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AN APPEAL
TO THE
WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION,
IN FAVOR OF THE NOMINATION OF
DANIEL WEBSTER
TO THE PRESIDENCY.
BY A WHIG FROM THE START.
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<* NEW YORK:
R. CRAIGHEAD, PRINTER, 112 FULTON STREET.
1848.
AN APPEAL.
To the Members of the Whig National Convention to assemble in the Hall of Independence in the city of Philadelphia, on the 1th day of June, A. D. 1848.
The following essays on the subject of the Presidency were originally published in the New York Commercial Advertiser. They have been collected, and are now dedicated to you, gen- tlemen, by the author, who respectfully requests for them a perusal.
You are to hold your deliberations in the same city where the Declaration of Independence was made, and the constitution of the United States was formed. I am sure it is the desire of every Whig, that the same patriotism and wisdom may pervade your counsels, which were so conspicuous in the Congress of '76, and the convention of 1787.
Under the constitution then framed, and subsequently ratified by the states of the Union, we and our fathers have enjoyed unnumbered blessings, and a nation has grown up which is, at this moment, the admiration of the civilized world. The union of the states has been the prolific source of our prosperity, se- curity, and happiness, and the constitution is the bond of that union.
All the embarrassments which have been experienced, and all the apprehensions for the republic which have been at any time felt among us, have arisen from violations of the letter and spirit of the original compact of union. A constitution is no- thing but an agreement of the whole people with each other to abide by, and enforce, certain general principles and regulations, which are prescribed for the protection and security of the com- munity, and every member of it. If the general sense of the people will not uphold this agreement, but will sanction its vio- lation by majorities, or by any officer intrusted with power under it, there can be no guarantee for liberty. It is submitted, therefore, — can you do anything so patriotic, at this time, as to
re-establish and re-enact, so far as you are able, the constitution of the country 7
This desirable, most desirable object, can be effectually accom- plished by the nomination and election of Daniel Webster to the office of President of the United States. His name and services for the last twenty years are identified with the constitution; he has expatiated upon it so often, and with such distinguished ability — he has been so frequently and so generally recognised as its enlightened expounder and able defender — that his nomina- tion would I"- accepted as an invitation to the people to re-estab- lish the constitution in its original spirit and meaning: and, so regarded, his election would be sure. Mr. Webster, though well known as a Whig, is better known as the Defender of the
( 'ONSTITI TI< '\.
The election of Mr. Webster to the office of President of the I nited States would, in the judgment of candid men of all parties, who have observed his course as a public man — and who does not know it ? — secure the application of all his intellectual I »'\\ers to advance the prosperity of the country in promoting the employment of its labor, and developing its resources ; to preserve the peace of the country, upon honorable terms, with all foreign nations, and to allay sectional jealousies and animosi- ties at home. In short, all men who know him believe, and all candid men will admit it, that he would to the best of his ability revive and foster the spirit in which the Union was formed. Such a President is demanded by the public well
Whatever you may do, 1 beseech you — I would address this appeal to every one of you, separately and personally — Do not permit youselfj in your desire for success, to act upon the prin- ciple that the people are too ignorant, or too much blinded by prejudice, to discern their own best interests. Put before the country the name of a man whom you yourselves believe fit- ted by knowledge and experience to hold the helm of state, when storms are gathering in the political sky — a man whom you can in your consciences, and upon your honor, go before the people and advocate, and honestly commend, as fit to dis- charge the high trusl of the chief magistrate of the republic. Having thus done, leave the result with the people, who \\ ill be found in the day of trial far less desirous of gratifying or rewarding any candidates than they are to uphold princi] To act upon any other assumption would be to proclaim to the world that the people are, in your judgment, incapable of self- government. Our experience, mysterious as some of ii< pas-
sages have been, does not justify such a sentence ; a great deliberative body who virtually announced it would receive the condemnation of the country.
The eyes of the civilized world are fixed, at this moment, intently and scrutinizingly upon the actions of the people of this country. Let us justify the high confidence reposed in us as republicans. We cannot do this if we adopt for our govern- ment counsels which spring from a despair of the republic. We can do this if we elect the first living American to be first in political station. The people of this country do not acknowledge hereditary superiority, but they will respect and honor intellec- tual and moral greatness.
A Whig froim the Start.
I.
THE PRESIDENCIES.
WHIG PRINCIPLES.
Two questions have been frequently asked : First, Why is it that Mr. Webster, although nominated by the Whigs of New Hampshire, and the Whigs of Massachusetts, is so little spoken of in political circles in Washington, and other places, out of the two States mentioned, as a candidate for the Presidency ? Secondly — Would he be elected if nominated?
I shall endeavor to answer these questions, reversing the order in which they are presented. Would Mr. Webster be elected, if nominated by the Whig National Convention ?
I think he would, and shall, as briefly as possible, assign my reasons for this opinion.
The country is divided into two great political parties — the Whig and Democratic. Mr. Webster is a Whig, and the first inquiry is, would he receive the full vote of the professed Whigs of the country ? Secondly, to what extent, if any, would he re- ceive the votes of those not professing to be Whigs ?
First — Would he receive the full vote of the Whig party ? Here let it be remembered that at the last Presidential election Mr. Clay obtained the Whig vote of the country, and no more.
The Whig party is united for the support of certain well de- fined and well understood principles of Government, and the ac- complishment of results often stated. The purpose of carrying out these principles in the practical administration of the Go- vernment, and bringing about these results, is the bond which binds the Whig party together. Although it has been lately at- tempted by one division of the Whigs to inculcate the doctrine that they have not now any peculiar principles to contend for, and another division have, by their manifestations of personal at- tachment for a single man, created a belief that the elevation of their favorite is more important, in their estimation, than the maintenance of any principles, the great mass of the Whig party do contend for principles, and regard their principles far above any man. Convince this party that there are no principles of Government to unite them, and that the contest between the great political parties is a mere struggle for office, and the bond that unites the party would be at once broken, and it would be
8
dissolved in a month. The great body of the Whig parly are not office-seekers : they are busy men, engaged actively in va- rious professions and callings, and are excited to take an interest in political affairs only by a regard for principle.
Wliai are Whi'_r principles? It is a principle of the Whig party that one of the highest aims of government should be to develope the resources of the country, and give employment to its labor. The Democratic party makes no objections to the de- velopment of these resources, and the finding employment for its labor, bul it says that the General Government has no consti- tutional right to exercise its powers to accomplish these objects. Here then is a difference in principle. The Whig party hold that the General Government lias power under the Constitution, and it is its imperative duty to exercise this power, to make roads, and improve the navigation of rivers, and the safety of harbors, for the purpose of iacilitating intercommunication, and promoting internal commerce — the Democratic party deny this power and duty. Here is another practical difference in prin- ciple. All these questions are just as important now as they ever were.
Again: The Whig party is, and always has been, the party in favor of the supremacy of Law and the maintenance of ( h- der — in short, the party pledged to uphold constitutional and le- gal government. Not so the Democratic party. This party has in its ranks many good citizens, but as a party, it practically adopts principles inconsistent with obedience to law and the maintenance of order.
Once more. The Whig party is the party of the country, in favor of progress — safe and rational progress. It establishes common schools, and institutions of learning: it seeks to enlight- en and elevate the great body of the people. The Whigs of every State in the Union are united in these purposes, and Whig influence, everywhere, tends to these results. The improve- ment and elevation of Man, the promotion of his individual hap- piness, and his social conveniences and comforts, are practically regarded by Whigs as the important objects of government. In proof of this, I might refer to States and communities where Whig influence predominates, and the power of Government is exercised by Whigs. Take the two States, always under Whig rule, of Vermont and Massachusetts. Where are popular rights held in higher regard and exercised more freely I — where is there more intelligence f — where is wealth more equally dif- fused '. — where are more conveniences and comforts of life ! —
9
where are improvements in government, in law, in commerce, in mechanic arts, in a state of equal advancement ? In every other State where progress has been made in learning, in arts, and social comforts, such progress has been uniformly aided by Whig influence.
I have referred to Massachusetts. Her condition is most elo- quently and truly described in the speech of Mr. Webster, de- livered in the Senate of the United States on the 12th of March, 1838. From this speech I shall extract one or two paragraphs.
" The general doctrine of political economy is," remarks Mr. Webster, " that wealth consists in whatever is useful or conve- nient to man, and that labor is the producing cause of all this wealth. This is very true. But then what is labor ? In the sense of political writers, and in common language, it means hu- man industry ; but in a philosophical view it may receive a much more comprehensive meaning. It is not, in that view, human toil only — the mere action of sinews and muscles ; but it is an active agency which, working upon the materials with which the world is supplied, brings forth products useful or convenient to man. The materials of wealth are in the earth, in seas, and in their natural and unaided productions. Labor obtains these ma- terials, works upon them, and fashions them to human use.
" Now it has been the object of scientific art, or of the applica- tion of science to art, to increase this active agency, to augment its powers, by creating millions of laborers in the form of auto- matic machines, all to be diligently employed and kept at work by the force of natural powers. To this end, these natural pow- ers, principally those of steam and falling water, are subsidized and taken into human employment. Spinning machines, power looms, and all the mechanical devices acting among other opera- tives, in the factories and work-shops, are but so many laborers. They are usually denominated labor-saving machines, but it would be more proper to call them labor-doing machines. They are made to be active agents ; to have motion, and to produce effect ; and though without intelligence, they are guided by those laws of science which are exact and perfect, and they pro- duce results, therefore, in general more accurate than the hu- man hand is capable of producing. When we look upon one of these, we behold a mute fellow-laborer, of immense power, of mathematical exactness, and of ever-during and unwearied effort. And while he is thus a most skilful and productive laborer, he is a non-consumer — at least beyond the wants of his mechanical being. He is not clamorous for food, raiment, or shelter, and makes no demand for the expenses of education. The eating and drinking, the reading and writing and clothes-wearing world, are benefited by the labors of these co-operatives, in the same way as if Providence had provided for their service millions of beings, like ourselves in external appearance, able to labor and
10
to toil, and yet requiring little or nothing for their own consump- tion or subsistence ; or, rather, as if Providence had created a race of giants, each of whom, demanding no more for his sup- port and consumption than a common laborer, should yet be able to perform the work of a hundred.
" Now, Sir, turn back to the Massachusetts tables of produc- tion, and you will see that it. is these self-moving allies and co- operators, and these powers of Nature, thus employed and placed under human direction, which have come, with such prodigious effect, to man's aid, in the great business of procuring the means of living, of comfort, and ofwealth, and which have so swollen the products of her skilful industry. Look at these tables once more, Sir, and you will see the effects of labor united with and acting upon capital. Look yet again, and you will see that credit, mutual trust, prompt and punctual dealings and commercial con- fidence, are all mixed upas indispensable elements in the general system. I will a^k you to look yet once more. Sir, and you will perceive that general competence, great equality in human con- dition, a degree of popular knowledge and intelligence, nowhere surpassed if anywhere equalled, and the prevalence of good moral sentiment, and extraordinary general prosperity, are the result of the whole. Sir, I have done with Massachusetts. I do not praise the old ' Bay State' of the Revolution ; I only present her as she is."
