I father have ka’lutsi. .. gopher || li-’wan pi’clankwin ta’‘na yonder to the north direction a’wico yi’la’kona moss mountain along yi/la kitsowa’kona mountain point along te’letc i’tiwa’kona slope middle along a’kwe kwai’’ina’kona ravine opening along ton ’u’lo‘tn i/lapa you world having , ~ iv. = a’‘laci tu’ptsina ancient yellow stone o’neatan = i’kdina road making come yam kohakwa_ sa’l a’tkwi your white shell bowl where it lies a’’witela’ma four times o’neata kwa’tokana road making enter (ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 791 ton i/tinan-ila’/kikapa you having sat down quietly to’na'wan ka’*kwin-e your living water ho’n fte’apkunan-e our child i/katkuna drinking in te’/luwaian Kai’akwi dawn lake to o/neal te’’tcina road reaching a‘’wona ya’’’ana.'|| their roads will be fulfilled. The foregoing section is repeated for the six directions as above, naming for each direction a stone of appropriate color, as follows: .. ataci h’ana. . ancient stone blue ... attaci a’hona . ancient stone red .. a/laci kKohana.. ancient stone white ... ataci i’/to‘panana .. . ancient stone many colored .. a'taci cikana . ancient stone dark le’stikleapa furthermore SUMMONING A SHAMAN When anyone is sick and it is decided to call a Shaman to cure him, the family decide whether or not they consider the case sufficiently serious to warrant summoning one of the societies to come as an organ- ization to perform its curing ritual. This is done only when they believe death is threatened and it is felt that the full power of the society is needed to save the patient’s life. In such cases the patient is given to the society, and the family undertakes to see that he is initiated within a reasonable time. This is a last resort, since the expense of initiation is very great. » In less serious cases a shaman is summoned to practice as an indi- vidual. In such a case the shaman may ask assistance of some col- league who owns an especially potent song or medicine, but the society as a whole does not participate, nor is the patient initiated. However, at the following New Year he goes to the house of the society with which his doctor is affiliated and his head is washed at their altar, 792 and he becomes their ‘‘child.” ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 Each year at the winter solstice his society father, the shaman, makes a prayer stick for him to plant. Before the physician is summoned the patient’s relatives decide what they will offer him for his services. The gift is held ready. Then the patient’s father or some other mature male relative prepares prayer meal, which he wraps in a corn husk. Into this he puts some bit of the gift for the physician—a thread from a robe, or a bit of the fringe if it is a shawl. This is for the Beast Gods, their ‘‘clothing.” With this he goes to the house of the shaman. The two men sit down, remove their headbands and moccasins, clasping hands over the package of meal. The patient’s father repeats the following prayer, to which the shaman replies in lke spirit :”° 10 15 20 25 This day, Because of the ill will of the foolish ones,!7 Our child wears out his spirit. Among all our fathers, Life-giving priests," Life-giving pekwins, Life-giving bow priests, We have looked about. When all unexpectedly, The divine ones chose you We, in the daylight Also chose you. Now that we have let you know of | it, Yonder in their house,!® The divine ones have passed you on your road, With the roads of the divine ones going ahead, Into our house You will make your road enter. Having sat down quietly, This day, With the flesh of the white corn, Prayer meal, With ground shell, We haf@e taken firm hold of our fathers, Life-giving priests; With prayer meal held in the hol- low of the left hand ”° | 10 15 20 lu’ki va’ton’e ho’’nan fte’apkunan‘e yu”’ya‘nam a/ka tse’’mek te’n-a hon a‘’teaiye. le’ yam a‘’tateu o’na‘ya’’nak’ a‘/ciwan‘i o/narya’‘naké pe’kwi’we o/na‘ya’naka a‘/pitaciwan'i hon a*’wun’u’lapnapkii te’/kwant te’atipa ka’pin a‘’ho’i tom a/naw’ana*wapkite’a te’/kohanana tom hon u/naw‘an-a tom hon yu’’’ya‘kina*wapa a’wan tse’’makwin hot yam he’cotan‘e ka’pin a‘/ho’i tom o/na-e’latenapka. ka’pin a’ho’ a‘’wan o’neatan- e’‘kwi’kowa ho”’na‘wa he’cotakwi to o’/neal kwa’tokana ton i'’tinan ta’ kikipa lu’ka ya’ton-e to’wa kohan an ci’’nan‘e ha/lawo:tinan to-’’o te’a’ona hon yam a‘’tatcu o/na‘ya*‘naka a°’ciwan‘l a‘’wan we’cika a’stecokta ha’lawo-tinan a’ki 16 Dictated by one of the headmen of the Wood Society. The witch, whose ill will has caused the sickness. 18 Society chiefs. The choice of a shaman is believed to be inspired by the Beast Gods. 19 The ceremonial house of the society. 20 The left hand is used in all curing rituals. Also in the rites of the scalp dance. BUNZEL] 30 35 40 45 55 60 We held one another fast. With prayer meal, With riches, With shell, With these we hold one another fast. The ones who are our fathers, Life-giving priests, Will hold our child, Our child who has been bewitched Because the heart of someone be- came angry. Our fathers, Life-giving priests, Beast priests, With your hands, With your breath, Hold him fast. The power of the two hearted one, The one who has bewitched our child, The foolish one, His power?! they will cause to stand out In the daylight of our sun father. Then our child’s breath will be- come well. His spirit will become well. Desiring this With prayer meal, With shell, We have held one another fast. Taking his prayer meal, You will make your road go out.” Yonder, with prayers, you will di- rect your road. Somewhere on your earth mother, Your fathers, The divine ones, You will pass on their roads. PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 30 793 hons i‘ wiyatena-tsu’/mekika ha’/lawo'tinan’e u’tenan’e to-’’o hon a’ké i-’wiyatena-tsu’/mekaka. ho’”’na‘wan te’/apkunan‘e hon a*’tate i/lapona o’na‘yanak’ a‘’ciwan’i hot teu’wa kwa/hot a’ka i’ken i‘samutina ho”’na‘wan te’apkuna a/natsuma- *kowa hon a‘’tate i/lapona o/na’ ya‘nak’ a*’ciwan‘i we'ma’ a‘/ciwan'i yam a/sin a’/ka yam ya’nhakunan a’kii ya’tena tsu’/meka hot teu/wa kwil i’ke’na ho’’nan te’apkunan a/natsum‘a’- kowa yu”’ya‘nam’e an sa/wanika yam ya’toka ta’teu an te’kohanankwi tu’wanakwai’’- ikana ho’’na-wan te’apkunan an ya’nha- kunan i*’kokeukinea. an tse’’makwi i-/kokceukinca. lu’ka a’ntecemana ha/lawo-tinan a’ka to’ a’ ka hon i’ wiyatena-tsu’makika luk’ an ha/lawo‘tinan i‘’teana o/neala kwai’’ikana. le’hok» te’wus a’ ka ton o/neat a‘/kina hot yam a‘’witelin tsi’tana yam a‘’tatcu ka’pin a‘’ho’i ton a*’wona-e’laten‘a 21 Sawaniki, weapons, also, abstractly, power. There is a double meaning to these lines. The shaman will actually remove from the patient’s body foreign matter which the witch has injected, and which is the direct cause of the sickness. power. If a witch once reveals the source of his power he becomes helpless. when it is told, the power passing to the new owner. Also, by revealing the means the witch has employed, he strips him of his For this reason torture formerly was used to extract confessions from those suspected of witchcraft. Any prayer or ritual loses its potency See pp. 493-494. 22 The prayer meal which the medicine man receives is offered to the spirits at a point east of the village. 6066°—32 51 794 65 75 80 85 90 100 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Then once more taking my prayer meal, My riches, My shell, Those on which I have breathed my prayers, Even thus will be your words upon them. To those who once were alive,” To those who used to be with us, And furthermore, our fathers, The beast priests, The life-giving priests, To them you will give the prayer meal, The shell, The riches. Our fathers will take the prayer meal, The shell, The riches. When you have given it to them, And when they have accepted it, Anxiously they will await evening. When our sun father Has gone in to sit down at his sacred place, Somewhere the divine ones will pass you on your road. They will come to their child; The divine ones will come to their child. Our fathers, Life-giving priests, Life-giving pekwins, Life-giving bow priests, Perpetuating their rite from the first beginning, Sitting down quietly among us, Will look over their child, Our child, whose spirit failed, Because of some evil thing. Beast priests, With your hands, With your breath, 65 100 [ETH. ANN. 47 tem ta hotlno ha’lawo'tinan‘e u’tenan‘e too ho’ tewusu ya’nulaka te’a’kowa i’snokon fe/’nan to’ yam a*’tateu li:’Ino te’kin-a. a‘‘ho’ a’’tea’kowa ho’n i/li a‘’tea’kowa le’stiklea yam a‘’tateu we'ma’ a°/ciwan‘i o/na‘ya’’nakaé a‘’ciwan'i ha’lawo‘tinan‘e too u’tenan’e to’ a‘‘lea’upa ho’’na*wan a‘‘tateu ha’/lawo‘tinan‘e lo-”o u’tenan i‘leana to’ a*tea’upa i-‘leana a/ntsume‘na su’nhakina:wa ho”’na‘wan ya’toka ta’teu yam te/tacinukwi i‘’muna kwato- kapa ka’pin a*’ho’i hot tom o/na-e’latena*wa. yam te’apkunan-e kapin a‘’ho’i yam te’apkunan o’na-e’latena*wa ho” na*wan a‘’tateu o/na‘ya’’naké a‘/ciwan‘i o/na‘ya’’naka pe/kwi'we o/na‘ya’/naka a‘’pi’la‘ci*’wan'i yam ko’lehot tei’mika’kowa te’lia‘na i/‘tinan ta’/kiknan yam te’apkunan‘e un-u’lapna’wa. ho’na‘wan teapkunan a/kai ~—s tse’ mak win te’a’kowa we'ma’ a‘/ciwan‘i yam a/sin a/ka yam ya’nhakunan a’ka kwa’hot i*/natina 23 Deceased shamans, united in death with their protectors and patrons, the Beast Gods. Only those members of medicine societies who have shamanistic powers, that is, the power to invoke and impersonate the bear, are so honored in death. BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 795 105 The power of the foolish one 105 yu’’ya‘nam an sa’/wanika You will make stand forth. ton lu/wana kwai”ikina*wa Then our child’s spirit will become ho’’nan te’apkunan an tse’’mak- well, wi'’kokeuk’fina His breath will become well. an ya’nhakunan i-’kokeukéfpa. Then that you may be the ones i’skon tse’’mak fte’lakwi yam whom his spirit will embrace, a‘‘teatun’on aka 110 There at your house * 110 hot yam he’cotakwi With your clear water yam te’/apkunan-e You will bind your child fast. yam kicima ko’ke a/ki to’ ya’tena tsu’/mekana’tun’on Tn order that it may be thus aka We give you our child. tom ho’n te’apkunan a/niktei-a’u. Tue Society FatHer Summons THE Novice For His INITIATION If the patient has been given to the society he is expected to com- plete his initiation as soon as economic obligations permit. Should he fail in this he is troubled with bad dreams as a warning of the fate that will overtake him. Initiation is in no sense a propitiatory rite; it is, rather, an access to power. The preliminary ceremonies held at his sick bed secured him a stay, but in order finally to triumph over the disease, the patient must place himself under the protection of the Beast Gods and receive from them a new heart. Should he not do this, he will be troubled in spirit until he sickens and dies. Worry is the most serious of all illnesses, it is the sickness of the spirit caused by supernatural agencies. Frequently many years elapse before a man is in a position to meet the expenses of intitation. Whenever he is ready his family notify the society father, who is the man who received him as a patient. At the first fall meeting of the society the date for the initiation is set at the full moon of the month at which that society customarily initiates. Four days before the full moon the ceremonial father goes after sunset to the house of the novice to notify him that the initiation ceremonies are about to begin. Here the boy’s family are assembled and waiting for him. After formal greetings are exchanged, the man sits down, removes his head band and moccasins and prays." % The house of the society. Had the man been offering the child for initiation into the society he would say instead of ‘‘at your house,” ‘‘in your spring.”’ %a Dictated by a member of the Great Fire Society, a man who has initiated many children into his society. 796 10 18 20 25 30 35 40 This many are the days Since some evil thing Made our child sick. His breath failed. Because of this from among all our fathers, Life-giving priests, Life-giving pekwins, Life-giving bow priests; All the society priests, Society Ppekwins, Society bow priests, Unexpectedly The divine ones chose me. Their daylight children Revealed themselves to you, And choosing me, You let me know. Taking prayer meal, Far off to the east, With prayers, | made my road go forth. Where our fathers’ road comes in * I passed them on their road. Standing facing them, I offered them prayer meal. The divine ones’ road preceded; Their road preceding, Following them Hither with prayers. We brought our roads Into their daylight children’s rain- filled rooms,?6 The divine ones brought their road. They sat down quietly And we of the daylight Met one another. Our prayer meal, Shells,?7 Riches, On which I had breathed our pray- ers, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY bo So 40 JETH. ANN. 47 le’si te’wanan‘e ho’’na‘wan fe’apkunan‘e i’mat kwa’tik we’akaka ya’nhakun i'/natina yam a‘’te’on a’ki le’ yam a‘’tateu o/na ya‘’naké a’ciwan‘i o’naya’’nakiéi Be’ kwi-we o’na ya‘/naké a:’pi’laci/wan'i le ti’ka a‘/ciwan‘i ti'ka pe’kwi'we ti’ka a’/pi’la‘ci’wan'i te’/kwant te’atipa ka’pin a‘’ho’i yam a/nawana’’wapa te’kohanan an tea’/we tom ya/nlitona hom a’nawana hom yu’ya‘kana‘wapa ha’lawo'tinan i-‘feana le’hok® te’/luwankwin ta’‘na te’wus a/ka ho’ o/neal kwai’’ikaka yam a‘’tatcu a‘’wan o’neal i/nakwi a‘’wona-e’latena ya’/nikto’nan ye-'lana ho’ ha’lawo-tinan a*‘tea’upa ka’pin a‘’ho’i o’/neat e/‘kuna‘’wapa a’’wan o’neal e‘kwikuna ela ya’lu kathok" te’wus a/ki hon o/neat a*/kanapka yam te’kohanan tea’we a’wan ka’cima te’li’tokwi ka’pin a‘’ho’i o/neal kwa’tokina i’tinan istakikapa te’kohanana hon i*’yona-e’latena. yam ha’lawo’tinan‘e to-’o u’tenank-e yam te’wusu ya’nuta’kona 2s The eastern road. The Beast Gods dwell at Cipapolima, in the east. All curing rituals are oriented toward the east, as all katcina are oriented toward the southwest. *% The house of the patient. ® The prayer meal contains bits of ground shell or turquoise and a few threads pulled from the garment otfered to the medicine man in payment for his services in curing. 797 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 45 Four times drawing them toward | 45 a-’witela’ma me, a‘’wana‘ u’lana Here in the hollow of the life-giving hon a‘’tate i/lapona left hand o/naya’/nakaé a‘/ciwan‘i Of my fathers, li’wan a‘’wan we’cika o/na Life-giving priests, ya'’nakad a’stecokta’a 50 I laid the prayer meal, 50 ha’lawo-tinan‘e The shells, to-’o The riches. u’tenan‘e i’tiulakapa Then taking the prayer meal,?8 ha’lawo'tinan‘e 55 The shells, 55 to-”’o The riches, u’tenan i‘leana Yonder to the east, le’hok" te’luwankwin ta/‘na For the second time kwilikainana With prayers te’wusa’ka 60 I made my road go forth. 60 ho’ o/neat kwai’’ikaka Where my father’s life-giving road yam a‘tatcu comes in a‘’wan o/naya‘nakdé o’neal i/nakwi Standing facing them, ya’/nikto‘na ye*’lana I offered them prayer meal. ha’lawo’tinan a*/lea’upa 65 Thus anxiously waiting, 65 a’/ntsume‘na We have passed our days.?® hon te/wanan a‘’teaki Then when all their days were tokwa le’wi te’waka te’a’ana past,30 After our moon mother, hon ya’/onaké tsit i/lap:‘a*’te’ona At her sacred place, yam fe’laci*’/nakwi 70 Still small, appeared, 70 ko-’wi tsa’na ye'tsakina And now yonder in the east liiwan te/luwankwin ta’‘na Standing fully grown makes her i‘tiulana ho’’i ya’kanaka Te’- days,34 wanan a’/capa Now our spring children, ho’’na‘wan ka’nakwe7nan tea’we 75 Whoever truly desires in his heart hot teuw hi’ yawotucna to grow old, 75 ta’cina tse’’*ma’kona Taking prayer meal, Taking shell, Taking corn pollen, Yonder with prayers 28 The patient expectorates into the package of meal. ha/lawo'tinan i-/teana lo” i-teana o’nean i/teana le/hok te’wus a/ka Thus his sickness is removed, and the father “takes it out to the east.”’ 2° The four days during which the society holds its ceremonies of curing in the home of the patient. Only the officers and possessors of esoteric knowledge are present. The sacred paraphernalia of the society is set up, songs are sung, the Beast Gods are invoked, and finally the agency of sickness is withdrawn from the patient. The ceremonies are held for four consecutive nights, and last from midnight until dawn. 30 The days of waiting until the novice was ready to assume his obligations. 31 The time is now approaching the full moon. The ceremonies of initiation will begin with the making of prayer sticks by all members of the society on the day following the visit of the father to the home ef the novice, 798 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [pTH. ANN. 47 80 One by one shall make their roads | 80 o/neat kwai’ilekina'wa go forth. Yonder where they have stood since the first beginning Our fathers, The forest, The brush, Those who have been given do- main hot tei’mikana’kaipa hon a‘’tate i’/lapona ta’ wil-po’'ti ta’ kwil-po°’ti 85 Yonder on all the mossy moun- | 85 la’thok" a’wico ya/la’kona tains, u’lo‘na ya/niktcia’kona There we passed them on their a‘’wona-e’latena roads. hot teuw ha’lowi‘li’*kona At the feet of some lucky one, an sa/kwia 90 Offering prayer meal, 90 ha’lawo-tinan’e Shells, to-’o Corn pollen, o’nean a*/teakna Even among their sharp fingers a’/si ki’ tsowakwinte ‘We looked about. i’yun’ulapnaka. 95 Breaking off the straight green | 95 hot teuw ha/lowi’li’kona shoots of some lucky one, a’ kawulkwi'nakna We drew them toward us. a‘’wana‘-u/lakapa Even those standing there quietly, yam tu’ wata’ki’konate Holding their long life, yam o/naya‘naka 100 Their old age, 100 yam ta’ciaké Their waters, yam ka’cima Their seeds, yam to’waconan te’apa The divine ones made their roads ka’pin a°’ho’i o/neat i’kana come hither. Near by into the house of our la/lik hon a‘’tate ilapona fathers, 105 Our mothers, 105 hon a‘’tsit i/lapona The clan of the sun,** ya’ tok’ a’nota Into their house the divine ones a‘’wan he’cotakwi brought their road ka’pin a‘/ho’i 110 And there sat down quietly. o/neal kwa’tokipa This many days, 110 i’tinan ta’kikna Anxiously waiting With us, their children, they passed their days. And now that their appointed time had come, le’si te’wanan‘e a/ntsume‘na ho’’na tea’wilafpa te’wanan a-’te- aka te’kwi ke’s le’n hai’tokwin te’’tcipa 82 The frequent changes of tense in the following passages are confusing, but have been retained in the translation because they are so characteristic a feature of the poetic style. It reflects the very slight importance attached to clarity and coherence, Willow sticks may be gathered at any time, and kept by a man in the house in which he lives until ready for use. He must have them in readiness for the prayer-stick making, which starts shortly after sunrise the following day. 33 An attempt on the part of the speaker to conceal his identity. clan nor living in a Sun clan house, He was neither a member of the Sun BUNZEL] 115 120 125 130 140 145 150 Next day, After our fathers, Our ancestors, Those who here had belonged to societies, The divine ones, After they first had taken hold of their plume wands, We of the daylight, Meeting one another, With our warm human hands, Embraced them. For our fathers, Our children, Those who societies, For their ceremony We shall give our plume wands human form. With the massed cloud robe of our grandfather, Male turkey, With eagle’s mist garment, With the striped cloud wings And massed cloud tails Of all the birds of summer, With these four times wrapping our plume wands, We shall give them human form. With the one who is our mother, Cotton woman, Even a roughly spun cotton thread, A soiled cotton thread, With this four times encircling them and tying it around, With hanging rain feather, We shall give our plume wands human form. Saying, let it be now, Taking our child’s prayer meal, here belonged to Wherever we think, let it be here, Our earth mother We shall pass on her road. Offering our plume wands, We shall make their days.* When there remains a little space, PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 115 120 125 130 135 140 145 150 799 te’wan ya’ton‘e hon a’’tate i/lapona ho’’na‘wan a*’taci’na*we li-‘Ino ti’kan i/lapkona ka’pin a‘’ho’i ke-Ia yam te’likinan ya’tena tsu’mekinapka te’a’ana te’kohanana hon i*’yona-e’latena yam a/sin ka/naké a‘’wiyaten tsu’/mekinapka yam a‘’tatcu yam tea’we li'tn ti’kan ilapkona a‘’wan hai’to hon te’likinan a‘’ho’ a‘ya‘kina’wa yam nan i’li te’’ona ton ots an a’weluyan fa’’ine ka’ kal an ci’pololon u’teun‘e la’thok" 9’lo’ikaiaki wo-/we a*’wan ta’/pihanan la’taw-e a-’wan a’weluyan: kiten a/ka a’ka a*’witela’ma te’/likinan a‘’Ppa’un a‘’ho’ a‘’ya‘- kana yam tsit i/li te’’ona pi’tsem o’ka ko-’ti pi’ lenapte » pi’’le ci’ kanapte a’k’ a*’witela’ma pa’nulapnan i-’kwian te’’tcina ka’cima la’cowa te’/likinan ho’’i ya*’kina’wapa hot ka-’ki kersi’ le’’anakapa yam te’apkunan ha’lawo‘tinan-e i’teana hot lita le’’hatina yam a/witelin tsi’ta ho’ o’na-e’latena hon te’likinan a*/teana hon a‘’wan te’wanan a’cna‘wapa hon yaé’toka tate i/lap a’’te’ona %4 The four-day retreat, which begins when the prayer sticks are planted shortly before sunset on the day following this speech. The novice has prayer sticks made for him by his ceremonial father. In the afternoon he is summoned to the ceremonial house of the society to receive them. He then goes with his father and officers of the society to plant in a shrine at Badger place, about 2 miles southeast of Zuiii. From the time of the planting until the conclusion of the ceremonies he must do no work, especially lift no heavy weights. He eats and sleeps very little and is untouchable, like one who has had contact with the dead. At the same time other members of the society plant in their fields or at Red Earth and after their supper return with their bedding to the society house for a four nights’ retreat. in preparation for the great ceremony of the last night. The days are spent 800 160 165 170 175 180 185 190 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Ere our sun father goes in to sit down at his sacred place Then our father * Will spread out his fathers’ mist blanket, Their perfect cloud house he will prepare, Their rainbow bow he will lay down, Their lightning arrow he will lay down, And there will sit down quietly. Far off from all directions Our fathers will make their roads come forth. Making their roads come hither They will sit down quietly. Sitting behind them This many days, Anxiously waiting We shall pass our days. When we reach their appointed time,°6 Yonder from all directions The ones who are our fathers, Life-giving priests, Life-giving pekwins, Life-giving bow priests, All the Beast Priests, The divine ones, With no exceptions, All will make their roads come hither. Near-by, into the rain-filled rooms Of their daylight fathers, Their daylight children, They will bring their roads. At the place where they sit down quietly, Our child will pass his fathers on their road. Into a being like themselves *7 They will transform him. 155 160 165 170 175 180 185 190 [ETH. ANN 47 yam te’laci‘nakwi i-‘muna kwa’tokitun te’kwi korw a’/nte‘we’ tcikwi hon tate i/lap a*’teona yam a‘’tateu a‘’wan ci’pololon fe’wuna a‘'wan a’weluyan ka’kwen ya‘/na ye’lete’una a‘’wan a/mitolan pi”’tan a’’una a‘’wan wi’lolonan co’l a/’una Tti/nan ta/kupa la’thok» le’si te’kwi hon a‘’tate i/lapona o’neal kwai’’ikiana o’neat i’kina i’Tinan i/takikipa a‘’wan ma/si’a i’mialana le’si te’wanan‘e a’ntsume‘na hon te/wanan a*’tekina hot a:’wan hai’tokwin te’’tcipa la/thok» le’si te’kwi hon a*’tate i/lapona o/naya’naké a‘/ciwan'i o/naya‘naka pe’kwi'we o’naya‘nak’ a’’pi’ta‘ei’/wan'i le’ we'm a‘/ciwan‘i ka’pin a‘’ho’i kwa tcuw i’metcam-e o’neat i’kana la/lik yam fe’kohanan a’’tatcu yam fe’kohanan tea’we. a’’wan ka’cima fe’li’tonankwi o/neala kwa’tokana i-/tinan i*/lakika te’kwi ho’’na-wan te/apkunan’e yam a-’tatcu a*’wona-e’latepa yam ko’nhot ho’’i te’’ona ho’’i ya*/kana*wapa 38 The pekwin of the society, who sets up the altar and makes the meal painting. This is done before the novice is summoned to plant his prayer sticks. 36 The fourth night of the retreat, when the ceremony of initiation takes place. 37 The painting of the face and the body of the novice. There is power inherent in body paint. BUNZEL] 195 200 210 225 38 At dawn the head of the novice is washed by two sisters of his ceremonial father. of the head his society name is called in a song. Then sitting among his fathers, Even at their valuable place, Throughout a blessed night. With us, their children, They will come to day. Next day, when yet a little space remains Ere our sun father Comes out standing to his sacred place, Then with that through which our roads are fulfilled, With clear water, We shall add to the breath of our child.*§ For since our breath is valuable, Our child Into his body Will inhale our breath. At the very place where he sees our spring He will sit down as one of us. That his road may be fulfilled, Seeking that, With our thoughts bent to that, We shall always live. Anxiously awaiting the time or- dained for this, We shall pass our days. For even while I call myself poor, Yonder on all sides, Asking for life from those whom my thoughts embrace, I shall add to your breath. From the priest of the north, From the priest of the west, From the priest of the south, From the priest of the east, From the priest of the above, From the priest of the below, Asking their long life, Their old age, All their good fortune whereof they are possessed, Asking for their breath, And into my warm body, Drawing their breath, I shall add to your breath. PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 195 200 205 210 215 801 yam a‘‘tateu a’wan te/‘ya tewapte i’me a’keuna te’tinan ko/kei hon tea’wilap a*’wante’wana te’wap yi’ton‘e hon ya’toki tate ilap a:’te’ona yam te’lacinakwi ye’lana kwai”’ikatun te’kwi ko-w a’nte‘we’tcikwi yam a’/k ityona-ya’/kiina*wona ka’cima koke a’/ka yam te’apkunan’e ho”’nan pi’’nan te’liuna’wapa ho’’na‘wan fi’’nan te’‘yapa ho’’na‘wan te’apkunan:e yam ce’Inakwi pi’na ya’nhakuna kwa’tokina’wa hot yam kinakwenan tu’naka te”’a im a’‘kcite o’naya”’aka a/ntapana tse’mak-te’lakwi hon a*'tekin-a te’wuna’ lekon hai’to a/ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a‘’tekin‘a ta’‘tcie te’wuko’liya le’’kwanante la’thok» le’si te’kwi yam tse’’mak-te’lakwi’kona ho’ te’kohanan yai’ncemana to’’na-wan ho’ pi’nan te’liana‘wa picl a*’ciwan'i kalici a-/ciwan'i a’laho a°/ciwan‘i te’mako a‘/ciwan'i i’yam a’‘/ciwan'i ma/nilam a*/ciwan’i a‘’wan o/naya‘naké a*’wan ta’ciaka a’’wan kwa/‘hot ha’lowilin-e i’lap a‘’te’ona pi’’na yai’ncemana yam te’hut ka’Inakwi pi’na yanhakuna kwa’tok’iina to’’na'wan hon fi’’nan te’liana*wa te’mia te’n'i During the washing Thus his rebirth is symbolized. 802 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 240 To this end, 240 te’wuna’ fo’ te’Kohanan a/nik- May you be blessed with life. teia‘tu. Now we go.*® son a‘’wa" ne* Tue Society Fatuer Bursses THE Novice at THE CLOosE oF His INITIATION On the following morning the members of the society make prayer sticks at their society house. They plant late in the afternoon and go into retreat in their ceremonial room. The novice has prayer sticks made by his ceremonial father, with whom he goes to plant at Badger Place. He observes a strict retreat in his own house. Each night he is brought to the society room to practice dancing and to be purified for his initiation. Each member of the society makes prayer sticks for the novice to plant the last day. His father prepares his mi’le, the feathered ear of corn which will be his personal fetish, his medicine bag, and the eagle feathers that form part of his regalia. He makes or purchases the hand-woven blue breechcloth which forms his ceremonial costume. At the boy’s house preparations for the feast are under way. On the fourth night he is summoned by his father. At the society house he is clothed and his face and body are painted with sacred paint. Then he is brought into the ceremonial room to meet his fathers, the Beast Gods. He dances all night with two women of the clan of his ceremonial father. At dawn the two women wash his head at the altar, while the choir calls his new name. At the con- clusion of this the ceremonial father hands the boy the medicine bag, eagle feathers, four ears of corn which have been lying on the altar, the mi’le, and the bundle of prayer sticks. They clasp hands over these sacred objects while the father repeats a long prayer, reviewing the events which have led up to this moment. At the conclusion all inhale the blessing of the newly consecrated mile. The boy takes his sacred possession to his house and returns to the society room, where his relatives serve a sumptuous feast. About noon he goes with his ceremonial father and the head of the society to a shrine on Badger Place where he plants the bundle of prayer sticks. Then for four days he must abstain from animal food in addi- tion to the usual requirements of sexual continence and gentleness. On the fourth morning his father takes him out toward the east and removes from his hair the downy feather which he has worn as a pledge of his abstinence. He takes the boy to his house, where his head is washed by his wife. On this day there are elaborate exchanges of 38 The man leaves at once. The women of the boy’s family immediately start preparations for his initia- tion, including the preparation of food for the two great feasts they must provide, and the grinding of meal to be given to his ceremonial father. BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 803 gifts of food between the women of the boy’s family and those of the father’s. The following prayer, dictated by a member of the Great Fire Society, is said by the ceremonial father at the presentation of the mi’le, at the moment when he receives the novice into full membership in the society. Now this many are the days Since something made our child sick. When his spirit failed And his breath failed, That by which we live, That of which is made the flesh of these, my children, The flesh of the white corn, Prayer meal, You prepared. And taking shells, The flesh of our mother, white shell woman, Who, though abiding far off, in the west, In all the village branches,*? Saying, ‘‘ Let it be here,” Has washed the cuticle from her body, Taking even a single borrowed shell, The shell, The rich clothing. You sent forth with prayers.*! Among all your fathers, Life-giving priests, Life-giving pekwins, Life-giving bow priests, Society priests, Society pekwins, Society bow priests You looked about. Now since nothing was clear to you, The divine ones Chose me from all. Then my daylight children revealed themselves to you And you also chose me from among them all And let me know of it. When my fathers had come out one by one From wherever they abide, Taking my prayer meal, Yonder toward the east I made my road go forth.!? Standing facing my fathers I offered them prayer meal. The divine ones took my prayer meal. Then they leading, I following at their backs, With prayers we made our roads come hither. Here into the rain-filled rooms Of their daylight children The divine ones entered. * They sat down quietly. Here we of the daylight met one another IT sat down quietly. Taking up our prayer meal, Our shells, Our rich clothing, Upon which we had prayers, In the hollow of the life giving left hand Of my fathers, life giving priests, I placed the prayer meal, The shells, The rich clothing, Then when my fathers took hold of their prayer meal, Their shells, Their rich clothing, We of the daylight With the prayer meal, With the shells, With the rich clothing, We held one another fast. Desiring our fathers’ long life, Desiring their old age, Desiring their medicine, Sending forth our prayers for these, With prayer meal, breathed our 40 The pueblos to the east, whence shells and turquoise are secured by trade. Wherever White Shell Woman bathes she leaves the rubbings from her body, the white olivella shells, which are ground down for wampum. 4 Literally, ‘‘to set up before the door,” used of any person or object appointed to intercede with outside forces. #2 With the package of meal received from the patient’s family, the shaman goes to the east to pray for divine help. * The first visit to the patient. 804 With shells, With rich clothing We held one another fast. Taking my child’s prayer meal, His shells, His rich clothing, Yonder toward the east, With prayers I made my road go forth.4 Where the life-giving road of my fathers comes in, T passed them on their road. With my child’s prayer meal, With his shells, With his rich clothing For my child I asked for life. Then I returned to my own house. As the sacred words of the divine ones circulated, We in the daylight, Letting one another know, Anxiously waiting we came to evening. Following after those whom our thoughts embrace,*® The ones who were to have their days, Male willow, Female willow, Breaking off straight young shoots, Of whichever ones were lucky, And drawing them toward us, With our warm human hands We held them fast. With the massed cloud robe of our grandfather, Male turkey, With eagle’s mist garment, With the striped cloud wings And massed cloud tails Of all the birds of summer, Four times with these wrapping the plume wands We gave them human form; With our mother, Cotton woman, Even a roughly spun cotton thread, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 Four times encircling them and tying it around, With a rain-bringing hair feather, We gave them human form; With the flesh of our two mothers, Black paint woman, Clay woman, Clothing their plume wands with their flesh, We gave them human form; With the mucous of our fathers,*” Life-giving priests, We gave them human form. Saying, “‘Let it be now,” And taking our plume wands, The divine ones leading, We following at their backs, Hither with prayers We brought our roads. Into the rain-filled rooms Of our daylight children *# The divine ones entered; With their hands They removed the source of sickness from our child, The one who had been suffering from some evil sickness. Then our child With his spittle Finished their plume wands. Taking the plume wand, After having removed the sickness from our child, The one who had been suffering with some evil sickness, Taking the plume wand, We made our road go forth. Saying, ‘‘Let it be here,” I met those who are our fathers, Life-giving priests, Life-giving pekwins, Life-giving bow priests; And furthermore our ancestors, Those who here belonged to societies, Those who were society chiefs, Those who were society pekwins, 44 He goes out to the east a second time, ‘‘to take out the sickness.” 