_FIELDIANA 572.05 FA n.s. no. 29 Anthropology NEW SERIES, NO. 29 Archaeological Survey In the Juli~Desaguadero Region of Lake Titicaca Basin, Southern Peru Charles Stanish Edmundo de la Vega M. Lee Steadman Cecilia Chavez Justo Kirk Lawrence Frye Luperio Onofre Mamani Matthew T. Seddon Percy Calisaya Chuquimia December 31, 1997 Publication 1488 PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY ILLINOI* UIWIARY Ml URBAN^CWAMPA»(5^' ^^^^^ Information for Contributors to Fieldiana .Jthouch General: / in«.i.. ;... . .^... -- - i'^' ii^^'^''-' iw/v i manuscripts from nonaffiliated authors may be considered as space permits. The Journal carries a page charge of $65.00 per printed page or fraction v..v..^v.. . a,...^ I page charges qualifies a paper for expedited processing, which reduces the publication time. 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Changes in page proofs (as opposed to conections) are very expensive. Author-generated <)vuu-e^ i„ n;Hn> imK^fv, can only be made if the author agrees in advance to pay for them. @ This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper). FIELDIANA Anthropology NEW SERIES, NO. 29 Archaeological Survey in the Juli-Desaguadero Region of Lake Titicaca Basin, Southern Peru Charles Stanish Department of Anthropology Field Museum of Natural History Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496 Current address: Department of Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles Los Angeles, California 90095-1553 Edmundo de la Vega M. Luperio Onofre Mamani Lee Steadman Matthew T. Seddon Cecilia Chavez Justo Percy Calisaya Chuquimia '^'^■^ l-/awrence r* rye 5^^ page m for affiliations of contributors Accepted July 10, 1996 Published December 31, 1997 Publication 1488 PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY © 1997 Field Museum of Natural History ISSN 0071-^739 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Contributors Edmundo de la Vega M . Universidad Nacional del Altiplano Puno, Peru Luperio Onofre Mamani Programa Collasuyu Puno, Peru Lee Steadman Department of Anthropology University of California, Berkeley Berkeley, California Cecilia Chavez Justo Programa Collasuyu Puno, Peru Kirk Lawrence Frye Department of Anthropology University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, California Matthew T. Seddon Department of Anthropology University of Chicago Chicago, Illinois Percy Calisaya Chuquimia Programa Collasuyu Puno, Peru '6/^fTable of Contents List of Tables Preface and Acknowledgments ix Chapter 1. An Introduction to the Juli- Desaguadero Survey 1 The Study Area 2 Previous Research 5 Research Strategies of the Lupaqa Project 8 A Chronology for the Southwestern Titi- caca Region 9 Chapter 2. Methodology of the Juli-De- saguadero survey 17 Methodology in the JuU-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 17 Site Sizes 25 Ceramic Typology 31 Methodology in the Reconnaissance Areas 33 Chapter 3. Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 35 Site Typology 35 Ceramic Types in the Juli-Desaguadero Region 40 Settlement Patterns in the JuU-Pomata In- tensive Survey Area 50 Population Trends in the Juli-Pomata In- tensive Survey Area 59 Major Sites in the JuU-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 60 Chapter 4. Results from the Reconnais- sance Areas 83 Major Sites in the Ccapia Reconnaissance Area 84 Major Sites in the Desaguadero Recon- naissance Area 102 Chapter 5. The Settlement History of the Southwestern Titicaca Basin 113 Charles Stanish Literature Cited 121 Appendix 1. Contemporary Aymara Agri- cultural Soil Categories 125 Luperio Onofre Mamani Appendix 2. Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period in the South- western Titicaca Basin 129 Kirk Lawrence Frye 1. Habitation site sizes from the Middle Formative to the Early Colonial periods in the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area 19 2. Cemetery sites in the Juli-Pomata area 26 3. Population table 31 4. Diagnostic ceramic types used in the study area 32 5. Site types in the Juli-Pomata area 36 6. Population per habitation site type per period 36 7. Pukaras and other nonhabitation sites in the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area 65 8. Soil types according to Aymara inform- ants 126 9. Interior structure floor areas for all ma- jor fortified sites (m^) 133 10. Interior structure floor areas of less than 5 m^ for all major fortified sites (m^) .. 