In these extracts, showing the actual condition of Massachu- setts, is furnished an example of the results produced by the operation of Whig principles. A further quotation from the same speech presents another picture. Mr. Webster goes on :
" Mr. President, such is the state of things actually existing in the country, of which I have now given you a sample. And yet there are persons who constantly clamor against this state of things. They call it aristocracy. They beseech the poor to. make war upon the rich, while they know not who are either rich or poor. They complain of oppression, speculation, and the pernicious influence of accumulated wealth. They cryoutloud- ly againsl all banks and corporations, and all the means by which small capitals become united, in order to produce important and beneficial results. They carry on a mad hostility against all es- tablished institutions. They would choke up the fountains of in- dustry, and dry up all its streams, In a country of unbounded liberty, they clamor against oppression. In a country of perfect equality, they would move heaven and earth against privilege and monopoly. In a country where property is more equal- ly divided than anywhere else, they rend the air with the shouting of agrarian doctrines. " In a country where wages ol labor are hi'_rh beyond all parallel, and where lands art1 cheap.
and the means of living low, they would teach the laborer that
he is but an oppressed -lave. Sir, what can such men want*
11
What do they mean ? They can want nothing, Sir, but to enjoy the fruits of other men's labor. They can mean nothing but disturb- ance and disorder, the diffusion of corrupt principles, and the destruction of the moral sentiments and moral habits of society. A licentiousness of feeling and of action is sometimes produced by prosperity itself. Men cannot always resist the temptation to which they are exposed by the very abundance of the bounties of Providence and the very happiness of their own condition ; as the steed, full of the pasture, will sometimes throw himself against its enclosures, break away from its confinement, and feeling now free from needless restraint, betake himself to the moors and bar- rens, where want, ere long, brings him to his senses, and starva- tion and death close his career."
This is Loco-Focoism. Here are the two pictures — look at them ! Who can deny that they represent the two parties 1 Is it true, then, that there are no differences in principle between them ? Have you and I been contending for nothing — been fighting shadows for the last twenty years 1 No, the Whig par- ty know better — they know that they have been at all times and are now contending for vital principles. The very eagerness which this party manifests to take up available candidates evinces its earnest desire of victory, that its principles may be paramount. In this same eagerness consists the liability of the Whig party to err.
In some instances it has erred, and mortification and shame have been the consequences. Men have been advanced to high stations by Whigs, in their desire for victory, who have not been imbued with the feelings, and who have been utterly regardless of the principles, of those who have honored and trusted them. Let it ever be remembered that these results have uni- formly flowed from the nomination and support of candidates upon principles of expediency and availability. We are not able to encounter the consequences of many more mistakes of this kind. The community have a right to judge us by our ac- tions; and profession, when opposed to practice, will be, and ought to be, disregarded and despised. If Whigs choose as their re- presentatives in official stations, demagogues and disorganizes, the party will be condemned as unsound and unworthy of trust.
There are, at this moment, hundreds of sound Whigs in the state of New York, prepared to doubt whether Whig rule is better for the community than Democratic rule. What has sug- gested this doubt but the fact that Whigs have been careless in the selection of their representatives ? They have been more anxious for victory than for the election and advancement of
12
men who would make victory a blessing to the community. This course of action must be arrested, or the Whig party is undone ; men will desire new organizations of party, and they will have them. Aready the cry is raised by thousands of good citizens — " We are tired of politicians — the community has been cheated by them — away with them ; let us have something new." The cause of this complaint, so far as it applies to the Whig par- ty, has been truly slated — the statement cannot be deni< d.
The mistake is in ascribing potent influence to names, and un- derrating the power of other motives of action. What are found to influence the great mass of men in an election can vi First, one party desire to defeat, to put down, or keep down the opposing party. This is the most influential motive, and hence, in every canvass, more is said against the opposing party than in favor of the party supported. Secondly, a party labors for its own success, because a large portion of its members suppose that success will be beneficial to the country, while another, and by far a smaller portion of it, see in success the advancement of their own private interest. These are the office-seekers. Per- sonal regard for the candidate influences a very small number. The office-seekers make a great show of personal attachment to the man proposed to be elevated, because they have personal ends to answer by securing his favor ; they wish to profit by the power conferred upon him. But the great mass of the partv only regard the candidate as the man who is to represent and carry out their principles ; he is the exponent of those princi- ples. The writer of this communication knows, from actual ob- servation, in the great canvass for the Presidency in 1840, and the not less exciting canvass of 181 1, that of the thousands and tens of thousands of Whigs whom he has seen assembled in the dif- ferent States of the Union, to hear political discussions, by far the greater number appeared to he much more interested in the principles brought under review than in the characters of the candidates, although those candidates were Hen. Harrison and Mr. Cl*y.
From these facts and considerations I draw the inference that any man who may be nominated by the Whig Convention in June next, it" he be a known Whig, will be likely to receive the vote of the Whig party generally. In m\ next I -hall proceed to show the peculiar claims of Mr. Webstbb to tin- vote, and then
inquire to what extent he would be likely to receive votes from those who are not professed Whigs.
II.
MR. WEBSTER'S SERVICES FOR THE WHIG PARTY.
THE SOUTH.
In my last communication I briefly defined Whig principles, and endeavored to show that the desire of maintaining and establishing these principles was the bond that united the Whig party. That the necessity of union and concert of action, for the accomplishment of this object, would induce professed Whigs generally to support any candidate for the Presidency who should be nominated by the national convention.
If that support would be given to any candidate who was a Whig, with what alacrity would it be yielded to Daniel Web- ster if he were the candidate ! In that event there would be not only the motive to elect the candidate, because he was regu- larly nominated, but every Whig elector would know that he was supporting a man who had done more than any other pub- lic man in the country for Whig principles. It is true that in defining, expounding, defending, advocating, and commending to public support the principles of the Whig party, Mr. Webster has no competitor. I do not intend to make invidious compari- sons, but the time has come when justice to a distinguished public servant should be done, and the truth must be told. That delicacy which would conceal or shade the truth on this subject now is false, and therefore rejected. The sole pre-eminence, in the particular referred to, is claimed for Mr. Webster. It is denied the issue is joined, and I appeal at once to the records ; there are records which will remain for ever to testify on this subject. Besides the records I invoke, as witnesses, every Whig now in Congress, and every Whig who has been in Con- gress within the last twenty years. It is needless to give a catalogue of Mr. Webster's efforts in the Senate ; they are be- fore the country, and known and read of all men ; but I cannot omit to mention the speech already referred to, on the sub- Treasury bill, delivered on the 12th of March, 1838, in the Senate of the United States. It may be safely affirmed that, as a parliamentary effort, this speech is unequalled by any speech ever delivered in Congress, except, indeed, by one made by Mr. Webster himself, eight years before, in reply to Senator Hayne, of South Carolina. In this speech alone Whig principles are made sure of immortality.
14
Need I go further for witnesses ? Out of the Senate, and before the people themselves, Air. Webster has shown himself the foremost champion of Whig principles. Summon the thou- sands and tens of thousands of living witnesses who have heard him in Faneuil Hall, on Bunker Hill, at Worcester, Salem, Springfield, and Andover, in Massachusetts; in Niblo*s Saloon, Wall Street, Albany, Saratoga, Rochester, Buffalo, and Utica, in the state of New York ; at Trenton, in New Jersey ; in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and Valley Forge, in Pennsylvania; Richmond In Virginia; St. Louis in Missouri; Cincinnati in Ohio ; and various other cities, villages and towns, in different states of the Union.
In speaking of popular addresses, I do not refer to any ephe- meral productions, bul only to those elaborate and well con- sidered arguments and appeals, in behalf of Whig principles, which Mr. Webster has made, from time to time, through a long series of years, and which have been read with instruction and delight by thousands who did not hear them. They have passed from the columns of the newspaper press, in which they were first reported, and are now spread on the more enduring records of American eloquence, for the perusal, study, and admiration of posterity.
As the advocate of Whig principles Mr. Webster has. how- ever, taken his positions with care, and marked oul his ground with great discrimination. lie has been distinguished for moderation, and never pushed his principles to impracticable extremes. In this particular he would stand before the public, as the candidate of the Whig party for the Presidency, in an attitude more favorable to success, it is thought, than that of any. other prominent member of that party.
To illustrate: — In respecl to the tariff] as long ago as Febru- ary, 18,'W, in a few comprehensive resolutions, he placed his
Opinions on the journal of the Senate. At this time, it will be
remembered, the. Compromise Act was under discussion, and
Mr. Webster, Mr. Adam-, and man}' other Whigs in Congr thought the only constitutional principle upon which the tariff
policy could he upheld wa- about to he surrendered bj friends. To some of these resolutions I would, in tins connexion, invite attention. First, be says that the annual revenues oughl not to
exceed the just wants of the ( b>\ eminent ; and that, in adjusting the rates of duties on imports, a jusl regard should be had to the Various interests and opinions of differenl parts of the country,
so as mosl effectually to preserve the integrity and harmony of
15
the Union, and provide for the common defence, and promote the general welfare. Secondly, that it was unwise and injudi- cious, in regulating imposts, to adopt a plan hitherto equally unknown in the history of the Government, and in the practice of all enlightened nations, which should either immediately or prospectively reject all discrimination in articles to be taxed, whether they be articles of necessity or luxury, of general con- sumption or of limited consumption, and whether they be or be not such as are manufactured or produced at home ; and which shall confine all duties to one equal rate per centum on all arti- cles. Lastly —
" Resolved, That since the people of the United States have deprived the state Governments of all power of fostering manu- factures, however indispensable in peace or in war, or however important to national independence, by commercial regulations, or by laying duties on imports ; and have transferred the whole authority to make such regulations and to lay such duties to the Congress of the United States, Congress cannot surrender or abandon such power compatibly with its constitutional duty."
From these resolutions may be clearly gathered, far more easily than from a more lengthened and elaborate statement, the precise grounds upon which Mr. Webster sustains the policy of protection to American industry, and the extent to which he would protect it. All is moderate and conciliatory ; he would authorize no extravagant expenditures in order to swell the revenue. That revenue should be regulated by the just wants of the Government ; but then in raising it by duties on imports, the Government is bound to exercise discrimination in favor of American industry. What man can successfully assail this position ?