48 He notifies important members of the society that the society has been summoned to cure, while at the same time the supernaturals assemble. 46 Heads of the society go after willow sticks of which to make prayer sticks. passage all pronouns are omitted, implying a third person subject. In the text of the following They have been restored in the trans- lation in the interest of intelligibility. Such changes of person are characteristic. 47 Medicine roots which are used on prayer sticks for special occasions. The use of these medicines, the way of making these prayer sticks, and the prayers which give them power are some of the most carefully guarded secrets in Zufi ritual. 48 The second visit to the patient. patient expectorates on it. The physician rubs his body with the medicated prayer stick. The The physician takes it out immediately. BUNZEL] Those who were society bow priests, Those who with thoughts embracing, Held in their keeping our world; And furthermore our ancestors, Those who had knowledge of how to care for us, And the Beast Priests. Where they were all fittingly gathered together, None being absent, There I passed them on their roads. I gave them the plume wands. My fathers took firm hold of my plume wands. Yonder at the place of their first beginning, At Cipapolima, While Iyatiku Poceyanki *® By means of my plume wands sent word about, Anxiously waiting They came to evening. When our sun father Had gone in standing to his sacred place, And our night fathers, Our night mothers, Coming out rising to their sacred place, Passed us on our roads, Saying, ‘‘Let it be now,” Our father, Our mother, The perfectly robed ones *° Both of them we made arise. They leading, Near by into the rain-filled rooms of our daylight fathers, Our roads entered.*! Sitting down quietly, Again for the second time Taking our child’s prayer meal, And giving it to our fathers, Here in the hollow of their life-giving left hand, The prayer meal, The shell giving to them, We held one another fast. PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 805 Saying, ‘‘Let it be now,” Our father, Our mother, The perfectly robed, We made arise. With these leading, Far off to the east, With prayers we made our road go forth. Where our fathers’ comes in, We passed them on their roads. Standing face to face Our child’s prayer meal, His shells, We gave to our fathers. And adding my own words In accordance with whatever had al- ready been said to make the prayer meal a being potent in prayer, I asked for life for my child. There we met our fathers, Life-giving priests; And furthermore, our ancestors, Those who here belonged to societies, The ones who had attained the far off place of waters; And furthermore our relatives, Those who used to know how to care for us; Where none were missing But where all abide holding their long life, Holding their old age, We passed them on their roads; All the Beast Priests Holding their weapons 5% We met; With these all leading, We following at their backs, Hither with prayers we came.*4 Into their daylight children’s water- filled rooms, Their seed-filled rooms, The divine ones entered. After they had sat down quietly We, the daylight people, life-giving road 4 Described as a single individual with two names. Po’ciyanki is the culture hero of all the eastern Pueblos. What, could not be learned. is the ‘‘mother corn” of the Keres. 8 The mu’le “‘and something else.’ 5! The first night visit to the patient. “Some one who knows about medicine.” Iyatiku ® He goes out with corn meal for the second time to pray for divine help. * Sa’waniki, any weapon including the claws of animals, and, abstractly, power. % He returns to the house of the patient. 806 Met one another. Sitting down quietly, Our fathers, life-giving priests, Built ® with their hand their massed cloud house, Spread out their mist blanket, Sent forth their life-giving road, Prepared their perfect spring. Sitting down quietly, These, the divine ones, Looked over their child. Then also these same ones Let their hands go first, Their breath go first While our hands followed. For among all the corn priests’ ladder descending children, Among all the little boys and little girls, And those whose roads go ahead,*§ Was one, who even though a valuable person, Because he became angry over some- thing, Used his power to harm our child. The power of this foolish one, Our fathers, the divine ones, The Beast Priests, Brought forth standing Into the daylight of our sun father.*? Then with his fathers’ water of life, With their flesh,** Our child nourished himself. When the day had advanced a little, When the night had advanced a little, Our child’s sickness grew less, His breath became better. That his road may be fulfilled Reaching to where the road of his sun father comes out, That he may stand firmly upon his earth mother, Hoping for this we shall live. When he said, let it be now,°® And after our moon mother, Yonder in the west still small, Had first appeared, ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN, 47 And when a little space yet remained Until, standing against the eastern sky, She should come to maturity. At that time our spring children,” Whoever of them had thought to grow old, Taking prayer meal, Taking shells, Taking corn pollen, Made their roads go forth. Wherever they met their fathers of the bush, At the feet of the lucky one Prayer meal, shell, Corn pollen, They offered. Breaking off the straight young shoots Which they drew toward them, With their warm human hands, They held them fast. With the massed cloud robe of our grandfather, Male turkey, Eagle’s mist garment, And the striped cloud wings And massed cloud tails Of all the birds of summer, With these four times wrapping their plume wands, They gave their plume wands human form. With the one who is our mother, Cotton woman, Even a roughly spun cotton thread, Four times encircling the plume wand And tying it around, And with a rain-bringing hair feather, They gave their plume wands human form. With the flesh of our two mothers, Black paint woman, Clay woman, Clothing their plume wands with flesh, They gave their plume wands human form. Saying, ‘‘Let it be now,” And taking our plume wands, 55 The altar is set up in the patient’s room. 6% The aged. ‘7 The cause of sickness is drawn from the body of the patient. 68 The patient drinks from the medicine bowl on the altar an infusion of medicine roots in water. (See p. 531.) The ceremony described above is repeated on four consecutive nights. 48 When the patient decided to fulfill his pledge of membership. © The members of the society start their preparations for the initiation ceremonies. take place at the full moon. The final ceremonies BUNZEL] And taking our child’s prayer meal,*! Yonder with prayer One by one we made our roads go forth. Meeting our earth mother, And meeting our ancestors, Our children, Those who here kelonged to societies, And furthermore our fathers, The Beast bow priests, We offered them plume wands. When there remained yet a little space. Ere our sun father, Went in to sit down at his sacred place, From far off on all sides Our fathers, Life giving priests, The divine ones, With not one missing, Making their roads come forth, They made their roads come hither. Into the rain-filled rooms of their day- light mothers, They made their roads enter.” Perpetuating their rite According to the first beginning, They fashioned their cloud house, They spread out their mist blanket, They sent forth their life-giving road, They fashioned their spring, They spanned their rainbow bow, They set their lightning arrow, They sat down quietly, And at their feet we sat down. This many days Anxiously we have waited. Now, indeed, when the last of all their days was past, Our child having made his road come in, Even where the precious road of his fathers enters, Into a being like themselves Our fathers transformed © their child. Then a blessed night they spent With us who are their children. Next day, PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 807 While yet a little space remained Ere our sun father Should come out standing to his sacred place, With our clear water, With that by which we have being, With this we took hold of our child.® After the divine ones first added their breath, Then also praying in the same words, We added to the breath of our child. Our child taking his fathers’ breath, Into his body will draw their breath. And since our breath is valuable, Where he sees our spring, Even there he will sit down among us; Then seeking always the ways of pro- longing life, With thoughts bent on this, we shall live. Then also, that on following this we may bend our thoughts, For this in plain words I sent forth my prayers. He give us this child That for a long time In bonds of affection We may live together, These clear words were spoken,” And to your fathers, Wherever they stay, You sent your clear words forth. Indeed, even while I call myself poor, Far off on all sides, I have as my fathers life-giving priests. Asking for their life-giving breath, Their breath of old age, Their breath of waters, Their breath of seeds, Their breath of riches Their breath of fecundity, Their breath of strong spirit, Their breath of power, Their breath of all good fortune whereof they are possessed, Asking for their breath, 61 Assoon as the altar is set up in the society room the father or uncle of the novice is summoned. gives the boy’s ceremonial father a packet of prayer meal, thanking him for having cured his child. meal is later distributed among all present. 62 The retreat of the society begins. the divine ones. 63 Three nights. On the fourth night. 65 The novice is clothed and painted. 66 His head is washed. He again This Their room becomes taboo to outsiders because of the presence of 67 By the man who first summoned the society for the curing rites 808 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Into our warm bodies taking their breath, We shall add to your breath. Then also far off on all sides I have fathers: Priest of the north, ® Priest of the west, Priest of the south, Priest of the east, Priest of above, Priest of below; Our sun father, Our moon mother, The sky, The Milky Way, The Great Bear, The Pleiades, The seed stars, And all the little sparkling stars, Priests, Asking for their life-giving breath, Their breath of old age, Their breath of waters, Their breath of seeds, Their breath of fecundity, ma’ les’/i_ te’wanan-‘e now this much time ho’’na‘wan fe’upkunan‘e our child ime’ kwa’tikot we’akaka perhaps some kind tse’’mak i-/natina spirit failing yan’hakun i-’natina breath failing ton yam a*’teonaka ton your means of being hom lu’knio_ tea’we my these children sickness because of (ETH. ANN. 47 Their breath of riches, Their breath of strong spirit, Their breath of power, Their breath of all good fortune whereof they are possessed, Asking for their breath, Into our warm bogies taking their breath, We shall add to your breath. Do not despise the breath of your fathers, But draw it into your body. That our roads may reach to where the life-giving road of our sun father comes out, That, clasping one another tight, Holding one another fast, We may finish our roads together; That this may be, I add to your breath now. To this end: May my father bless you with life; May your road reach to Dawn Lake, May your road be fulfilled. yam a’ka a‘/ci’na ya'’na towa kohan an _ ci’’nan‘e their with it flesh ha’lawo'tinan‘e prayer meal ye’lete’unapka (you) prepared li’twan ka‘liciankwin ta’‘na hither in the west direction completed corn white its flesh 68 The title ‘‘priest’’ seems to be applied to anyone endowed with the means of securing or bestowing blessings, regardless of whether they are humanorimmortal. Thereference here is to supernaturals. ® Un unidentified constellation. BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT hon tsit i’/lapa we mother having ko/hakw oka white shell woman ho’lomacko’na i’miakinte far off even though she stays permanently le’ tu’walan ya-’tci hot li’ta le”’hatina all village branches wherever here thus thinking to’ i’cukana’kona shell which was rubbed off from her to’pacol yam lo’ ilopi’kona just one your shell the one which was borrowed lo-’o shell u’tenan‘e clothing fe’wus ya’nulana prayer appointed le’ yam a’tatcu all your fathers o’/navya’’naka a*/ciwan‘i life-giving priests o/na‘ya’’nakaé fpe’kwi'we life-giving speakers o/na‘ya’’nakaé a°/pi’taci/wan'l life-giving bow priests le ti’ka a‘’ciwani all society priests ti’ki fpe’kwi-we society speakers t’/ki — a*’pi’ta-ci’wan'i society bow priests fon a‘’wunu’lapnapka. you looked about among them kes kwa’hot yu”he‘tonan te’amapa now something clear not being ka’pin a‘’ho’i Taw persons hom le’n a’nawana‘’wapa me thus having guessed te’koha’nan hom _ tea’we daylight my children tom ya’nh’to‘na to you revealing hom le’n a’nawana‘’wapa me thus having guessed hom yu’’ya‘kina’’wapa me having let know 6066°—32 52 809 810 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY la’‘thok” hom a‘’tatcu yonder my fathers hot yam fi’/nan-ta’ki’kona wherever where they stay quietly o’neata’ kwai/ile-kina’’wapa roads having made come out severally yam ha’lawo’tinan 1°’leana my prayer meal taking lehok® te’luankwin ta’‘na yonder to the east direction ho’ o/neat a/kaka. I road made go yam a‘’tatcu my fathers ya’/nikto‘na ye’lana face to face standing ho ha’lawo‘tinan —_a*’Iea’upa I prayer meal having given to them ka’pin = a‘’ho’i raw persons ho’man ha/’lawo-tinan 1°‘teana my prayer meal taking o’/neal e‘kuna‘wapa road going ahead awa ma/sikwin e’laydlu their back (at) following Kka’thok fe’wus’aki hon o/neal a‘kianapki. hither prayer with we road made go lit yam fte’kohanan tca’we. here their daylight children a’wan kdcima te’li’tonankwi their water room in ka’/pin = atho’i raw persons o’neala kwa’tokana roads making come in i’tinan-la’/kikipa having sat down quietly hon fte’kohanana we daylight in i’yona-e’latena one another meeting ho i’milakupa I having sat down quietly yam ha’lawo:tinan‘e our prayer meal lo'’o shell u’tenan‘e clothing (ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT yam tewusu ya’nuta’kona our prayers the ones that were appointed a‘’wana’u’tana drawing toward (us) hon a*’tate i’lapona we fathers the ones [we] have o/nayanaké a‘/ciwan‘i life-giving priests li’wan a‘’wan we’cikd o’naya‘/naka here their left ha’lawo‘tinan‘e prayer meal to-”’o shell u’tenan‘e clothing i’tiutaki tea’ana placed against when it was hon a’tate i/lapona life-giving we fathers _ the ones [we] have yam ha’lawo‘tinan‘e their prayer meal to-’o shell u’tenan‘e clothing ya’tena-tsu/mekanapké te’a’ana they held fast when it was te’kohanana in the daylight hon ha/’lawo‘tinan ak we prayer meal with lo’ aka shell with u’tenan aka clothing with hon i/wiyatentsu’mekaka we one another held fast. yam a*’tatcu our fathers a’wan o/naya’’naki a’ntecemana their long life desiring a’’wan faciakii a/’ntecemana their old age desiring a’wan a’kwa'n a’ntecemana their medicine desiring fewusu. penan’ kwai’ikina prayer words sending out ha‘lawo'tinan aka prayer meal with a’stecokta’a palm 811 812 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY a to aka | shell with _ u/tenan ak-d clothing with hon i/wiyaten-tsu’mekika. “we one another held fast. yam teapkunan an_ ha’lawo-tinan i-‘feana our child his prayer meal taking lo’ i’teana shell taking u’tenan i‘teana clothing taking le’hok te’luankwin ta‘na yonder to the east direction te’wusak-ii ho’ o’neatan kwai’ikaka prayer with I road made go out. yam a‘’tatcu our fathers a’wan o/naya‘'’nak&i o’nealan i’na’a their life-giving road coming in ho’ a*’wona-e’latena we on their roads passed. yam fe’apkunan an _ ha/lawo'tinan aka our child his prayer meal with an to” aka his shell with an u’tenan = akd his clothing with yam te’apkunan‘e our chiid ho’ an fte’kohanan ce’mana I for him life asking yam he’cotakwi my house to ho’ o’/neal i/kaka. I road made come. kaipin a‘’ho’1 raw persons. a'’wan ‘te’wusu pe’nan i’tulohapa their prayer word having gone around fe’‘Kohanana i’yu’ya‘kiina in the daylight letting one another know a/ntsume'na hon su/nhakdnapka. anxiously we came to evening. tem fa a‘’tapana then again following them tse’’mak-te’takwi where our thoughts touch yam tewanan i'litun’ona their days the ones who are to have [ETH, ANN. 47 BUNZEL] pi/lotsi willow male pi’/loka PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT te’ona being te”’ona willow female being hot tei whoever ww ha/lowi’li’kona the lucky one a/kewulkwi nakna shoots pulling a’’wana-u’lakiina drawing them toward him yam a’sin kimak-a his hand warm with a‘/wiyaten-tsu’mekiika. he held them fast yam n ani’/li te’’ona his grandfather the one who is to’n’ots an a’weluyan fa’in‘e turkey male his cloud robe ka’kal an ci’pololon u’tcun‘e eagle his mist garment lathok o/lo’ikaiakii wo’we yonder summer birds a'’wan ta’pihanan la’tan-e their striped cloud wing a’’wan a’wetuyan kii’ten aki their cumulus cloud tail with a’witela’ma four times te’likinan a‘/pa’una prayer stick wrapping them a’ho a‘’ya‘kina persons finishing them yam tsit’ili te”ona our mother the one who is pi’tsem oka cotton woman ko’ti pi’lenapte rough cotton cord even a‘k'{ a’witela’ma pa’nulap i’/kwian-te’’tcina with it four times going around belt reaching ka’cima = la’cowa rain hair feather ho’1 ya‘’kiina’’wapa person finishing it yam tsi’t’ i’lite’ona our mother the one who is ha’kwin o’ki black paint he’ tet woman o’ka clay woman 813 814 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY a‘’telan ci’nanak'a their flesh with a‘k-4 te’/ikinan 1’’ci’nana with it prayer stick giving it flesh ho’ ya'’kaka person he finished it. yam a‘’tatcu our fathers Usenet es can of onaya naka a clwan'l life-giving priests a’wan pi/kin a‘’ka ho”’i ya'’kipa their mucous with person having finished it hot kaé-/ki ke-’si le’anakapa whenever now having said te/likinan i’leana prayer stick taking ka’pin a*’ho’i raw persons o/neal e/*kuna‘wapa road going ahead a’wa ma’sikwi e’layidlu their back at following ka/‘thok” fe’wusak- 4 hither prayers with hon o/neat a‘/kinapki. we road made go. yam fe’kohanan tca’we their daylight children a’wan ka/cima_ fe’li’tonankwin their water inner room (to) ki’pin a‘’ho’l raw persons o’/neala kwa’tokina roads making come in yam a/s‘in ak-& their hand with yam te’apkunan‘e their child kwa’hol we’aki sa’mu a‘ki ho’ te’a’kona some sickness evil with person the one who had been ta’pana‘na*wapa having drawn out ho’na‘wan feapkunan‘e our child yam pi’kin aka his mucous with te/likinan ya‘’kipa prayer stick having finished te/likinan i‘’leana prayer stick taking [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEI] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 815 yam te’apkunan‘e our child kwa’hot we’aki sa’mua‘k'i ho’i te’a’kona something sickness evil with it person the one who had been la’pana‘na drawing out te‘likinan i’leana prayer stick taking hon o/neata kwai’ik’’napka. we road made go out. hot li’ta_le’’*hatina wherever here thinking hon a*’tate i’lapona we fathers the ones [we] have o/naya’’naka a*/ciwan‘i life-giving priests o/naya’’naki pe’kwi'we life-giving speakers o’/naya’’nak& a*’pi’la‘ci’/wan‘i life-giving bow priests le-’stiklea ho’na‘wan a‘’lacina’we furthermore our ancestors li-’ta ti’kin i/lapkona here societies the ones who belonged to ti’kin a‘’mosi’ka society they were chiefs ti’kin fe’kwi- tea’ka society speakers they were ti’kin pi’la‘ci/wanikika society bow priests they were i’tsemak fe’takwi u/lo‘ni’lap a’’te’ona their thoughts touching the world holding the ones who are le’stiklea ho’’na‘wan a‘/tacina‘we furthermore our ancestors ho? a’nilik’ a‘wanikwa’kona people holding the ones who knew how we'’ma’ a‘’ciwan‘l beast priests kwa teuw i’metcame ha’pona ko’keikwi not anyone left behind gathered together well where ho a‘’wona-e’latena Ion their roads passing them ho te’litkinan a*/leapa I prayer stick giving to them hom a‘’tatcu my fathers ho’man te’likinan ya’tena-tsu’mekana my prayer stick holding fast lehot yam tcimikikatekwi there their the place of the first beginning 816 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY ci’papo’limakwi at Cipapolima iyitiku po’ceyanki ho’man te’likinanak-ii my prayer stick with ya’cu’ i’tulo‘kana talk sending around a/ntsume‘na su’/nhakiinapkil anxiously they came to evening. hon yi’toké tate i’/lap a‘’te’ona we _ sun father having the ones who are vam fe’tacinakwi ye-/lana kwa’tokipa his ancient place standing having gone in hon fe’Hak’ a:’tate i’lapona we night fathers the ones (we) have hon te’Hak’ a‘’tsit i’lapona we night mothers the ones (we) have yam fe’tacinakwi i’fuwakna kwai’ina their ancient place arising coming out ho’n = a‘’wona-e’latena’wapa us on our roads having passed hot ka’ki kesi le’anakipa whenever now saying this yam tate i/li te”’ona our father having the one yam tsit i/lite’ona our mother the one who is pal ya‘’na robed completely a‘’tciana e’lemakana both making arise a'tei o/neat e/‘kwikiina their road going ahead la‘lik yam fe’kohanan ar’tatcu near by our daylight fathers a’wan ka/cima_ te’li’tokwi their water room to hon o/’neat kwa/’tokina we road making go in i’tinan-ta’kikna sitting down quietly tem ta yam fe’apkunan an_ ha’lawo-tinan‘e and also our child his prayer meal kwi/likaénana the second time li’wanem yam a‘’tatcu hither our fathers a’wan we’cik’ o’nayanak’ a’stecokta their left life-giving hollow of the hand [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT ha’lawo’’tinan‘e prayer meal to’ ak’ iyanhai’tena: i/wiyaten-tsu’mekana shell with presenting to one another holding one another fast hot ki-’ki ke’si le” anikipa whenever now saying yam tatc i’li_ te’’ona our father having the one whois yam tsit i’ te’’ona our mother having the one whois pa”’i ya‘’na robed completely a‘’tciana e’lemakina both making arise a‘’teiana o’neat e/‘kwikana their road going ahead lehok te’luankwin ta‘na yonder to the east direction te’wus a’k-& hon o/neala kwai’ikdinapka. prayers with we roads made go out. hot yam a‘’tateu where our fathers a’wan o/naya’’nakié o/nealan i/nakwi their life-giving road where it comes a‘’wona-e’latena on their roads passing them ya/niktorna ye-/lana face to face standing yam te’apkunan an_ ha’lawo-tinan‘e our child his prayer meal lo-”’o shell yam a‘’tateu hon a‘’leana our fathers we giving to them tem fa holmoko’lea ha/lawo'tinan fewus’ a’nut ho”i and also whatever prayer meal prayer appointed person te’a’kona one it was pe’na yattona word laying on top. yam te’apkunan‘e our child hon an fe’kohanan ce’mana we for him life asking ho”’na‘wan a-‘’tatcu our fathers o/naya’’ka a*‘’ciwan‘i life-giving priests le’stiklea ho’’nawan a‘‘lacina‘we furthermore our ancestors 817 ya’ka made 818 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY li’Ino ti‘kin i/lapkona here society the ones who had lehok" ka’cima te’‘wokdnapkéna yonder water place the ones who won le’stiklea ho’’na‘wan i’yanikina’we furthermore our relatives ho’? a/nilik’ a“ wanikwa’kona us looking after the ones who knew how kwatcu’wa lew i’metcame no one so many missing yam o/naya’’nakié te’apa their long life carrying yam ta’ciaka te’apa their old age carrying ho’n a‘’wona-e’latena'wapa us on (our) roads having passed lew we’ma a‘’pi’la‘ci’wan'l all beast bow priests yam sa’wanikii te’apa their weapons carrying ho’n a‘’wona-e’latena’wapa us on (our) roads having passed lu’kniakon o’neala e’‘kuna-wapa these roads making go first awa ma/sikwi e’layd’lu their back at following ka’thok” te’wus aka hither prayers with hon o/neat a‘‘kanapka we road made go. yam te’kohanan tca’we their daylight children a’wan ka/’cima fe’li’tonankwi their water inner room (in) a‘’wan fo’waconan ¢e’li’tonankwi their seed inner room (in) ka-’pin a‘’ho’i raw persons o/neata kwa’tokiana roads making come in i’tinan-i'ta’/kiki te’a’ana they sat] down quietly when it was te’kohanan a’k’? a*’ho’i daylight with persons hon i’yona-e’latena we one another meeting i’tinan i/takikna sitting down quietly hon a‘’tate i’lapona we fathers the ones [we] have (ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT o’/naya’’naka a‘/ciwan‘i life-giving priests yam a/s‘in a/k& their hand with yam a’weluyan ki’kwe ya’’kana their cloud house having completed ci’pololon fe’wuna mist blanket spread out o’naya’’naké o/nealan a‘’kéna life-giving road sending out ka/nakwe'nan ya‘’na ye’lete’una spring complete having prepared i’tinan ta’kikna sitting down quietly lu’kniako &a&’pin a‘’ho’i these raw persons yam te-apkunan‘e their child u/nulapna’/wapa having looked all over tem ta lu’kniakonte and also these here a‘’wan a/sin e’‘*kwikuna their hand going ahead a’wan ya’nhakuna e’‘kwikuna their breath goimg ahead hon a*/was-yd’/luka. our hands followed. lew to’wa ci’wan an te’tsilon fpa’nivnan all corn priest his ladder descending ko-w a’ktsik ta’na somewhat boy large ko-w ka’tsik ta’na somewhat girl large a‘’won-e’‘kwinte te’‘ya ho’’i te’ante even those whose valuable person even though he is roads go ahead kwa’tikot a’k'i i/ken i’samutina something because of heart becoming angry yam sa’wanikaka his weapons with ho”’na‘wan te’apkunan‘e our child a’/natsuma’kona the one who injured (him) ka’pin = a‘’ho’i saw persons yu'’yarnam an sa’wanika foolish one his weapons tcawe children 819 820 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY hon a‘‘tate i’lapona we fathers _ the ones [we] have we'’ma_ a‘’pi’ta‘ci’wan'i beast bow priests yam yAa’toka ta’tcu an te’kohanakwi their sun father his daylight (in) lu’wana kwai’ikana’wapa standing having made come out ho”’na‘wan fe’apkunan‘e our child yam a’tatcu his fathers a’wan ka’‘kwin'e their living water a‘’’wan ci’’nan‘e their flesh i/ka*kupa drinking in ko'’wi ya’ton a‘’napa little day having gone ko'’wi te’inan a‘’napa little night having gone ho’na‘wan te’apkunan‘e our child an we/akdi ké’suana his sickness decreasing an ya’nkakunan = i’/kokcukadna his breath becoming better yam yda/toké ta’tecu an o/’nealan kwa’’inakwi his sun father his road where it comes out yam a’witelin tsi’tana his earth mother (on) e’layilto to’”otipa standing up strong a’ntsumetna hon ftewanan a’’tekin-a eagerly we time shall live hol ka’ki ke-’si le”’anakapa whenever now having said hon ya/onakéi tsit i/lap a‘’teona we moon mother having the ones li’wan k&’liciankwin — ta’‘na hither to the west direction ko-’witsa’na ye’ tsakiina very small making herself visible te/luankwin ta’‘na i’tiutana (in) the east direction standing against ho”’i ya‘’katunte’kwi ko-w a’nte‘we’tcikwi person about to become complete little space still remained for her (ETH. ANN. 47 o’/na ya’/na’a [his] road completed BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT ho’na‘wan ka’nakwenan tca’we our spring children hotteu’wa la’cina tse’’makona whoever growing old the ones who thought he’lawo'tinan i-’teana prayer meal taking Jo’ i-‘teana shell taking o’nean i'/teana corn pollen taking o’neala kwai”’ikana roads making go out hot yam ar’tatcu where _ their fathers ta’kwit oti brush full of a‘’wona-e’latena on their roads passing (them) hotteuw’ ha’lowi‘li’kona whoever the one that was lucky an sa’kwia his feet ha’‘lawo'tinan to-°’’o prayer meal shell o’nean‘e corn pollen a‘‘teakna giving to them a ‘kewulkwinakna the young shoots pulling a’wana-ula’kona the ones he drew toward him yam a/sin kam aka his hand warm with a‘’wiyaten-tsu’mekiina holding one another fast yam nan i/li_ te’ona his grand father the one whois ton ots an a/weluyan fa’in‘e turkey male his cumulus cloud robe ka’/kal an ci’pololon u’tcun-e eagle his mist garment la’thok® o/lo’ikaiaki ~wo’we yonder summer birds #7} (ae , a‘’wan ta’pihanan la’tane their stgiped cloud wing a’’wan a’weluyan kdA’ten‘e their cumulus cloud tail a’k’? = a’ witela’ma with them four times 821 822 te‘likinan a‘’pa’una prayer stick clothing (them) ZUNI RITUAL POETRY av’ho’ a‘’ya‘kana persons completing them yam tsit i/li te’ona their mother having the one who is pi’tsem oka cotton woman ko’ti pi’’lenapte even a rough cotton cord a’witela’ma pa’nulapna ikwian-te’’tci‘na four times going around tied around reaching ka’cima_ la’cowa water hair feather te/likinaw’ ho’”i ya:/kana‘wapa prayer sticks having made them into persons yam tsit ili te’ona their mothers having the one who is ha’/kwin 0’k’4 black paint woman he’tet o/ka clay woman a’teian ci’nan_ te’likinan i’ci’nana ho” i-ya'‘kapa their flesh prayer stick getting flesh into persons having made them hot ka-’ki ke-’si le’anakipa whenever now having said te/likinan i‘teana prayer sticks taking yam feapkunan an ha’lawortinan i-‘teana our child his prayer meal taking le’hok" te’wus a’k-a yonder prayer with hon o/neata kwai‘ilekiina’wapa we roads having made go out severally yam a’witelin tsit o’na-elatena our earth mother on her road passing yam a*‘tacina’’we our ancestors yam tca’we our children li’Ino tik’an = i apkona here societies the ones who belonged to le’stiklea yam a‘’tatcu furthermore our fathers we'’ma_ a‘’pi’ta‘ci’wan'l beast bow priests hon a‘’wona-e’latena we on their roads meeting them [ETH. ANN 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT hon te’likinan a‘’leana‘wapa we prayer stick to them having given hon yadtoki tate i/lap’a’’te’ona we sun father having the ones who are yam fe’taci’/nakwi i’muna_ kwa’tokituntekwi his ancient place sitting down about to go in when it was ko-w a’nte‘we’tcikwi little space yet remained for him la’thok" le’si te/kwi under somany directions ho”’na‘wan a*’tateu our fathers , ole ge cil ieee 7 o/naya’naki a*/ciwan'l life-giving priests ka’pin a‘’ho’i raw persons kwa_ le’nholt tcuw i’metcame not of all no one left behind o/neala kwai”ikana roads making come out oneal i-’kAna road making come yam te’kohanan av’tsita their daylight mothers a’wan kdcima te’li’tonankwi o/neala kwa’tokana their rain inner room (in) road making come in yam ko’ teimiki’kowa te’lia‘na their something according to the first beginning imitating a’weluyan ka’kwe ya’’kina cumulus cloud house making ci/pololon pe’wuna mist blanket spread out o/naya’’naki o/neatan a‘kina life-giving road sending out ka/nakwai’inan ya‘/kana spring making yam a/mitolan pi’lan a’’una their rainbow bow putting down yam wilolonan co’l a’una their lightning arrow putting down i’tinan-ita’kikipa having sat down quietly a‘’wan sa’kwia i’mi alana their feet at sitting down on it le’si te’wanan-e this much time a/ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a*’tekiina eagerly we time living kes le’nhot a‘’wan te’mia ftewaka te’a’ana now all their everything time past when it is $23 824 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY ho’na'wan fe’apkunan‘e our child yam a‘’tatcu a‘’wan o’neatan kwa’tona te’‘yapte his fathers their road coming in even being valuable o’neala kwa/tokdpa roads making come in hon a‘’tate i’lapona we fathers the ones [we] have ‘ yam ko’nhot ho’i te’’ona their some kind person being yam te’apkunan‘e their child ho’i- ya'’kaina*’wapa having made him into a person te’/inan ko’kei night good ho’na teawilap a‘’wantewana us children with coming to day te’wap ya’ton‘e the next day hon ya’toké tate i’lap a’’te’ona we sun father having the ones yam te’tacinakwi his ancient place ye’lana kwai’ikatekwi standing came out when it was ko-w’ a’/nte‘wetcikwi little space was left for him yam ki/cima ko’keak-a our water clear with yam ak’ o’nawi’lap a-’teona our with it living the ones who are hon a’k'a yam fe’apkuna ya’tena-tsumekina-wapa we withit our children having held fast ka’pin a‘’ho’i ke’la yam finan te’lianapka te’a’ana saw persons first their breath added when it was tem ta lukniakonte and also these here te’wus a‘’pekina prayers speaking yam te’apkunan hon an fi’nan te’liana:’wapa our child we his breath having added (to) yam a‘’tatcu his fathers a‘’wan pi’’nan a’na‘na their breath taking to him yam ce’Inakwinte finan a’le’ton’a his inside his body breath inhaling ho’’na‘wan pi’’nan te’‘yapa our breath being valuable [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT hotyam k&/nakwe'nan ftu’naka te’a’ante wherever spring hesaw even where it is i’mi-a’keikna sitting down among [us] o’na-ya’/akii a/ntapana prolonging life following hon te’tse’ma’ te’lakwikin-a we shall be bending our thoughts (to it) tem ta hon a‘’tapana tse’’mak-fe’lakwitu’n’ona’/ki and also we following [this] in order that it may be that toward which our thoughts bend yu’he'to fe’wusu pe’nan kwai’ikaka plain prayer words came forth ho’n fe’apkunan i’yanhaiteka to us child he gave ta’canakwi ya’cuwa ko’kei fora long time talking together kindly yam a*’teatun’onaki in order that it may be thus yu'’he'to te’wusu fe’nan kwai”ina plain prayer words coming forth yam a‘’tateu a‘’tekwi your fathers where they are tom te’wusu pe/nan kwai”ikdnapka. p K K for you prayer words sent forth. ta’teic te’wuko’lia le’kKwanante while poor even though saying la’thok" Je’si te’kkwi ho’ a‘’tate i/li yonder all directions I fathers have o’na ya‘’naka a‘’ciwan‘l life-giving priests a‘’wan o’na ya‘/naki pi’’nan‘e this life-giving breath a‘’wan fa/ciaka pi’nan-e their old age breath a’wan ka’cima pi’’nan‘e their waters breath a‘’wan fo’waconan pi’nan‘e their seeds breath a‘’wan u’tenan pi’’nan-e their wealth breath a‘’wan te’apkunan pi’’nan‘e their children breath a‘’wan tse’’makwin fsu’me pi’’nan‘e their spirit strong breath a‘’wan sa’waniki pi’’nan-e their power breath a‘’wan kwahot te’mta te’n‘i ha’lowilin pi’’nan i/lap a‘’teona their something everything at all good luck breath whatever they have 6066°—32 53 825 