133 List of Illustrations 1. South-central Andes 2 2. Titicaca Basin 3 3. Juli-Desaguadero area 4 4. Various chronologies of the Titicaca Basin 5 5. Major polities in the Titicaca Basin in the 16th century 6 6. Lupaqa cabeceras in the 16th century .... 7 7. Study area 7 8. North end of survey zone with cut stone 18 9. Example of site type 2 30 10. Example of site type 3 37 1 1 . Example of site type 4 37 12. Mxnox pukara 38 13. Example of slab-cist tomb 39 14. Pasiri diagnostic ceramic artifacts 41 15. Pasiri diagnostic ceramic artifacts 42 16. Pucarani diagnostic ceramic artifact .... 46 17. Pucarani diagnostic ceramic artifact .... 47 18. Pucarani oUa/jar rim from 399 48 19. Spindle whorls from Pukara JuU (003) 49 20. Pucarani ceramic vessel 50 21. Pucarani ceramic vessel 50 22. Kelluyo diagnostic ceramic artifacts .... 51 23. Local Inca ceramic artifacts from Imi- cate 52 24. Local Inca ceramic artifacts from Imi- cate 53 25. Late Horizon diagnostics 54 26. Chucuito diagnostic ceramic artifacts ... 55 27. Pacajes diagnostic ceramics 56 28. Archaic lithic artifacts 57 29. Distribution of Pasiri habitation sites ... 58 30. Site size distribution of Early Sillu- mocco settlements 59 3 1 . Site size distribution of Late Sillumoc- co habitation sites 60 32. Site of Tumatumani 61 33. Site of Palermo 62 34. Site of Sillumocco-Huaquina 63 35. Site size distribution of Tiwanaku hab- itation sites 64 36. Site size distribution of Altiplano Pe- riod habitation sites 65 37. Hypothetical distribution of Altiplano Period sites 66 38. Distribution of above-ground tombs in survey 66 39. Site size distribution of Late Horizon habitation sites 67 40. Population graph 68 41. Bebedero rock outcrop 69 42. Site of Altarani-Bebedero (457) 69 43. Cut stone "doorway" at Altarani 70 44. Cut stone "doorway" at Altarani 70 45. Site area of Juli with SapacoUa in background 71 46. Site of Juli 71 47. Fortification wall at site of Pukara Juli 75 48. Tiwanaku projectile points from 158 ... 76 49. Example of typical andesite agricultur- al implement 77 50. Site of Tumuku from a distance 78 51. Site of Tumuku 79 52. Site of San Bartolome-Wiscachani (022) 80 53. Site of San Bartolome-Wiscachani with alignment (022) 80 54. Site area of Huancani 81 55. Chulpa in the Huancani area 81 56. Chulpa in the Huancani area 82 57. Sites in the Ccapia reconnaissance area 84 58. Ccapia area — Yunguyu-Zepita area 85 59. Chatuma area sites 86 60. Site of Acero Phatjata 87 61. Site of Caninsaya with two stelae 88 62. Yaya-Mama stelae at site of Caninsaya 89 63. Yaya-Mama stelae at site of Caninsaya 90 64. Site of Ckackachipata 91 65. Site of Ckackachipata 91 66. Site of Kanamarca with massive cut stone blocks 93 67. Site of Kanamarca with massive cut stone blocks 93 68. Site of Piiiutaya 95 69. Site of Pucara Chatuma 96 70. Cut stone on Pucara Chatuma 96 71. Cut stone on Pucara Chatuma 97 72. Site of Queiiuani (Fortina Vinto) 98 73. Upper Formative ceramic diagnostics from Quefiuani 99 74. Probable Upper Formative Period ce- ramic strap handle — Queiiuani 99 75. Site of Tacapisi 100 76. Site of Yanapata with stela 101 77. Sites in the Desaguadero reconnais- sance region 103 78. Desaguadero River area 104 79. Desaguadero River area 105 80. Site of La Casilla 105 81. Cut stone at site of La Casilla 106 82. Kelluyu ceramic artifacts from Chon- tacolla 107 83. Site of Tanka Tanka 107 84. Late Horizon chulpa at Tanka Tanka 108 85. Redressed chulpa at Tanka Tanka 109 86. Fortification wall at Tanka Tanka 110 87. Site of Tintinpujo 110 88. Pw^aras in study area 118 89. Ceramic color key 142 90- 106. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites 143-159 107. Key to map blocks 160 108. Map block A 161 109. Map block B 161 110. Map block C 162 111. Map block D 162 112. Map block E 163 113. Map block F 163 1 14. Map block G 164 115. Map block H 164 116. Map block I 165 117. Map block J 165 118. Map block K 166 119. Map block L 167 120. Map block M 167 121. Map block N 168 122. Map block O 168 123. Map block P 169 124. Map block Q 170 VI This book reports on a systematic archaeological survey and reconnaissance in the southwestern Titicaca Basin of far southern highland Peru. Our survey covered approxi- mately 360 km^ in the Juli-Pomata region and discovered almost 500 sites. Additional large-site reconnaissance dis- covered several dozen additional major sites in the Ccapia and Desaguadero areas, south of the intensive survey zone. These single- and multicomponent sites represent more than 1,000 occupations that range in date from the Archaic Pe- riod (ca. 5000-2000/ 1500 B.C.) to the Early Spanish Co- lonial Period (a.d. 1532-1700). In this book, we review pre- vious research in the region, describe the overall research design and methodology, describe the study area, and pro- vide a site typology, a ceramic typology, a tomb typology, individual site descriptions, ceramic drawings, photographs, and settlement data. Finally, we interpret these data in light of previous research and assess their importance for un- derstanding the prehistory of the southwestern Titicaca Ba- sin. This book is dedicated to the memory of John Hyslop, a pioneer of modem Lupaqa area archaeology. c.s.s. Vlll Preface and Acknowledgments In June of 1988, the Juli Project began intensive archaeological investigations in the south- western Titicaca Basin. The 1988 season was funded by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for An- thropological Research and the Montgomery Fund of the Field Museum of Natural History as well as by private donations from Ms. Patricia Dodson and Ms. Beveriy Malen. These excavations were conducted in cooperation with, and under the di- rection of, the National Institute of Culture in Lima and Puno. By 1990, the Juli Project had evolved into the much larger Lupaqa Project, funded by the National Science Foundation (BNS 9008181, DBS 9307784) and the John Heinz m Trust of Pittsburgh, Mr. Robert Donnelley, Ms. Patricia Dodson, and Ms. Beverly Malen. Stead- man's research was funded by a grant from the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad program (PO22A90021). Frye and Sed- don were funded by the Scholarship Conmiittee of the Field Museum of Natural History. We offer a special thanks to officials of the Na- tional Institute of Culture, including Dr. Elias Mu- jica. Lie. Oscar Castillo, Lie. Oscar Ayca, and Dr. Luis Lumbreras. The project was assisted by the anthropological faculty of the Universidad Na- cional del Altiplano, including its director. Lie. FeUx Palacios, Juan Bautista Carpio Torres, and Lie. Abel Torres Comejo. Dr. Percy Che-Piu Sa- lazar. Dean of Social Sciences, Sr. Julio Cesar Gomez Gamona, Director of the Instituto Superior Tecnologico in Juli, and Ec. Luis Salas Arones, Rector of the university, were very supportive of our project. We also gratefully acknowledge the support of Dr. Luis Watanabe M., Dr. Francisco Iriarte B., and Dr. Fernando Cabieses. We fur- thermore thank Lie. Walter G. Tapia Bueno, Lie. Oscar Ayca, and Lie. Oscar Castillo, directors of the National Institute of Culture in Puno; Sr. Be- nedicto Valdez C, Mayor of Juh; Sr. Jorge M. Remond Alvarado, provincial subprefect; and Sr. Alberto Miranda Arenas, Sr. Vicente Quispe Cho- quegonza, and Sr. Manuel Encinas, governors of the Chuquito province from 1988 to 1991. We also thank Sr. Hugo Teodoro Chavez Talavera, provincial mayor of Yunguyu; Sr. Arturo Arce Terrazas, subprefect of the Yunguyu Province; Sr. Andres Carbajal and family; Sra. Fresia Gandar- illas Sardon; Sr. Moises Sardon Pelags and family; Srta. Zenaida Espezua Bustinza; and the people of Juli, Yacari-Tuntachawi, Sillucani, Huaquina, and Inca Pucara. We thank our friends from the Ma- ryknoU mission of Juli for their friendship and help. Professional help was provided by Edwin Castillo, Lisa CipoUa, Javier