In respect to currency Mr. Webster's position has been care- fully taken, and is entirely defensible. He has never, like some other distinguished Whigs, regarded the establishment of a na- tional bank as required by any constitutional principle. He has uniformly considered such an institution as one of the means, but not the only means, of performing a constitutional duty. He can therefore afford to say, without surrendering his principle, as he has said, that a bank " is an obsolete idea." The principle is this, as he has stated it repeatedly : —
" That Congress has the power, under the right given in the constitution, to make coin for circulation, and to regulate com- merce between the several states, of seeing that there is estab- lished and maintained, at all times, a currency of general credit,
16
equivalent in value to specie, adapted to the wants of commerce and the business of the people, and suited to the existing cir- cumstances of the country." This view of the power and duty of the government is in perfect harmony with the sentiment often expressed by him, from his first entrance into public life, and de- clared in one of his public speeches :
"I profess to be a bullionist, in the usual and accepted sense of thai word. I am for a solid specie basis for our circulation, and for specie as a pari of the circulation, so far as it may be practicable and convenient. I am forgiving no value to paper merely as paper. I abhor paper; that is to say, irredeemable paper, thai may not be converted into gold or silver at the will of the holder."
Again : Mr. Webster, if nominated, would be sure to receive the full vote of his party, for the reason that he lias always given his hearty support to the nominations made by that party.
In 183*2 he sustained Mr. Clay, and Massachusetts gave its vote for him.
Previous to the election of 1840 Mr. Webster was spoken of by many Whigs as the candidate of their part v. Other names were suggested ami made prominent — those of Mr. ("lav. (Gene- ral Harrison, and General Scott. The nominating convention was appointed for the Fall of 1839. In the Spring of that same year Mr. Webster embarked for England, and on his arrival in London wrote a letter home, for publication, positively with- drawing his name from the list of candidates. Before his re- turn, and several months niter he went abroad, the convention assembled, and General Harrison and Mr. Tyler were nominat- ed. Mr. Webster did not interfere, directly or indirectly, iu these nominations. On his return he exerted himself, all know to what extent, to elect the candidates of his party. They were elected.
In is ii Mi-, flay was again nominated. The convention was held at Baltimore. Mr. Webster was in the city of New York at the time. It was the wish of Whig friends, including, it is believed, Mr. Clay himself, then at Washington, thai ."Mr. Web- ster should go at once to Baltimore, and present that nomination to the people, lie instantly yielded to this request, and the
ability and hearty /eal with which he Opened the canvass will
not soon he forgotten bj the multitudes- whom he addressed on thai occasion. From that day until the close of the election, all his talents and influence were freely given to insure the election of Mr. flay and Mr. Frelinghuysen. The Whigs tailed, and the
17
results of the failure are before the country ; they are made legible by the blood of American citizens.
But it has been frequently asked, can Mr. Webster get the full Whig vote of the South, or rather of the slaveholding states ? If, as it has been shown, he is a faithful exponent of Whig principles, why should Southern Whigs refuse to vote for him ? Mr. Webster's views upon the subject which deeply in- terests Southern men of all parties, have often been fully and clearly presented by him. Almost twenty years ago he express- ed his unalterable determination to abide by the principle laid down in the resolution which received the sanction of the House of Representatives in the year 1790 — " that Congress have no au- thority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treat- ment of them in any of the states ; it remaining with the several states alone to provide rules and regulations therein, which hu- manity and true policy require." This resolution, which was drawn up by a committee consisting almost entirely of Northern men, Mr. Webster regarded as a true exposition of the consti- tution on this delicate point, and he has repeatedly expressed not only his willingness but his settled purpose to abide by the con- stitution as it is. Ten years afterwards Mr. Webster repeated the same sentiment, delivered in the Senate of the United States in 1830, in Richmond, Virginia, saying:
" I have nothing to add or subtract from what I then said. I commend it to your attention, or rather I desire you to look at it. I hold that Congress is absolutely precluded from interfering in any manner, direct or indirect, with this, or with any other of the institutions of the states." (The cheering here was loud and long continued, and a voice from the crowd exclaimed, " we wish this could be heard from Maryland to Louisiana, and we desire that the sentiment just expressed may be repeated. Repeat, re- peat !") " Well, I will repeat it — proclaim it on the wings of all the winds — tell it to all your friends — (cries of we will ! we will !) — tell it, I say, that, standing in the capital of Virginia, beneath an October Sun, in the midst of this assemblage, before the entire country, and upon all the responsibility which belongs to me, I say that there is no power direct or indirect, in Congress or the General Government, to interfere in the slightest degree with the institutions of the South."
These are Mr. Webster's declarations, which no Southern man, no Northern, Eastern, or Western man, supposes he will ever violate. What he has said on this subject, before the people of Virginia, he has said before the people of Massachusetts.
But Mr. Webster has done something more than make decla-
2
18
rations in favor of what are claimed as Southern rights. When he was Secretary of State a vessel having slaves on board, coasting from one state to another state of the Union, in which property in slaves was authorized, was driven into a British West India island, by stress of weather, and it was claimed that, under the British law. these slaves became free : the Secretary held a contrary doctrine, and his doctrine prevailed. Now thus far, acting under a sense of duty, Mr. Webster has publicly avowed and upheld what are deemed Southern interests. On other points, acting under the same sense of duty, he has disa- greed with Southern gentlemen, as to their claims of right, and in the expression of his disagreement he has been equally frank and explicit. Within a few years it has been contended on the floor of the Senate, by .Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Clay, too, that although Congress has entire jurisdiction over the District of Columbia under the constitution, Congress has plighted its faith not to interfere either with slavery or the slave trade in that dis- trict. Mr. Webster has not concurred in this opinion, and has said that "It appeared to him little else than an attempt to put a prohibition in the constitution, because there was none there already. — For this supposed plighting of the public faith, or the faith of Congress, he saw no ground, either in the history of the Government, or in any one fact, or in any argument.*1 When called upon to vote upon such a proposition, he has -aid. " On such a question, when I am asked what the constitution is, or whether any power granted by it has been compromised away, I must express my honest opinion, and always shall express it, it I say anything, notwithstanding it may not meet concurrence either in the South, or the North, or the East, or the West. 1 cannot express by my vote what I do not believe."
Mr. Webster has avowed, long before the Wilmot proi iso was introduced, his entire unwillingness to do anything which shall extend the slavery of the African race on this continent. <>r add other slaveholding states to the Union. He regards slavery, in itself, as a great moral, social, and political evil.
Thus Mr. Webster stands in reference to the peculiar institu- tions of the South and South-West. lie has been severel) cen- sured by men of extreme opinions at the North, and probably hymen holding opinions in the opposite extreme at the South. But he has studied the constitution long and attentively: his ground is deliberately taken, and no persuasions or menaces from the North or the South will entice or drive him from that ground.
It is not to be believed that such Whigs in the South as those
19
who elected Mr. Berrien and Butler King, Mr. Mangum and Mr. Badger, would withhold their support from Mr. Webster, if he were the candidate of their party, because he did not feel as they felt on the subject of slavery. With his private feelings on this subject, so long as their indulgence was kept within con- stitutional limits, they would not interfere. But if they should object to him, and not give him their support, they would refuse that support to any other Whig from a free state, whose feelings were opposed to slavery. It would follow, then, if this supposed objection is to be respected, that Mr. Webster, who has earned the highest honors, and is entitled from long and faithful service to the highest political elevation, is to be overlooked because he thinks that slavery is a great social, moral, and political evil. Whigs of the free states are to compromise their feelings, in per- fect accordance with his, and give their support to some slave- holder, residing in a slaveholding state. It is a little remarkable that all concessions lead to this result — the candidate, in order to be available, must be a slaveholder ; the sentiment is — " We will get the best man from this class that we can, but to this class he must belong." Thus, no matter what distinction, by study, and experience, and service, a citizen from a free state may have attained, he is to be excluded for ever from the highest sta- tion in the republic. It is not true that the citizens of slave- holding states demand this concession, but it is true that the citi- zens of free states grant it, unasked for, on the supposition that it will be acceptable. Refer to the action of the Whig convention of 1840 — General Harrison, from the free state of Ohio, was nominated to the office of President ; immediately the Whigs in the convention from the free states offered the Vice-Presidency to Mr. Tyler, simply because he was a slaveholder. The dele- gates from Virginia sat still, said not one word — the delegates from slaveholding states said not a word, except perhaps secretly they put the question—" who hath required this at your hands ?" The name of Daniel Webster, or of Samuel Southard, would have done just as well — would have been just as acceptable to the South, but we — the delegates from free states — said, the Vice- President must be a slaveholder.
The day of concession to the supposed interests and feelings of slaveholders has gone by, as those will find to their deep re- gret who presume to indulge it any further. To an attentive observer of the signs of the times there is furnished abundant evidence that the attention of the people, as well in the Demo- cratic as the Whig party, is alive to this subject. The gentlemen
20
of both parties who get up public meetings, and appoint dele- gates to conventions (and these gentlemen form but a small nu- merical portion of either party), will do well to remember that further concessions on this point may not be ratified by the voters. Such gentlemen, however honest their intentions may be, in presenting candidates oil the principle of availability, may find, when it is too late, that they have reckoned without their host. I venture an individual opinion that no Whig candidate for the Presidency who is a slaveholder, from a slavehokting state, will be elected at the ensuing election. Already have the ■laveholding states given the country seven of the ten Presi- dents who have filled the Executive chair in this country, and a slaveholder is the present incumbent. It is a notorious fact that, after the election of Mr. Polk, it was conceded that the next Pre- sident must come from a tree state. This concession was de- manded by every principle of justice and propriety ; it ought not to be, and it cannot be, it is thought, withdrawn.
If these views are just ; if the public sentiment demands that the name of a Whig from a free state be presented for the Presi- dency, what name shall that be but the name of Daniel Webster ' Who is so well prepared by previous service : who has done so much; who has served so long? Who, like him, has attained the highest point of excellence in every station and department of the public service that he has filled .' It is fearlessly alhrmed that none have excelled him on the floor of the House o( Repre- sentatives of the Tinted States; none have excelled him in the Senate; none in the office of Secretary of State. Let the re- cords he appealed to. And as to his patriotism, his ardent love of country, who that knows him doubts it f Those who know him best know that his bosom is full of patriotic sentiment. ( »: his opinions all can judge ; some may believe them right, some wrong; but his patriotic sentiments are beyond question. The writer of this communication once heard one of the most intelli- gent, honorable, and munificent citizens of Massachusetts im- pressively declare — " 1 have known Mr. Webster long: I knew him before he removed to Massachusetts; after his removal I was very intimate with him: for a time his door-stone was my door-stone : and never, m the most private ami confidential con- versation with him, did 1 hear him declare a sentiment, or utter a word, inconsistent with the purest love of country, or anything which, if published to the world, would not have done him credit."
1 have spoken of the South. Now let us turn our attention to
21
the West — the growing — the already mighty West. How does Mr. Webster stand in the West ? If he had been one of the first settlers of this fertile region, born and reared from infancy to maturity, and advanced age, on a Western prairie — if to West- ern settlers alone he had been indebted for all his honors — he could not have been more true to their interests, and more zea- lous of their prosperity and advancement, than he has been. Again I refer to the records. Look at his speeches and his votes, for the last quarter of a century, and they will all testify to the truth of this declaration.
In one instance, in January, 1838, when the bill to grant pre- emption rights to settlers on the public land was before the Senate, Mr. Webster was compelled, for reasons which he as- signed, and which may be found in Vol. 3 of his speeches, page 250, to differ from Mr. Clay, and from his respected colleague, Mr. Davis, in advocating and voting for that bill. He refused, too, to make a difference between settlers who were not natural- ized, and citizens.