826 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY pi’’na’ yai/ncemana breaths asking from them yam te’hul kalmakwi my body cavity warm in pi’nan a’na‘kwa’tokina breath drawing in to’man ton fi’’nan te’liana‘wa. for you we breath will add (to). tem ta la’thok® le’si te’kwi ho a:’tate i/li and also yonder in all directions I fathers have pi’cle a‘’ciwan‘i north priests ka‘lici a‘/ciwan'l west priests a‘laho a‘’ciwan‘i south priests te’makoha a‘/ciwan‘1 east priests i’yam a‘/ciwan'i above priests ma’nilam a‘/ciwan‘i below priests ya'toka tate i/lapa sun “father having ya’onaka tsit i/lapa moon mother having a’’poyan‘e sky yu’piyatan‘e Milky Way kwi/lilekakwi the seven [Ursa Major] i’pilaka the close together [the Pleiades] ku’pa‘kwe the seeds la’‘thok" le: fsu’hapa mo’yatcuwe yonder are sparkling stars a‘/ciwan'l priests a‘’wan o/na-ya’/naka pi/’nan‘e \their life-giving breath a‘’wan fa’ciaki pi’’nan‘e their old age breath a'’wan ka’cima pi’’nan‘e their waters breath a‘’wan to’waconan fi’’nan-e their seeds breath a‘’wan te’apkunan fi’’nan‘e their children breath [ETH. ANN. 47 BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 827 a‘‘wan u’tenan i’’nan‘e their clothing breath a‘’wan tse’’makwin fsu’me fi’’nan‘e their spirit strong breath a‘’wan sa’wanikd pi’’nan-e their power breath a‘’wan kwa’hot te’mta te’ni ha’lowilin pi’’nan i/lap a’’te’ona their something everything at all good luck breath that they have pi’’nan yai/necemana breath asking from them yam fe’hut kamakwi pi’nan a/na‘kwa’tokina our body cavity warm breath drawing in to’man ton pi’’nan te’liana‘wa. for you we breath will add (to). el yam a‘’tatcu a‘’wan pi’’nan ya’tcita’nam-e donot your fathers their breath (do not) despise yam ce’Inakwi your inside of body pi’nan a’na‘‘kwatokina breath drawing in 2 a Ld hot yam ya’toka ta’tceu where your sun father an o/naya’’nak& o’/neatan kwai’’inakwi o/neal u’ta his life-giving road where it comes out road touching i’plya-tsu’/mepa hand in hand fast i’yakna to-’opa holding one another tight yam i’yona ya‘’kiina a‘’teatun’onak’a your roads finishing that (you) may be the ones toman ton pi’’nan te’liana’wa ke’’si. for you we breath add to now. te’wuna’ hom tateu finally my father tom te’kohanan a/niktcia’t‘u you life may he grant hot te’luaiyan kaiakwi o’neal te’’tcina somewhere dawn lake road reaching to o/na ya’ tu you road may [be] finished Prayer or A Society Cuter Durine His Winter RETREAT At the winter solstice all the societies observe retreats. After the images of the war god have gone into the kiva on the night before the first great prayer stick planting they hold late meetings at which special prayers are said for rain. There are special and very secret songs that are sung on this night only. They do not go into retreat formally until the next night. Three nights are spent mainly in prep- 828 ZUNI RITUAL POETRY [ETH. ANN. 47 aration for the great ceremony of the last night at which the sick are cured. On this night the beast gods are present in all the society houses, and take possession of those who have the secret knowledge of how to invoke them. The following prayers purport to be those spoken by the heads of the Cuma‘kwe and Ant Societies, respectively, at some time during this four-day retreat. The man who dictated it was not a member of either society and did not state the precise use of the prayers. were my other informants familiar with them. Nor Such prayers might be used on any one of a great number of occasions. i0 15 My life-giving fathers, At the place called since the first beginning Tcipia, You dwell. Where the deer stands, At Dry place you dwell. My fathers, Life-giving priests, there you dwell. This day, Here at Itiwana, Our daylight fathers, Our mothers, Our children, In their inner rooms For their fathers, Life-giving priests, Perpetuating the rite handed down since the first beginning, Havespread out your cloud blanket, Your life-giving road they have made. o’/naya‘naké hom a-’tateu kaka tei’mikaka tei’pia ton a‘’teaiye natsik e’lawa te’kusnawa ton a‘’teaiye. hom a‘’tateu o/naya‘nakié a*’ciwan‘i ton a’teaiye. lu’ka ya’ton-e lita i’tiwanja te’kohanan yam a‘’tateu yam a‘’tsita yam tea’we awan te’li’to’a hom a‘’tatcu o/naya‘nakaé a‘/ciwani'i lu’ka ya’ton‘e yam ko’’nhot tei’/mikaka te’lia‘na yam a’weluyan pe’wuna yam o/naya‘naké o’/neatan ya‘’’na’a 20 Your spring they have made. 20 yam ka’nakwe'nan ya‘’na’a Perpetuating the rite handed down yam ko’’not tci’mika’kowa _ te’- since the first beginning lia‘na 25 30 You have sat down quietly before it; At your back, At your feet, We shall sit down beside you. Desiring your waters, Your seeds, Your riches, Your long life, Your old age, Desiring these, quietly. As you sit here quietly As I wish, according to my words, You will take us to be your chil- dren, IT set you down ton i’tinan ta’/kika. to’’na*’wan ma/si’a to”’na‘wan sa’/kwi’a i/miya’welana to’’na‘wan ké’cima to’”’na*wan to’waconan‘e u’tenan’e o/naya‘naka la’ciaké a’ntecemana to’’na ho’ tinan-ta’ku ton i/tinan la/kikna ko’nhot ho’ a’ntecema kowa ho’’na ton tea’/wila‘wa fe’yena- BUNZEL] 35 So that all my children 40 45 10 15 May be saved. All will be happy. Safely they will bring forth their young. So that all my children may finish their roads, So that they may grow old, So that you may bless us with life, So that none of my spring children May be left standing outside. So that you may protect us (I have done this). May our roads be fulfilled; May we grow old; May our roads reach to dawn lake; May we grow old; May you bless us with life. PRAYER OF THE CHIEF OF At the place of the first beginning, Ci’papolima, Life-giving priests, abide. My fathers, Beast priests, Mountain lion, Bear, Badger, Wolf, My father above, Knife wing, Shrew, My fathers, Over all this great world you go about. Rattlesnake yellow, Blue, Red, White, Many colored, Black. Here at the place of your first be- ginning, Ci’papolima, In your inner room, you live. Your massed cloud blanket is spread out. PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 35 40 45 10 15 829 a’ka hom tea’we te’mla a-’te‘ya- kina te/mla i’ketsana e‘letokna te’apkuna'wa a/ki hom tea’we te’mta a’’wona- ya'?an‘a a‘/lacian‘a ho”’na te’kKohanan ton ya’niktcia- na'wa. a/kii hom kia’nakwe'nan tea’we kwa teu’hol e’la ta’tsina te’amekiina a’kai ho’na a‘’te'yakina hon a‘/wona-ya‘ttu hon a‘facit‘u te/luwaian kai’kwi o/neata te’’tcina hon a*‘facittu ho’’na ton te’Kohanan ya/niktci- an‘a. THE ANT SOCIETY ka’ka teimikaka ci/papo’lima o/na ya‘’naké a*’ciwan‘i a‘’teaiye. hom a‘/tateu we'’ma’ a‘’ciwan‘i ho’ktitaca ai’nce to/naci yu’nawiko. i’yamakwi tatc-i/li te’’ona a’tciala’tapa ka lutsi hom a‘’tateu le* u/lo‘nan ta’na ton a‘’waluy’a. tei’tola tu’ptsina fi’ana a’hona ko’ hana i’to‘pan’ona kwi/n'a te’mila li/ta kaka tei’mikaka ci’papolima te/li’ta ton a‘’teaiye. to’’na‘wan a’weluyan pe’wi’a 830 30 40 50 55 60 ings of food are set aside. Your life-giving road goes forth. None of you are missing, But all stay quietly. Perpetuating your rite according to the first beginning, You live. My fathers, Life-giving priest, With none missing, you live. Yonder my sacred word will reach. To you I speak my sacred words. My fathers, Life-giving priest, Perpetuating your rite according to the first beginning, You live. Here at Itiwana we live. Here in the daylight we live. My fathers, Life-giving priest, Where none are missing, You live. Listen to my sacred words. There you live. To you I speak. Mindful of my words, My country, Itiwana, Cover with your clouds, Cover with your rains, All of your children preserve. Reaching to Dawn Lake, May our roads be fulfilled. May we grow old May our peoples’ roads all be ful- filled. May they be preserved. ZUNI RITUAL POETRY | 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 [ETH. ANN. 47 to”’na'wan o/na ya‘naki o’neatan a‘/naiye el kwa teu’hot i’metcam‘e. te’mia Ti’nan ta’/kiye yam ko’nhol tci’mika’kowa te’lia‘- na fon a‘’teaiye. hom a*’tateu o/naya‘naké a‘’ciwan'i el kwa tcu’hot i’metcam-e ton a‘teaiye. la’kon fe’wu’su Pena’ te’’tcina to’’na ho’ te’wusu a‘’wampe’ye’a. hom a‘’tatcu o/naya‘naké a‘’ciwan‘i yam ko’’nhot tci’ka’kowa te’lia‘na ton a‘’teaiye. lita i’tiwan‘a hon a‘’teaiye fe’/Kohanan hon a*’teaiyve hom a‘’tatcu o’na yanaké a‘’ciwan‘i et kwa tcu’hot i’metcamre ton a‘’teaiye. ho’man te’ wusu fe’na* yu’hatia’wa ton a’’teaiye. to’’na ho’ a*wampe’ye’a ho’man fe’na ton i’hatiana: hom u’lo‘nakwi i’tiwan‘akwi ton lo’/nana*wa ton li’tona‘wa te’apkuna‘*we te’mla a‘’tetyakina te/luwanan‘e kai’akwi te’’tcina hon a*/wona-ya‘t‘u hon a*’tacit‘u ho”’na‘wan a‘’ho’i te’mla a‘’wona-ya‘t‘u a‘‘te'yat‘u. PrayeRS FoR Cotitectinc Meprcine (Cactus Society) The expedition for gathering medicine roots camps the first night about sixteen miles east of Zufi. expedition prays: Now this night, Our night fathers. Our mothers, Before eating, the customary offer- After singing four songs, the head of the ma’ lu’ka fe’tinan’e hon fe’tia’k a*’tate i’lapona hon a‘’tsit i’/lapona BUNZEL] 5 10 15 20 25 PRAYERS OF THE Rising a little, have come standing to their sacred place. The song sequence of our fathers You have heard. You who are our fathers, Beast bow priests, Your hand leading, Our hands following, Desiring your medicine, Hither we take our roads. Do not think to withhold it from us because of something, For verily, Desiring my fathers’ flesh, That by which my children may fulfill their thoughts, To-morrow, throughout a good day, A beautiful day, With us your children You will come to evening. And when that day shall have passed, Anxiously waiting, We shall pass our days. MEDICINE CULT 10 15 20 831 yam fe’lacinakwi ko-w i’tuwakna ke’atopa yam a’’tateu a’’wan i’piclenan te’na’ pi’’lan‘e to’ yu” hatiakanapki. to’’na hon a-’tate i/lapona we'/ma’ a‘’pi’taci’wan'i to/’na‘wan a/sin e/‘kwi’kona ho” na‘wan a/si yaé/lukdnca. to’’na‘wan a’kwan a/ntecemana li’Ino hon a*/wonaiye. et kwa kwa’hot a/ké i’yatsuma te’-amekiina kes e’leanici yam a‘’tatcu a’’wan ci’nan a/ntecemana hom tea’/we tse’’makwi ya’’kanap- kona’/ka& te’wan ya’ton-e ya’ton ko/kei ya’ton tso’’ya ho’n teawi’lapa ton su/nhakana‘wa iskin te’wanan a‘’tunte’kwi a/ntsume‘na hon te’wanan a‘’tekiin-a. He takes the offering, burns it at a little distance from camp, and sitting down, waits for some omen. 30 35 40 Now this night Our night fathers, Our mothers, Rising a little have come standing to their sacred place. Bringing food Hither with prayers We made our road come forth. Wherever, thinking ‘‘Let it be here,” Our earth mother, We passed on her road. Sitting down on the bare ground, (We came to you,) Our ancestors, The ones who here used to belong to societies, The ones who used to understand medicine, You who now have attained the far off place of waters; 30 35 40 ma’lu’ka te’tinan‘e hon fe’tiak a*’tate i/lapona hon a‘’tsit i/lapona yam te’lacinakwi ko-w i’tuwakna ke’atopa i’-tonak’ ho’ i:’teana ka’thok® fe’wus a‘ké hon o’neala kwai’’ikanapki. hot lila le’’hatina yam a’witelin tsi’ta hon o/na-e’latena an i’taton i-’tinakna yam a‘’lacina*we li’ino ti’kan i/lapkona a’kwa’ yai’yu’ya'n a*’tea’kona le’hok ka’cima te’‘wokinapkona 45 50 55 After praying, he waits for an omen. plants. A young man going for the first time gives his ceremonial ZUNI RITUAL POETRY Having passed you on your roads, We shall add to your hearts. Adding to your hearts Your long life, Your old age, Your waters, Your seeds, Your medicine You will grant to us, How the days will be You will make known to us. Knowing that, we shall live. 45 50 [ETH. ANN. 47 to’n hon a‘’wona-e’latena to’n hon a*/wikena te’liana‘wa i’ken i-’telia*na yam o/na-ya‘nakii yam ta’ciaké yam ka’cima yam to’waconan‘e yam a/kwan‘e ho’’na ton ya’/nhaitena-wa. ko’’nholt te’wanan te’atun’ona ho”’na ton ai’yu’ya‘kina-*wapa u‘s ai’yu’ya‘na hon te’wanan a‘’tekin‘a Next day they look for the father a package of prayer meal, saying: 60 65 80 Now this day, Our sun father Having come out standing to his sacred place, And having yet a little ways to go, To go in to sit down at his other sacred place, Bringing prayer meal which I have prepared, Here near by, At the very edge of the wilderness, I have passed you on your road. Desiring our fathers’ medicine We hold one another fast. Desiring the medicine of our an- cestors, The ones who here belonged to societies, The ones who used to understand medicine, The beast priests. Desiring their medicines, With prayer meal, With shells, With rich clothing, We hold one another fast. My father, You will cleanse your thoughts, You will cleanse your heart, So that somehow we may be the children of the divine ones. ‘ 60 65 70 75 80 ma ‘lu’ki ya’ton-e hon ya’toka tate i’/lap a°’te’ona yam te’lacinakwi ye'lana kwai’’ikina topaki yam fe’lacinakwi imuna kwatokatun tekwi ko-w a/nte‘wetcikwi yam ha/lawotinan ye’lete’wkowa ileana lo’kwa le’’wi te’a’a te’lupaltantapte tom o/na-e’latena yam a‘’tatcu a‘’wan a/kwan a’ntecemana hon iwiyaten-tsu’/mekaki. ho”na‘wan a‘/facina*we li’Ino ti’kan i’lapkona a’/kwa’ yai’yu’ya‘na a‘‘tea’kona we'ma’ a’’pi’la‘ci’wan'i a‘’wan a/kwan a’ntecemana ha’lawo'tinan a’ki lo” a/ka u’tenan a/kaé hon i'’wiyaten-tsumekaki hom ta’teu to’ tse’’mak i:/Kokcuna to’ i/ken i-‘kokeuna ko”lea ka’pin a*’ho’i ho’ tea’wila-wa, BUNZEL] 85 90 95 100 105 110 115 Perhaps, if we are fortunate, Because of our thoughts Our spring children may multiply.” Among all the little boys And all the little girls, And those whose roads go ahead, Our spring children have multi- plied. In order that this toward which our thoughts bend may be accom- plished, Desiring our fathers’ medicine, We have made our roads come hither. My father, For you I have finished all these words. Even while I call myself poor, Yonder on all sides From those whom my thoughts embrace, I shall ask for light; I shall add to your breath. Asking for the breath of the priest of the north, The priest of the west, The priest of the south, The priest of the east, The priest of above, The priest of below. Asking for their life-giving breath, Their breath of old age, Their breath of waters, Their breath of seeds, Their breath of fecundity, Their breath of riches, Their breath of strong spirit, Their breath of power, Their breath of all good fortune whereof they are possessed— Asking for this, Into my warm body I shall draw their breath. In order that our roads may reach To where the road of our sun father comes out, In order that we may finish our roads, For this I add to your breath. To this end, my father, PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 85 90 95 100 105 120 115 833 ho’nkwat hon ha/lowilapa ho’ tse’’makwin a’ki ho’na’ ka’nakwe:na te’apkuna‘ ci/wunakina. ko'w a*/waktsik a‘/lana ko'w a’ kitsik a*/tana a‘/won-a*/we'kwinte ho”’na‘wan kiénakwe'na fe’apku- nan ci/wunapka i’skon tse’’mak a‘’‘teatun’on a/ki yam a*’tatcu a‘’wan a’/kwan a/ntecemana kathok" hon o/neal a‘/kaka te‘lakwi yam hom ta’teu le-’wi to’man ho’ fe’nan ya‘/kaki. ta’tcie ho’ te’wuko/liya le’kwa- nante la’thok» le’si te’kwi yam tse’’mak- te/lakwi’kona ho’ te’kohanan yai’/ncemana to’man ho’ fi’’nan te’liana‘wa. picl a‘’ciwan‘i ka/lici a/ciwan'i a’la‘ a:’ciwan‘i te’mako a‘’ciwan‘i. i’yam a‘/ciwan‘i ma/nilam a‘’ciwan‘i a‘’wan o/na-wa’’naka pi’’nan‘e a‘’wan ta’ciaka pi’’nan‘e a’‘’wan ki’cima pi’’nan-e a‘’wan to’waconan pi’’nan‘e a‘’wan te’apkunan pi’’nan‘e a‘/wan u’tenan pi’’nan-e a‘’wan tse’’makwin tsu’me fi’’- nan‘e a‘’wan sa/wanika pi’’nan‘e a*’wan kwa’hol te’mla pi’’nan i/lap a‘‘te’ona yai’ncemana : yam tehul ka’makwi pi’nan a’na‘kwatokana yam ya’toka ta’teu’ an o/neal an kwai”’inakwin o’neat te”’tcina yam i’yona-ya’’/kinaptun’ona to’man fo pi’’nan te’lian-a te’wuna’ hom ta’teu 70 By means of medicine knowledge he will secure new members for the society. 834 125 ZUNI RITUAL POBRTRY May you be blessed with light. To this the father replies: 130 135 140 145 155 160 Now indeed Our fathers’ medicines To one another we give. Our fathers’ life-giving breath, Their breath of old age, (We give to one another.) When, among all the corn priests’ ladder descending children, Some evil causes sickness, When the spirit fails, Then, desiring their fathers’ long life, Desiring their old age, Desiring their medicine, Among all their fathers, Society priests, Society Ppekwins, Society bow priests, They will look about. Even though you do not know of it, If the divine ones choose you, When they summon you You shall not think to refuse. With prayer meal, With shell, With rich clothing, They will bind you fast. Then seeking these wherever they are, Even though the night be danger- ous, Following your fathers, Even to all the places where you did not think to enter, Seeking these, Living for their thoughts, Thus shall you live.”! 130 135 140 145 150 155 160 [ETH. ANN, 74 | 125 fom te’Kohanan a/niktciatu. ma’ la’kiman:te yam a’’tateu a‘’wan a’kwan-e hon i’yan hai‘'teka hon a‘’tate i/lapona a‘’wan o/naya‘naki pi’’nan‘e a’’wan ta’ciaké pi’’nan‘e le: to’wa ci’wan an le’tsilon pa/ni'- nan tca’/we kwa’tik we’/aka ka tse”’mak i-’natina yam a’’tateu a‘’wan o/naya‘naki a/ntecemana a’’wan la’/ciaké a/ntecemana a’’wan a/kwan a’/ntecemana le- yam a‘’tatcu ti’ ka aciwan'i ti’ka Ppe’kwi'we tik a*’pi’laciwan'i a‘’wan u’lapnakin-a. tekwant te’atipa ka’pin a-/ho’i hot tom a/nawana tom a/ntecematina’kipa kwa to’ e’lamana tse’’ma’cukwa ha’lawo'tinan a’ki lo” aka u’tenan a’ki fom ya’tena-tsu’/mekanakapa lu’kni a‘/tapana hot te’liaké a’tanapte yam a‘’tateu a‘’wan e’la yaé’/lu hot yam kwa kwa’totun te’ameka te’’a’konatapte lu’kni a‘/tapana lu’kni a*’wan tse’’makwin a’ka to’ ho’’i te’kin‘a 71 Dictated by a member of the Cactus Society. The remaining prayers were withheld. BUNZEL] PRAYERS OF THE MEDICINE CULT 835 PRAYER FOR STALKING DEER When a hunter sees deer tracks he crouches down in the trail and offers prayer meal to the deer, with the request that he may reveal himself. The following text is taken from a folk tale in which success in hunting is the test imposed on suitors. Several suitors fail because they neglect to offer prayer meal to the prey. This day He who holds our roads, Our sun father, Has come out standing to his sacred place. Now that he has passed us on our roads, Here we pass you on your road. Divine one, The flesh of the white corn, Prayer meal, Shell, Corn pollen, Here I offer to you. With your wisdom Taking the prayer meal, The shell, The corn pollen, This day, My fathers, My mothers, In some little hollow, In some low brush, You will reveal yourselves to me. Then with your flesh, With your living waters, May I sate myself. In order that this may be Here I offer your prayer meal. lu’ kia ya’ton-e ho’n a*’wona‘wi'lona ho”’na‘wan ya’toka ta’teu yam fe’lacinakwi ye"lana kwai’’ikaka. ho’n a*’wona-e’latekatea’a li’t to’’na ho’ a*’wona-e’lateka. ka’pin ho’”’i to’wa ko’han an ci/’nan‘e ha’la wo'tinan‘e lo"’o o’nea*we li'tto’’na ho’ a*/lea’upa yam a’nikwanan a’ka ha’lawo’tinan’e to:’o o’nean i’leana lu’ka ya’ton‘e hom a*’tatcu hom a’’tsita hot ko-/wi te’coka tsa/na la:-tsana hom to’ ai’yetsakakana’/wapa to”’na‘wan ci’’nan a/kii to’’na‘wan kii/*kwin a/ka yam yu’’’yackwi te’atun’onaki lit to’’na ho’ ha/lawo'tinan a*’tea’u. ZUNI KATCINAS AN ANALYTICAL STUDY By RUTH L. BUNZEL 837 CONTENTS Part I. AN ANALysIS OF THE Katcina CuLr at ZuNI Page TEROC UGE OT ere eee ee a ee ee ey ead es, 843 sRhepmatureOlMkatcinas ss s— eae ene en ee te eee ae SS 843 shhespowel and, usc, Of masks! sss eee eens aan ne es ee ee eee 847 Paraphernaliden ses eens ee se ere See ee anne eee See eS TILE 856 Organizationvof thepatcina Sociebya=aeeseees etn none ee 874 IETeparatlOnrOls dal Cos eee ee ae eae ee ee Se oe ee 886 PabbennsOfedancin era nGusin ei pee nes aes ee ee ee 896 IDTE MOTO CyE Ieiebn, CEO nY sR eee 899 Part II. Source Marertat FoR THE Stupy or ZuN1 Kartcrnas ILI, OF Hanon VAIN Nenrobyne eae oe ee 905 ‘Lhekwinterisolstices === =e ses oe ae ny ka = ee ee te ee eae Le 908 sthe;comineiofithessods1(Catlako) ase an as ee 941 SUG) HM Oye a ee el eB ee ee ee ees ee 975 Hinalpini G18 tion = seen ae eee ean | eee te. 9s eS Ae eee 998 Miscellancousipries iykatcin ase ee es a mee ae see es = ee ee 1002 Dances of the winter and summer series__________-._.-_--.__-_--.-__- 1012 Dances\pertormedyaiter Calakonses = nee ee ee eee 1056 Supplementanyandsextra Gan Ces esses ees ee eee ae ee 1065 pRhee cliches Dancersy/s9. 22 a a SOU ee 2 ye ee 1077 Miscellancoustkatcinassss06 =" ner a aoe ee nae eee ee 1080 UnmiaskedgimpersOn stl OTs eee ee eae ot es ee 1085 ind xe er eee ee ee AS Ae St Pe ere A ee 1087 839 21. 22. 43. 44. ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES Masks appearing at the winter solstice. a, Pautiwa; b, Saiyali’a; caGitsuikasd, kwelele=saaae as = = f= 2 AS oon POR IEG Td Masks appearing after the winter solstice. a, Tcakwena Oka; b, Natacku; c, Suyuki or Atocle; d, Atocle Otsi_________________ . The Koyemci. a, A*wan tateu; b, Atwan pekwin‘e; c, A*wan fi’ ‘laci- Wanld wMiuiyaponssee WE COUsaas ean ae oe ee ke . The Koyemci. a, Nat‘aci; b, Itsepaca; c, Posuki;d, kalutsi; e, Tsataci_ . The Saiyataca group. a, Cula‘witsi; b, Saiyataca; c, Yamuhakto; QE bute Dees eee CE RRA Ete REO OAL ied Wethes Catlakoshouses Sasa >-- 5 2s See hope bn 8 oe OTT A gh MiCarlakosenrs 2s 2 HIME IY TRI ys 1 SEER TE ah PR RISE INP Le Masks appearing at the initiation. a, Kaklo; 6, Hemokiitsiki; chevedacoktiponas: £32 1 O20Re Sk ahs IPN Be Ss Oa . Masks appearing at the initiation. a, Na’wico; b, A’nahoho; c, Upo’- . Masks appearing at the initiation: The Silimopiya. a, Luptsin’ona (yellow); 6, Lian’ona (blue); c, Cilow’ona (red)_________________ . Masks appearing at the initiation: The Salimopiya. a, Kohan’ona (white); 6, Itahpanahnan’ona (many-colored); c, Cikin’ona (dark) _ . Punitive and exorcising katcinas. a, Saiyali’a; b, Hai’nawi; c, Tem- temcis a; As butte 73 5-5 25 ee ss G2. he ROC EE . Old masks appearing irregularly. a, Kiina-kwe Mosona; b, Kina-kwe; @, [k@lininamme c} Oana i es . Winter and summer dances: Kokokci dance formation_____________ . Winter and summer dances: Kokokci. a, Kokokci; b, Kokwe’le; c, Komokatsiki (Siwuluhsietsa) ; d, Upo’yona_____________________- . Winter and summer dances: Katcina corn grinding________________ . Masks appearing with grinding ritual. a, Upikaiapona; b, Paiyatamu; Cwolkwede Fd mHene ae sae =a ee eee oe ene eae ee . Winter and summer dances: Towa Tcakwena. a, Teakwena; }, . Winter and summer dances. a, Laguna Teakwena; b, Hatacuku (with Teakwena); c, Kukuculi (with mixed dance); d, Kitawani (ithtnnixedidance) hen Ee eee ee a ee Ee . Winter and summer dances: The mixed dance. a, Aince koko (Bear); 0, Latsalyapa: c; Lsupianawe; d, Suyiki----- == = te . Winter and summer dances: The mixed dance. a, Malokatsiki (Salt Woman); 6; Tecamiké (Heho);\c, Yavana.-----.--__--..-_4._-=- Winter and summer dances: The mixed dance. a, Na’le (Deer); b, Obanpanr (Bee) vcleMitsinapa a= 22 = sn. = See So ae oe Se Winter and summer dances: The mixed dance. a, Hetsululu; 6, Ican FACTSANEAGUCL ECAUNCE id, WOURtANN ene ae ne ees 6066°—32 54 841 Page 922 922 946 946 958 958 980 980 988 988 1002 1002 1012 1012 1012 1012 1018 1018 1020 1020 1028 1028 1042 842 ILLUSTRATIONS 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 60. 61. . Kumance Peyena‘kwe . Kumance . The “Little dancers.”” a, Hehe’a; b, Nahalico; c, Cula‘witsi Kohana; Dancing katcinas. a, Mokwala (in mixed dance); b, Wahaha (in mixed dance); c, Mahetinaca (after Ca’lako); d, O’wiwi (with Mahe tina ca) a 3 5 a epee ere 5 eee ee eee ee Dancing katcinas: Winter dances. a, Nahalico; b, Nahalic a*wan IMOSOUA CHCA eCCU Cam VV SUL SUL We aes eee ee Dances performed after Ca’lako. a, Hemucikwe; b, Nahalie Oka (with Hemucikwe); c, Kinil’ona (with Hemucikwe); d, Muluktaki_ Winter dances: Hilili. a, Rikiili (Eagle); b, Hilili; c, Tealaci_______ Winter dances. a, Pasikiipa; b, Wakiici (Cow); c, Mukikwe (Hopi); ad Mukikwioktivs2o 226-25. 225 2 ee ee Beet ee ee eee Winter dances: The ‘Sioux’? Dance. a, La’pila-we; 6, Buffalo; Cn Atlee: Gee Am aN Wee tee ee a So ge ae Winter dances. a, Kwamumu; 6, Kwamumu Okd; c, Wilatsukwe (Apache) sid" Wilatsukw?Okieo22 2222. Ses aoe oo eee a eee d, Itetsona . Miscellaneous katcinas. a, Natcimomo; b, Nepaiyatamu;c, Nenekii__ . Pakoko (‘‘ Navaho” dance) . ‘“Navaho”’ dance. a, ‘‘ Yebitcai’’; b, Pakoko; c, Pakok Oki . Society masks. a, Cumaikoli (Cuma‘kwe); b, Saiyap (Cuma‘kwe) ; c, Kokolana (Newe'kwe); d, Mitotaca (Newe-kwe) . Unmasked impersonations. a, Culawitsi an tateu; 6, Ca’lako an’ulona; c, Awek cuwahan’ona (Earth purifier; Scalp dance); d- Sa te*tcielactoki(Santw dance) s.e see: a= ee seen ee ee Unmasked impersonations. a, Bitsitsi; 6, Lewekwe; c, Lewekwe Okasrd a Botsikkieu ewelswe) aes a a ee eee Deer dance (obsolete) ~~~ -_- ee ene ete oe 8 Oy ery FES Page ZUNI KATCINAS: AN ANALYTICAL STUDY By Ruru L. Bunzen PART I. AN ANALYSIS OF THE KATCINA CULT AT ZUNI INTRODUCTION The Katcina cult is one of the six major cults of Zuni, and might indeed be called the dominant Zuni cult. It includes many of the most beautiful and spectacular ceremonies, and the ceremonies which attract the most popular attention. Furthermore, it is the one cult which personally reaches all people, since all males belong to it and are required to participate in its ceremonies. Moreover, at the present time it is an ascendant cult. At a time when the societies are declining in membership, and the priesthoods experience diffi- culties in filling their ranks, when ceremonies lapse because no one competent to perform them survives, the Katcina Society is extend- ing its activities. More katcina dances are held each year than in Mrs. Stevenson’s time, and the dances last longer. It is true that some of the older dances are no longer performed, but on the other hand for each dance that lapses two new ones are introduced. It is the most vital, the most spectacular, and the most pervasive of Zuni cults; whatever foreign elements it may at one time or another have incorporated, its ideology and form are aboriginal and characteristic, and for the average Zuii it is the focal point of religious, social, and zsthetic experience.! THE NATURE OF KATCINAS The Katcina cuJt is built upon the worship, principally through impersonation, of a group of supernaturals called in Zuni terminology koko. The myth of their origin is given on page 604.2 The koko live in a lake, Hatin Kaiakwi (whispering spring), west of Zufi, near St. Johns, Ariz. In the bottom of this lake they have a village (Koluwalawa, katcina village) reached by ladders through the lake. Here they spend their time singing and dancing, and occasionally they come to Zufi to dance for their “daylight” fathers. They live 1 A brief discussion of the katcina cult and its position in Zufii life is given on pp. 516 to 525. 2? Compare the English version by Cushing (Outlines of Zufii Creation Myths, p. 403 ff.) and Steven- son (Zufii Indians, pp. 32-34), 843 844 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 on the spiritual essence of food sacrificed to them in the river, and clothe themselves with the feathers of prayer sticks. They turn into ducks when traveling back and forth to Zuni. The first katcinas were the children of humans lost through con- tact with contamination, unwilling sacrifices to atone for sin. By origin and later association they are identified with the dead. Mor- tals on death join the katcinas at katcina village and become like them.’ In addition to being identified with the dead the katcinas are also especially associated with clouds and rain. Wheu they come to dance they come in rain. They are equivalent to the Shiwana of Keresan pueblos.* In ancient times the katcina used to come to Zuni to dance for their people in order that they might be gay. But always when they left someone ‘‘went with them,’ that is, died, and so they decided not to come any more. But they authorized masked dances and promised ‘‘to come and stand before them.’ ® So now when a katcina dance is held the katcinas come merely as rain, and no one dies. So the institution of masked dancing, originated according to legend to assuage the loneliness of parents for their lost children, has become a rain-making ceremony. The power of katcina ceremonies resides in the masks which, whether ancient tribal property or individually owned modern masks, are believed to contain divine substance, by means of which the 8 Exceptions to this are noted. 4 Cochiti: ““The kachina embody the spirits of the dead but are rarely thought of as special individuals. How- ever, resemblances to recent dead have been pointed out at the time of a kachina dance, though this is so rare that any theory of ancestor worship has been discarded. The kachina of this village are also called shiwanna ‘thunderclouds,’ and so are closely linked with the rainmaking powers.’’—Goldfrank, 34. “‘At Laguna kachina and thunderclouds are in different categories, nevertheless the former also help along the general welfare.’’—Goldfrank, 35, footnote. “The shiwanna are gods who give rain, health, life; in short, everything that makes for the welfare of man. It is mostly in their visits to the pueblo that they bring these benefits.”,—Dumarest, 174. “‘The sinless go at once (from Shipapu) to Wenima and become shiwanna.”” When Uritsete wants rain she sends prayer sticks to the shiwanna, who climb into a huge bow] filled with water. This rises into the sky and the shiwanna dip out water with their prayer sticks.—Page, 173. The men all know that the shiwanna are men, since they have all danced in the kachina. But they think that in putting the sacred mask on their head they take on the holy personality. They think the spirits of the shiwanna are within these masks and that thus they visit the pueblos. If it happens to rain during a dance, the shiwanna sometimes gesture as if to say, ‘‘I am making the thunder, I am sending down the rain.’’—Page 175. G Acoma. The katsina are exactly like the masked dancers in appearance. They used to come to the village and dance for the people and bring them gifts of food and other necessities. After the people began to grow their own food, the katcina came to dance when the fields were dry and thirsty. After the great fight with the people the katcina refused to come to the village, but gave the people permission to copy their appearance in masks. (White.) Among the Hopi they are cloud beings and local spirits inhabiting springs. We know almost nothing of the ideology of the katcina cult among the Tewa. 5 See Komosona’s talk, p. 604, BUNZEI] THE NATURE OF KATCINAS 845 katcina whose representation is worn ‘makes himself into a person”’ (ho’i ya‘ke’a). Masks are treated with the utmost reverence. The awe which Zuiis feel for all sacred and powerful objects is inten- sified in this case by the fact that masks are representations of the dead, and, indeed, the very substance of death. Therefore the use of masks is surrounded by special taboos. One must never try on a mask when not participating in a ceremony, else one will die. One must never use human hair or the hair of a live horse on a mask, else that person or horse will surely die. If one is incontinent during a katcina ceremony the mask will choke him or stick to his face dur- ing the dance. The katcinas are very intimate and affectionate supernaturals. They like pretty clothes and feathers; they like to sing and dance, and to visit. Above all they like to come to Zuni to dance. The folk tales about individual katcinas in the following pages describe them at home in their kitchens, scrambling for their feathers at the solstices, quarreling amiably among themselves, meddling in one another’s affairs. They have a village organization similar to that of Zuni. Pautiwa is ‘‘the boss,” as Zufis say. His pekwin, who delivers his messages, is Kiklo. His principal administrative duties seem to be to keep his people quiet long enough to give a courteous welcome to visitors, to receive messages from Zufi, and to decide when to dance there and who shall go. Pautiwa ‘makes the New Year” at Zuni. His representative brings in the Ca’lako crook and crooks for other special ceremonies such as the initiation and the dance of the Kana-kwe, thus determining the calendar of katcina ceremonies for the year. Whenever the people at Zuni decide they want one of the regular katcina dances they send prayer sticks to katcina village (kiva chiefs plant prayer sticks four days before a dance) and Pautiwa decides whom to send. Himokatsik, the mother of the katcinas, looks after their clothing when they prepare for dances. é In addition to the official visits of the katcinas when invited with prayer sticks, they sometimes pay unexpected visits on missions of good will. They come to plant and harvest for deserted children, to affirm the supernatural power of the pious and despised. Pautiwa visits in disguise poor and despised maidens, and leaves wealth and blessing behind him. LKatcinas in disguise bring proud girls to their senses by the amiable disciplinary methods so characteristically Zufian. In reading these folk tales we can not but be struck by their re- semblance in feeling tone to tales of medieval tales of saints and angels—such tales as that of the amiable angel who turned off the wine tap left open by the monk who was so pious that he didn’t 846 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH ANN. 47 even stop to turn off the tap when summoned for prayer. The particular situations in which katcinas prove helpful and their special techniques differ, of course, from those of saints and angels. Medi- eval saints do not ordinarily humble proud maids by contriving in spite of impossible tests to sleep with them and so instruct them in the delights of normal human association and the advantages of humility. But in spite of these differences the popular attitudes and feeling for the réle of supernaturals in commonplace human affairs are curiously similar. Undoubtedly this modern folklore concerning katcinas has been strongly colored by Catholic influences. But for all their generally amiable and benign character, there is a certain sinister undertone to all katcina ceremonies. It is said more often of the katcinas than of other supernaturals that they are “dangerous.” The katcinas inflict the most direct and dramatic punishments for violation of their sanctity. If a priest fails in his duties, he does not get rain during his retreat, he may suffer from general bad luck, he may become sick and may even die if he does nothing to “‘save his life.” But the katcina impersonator who fails in his trust may be choked to death by his mask during the ceremony. There is always a certain feeling of danger in wearing a mask. In putting on a mask the wearer always addresses it in prayer: “‘Do not cause me any serious trouble.’”’ A man wearing a mask or, in katcina dances without mask, one wearing katcina body paint, is untouchable. He is dangerous to others until his paint has been washed off. Zunis watching katcinas dance shrink from them as they pass through narrow passages, in order not to touch their bodies. The first katcinas were children sacrificed to the water to atone for sin; afterwards when they came to dance, bringing their blessing of rain and fertility, “they took some one with them”; that is, they exacted a human life from the village.’ It was only when masks were substituted for the actual presence of the katcinas that this heavy toll was lightened. There are hints in ritual that ideas of human sacrifice may lie but a little way beneath the surface in the concept of masked impersona- tion. The great ceremony of the Ca’lako opens with the appointment of a group of impersonators of the gods. For a year they are set apart. They do no work of their own. In the case of the Saiyataca party they even assume the names of the gods whom they are to impersonate. At the end of their term of office they have elaborate ceremonies in which they appear in mask; that is, in the regalia of death. After all-night ceremonies they depart for the home of the dead. ‘Everyone cries when they go,” as a Zuni informant says. “Tt is very sad to see them go, because we always think that we shall 6 Saints also are the blessed dead. 7 Cf. this with the myth of the origin of death, where a child is sacrificed to the first sorcerer in return for the gift of seeds. BUNZEI] THE POWER AND USE OF MASKS 847 never see them again.” The final ceremony of the departure of the Ca’lako is especially suggestive of this interpretation. When out of sight of the village the Ca’lako are pursued by young men. When caught they are thrown down and killed, and the mask is treated like the body of a fallen deer—‘‘for good luck in hunting.” On returning the impersonators are met outside the village by their aunts and taken at once to their houses to be bathed before they are safe for human contact. Identification with the god, and the killing of the god, for fecundity, as found in ancient Mexico, seem to be ideas in keeping with Zuni concepts. But Zufhi temperament would repudiate the bloody sacrifice. It may well be that the particular technique of impersona- tion, with its atmosphere of the sinister and dangerous, is the symbolic representation of the extirpated fact. Tales of the former existence of human sacrifice in the pueblos continually crop up. Frazer, quoting Bourke, gives an account of the sacrifice of a youth at the fire festival (tribal initiation) of the Hopi.2 Mrs. Stevenson refers to the report of human sacrifice at Zia. There are cases of human sacrifices for fertility among the Pawnee and the Sioux. The prevalence of all forms of human sacrifice among the Aztecs is too well known to require comment. Among the Aztecs, however, are found two striking features: The dancing of priests in the flayed skin of the sacrificial victim, and the identification of the sacrificial victim with the god, as, for example, in the sacrifice of Tezcatlipoca. In the battle with the katcinas at Acoma the katcinas are ritualis- tically slain so that their blood may fertilize the earth. In the prayers of the scalp dance there are frequent allusions to blood as a fertiliz- ing medium, so possibly the whole complex of human sacrifice is not so remote historically or conceptually as might at first appear. The persistent rumors of an early prevalence of human sacrifice in the pueblos may be without foundation, but the reworking of a cult that once included human sacrifice is quite in accord with pueblo tendency to absorb ritual from all sides and mitigate all its more violent features. THE POWER AND USE OF MASKS The Katcina cult at Zuni revolves about the fetishistic power im- puted to the mask. The myth of the origin of masks is to be found on page 604. The word koko is used alike of the being impersonated and the mask wherein resides the power of transformation. The mask is the corporeal substance of the katcina, and in wearing it a man assumes the personality of the god whose representation he bears. The Zufi expression for this process of transformation is § This is the one part of the Ca’lako ceremony that I was not permitted to see. ® Golden Bough, 4: 215. 848 ZUNI KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 47 “to make him (the god) into a living person” (ho’i ya‘kanaki).!° The mask, therefore, is an object whose sacredness is equaled only by that of the rain-making bundles of the priests. The mask partakes of the attributes of the god. It ‘‘makes the house valuable”’ and pro- tects its occupants from misfortune. And it insures to its owner powerful supernatural connections which will determine his status after death. There are two types of masks. One type is ancient and permanent. These masks are regarded as the actual masks given by the super- naturals when the institution of masked dancing was organized. These masks are held as tribal property and are handed down through the generations. Each one represents a named and individualized god, one of the priestly rulers of the village of the katcinas. Each mask is held in trust by a self-perpetuating group, which may also be the trustee of its complex esoteric ritual. The masks are kept in sealed jars in houses from which they are never taken except for their public ceremonies, and the guardianship of the mask descends through the maternal lineage that occupies the house in which it is kept. These masks are taken out only with great ceremony by persons specially authorized to handle them. They are regarded as very “dangerous.” Before wearing such a mask a man must sacrifice food in the river to his ancestors and to his predecessor in office. After wearing he must plant prayer sticks (sometimes the planting of prayer sticks is part of the public ceremony) and observe continence for four days. These permanent masks are never made over into the likenesses of other katcinas. Under exceptional circumstances they may be renewed, but the old mask is not destroyed. This type of mask is found among the Hopi (in addition to personal masks) and, so far as I have been able to learn, is the only type found in the Keresan villages. Here the guardianship of these masks is intrusted to a single individual (the katcina chief), who keeps them ‘‘in his own secret place,’’ outside the village. There exist in Zuni, in addition to these ancient and permanent masks, others which are individual property, which a man has made to serve as his personal fetish so long as he lives, and as his guarantee of status after death. These are the masks that are used in group ' dances, and which I have therefore designated as the masks of dancing katcinas, to distinguish them from the priest katcinas. Every man of any standing in Zufi possesses one or more such masks. A man will have a mask made as soon as he is able to afford the expense involved. Later he will have another of different form made, so that whatever dance his kiva may present he may always dance in his own mask. When he dies the masks are dismantled and buried for his use at katcina village. Then whenever dances are held at Zuni he 10 See prayer of Pautiwa, p. 699. BUNZEL] THE POWER AND USE OF MASKS 849 may return in spirit to visit his people, wearing the mask which he wore in life. If he has no mask he can not be sure of returning, unless he has been intimately connected with some cult group. Priests possess et‘o'we, members of the higher orders of medicine societies possess miwe, bow priests possess lacowan tan‘a dnd other regalia. All of these things give protection and security, and are bonds with powerful supernatural forces. A man who possesses none of these and has no ceremonial affiliations outside of the katcina society will be especially eager to possess a mask ‘‘to save his life” and ‘to make him valuable.” The following is a native account of the manufacture and care of masks. “When a man wants to have a mask made they will make it for him in the winter. If a man is poor he can not have a mask. Everyone would like to have a mask of his own and if a man is poor he will sell his beads to buy sheep for the feast. Long ago when the people had deer meat the men who were good hunters had their masks. A man will not say, ‘I want my mask made,’ for that is dangerous." So if a man wants to have a mask made he will work very hard in the spring. He will plant a great deal and he will work very hard all summer so as to have good crops. Then after the crops are gathered in he will say to his wife, ‘Now Il want my mask made.’ He will say this to his wife and his people. ‘That is why I have worked so hard.’ No one will say to him, ‘Do not do it; we are poor people and can not afford it.’ No one will tell him that. They will all be glad because they want something valuable in the house to pray for. “‘When the turn of his kiva comes in the winter dance series he will practice with them. Then while they are practicing he will go to the kiva chief and say to him, ‘You will let me know, my father, four days before we are going to dance. I want my father to be made into a person.’ Then all the people of his kiva will be very glad. They always want more masks in their kiva. Then the kiva chief will say to him, ‘I am very glad. I will let you know. Now you will see if you have all the materials.’ “Then the man gets the materials. Long ago the old masks were made of buckskin, but now they are made of tanned leather. They can get good leather in the store, so they get it there. But before they had stores the people used buffalo hide or buckskin. When my father was a boy they used rawhide with the hair removed and pounded with stones and greased to make it soft. The young man prepares the hide and takes it to the director of the kiva. Then he gets deer sinew to sew it with. “Tf a man wants a helmet mask he will ask for it when they are dancing Hilili or something in which they use that kind of mask. 11 Because the katcinas are the jealous dead and must always be treated circumspectly. 850 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 If he wants a face mask he will ask when they are going to dance Kokokci. Now, if he wants a helmet mask the headmen of the kiva will take coarse white sand and spread it on the floor and wet it, and bury the cowhide in it to make it soft. They will leave it there for several hours. Then they will call in the man who wants the mask and they will measure his head. They measure around the top of his head and from the top of his forehead to the tip of his chin. Then they measure the leather. For the distance around they meas- ure with the thumb and middle finger, and for the height of the face they measure fingerwidths. Then the kiva chief measures and cuts the leather. He cuts a rectangular piece to go around the head and a circular piece for the top of the head. Then he holds the pieces of leather against the man’s head to see if they are right. Then the leather is put back in the wet sand. While the leather is in the sand he rolls the deer sinew for sewing. He takes long strips of sinew and rolls them against his thigh to make them strong. He rolls enough sinew so as not to have to make more while he is sewing. He leaves the leather in the sand for about an hour and a half. Then he takes out the strip for the face and sews the two ends together down the back. The sewing must be done very tightly and with very fine stitches so that it will not rip later. Then he sews on the top very tight. The top is still just a flat piece of leather. The two head men of the kiva (otakimosi and wo’le) take turns in sewing on the mask, for it is hard work. It takes about two days to sew the mask. This is all done at the house of the kiva chief (otak&émosi) where the men come to practice their songs. While they are making the mask they tell the kiva people not to come in the daytime to work on their own masks, but they continue to come at night to practice. “When they have finished the sewing they call in the man for whom the mask is being made and they try it on him. They ask him if it hurts him in any place and if it is too long they trim it off around the bottom. The man keeps it on for a little while and it takes the shape of his head because the leather is still soft. After it is perfectly com- fortable they take it off and say, ‘Now we shall make its shape right.’ Then the man goes out. Then they sprinkle water on the sand to make it wet, and put the sand into the mask. They pack it down very hard. Then they rest. They set the mask down on the floor and cover it so that no one will see it and they go out. “The mask is made during teckwi, between the time when the kiva heads plant prayer sticks for the dance and the day when the dance is to be given. In the kivas where they have only two days teckwi before a dance they start to sew on the mask before they plant their feathers, but it is always finished during teckwi. During this time the man’s people are all busy preparing food for the members of the kiva. His wife and his sisters and all his female relatives grind for BUNZEL] THE POWER AND USE OF MASKS 851 him. He brings in much wheat and corn and he kills 8 or 10 sheep for the feast. “After the mask has been standing for two or three hours the kiva heads go back and empty out the sand. They take a round stick and work around the inside to give it agood shape. When they are finished they set it to dry in the sun under the hatchway. As soon as it is dry they call the man in again. Thisis the same day. They try the mask on him, and now it fits perfectly. While he has it on they feel his face through the mask and mark the places for the eyes and mouth. Then they take it off and the man goes out. Then they take a needle and prick holes where the marks are. They used to use needles of deer bone, but now they use any kind. They take a sharp knife and cut little square holes for the mouth and eyes. Then they call the man again. He must go out while they cut the eyes, but they tell him to come back soon. When he comes in they try the mask on him and tell him to look out. He looks all around and says, ‘ Now it is right.’ While he has it on they mark on the sides the places for the chin straps. Then he takes it off and goes out. After he has gone they sew on two straps of buckskin to tie under the chin. They sew about four sets of shorter strips to the base of the mask to fasten on the collar of spruce or feathers or fur, and little strips on the top and back for the other feathers. “After they have finished the kiva chief goes to hiscornroom. He gets all kinds of seeds, one grain of each kind, six kinds of corn and six kinds of beans and watermelons and squash and pumpkins and pinon and all kinds of wild seeds (kiiwawole). He takes them out with him and when they have finished the mask he removes the shells from the corn and the beans and the pifion and the watermelon seeds and takes them into his mouth and chews them. Then he sits down facing the east holding the mask and says: Si kesi tom ho’ ho”i ya‘kapa. Hom fo’ tatcilikin-a. Now you I alive person completed. Me you father will have Tom ho’ toconanaka ho”’i yakapa to’ yam you I seeds with a live person completed. You your tse’makwin tsume ho’na yani-ktciana. Holo awan fewan spirit strong to us will grant Whenever their day yo’apa fo’ Kaicima ceman tekiina. Si lenakya is made you rains calling shall live. Now this much with tom ho’ ho’i yakaka. you I a live person completed. “Now I have given you life. We shall have one another as father. I have made you with seeds and given you life. Bless us with your strong spirit, and whenever our day may come call the rains for us as long as you live. Now it is finished. I have made you into a person.’ 852 ZUNI KATCINAS . [ETH. ANN. 47 “While he is saying this he spits out the seeds and rubs them with his hands all over the mask, inside and outside. Then he takes the mask and presents it to the six directions, north, west, south, east, up, and down, saying: Temla tekwi u’lohna’ilapona fon lJlukia yatena tsume. Different directions who look after the world you this hold strong. ‘““After he has done this he takes white clay (hekohakwa) and rubs it all over the mask to make it smooth, and sets the mask in the sun under the hatchway. When it is dry he takes his stone dish with the blue gum paint (hecamu’le) and holding it in his hand says: Si hom helin tehya tom cinanaki ho’ yam tea’le yakipa. Now I paint valuable your flesh with I my child complete. “Then he takes the paint and paints over the mask, using a little piece of rabbit skin as a brush. This paint is very valuable and after the mask is painted with this it is valuable.” Now it is finished; it is a person. “On the day before the dance, when the men are getting ready, the man’s female relatives all come to his house to bake and cook all kinds of food. In the morning the assistant director of the kiva (wo’le) goes out to get long sheaves of yucca. In the afternoon about four or five o’clock all the men who are going to dance go to the house of the kiva chief. When they are all in he asks, ‘Is everyone here?’ Then they say, ‘Yes, we are all here.’ Then the kiva chief goes to the house of the man for whom the mask has been made and says, ‘We are waiting for you. Are you ready?’ The man says, ‘Yes, I am ready,’ and the kiva chief takes him to the house where the mask is. When he comes in the director says, ‘Now, my child, take off your clothing and be strong. Be brave.’ Then the man takes off all his clothes except the breechcloth. Then they take him into the middle room and the four head men of the kiva (two otakémosi and two wowe) whip him. The kiva chief whips him first. He takes a bunch of long yucca in his hand and says, ‘Now, my child, I shall whip you. You have wanted this and you will be strong.’ Then he strikes him four times on each arm, four times on the back and four times on each lee. Then the other three men do the same. They whip him very hard. He is naked all over and often he bleeds from the strokes of the yucca and the tears come to his eyes. When he goes out he can hardly walk. “As soon as they are finished he dresses and puts on his blanket. Then he goes to tell his people to bring food for the people of his kiva. He looks very badly when he comes in, as though he had been badly hurt. Then his wife and his sisters and all his relatives go with food to the house of the kiva chief. They take about eight big bowls of 12 Sacred. BUNZEL] THE POWER AND USE OF MASKS 853 meat and two big tubs of white bread and two baskets of paper bread and baskets of dried peaches or anything else that they have. Then the man who has made the mask takes a roll of paper bread and a little of every kind of food for the people at the Sacred Lake. Then they all eat and the kiva chief takes the food he has saved and goes out to Wide River ™ and feeds it to the people of the sacred lake, telling them that they are sending to them a new person and asking that they always remember him, that is, always send him to dance at Zuni. . “Next day when they dance the man will wear the new mask. Before putting on the mask he will say: Si hom to’ ta’teili tekan-a. Et hom to’ Now me you father having shall live. Not me you kwaholaki atsumana teamekdina. Tenimacte hot hom pena’kowa because of punishing do (not) be. Be sure wherever my word according to something ’ ) homan fo’ elakwi homan fo’ fekohanan cemana __ tekiinca. to me you stand before for me you life asking shall live. ““ “Now we shall live together, having one another as father. Do not be vindictive against me in your life. Be sure to do as I have said. Now you stand before me. Ask for long life for me.’ “Then he puts on the mask. When the dance is over he brings it home. He has the buckskin covers ready, or if he has no buckskin he uses anything to keep the dirt out. Then he just puts it away. That is all. “When a mask is put away it is wrapped in buckskin or in cloths to keep out the dirt and is hung from the roof or placed in a jar. The dangerous ones are all kept in jars and all the old masks are kept in jars like ettowe. The mask is never placed on the floor. “The mask is fed at every meal. Someone will go into the mask room with some food and feed it to the mask. She will take off her shoes before going into the room. Generally one of the older women in the household goes in because she will say the best prayer. She sets down her food and says: Hom artatcu fon tinan takiye. Itona‘we’. Hon a‘wona‘ya‘tu. My fathers you sit firm. Eat. Our end reach. Yam tate an oneal tacanakwin hon a‘wona‘ya‘tu. Your father make the road long our end reach. “““My fathers, you sit here still. Eat. Let us reach the end of our road. Our father, make the road long and let us go on to the end.’ 13 West of the village. The usual place for offerings of food for the katcinas. The food is thrown into the river and is thought to be carried by the river to the Sacred Lake. 854. ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH, ANN. 47 “Sometimes for good luck they will send in the youngest child in the house and tell her to go in and feed the grandfathers. Then she will take the food and go in and say: Nanakwe isa itona'we’. Ho’ e’’lyotu. Ta hom kawu Grandfathers here eat. I young woman And my older sister become, hom papa atsawak yotu ta e”’le yotu. my older brother young men let become and young women let become ‘““ “Grandfathers, here, eat. May I become a woman, and may my older brothers and older sisters reach young manhood and young womanhood.’ “Tf the mask is not properly fed, he will send mice into the corn room to eat all the corn. Sometimes if he is not fed he will eat himself around the edges so that everyone will know that he has been neglected.” At the end of the Ca’lako festival is a ceremony called Ko’ane at which all masks are honored. A native account of this ceremony follows. “On the day before Ko’a‘ne™ every man who has a mask works on feathers for his mask and also for the Koyemci, and he has them all ready for the morning. That day one man from each clan takes the feathers to the Koyemci. If it is a poor clan only one man will go, but as many as wish may go, and each one will bring a gift for the Koyemci with the feathers. “On the morning of Ko’ane a set of dancers from each kiva dances in all the houses where they have held Ca’lako and when they have finished dancing in the houses they go to the plaza and dance four times in the plaza. The fourth time they come out they have with them rolls of paper bread which has been sent to them by the women of the Ca’lako houses. Then when they have finished dancing they go out to the east with their rolls of paper bread and they carry with them the feathers which they have gotten in the Ca’lako houses. Hemweikwe and Teakwena and Wotemla are dancing, but there are others like Ko’kokei who are not dancing. “After the dancers have finished dancing in the houses and have gone to the plaza every man who has a mask in his house takes his mask and the prayer sticks that he made the day before and wraps them in his blanket. If a man has more than one mask he takes all of them and a prayer stick for each mask. Then each man goes to the house where his kiva has had Ca’lako to get food for his masks. Before they come in the women of the Ca’lako houses set out two bowls of water and two ears of corn. When they have all come in the head of the house calls the men to come and have water sprinkled 14*The katcinas go away.’’ The concluding ceremony of the Ca’lako festival. See p. 702. BUNZEL] THE POWER AND USE OF MASKS 855 on their heads. The kiva chief comes first. He steps out and puts his mask on the top of his head. He does not pull it down over his face because that would be dangerous, for he is not going to dance. Then one of the older women of the house takes up an ear of corn and all the other women dip water from the bowls with their fingers and sprinkle the head of the man. “The oldér people pray and everyone in the house sprinkles both the man and the mask with water. Then they call anotherman and do the same thing, and after all the men have been sprinkled each man takes paper bread and corn meal for his mask. “Then they all go out to the east to Where-the-pumpkin-stands. There Pautiwa is sitting down facing the east. The man who keeps the mask has taken it out there. Then those who have been dancing come there from the plaza. Each has his roll of paper bread and corn meal. They come and stand in line a little distance behind Pautiwa. Then the men who have been dancing come running toward the east, sprinkling corn meal before them. When they come to where Pautiwa is standing they take off their masks and set them down. Then the other men who have brought their masks out set them down and make the road for them going toward the east. Then they all plant their prayer sticks. After a little while the men take up their masks and come home. They leave the paper bread out there, buried in the ground. Then the dancers undress there and come home. The Koyemci are still in the plaza, and Pautiwa sits out there in the east waiting for the corn maids. “They do this every year. Then for four days after Ko’ane there are no dances, for the katcinas have all gone to the east to visit their people there. After the fourth day anyone who has had Ca’lako house may ask to have any dance repeated. Sometimes they keep on danc- ing this way for a week or ten days. They can keep it up until the pekwin starts to plant for the winter solstice. Then all dancing must stop while they have it’sumawe.”’® Ko’ane (Another version) “Each year after Ca’lako everyone takes his mask out to Red Earth. Each man takes his own mask, and if a man has more than one he takes them all. The old masks are not taken out at this time. Each man carries his masks wrapped in blankets, and he carries prayer sticks. When he gets out to Red Earth there are six big round holes, about 3 feet deep. There is one hole for each kiva. Then each man goes to the hole of his own kiva and puts his mask down facing the east. There may be a thousand masks there, or several thousand, 18 The rites of fertility magic performed during the winter solstice ceremonies. 856 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 perhaps. Then he puts down his bundle of prayer sticks and a roll of paper bread. Then the men who have been dancing in the plaza come there quickly and each takes off his mask and holds it in his hand while he prays. Then they deposit prayer sticks and paper bread in the holes. The men who have been dancing come last and the others all wait until they come. Then after they have all prayed each man takes his own mask out and wraps it in his blanket and comes home. Everyone comes home but the wowe, who stay behind and fill up the holes.° Then they come home, too, and only Pautiwa and Bitsitsi are left there.’ When a man dies, for four days someone in his family will work on feathers for his mask. He will make four prayer sticks, one blue one for the sun, two black ones for the dead, and one black one with the turn-around feather for the koko. Then on the fourth day after the man has died his son or some man in his family will work on his mask. He will remove all the feathers and scrape off all the paint. Then he will take the mask and the four prayer sticks and bury them at Wide River. PARAPHERNALIA The most conspicuous and characteristic objects used in katcina ceremonies are, of course, the masks. These are made of leather, formerly of elkskin or buffalo hide, now of commercial dressed leather, painted with characteristic designs, and fancifully adorned with feathers, hair, fur, yarn, ribbons, and spruce boughs. The mask, in addition to being a sacred object, is a work of art, and like any other work of art conforms to certain rules of style. New kat- cinas may be invented from time to time and there is nothing in the nature of katcinas that would necessarily limit the new impersona- tion to traditional forms. There is, in fact, a very noticeable tendency for the newer masks to be both more varied and realistic than the more ancient impersonations. However, once a katcina has been admitted to the roster, he is given a name and, rarely, a personality, and all details of bis mask and costume and behavior become definitive. Everything is considered characteristic, the form and decoration of the mask, the kind and arrangement of feathers and other ornaments on the mask, body paint, all details of costume, including even the arrangement of the bead necklaces, the objects he carries in his hands, posture, gait, behavior, and his call. When any of these features is varied beyond very narrow limits we have a new katcina. This does not mean, of course, that changes do not occur in the get-up of any katcina, especially in the katcinas recently introduced. In gen- eral variability increases in inverse ratio to the antiquity and sanctity 16 In 1927 and 1928 the writer visited this place the day after the ceremony, and, although the ground was covered with snow, she could find no trace of the six holes, so carefully had they been concealed. Yet she saw all the men of the village go out with their masks and prayer sticks and paper bread. BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 857 of the impersonation. The mask is the most stable and the most sacred part of the equipment. Costume in the case of the older katcinas, such as Kokokci, is also fixed.” But in the newer dances, such as Wilatsukwe and Kumance, the costume is extremely varie- gated. Doctor Kroeber secured in 1915 a number of drawings of Zuni katcinas. When these were shown to different informants 10 years later they were able to identify correctly all but two of the drawings. Not all of them were important or popular impersonations. The masks in spite of their variability in details all exhibit a remarkable uniformity in artistic style. The most notable feature of the Zuni, indeed, of all Pueblo and Navaho masks, is the complete lack of any attempt at realism. The masks are not anthropomorphic, with a few exceptions, nor are they representations of animals or even of mythical monsters. The bear katcina (pl. 41, @) is a striking example of the lack of representative intent even in animal imper- sonations.'* The mask which inspires the greatest terror is that of Hainawi (pl. 32, 6), which is anything but terrible in aspect. Yet my informant said that as a child she was afraid to look on Hainawi. He is terrifying because everyone is familiar with his myth. The designs painted on masks are those used also on ceremonial pottery, altar boards, sand paintings, ete. They have no specific association with individual katcinas or with katcinas as a whole. This excessive formality of expression is a reflection of a very characteristic trait of Zuni behavior. It is found in their secular art, their music, prayers, tales, and in their conversation and the abstract and impersonal character of their religious beliefs. The most notable exception to the highly conventional character of masksis the set of masks of the Koyemei which are characterized both by realism and individuality. But the Koyemci are exceptional in many respects. Most of the masks are of the helmet type (ulin‘e, from ule, within a deep receptacle), approximating in shape an inverted bucket. These cover the whole head, resting on the shoulders, and the lower edge is finished with a collar of feathers, fur, cloth, or spruce branches. All the permanent masks, with the exception of Tceakwena oki and Hainawi, are of this type. Other masks may be of the type that covers only the face (coyan‘e, face). These are secured by strings passing over and around the head, under the hair. Some of these are 17 Substitutions have occurred, cotton shirts for buckskin in the case of Saiyataca and other impersona- tions; the cotton underdress has recently been added to the costume of female katcinas. Cula*witsi, who used to come naked, now wears a small breechcloth. This innovation was at the request of the boy who took the part in 1923. It is a case of the exception proving the rule. 18 Note in contrast, however, Plate 44, c, also bear katcina, and Plate 49, 6, cow katcina: Plate 50, 6, buffalo. These are all comparatively recent innovations. They come only in the winter dances, where greater liberties are taken with traditional patterns of costume and dancing. They would not be included in the summer dances, which are more conventional and more sacred. 