Ticona, and Adan Umire Alvarez. Student participants included Al- berto Sosa B., Elsa Chuquimia Paredes, Clemente Caxi Maquera, David Benjamin Antezana Bustin- za, Teodora Atahuachi Chuquimia, Julie Real- muto, Rodolfo Carita Ancco, Jose Castillo Velo, Lisa Shogren, Claudia Rumold, Regan Huff, Zoe Crossland, and Alfredo Curo Chipana. We also wish to gratefully acknowledge the in- put, help, and advice from several readers, friends, and colleagues. Many thanks to Mark Al- denderfer, Lupe Andrade, Brian Bauer, David Browman, Lisa Cipolla, Sergio Chavez, Patricia Dodson, Clark Erickson, Margaret Goes, Paul Goldstein, John Hyslop, Elizabeth Klarich, Alan Kolata, Joyce Marcus, James Mathews, Karen Mohr-Chavez, Michael Moseley, Jeff Parsons, Don Rice, Prudence Rice, Mario Rivera, Kathar- ina Schreiber, Helaine Silverman, Oswaldo Rivera Sundt, Karen Wise, three anonymous reviewers of Fieldiana, and curators at the Field Museum of Natural History. This book represents the cooperative efforts of all of the authors. The division of labor was roughly as follows: Charles Stanish, the principal investigator of the project, was responsible for the overall research design. The co-directors were Ce- cilia Chavez Justo and Edmundo de la Vega. Mr. de la Vega was in charge of the survey, and both co-directors were largely responsible for excava- tions in a number of sites in the region. De la Vega excavated at the sites of Pukara Juli and Palermo, and he is completing an intensive study of the Tiwanaku sites in the region. Ms. Chavez has since completed extensive excavations at the site of Sillumocco-Huaquina and is presently IX working on a monograph on this work. Ms. Lee Steadman has been a participant in the Lupaqa Project since its inception in conjunction with her independent dissertation project north of the study area. She is largely responsible for working out the tremendously difficult pre-Late Intermediate Period ceramic typology contained in this book. Mr. Kirk Frye is one of the founding members of the Project. He served as field supervisor for the intensive survey, mapped several sites, and found a number of sites outside of the intensive survey zone. He has since completed independent disser- tation research in the Chucuito area. Mr. Matthew Seddon analyzed the lithics at several sites, was a crew member in the survey, and returned in 1994 to work on excavations. He has since begun work on a dissertation project on the Island of the Sun in Bolivia. Mr. Luperio Onofre began as student participant in 1988, worked as a survey crew member, and has worked with us since that time. He worked on an ethnographic study of Aymara agricultural land categories that is summarized in this monograph. Mr. Percy Calisaya Ch. has been a participant of the project since its inception and served as a crew member on both the survey and reconnaissance. He and Mr. Onofre were also re- sponsible for correcting orthographic and topo- nymic errors, and they are largely responsible for the excellent relations between the Project for- eigners and the communities. We also thank Ms. Marjorie Pannell, managing editor of Fieldiana, for her excellent work and patience, and Ms. Di- ane White for providing photographic services. Although this book represents the cooperative efforts of all of the authors, any errors in the text ultimately remain the responsibility of the prin- cipal investigator. An Introduction to the Juli-Desaguadero Survey At 3810 m above sea level. Lake Titicaca is the world's highest major lake. The Titi- caca Basin of the central Andes is also one of the great centers of ancient civilization in the Amer- icas (Figs. 1 and 2). The Titicaca region supported dozens of complex societies prior to the European conquest, including Pucara, Tiwanaku, Chiripa, and many other as yet unknown cultures. This area is in the heartland of the ethnohistorically known Lupaqa "kingdom," one of several pow- erful polities that developed in the Titicaca Basin in the centuries prior to the Inca conquest in the mid- 15th century (Figs. 3-6). The altitude, ge- ography, and severe climate