Mr. Webster has uniformly manifested, by his votes and speeches, a disposition to favor actual settlers on the public lands — he has cherished a strong sympathy for them ; all of which would doubtless be remembered to his advantage, were he a candidate for the Presidency. Doubtless this sympathy has been rendered more intense by the fact that a large portion of these settlers are New England men — his brethren, bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh.
Such is Daniel Webster, and such are his claims to the sup- port of the Whig party. I have endeavored to show that, if nominated as a candidate for the Presidency, he could not fail to receive the full vote of his party, in every part of the Union.
In my next I shall proceed to inquire what claims he has to the support of those who are not professed Whigs.
III.
THE WHIG VOTE.— THE VOTE OF THOSE NOT WHIG.— THE WEST.— NATURALIZED CITIZENS.— AMERICAN FLAG.
In my former communications I have endeavored to show — first, that the Whig party is united by the purpose of maintain- ing and carrying out, in the administration of the Government, certain well understood and clearly defined principles; and that, with the view of effecting these objects, the members of that party understand the importance of united action, and will therefore give their support to any Whig who may be nominat- ed to the office of President, by the national convention to as- semble in June next.
Since those articles were written the Whigs of the State of Pennsylvania have held a convention, and passed several reso- lutions asserting, in a comprehensive form, the very proposition for which I have contended. These resolutions embody the sentiments of all true Whigs in every state of the Union ; they are therefore transcribed.
Resolved, That the Whigs of Pennsylvania cherish, with un- abated zeal and earnestness, all the well known and long estab- lished principles of the Whig party : that those principles have been signally vindicated by the lamentable results which have attended their violation, and that the peace, the prosperity, and the honor of the nation demand union for the sake of the Union,. in the Whig party, to secure their speedy and permanent re- establishment.
Resolved, That we firmly adhere to the principles of protection embodied in the tariff of 1842;
Resolved, That the Whig candidate tor the Presidency, to be worthy of the support of the Whig party, must be known to be devoted to its principles, willing to become their exponent and
champion, and prepared to carry them faithfully out in the exe- cution of his official duties. Resolved, That, cherishing the fullest confidence that the
Whig national convention will nominate a candidate truly de- voted to Whig principles, and every way worthy our support, we, in the name of our constituents, pledge him the support 6i the Whig- of Pennsylvania.
Similar resolutions have been passed by the Whig members
of the Legislature of New York.
23
Secondly. I have endeavored to show that, if Mr. Webster were the candidate nominated, he would receive the enthusiastic support of all professed Whigs, because of him it may be affirm- ed, more truly than of any other man, that he is known to be devoted to Whig principles, willing to become, as for the last twenty years he has been, their exponent and champion, and prepared to carry them faithfully out in the execution of his official duties.
In the observations made thus far I have endeavored to pre- sent facts truly, and arguments fairly deducible from those facts, and I put it to the Whig press — has it not been shown, by these facts and arguments, that, if Daniel Webster should be nomi- nated BY THE CONVENTION, HE WOULD RECEIVE THE FULL WHIG VOTE OF THE COUNTRY ?
The next inquiry is — to what extent, if any, would Mr. Webster receive the votes of those who are not professed Whigs ?
Every conjecture on this subject must, of course, be founded on the principles which Mr. Webster has uniformly advocated through a long course of public service. It is reasonable to sup- pose that he will be favorably regarded by those who approve his principles, and that he will be condemned by those who con- demn his principles.
Although Mr. Webster has advocated Whig principles he has not done so with a partisan spirit. As he has explained, and by argument sustained, these principles, they have no narrow foundation, but are reared upon the basis of the constitution of the country. In his judgment, they are not merely the princi- ples of his party, but constitutional principles, and because they are constitutional principles he has been their champion. He has supported, for more than twenty years, the tariff policy — that is to say, the imposition of duties on imports with a discri- mination in favor of domestic industry, because, as he has often explained, that was one of the objects for which the constitution was formed ; — he supports the doctrine favorable to internal improvements, and the doctrine that the federal Government is bound to furnish a currency for the country, besides that of gold and silver, for the same reason.
These principles have been maintained by Mr. Webster, openly, and on grounds clearly set forth, in a spirit of courtesy and deference to those who differed from him, which utterly precluded the idea of giving offence to any opponent personally. The manner and tone of his arguments always rise above per-
24
Molalities. Never, as a general remark, has he said anything to interrupt friendly relations between him and any political op- ponent, with wli'in such relations existed. Such an opponent may have felt himself pressed by his argument, but never in- sulted or wounded by personal assaults, or imputation of unwor- thy or unpatriotic motives. No public man has ever been more guarded, in all these respects, than Mr. Webster. It has indeed happened, two or three times, that Mr. Webster has been as- sailed for want of patriotism, or want of integrity, and all know h<>w the assailants fared on these occasions. Among Mr. Web- ster's political opponents he has therefore no personal opponents, made so by his violation of any rules of debate or of fair con- troversy.
But what political opponents would vote for him ? — I believe that his principles upon the tariff policy, upon the policy of internal improvements and of the currency, so far as he goes, have the approbation of a large majority of the people of the country. Of the inhabitants of the Western States there are many political opponents who would, I think, vote for him, for the reason that he has been uniformly the advocate of all public measures calculated to increase the growth and advance the prosperity of the West. He has been as true to western inter- e>ts, and as zealous in their support, as to the interests of Massachusetts. I challenge a denial of this statement. Not a Western statesman can be named, of any party, who has gone further than Mr. Webster to develope the resources of the region of the West. This feeling of attachment for the West has not been occasional or fitful, but it has animated him steadily through the last quarter of a century. Now if the fact be as I have presented it, the inference is natural and irresistible that Western voters would In- willing to manifest their confidence in the man who has uniformly shown himself their friend and able supporter. The Western press is challenged t<» deny the fact.
For the new settlers in the Western >tat< s, composing a nu- merous class «>f inhabitants, Mr. Webster has uniformly manifest- ed strong sympathy : an instance in illustration >.f this remark has been given, where he was compelled to differ from Mr. ('lay and bis own colleague, Mr. Davis. The source of this sympa- thy f>r the pioneers of a new country may be discovered in the
touching description of the log cabin, contained in one. of Mr.
Webster's speeches. He said:
"Gentlemen^ it did doI happen to me to be born in
a log cabin; but my elder brothers and sisters wi
25
born in a log cabin, raised amid the snow drifts of New Hampshire, at a period so early that when the smoke first rose from its rude chimney, and curled over the frozen hills, there was no similar evidence of a white man's habitation be- tween it and the settlements on the rivers of Canada. Its re- mains still exist. I make to it an annual visit. I carry my children to it, to teach them the hardships endured by the gene- rations which have gone before them. I love to dwell on the tender recollections, the kindred ties, the early affections and the touching narratives and incidents which mingle with all I know of the primitive family abode. I weep to think that none of those who inhabited it are now among the living ; and if ever I am ashamed of it, or if I ever fail in affectionate veneration for him who reared it and defended it against savage violence and destruction, cherished all the domestic virtues beneath its roof, and, through the fire and blood of a seven years' revolution- ary war, shrunk from no danger, no toil, no sacrifice, to serve his country, and to raise his children to a condition better than his own, may my name, and the name of my posterity, be blot- ted for ever from the memory of mankind."
Now there is, I am aware, a very flippant mode of disposing of this conclusion by saying " Mr. Webster is unpopular, and the people of the West will not vote for him." Of such an ob- jector it might be asked, how do you know he is unpopular ? His popularity has never been tested by a vote of the people — they have had no opportunity to vote for him, and therefore your declaration that he is unpopular is merely conjectural. In opposition to this conjecture is arrayed a number of facts which you cannot deny. First, that Mr. Webster has uniformly sup- ported those measures which Western people approve. Se- condly— Whenever he has gone among them large numbers of citizens of all parties have come out to welcome him, and have treated him with the most marked respect, listened to him with profound attention, and extended to him cordial hospitality. Thirdly — His published speeches are read more attentively, and by a greater number of persons, than the speeches of any other man ; and fourthly — The people have an unbounded admiration for his talents. Here, then, is an assertion which must rest mainly on conjecture, in one scale, and in the other there are a number of incontrovertible facts. — Which scale preponderates? I take leave to affirm that, for the reasons given, all the Whigs, and a large number who are not Whigs, in the West, would vote for Daniel Webster.
There is another class of voters, not inconsiderable in number, embracing men of all parties, who could not fail to regard Mr. Webster with high favor, were he a candidate for the Presidency.
26
It will be remembered that the war with Great Britain, al- thougfa declared more than thirty years ago, was declared part- ly, if not mainly, t<> vindicate the rights of seamen. Great Bri- tain asserted her right to go on board our ships, being the ships of a neutral nation, search them, and take from on board these ships any persons born British subjects, although they might have been subsequently naturalized in this country. This right was disputed. War ensued, and after being continued three years, Mr. Adams. Mr. Gallatin, and Mr. Clay negotiated a treaty of peace. But this treaty left the right of impressment of seamen just where it was when the war began.
Subsequently, and in the year 1842, another treaty was ne- gotiated at the city of Washington, between Lord Ashburton on the part of Great Britain, and Daniel Webster, Secretary of State of the United States. In this negotiation Lord Ashbur- ton had no power to treat on the long disputed question between the two Governments, the right of impressment. But on the 8th day of August, 1842, Mr. Webster addressed a letter to him on this subject. This letter embodied an argument in opposition to the right set up by Great Britain, of such power and ability that its conclusiveness was admitted by the most reliable organs of public opinion in England, and virtually by the British Govern- ment itself.
The rule declared and established in this letter, because it an- nounced that which was demonstrated to be public law, is this ;
"In EVERY REGULARLY DOCUMENTED AMERICAN MERCHANT VESSEL, THE CREW WHO NAVIGATE tT WILL FIND THEIR PROTECTION l\ THE
FLAG WHICH is 0\ n: THEM."
What our arms failed to accomplish, what the able negotiators ■ at Ghenl failed to accomplish, was accomplished, not even by treaty negotiation, but by an argument of unsurpassed beauty and force, made by Daniel Webster, Secretary of State.
This subject may be again referred to in reviewing Mr. Webster's course as Secretary of State, in a future communi- cation, but it is adverted to in this connexion to show thai the great number of persons connected with the commerce of the country, as well as all naturalized citizens, once the subjects of Great Britain, cannot fail to regard with favor the man who has
done such signal Bervice for them, as well as for the glorious
flag of the country. The subject will be pursued.
IV.
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
From every present indication there is no reason to doubt that, at the ensuing election for President and Vice-President of the United States, the voters of the country, in greater numbers than at any former election, will exercise the right of suffrage. They will come to the polls — their ballots will be deposited. The war, the shedding of American blood, has excited the peo- ple : the awakened attention of the people of Europe to the sub- ject of government, communicated by sympathy to our country, will ensure this result. It will not require the potent influence of any name, or the personal popularity of any candidate, to call out the voters ; but the cause of the country, the cause of liberty itself, will muster the vast hosts of the freemen of this land around the ballot-boxes.