6066°—32—— 55 858 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 shaped to fit over the chin (Teakwena ok&), others cover only the upper part of the face, the lower part of the face being concealed by the ‘‘beard,”’ a fringe of horsehair attached to the lower edge of the mask. These shapes are the only part of the mask that is permanent. All else is removed, even in the case of ancient masks. The mask is made up anew each time it is worn. The old paint is scraped off and it is freshly painted. The feathers which were removed at the last wear- ing are renovated and put back or replaced by new feathers. With the exception of the permanent masks, the mask may be made, by the use of suitable paint and feathers, to represent any katcina wear- ing that particular form of mask. The Tcakwena masks, however, are not changed, possibly because of the difficulty of obliterating the shiny black paint. There may, however, be other reasons. Among the Hopi these are permanent fetishistic masks belonging to a cult group. The wearer of the mask looks out through two small openings. The eye openings are ordinarily emphasized by painting of some kind. (See, however, Cu’la-witsi and Yamuhakto, pl. 25.) Long narrow triangles, rectangles, or concentric circles are used. Instead of painted eyes, protruding eyes may be placed above the eye openings. These are made of round pieces of buckskin painted and stuffed with cotton or seeds, and fastened with thongs to the mask. They are used by most of the scare katcinas. The Koyemci have raised rings around the eye openings. The mouth treatment is more varied. On all face masks the mouth is represented by the lower border, which is somehow emphasized, and from which hangs a fringe of horsehair called the beard. On some of the scare katcinas the mouth is painted with zigzag lines to repre- sent the teeth (Tcakwena, pl. 38), with realistic red tongues hanging from them, in some it is surrounded by rings of braided corn husks (Saiyati’a). On helmet masks the mouth is sometimes just a small round opening. It may be painted with concentric circles like the eyes or with other designs. But more often a protruding snout of some kind is attached by thongs to the mask. It may be straight or curved, carved of wood (Silimop’iya) or out of the neck of a gourd (Muluk- taka). It may be a hollow tube through which the breath comes whistling (Kina‘kwe), or it may be carved in two parts to simulate the jaws of an animal, and operated by strings held by the wearer (Ca’lako). The nose is sometimes indicated by a vertical painted line. Ears are generally indicated by projecting pieces of wood or by flexible twigs covered by cloth or hide (Pautiwa, pl. 21). Or they may be made in the form of squash blossoms, carved of wood or made BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 859 of slender wooden spokes twined with yarn. Frequently only one ear is indicated, or the two ears may be of different forms. Horns of painted wood are common. The top of the mask is sometimes covered with a fringe of hair or a sheepskin dyed to simulate hair. All exposed surfaces of the mask are painted with various pigments, all of native manufacture. The following are the most important: The whole mask is first covered with a coat of white paint. The pigment is kaolin (hek’ohakwa, white clay), soaked in water. It is used also for slipping pottery. It is obtained by trade from Acoma. However, ordinary whitewash is sometimes used.'* Everyone has white paint. There are no ceremonies connected with its manu- facture. There are three black pigments: hakwin‘e, mitcapiwe, and hekwitola. The first of these is a mineral, the other two vegetable products. Hak’win-e is the common black paint, used in the manu- facture of prayer sticks. It is only occasionally used on masks. Since prayer stick making is associated chiefly with medicine socie- ties the manufacture and distribution of this pigment belongs to the societies. A sample of the pigment has been identified by Mr. Paul F. Kerr, of the Department of Mineralogy of Columbia University, as pyrolurite, a hydrated oxide of manganese. The ore is mined on the east side of Corn Mountain and brought in in large chunks. Two or four members of a society will go for the black rock in winter, during the solstice ceremonies. Then the chief of the society will invite girls to come in to grind while the men sing for them. When they finish in the evening the society chief gives each man a corn husk full of the pigment, and to the girls also. Mitcapi'we (burnt corn) is made from carbonized corncobs which are found in ruins of ancient villages. This pigment also is manufac- tured by medicine societies. ‘‘They look for corn in the back rooms of ruins and bring it in big chunks to the society house. There it is ground ceremonially by the society people. They will ask pretty girls to grind for them, about four girls from the society, if there are that many, and four or six girls from outside. The girls wear em- broidered white blankets and white moccasins and many strings of shell and turquoise beads and many bracelets. The head man of the society sits in front of them. Two other men of the society break up the corn into smaller pieces and the head man puts in beads of shell and turquoise and coral and abalone shell and mixes it all together and gives it to the girls to grind. It is hard work. Sometimes it takes two days and sometimes three to grind enough. When they are finished grinding the girls dance in the society house. Then the 1@ The specimen which I brought was not in a state that could be identified. According to Mr. Kerr, a portion of decomposed rock, noncalcareous and also not phosphate bearing. 860 ZUNI KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 47 head man gives each member a handful of paint. He gives some to each of the girls, too. Then the women members of the society bring in food and they all sit down and eat. After that they go home. This paint is used for painting masks, and sometimes the priests use it on prayer sticks.”’ Hekwitola is a fungus found in corn. It is sometimes eaten, especially during the solstice when meat and grease are forbidden. When the corn is husked in the fall, if hekwitola is found in any of the ears it is carefully preserved in corn husks. It is mixed with water for painting the body, or mixed with yucca sirup it makes a shiny black pigment which is used for painting masks. The Tcakwena masks are painted with this. Anyone may prepare this paint. The yellow pigment, helupstikwa, has been identified as ‘“‘limonite, a hydrated oxide of iron, sometimes called yellow ochre. This is mixed with carbonate of lime ealcite.’’ The preparation is described as follows: ‘‘The yellow clay is found at the Sacred Lake, where the pink clay (see below) is found. The wo’le brings it back with him when he returns from the quadrennial pilgrimage. When he is ready to use it he grinds it up. He grinds it himself and prays as he does it. Then he mixes the ground stone with the dried petals of yellow flowers and Paiyatamu medicine which he gets from the society people. The Paiyatamu medicine is made in the winter during the society meetings. The buttercups and other bright flowers are gathered and dried during the summer. Then in the winter the society people invite pretty girls to come and grind. They grind up the flowers with abalone shells. The wo-we have to get this medicine from the society people. It is never made in summer unless they run out of it and need it in a hurry. Then the society people in the kiva that needs it will make it. The medicine is called Patyatamu an utea owe, Paiyatamu’s flower meal. This paint is used for painting the body and masks, and also for prayer sticks. The yellow stone belongs to the head men of the Katcina society. If the society people need yellow paint for their prayer sticks they have to get the stone from the kiva chiefs. They grind it in their society rooms the same as they do the black paint. They get girls to come in and grind for them, and they mix the yellow stone with the petals of yellow flowers.” The pulverized pigment is mixed with water. A yellow pigment is also made from corn pollen, mixed with the boiled juice of yucca. This gives a glossy paint. It is used for painting the designs on the Tcakwena masks. There are two pink stains for the body. Of these the most impor- tant is called katcina’s clay (kok’w a‘wan hekitea),”° identified by Mr. Kerr as kaolinite or a similar hydrated silicate of alumina. ‘‘This belongs to the kiva chiefs and wo-we who collect it on their quadren- nial pilgrimage to the Sacred Lake. The clay is found on the shores 2 The usual word for pink. BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 861 of the lake. It is brought to the village in large chunks. The wo-we store it in their houses and take it to the kiva when needed. When a man uses it he moistens it with his tongue, calling on the rains, and rubs it over his body. This paint is very sacred. It is used by the Koyemci to color their masks, and on the body, and by Kokokci. Tomtsinapa and Saiyali’a and Hatacuku and Nawico use it also. Hilili and dancers like that would never use the pink clay.” Another pink body stain, which is used by the dancers who do not use the katcina’s clay, is made by boiling wheat with small sunflowers. The red pigment, ahoko, is hematite, the common oxide of iron, mixed with clay. “The stone for the red paint is mined four miles southwest of the village. It is brought in in large blankets and kept that way until needed. It is not ground. When they want to use it they rub it on a flat stone with water until the water becomes red. If they want a light red they mix it with pink clay. They chew up the clay and spit it out into the red liquid until it is the right shade. Ahoko is used on masks. When they use it on the body they mix it with pink clay.” For painting prayer sticks, dyeing moccasins, belts, etc., they use akwali (blue stone”), an oxidized ore of copper containing azurite and malachite in a calcite matrix. It is secured by trade from the eastern pueblos, where it abounds. This is ground up with water. For painting masks a prepared pigment of akwali in pifion gum is used. This is obtained from Santo Domingo in exchange for feathers. It used to be made at Zuni from akwalh and pifion gum, but the Santo Domingo paint is considered better. It is used only for masks. It is ‘very valuable.” A purplish body stain (kekwin-e) is obtained from the stalks and husks of black corn. The stalks are chewed and the mixture spread over the body. This is used by Muluktaké, Hemucikwe, and the blue Salimofiya. For painting the face under the mask, and for painting the face on other occasions, an iridescent black paint is used. This has been identified by Mr. Kerr as ‘‘fine grains of quartz sphalerite and galena, a ground concentrate of zinc ore. The dark brown sphalerite is responsible for the color of the mixture.” The use of native paints and dyes is giving way to commercial dyes and pigments, especially in staining the body and wearing apparel. Masks, so far as I could learn, are always painted with native paints (they are always decorated by the wowe). However, some of the bright reds and pinks and blues on masks such as Wilatsukwe look like commercial colors. 21 The correct translation is turquoise. The Zufi classify blues and greens differently from us. They distinguish lokina, pale blue and gray; li’ana, turquoise and light green; acena, bright green; and also a dark blue. The classification of turquiose as a primary color may be due to the use of copper ores as pig- ments. 862 ZUNI KATCINAS (ETH. ANN, 47 The designs, for the most part, are very simple. The mask may be all one color or the face may be a different color from the rest and set off from it by a narrow band. The band around the face is either checked or striped of many colors and symbolizes the Milky Way and the rainbow, respectively. A simple ornament, a circle, a triangle, or zigzag lines, or the familiar cloud symbol is sometimes painted on each cheek. When the back of the mask is exposed it is frequently painted with butterflies, dragon flies, frogs, flowers, or corn. The formal char- acter of these decorations has already been pointed out. The following comments show the type of symbolic associations with mask designs. ‘Sometimes the painting on the mask means something; sometimes not. “The words of the songs always refer to the rain and the clouds and all the beautiful things that grow on the earth, and the painting on the mask means the same as the song. They paint something on the mask to please the earth and something to please the sky, and so on. The painting on Lelacoktipona’s face does not look like the Milky Way, but they call it that anyway to please the Milky Way. “The red paint on the body is for the red-breasted birds and the yellow paint for the yellow-breasted birds and for the flowers and butterflies and all the beautiful things in the world. The white paint is for the sun. “The spots of paint of different colors on Homatci and Temtemci are rain drops falling down on the earth. The green is for the green grass.” Considerable ingenuity is displayed in the handling of the difficult lower edge. The simplest arrangement is a piece of cloth. The Koyemci wear a ragged piece of native black cloth, which adds con- siderably to the crudeness and ludicrousness of their aspect. On other masks an embroidered kilt is neatly folded to conceal the wearer’s neck and shoulders (Komokitsik, pl. 35,¢). Skins of animals may be similarly used, especially those of fox, coyote, rabbit, and mountain lion (Saiyati’a, pl. 21, 6). A padded collar of cloth stuffed with cotton and painted to match the mask is sometimes used (Saiyataca, pl. 25). But by far the most beautiful masks are those finished with great ruffs of glossy feathers or sweet-smelling spruce. The feathers may be the stiff shining feathers of the raven (Salimop’iya) or the soft feathers of the turkey (Natcimomo, pl. 55,@). But loveliest of all are the ruffs of freshly picked spruce branches. Spruce is the plant most intimately associated with the katcinas. It symbolizes all the green growing things with which the rain clothes the earth. The beauty of the fresh green wreaths is often enhanced by tipping the ends of the twigs with flakes of snowy popcorn. On a few masks (Hemuci‘kwe, pl. 46, @) towering headdresses re- sembling those of the tablita dances of the eastern Pueblos are worn. BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 863 These are made of light frames of wood covered with cloth, or of thin slabs of wood, with terraced edges painted on both sides with clouds, rainbows, and similar cosmic symbols. Hair is frequently attached to masks, sometimes to simulate human hair (Ca’lako, pl. 27; Saiyati’a, pl. 21, b; Komokitsik, pl. 35, c). Sometimes it is merely an ornamental fringe to frame the face. In such cases it may be dyed bright red (Kwamu-we, copied from the Navaho). Animal horns are sometimes worn in animal impersonations (Cow Katcina, pl. 49; b; Deer Katcina, pl. 43, a), or the skin of an animal (Bear Katcina, pl. 44, c). The top of the mask is sometimes covered with hair (Bear Katcina, pl. 41, a@), sheepskin dyed black, or flowers (Bee Katcina, pl. 43, 5). “They used to use human hair on masks, e. g., Ca’lako mask. But they found that the people whose hair they had cut off would die four days after they had done it, so they do not do it any more. Now they use horsehair. They never cut the hair of a live horse to use 1t on a mask because the horse might die like a real person. So they only cut the hair off dead horses. “Sometimes some of the katcinas wear branches of peach trees in their heads, and if any of the fruit drops off the people pick it up and take it home and put it in their storerooms for good luck.” Feathers are the katcinas’ most conspicuous ornaments. They are attached in great bunches to the crown of the mask at the back, thrust into the ears or suspended from them. They are bound together to form great ruffs around the neck. As a rule the impor- tance of a katcina can be judged by the variety and quantity of his feathers. A katcina without feathers is an anomaly, and it is always thought necessary to explain why certain katcinas wear no feathers. (See p. 1048.) All use the downy feather from the breast of the eagle. This is preeminently the feather of the katcinas, the breath of the rain. Even those katcinas who wear no other feathers have downy feathers in their ears.” Eagle tail feathers, feathers from the breast and tail of the turkey, owl feathers, and the breast feathers of the yellow macaw are all worn by many different katcinas. ‘‘They wear macaw feathers because the macaw lives in the south and they want the macaw to bring the rains of the south. They always like to feel the south wind because the south wind brings rain.”’? Other feathers are worn as insignia of rank or position, or refer to some episode in the myth of the katcina. The downy feather dyed red is the badge of society membership, the wing feather of the bluejay is the feather 2 In prayer stick lore the downy feather has very special symbolism. It is the ‘‘pekwin’s feather’’ (see p. 660). It is used in all offerings to the sun and moon, and after these offerings the supplicant must abstain from animal food. It is also used by the priests during their retreats when they want immediate rain, and then, also, after offering the prayer sticks, the supplicants must abstain from animal food. A downy feather is tied to the hair of novices and until it is removed on the fourth day they must eat no animal food. The soft feather from the breast or back of the turkey, and the duck feather (turn-around feather) are the distinguishing feathers in prayer sticks for the katcinas. 864. ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 of the priests. The feather from the shoulder of the eagle belongs to the hunters’ society; the red hawk feather to Ciwana‘kwe; wing feathers of the eagle, combined with downy feathers and duck feathers, and fastened to small reeds form the ‘‘great feather” (lacowan tan‘a), the badge of a bow priest, is worn by all warrior impersonations.” The way it is worn is prognostic. If the tips of the feathers point backward the katcina comes peaceably, but if the tips point forward his intentions are hostile, for this is the way war- riors wear the feather on the warpath. The following myth is told to account for the feathers of katcinas. Way THE Kartcinas Wear EaGur FEATHERS Long ago a boy was set up on a cliff by the witches. He was starving to death. For four days he had nothing to eat. This boy had a friend, a witch boy, who asked him what he knew. He said, ‘‘I do not know anything.”’ So then the witch boy said, “T shall rub you all over with a black ant and then nothing can harm you.” He did that and then he took a hoop and jumped through it and turned into a chipmunk. He told the boy to do the same and said it was easy and that he could turn himself back into a person whenever he wanted to. So the boy did it. Then they went up a mountain to hunt. The witch boy went ahead and told him to wait for him while he went to look for birds’ nests. Then he turned him- self back into a person and gave the hoop to the other boy and told him to turn himself back into a person too. Then he turned himself back into a person and the witch boy said, ‘‘ Now do you want me to teach you how to do it yourself, the way my mother taught me?”’ The boy said, ‘““No, I am afraid.” Then the witch boy went away and told him to wait for him. Then he went away and left him there and the poor boy waited for four days. He had nothing to eat and he cried a great deal. This was at the place Hakwininakwe, where they get black paint for prayer sticks. The eagle lived a little ways to the nortn and while he was in his nest he thought he heard something crying a little way to the south. Next morning he went out to hunt. About noon he remembered he had heard something crying in the night and he said, ‘Oh dear, I wanted to go and see who was there to the south. | heard something crying just like a human person. I wonder who it is, because no one ever comes up here.’’ Then the eagle went to the south and flew around four times and finally he saw the boy sitting in the crack in the rocks, fast asleep. The eagle came down and sat down beside him. He was sitting there in his feathers, waiting. He thought the boy would never wake up. Then he took off his feather dress and he 23 The lacowan lana of the bow priests is made in the Ant Society house with special prayers. (Cf. also Hopi hurrunkwa.) ‘‘The war chiefs do not have mi'we, but they have the great feather and it is just as sacred.” BUNZEL| PARAPHERNALIA 865 turned into a human person. He went over to the boy and woke him up. He touched him over the heart and he woke up. “My child, whoever you are, wake up. JI am here. You were left alone and I have come.’ Then the little boy woke up. But he was so miserable that he just opened his eyes a little and shut them again. Then the eagle said, ‘Please, little boy, wake up. I shall carry you on my back and take you to my home.” The little boy opened his eyes when he heard that the man would carry him home. Then the little boy said, ‘Yes, please. JI am hungry and thirsty and I am not strong enough to go home alone. Please take me.” Then the eagle took him and tried to make him stand up but he was so weak he fell right down. Then he said, ““Now you try to open your eyes and I shall carry you on my back. You hold on to me and I shall take you down.”’ So the eagle left the little boy and went off a little way and put on his feather dress. Then he came back to the little boy and the little boy just grabbed him by the neck. ‘Now shut your eyes and we shall go down to your home.” The people were living at Kikima, and the boy had been left a little to the east. Then he took him down. It was in the afternoon, when the sun turns over. His people had been looking for him for four days. He was the son of the katcina chief. The eagle knew it. The people had been looking all over for the little boy and his parents cried all the time. They could not find the boy. Just then the people were coming home from looking for the boy. It was the last time they were going to look for him. Just as they were coming home the eagle brought him down to the spring called Sumkaia to give him adrink. Then he set him down and said, ‘‘ Now open your eyes.”” The little boy dropped down, for his heart was weak. They sat down beside the spring and the eagle said, ‘‘Now drink. Then you will feel better and you will walk home. Your home is right there, just a little way off.” The eagle said, ‘‘Please hurry. Some- one may come and find me here. I am afraid someone will come and find out that I brought you down.” Then the little boy drank, and while he was drinking the eagle plucked out six of his tail feathers, and he took downy feathers from under his wings and from his shoulders he took the ‘‘spoon feathers’’ (lacokone). Then he pulled up some grass that was growing by the spring and tied it around the feathers. Then he said, ‘‘Now you have had a drink and now walk home and take these along to your father. Your parents know that you went with that little boy to look for birds’ nests. So take these feathers back to your father and he will think what use he can make of them.” So the boy said, “All right.’ Then the eagle said again, “Take these in to your father. Do not tell him that I gave them to you, but tell him that I brought you down. Your father will know what to do with the feathers. You are going now, and I am going 866 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 home.” Then he started and the little boy went home, walking weakly as if he would fall down at each step. The women were coming to get water at Kyakima spring, and they saw the little boy coming along. They knew that the little boy was lost and when they saw him coming they knew that it was the little boy that everyone had been looking for. As they came close one of the women set down her jar and ran up to the boy. ‘Oh, my son, we know that you have been lost. The people have been looking for you and now you have come back. Where have you been?” He said, ‘‘Up in the mountains. I am just coming home.’”’ Then she said, ‘‘What have you there?” and the little boy said, ‘“‘I have only feathers. Don’t touch my feathers!” The woman kept saying, ‘I would like to feel them.” The boy did not want her to touch his feathers, but she did, and then right away she turned into an owl. Then the boy said, ‘‘I told you not to touch them. My feathers are wise.** I told you not to touch them. Now I shall give you a home where you will live. You will go to the north of this mountain and you will have a spring there.” Then she went there and so right below the eagle place is owl spring where the woman was turned into an owl because she touched the eagle feathers. Then the boy said, ‘‘Now if anyone else meets me I will not let them touch my feathers.’”? So he went home. He was very weak, but he walked home. Everyone saw him coming with his feathers sticking out. Then the people said, ‘“‘There is the little boy who was lost. There he is coming. He looks weak. I wonder where he has been all this time.” He could hardly climb up the ladder, he was so weak. So some of the people went in and told his father and mother, and they did not believe it was their boy, he looked so badly. Then they came out and saw the little boy struggling to climb the ladder. Then his father went down and brought him in on his back, and the little boy was holding on to his feathers. When he came in he said, ‘Mother, put down a basket.’”’ She brought a basket and the boy laid his feathers init. Then he said, ‘“‘Father, I brought you these feathers. Eagle brought me down. He found me and brought me down and left me at the spring and I walked home. These are eagle feathers.’’? The father took the feathers and breathed in from them and said, ‘‘Father of eagles, give me long life and your strong heart. You travel so far and fly so high that your breath is clear and strong. Make my heart clean like yours. I breathe from your feathers, so make me strong Jike you.’”’** Then he thanked the eagle because he had brought the boy back. Then right away he knew what to do with the feathers. He said, “‘Our fathers, the *4 Have supernatural power. 25 Because ‘‘ The eagle flies high where the air is clean. He never goes where there is dirt and sickness and so we always pray to him for good health.’’ BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 867 katcinas, will wear these feathers because the eagle is strong and wise and kind. He travels far in all directions and so he will surely bring us the rains. The eagle feathers must always come first.” That is why the katcinas always wear eagle feathers, because the eagle found the little boy and brought him down and sent his feathers with him. When a mask of the helmet type is worn, the hair, provided it is long, is plaited in two plaits which are wound around the neck under the mask. With face masks which leave the head exposed long hair is required, and if the wearer has cut his hair, as have most of the younger men, he supplements his shorn or scanty locks with a wig or a switch of horsehair, so cleverly arranged as to be almost impossible to detect. The short-haired or Laguna Tcakwena wears a piece of goatskin to which eagle down is stuck, covering the top and back of the head. Usually the hair is left hanging free, ornamented with feathers according to the ceremonial affiliation of the beings imper- sonated. Rain dancers wear a bunch of macaw and downy eagle feathers on the crown and downy feathers attached to a weighted string hanging down the back. Some warrior impersonations (Hainawi, pl. 32, 6; Teakwena, pls. 38, 39, 40) wear eagle down stuck to the hair with yucca sirup. The red feather that is the badge of society membership may be tied to the forelock (Tcataci, pl. 48, ¢) or to a fillet of yucca encircling the head (Towa Tcakwena, pl. 38). Female impersonations have their hair dressed in either of two fashions. Maidens have their hair bound over square pieces of wood and fastened with yarn. (Kokwe’le, pl. 35, 6.) Thisis said to be the ancient headdress of Zufii maidens, and is not unlike the whorled headdress still worn by Hopi maidens. Other female impersonations have the hair done up behind in the fashion at present affected by Zuni women. (Hemokatsik', pl. 28, b.) Some few females who wear helmet masks have the hair arranged in two plaits over the ears, the usual headdress of Hopi married women. (Komokitsik, pl. 35, c. Compare Hopi Kutcamana, Fewkes, pl. XLIV.) In one case (Kota:- hmana) half of the hair is loosely tied with yarn, the other half is wound over a curved stick. The Zunis can not explain this peculiar headdress. The curved stick is such a one as Hopigirls use in dressing their hair, and the Hopi, who have the same impersonation under a different name (Teakwaina Mana), tell the tale that a raiding party arrived in the village while the girl was having her hair dressed. She seized her brother’s weapons and went out to fight the enemy, rushing out with her hair half done. The Zufi impersonation is also an Amazon, though unconnected with the teakwena set. Other headdresses are worn by the men, the usual man’s headdress (Tcataci), the special headdress of the Ne’we'kwe (Nepaiyatamu), the buckskin cap of the bow priests (O’wiw1). 868 ZUNI KATCINAS [eTH. ANN. 47 When no mask is worn, the hair is dressed precisely as if the mask were to be worn and a fillet of yucca is bound about the brows. Face and body paint.—The face is always painted before putting on a mask. Usually two lines are drawn across the face with iridescent black paint (tsuhapa) or red paint (ahoko), or the chin and cheeks are marked with smudges of red or black paint. “When the real katcinas came to dance they did not wear masks, but they always painted their faces this way. Then they stopped coming because whenever they came some one at Itiwana used to die. They told the people to dress the way they did and they told them to make masks so that the young ones would not know them. That is why they always paint their faces under the masks. And they paint their faces so that if they take off their masks during their rest the young ones who are around will know that they are really katcinas.”’ The whole body is painted, even when full costume is worn. It is doubtful, however, if this is still strictly adhered to. The unexposed portions of the body are painted white, with a thin solution of kaolin, the exposed portions with paints of different colors. The composi- tion and preparation of these pigments are described in another place (p. 859). If the upper part of the body is nude it is painted red, pink, black, more rarely yellow, purple, white, or varicolored. The shoulders, forearms, and legs are frequently yellow, and double lines of yellow dots run from the waist to the shoulders and down the arms, both front and back. These tend to make the body appear more slender. They symbolize raindrops or rainbows. The loins are always painted white, regardless of whether kilt or breechcloth is worn.** This is “for the sun.’? One informant offered the explanation that the white paint was used to protect the light-colored clothing. When full costume is worn the whole body is said to be painted white. With long-sleeved garments the hands are painted white. The knees are frequently painted red, sometimes spotted with yellow, ‘‘for speed.” Runners in stick races always have their knees painted red. Next to the mask, the face and body paint is the most sacred part of a dancer’s regalia. No one must touch a man while he has on his body paint. After he has finished dancing, or if he wishes to stay in his own house between the days of the dance, his body must be bathed ceremonially by his wife or his mother before he can go to his wife. Impersonators of all important katcina priests must have their heads nel bodies bathed by the women of their father’s clans in the house of 2 Except Cu’la‘witsi, whose whole body is ar nted black with spots of red, aay blue, al white. The body paint of Cu’la‘witsi is especially sacred. Cu’la*witsi’s body is painted by five men of the clan of his ceremonial father. The father picks them out, one for each color. He goes to five men of his clan and says, “‘T have chosen you to look after the black paint,’’ and they will say, ‘‘ Yes; I shall do it.’’ Cu’la‘witsi is very dangerous. If anyone who does not believe in the katcinas tries to paint Cu’la‘witsi the paint will not stay on. BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 869 their aunts (father’s sisters) before going home to their own houses. One of his father’s blood sisters meets him as he comes out of the kiva or in the road as he comes from the shrine at which he has undressed and takes him to her house, where as many women as possible of his clan are waiting for him. The man sits on a low stool facing the east, while his father’s sister, or the female head of his father’s ancestral household, mixes suds of yucca. Then she prays and sprinkles water on his head. The other women also dip up water. Then the father’s sister washes the hair thoroughly. After this, if the impersonation was a minor one, the hands are washed, but in the case of all the Ca’lako participants the whole body is bathed. Then the man is given food and returns to his home.” When no mask is worn, the same magical power that resides in the mask is imputed to the body paint. And conversely, if the body is not painted, particular care is taken in the manner of putting on the mask. Before putting it on, he holds it in his hand for a moment and prays: ‘‘i am a poor person, and I am putting on this valuable mask. You will be my father, and I shall be your father. Give me good luck in everything.” * Costume.