of the area provided a rich and unique ecological setting for the de- velopment of complex pre-industrial societies in the Americas. Because of the richness and diver- sity of cultural development of the southwest Ti- ticaca Basin, the region constitutes a superb lab- oratory for the study of long-term cultural pro- cesses in this center of prehispanic civilization. Prior to our research there had been no system- atic and intensive archaeological survey of the en- tire region of the western Titicaca Basin. This book presents data from such a regional settle- ment survey and large-site reconnaissance in the southwestern Titicaca Basin. The archaeological sites in the Titicaca Basin have been studied for more than 1(X) years on both the Peruvian and Bolivian sides. These previous investigations pro- vide a chronological and cultural historical frame- work within which to understand the archaeolog- ical data obtained in this project. The previous research has also permitted archaeologists to de- velop models to understand the economic and po- litical evolution of complex society in the region. It was in this context that we initiated the Lu- paqa Project in 1988. The original purpose of this project was to test models of political economy of the later prehistory of the Lupaqa area. In par- ticular, we were interested in the nature of the Lupaqa polity prior to the Inca conquest and the origins of that polity in the context of Tiwanaku collapse around a.d. 11(X). Our data have provid- ed substantial insight into these critical problems in this period of Titicaca Basin prehistory. The data collected were also relevant to a num- ber of other problems beyond those of the primary research goals. For instance, our research has al- lowed us to define new pre-Tiwanaku polities in the Juli area that we have named Early Sillumoc- co and Late Sillumocco (Stanish & Steadman, 1994). We have furthermore discovered contem- porary pre-Tiwanaku polities in the Pomata-Yun- guyu area that we have named Early Ckackachi- pata and Late Ckackachipata. We have also dis- covered a number of early sites that represent the first settled villages in the southwestern Titicaca Basin that we have named the Pasiri culture. In addition, we identified a substantial Tiwanaku set- tlement system that provides insight into the na- ture of Tiwanaku expansion. A substantial Inca and Early Colonial Period settlement system was also discovered in the survey; such data provide insight into the expansion of the Inca state and early Spanish Colonial political and economic or- ganization. Relict raised fields were also located in three areas of the intensive survey area and in a number of areas in the reconnaissance zones. The association of fields and archaeological sites provides a powerful means of assessing models of raised-field agricultural land use dynamics in the Titicaca region (Stanish, 1994). In this book we introduce the critical anthropo- logical problems of the prehistory of the area. Our research design and methodology are described in detail. Most important, this report contains the bulk of our survey and reconnaissance data, which we present in graphic, tabular, and descriptive form. Finally, we offer as many interpretations of these data as possible to help clarify a number of prob- lems in Titicaca Basin prehistory. The core of this monograph is descriptive, al- though we offer a number of interpretations in the concluding chapter. The Lupaqa Project is an on- going, multidecade research effort that will contin- ue to expand in the future. This organization pro- vides both strengths and weaknesses. The strength Introduction to the Juli-Desaguadero Survey 1 Fig. 1. South-central Andes. of a program of continual research is that ideas can be tested, refined, rejected, or confirmed after ev- ery season. The major weakness is that there is, in effect, no definitive end to data collection and therefore no definitive beginning to the "final" in- terpretations of the data. Monographs such as this must therefore be understood in such a research organization context. Interpretations