The Whigs, who, I am sorry to say, are most accustomed to neglect the duty of voting, will turn out in their strength, and deposit their votes for their candidate, but if Daniel Webster be a candidate for the Presidency he will receive the support of very many not on the roll of his party. They will give him that support, especially at this time, because they know that he has studied and thoroughly understands, and will maintain with all the power and influence which he possesses, the principles of American liberty. Mr. Webster's ideas of American liberty may be learned from the following paragraph contained in a speech delivered by him on the floor of the Senate in 1834.
" The first object of a free people is the preservation of their liberty ; and liberty is only to be preserved by maintaining con- stitutional restraints and just divisions of political power. Nothing is more deceptive and more dangerous than the pre- tence of a desire to simplify government. The simplest govern- ments are despotisms ; the next simplest limited monarchies ; but all republics, all governments of law, must impose numerous limitations and qualifications of authority, and give many positive and many qualified rights. In other words, they must be subject to rule and regulation. This is the very essence of free political institutions. The spirit of liberty is, indeed, a bold and fearless spirit ; but it is also a sharp-sighted spirit ; it is a cautious, saga- cious, discriminating, far-seeing intelligence ; it is jealous of encroachment, jealous of power, jealous of man. It demands
28
check? ; it seeks for guards : it insists on securities ; it entrenches itself behind strong defences, and fortifies, -with all possible care, againsl the assaults i >f ambition and passion. It does not trust the amiable weaknesses of human nature, and therefore it will uot per- mit power to overstep it- prescribed limits, though benevolence, good intent, and patriotic purposes come along with it. Neither
does it satisfy itself with flashy and temporary resistance to legal authority. Far otherwise. It seeks for duration and perma- nence. It looks before and after ; and building on the experience of ages which are past, it labors diligently for the benefit of ages to come.
"This is the nature of constitutional liberty: and this is our liberty, it' we will lightly understand and preserve it. Every free government is necessarily complicated, because all such governments establish restraints, as well on the power of gi ivern- ment itself, as on that of individuals. If we will abolish the dis- tinction of branches, and have but one branch : if we will abolish jury trials, and leave all to the judge ; if we will then ordain that the legislator shall himself be that judge; and if we will place the executive power in the same hands — we may readily simplify government. We may easily bring il to the simplest of all possi- ble forms — a pure despotism. But a separation of departments, so far as practicable, and the preservation of clear lines of divi- sion between them, are the fundamental idea in the creation of all our constitutions; and, doubtless, the continuance of regu- lated liberty depends on maintaining these boundaries."
What American does not see, in this description, the linea- ments of the liberty which he loves, and A<>v> not wish at this moment that the people of Europe possessed, and knew how to appreciate, just such liberty? They would be taught by it to respeel the authority of law. They would learn from the principles and spirit of this liberty that the people have a right to alter their forms of government, but then the voice of that people must be ascertained by modes of proceeding which would ensure a fail- expression of the popular judgment. No such ex- pression was ever yet communicated by an excited mob, — true liberty is never in more Imminent danger than when assembled masses put themselves above the law. and calling themselves the people, attempl by force to seize on the government
V ed it be added, in this connexion, that the time is probably not far distant when the people of this country will have reason
to appreciate, a! their just value, the wholesome restraints which
American liberty imposes, and when the functionaries of this
Government, and especially the President of the United States.
may be required to commend by his personal and official influ- ence, and enforce bv the authority of law, these restraints '
29
Can any enlightened republican, who regards the supremacy of law and the prevalence of order, suppose for a moment that any expediency President — any man but a wise statesman, of great experience, coolness, and sagacity, and of acknowledged weight of character, is fit to be at the head of this Government, in a crisis like that which the American people may reasonably expect ?
Liberty, regulated and restrained by constitutions and laws made by the people, is that for which Mr. Webster has uni- formly contended. He has been unwilling that individual citi- zens, that masses of men claiming to be the people, should throw off these restraints, or that any department of the Government itself should transgress the limits prescribed for it by the consti- tution. Of the increase, by any assumption whatever, of Ex- ecutive power, he has been especially jealous, and has opposed it to the utmost extent of his ability. There has been of late a tendency to usurpation, on the part of the Executive head of this Government, as all attentive observers can testify, and espe- cially those who believe, as Mr. Webster believes, that the country was urged by the President into the war with Mexico, a war which Congress would not have declared.
On the subject of Executive power, in the speech above re- ferred to, Mr. Webster thus discourses : —
" Mr. President, the contest, for ages, has been to rescue liberty from the grasp of Executive power. Whoever has en- gaged in her sacred cause, from the days of the downfall of those great aristocracies, which had stood between the king and the people, to the time of our independence, has struggled for the accomplishment of that single object. On the long list of the champions of human freedom, there is not one name dimmed by the reproach of advocating the extension of executive au- thority ; on the contrary, the uniform and steady purpose of all such champions has been to limit and restrain it. To this end, the spirit of liberty, growing more and more enlightened, and more and more vigorous, from age to age, has been battering for centuries against the solid butments of the feudal system. To this end, all that could be gained from the imprudence, snatched from the weakness, or wrung from the necessities, of crowned heads, has been carefully gathered up, secured, and hoarded, as the rich treasures, the very jewels of liberty. To this end, popular and representative right has kept up its warfare against prerogative, with various success ; sometimes writing the his- tory of a whole age in blood ; sometimes beholding the martyr- dom of Sydneys and Russells ; often baffled and repulsed, but still gaining, on the whole, and holding what it gained with a grasp which nothing but the extinction of its own being could
30
compel it to relinquish. At length, the great conquest over ex- ecutive power, in the leading western states of Europe, has been accomplished. The feudal system, like other stupendous fabrics of past ages, is known only by the rubbish which it has left be- hind it. Clowned heads have been compelled to submit to the traints of law, and the PEOPLE, with that intelligence and that spirit which make their voice resistless, have been able to say to prerogative, ' Thus far Bhalt thou come, and no farther.' I need hardly say, sir. that into the full enjoyment of all which Europe has reached only through Buch slow and painful steps we sprang at once, by the declaration of independence, and by the establishment of free representative govern] irrowing
more or less from the m >dels of other free states, but strength- ened, secured, improved in their symmetry, and deepened in their foundation, by those great men of our own country whose names will he as familiar to future times as if they were written on the arch of the sky.
" Through all this history of the contest for liberty, executive power has been regarded as a lion which must be caged. So far from being the object of enlightened popular trust — so far from being considered the natural protector of popular right — it has been dreaded uniformly, always dreaded, as the great source of its danger."
In my next I shall consider Mr. Webster's efforts in support of the Union, and as the expounder and defender of the consti- tution.
V.
THE UNION AND THE CONSTITUTION.
In attempting to ascertain, in advance of an actual vote of the people, what popular support any candidate for a high office would receive, it is absolutely necessary to consider what he has done to entitle him to that support. If he has advocated for a long time popular measures, and upheld popular opinions and uniformly uttered popular sentiments, in a manner not offensive, and his course generally known, and has been distinguished by ability, the inference that he will receive the support of those who agree with him in opinion and sentiment is authorized and demanded by the only just course of reasoning that can be pur- sued. No voter, whose principles and opinions and sentiments he embodies and represents, can find any apology for withhold- ing support from such a candidate, unless, indeed, he doubts his honesty. The inquiry of the voter is — What will he do if elected 1 In answering this question he will consider what are his professed principles and what has been his practice. If his principles are found to be right, and his conduct has conformed to his principles, then no reason can be assigned for refusing him support by those who are acquainted with his professed princi* pies and his course of action. Mr. Webster's professed princi- ples have been extensively and well known for more than twenty years.
In this view I am not at present considering Mr. Webster's claims upon his party. These have been discussed. But what are his claims upon the American people generally, irrespective of party ? In answering this question I refer to what he has done, to what the public know he has done.
There is not one man in the country who has done so much to create and foster national sentiments — sentiments of attach- ment and regard to the whole country — as Mr. Webster. He has extolled, more than any other man, and commended, more than any other man, and extolled and commended with an ability une- qualled, and an eloquence unsurpassed, the union of the states, and the constitution by which that union was formed. " The country, the whole country, and nothing but the country." — " Union and lib- erty, now and for ever, one and inseparable." — " One country, one
32
constitution, and one destiny," have been, from time to time, as oc- casions for addressing his countrymen, through a series of more than twenty years, have presented themselves, the themes of those masterly efforts which form the brightest pages of American eloquence.
His elucidations and illustrations of these topics have been read and studied by thousands, and tens of thousands, of the people of this country, throughout its vast extent, and as they have read and studied them their patriotism has grown warmer, and that sentiment has deepened and spread, which more than anything besides, bility and promises perpetuity to union
and liberty on the American continent. When parents, and the teachers of youth throughout the land, would inculcate the love of American liberty, they convey their instruction in the lan- guage of Webster. No higher eulogy can be paid to his just and patriotic sentiments, and the burning words and breathing thoughts in which they are expressed, than is paid in the fact that passages from his productions, more than those of any other man among the living or the dead, form the school literature of the country.
The rule which Mr. Webster has laid down for construing the constitution is this : "Every man that is called upon to admi- nister the constitution of the Dinted States, or act under it in any respect, is bound in honor and faith and duty, to take it in its ordinary acceptation — to act upon it as it was understood by those who framed it, and received by the people when they adopted it ; and as it has been practised upon since, through all administrations of the Government."
"It may have happened," says Mr. Webster, — "I think it has happened — that instances have occurred, in which the spirit n( this instrument has been departed from; in which, in effect, viola- tions of that spirit have taken place. What of that ! Arc we to abandon it on that accounl ! Arc we t<> abandon it ? Why, I should as soon think of abandoning mv own father when ruf- fians attacked him. No I Wfl are to rally round it with all OUT power, and all our force, determined to stand by it or fall with it. What was the conduct of the great lovers of liberty in the early periods of English history ' They wrested from a reluc- tant monarch. King John a Magna Chart a. The crowna fler- ward violate I thai charter. What did they do I They remon- strated, they resisted, they reasserted, they re-enforced it — and
that is what we are to do."