—With the exception of Cu’la’witsi, who is impersonated by a small boy, all katcinas wear some covering, and in recent years even Cu’la’witsi has worn a small breechcloth. Most of the ‘‘little dancers’? wear only a breechcloth. This usually is a piece of dark blue native cloth (Hehe’a, pl. 54, a@), but embroidered sashes may be worn in this manner (Grease Boy, pl. 44, 6) or a strip of com- mercial cotton cloth with colored embroidery or appliqué at the ends (Salimop’iya, pls. 30, 31). The characteristic garment of the katcinas is a hand woven and embroidered white cotton kilt. These are woven by the Hopi of hand-spun white cotton. One man at Zufi weaves kilts and sashes. Sometimes cement sacks, stretched and pounded to simulate the loose weave of the native garment, are substituted. These kilts are em- broidered with black yarn along the lower edge and in color at both ends. They may be further ornamented by a broad blue painted or appliqué band. The kilt is fastened on the right side. A breechcloth of commercial cotton is always worn under the kilt.” 27 In cases of doubtful paternity, which are fairly frequent at Zuni, two clans will claim the man as their ‘*child”’ and he will go both places to be bathed. An adopted child, or a child of a widowed or divorced woman who has remarried, will go first to the house of his ‘‘own’”’ (blood) father and then to the ancestral house of his adopted father. But in an unfortunate case of disputed paternity the two clans had quarreled over the possession of the child on the occasion of his society initiation, and when he danced in the Muaiye neither set of aunts came for him. So he had to wait in the kiva until someone took word to his mother. Then his mother’s husband’s sister came for him. Meanwhile the other women repented and both sent for him. So he had his head washed three times. 28 So reports my informant. I never happened to see anyone putting on a mask, but I have seen them unmask most unceremoniously. But the mask is never laid down casually. Unless a special place has been prepared to receive it, it is hung on the wall. 29 Except by the Koyemci. They wear no breechcloth under their black kilts. During their play the kilt may be removed. 870 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 With the kilt is worn some kind of belt or sash, usually a narrow red and green woman’s belt and a broad sash, either the broad woven sash with embroidered ends or a Hopi wedding belt, a broad braided belt, with long tasseled fringes. All of these articles are made by the Hopi. The Navaho and the Zuni also make women’s belts. A large white buckskin is worn instead of the woven kilt by kat- cinas associated with war or hunting. With these any kind of belt may be worn, often an ordinary silver belt. The upper part of the body is generally left nude and painted, but shirts are worn by some katcinas. These are usually white. Now they are made of cotton, but in ancient times they were of buckskin. Many of the more important of the katcina priests wear the em- broidered white blanket (miha). This is a Hopi wedding blanket, embroidered with cloud, flower, and butterfly designs in red, orange, green, and black. It is woven by the Hopi and is the most valuable Pueblo textile product. A miha in good condition is valued at $75. Saiyataca (pl. 25) and Pautiwa (pl. 21) show two ways of wearing the miha. The usual footgear is a high moccasin of soft buckskin, painted blue, with turnback cuffs of red and yellow. With these moccasins are worn heel pieces of porcupine quill embroidery. These heel pieces are sometimes worn on bare feet. Ordinary brown moccasins such as are worn by older men, and by younger men on ceremonial occa- sions, are sometimes worn by katcinas. Anklets of spruce twigs are worn with bare feet by Kokokcei and others. Some kind of band is usually worn below the knee. This may be of black or brightly colored yarn, or a narrow woven belt such as men use to bind up their hair. A turtle-shell rattle is worn on the right lee by most of the dancing katcinas, and the rhythm of the dance is marked by stamping with the right foot. Sleigh bells may be worn on one or both legs, either with the rattle or instead of it. The legs are sometimes covered with native knitted hose or leggings of brown or white fringed buckskin. A striking feature of katcina costume is the fox skin, suspended by its head from the back of the belt. This is worn by practically all of the dancing katcinas and many others. It is considered as a relic of the earliest days of man, for the katcinas were transformed while mankind was still tailed and horned. Female impersonations wear ordinary woman’s costume—the black hand-woven dress fastened on the right shoulder, a long-sleeved and high-necked cotton underdress (recently silk), and one or two blanket robes over the shoulders. The top robe should be a native white cotton blanket, bordered above and below with woven bands of red #0 Fewkes suggests that the fox skins may be a survival of the time when katcinas were animal imper- sonations effected by donning an animal skin, He connects this with the use of the flayed skin in Aztec ritual. BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 871 and blue. In absence of this, a native woven black blanket is sub- stituted. Under this may be worn a brightly colored fringed com- mercial shawl. No pitone (a square of brightly colored silk worn by Zufhi women over their shoulders) is worn. The blankets are fastened together in front with yarn, the way girls fasten their blankets when they dance. Women’s high white moccasins sometimes cover the feet and legs, or the feet are left bare and painted yellow, and the legs are covered with footless woolen hose, such as are worn in summer by the older Zuhi women, who ordinarily go barefoot. All katcinas wear numerous necklaces of white shell, turquoise, and coral, from which hang ear loops (sato-we) of finely worked turquoise of the best grade. The amount of turquoise worn by any imperson- ator is limited only by his borrowing capacity. The necklaces cover the whole chest, frequently also the whole back. It is not unusual for an impersonator to wear necklaces valued at more than a thousand dollars around his neck.*! Silver necklaces, blue yarn, abalone shells, and miscellaneous ornaments are also worn about the neck, and many bracelets and strings of shell and turquoise are wound about the wrists. The way of wearing the necklaces is indicative of rank and position. Necklaces front and back indicate a katcina of impor- tance; necklaces doubled over and worn close to the throat are a badge of society membership. Warrior katcinas wear the bandoleer of the bow priests over the right shoulder. This is made of white buckskin, decorated with fringes under the left arm and ornamented with a zigzag pattern of shells, four for each scalp taken. A little of the hair from each scalp is sewed into the broad fringed portion. The bandoleers of the bow priests hang by the outer doors of their houses. They are never taken into back rooms. They must always be removed before going into the room with the corn, or before drinking, lest the spring from which the water was drawn be contaminated. The bandoleers of the bow priests may be borrowed or imitated. Other less dangerous katcinas wear bandoleers of beadwork, yucca, cedar berries, or broad ribbon bands. Hunting impersonations wear a pouch such as hunters use to carry their animal fetishes and prayer meal. (O’wiwi, pl. 45, d.) Arm bands of painted buckskin with long fringes and turkey feathers or painted tabs of buckskin attached to long strings are worn. These ornaments represent the sacred butterfly (lahacoma), a love charm which can make people crazy. ‘‘Lahacoma is the brightest of all the butterflies. It is yellow with spots of red and white and black. 31 Turquoise is the Zuni savings bank. After the sale of wool in the spring a man liquidates his debts and invests the balance in turquoise. Extravagant young men buy motor cars, but the thrifty man buys turquoise, which does not suffer depreciation. 872 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH ANN. 47 It affects everyone, but especially young girls. It makes them follow the one who has it, whether they want to or not. It is as if they were crazy. They must go after anyone who has lahacoma. The Koyemci always use it. Their father is always looking for lahacoma, and when he finds it he puts it in their drum to make people come out to dances. It must be true, because everyone always runs after the Koyemci as soon as they hear their drum. They use it especially against people who are not interested in anything and who never come out for dances. They tell lahacoma to call them, and then they have to follow when they hear the drum. And when once they come they must always come after that whenever they hear the drum of the Koyemci. Other dancers use lahacoma on their arm bands or painted on their masks to make people come out. White missionaries have to come and ask people to come to Sunday school or church, but we do not have to do that. We have ways of making people want to come.” During the summer dancers wear branches of spruce thrust into their belts and armbands, and carry spruce in their hands. All female impersonations carry spruce. ‘Even the Tcakwena wears spruce in summer, It is to make the world green. In summer the rain dancers always dance in front of the house where the priests are in retreat,°” and one of the priests comes out and sprinkles all the dancers with meal and takes a branch of spruce.” Objects carried—All the dancing katcimas except a few, Towa Teakwena, Hill, and a few characters in the mixed dance, carry gourd rattles in the night hand and spruce in the left. The rattles are made by shaking the seeds out of dry gourds and inserting in their place small pebbles. The handle is inserted in the side. They are very different in form and sound from the rattles of the medicine societies, in which shells are used instead of pebbles. Special kinds of rattles are carried by various katcina priests. Saiyataca, Hu-tutu, and the Silimopiya carry rattles of deer scapulae, Kiklo carries a stuffed duck skin hung with little tinkling shells, the Kiina*kwe carry rattles made of turtle shells, similar to those worn on the leg. Warrior impersonations carry bow and arrow in the left hand, addition to spruce, and frequently a bunch of giant yucca inetend of the rattle in the right. Whipping katcinas, like the Sdlimop’iya and Saiyah’a, carry yucca in both hands. As with the wearing of the great feather, the manner of carrying yucca switches indicates the katcina’s temper and intentions. When he is friendly and comes just to dance or to show himself in the village he carries his yucca with the points back and the roots forward. But when he comes to whip, whether in punishment or exorcism, he carries the tips forward. The whipping is always done with the tips of the leaves. When whipping the children at their initiation the yucca switches are bound together to give 32 See p. 514. BUNZEL] PARAPHERNALIA 873 them greater firmness and are replaced with fresh as soon as the ends become limp. Katcinas are always instructed not to whip anyone who is carrying corn or water or any woman who is with child. After striking anyone the katcina passes the yucca before the victim’s face, saying, ‘‘ May you be blessed with seeds.” Since he gives his blessing while wearing a mask, white people and other outsiders are never struck during these demonstrations.** Several katcinas carry feathered wands or long staves with feathers (Muluktaka, pl. 46, d). P’autiwa and other katcina priests carry bun- dle of prayer sticks which are planted or otherwise disposed of in the course of their visit, or taken out with them to be planted later. Female impersonations carry branches of spruce or perfect ears of corn. This by no means exhausts the list of objects carried by the kateinas. One of the “little dancers’? (Hehe’a) carries a bag of sand and red pepper, another a young spruce tree. Several of the scare katcinas carry great stone knives and the Ca’lako carry stone axes thrust in their belts out of sight. Almost anything which adds character to the impersonation may be brought. The only katcina sets which have their own drum are the Short- haired or Drum Tcakwena and one of the mixed dances. The drum is made of a bundle of clothing wrapped very tight in a strong buckskin and tied with thongs. It resounds when struck with a drumstick. The Koyemci sometimes bring a wooden drum which they use in the intermissions between dances. Hilili, whether dancing indoors or out, do not sing for themselves but bring their own choir. These men are dressed like society mem- bers and wear masks. They use a pottery drum which they borrow from one of the societies. During the winter dance series the katcinas dance indoors. Each kiva invites one of the medicine societies to sing for them. The society brings its own drum, which is played by the official drummer of the society, who is also the leader of the singing. They do not sing while the katcinas are dancing, but in the intervals between dances, while the ‘‘little dancers”’ are going around. Every katcina carries in his belt a small package of seeds which is called his ‘‘heart.”? This package contains corn of all colors, squash, melons, sometimes wild seeds, but not wheat, pumpkins, or cucum- bers. Each man gets the seeds from his wife or mother. They form one of the most important parts of his regalia. A dancer will never go out without his seeds. When a priest requests that a dance be repeated, as he sprinkles each dancer in the line with meal, he takes from his belt his package of seeds. Usually he takes only from the 33 In 1926 a Saiyati’a whipped a white school-teacher who was standing too close. He was rebuked by the katcina chief for ‘‘having given away his good luck.”’ 6066°—32——56 874 ZUNI KATCINAS [BTH. ANN. 47 first two or three in line. These are kept and planted next spring, and are believed to grow faster than other seeds. The men whose seeds are taken must obtain another package before going out to dance next day. If he should dance without his ‘‘heart’”’ he would have no power. It is said that one of the reasons why there is no longer any exchange of dance sets between the Zuni and Hopi vil- lages is because the Zunis discovered that the Hopis carried no seeds, and therefore had no power. The Zunis, however, always carried seeds when they went to dance in Hopi villages, ‘‘and so they took all their crops and all their good luck over to the Hopi country, and here we had nothing at all.” Before participating in any masked ritual, in fact, before any participation in ceremony, the head must be washed in yucca suds. Even impersonators of katcina priests, who have been in retreat before their public ceremonies, return to their houses before dressing long enough to have their heads bathed by their wives or mothers. No man ever washes his own hair. In dressing the order is, first the body paint, then the costume, and last of all the mask. There are probably more elaborate rituals of dressing for all the katcina priests. When all the men are ready to go out, as the line of dancers leaves the kiva the chief spits medicine on each one of them. ‘It is called utea’owe (flower meal) or Paiyatamu medicine. It is made by medicine men in the society houses, and only society people have it. If the kiva chief does not belong to a society he must get this medicine from someone who has it. It is made from the petals of yellow and purple flowers.’’ All the butterflies go to the bright-colored flowers and people like to pick them. Therefore they make this medicine from the bright flowers. They mix it with the paint they use on the masks and body, to make the dancers beautiful. Only the headmen know about this medicine. They take a little of it and as the dancers come out of the kiva to go to the plaza the kiva chief puts the medicine in his mouth and prays: ‘‘Now my father sun, you make the day beautiful. You send light and the clouds of all directions to make the world beautiful. You make the days beautiful in all directions. Therefore, we have made this paiyatamu medicine from the bright flowers.”” So he says and takes the medicine in his mouth and spits a little of it on each of the dancers as they come out.” ORGANIZATION OF THE KATCINA SOCIETY The Katcina Society (kotikan’e, ko ex koko, katcina+ tikan:e, secret society) comprises all the adult males of the community and afew initiated females. The rites of initiation are described elsewhere (p. 975). Girls ordinarily are told the secrets of the katcina cult by % This medicine is also a love charm. Mothers use it in the same way on their girls before they go out to watch a dance, ‘‘to make them beautiful, so that everyone will like to look at them.” BUNZEL] ORGANIZATION OF THE KATCIN A SOCIETY 875 their fathers when they are thought to have reached the age of discre- tion, at about the age of 12. However, even before this time the secrets of the cult are not as strictly guarded from them as from boys, since they are regarded as less responsible members of the community. Girls may in rare cases be initiated into the Kateina Society and par- ticipate in dances. They are sometimes given to the Katcina Society, as they might be given to another society, in sickness. The katcinas cure for “‘bad dreams” (hallucinations). Frequently girls are whipped in the kiva to cure them of “bad dreams,” but initiation is rarely resorted to. Girls may also join, on request, to take the place of an aged female relative, as reported by Stevenson (Life of a Zuni Child), or they may volunteer to join. Few women avail themselves of this privilege. It is considered ‘‘shameless” (kwa ya‘tsawilam:e).®> Mrs. Stevenson is in error in stating that girls take vows of chastity * on joining the Katcina Society. There are three female members of the Katcina Society at the present time, and all of them are or have been married. A married woman has recently applied for member- ship. The function of the Katcina Society is the presentation of masked dances and rituals, but it also cooperates with the priestly hierarchy in all great ceremonies in which masked personages appear. The head of the Katcina Society is the katcina chief (komosona, ko-+mosona, chief or leader). He is appointed for life by the council of the priests, from the Antelope clan. Usually he trains some young man in his family to succeed him, and on his death or retirement his selection is ratified by the priests. The katcina chief is assisted by the katcina pekwin, similarly appointed from the Badger clan, and two katcina bow priests, members of any clan selected from the bow priesthood. The office of katcina pekwin has been vacant for several years, three incumbents having died in rapid succession. This series of disasters made possible candidates afraid to accept the office and grave concern is felt over the failure to fill this important post. Because of this vacancy the initiation ceremony has not been held since 1919.%7 Theoretically the power of the katcina chief is very great, but it is hedged and checked by the independent powers of the kivas and the 35 Not because she is a woman, but because she has been forward, in offering to join a ceremony without being invited. Tojoinasociety when there is no need, like buying a pew ina fashionable church, is regarded as an undignified grabbing at prestige, and consequently carries no prestige. ‘‘Joiners’’ are looked upon with amused contempt, for having expended so much goods in such a fruitless cause. 36 Chastity, as a way of life, is looked upon with great disfavor. No one comes in for harsher criticism, in life and literature, than the girl who refuses to marry. This does not apply, needless to say, to ceremonial continence. 37 This circumstance has given the whole clan a ‘‘bad name.’’ The Badger people in general and the Onaawa priesthood in particular are accused of trafficking with whites, and the death of three office holders of the clan is considered a reflection of this pollution. The office was filled during the winter solstice of 1928 and the ceremony commanded for the spring of 1929, 876 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 various cult groups (see below).** He officiates at many important ceremonies and is regarded as a repository of katcina lore. He has, of course, powerful supernatural connections. He is not a priest, hence not a member of the council (Mrs. Stevenson’s ‘First Body of the Aciwanni’’). However, his advice is sought by the priests in all important matters, and his word carries great weight. He is always referred to by title rather than name and his children have taken his title as a patronymic. The present incumbent is a man of great personal influence. He is a most rigorous observer of all ancient practices and exacting in his demands on those who hold office under him. He is bitter in his denunciation of those suspected of trafficking with whites and those who are lax in preserving the secrecy of all religious rites. Since the retirement of Tsawela from the office of bow priest Komosona has been the leader of the conservative (‘Cath- olic’”’) faction. The katcina fekwin is his subordinate and assistant. The two katcina bow priests serve chiefly as messengers of the katcina chief. They sometimes bring in the line of dancers in the summer rain dances, although this duty belongs theoretically to the katcina chief and his pekwin. As bow priests, they have the office of guarding secret rituals, punishing intruders, and general policing. The membership at large of the Katcina Society is composed of six groups,” very unequal in size, each with its own organization. ‘These are primarily dancing societies. At the head of each group is the kiva chief (otakamos‘i, literally dance chief). He is called kiva chief in the following pages because the term has become accepted in Hopi usage, and clearly describes his place in the sacerdotal organization. There may be in each group one or more assistant kiva chiefs (also called otaka‘mos‘i, and two or more wo'we (literally ‘‘creature’’). The kiva chief is the responsible head. He sets the dates for dances of his group,*® decides what dance is to be given, calls rehearsals, teaches the participants their songs, superintends the preparation of the masks, plants prayer sticks before the dance and observes the usual ritual requirements attendant thereon, and on the day of the dance stands in the center of the line and leads the singing. The two wo-we have charge of the paraphernalia of the dance. They 38 An interesting case of the checks upon authority in Zuni occurred in connection with the last initiation ceremony. For a time there was some doubt as to whether the ceremony could be held, although it had been ordered by the priests. The member of the Great Fire Society, whose office it was to make the sand paintings in the kivas, refused to cooperate. He had many old scores to settle with the priests—he had once been persecuted for witchcraft, and was cordially hated. So, like Achilles, he sulked in his tent until all the priests came to him and ate humble pie. Then he deigned to serve. Until he had been mollified, the ceremony could not go on, because no one else‘‘knew how’’—that is, had the necessary supernatural power. Others might be able to make the paintings, but they would not know the prayers, so they would not be potent. 8 Called upa-we, from upe, ‘‘within,’’ a verbal stem meaning ‘‘to be in’ in the literal and cere- monial sense of being in retreat. 40 Except the first dances of the summer and winter series, held on set dates of the Zuni calendar. BUNZEL] ORGANIZATION OF THE KATCINA SOCIETY 877 collect and decorate the masks. They paint the masks, the men themselves attach the feathers and other ornaments. The wowe superintend the gathering of other clothing and the spruce boughs that are so prominent a part of the paraphernalia of the katcinas. In addition to the regular wo-we for the dances, each group has at least one special Ca’lako wo’le, and a Silimopiya wo’le. They may, of course, serve in double capacity. This is the theoretical organiza- tion, which is much broken down at present. None of the groups has the full quota of officers. Muhewa, for instance, has only one wo’le on whom falls all the exacting tasks connected with the presentation of masked dances and the Ca’lako ritual. Each of the six divisions of the Katcina Society is associated with a ceremonial building, the kivas. In Zuni these are square build- ings, contained within the house groups. They have no doors on the streets, the entrance being through the hatchway in the roof, the method by which all Zuni houses were entered until recent years. The kivas may also be entered through doorways leading into adjoin- ing houses. The windows on the street are tiny apertures; they do not contain panes of glass or mica. Usually they are filled with small stones or stuffed with cloth. The kivas have ledges running about the walls, such as used to be common in Zuni homes. The fireplace is a boxlike structure with open side, located in the center of the room, directly under the hatchway. There is no flue, and the smoke escapes through the opening above. Zuni dwelling houses have excellently constructed corner fireplaces with chimneys. The inner ladder rises behind the fireplace. Zufi kivas do not have the shipapu, the hole in the floor, symbolizing the place of emergence, which is found in ancient and modern kivas in other villages. The location of the kivas is indicated on Kroeber’s map of the Zuni village.* Kroeber points out the fact that they are all located on courts or plazas. The six kivas are named, and the dance groups are named from the building with the addition of the suffix meaning “people.” The names of the kivas are derived from fortuitous and trivial associa- tions. The six kivas are associated with the six cardinal points, as follows: He’iwa (he’i, wall, wa, locative suffix) with the north; muhe'wa (muhe-, dung, wa) with the west; teupa‘wa (tcu-, corn kernels, upa, kiva group, wa) with the south; ohe-wa (ohe’-, brains, wa) with the east; uptsana’wa (upa, kiva group; tsana, small, wa) 41 The Zuni word is kiwitsin’e. Kiva is a Hopi word which has become the standardized term in litera- ture of the Southwest for the ceremonial rooms of peculiar construction which are found in all ancient and modern pueblos. Usually they are isolated buildings, circular in form, and either partly or wholly sub- terranean. The structure, esepcially of the fireplace, is always unmistakable. The multiplicity of kivas in early ruins suggests that in early times they were differently employed. Ido not know the etymology of the Zuni word, but I suspect a Shoshonean derivation. Ki is the stem for house in all Shoshonean dialects, which makes the Hopi etymology perfectly clear. Zufi contains no stem ki, kiwi, or anything like it. Polysyllabic stems are very rare. # Kroeber, 1918, 878 ZUNI KATCINAS [eTH. ANN. 47 with the above; he-kipa‘wa (he‘kapan-e, back wall, or place behind a wall, wa) with below. There is no fixed order for visiting the vari- ous kivas, although the association with the directions would indicate a fixed ceremonial circuit. Each masked personage has his own route through the village. He’iwa is the chief kiva. Here is set up the great solstice altar, and here are held the ceremonies that usher in the new year 10 days later. Here also is made the great altar and sand painting for initiation of little boys. It is located on tsia’awa (tsia’a, to cut or tear, wa) plaza. Adjoining the kiva but unconnected with it is the ceremonial house of the town chiefs (called teciwan‘i, fe, place, ciwan‘i, priest) which is considered to be the actual center of the world, and is the most sacred place in Zuni. The court is entirely inclosed, except for two narrow passages leading to it, which were built over until quite recently. In tsia’awa are held all the outdoor dances of the katcinas. They visit the other three recognized plazas of the village, but spend most of their time in fsia’awa. Here the Koyemci remain at play during their dances. Here are held other important outdoor ceremonies, the presentation of Le’eto-we to the light, the dance of the Lewe:kwe, and the summer dance of the Ne’we'kwe. Other ceremonies which involve the setting up of complicated altars or bowers in which the chiefs of the tribe sit are held in the large plaza (tehwito tana), probably because it is more spacious, although the fact that the ancient Spanish mission church adjoins the large plaza may have something to do with it. Except for esoteric ceremonies, the kivas are rapidly falling into disuse. In folk tales which reflect older conditions the kivas were used for all ceremonies, including those of the medicine societies, and for all preparations for ceremonies. They were also the clubhouses of the men, as they still are among the Hopi. During the winter months Hopi men spend most of their time in the kivas, weaving, gaming, and story-telling. Even in Mrs. Stevenson’s time “* Zuni kivas were used to a much greater extent than at present. At that time the winter dances of the Kokokci were held in the kivas.* Now they are held in the houses of the kiva chiefs. The chief summer solstice altar used to be set up in the kiva to which the katcina chief belonged; now it is set up in his house and the all-night ceremonies of the return of the katcinas are held there. The use of the kiva is coming to be more and more restricted to the strictly esoteric cere- monies of the Katcina Society. All public ceremonies are held out- doors or in the homes of prominent officials.*® 44 Zuni Indians, p. 62. 46 Zuni Indians, p. 145. 46 According to mythology the kivas were built by order of Kiklo, when he announced the first coming of the masked gods, as houses in which to receive the divine children. In the Zuni mind they are asso- ciated exclusively with the mysteries of the katcina cult. Nevertheless the winter solstice ceremony of the war gods is held in he’iwa kiva, a circumstance which reflects historic phenomena at variance with native dogma, BUNZEL] ORGANIZATION OF THE KATCINA SOCIETY 879 The various kiva groups are regarded as related as elder and younger brother, as follows: When the elder brother group is dancing the younger brother will be invited, through a gift of corn meal to the kiva chief, to participate, and will furnish the female impersonations. A man who for one reason or another misses the dance of his own group will participate, if possible, in the dance of the brother group. In addition to the six dance groups there are associated with the Katcina Society a large number of cult groups which control the great calendrical ceremonies of the katcina priests. It has already been pointed out that the Zuni distinguish two types of masked imper- sonations, the katcinas, which I have called the dancing katcinas, and the katcina priests. The katcina priests do not come to dance. They never dance outdoors. If they dance at all it is before special groups, and in the kivas to the songs of other choirs. This is not considering dancing in the same sense as the dancing of the Kokokci or other groups who provide their own music.*” They come to per- form certain priestly functions, to ‘“make the New Year,” to reaffirm the gods and bring their blessings, to initiate the children into the mysteries of the katcina cult. They are, indeed, priests wearing masks. They wear ancient masks, permanently associated with a single impersonation, which are tribal and not individual property. The impersonators are chosen either by the council of priests or by special cult groups who are the trustees of their ritual. A cult group may be defined as any self-perpetuating body whose chief function is the preservation of an esoteric ritual in connection with some sacred object. The cult groups of the katcina cult are, therefore, similar to priests, although they are not called priests by the Zuni. The group may consist of one man, like the “keeper” * of Teakwena oka, it may consist of three or four men, like the “IK Aklo people” or the Saiyataca wo-we, or a large group, like the ‘“Pautiwa people.” The members of the cult in some cases themselves perform the ritual (Kiiklo); in other cases they delegate the performance to others. Furthermore, the sacred object which forms the central feature of cult activities may be cared for by another group (the mask of Kaklo, which is kept in the house of the katcina pekwin and removed and returned by a group of men of the Corn clan). This intricate type of organization is not confined to masked impersonations. The masks used in the impersonations of the katcina priests are ancient and permanent. They are “from the first beginning”’ 47 The exceptions are the Koyemci who mimic in the plaza the dances of other groups and the Sulimopiya and related katcinas who sometimes come in the winter dances. But these are not the ‘‘real” stilimopiya, i. e., they do not use the ancient masks. © Teakwena Oka ilona, from il‘i, literally to be with, in the double sense of possessing and belonging to an object of ritual (it is used also literally for the possession of propert Kwanili, to have something, to be wealthy). A man also ‘‘has”’ a society, that is, belongs to a society (tikili). The gods are “those who have the roads” (a*wona’wilona). ‘The word is usually translated by Zunis as ‘‘the ones who look after us.” 880 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 (tcimikinapkowa). According to tradition they are the very masks that were made when the katcina cult and the custom of masks were first instituted by order of the masked gods themselves. They may, however, be replaced by order of the priests in exceptional circum- stances.“ Each represents a named and fully individualized kat- cina. The masks are usually repainted and redecorated each time they are used, but they are never made over into the masks of other individuals.” They are not the property of the men who keep them or wear them; they are held in trust like the rain-making fetishes of the priests, and are second only to them in sanctity and power. There are at least 52 such masks, exclusive of the 12 masks belong- ing to medicine societies and the large group of masks of the Kana-- kwe ceremony. The location of each of these is general knowledge. In the back rooms of Zuni houses are probably many more ancient masks whose ceremonies have lapsed. The impersonators of these katcina priests are sacred in a way that the participants in rain dances are not. They are chosen by the cult group or the priests, to whom they are responsible. They are, therefore, outside the jurisdiction of the Katcina Society. The exceptions to this are Kiklo and the Salimopiya group who partici- pate in the first whipping of little boys. These beings, whose chief function is the affirmation of the power of the Katcina Society, rep- resent the katcina chief and his associates and are responsible to them. Even when impersonators of katcina priests are not them- selves cult members they must plant prayer sticks and observe all the ritual restrictions. Frequently they observe regular retreats. The Koyemci, for example, observe a strict retreat of 14 days, the longest and strictest in Zuni ritual. Often the impersonators must learn complicated esoteric rituals and long chants, like that of Satyataca. The following table shows in outline the activities of these cult groups. It gives the names of the permanent masks, the house where each is kept (the numbers refer to the numbered houses on Kroeber’s map of Zuni village), the membership of the various groups associated with each impersonation, and their principal activities. 