of the data must be couched in a larger framework that antic- ipates future research. We therefore assiduously try to avoid overinterpretation. Our goal in presenting this work is to follow a strict logic of data interpretation. At present, we can offer certain definitive empirical statements in regard to some key questions about Titicaca Basin archaeology (size and intensity of the various oc- cupations, existence of raised fields, location of major sites, descriptions of pottery types, and so on). Furthermore, we can use intensive analyses of these data to define empirical patterns useful for assessing specific theoretical questions, as ex- emplified by recent publications and monographs, including de la Vega (1990), Frye (1994), Stanish (1994), Stanish et al. (1993), and Stanish and Steadman (1994). Other questions cannot be ad- equately dealt with, given our current data, and we will merely provide the framework for future research in this monograph. The Study Area Our initial work in the Juli area was conducted at the suggestion of John Hyslop, who felt that the area would be the most appropriate place to begin survey of the large fortified sites, or pukar- as, such as Pukara Juli. He also thought that the site of Tumatumani potentially had the entire southwestern Titicaca Basin ceramic sequence represented in its middens. His reconnaissance then provided the basis for our full regional cov- erage survey. On the strength of his interest and knowledge in the region, we have dedicated this book to him. Our initial work in the Juli area made it clear that many important anthropological questions having to do with Titicaca Basin prehistory could be answered with data from the region. As we mentioned earlier, the 1989 season indicated that the full range of periods was represented in the study area. Furthermore, the vast tracts of raised fields in the Moyopampa area were of particular interest to the principal investigator. At this time, we decided that the Juli area and the region to the south, toward areas of greater Tiwanaku and Chi- ripa influence, would be the most appropriate area for intensive survey. The study area is divided into three large sec- tions (Fig. 7). The first is the Juli-Pomata inten- sive survey region. This area begins at Santiago Chambilla in the north and continues to the ex- tensive pampa immediately south of Pomata. The other two areas are the Ccapia reconnaissance area and the Desaguadero reconnaissance area (Fig. 7). These reconnaissance areas were not in- tensively surveyed; rather, we conducted large- site reconnaissance in these areas. The intent was to intensively survey as much of the area as pos- sible between Juli and Desaguadero in the 1991 and 1992 seasons. Once our resources were al- Chapter One • Qahiyu •Pucara Huancane IVllquechlco 285 X X 286 X X 287 X X X 288 X X X 290 X X 294 X X X 295 X 7 298 7 7 7 300 X X X 302 X X 303 X 305 X X 307 X X X 309 X 310 X X 311 X 312 X X 314 X 316 X 318 X X X 319 X X 320 X X X 321 X 325 X X 328 X 330 X X 331 X X 333 X ) 335 X 341 X 3 344 X X 349 X ) 351 X X X 354 X 356 X X 363 X 364 X X 365 X X X ) 366 X X 367 7 368 X X 369 X 370 X 371 7 X 372 X X X 374 X 375 X X 28 Chapter Two 8 Unnamed 8 Pampa de Pucara 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 2/8 Anko Ake 2/4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Patjata 2/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 1/8 Unnamed 8 Morohawi 4/8 Maurijawi 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 2/8 Unnamed 4/8 Morjoaua Chamacuyu 8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 2/6/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8/12 Palluni 8 Calataqui 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Palyuma 8 Unnamed 4/8 Tocone 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Tihuta 8 Tonkoni 8 Unnamed 4/8 Chiapata 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Hanco Vilque 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 8 Cutipatac 4/8 Unnamed 8 Huallatani 8 Pharuyo 8 . Anatave Pacca 8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 8 Achocallani Parque 8 Aceruni Amaya Table 2. Continued. Site No. EC INCA* ALT TIW UF MF Type Name 377 X 379 7 X 384 X X 386 X X 387 X X 389 X X 390 X X X 391 X X 392 X X 393 X 394 X 395 X X 396 X X X X 398 ? 