Who can read these just, these noble sentiments, without feel- ing that they are precisely the sentiments which should direct the conduct of those to whom the government of the country is
33
intrusted ? They are eminently popular sentiments — they are just such sentiments as a vast majority of the people of this country would delight in an opportunity of stamping with their approbation. The constitution in its true spirit, as it was de- signed by its framers, and received by the people of the country, who adopted it, is what is now demanded by the highest interests of the country. Nothing would so completely and certainly ensure this result as the election of Daniel Webster to the office of President of the United States. Washington established the constitution, in the first administration of the Government under it, and Mr. Webster would certainly, if he filled the place of Washington, restore it to what it was under that first adminis- tration. What is now more desired by reflecting men of all parties, in every part of the country, North, South, East, and West, than this restoration ? Let there be then a rally of all such men now, to place this eminent man at the head of our national affairs. Liberty under a constitutional Government can only be secure by following the requirements of the fundamen- tal law; it is in great jeopardy when these requirements are dis- regarded. A vast majority of the people of this country believe that Daniel Webster would stand by and uphold the constitution of the country in its true spirit, if committed to his care ; they would certainly give evidence of their confidence were an op- portunity afforded them to pass upon his name at the ballot- boxes. It is believed that there never has been a time, since the establishment of American independence, when the people would cling with greater fondness to their own constitution than at the ensuing Presidential election. The time now is when the ne- cessity is felt of committing that constitution to the care of those who have inherited the principles and the spirit of the framers of that instrument ; it is now in the hands of those who never cherished any attachment to it.
Mr. Webster has said, on a recent occasion :
" I think I see a course adopted which is likely to turn the constitution of the land into a deformed monster ; into a curse rather than a blessing ; in fact, a frame of an unequal Govern- ment, not founded on popular representation, not founded on equality, but on the grossest inequality. And I think it will go on, or that there is danger that it will go on, until this Union shall fall to pieces."
What reflecting American, who attentively observes ihe course of public events, does not discern the same danger ? Let our rallying cry then be, the constitution ! the constitution ! as it
3
34
was, and is, and not the constitution turned into a defobmed mon- ster. Let this change, which now seems to be rapidly advan- cing, be resisted, at once. Let every man say for himself, as Mr. Webster has said, — " 1 resist it — to-day and always ! Who- ever falters, or whoever flies, 1 continue the conti
The voice which now utters this warning cry is the same voice which roused the whole country, when the doctrine of nullification was fasl undennining and destroying the constitu- tion. Nullification showed itself in South Carolina; it asserted the righl of a state, acting under the constitution, to set aside and nullify an act of Congress, deliberately passed. The doc- trine of nullification had attracted to it- support some of the first minds of the country ; it was becoming more and more popular, even in the North, and leading presses here began to yield to the claims which it advanced. Then it was that on the floor of the Senate Mr. Webster, by one of those mighty intellectual efforts, rarely exhibited, turned back upon South Carolina the currenl of public sentiment, and completely overthrew this new and de- structive doctrine, and earned for himself a title, of which it i< not in the power of envy or malice to rob him — the title of the
DEFENDER OF THE CONSTITUTION.
Afterwards the state of South Carolina thought proper to car- ry out in practical operation her favorite doctrine, She passed a law, authorizing and requiring resistance to acts of Con- gress. It became necessary for the General Government, under the control of President Jackson, to enforce the revenue laws, and put itself in an attitude to suppress rebellion. This was un- important proceeding on the part of the Government ; action un- der the laws of the state was to be met w ith force, by the United States, and it was deemed oecessary by President Jack-on to put forth a proclamation, an elaborate and solemn state paper, announcing to the country, and the world, the reasons for the attitude which the Executive Government assumed. This pa- per was drawn up by Hon. Edward Livingston, Secretary of State, one of the most accomplished statesmen and jurists of the day, and put forth under the signature of Andrew Jackson. The country knows what this document contained — it re-pro- duced .Mr. Webster's argument, delivered on the floor of the Senate in replj to Mr. Hayne on Foote*s resolutions. Perhaps there never \\a^ a greater tribute "t' respect aial admiration paid
to the production of any man than that paid by the President of tin- United States, the idol of the Democratic party, acting un- der the advice of his vers enlightened Secretary of State, in
35
this state paper, to the doctrine and argument of Mr. Webster, a political opponent. Popular meetings were called all over the country (the one held in the Park of this city, at which a De- mocratic Mayor presided, is well remembered), to sanction the doctrines of the proclamation. The public mind was well pre- pared for this proclamation, for nullification had been prostrated and rendered unpopular by the great intellectual effort of Mr. Webster.
It will be remembered that in the October preceding the is- suing of this proclamation, in a speech delivered at Worcester, Massachusetts, Mr. Webster had reproached the administration for having done nothing and said nothing to arrest the revolutionary doctrines of nullification. In December following the proclama- tion was issued. During the session of Congress held in that year (1832) the force bill, as it is usually called, was passed. The conduct of this bill through the Senate was left principally to the charge of Mr. Grundy ; but during its progress most of the President's friends withheld their support. As the discussion approached its end, it became evident that the bill needed fresh support. Through engagements, or ill health, Mr. Webster was absent from the Senate, and a member of Gen. Jackson's Cabinet came to his lodgings, and earnestly requested him to take an ac- tive part in defence of the measure, and in making and preparing all needful amendments to it. He complied with these requests ; he defended the bill, and entered the arena with Mr. Calhoun. The speeches made by these distinguished opponents will not be forgotten. The bill passed, and it is known that Gen. Jackson took an early opportunity, after its passage, to thank Mr. Web- ster personally for his support of the administration, on that oc- casion, and Mr. Livingston expressed his own sense of gratitude, and that of Gen. Jackson's friends, repeatedly, in warm terms. Subsequently, and when Mr. Livingston was preparing to de- part on his mission to France, it was understood, in private and confidential circles, that he was desirous that Mr. Webster should continue his support of the administration. But this was rendered impossible by an irreconcilable difference of opinion between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Webster on the great question of the currency.
Thus it will be seen that when Gen. Jackson found it neces- sary to carry out his celebrated declaration, " The Union must and shall be preserved," he was compelled to resort to the ar- guments furnished by Mr. Webster, and to seek the aid of Mr. Webster ; and that this aid was cheerfully granted to a political
36
opponent, in his attempts to uphold the constitution of the country.
In these statements there has been no intentional exaggeration ; they are most respectfully submitted to the attentive considera- tion of the readers of this communication. They are urgently requested to consider what sort of President the country really wants, and if they shall arrive at the conclusion that Mr. Web- ster is just the man for the office, then, in the exercise of an in- dependent, a manly, an American spirit, let them say so, and use their influence to accomplish the result which they desire. Let not one man say, and another, and yet another say, " I desire to see Mr. Webster President, but the people do not wish it." How, let me ask, do you know — how can you know, that there is not a majority of the people who desire the same thing that you do ?"
All agree that Mr. Webster is a man of unsurpassed ability — all agree that the constitution of the country is sustained by the popular regard and affection — there is very strong reason to be- lieve that a large majority of the people of the country concur in the construction of that constitution for which Mr. Webster has uniformly contended — why then should not he be a popular candidate for the office of President .'
Allow me, in concluding this communication, to present a hy- pothetical case. Europe is now agitated, almost beyond exam- ple, in considering the question of liberty : in attempting to es- tablish free Institutions. In producing this agitation the example of our Government, established by the popular will, is conceded to have had great influence. The eyes of the people of Europe are turned to this Republic. Now suppose those people should call upon the people of this country to send them one man to teach, them the principles of American liberty, and of constitutional government. And suppose further that, losing sight for a mo- ment of party distinctions, the people of this country were to comply with this request, and select by ballot this great teacher — what man would be selected ? To whom, in an earnest desire to serve the cause of liberty in Europe, would the eyes of the people turn 1 Just that man I should be willing to see President of the United Sates. I believe that man would be Daniel Webstek.
VI.
MR. WEBSTER AS SECRETARY OF STATE.
In my former numbers I have exhibited Mr. Webster mainly as a debater and an orator ; I shall now call the attention of my readers to him as an officer in the Executive department of the government. Hitherto we have seen him in the character of a legislator only, devising theories, maintaining principles, and aid- ing in the enactment of laws ; we are now to show him in action, engaged in affairs, executing business. Powerful as he has been in debate, and luminous in argument, we are yet to see him in a light where he is exhibited to greater advantage ; I propose to review his course as Secretary of State.
It has been a commonly received opinion that administrative ability is never the accompaniment of great forensic talent ; that there is something necessarily inconsistent between the talent of speaking and the talent of acting. In support of this opinion instances are confidently adduced both from modern and ancient history. The genius of Chatham, it is conceded, broke forth no less splendidly in the Cabinet than in debate ; he had universality of talent. But Burke, with all the gorgeousness of his fancy, his deep philosophy and vast accumulations, had no knowledge of affairs. Fox, " whose rhetorike so sweet illumined all" England, possessed no administrative ability ; and least of all Sheridan, the greatest of the three in the rich flow of eloquence. The brilliant failure of these men, and men like them, went far to the establishment of such an opinion.
In our day and in our country we have seen at least one prac- tical and distinguished refutation of this hypothesis, in the case of Mr. Webster. Those who before, whether from misappre- hension of his powers or from jealousy, had withheld from him the possession of executive talent, confessed its existence, in its full extent and most active operation, from his administration of the State Department. That they acknowledged to be the complement of his greatness. Events, though of great impor- tance, sometimes lapse from the memory, or are but carelessly cherished there, from their proximity. To recapitulate them occasionally is often necessary, to impress them deeply. A brief abstract of Mr. Webster's administration of the State Depart- ment will recall to mind the great extent of his services, and
38
suggest, by necessary deduction, conclusions, full and convin- cing, of his eminent fitness for the Presidential office.
It so happened that in the short period of two years, during which he presided over the Department of State, he was called upon to conduct the country through a great crisis. The con- troversies with England had reached a point of imminent danger. They seemed to demand immediate adjustment, or threaten im- mediate collision. The question, the often vexed question, of the North-East boundary was still agitated. During fifty years it had passed through every stage of diplomatic correspondence, and undergone almost every kind of diplomatic arrangement. Before Mr. Webster's accession an actual collision had even taken place on the controverted boundary, between the forces of the two nations. Mr. Van Buren's Administration expired while talking of new exploring commissions and suggesting new plans of arbitration. It thought to bequeathe to its successor a legacy of war. That a collision of such fatal character on the North-Eastern frontier, as to lead necessarily to national hostili- ties, could be much longer avoided, seemed scarcely possible.
England had prepared for the crisis. Twenty thousand of her picked troops had been thrown into her North American provinces. Her naval marine was in active armament, and the tone of her Government was menacing. Mr. Van Buren's Ad- ministration was apathetic, or showed but fitful energy.
The affair on the Niagara frontier nearly precipitated war. It threatened from a personal to become a national conflict. McLeod's subsequenl arrest and arraignment added new incen- tive to the exasperated feeling on either side. The next hostile step would be deemed a declaration of war. The British Minis-, ter was already preparing for his departure from the country.
Nor was there other cause wanting to the nourishment of a belligerent feeling between the two countries. The \< interruptions of our commerce in the African waters, and the angry discussions thai grew oul of them, had produced a good deal of irritation on both sides of the water, and had added i embarrassment to a subject beset with much intrinsic difficulty; we had warred once with England on a similar provocation : its insult t<( our flag bj assuming the right of search. We could go to war sooner on no other argument.