49 See p. 931. 50 Like all categorical statements in regard to Zuni ritualism, this, too, must be qualified. The classifi- cation of the monsters is not clear. Natacku is an ancient and permanent mask. It is permanent, neces- sarily, by reason of its form, and ancient, because ‘‘they wouldn’t bury it. No one would want to have another made like it, because it can not be used for anything else.’’ Therefore there must be someone to ‘‘look after’? Natacku—the germ of a cult. But the other masks that come with him, and share his function of disciplining recalcitrant children, are not, to the best of my knowledge, permanent masks. Nor, so far as I know, is Ahe’a, who has a prominent part in the initiation ceremonies and might well be called a katcina priest. 881 ORGANIZATION OF THE KATCINA SOCIETY BUNZEL] *so[nd JO JUSTIAZULUI oy} JO 4[NsaI vB se YON] peq JoAw 07 ZurddiqAs [eslaued JeystulmpB 0} pue 4[Nd euUlDTy ey} 4sulvse siapuayo ysiund oy “syoljs JoAvid queld pus 90U9UT}UOO BAJasgO ysnuI Aq} ATGR -qoig ‘sioXvid ydaoxa sailatyoe 4[no OU eIe eley} UMOUY sv IB} Og *Aqolo0s BUINJBY OY} JO sapn1 eq} jo quotuesulyur Aue ystund 04 Jolyo Bvuloyey oy AQ pauomUINs o1B SmOIRIyTUL Jiaqy 4e UeIpTyo ey) diya Aoqy faved plo oy} ABB ayB} OF TMH JO JYAIU yseT Oyy uo eul0d Ady, “Slesfo1oxe ele AoqL “UY 40} pula urd UIOD ey} JO UaMIOM 94} [LV “SOIPIATIOR 4INO ON “WRAX MON 94} PUB BdTYS[OS JOJUTAA UsaA\Zaq polied ZuLnp os[oloxa 04 seml0d ayy « UBU plo AuB,, WO [VN{lI sty surve, pue ‘auo[e sjuefd ey ‘sdulego yous-loAeId Ajqjuom = saxeu 10},RUOSIeduIT eyL “Spleyl WOH ey} Ur sdulq eH “sduueld yoys-iakvid yuenbay pure “yueyo O119j0sa ZUO[ SUIWIVE, GA[OAUI Satyr -ATQOR AND ‘spuBdroysed oHe[,eO Jo quourjulodde 944 10j syOOId SvATY 4B SaARQI ‘IBAA Aq} 1OJ SUBTIO spRed ‘oI IwoX MON Jo Zuryeu ye quesoid ST «JOA MON 04} SoxVU,, OH soqjtarjoe fediourg *BUOSOMIOY JO JOpIO Aq JT.uvaorp,idoy Aq peyuioddy aaa Sa eee eee oures OL “sysolid eq} Wo A[JOOIIP souI0d UoTy -oueS OY, “S}Seld ey} Aq poqva -Sisop VAlyY B WO JoIyd vouLp ey2 Aq poajzoefas OB s[enpiA -Ipur aepnoyied ey "tay004 Jo Avp Y4XIS uO sqsolid Aq uesoyD wlog jo siequieur Aq uasoyo Ss! of Aq wosoyo emyxoyedry JO priya Jo ued eMyAoyRATy 9q 4SNIY “2 -edroiyaed stqy jo onjata Aq J0oq -met B setTo0eq ‘dnoid 4y[no Jo Joqmem B Apvel[e you JT ‘oy “P41 JO PY 10 Uv[d OHI}, Tq WO] SI9qUIeUI 4[Nd Aq UasoyD *T pease ao suotsvaa0 [eloadg “¢ “yung yIqqey “Ff *sAoq Jo ZuIddIyA 4sIlgq “¢ “OYRL.LO Joye ‘sA0q Jo SUIddIqA [eulgq “7 “OXRL.BO [uN aoyspos Jd}UIM ayy wou dnoid 4nd 1oyeuosied Jo e104 oar wd MON OWT, “IT | B Woy sioyeuostad amoy oy, |---7 7777p 1m (p) BTeATES “UR “url WIOD oq YsMU OH ‘T |~--~7-7-- >> IMYYRYWOY “1 *({) BUBALTZT 4B sysolid ee Sree al BIMTLOW “% “uRpO uNg JO s10q meu Aq paysissy “OMH10},1d JO pliyo 40 ‘uvpo oM¥104, 1g “u0ly oie {00} ‘Aoy, “[TVNIL Jo uo -enjodiod 10} dnoid 4nd unoy Ad14STOS JOJUIM 4B BATINV poyeuosiod oABY OYA UU IV “uvxpo eANIO Tq ‘sysoyid i_aeee sea IvaX MON OYL “TI | Joryo jo Aprumey Aq ydox st Ysvy CHId) T9T |-077 7 BATE SeTUOUIeI90 Jory dnoia 4jnd Jo drysseqmayy ‘ON osnoyy{ BUlo BY JO OUIEN [ETH. ANN. 47 ZUNI KATCINAS 882 *s4s01j JUoA0Id 0} JomIUINs ay} 4NO -ysnosyy saluoMd.Jaa [Bloods UNIO}10d qsnu s1OUIIOY.ANS puv ‘yuUBYd 91194 -0sa Duo, B SvYy BoRYBATBG *“AUOTL -a100 oqnd dulpaooid AjeyeIpeuu! qywatjol Avp-f B dAIOsSqQ ‘aoyJo jo ieoA ynoysnoIyy souMYs Juv -sip 78 A[yyuoML syoyys JoAvad yuvyd Aqivd vovzyedrwg oy} JO sioywuos -1od [[V ‘SomAyoR YN ‘OYVLVoO qe aqeotpop Aoyy Yyorya osnoy 4e APT[YAeJ 10) Luoui9190 oITqnd ywolyy “SOTIATISOJ OFRLVO Jnoysnoiy, pus Durpoo -a1d ywotjat AVp-gT ‘soultys UBASTpP qe ssunuyd yors-1oAvid A[TYJuOUL ‘sjueqo pues ssu0s oMejosa SULIT aaBy ‘joogeip [Bloads osn AoyL ISOTPIATIOV Y[NQ "SetWOULa190 JOUTUL Auvyy ‘sXoq jo duiddiya puodsas pus ysiy ye sjsissB pur ‘oryey ul Su ‘OYvT,BO 3B asnoy Aleyy Ul SaMOMa1e0 YYSU-[][B eAvy ‘seouBp UIBI [[B JB BUMUAOLO YYIA\ 4SIsse AOU L “qt -ptiya pus Aouvuseid ul uot0Ay SSETq 0} OAITIA JO sasnoy [[G S}SLA *AuoulaIed stq} WjIA pejyoouuos s#uos duln,) “JopIO SIG OFUL SoywIyIUL ToOryAr Auouialed SsulINO 4e BueryE ONO YA sMI0g ‘“SULIND YA poused -U09 aIB SOTPIATIOBR [NO “aly eI AON JO SULYRUI 4B YSISSB pue ‘BATH BALOH Ul satdomeied 4ystu Te Suunp iva MON ay} 1Oj vouBp AOYL “JayyV [RUOUIAIID sty Aq pojsisse st puw Aoq 99411 BSLISHA.LIND “uULBpo AUB TOY uasoyo eq ABUT sioyvUOSJed ‘107 -peg Jo pylya Jo Jespeg oq ysnur OYA. ISPA.PINO Jo uoldeoxe ot YM 9 “Jequred0qT AUIA\OTLOJ oy [Wun soyjo proy puv ‘wo A MON ye sysolid Aq peayuloddy “sivaA INO} Jaye voto 0} uinjel A[euUIp -10 puB ‘OYL],VO Jaye [UN vIpJo ploy sey, ‘“ueur auyU J0YyO ayy squtodde aH “UOT]BIOI poxy UI SaTjaI00s Ulead puB sUBID UleyIad TOY lWMeAOY IYIVA quiodde sysolid ey} IwaX MON VV “4L jo es1Byo sby oyM uBR Aq UIOA ST YSVyy ‘(1opio vueryE ONO Aq ATQU -qoid) Ayotoog oly BIg Aq uasoyO 7" OFVLLO, *sfoq ay Jo surddiqa ysiyy “OFELLO fifa gh aa or) SeoUBp UIBI ITY “juny Wqqey ps Sreres=""IB0 A AON ee ea Iva MIN “TOIMTN ST 9f,OA Jorg 9 L, *AQuaquinout jo poled dup dnoad yyno Aresodure} 8 UW1I0J saojeuosied oy, “TBNYW ayy jo uonengediod oy} Jo odieyo AARY puB ‘aJl{ JOY vdqYo ploy SO]BIDOSSE SIY PUB OT,OM BOBIBATLY “iBad Youve sasuRygo yorym ‘dnows 4y[no Aavsod -W19} B WIIOJ sioqwuosiod sy, *pooyysad varderyoy ayy Jo a[dood oy} Aq ydoy av sysem oy “asnoy siq} WOd) Jodpeg jo p[tyo 10 uvur uep Jospeg *AjoI00g alg BIg JO Japio vuegyY OYOY in “"CHId) 99 ie kes OS eal TNA EL Rereesas ~-""poRzedIVg cca ---(Q1) OMeAO “-"*"BAOQ BUOMYLIL >) OfTOM aaa a) 1 RNSYO SOIPIATOB [Bd TOULI Joyeuosiad Jo 910q), soluommedad JaIyO. dnoia 4nd jo drysiequme yy ‘ON asnoH BUIOLY JO OUIBN ORGANIZATION OF THE KATCINA SOCIETY 883 BUNZEL] ‘Apoyqnd yno yysnoaq JoAoU st YOY (BUB| OYOY) APOIO OLY Bl oyA JO YSvUI 1oYIO OY] YITA\ BSBO BY4 JOU ST STYL, “IepudTeo vy} UL Adnov0 Loy vovd yueqzsodua! oy} JO osnRdeq B[qRI SI]) UL pepNpoul ov LOYAL Auoules00 1wa A MAN at] VV *BULYORT ST UOTYBUIAIOJ -ul yng ‘sdsunuerd yoys-1aAvid pus sjeoljol Ie[nsel aArosqo AlTquqoid AY ‘olajosa puew sduoy AJoA st Yor ‘queygo eq] ywodes 07 s[eAlo} -ul quenbay 4B sjoaur dnoisd 4ynd oy, *sfoq 0} di 07 searoiey a1) JO Surar09 oy AOUNOUUB 0} SBATY OY} [TB SPISIA OFT “SHSBUI OY} JO WANJeI puB [BAOUL -01 ay} 4B seTuoUreled IOUT oIU ely, “Woy Sl YSBUL IOYY o10T[Ar asnoy ay4 puB prey sf AuOuIe.100 Iteq} eeyA asnoy ay} Joy Jeurmns ey) SuLINp yalomM sioyBuosied oy {ueyd oMajosa !Auouleteo oqnd o10jaq yeolja1 Avp-pF ‘ssuuyd yous woAvId A[WWUOPY ‘saytAyoR 4IND “OHBL.BO JO IAI OY} UO asnoY quolayip B UT A4II41ej 10} Auoures100 oyqnd 4waid & sey yas OYL[.BD Yougy “Ayied vAidouryys ‘Mojeq veg “4sepla aya Ajplessaoeu §=4ON “dnoid [no ay} TO} OYA UU fF 9T{} JO T *sysoud ayy Woy ApQOeIIP sem10d UOTy -ouvs Jay} ‘quemjutodde s1q3 48 Sysolid 9t{4 JO SYOOId oYy BATOD -a1 AY 9UIG “WAX MAN 9} Joye ABp oy} BALY YOR JO uaur poy oy} Aq uasoyo si0zRuOsied 7 “ura Aue 04 Fu0joq ABUL PUB UROL B STAT, “RATT BAG. -unsyd 9, Jo ueur pray Aq paqoejag OYOY IMY.OAM,ON OA} OT[} JO OSTR OMA] ST STILT, *sfoq e941 Jo durddiya y[blaueipynb ye ‘skep 8 JO S[BAIEQUT 4B ‘adTM 7, (isanie aioe OFBLBOD sAoq Jo surddrys ysang “OMY “194,Jd JO PIiqo pus OMT}. $d ‘uo F Jo dnois v 09 sduojeq [enju ey, ‘soyeuosiod oyy 0} SJUBAJOS SB 4OR OYA ‘URID UIOD oY] JO UeMT Z Aq 10} parvo pue urayed euloyey ogy jo asnoy at} ul qdoy Ss! YsBUT oyL ‘eotyo ploy Aeqy Wor Sulnp poled ay} Joy dnois 4[no B UOJ s1OyBUOSIEd OY, "[RNIL oy} s}iluisuvyy pue “ojo ‘dul -YWO[O ‘Yseur oq} JO o1vd SayBy OYA ‘OT, OM OFL[,BO B SBT BATH youy ‘4dey ore Aoy) O10 sosnoy oy} Jo ofdoad oyy Aq poyono} JaAeU eIB SYSBUT Oy “MOTOg Gag = “4[No vAIdour -I[RS OY} 09 sAuO[eq YseuT sIyT, *JOSSOOONS OU ST B10] PUL JULOBA ST BDO ay ‘UAyed BulozRy Jo soyJo oy) UI saduLYO Uaeq dALY o.1eN) oSNvIEq OSTB PUR [OOYs ye ABAG 91GB DAIPTIO OG JO AULUT Os aSNvOE “6I6T BOUTS Pfoy Weed Jou sey AUOLIA9O OU + *AUOTIIIND OY} JO VOULUTIOJIOd 4xoU 94} JoeB ATUO Inq ‘pojutodde st uIAyod MoU OY USA padojsuBsy aq 4OU [[IA YSVUL OT, "PouTIOJ1od 4svl SBA AUTOUIID OT[} OLOLLA\ “GIB UW! GOWO SIT) Ploy OYA UBUE OY] JO asNOY OY} UL [NS SBA YSVUL O44 PUL YZET Ul UIMYed BATOYvY OU SBA OAT, 2 “Sze asnoy PLO “UOJ JO INO z *saluomiaded Fun ut A[UO suOTJOUN puR s UIMyYed BUID -{vy aT] JO esnoyy “801 ‘OST “6ST “OE 2 ‘88S *(409pUq) L8E *(yspur doyjoun) B-g9I-X passe ene CaTicD IOS “SUOTPOUNY AvpIUAIs TAAOJ10d puw ‘svulOIVY anay YATA Ivedde Avy ‘oyoy ‘Buryveds A[JOLYS “Ou 1B SYseUT OA} OSOL 1 inca ~OryE hes: om yuderyayy ~----amyeupsd ir aes eMyoOYO. ==" -9My¥,bdnd, sern==n ==" 1ST M.UL NO [ETH. ANN. 47 ZUNI KATCINAS 884 “syons soAvid syuetd Ayqeqoid pue queuly -u09 oq 4SNUI JOjVUOSIOg ‘sioAvId [eloeds jo adpayMouy ‘eyeusoyd ~eind JO asN S@A[OAU! AUOUIEII0 YL, ‘asbesIp [BalUeA 4suTede 400}01d puv Ay TIMIA adnsul 04 [eNyL oyTegqd y *sioAbid pus sdu0s vd1j0v1d 04 SUT -joour yuenbelg “yeedjed Aq paped -oid Atqeqoid vouep oqnd asi, y (eaoqge dag) “4nd eyeredes B eynyysuos Aeqy, “dnois vAid -OUIT[BS 0} Suojaq you op Aey. ynq ‘eAldomyRs onfg ey} ITA ydex ale SHSBU BIyBATeS OY, “YSeu yue -19Y Ip B SIvIA Bq ‘OYL[,VO 7B SOUIOD ISVA.EINO UIA ,,SABP 4uUNOd,, qsnur Jo1veM oy ‘euIly Jeyyo Aue qe yno uoye} are Avy} J] ‘AuoUL -0100 SI} 10j ATWO pasn aq 0} pesod -dns ole syseu plo ey “s}eely -01 JO} SBATY OSN 0} sdno1s ATUO 944 oie Aoy, ‘eouvivodde orqnd 11044 Tun ‘Burm10d s,opyRS{ DULMoypoy Avp oY} WIOI Jvotjal ABP-R UL OAIOS -qo siojeuosiod ey, “eze[d ey) UT sXoq 91397] 943 diqa ATTeuy pue Zur -SIOIOXO BBLITIA VOM ayy 4ISIA AOL UIA od, Jo ysonbad 18 [BN4L sty SULIOJ.0d (BSBMRTeHY) WMI aq} JO Joyo oy, “@OTYS[OS JOJULM 9} 38 Joly OY OF YOO v AULA Aq sgouep ey} puvulU0d OYA ‘sqsalid ay} JO Japio Aq ‘souRp dnoid 4[nd ey} JO siequIeU OY, “euosod () "Sg yor[g ‘vaederyoy, “ISPIMBIN ‘Sg papjoedy :vaveursyd “oyoyruy “§ OUT. “BAN0YO “OOTMB NT "gs poy seardnoy, “g ong “RAOYNIT “euod ly xooR[ayF “S MOTTO A BAT OFT ISMOT[OJ SB ‘SBATY JO uel peey Aq seuIOd 4sIYy OLYRM Aep ey} peyutodde s10yeuosi0g “salas Jour -UINs JO OUP WIKI YSU OF quouafddns st ‘s[pasez -Ul AR[NZILU YB PauLIOp1ag *s£oq 0[44T] JO Burddiy oy} SUIMOT[Oy JeuTUINS -plur Ul pausojiad souRp ABMBOAIS [eIUUeIpEnD WV *s£0q 99911 jo Sutddiym [etauoipend ‘soouvuoyindde S}] PUB YSBUT SITY JO [BANYTI Of} ,, MOUY,, OAM UOU ¢ aIe DONT *AUOMIIIND SITY 0} ,,du0feq,, BAIY Bavdnoy JO Slaquieu ‘UaIp[Iqd tay} 10 Uv[O UIOD JO S1eqUIEMI OVUl [TV “yenyid pue “oye ‘surqjoja § ‘ysvur 19qJB SHOOT OY ‘oT,OM BATdOUL -[RS [elweds vB sey PAIY yore serqiAtjoe pedioug Joyeuosied jo ao10y SeTUOUleded JaTy) dnoiz qpno jo drysieq ual i caer (2) [7-7 --" BHEANOTOTO jot hae Ge 16g |-~-> ~~~" 9 OMX VURAY (said i ------gm04,0dp Z yoryd “HId) “T9T |} S vl Z = | eee ISHAMEIND T es ses § papyoods @ eee) | eee oyoysuy @ CXL { a) ey “== 9 OTM 3 Sans wan tre 1 cage ee OOIMBN % (Jadpeq) eae ---------g port g *(m109) PIP |------- S Pld & ~ euodiydoorjay Z *(aaeo } pan. | (Sameer S MOTPA & pide eo aa aes Sah ~-~-dnoiz vArdoulyeg “ON asnoy{ BUIOYVY JO OULBN ORGANIZATION OF THE KATCINA SOCIETY 885 BUNZEL] “syons JaAvid quejd pues jueuu0d eq ysnut ATqQuqolg *sloAvid 94f001 4SnuL Joyeuosied uly ‘aany,y ‘Toure, may ‘oyemoR Aq parusdui0d0y “T197 OYA 9soyy UAW 0} sem10d MON ‘UWOI}BIIUT JO sjaloas payReA -81 OYA SAOG pRETEq 07 AUIOD 01 Peasy euosom10y Aq uasoyg | Aq “BUOSOULOYy JO 1ap10 Ajavyndedt sinoddy ‘OOH JOU O1B BSOTL ¢ “(4nd V pur = ‘joureqw10,7, ‘ToyRmMoR ‘suor -usdui0d stq ose asnoy s,emosomoy | Aquqoid) taeuley 886 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH ANN. 47 PREPARATION OF DANCES Each kiva is required to present at least three group dances during the calendar year. These occur during the three months following the winter solstice, during the three months following the summer solstice, and during the five days following the Ca’lako. Each kiva must, furthermore, cooperate in the winter dances of the other five groups, either by presenting a group dance of its own or by sending representatives to dance with another group. They may in addition send ‘Little Dancers,” isolated impersonations, to dance between the rounds of group dances. The order, but not the dates, of the winter dances is fixed. The kiva chief of the group that is to present the first dance of the season receives a cigarette from pekwin commanding him to appear. The date for this dance used to be fixed at eight days after the New Year, but now it occurs ‘“‘whenever they are ready.’’ The duty of presenting the first dance of the season falls in succeeding years on the different kivas, as follows: He’iwa, muhe-wa, tcupa‘wa, ohe'wa, hekapa‘wa, uptsanawa. The dances of the kivas are supposed to follow one another in the same order. Each kiva sends in messengers to announce their dance, and to present a cigarette to the group that is to follow next in order. Certain kivas, however, are procrastinating. If after the passage of a reasonable length of time the next group gives no signs of preparation for its dance, its place will be taken by some more energetic group. The order and dates of dancing in the summer series are not fixed, except the first dance which must be performed eight days after the solstice by the kiva which presented the first winter dance. Of all the groups, he’kapa‘kwe is the most dilatory. In the fall of 1923, for instance, it did not dance at all after Ca’lako, and gave no ko'upt- conan‘e (the large winter dances; see below), and so they dropped out of the summer series that year also. The following year they were very tardy in giving their winter dance, and the following summer they had not yet begun to rehearse on August 28, when my informant reported to me the dissatisfaction of the theocracy. “They should all dance during the summer when we need rain, but now it is the end of August, and they have not yet begun to rehearse. Everyone is angry about it because no one wants rain in the fall when we are working on our wheat harvest, and yet that is the time the hekapa‘wa people always dance. They say that their chief is a witch, and so no one wants to dance with him. The men would rather dance with other kivas. That is why they can never get ready in time.’’ Muhe-wa also is inclined to be tardy. Their organization is very much broken down; they have only one wo’le, who is also Ca’lako wo’le. He is a very old man and the duties are too much for him. Their dance directors, too, are elderly men, and the younger men are lax in their duties. In 1927 they did not dance BUNZEL] PREPARATION OF DANCES 887 the required dance after Ca’lako, although the younger men of the kiva put on a cow dance, as an extra dance the first night. In 1928 they did not appear after Ca’lako until the very last night, when they were represented by one old man accompanied by four little boys about ten years old dancing Hemuci'kwe. On the last day three men danced in the plaza. Tcupa‘wa is the most energetic of the kivas. They always dance early in the summer, and both the years that I witnessed Ca’lako they had large groups out dancing Muluktaka from the first night on. They were the only group dancing for the first two nights. The winter dances are known as ko'uptcona‘we (the gods being in sundry places). These dances are held at night, in the houses of the chiefs of the kivas, the various groups visiting all the houses. The group which receives the cigarette presents the ko'uptconan’e. This group must dance Kok’okci or one of its variants. In recent years, however, other traditional dances, such as Tcakwena or Wo-temta (the mixed dance), have been substituted, although this 1s not considered orthodox. The other groups, notified four days in advance by masked messengers of the forthcoming event, may present any traditional dance, or a novelty, or may merely be represented by isolated dancers or dancers appearing with other groups. Five female impersonators in the group that is presenting the dance carry sacks of seed corn which are presented to the five kivas where the group dance as guests. The seed corn is left on the altars, and later distributed to all present in the room. The officiating group receives in return from the other groups five bundles of prayer sticks which are planted the following day by messengers usually designated by the group presenting the prayer sticks. The men planting the prayer sticks are the only ones to observe continence and therefore on their piety depends the efficacy of the offerings. The summer dances theoretically must be the same dances as pre- sented by the kivas at their own ko'uptcona‘we, and therefore, if orthodoxy ruled would also always be Kokokci or its variants. How- ever, both Tcakwenas and Wo-temla are frequently danced in summer. This may be either because they are repeating an unauthorized selec- tion of the winter, or because although the selection in winter was orthodox, the rule that the second half of the year must duplicate the first has been broken. During the five days after Ca’lako each kiva is required to give a dance which is traditionally the property of that group, as follows: heiwa, Towa Teakwena. muhe'wa, He‘muci'kwe. teupa'wa Muluktakaé ohe-wa Wo-temta upts’ana‘wa Tcahumo’a‘we (drum Teakwena, also called Laguna Tcak- wena) hekapa‘wa Mahetinaca 888 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 This program also is not strictly adhered to. Mahetinaca is no longer popular because these dancers are unduly familiar with girls and women,” and is therefore no longer danced. In 1924 hekapa*kwe did not dance at all, in 1927 they combined with ohe‘kwe (they were entertained in the same house), and in 1928 danced a mixed dance using a bundle drum and otherwise different from that of ohe-wa. Omissions from the full program have already been noted. Further- more, it is customary for kivas entertained in the same house to dance together. Whenever any kiva departs from the rule of performing Kok’okei at its ko'uptconan‘e or summer rain dance, it is always one of these traditional kiva dances that is performed, never one of the new or borrowed dances. Extra dances may be introduced into the calendar at any time the kateinas are “in”? by any group of young men who wish to dance. These are usually new or borrowed dances, elaborate to the point of garishness in costume, difficult in music and dance step, and generally “faney.” This type of dance is also frequently performed by assist- ing groups at ko'uptconawa. The usual times for interpolating new dances are late winter and early spring, the early fall, between the wheat and corn harvest, before the katcinas are ‘‘sent home” in November, and the night of Ca’lako and the five days following. They are organized by the young men with the approval and coopera- tion of the kiva heads. ‘‘ When they want to have a new dance like the Cow dance or any other dance they have not had before, they ask the katcina chief if it will be all right to have that dance, and he will decide. No matter what kind of new katcina they make up this way, they join the people at the Sacred Lake, just the way new babies are born here. They pray like the others, and they have just as much power. Still the people are more afraid of the old masks, because they come from long ago.” Group dances, therefore, seem to be of three kinds: Kokokei and its variants, Upikaiap’ona and Hakcina Cilowa (rare), which should, according to rule, be performed at all the recular dances of the winter and summer series. Traditional kiva dances, which are performed during the five days following Ca’lako, and may be substituted for Kokokei at the sum- mer and winter series, or performed by assisting groups in the winter series. New or borrowed dances, which may be performed by assisting groups at the winter series, or introduced as extra dances during winter or summer. In dances of the regular series the kiva chief decides about when he would like his men to perform. He sends word to all the men of his kiva to meet at his house for rehearsals. The two wo-we, provided 53 The name is derived from mahe, feces; tina, to sit. BUNZEL] PREPARATION OF DANCES 889 the kiva has the full quota of officers, carry the message. The usual time for delivering messages of this kind is at the time of the evening meal when the men are almost sure to be at their homes. That evening, after the women and children have retired, the men convene. The kiva chief announces that the time has come for them to dance, and tells them what dance he has chosen, asking, ‘“‘ What do you think of it?’’ The men reply, ‘Very well,’”’ and the rehearsal proceeds. The first matter is learning the songs. Certain dances have tradi- tional songs, e. g., the Drum Tcakwena imported from Laguna, and preserving its songs in the Keresan tongue;** Kana‘kwe, whose songs are in a foreign tongue which Mrs. Stevenson believes to be Keresan; Hemucikwe, who sing only three short songs which are traditional, but in the Zuni tongue; and Hilili, with songs in a foreign tongue, possibly Hopi. For other dances new songs are or should be com- posed each time the dance is performed. Generally new words are set to traditional airs, but sometimes innovations are introduced into the melodic frame. The songs are made by any man with a talent for poetry and music. He need not be a member of the kiva that is giving the dance, but may be invited to do this. The words of the songs are part of the katcina characterization. Towa Tcakwena, for example, always ‘“‘talks sharply.’’ His songs sometimes are homilies to the young. (Seep. 1018.) After Ca’lako he always has one song calling the Koyemci by name, with comments, usually of an uncom- plimentary character. They have other songs also in which other members of the community have their pecadillos held up for public ridicule. Men are twitted for the infidelity of their wives, and any error in ritual will be seized upon. For example, “I am Towa Teakwena, and I go about all over to see the world. I came out from the Village of the Masked Gods and came to ———. Here they were having an initiation. They were putting a child into the Ciwana‘kwe Society. There my mothers of the Dogwood clan gave their child a drink. . . .”’° Mahetinaca has similar songs. ‘‘The Raw People are dangerous. They are wise. But even the Raw People are afraid of the Bear girl. When she showed her claws in the plaza, even the Raw People ran away.” The allusion is to a girl of the Bear clan who chose the spectacular moment of the Yaya dance to humble her successful rival in love. The jilted maiden lived in a house on the plaza and when she saw her rival dancing in the plaza she and a cousin rushed from the house, dragged the girl from the circle of dancers and beat her up in proper Zuni fashion. At Zuni only women indulge in fist fights as a method of settling rivalries in % Stevenson, p. 218. ‘5 The song is paraphrased. The text was not recorded and not all the words were audible to the writer. ‘The allusion was to two women who knew no better than to give a drink of water to their ‘‘child” during his initiation, thus violating his sacredness. He must not touch food or water during the ceremonies, 6066°—32 57 890 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 love. Even the gentle Kokokci, although their songs usually are de- scriptive of rain and growth, may allude mildly to the failings of their friends. The references are usually more veiled. ‘‘Our two daylight fathers journeyed to the east to visit the sun and the moon. When they returned their children questioned them, ‘What did the Sun say to you?’ But they had not seen the sun.”” This refers to a journey by two of the priests to Washington to lay the grievances before the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. They returned without having seen him, and the people who had been led to expect great things of the journey felt that their messengers had bungled things badly. The following are typical Kokokci songs. These were recorded on the phonograph by Mr. Georg Herzog in 1927, and the texts were after- wards recorded by the writer. ‘“Guess, younger brother, Whose fine tracks go all about here ? All over my water-filled field He has walked about.” ““Can you not guess,” Thus he said to his younger brother. ‘*The child of the rain makers, The water frog, Goes about hurrying his fathers, the rain makers.’ , ‘Fathers, hurry! Beautiful ones, Cloud over your child. When the water spreads out Your child will sit in the water Calling for rain.” Uhu ehe ye'lu Ubu ehe ye'lu Rain makers of all directions Lightning comes beautiful. Aha ehe Aha ehe Uhu ehe ye'lu. Aha ehe Aha ehe Uhu ehe ye'lu. ‘“The rain makers of the west Cloud over the heavens.” Thus all the corn plants say to one another. Aha ehe etc. it “‘Say, younger brother, Where are you going? Here you go about greeting us with fair words.” *“Hither at the north edge of the world BUNZEL] PREPARATION OF DANCES Smoke Youth Delights in the songs of the masked gods. So he says, Therefore he goes about Greeting all the rain makers with fair words.” Thus the Dogwood clan man said to all his children. *“As dusk comes on Who sings fairly their beautiful songs ?” Because of their words My inner room is filled with all kinds of riches.*# Uhu ehe Uhu ehe Aha ehe Aha ehe Tir In the west at Flower Mountain A rain priest sits His head feathered with cumulus clouds His words are of clouding over Itiwana. ““Come let us arise now.”’ Thus along the shores of the encircling ocean The rain makers say to one another. Aha ehe Aha ehe In the south at Salt Lake Mountain A rain priest sits His head feathered with mist. His words are of covering Itiwana with rain. ““Come let us go.” Thus in all the springs The rain makers say to one another. Aha ehe Aha ehe ‘*The beautiful world germinates. The sun, the yellow dawn germinate.” Thus the corn plants say to one another. They are covered with dew. ““The beautiful world germinates. The sun, the yellow dawn germinate.” Thus the corn plants say to one another. They bring forth their young. Aha ehe Aha ehe. ‘The beautiful world germinates. The sun, the yellow dawn germinate.” Thus the corn plants say to one another. They are shaken by the wind. Aha ehe Aha ehe. 891 8 The singer, a member of the Dogwood clan, made this song for Mr. Herzog (Smoke Youth). 892 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 The kiva chief supervises all rehearsals. If the dance is new or unfamiliar the rehearsals may extend over a period of several weeks. The participants meet every night for a while, then for a few nights may not meet, but meet to rehearse again for a number of nights preceding the dance. For traditional dances about four or five rehearsals are held during the week preceding the dance. When the kiva chief decides that the men have sufficiently mastered the songs he definitely sets the date. The dance chiefs and wo-we cut prayer sticks for the katcimas and plant them four days before the dance is to take place. ‘‘Only the headmen plant prayer sticks. They do not let all the men plant because some of the foolish young boys might not care what they did. They might sleep with their wives after planting prayer sticks, or otherwise violate their sacredness, and so spoil the dance and bring misfortune on all the men taking part.” If the dance belongs to the regular winter series, on the afternoon the prayer sticks are planted two katcinas appear in the village and visit all the houses where the kivas habitually hold their winter dances, to inform the officers of other kivas to prepare for the forthcoming festival. These men then notify their men and the sub- sidiary dances are prepared in the three following days. The time is short, so the kiva chiefs select well-known dances of their groups, or some dance that the young men of the group have one time pre- sented as an extra dance. Or if they do not wish to make even these hasty preparations those who wish to dance come as isolated dancers. In that case at least one man must be delegated to dance with another group to take to the leading group the bundle of prayer sticks. In the summer the people are apprised of the coming dance when they see the headmen go out to plant their prayer sticks.” Planting prayer sticks out of season always is a sign of some cere- mony about to take place. The observers infer what the ceremony is from the ceremonial affiliations of the man and the direction toward which he is headed with his prayer sticks. Two days before the dance the father of the Koyemci is notified by the kiva chief, who takes him a package of meal. He must collect the other Koyemei from farm or sheep camp. After the prayer sticks are planted the chief work of the wo-we begins. Early the following day he goes around collecting the masks for the dance. ‘‘He will take his blanket, and his assistant will go with him to help him. He knows which men of his kiva have masks, and he goes to their houses. He goes to the houses of the men who are going to dance and to others who have masks. If there is any uninitiated person in the house when he comes he will say, ‘I have come to get a pumpkin’ (mo’le, literally a round object). Then 87 Some kivas plant feathers two days before the dance. My informant did not know which kivas had this custom, but knew the practice varied. BUNZEL] PREPARATION OF DANCES 893 they will know that he has come for a mask. Someone will take a cloth and go into the back room and wrap up the mask and bring it out to him. He will wrap it in his blanket and take it to the kiva. So they go around to all the houses and then they take the masks to the house of the kiva chief. When they have them there they start to paint them. Usually only the two wo-we paint the masks, but sometimes the kiva chief helps. No one else is allowed to paint masks.® “First they take off any feathers or trimmings that are left from the last dance. Then they scrape off all the paint and wash the mask and put it aside for a day to dry. Then they put on a very thin coat of white paint and put it aside to dry again. Then they put on the blue gum paint or the other colored paint. They always do this with prayers. They say, ‘Now I am making you into a person. I am making you beautiful with valuable paint so that everyone will have his eyes on you.’ They do not pray for the white paint. This is ‘cheap paint.’ ““ After it is dry they rub the mask with balls of yucca fruit to make it shiny. Then they put on the black paint for the eyes. This is the paint that has sirup of yucca fruit to make it shiny. Or if they have bees’ honey they use that instead of yucca sirup. They pray with the bees’ honey: ‘I am using this honey for your flesh. You belong to the south, and you will bring the clouds of the south. And you, bee of the east, you will bring the east wind that comes before the rain. And you, bee of the north, you will be the one to bring the north wind that comes before the rain. And you, bee of the west, you will be the one to bring the rain that comes as soon as day breaks.’ They use the honey because the bees come on beautiful days and the children like to catch them. The honey is thick, and they want the rain to come thick and soak the earth. They chew up the honey and spit it out on the masks from their mouths. “Then they put on the feathers and other trimmings without prayers. The man who is going to wear the mask puts on the feathers, because there are no prayers for the feathers. He furnishes the feathers and clothing.” The men who own masks of suitable shape for the dance that is to be given wear their own masks. The masks have some mark of identification on them. In dances like the mixed dance, where all the masks are different, each man tells the wo’le what character he wishes to impersonate, and, if satisfactory, the wo’le paints the mask accordingly. ‘The day before the dance the men go around and borrow the rest of the costume. Each man takes care of his own costume. If he does not know he asks the wo’le what kind of clothing he will need. ‘8 Many masks observed by the author at various summer and winter dances did not appear to have been freshly painted. Probably they are only repainted when they become very dilapidated. 894 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 Finally he goes to his wife or mother and says, ‘Bring me some seeds.’ Then she gives him two or three kernels of corn of all colors, and all kinds of seeds, and he wraps them in a corn husk. “When the dancers are getting ready to come in, they first have their hair washed by their wives or sisters. Then they go to the kiva to dress. First they paint the body, then they put on the clothing, then they put on the mask, and last of all they put on their seeds. Before going out of the kiva the man takes the package of seeds he has brought from home and spits on it and says, ‘Now you shall be my heart. You shall make me into a Raw Person. You will bring me good luck, for me and for all my people, so that their corn may grow.’ Then just as the men are going out of the kiva to dance, the kiva chief goes to the door and takes Paiyatamu medicine into his mouth and spits it out on each man as he goes out of the door.” The winter dance series begins after dark. The men have their hair washed in the afternoon, and go immediately after their evening meal to dress in a house near the one they are using in lieu of a kiva. Often they use an adjoining room. The evening before the kiva chief has taken to the chief of one of the societies a package of corn meal, with the request that his society officiate at their dance. During the afternoon preceding the dance the society chief (or pekwin) sets up the altar of the society in the house of the kiva chief. In the evening the society brings its drum to the house, and a group of singers to furnish music for the katcinas who do not dance to their own songs. At nightfall the headmen of each kiva sacrifice food in the river to the ancients and the katcinas. (They have done this regularly every night since rehearsals began.) For the night dances indoors masks are not required. Butif anyone asks that the dance be repeated next day, masks must be worn for the outdoor dancing. Theoretically only the initiated and grown women may see these unmasked dances of the katcinas, but as a matter of fact very young children are permitted to attend. If the dance belongs to the summer series, on the evening preceding the dance, in the house of the kiva chief, a final rehearsal is held.*® At about three o’clock in the morning the dancers come out and sing and dance for a short time in each of the four plazas. This is the entrance of the gods into the village. The men wear ordinary clothing and blankets, and are unmasked. No one dare see them at this time lest he die. The high, clear calls of the katcinas, and the loud sing- ing in the still night waken the whole village. After making the rounds of the plazas the dancers retire to the kiva, where they rest for the balance of thenight. In the morning they return to their 59 Except the first dance of the season, ‘‘kotuwalawa.’’ They enter the village masked at sundown, dance in all the kivas, and retire to the house of the katcina chief where all night ceremonies are held. Next day they come out at sunrise and dance four times in all the plazas before touching food or drink, unless it rains before that time, in which case they may drink. BUNZEL] PREPARATION OF DANCES 895 homes for breakfast and to have their hair washed. If the hair is to be worn open, after washing it is plaited to make it wavy. Other- wise, if long, it is done up in two plaits which are wound around the neck under the mask. The hours of the morning are spent in assembling the last odds and ends of clothing. The dancers come out for the first time shortly before noon and dance in all four plazas. They should make the rounds of the plaza four times before retiring for their noonday meal (in the first dance of the season, they actually do), but usually on the last three rounds they dance only in tsia’awa and tehwitolana. On the last round they dance also before the house where the priests are in retreat, and one of the priests comes out and sprinkles each of the dancers with meal, and takes from one of them a branch of spruce. After finishing their morning dancing the men retire to the kiva where food of all kinds is brought by their wives or sisters. Members of the kiva who are not taking part in the dance are privileged to share the meal in the kiva. The dancers come out again to dance between three and four in the afternoon. This time they dance four times in ts’ia’awa, retiring for short rest periods to the street east of the plaza. The actual visits to the plazas are longer than inthe morning. There is a definite sequence of songs and an apportionment of songs between the morn- ing and afternoon sessions, but I was unable to discover the system of sequence. This can not be done until the songs are recorded on the phonograph. The attendance at dances always increases as the afternoon progresses—the morning dances are performed to empty housetops—and the best and newest songs are saved for these hours. There is always a special farewell song for the last appearance of the katcinas in the evening. When muhewakiva danced Upikaiapona in September, 1927, they introduced an innovation in melodic structure and dance step in their farewell song, and each day this song had to be repeated two or three times. (Anyone in the audience may re- quest the repetition of any song, and the dancers must comply.) The dance was performed for eight days ‘‘ because everyone liked their songs,” amid drenching rains and a rotting wheat harvest, and it was undoubtedly this song that was responsible for the popularity. The dance terminated the last day with the appearance of Ololowicka and the grinding ritual. Theoretically anyone may request the repetition of a dance the following day."° Practically this privilege is restricted to priests and society chiefs. ‘ ‘Poor people’ would be too bashful to ask them to dance again.”” During the last song the unmasked leader sprinkles meal on the Koyemci. A little later some priest in the audience de- scends from the housetop to sprinkle meal on the katcinas. He 60 Mrs, Stevenson reports that the summer dances of the Kokokci were never repeated. Katcina dancing is at present an ascendant cult. 896 ZUNI KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 47 repeats a long prayer to the leader of the dancers and to the father of the Koyemci. If he wishes the dance repeated the request is made at this time. Then he sprinkles the line of dancers with meal, taking from some of them their package of seeds, from others twigs or spruce or yucca switches. From the female impersonations he takes their perfect ears of corn. If the dance is to be repeated, the Koyemci Pekwin announces after the dancers have withdrawn from the plaza, ‘“‘Grandchildren, we shall stay overnight.”’ The men remove their masks and costumes in the kiva and go to their houses for their evening meal. If the dance is to be repeated they return to the kiva to sleep. Or if they wish to remain at home their wives must bathe their bodies and next morning they must again wash their hair. When the dance is over, next day the wo-we return the masks to their owners, with the formula, ‘‘May you have corn, may you have squash, may you be blessed with light’ (fo’ miyatu’. to’? mola‘tu’. to’ tekohanan antiktciatu:). The men re- turn their borrowed clothing and ornaments with a similar blessing. PATTERNS OF DANCING AND SINGING Dance patterns, like patterns in mask and costume and music, develop along the line of minor variations on a well-established and fairly restricted form. The principal thing about katcina dances, which is probably of great importance historically, is that they are all line dances, in contrast to unmasked dances which are all circle dances. The form, of course, may be modified by the limitations of the space in which the dance is performed. The line of 90 dancers in the grinding ritual fills more than three sides of the plaza and almost surrounds the central group, but there is no circular move- ment, and we must view the formation as a group with a line of dancers behind it. The circle dance is the common type throughout North America, and the fact that it is found in the pueblos in their curing and war dances, but never in their katcina dances, is striking. Except in the large plaza, the line of dancers is always formed against a wall. Where there are female impersonations, they occupy the space nearest to the wall, the male line being nearer to the center of the open space. Certain individual female impersonations, how- ever, such as Koltathmana, Ahe’a, Komokatsik, dance in the male line, near its head. Tcakwena has a female solo dancer who dances out of line in front. (‘‘Front’’ is used always to mean the open space away from the wall. Indoors it is nearer the audience. Outdoors, of course, the audience occupies the housetops on all sides.) The leaders of the dance occupy the center places in the male line, the kiva chief being the central figure. He gives the signs for the be- ginning of songs and holds the song sequence. The female line, which is always shorter than the male, is massed toward the center. lad BUNZEL] PATTERNS OF DANCING AND SINGING 897 Some dances (Kokokei) require the presence of a couple, male and female, at the head of the line, who go through certain peculiar mo- tions and have certain esoteric prayers. Only three men know these prayers, and they must be invited to perform for all kivas. Usually the line forms in definite order before the dancers leave the kiva, and proceeds without change on its round of the plazas. This seems to be the rule for all the traditional dances. Where there is a double line the two lines enter simultaneously. The line is always led by an unmasked leader who ‘‘makes their road,” scattering prayer meal before the line of dancers. He takes up his place nearest the point of exit. In the dance plaza this is on the eastern side of the plaza, near the southeast exit. In houses, the leader walks the full length of the room, from door to altar, and turns and takes his place opposite the door. The spectators always occupy the side of the room near the door. This is not the “valuable”? place. The door of a Zuni house is always placed at a corner, generally on the long side of the room. The end of the room farthest from the door is occupied by the altar, the side of the room opposite the door is left free for dancing. The space between the dancers and the door is always packed solid with spectators, who courteously part to let the dancers through. As soon as the first dancer reaches his place he starts to dance, each man picking up the step as the line closes up and straightens out. By the time the last dancers reach their place the rhythm of the dance is well established. After the songs are finished the dancers leave the dance place in the same order in which they entered. Certain dance groups, especially the newer dances, vary this pattern and break their ranks in going from one plaza to another or even between songs. Hill, for instance, break rank as soon as the song ends, the dancers running around the plaza until they are summoned by their leader for another song. Kumance haye special entrance and exit songs, in different rhythm from the dance songs, which they sing on going from one dance place to another. The dance is a prog- ress from the kiva through the streets and back again into the kiva. The procession pauses at certain points on its route to dance. In counting up the day’s program of dances the number of times the group comes out of its kiva is counted. The number of pauses on each circuit is irrelevant. The usual dance step is a vigorous stamping with the right foot (to which is usually attached a turtle-shell rattle or a string of sleigh- bells to mark the rhythm. On alternate beats the heel of the left foot is slightly raised. In some of the more vigorous of the young men’s dances (kumance, hilili, ete.) both feet are raised alternately, with a kind of prancing step. This is much more exhausting, and is 5) used for the most part by dancers who have choruses to sing for them. 898 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 Kumance, however, employs this step, and the men also must do their own singing. This is the dance step that is used by all the imper- sonators of the katcina priests when they dance in their Ca’lako houses, to the music of society choirs. It is also used by society members during the dances of their winter retreat, when they have a choir of the society to sing for them. It is used by Lewe’kwe when they dance in their house (with a separate choir) but not when they appear in the plaza, and the whole society sings and dances. For this they use a slow, easy step, the dance movement being a circular movement of the whole group of dancers. Kokokci dance shoulder to shoulder, with their backs to the audi- ence, making quarter turns to the right between songs. The female line stands behind the male line, facing them, and turns with them. Upikaiapona face either right or left, turning frequently, the move- ment flowing continuously from one end of the line to the other. The turn is always away from the audience. The Drum Tcakwena use the same step, using with it a characteristic bent posture. Towa Teakwena uses the same step, emphasizing the turn with characteristic arm move- ments. Muluktaki dance facing back, making a full turn between songs. Wostemla face sidewise but do not turn. Hemuci‘kwe and Hilili were the only groups which I saw face the audience while they danced (except Upikaiapona in the two grinding songs for Ololowicka). Solo dancers usually use the same step as the dancers in the line. Sometimes, however, they use a more vigorous step and move back and forth in front of the line. Certain solo dancers have characteristic movements. Hehe’a and Hemokitsik always dance out of step. The rhythm of the dance is always a simple two-part rhythm. Where a drum is used the drum rhythm and the dance rhythm coin- cide. The rhythms of the songs are more complex, but have not yet been analyzed. Mr. Herzog has recorded a number of dance songs, but his analysis of the correspondence between drum, dance, and voice rhythms is not yet complete. As the song nears its close there is usually a ritard which ends in a skipped beat. The song stops, the dancers stand for an instant with foot poised, and the song finally closes in very rapid time.*! The song is divided into a number of named sections, each with its characteristic melodic features, with a system of repeats so compli- cated that I have not yet been able to fathom it, although it seems clear enough to the singers. Once they are started on the proper song of sequence by their leader, the balance follows without any confusion. It might be well to point out the limitations of Zuni dancing. The formation of the dance is restricted to straight lines. There are no 61 The same device, without the final acceleration, is characteristic of grinding songs, but I did not notice it in the dance songs of the medicine societies. It is a very marked characteristic of Hopi katcina songs. BUNZET] DISTRIBUTION OF KATCINA DANCING 899 elaborate dance figures, no interweaving of dancers, no use of grouping as an esthetic feature. It is all dancing in place. The group itself does not have movement. Bodily movements are restricted to move- ments of the feet and some slight use of gesture with the arms. There is no running or leaping, no high, deep, or wide movements, and no posturing with the body. The dance at Zufi is not an independent art, and does not use the essential choregraphic technique, which is a dynamic handling of spatial relations. The dance at Zuni is entirely subsidiary to music and is employed merely to emphasize it. Yet it would be a great mistake to infer that Zuni dancing is tedious or lacking in emotional appeal. The precision of movement, the regularity of rhythm, the invariability of the form, combined with beautiful and subtle musical patterns, is intensely moving. The monotony and impersonality and the complete and intense absorption of the participants have a hypnotic effect on the spectator. According to Zuni ideology, the dance is compulsive magic. The supernaturals are constrained by the use of their corporeal substance, i. e., the mask. They must come with all their attributes, including rain. No one can watch a Zufi dance for a half hour or more without being moved by the compulsive force that lies behind the esthetic form. DISTRIBUTION OF KATCINA DANCING Katcina dances are performed in all the pueblos except Taos, where, up to the present, no trace of the cult has been found. It has devel- oped luxuriantly at Zufi and among the Hopi. In both places it is the cult which controls the most spectacular rituals, which draws upon the widest base, and makes the greatest popular appeal. Although no single ceremonial occasion among the Hopi commands quite as much attention as the snake dance, the katcina cult has two major ceremonies (Powamt and Niman) and an unlimited number of minor festivities, and its activities hold the center of the stage throughout the winter and spring months. At Zufi, although the winter solstice ceremonies form the keystone of the ceremonial system, the point of greatest intensity is unquestionably the Ca’lako ceremony, the cul- minating ceremony of the Katcina Society. Katcina ceremonies are public, spectacular, and popular. Among the eastern and western Keres, katcina impersonation is a well-developed esoteric cult. Unfortunately masked ceremonies may not now be seen by whites in any of the eastern pueblos, and great reluctance is felt about imparting any information about katcinas. The Keresan cult seems to have the same types of katcinas found farther west: The dancing katcinas, rain and cloud beings, who are controlled through impersonation in dances ‘‘to call the rain,” and “dangerous” supernaturalsimpersonated in mask at important ceremo- nies such as initiations, solstices, ete. Many of the individual imper- 900 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 sonations are the same as those found farther west. We may conclude that although less exuberant, the Keresan katcina cult is about the sameas that of Zuni in ideology, technique, and ceremonial patterning.” However, it does not overshadow other activities, as is the case at Zuni. Unfortunately, our information concerning katcina impersonation in the Tanoan pueblos is fragmentary and very unsatisfactory. The Tewa are secretive in all things and especially secretive concerning katecinas. Doctor Parsons ® attributes this secrecy to the proximity of Mexicans, who everywhere are barred from katcina ceremonies. Its very existence has been repeatedly denied and long was in doubt. There is no single eye-witness description of any masked ceremony ; no comprehensive account of the ideology ritual and organization of the cult; no information upon which to base an opinion of the rdle of the katcina cult in communal or individual life. Whatever the cause may be, such extreme secrecy is incompatible with the full flowering of the cult. From what slight information we have, the cult in all Tanoan villages appears meager and rudimentary. Various theories are offered in explanation of the different patterning of the same material in different villages. It has been suggested that the katcina cult is of western origin and never took deep root in the east; and, conversely, in the east it has been crowded out by church worship while it con- tinued to flourish in the west, where Catholic influence was less strong. Either or both may be true in the absence of any conclusive evidence. The general type of mask and costume is similar for all villages, and certain special impersonations are found under similar or different names in different pueblos. Wherever this has been observed it has been noted in the following remarks on individual katcinas. How- ever, these facts of special distributions baldly stated do not seem particularly significant. It seems to the present writer significant that something resembling Zuni Koko-kci is danced in every pueblo from which we have data, but it also seems quite insignificant that a dance generally called nawic, but at Zufi called Nahalico (there is another different mask called Nawico), also has a wide distribution. The characteristic face painting of this katcina in connection with a headdress of four turkey wing feathers has been spread all over the region. The dance has no particular character at Zui. Ihave not actually seen it nor read descriptions of it elsewhere, and therefore its distribution must remain one of those quaint facts of wide dissemination of apparently trivial and fortuitous details. Very little credence should be given to native accounts of prove- nience of specific features, when these accounts deal with events outside 62 The katcina cult of Keresan villages has been described for Cochiti by Dumarest (Notes on Cochiti) and Goldfrank (Social and Ceremonial Organization of Cochiti); for Laguna by Parsons, for Acoma and San Felipe by White (mss). 63 Social Organization and the Tewa, p. 150. BUNZEL] DISTRIBUTION OF KATCINA DANCING 901 memory of living men. The Zufis claim to have borrowed one of their Tcakwena dances from Laguna (see p. 1022). However, at Laguna it is claimed that the Teakwena dance is of Zuni provenience.™ The same is true also of other dances: Hilili, which the Hopi claim was recently introduced from Zuni, and to which the Zui, on the other hand, attribute a Hopiorigin. Unquestionably there is a great deal of intertribal borrowing of ceremonial details and of whole dances. It seems to go in all directions. JI have myself been present when Hopis from various villages and a visitor from San Felipe were com- paring ceremonies and swapping katcina songs. The San Felipe man was learning the songs for the katcina corn grinding, a ceremony which interested him greatly. In return he was teaching his Hopi friends the Keresan words of a Shiwana song. Neither spoke the language of the other. The explanations and translations were in English. It is always interesting to catch a bit of culture at the moment of transfer; in this case, the casual way in which sacred infor- mation is passed about is instructive. It shows the fluidity of detail under the rigid pattern, which becomes more and more striking the more we learn of variants in pueblo culture. In general, we may say that most of the group dances which occupy fixed and important places in the Zuni calendar—Kokokci, Upikaia- pona, Tcakwena, Wotemla, Hemucikwe, Muluktaki—are found in other pueblos, while the occasional dances are more local in distribu- tion. We may conclude, therefore, that these fixed dances are more ancient—which might have been guessed in the first place. The problem is, perhaps, not a historic one at all but rather one of esthetics. There is a style of religious behavior common to the pueblo peoples; all, furthermore, utilize the same religious material, the same paraphernalia, the same techniques for controlling the supernatural. The varied adjustments of the material in conformity to the ritual style is analogous to similar problems in decorative art— the individual reworking and recombining decorative motives within the narrow limits of a tribal style. Considered from the standpoint of any large problems of the his- tory of human civilization, the pueblos form a small unit, and the slight differences of patterning among them vanish in the face of the great differences between the pueblos and, say, the rest of North America. The fundamental and striking traits of the katcina cult, common to all pueblos, to the best of our knowledge, are five: The existence of a large group of supernaturals who live in a lake and are identified with clouds and rain, and, surely at Zuni and Cochiti, and possibly else- where, with the dead; the impersonation of these supernaturals by means of masks in a series of spectacular group dances ‘‘to call the 6 Parsons: Notes on Ceremonialism at Laguna. 902 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 rain,’ and at a number of secret ceremonies designed to perpetuate the cult, and to serve other special purposes; the initiation of all adult males ‘‘to know the katcinas,’’ and the use of whipping by fear in- spiring katcinas at the ceremony of initiation; °° the enormous sanctity of the masks, which can cause death to a negligent wearer, which must always be handled with the greatest reverence, and which must never be seen by Mexicans (in the east by whites); the complete identification with the supernatural through wearing these masks. The rest of the katcina ritual, such as the use of corn meal, prayer sticks, prayer feathers and altars, singing and dancing, retreats before dances, sexual continence, etc., are common to all pueblo ceremonial. Impersonation of supernaturals is a religious technique world-wide in distribution. The two most common methods of impersonation are by animal heads and pelts, and by masks, but impersonation by means of body paint, elaborate costume and headdress, or the wearing of sacred symbols is by no means uncommon. In the pueblos, where magical power is imputed to impersonation, all techniques are employed. Outside of masking, the most striking impersonation is the symbolic representation of the bear, described on page 531. The use of masks is distributed over the whole world. Masks were used in dramatic representations in medieval Europe and classical Greece. They are used similarly in many parts of Asia, especially in India, Ceylon, Java, China, and Mongolian Asia. In Melanesia ® and West Africa masks are used to inspire awe in connection with tribal initiations. The uninitiated believe they are being visited by super- naturals, there are long periods of retreat for the novices and the elders before the public appearance of the masked beings, and in many other ways the ideology of the cult in both regions is similar to that of the pueblos. The appearance of the same complex of asso- ciated ideas in three widely remote areas is one of the most striking cases of parallelism. In North America there are several regions where masks are used, among the Iroquois, on the northwest coast, and in the pueblos. Some animal impersonation is found on the Plains.* The use of masks was highly developed in middle America since Maya times, and was very conspicuous in Aztec ritual, together with the curious custom, which is probably unique with them, of dancing in the flayed skin of sacrificial victims. What seems peculiar to the pueblos is the enormous fetishistic power imputed to the mask, which compels the presence of the gods as rain, and which exposes the wearer to dangers from which he must 65 Among the Hopi, although only members of certain clans can belong to the Pawama Society that “owns” the katcina cult, and participate in the esoteric ceremonies and retreats of Powami and Minan, all boys are whipped to know the katcinas and can thereafter participate in public katcina dances, 6 Codrington, The Melanesians. 63 Parsons: Spanish Elements in Pueblo Katcina Cult (ms.). BUNZEL] DISTRIBUTION OF KATCINA DANCING 903 guard himself ritualistically. Moreover, there seems to be no other place in which the personality of the wearer is so completely absorbed. It has already been pointed out that impersonation extending over a period of time is found among the ancient Aztecs. The youth chosen as a sacrifice to Tezcatlipoca impersonates the god for 20 days, and during this period lives in honor and is finally sacrificed, and thus united with the god on the last day, and his flesh is eaten in com- munion by the priests and populace. We have already suggested the possible relation of katcina dancing to human sacrifices (p. 846) and to the fertility cults of ancient Mexico. Doctor Parsons has made a good case ® for the influence of the Catholic missionaries on the development of katcina ritual. When one surveys the enormous amount of concrete details that she amasses in proof of her point that katcina dancing is an adaptation of religious dancing of Spain, one must be convinced of the readiness of the pueblos to incorporate Catholic ceremonial into their own ritual. One is struck, too, at the enormous impetus which contact with the Catholics gave to the growth of the cult in those villages where it could develop unhampered by the church. As pointed out by Doctor Parsons, the cult reached its greatest exuberance in villages where Catholic contacts were brief and superficial. But that the larger patterns or the underlying concepts are of European origin seems more doubtful. Communications with the supernatural through impersonation, the use of masks in spectacular ceremonies for rain, fertility, and healing are widely distributed in aboriginal America, and many of the most striking features of the cult flourished in pre- Columbian Mexico. The underlying ideas of the fertilization of the earth are part of the general North American Indian background. *? Spanish Elements in the Katcina Cult of the Pueblos. - co) 7 eo } Lib A AP ITe S ys MTU ALTTSIG (=e Ry ae af ‘Beet hain Vaxitiin hie Tg eed yew \ wr) lo Fu eK +74 seta ive ap iteg elven Lf dire bu tea vite inal adie i feo finn ey ain layer a pee (Sort biassa PW aia dae ah naively v1 m Tie Ter A eer ih buitee f) oititieh Wied (ivelotenh nds: niyohie alt att ee Lee ri Lingeny ahitiy Ati ry anit at Ion an db aiid a a) bilere ole bain Rid a Tiny uA Wid hen ae “44 far) PRT msl Bie sa, (hs\,2 fl Aly ulth vee Bal iivstaateae On ARO nA ry heyy ibipe Tea Tt Peony ten crcial mT ca ; ’ rohul- Allimniad Fut Pee Fl vail de Yin, 10 la | bay Hit) te “th (inf in oie iae atk) AlePi ' mibatGcitk a> soltiapih , i ' j iviih a “ne ity fi''ty ig ota y veal Thay A j fluiiufiebupoly Llaon Aline P , i q ity aay aoe 4 Th bint Year my sie ilonsne H ; Uy ‘ { vein bi i . ! ies lt iva uk} I (UIGie i ‘ yreie/ itt ey vablr ey PART II. SOURCE MATERIAL FOR THE OF ZUNI KATCINAS LIST OF KNOWN ZUNI KATCINAS Katcina priests: Katcinas appearing at the winter solstice. *1. Pautiwa. *2. Saiyali’a (four). *3. Citsuka. *4. Kwelele. Katcinas appearing after the winter solstice. *5. Tceakwena oka. *6. Natacku. *7. Atocle (Suyuki). Also Salimofiya. The Koyemci *8. Awan tatcu. *9. A-wan pekwin. *10. Awan pi’laciwani. *11. Muyap’ona. *12. Ecotsi. *13. Nataci. *14. Itsepaca. *15. Posuki. *16. Kalutsi. *17. Ts’alaci. Katcinas appearing at the coming of the gods (Ca’lako). *18. Cula‘witsi. *19. Saiyataca. *20. Hu-tutu. *21. Yamuhakto (two). Also two Salimofiya (see below). *22. Ca’lako. Katcinas appearing at the preliminary initiation of little boys *23. Kaklo. *24. Hemokatsi or Ahe’a (not an old mask). 25-30. Salimopiya, as follows— *Luptsin’ona (yellow; two). *Li’an’ona (blue; two). *Cilow’ona (red; two). *Kohan’ona (white; two). *Itapanahn’ona (many colored; two). *Cikan’ona (black; two). *26. Lelacoktipona (two). *27. Nawico (two). *28. Anahoho (two). *29. Cula‘witsi (one). *30. Up’o’yona (two). STUDY Katcinas appearing at the preliminary and final initiation of boys— *36. Saiyali’a (four). 6066°—32 58 905 906 ZUNI KATCINAS (ETH. ANN. 47 Katcina priests—Continued. Punitive and exorcising katcinas— *37. Hainawi. 38. Homatci. *39. Temtemci. *40. Ahute. Also Saiyatia. Other old masks— *41. Kiana‘kwe, a large dance group consisting of several leaders and an indefinite number of other dancers. *41a. Kolashmana. *42. Ololowicka. Dancing katcinas: Traditional dances performed in regular summer and winter series— Kokokei— *43. Kokokci. *42. Kokwe’le. *44. Siwuluhsietsa or Komokatsik (sometimes with Kokokci). Also sometimes Kola*hmana(No. 41, a), Ahe’a (No. 24) Kanateu (No. 84), Upo’yona (No. 30). *46. Upikaiap’ona. With him also Kokwe’le, and other single masks, as above. 47. Hekcina Cilowa. With them also Kokwe’le, and other single masks. With the grinding ritual, the following: *48. Paiyatamu. *49, Oken’ona. *50. Hehe’a. Also Ololowicka (see above). *51. Towa Teakwena. With them as solo dancers. *52. Tom’inapa. *53. Tcilili. *54. We’wap. 55. Hupomo’otea. 56. Mokaiapona. Also Teakwena oka. *57. Teahumoawa (drum teakwena; also called short-haired or Laguna teakwena). With them as solo dancers: *58. Hatacuku (several). 59. Tsi kohan’ona. Wo’temla or mixed dance. Representatives from among the following: *60 *61. *62. *63. *64. *65. *66. *67. *68. *69. *70. ail *72. *73. . Kukuculi (leader of the mixed dance). Kalawan‘i. Aince koko (two variants). La’saiyapona. Tsupianawe. Suyuki (not the same as Atocle). Ma’lokitsik (salt woman). Ohapa (bee). Tecamika (echo). Ya’ana. Na’le (deer). Hetsilulu. Teana Ts’an A‘tei. Wo’latana. BUNZEL] LIST OF KNOWN ZUNI KATCINAS 907 Dancing katcinas—Continued. Wo’temla or mixed dance—Continued. *74. Mokwala. *75. Wahaha. Also: Upo’yona (No. 30), Hainawi (No. 37), Homatci (No. 38), Temtemci (No. 39), Ahute (No. 40), Kana-kwe (No. 41), Ahe’a (No. 24), Komokatsik! (No. 44), Kanateu (No. 84), Hehe’a (No. 50), Wakaci (No. 91), and many others not identified. Group dances regularly performed after Ca’lako: *76. Mahetinaca (discontinued about 1915). With him as solo dancer came— *77. Ho’wiwi. *78. Hemucikwe. With him as solo dancers come any of the following— *78. Nahalic oka. #79, Ranil’ona. 80. Also Mitotaea (No. 114). *81. Muluktaka. Also Teakwena (Nos. 57-59), Towa Teakwena (Nos. 51-56), and Wotemla (Nos. 60-75). Group dances performed in connection with regular winter dances, and irregularly, as desired. Mostly of recent introduction. *82. Nahalico. With them as solo dancer. *83. Nahalic a‘wan mosona. *84. Kanatcu. *85. Wamuwe. *86. Hilili. With them as solo dancers: *87. Kakali (eagle) two. And as singers: *88. Tcataci. 89. Tenenakwe (about eight or more). *90. Pasikdpona. *91. Wakici. #92. Mu‘kwe, with— *93. Mu’kwe oka. *94. Kwamumu, with— *95. Kwamumu okii. *96. Wilatsukwe, with— *97. Wilatsukw oka. Sioux or buffalo dance *98. La’pila we, and as solo dancers: *99. Siwolo (buffalo). *100. A’tana. *101. Ainanuwa. *102. Kumance, and as solo dancers. *103. Kumance Penakwe. *104. Drummer. The ‘“‘Little dancers,” isolated impersonations, usually by little boys, in connection with winter dances. They do not come in dance formation. They do not ordinarily wear old masks. *105. Itetsona. *106. Natcimono. Also, Hehe’a (No. 50), Nahalico (No. 82), Silimopiya, Lelacok- tipona (No. 26), Upo-yona (No. 30), Nawico (No. 27), Cula-witsi (No. 29) (all colors), Hatacuku (No. 58), ete. 908 ZUNI KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 47 Miscellaneous: *107. Nepaiyatamu (a burlesque of the Ne-we-kwe, in mask). Navaho dance (not sacred)— *108. Yebiteai (solo dancer). *109. Pakoko with *110. Pakok oka. Society masks (not, strictly speaking, koko): *111. Cumaikoli (belonging to Cuma‘kwe). *112. Saiyali (belonging to Cuma-kwe). Masks of Ne’we-kwe: *113. A’wan koko tana. *114. Mitotaca. Masks of Great Fire Society: 115. A-wan koko tana. Also Citsuké (No. 3) and Kwelele (No. 4). THE WINTER SOLSTICE! PAUTIWA (Plate 21, a) Costume.—On his head he wears feathers from the breast of the macaw (lacowan fuptsina). Standing upright behind eight tail feathers of the macaw bound to a little stick with native cotton cord, with the fastenings covered with downy feathers from the breast of the eagle, the whole called lapapoan-e.