Such was the crisis of our affairs when Mr. Webster assumed the Department of State. Did his genius or his heart fail him because of the difficulties thai surrounded his position ' No!
he was true to himself and to his country. Other men might
39
have been equal to other times. He was the man for the great emergency. " In the dark and troubled night that was upon him," in the commotion and wild commingling of the elements that threatened with their convulsions the heavens and the earth, he had no fear ; he grasped the helm with a sinewy hand, and drove the ship of state on its destined course, safe from the breakers and the storm.
The treaty by which he restored our amicable relations with England, and removed for ever like cause of future quarrel, is a monument of his genius, of his wisdom, and of his patriotism. The world knows its provisions, but knows little of the labor of its architect. He had to encounter not merely foreign opposi- tion, but domestic hostility, no less formidable ; at least no less difficult of removal. What sleepless nights, what laborious days, he devoted to his great undertaking ! How little he ac- corded to relaxation, how much he gave to study ! With how great energy, assiduity, and whole-heartedness, he labored to confirm the wavering, to animate the friendly, to conciliate the hostile ! Domestic quiet, no less than official hours, was at the service of his country.
Himself and Lord Ashburton were armed with full powers. The person who occupied the Presidential chair at the time de- serves credit for his confidence in Mr. Webster. He felt him alone equal to his task and forbore to interpose. And the result justified his sagacity.
It is unnecessary to dwell upon the features of the treaty. It was ratified with but slight opposition by the Legislature of Maine, constituted in its majority of political opponents to Mr. Webster, by Massachusetts, and with a much greater than the constitutional majority of two-thirds, by the Senate of the United States. It gave satisfaction to the whole country.
Nothing less than the most consummate practical ability could have accomplished the undertaking. Genius, however great, without an aptitude for affairs, without a knowledge of men and of details, had failed most miserably. Granted that other men besides Mr. Webster would have met the British Government's advances with corresponding frankness, gone as zealously into the work, and labored as ardently for the proposed end, how many would have exhibited the power of every kind evinced in the whole progress of the discussion, till its final termination 1 The shrewdest intellect of England was arrayed against him. Its pretensions were to be met and refuted, if refuted at all, by an overpowering weight of argument. It was an intellectual
40
contest in which the interests and the pride of two of the mightiest nations in the world were to be consulted, and satis- fied, or their power to be arrayed in dreaded hostility, the one against the other. The argument, the parties to the contest, and the end proposed, give it a dignity worthy of the epic, with the whole world as spectators or readers.
[f Mr. Webster has not derived from this great crowning glory of his life that fulness of popularity t<» which he was entitled, the reason must be found in the melancholy truth that. though the paths of peace may be the paths of wisdom, they are not, even in our republic, the paths of popularity. There is a democratic, if not royal, road to popularity in this country. National honor, rights " clear and indisputable," M no compro- mise save at the cannon's mouth," glory — these are the popular watch-words — the open sesame of the popular heart : while mutual concession, honest negotiation, fair admission of an adversary's rights, peace on earth and good-will to all mankind. are denounced by demagogues, and too often rejected by the people.
It is a vulgar opinion that the treaty made by Mr. Webster settled nothing but a line, giving a few acres more or less to one or the other country, for a fair equivalent. This is wholly a mistake. The North-Eastern boundary line was not the only — it was not the most important question for ever adjudicated by that treaty. Far greater in consequence, both in past historj and as determining future relations between the two countries. was the question of the right of search. This had produced our lasl war with England, but was left unattended to in the final arrange- ments for peace. In a letter to which I have before referred, second in energy of language and beauty of style to no composition in the English tongue, Mr. Webster discussed the whole doctrine of the right of search; be refuted the pretensions of England to any such right, as justified by the law of nations: laid hare to the minds of the English Ministry the danger to the two coun- tries and to the world of any further persistence on the part of England in such practice; and announced as the doctrine of our Govern menl and the determination of our people, then and for ever after, to contend, in peace or in war, that our Bag should protect our seamen. Ever} vessel of ours that navigated the ocean, no matter how near or how distanl from our shores, was part of our domain, ami equally to lie protected by our power as the soil we trod. Wherever the American flag floated, there was the American Government.
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This masterly document was never answered on the part of England. Lord Aberdeen, then English Minister for Foreign Affairs, assured Mr. Everett, our Minister at the English Court, that it was a most able document, and required an answer. He should answer it. This assurance he repeated in several inter- views with Mr. Everett. He never answered it. Judgment on this question now stands pro confesso. No English Minister will undertake to re-open a controversy on the subject; no English man-of-war will henceforward give occasion for the necessity of further discussion. The immunity of our flag was settled then and for ever.
Thus Mr. Webster gained for his country, by the force of his intellect and the firmness of his purpose, what we had in vain struggled for in a three years' war, and at an immense sacrifice of life and treasure. Will it not be conceded, then, that " peace has its victories no less renowned than war ?" And that war, that direst of all calamities, is not the sole, and perhaps not the best method of arranging international difficulties? In the palmy days of Rome, a wreath of laurel was awarded to the person who had saved the life of a single citizen ; what meed, what recompense, what testimonial of gratitude, should be accorded him who, by wise, honorable, and patriotic services, saves the lives of thousands of his countrymen by warding off bloody and remorseless war ?
Nor with England alone, but with other countries, and parti- cularly with Mexico, was Mr. Webster's diplomatic correspond- ence eminently practical and unanswerable. He repressed the gasconading tone of that feeble and degenerate Spanish pro- vince, without insulting her dignity or wounding her pride. His correspondence with Mr. Bocanegra is as perfect in its kind, and as conclusive in its effect, as that with Lord Aberdeen, or Lord Ashburton. Happy would it have been for that country, and happier still for us, if the spirit of that correspondence had continued to pervade the relations between the two countries up to this time !
Mr. Webster comprehended the minutest details of his office. He understood all the duties of his clerks, and had direct official communication with them all. He showed an eminent practical talent — a facility to learn, and readiness of application. How could it be otherwise with his training ? He was brought up in the knowledge of affairs ; had been educated in the world, and not in the closet, nor in scholastic retirement. He was not " dawdled or dandled into a legislator," but had conversed with
42
men, had studied men, had learned men. His oratory is not the oratory of schools, but of actual life; it is intended not for the academy but the world.
There was much of sound sense in Mr. Clay's allusion to the State Department as " the line of safe precedents." It was open t<» sarcasm, and has gained its author much unmerited ab But neither the sarcasm nor the abuse detracts from the philo- sophy of its meaning. The State Department is Dearest the Presidency in the character of its relations, both to our foreign and domestic policy : in the sphere of its operation and the sub- ject upon which it treats it is only less than the Presidency. A service in the Department i> therefore the best apprenticeship to the Presidency. So it would seem the people of this country have thought, in successively elevating to that high station Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison. Mr. Monroe, Mr. J. Q. Adam-, and Air. Van Buren. These distinguished gentlemen had shown a fitness for the Presidential office by an honest and earnest discharge of the duties of the office analogous and nearest to it. And when- ever the people have departed from this line, it is seriously to be doubted if they have gained by the deviation.
To which even of these his eminent predi . has Mr.
Webster shown himself interior in official skill or fidelity: and which had subjects more difficult of adjustment than himself? Of all the training necessary to the statesman and diplomatist, Mr. Webster has had his full share ; while he need yield to none the superiority in various [earning and accomplishment-.
Before his accession to the State Department, Mr. Webster as an orator stood unrivalled. Friend claimed and foe cdnceded the proud pre-eminence to him. It was denied now here. Abroad no less than at home he was held the orator nt' the age. 1 te had been justly claimed as the admiration of one hemisphere and the glory of the other. Wherever the English language has pene- trated, he is read and admired.
Bui the very excellence of his forensic talent was urged
argument against his administrative abilities. Nature, it was thought, abhorred a various superiority as much as she is said to abhor a vacuum. She worked, - • said such disputant-, by a system of compensations ; and having endowed Mr. Webster with the greatesl powers of eloquence, she was restrained by her own laws from lti Nit i'-T him eminent capacity for affairs.
Againsl such former cavillers — whether the) argued from ignorance or jealousy — Mr. Webster's friends point with con- fidence to hi- successful administration of the State Department
43
during two years of the most critical condition of the country since the adoption of the constitution ; and triumphantly ask it such administration was not characterized by services as bril- liant and as important as that of any of his predecessors, though the terms of some of them quadrupled his own. They ask if he has not given as clear proof as any of them, from the discharge of the duties of such office, of his great fitness for the Presiden- tial office, the next and last in ascent.
In giving the above sketch of Mr. Webster's course as Secre- tary of State, the object has been rather to furnish evidence of his ability to conduct state affairs, than to give a narrative of all that he performed in that Department. Hence the omission to mention in this connexion the negotiation relative to the Amistad case, referred to in a former communication, involving principles deeply interesting to the South, and in the conduct of which Mr. Webster's course was gratifying to Southern statesmen. Nei- ther can anything more than a bare reference be made to the Secretary's correspondence with Lord Aberdeen in respect to the Sandwich Islands, which resulted in the acknowledgment by Great Britain of the independence of those islands, as that inde- pendence had been before acknowledged by the United States. There was also money due us from Spain, in a matter of indem- nification, the interest of which Mr. Webster was enabled to secure to the country.
There was also the China business. Great Britain had vir- tually made the conquest of China, and imposed her own terms of peace. China had opened for the trade of Great Britain four other places besides Canton, almost as large as that city. It be- came necessary for the protection of American interests that negotiations should be opened between this country and the Celestial Empire. A commission was authorized by Congress, and it was required that the Secretary should furnish instructions to our commissioner. Mr. Webster naturally felt an interest in the completion of this measure, as the commission was one of his own devising. To frame suitable instructions was no easy task, in the absence of all adequate information in respect to that distant and peculiar country. The work was at length, after some necessary delay, achieved, and the instructions were fram- ed—they were signed on the 8th of May, 1843, and on that day Mr. Webster resigned his seat in the Cabinet.
In reference to Mr. Webster's whole management of the State Department, it was distinguished by great industry, energy, and dispatch of business. In all the daily duties of his office the
44
Secretary's promptitude was unequalled. Beginning as he did, and always does, before the rising of the sun, in all seasons, the business of the nation, as far as he was concerned in it. was ar- ranged and discharged before the morning's meal, and he went to the Department, at leisure to receive all visitants, and ready for the daily duties of the post. There was no delay or con- fusion ; he infused a spirit of life into every division of his Department, which all who had occasion to transact business with it will remember.
One other important fact must not be omitted : — Never was any man <•< impelled to labor under circumstances more adverse and discouraging than Mr. Webster did when he occupied the State Department. The chief Executive officer of those days had pretty much broken off all relations with the Whig party. Mr. Webster was by some of that party openly denounced and by many others secretly blamed for remaining at his post, and was mosl warmly and perseveringly opposed, of course, by all of the party differing from him in politics. He received no support from the public press. He stood alone, with the weight of m<>st im- portant national affairs resting upon him, unsustained by anything but the consciousness that he was serving his country, and the hope that that country would yet acknowledge his fidelity and usefulness in her service. We shall see whether that hope will be realized.
Mr. Webster was urged, from every quarter, even before the treaty of Washington was negotiated, to leave the Cabinet of Mr. Tyler: he was told that honor and self-respect demanded his resignation. Perhaps they did ; but he was in a place where he thought he could render importanl services to the country;- he stood there; not as the officer of Mr. Tyler, but as the agenl ■ it the people, and he chose to put patriotism before all personal considerations. Even the writer <>f these articles, sympathizing with the feelings of political friends, in correspondence, took the liberty <>f recommending to Mr. Webster his resignation. The reply to this letter is not at hand, but it declared substantially that, in compliance with the advice of friends, he should soon quit tin- Cabinet, but he remarked, u You and they will v,.e rea- son to regret your advice." Friends knew only of the rr00d which he did, hut were ignorant of the evil which he restrained and kepi back.
.Mr. Webster did resign, and i lediately, with hot haste, the
Presidenl urged the consummation of a measure which he had near at heart — the annexation of Texas. Before the expiration
45
of Mr. Tyler's term, Texas was annexed, and the consequences are before the country.
One additional number shall complete the series of these com- munications.
VII.
Thus have I driven a sketch of the reasons lor the belief) ex- pressed in the commencement of these articles, that if Mr. Web- should be □ iminated by the Whig National Convention, to the office "1' Presidenl of the United State-, he would be elected. I have only sketched very briefly these reasons, in my anxiety t'> compress my remarks within a compass which would not frighten by its length, the busy reader from their perusal. The subject is a fruitful one, and invited a much more extensive con- sideration than it has received.
I am, however, Dot ignorant of the fad that many pe] earnestly desirous of the elevation of Mr. Webster, do q< >1 regard him as an available candidate, and decline to unite in efforts fear his nomination, because they fear his election would be impracti- cable. Their admiration of him is unbounded : they rate his qualifications for the office of President at the highest possible estimate, yet, in their eagerness for success, they throw the weighl of their influence in favor of other candidates, whom they regard as more available.
This want of confidence, existing in the free states of the North and West, will be found, on investigation, to arise from the belief that he would not be supported by the Whigs of the South and South-Wesl — the slaveholding states. The fad is regretted deeply, yet its existence is supposed to be undoubted. Remove this fact, and his availability would not be questioned. Lei it be announced, in a form which shall command general belief, that the Win-- of the South would be satisfied with Mr. Webster's nomination, and he would instantly become popular in the free states.
I h;t\ e endeavored to show that the Whigs of the South would cheerfully give their support to Mr Webster, if nominated, be- cause they would have confidence in his fidelity to the constitu- tion, and thai he would give to the peculiar interesl of thai - tion of the country, all the benefits secured to it by that instru- ment. He would not sanction any interference on the part of the National Government, with the institution of slavery in the several States where it exists; nor would be permit such inter- ference by the Governments of other countries. His j >:i -.t pro-
47
fessions, repeatedly made and generally known, and his action when Secretary of State, furnish satisfactory evidence of what he would do in the Executive department of the Government, in reference to these points.
The question of availability, where no evidence of the actual state of public opinion has been furnished by a popular vote, is always difficult of solution, and, without that evidence, the solu- tion must depend upon conjecture. It is well known that Mr. Webster is much admired and respected at the South. Wherever he has shown himself in that section of the country, he has been warmly received by all classes of persons, and as many testimo- nials of respect and regard have been tendered him, as in any other part of the country.
Those who deny him popularity in the South, do so on the ground that no public man residing in a free state, who has not made dishonorable concessions to the slave power, can be popu- lar there. Now I do not believe this. I do not believe that the great body of Southern Whigs hold to the extreme opinions of Senator Calhoun of South Carolina, and Senator Foote of Mis- sissippi, on the subject of slavery. I deny that the great body of Southern Whigs are unable to discern, and unwilling to ac- knowledge, the merits of statesmen residing in the free states. The result of the election, were Mr. Webster a candidate, would show the soundness of this opinion. It is my opinion that it there were courage to nominate him, the manifestation of public approbation would soon become so unequivocal, and marked, that it would be a wonder how any person should have thought Mr. Webster unpopular.
But suppose my opinion in respect to Southern Whigs is erro- neous, to what conclusion are we led ? None other than this — that Northern Statesmen cannot be nominated to the highest office in the Government, the main source of political patronage, because the South will not vote for them. The South, then, must monopolize the office of President. No merit, however exalted, no service, however useful to the country, no capability, however conspicuous, of a citizen of a free state, can make him a suitable candidate for the Presidency, because the South will oppose him. No man can fail to see that the Union is of all things the least desirable, if these are the only terms upon which it can be preserved. The dissolution of the Union, under such a system of monopoly and proscription, would become inevitable, and the party monopolizing and proscribing would be solely re- sponsible for that dissolution.
48
It remains for me to consider the first question, which, in the beginning of these articles, I proposed to answer. u Why is it thai Mr. Webster, although Dominated by the Whigs of Massa- chusetts and New Hampshire, is so little spoken of in political circles, in Washington and other places, out of the two States mentioned, as a candidate for the Presidency .'"
The belief in his unavailability, to which I have already re- ferred, accounts for this fact in part, I freely admit, but it does not fully account for it. For, before Mr. Webster was Secre- tary of State, and when his services to the country were, con- fessedly, less in number and in value, than they now are, he was prominent as a candidate for the Presidency. In the Whig party he was second only to Mr. Clay, in such prominence, be- fore it was ascertained by the actual vote of 18 11. that Mr. Clay was unavailable. The language of Whig politicians was : "Mr. Clay shall have the benefit of a nomination, and a fair trial to elect him, and then it shall be Mr. Webster's turn : Clay first, and Webster next." Mr. Clay failed to receive a nomination in 1810; Mr. Webster stood aside; withdrew his name from the list of candidates, and put 3000 miles between him and his coun- try, five months before the session o\' the convention, which nomi- nated General Harrison. For Mr. Clay's rejection, in that convention, or General Harrison's nomination, it is utterly untrue, to my knowledge, that Mr. Webster is at all responsible.
The early elections, in 1844, gave promise of success to the Whig party, at the Presidential election, in November of that year. Mr. Webster believed in that promise of success. Mr. Clay was nominated by acclamation, in the convention of May, 1844. Mr. Webster, Mi: Clayton, Mr. Berrien, Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Choate, and all the distinguished men of the whig party, stripped to the contest, and went through the can- vass with a zeal and a vigor of effort, unequalled in any political canvass the country has ever seen. Under the lead of such men, whigs everywhere rallied, but the promised success did not come — Mr. Clay was not elected. With the brightest aus- pices, lie bad bis chance — I will not say what honor ami implied faith required Mr. Clay to do — (be is again, in the seventy- second year of his age, a candidate for the third time) — but this I will say, that honor and good faith required that Mr. Webster should have his chance.
We have seen, however, for the question now under discus- sion relates to the state of things some weeks ago, mat leading Whigs in Washington, and elsewhere, have given no prominence
49
whatever to the name of Mr. Webster, as a candidate at the ensuing presidential election. There seems to have been an effort to keep his name out of sight ; an unwillingness to admit it on the list of candidates. The Whig press, generally— I would illustrate by referring to the Whig newspapers of this city— in speaking of possible candidates, has used language like this: "It would be the duty of Whigs to support any candidate nominated by the convention, whether Clay, Scott, Taylor, or any other good Whig.'''' This, too, long after two States, and one of them Massachusetts, had put Mr. Webster in nomination. When the publication of these articles was begun, there was an expression of surprise manifested by many persons, not affected surprise, that Mr. Webster's name should be thought of as a candidate ; it expressed itself in language like this — " What ! Mr. Webster a candidate ! I thought he had been dropped by general consent." Earnest efforts have been made, by a num- ber of persons, to get a republication of these articles, or an extended notice of their contents, but with partial success, and even that has been yielded to urgent importunity. Why is this ? By the blessing of God this question shall be made pro- minent before the American people.
There was a time, as has been shown, that his name was pro- minent as a candidate for the Presidency. Why has it become less prominent ? There must be some cause for this undeniable fact ? He has lost nothing of the confidence of his own State — he has the expressed approbation and preference of the whigs of his native State — with the great body of the people he is cer- tainly not less popular than he was before he held the office of Secretary of State. While in that office he gave new and ad- ditional evidence of his ability as a Statesman, by managing with success a department of public service before unoccupied by him. If he be unavailable now, by reason of Southern opposi- tion to him, he was unavailable then, in an equal degree at least, for the same cause. There must be an answer to this question. After much reflection on the subject, my mind is forced to the conclusion which shall now be stated.
When Mr. Webster considered it his duty to remain in the office of Secretary of State to which he had been constitutionally appointed, after his colleagues nominated by General Harrison had resigned, he gave offence to most of the whigs then in con- gress, and many out of congress, among whom were many gen- tlemen of the whig press. He voluntarily consented to remain the subject of their displeasure, when it could only be averted
4
50
by quitting a post where he thought an opportunity was afforded him to serve the best interests of his country. He was not mis- taken, such an opportunity was bis; he improved it — he per- formed services of the highest importance and value to the country, and it now enjoys the benefit of them. He retired from office not too soon for his own comfort and happiness, but sooner, as has been shown, than he should have retired, if the good of the country alone had been consulted. If Mr. Webster had been countenanced, and upheld, by his political and personal friends, in pursuing the course which his own judgment prescribed as the patriotic course, it is at least doubtful whether Texas would have been annexed.
After he had retired, and when Mr. Clay was nominated for the presidency, Mr. Webster united, as we have seen, with no measured zeal, with his party, in efforts to elect him. Yet the offence given to political friends has not been forgotten, or for- given. It rankles deeply in the minds of many men who move the machinery of the Whig party, and it rankles the more deep- ly, because events have shown that Mr. Webster was right and they were wrong. In this feeling the great body of the party, and even many of its prominent members, have no participa- tion ; they believe that Mr. Webster's course as secretary of State was patriotic, and eminently useful, and they commend him for it. Such friends, however, are not found to put forth ac- tive efforts in behalf of Mr. Webster's elevation ; in their good nature they even assent to the strong asseveration that " he is un- available." Not so, however, with Mr. Webster's opponents ; they are unforgiving, for thev know themselves to be in the wrong, and they intend that Daniel Webster shall be punished. If he indulges aspirations, which he has earned a title to indulge, and hopes built upon the foundation of long and useful public service, and thorough study of the constitution of his country, they whom he has offended intend that his aspirations shall never be realized, and his hopes shall be blasted. They may be suc- cessful— we shall see very soon— but if they are, their success will not be the result of open opposition, Oh, no I " He is a great man, he has no equal in the world in intellectual power, but — he is unavailable." This is the weapon prepared for his de- struction.
This weapon formed against him may prosper; he may be sacrificed, but if he shall, the sacrifice will be offered up by his party, and the caua i will be — that me preferred his country
TO HIS l'AHTV.
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