400 X 402 X X X 403 X 404 X X X 405 X 409 X X 410 9 7 7 413 414 X 415 X X 416 X X X 418 X X 420 X X 424 7 7 7 425 X X X 426 X X 430 X 431 X 434 X 435 X 437 X X X 438 X X X 441 X 443 X X X 445 X X > 446 X X 450 X 451 X X 452 X X 453 X 454 7 X X > 456 X 459 7 7 7 464 7 X 465 X 470 7 7 7 474 X X 476 Unknown 477 X X 480 X X 482 X X 484 7 7 7 485 X X 486 7 7 7 4/8 Challchaque 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 8 Hanco Amaya 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Cumbre Kenco 4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 4/8 Kallpuma 4/8 Unnamed 8 Kenco Pacca 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Pichuna 8 Unnamed 8 Anco Amaya Pata 8 Tiapichuro Ponco 4/8 Mogote 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Moccocollo 6/8 Unnamed 8 Totora Cota 8 Unnamed 4/8 Siguia Jawira 4/8 Unnamed 4/8 Caracachi 4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 2/8 Unnamed 2/8 Unnamed 8 Isca Yaureca 8 Marca Pampuyo 4/8 Unnamed 8 Yaureca 4/8 Siquijaque 6/8 Inka Samana 2/8 Unnamed 2/8 Unnamed i 2/3/8 Unnamed 4/8 Chochoni 2/8 Willacollo 2/8 Koskanki 4/8 Kjoroskani 8/? Unnamed 3/8 Istuyo 4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 6/8 Belena 8 Unnamed 8 Pairumani 6/8 Patapjuo 8 Unnamed 4/8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed 8 Unnamed * INCA indicates the Inca Period. Other abbreviations are as in the footnote to Table 1. Methodology of the JuU-Desaguadero Survey 29 ^- * "• ■N*«t: '^•^•ip<.^gig^*:^ ' fc»'- '■■■■ i*- ■'^•^ Fig. 9. Example of site type 2. tified in the Juli-Pomata survey were assessed in the field as an absolute areal measure. We pre- sume a general proportional relationship between site size and population that is constant for all periods. This assumption is almost certainly valid for most of the rural sites that were characterized by simple domestic terracing on low hillsides. Do- mestic terraces constituted the vast majority of the sites in the survey. This assumption is admittedly questionable for elite administrative sites, where densities were probably higher. However, any ad- justment for higher densities on these latter sites would only moderately accentuate the population patterns and not significantly alter any trends in the data. Another potential problem with this methodol- ogy is the large and different time blocks repre- sented by each period. This, of course, would skew population estimates when utilized to ana- lyze patterns between periods. In other words, al- though the estimates work well when land use is compared within a specific time period, we would have to calibrate the population estimates when they would be used to compare between periods. This is why we use relative population distribu- tion, as indicated by total site area, for intraperiod comparisons. For comparing population sizes be- tween periods, we have to adjust for the time dif- ferences of each period. This problem is ad- dressed below, in the discussion of population growth. Large sites with multiple occupations constitute an additional problem for assessing site size per period in survey methodologies. Accordingly, our method was to conduct intensive walkovers to de- termine the extent of site size per period. We were able to ascertain the approximate distribution of the pottery diagnostics on the site and calculate the total area per period. This method provides an accurate assessment of the occupation area for each site by period. The distribution of sites in different areas of the survey zone allows us to define the relative im- portance of economic activities for each period. The puna zone is ideally suited for camelid pas- turing and is only marginal for tuber cultivation. The raised-field zone is confined to the flat pam- pas inland from the lake and adjacent to rivers and is identified by the existence of relict fields. According to H. Tschopik (1951, p. 513) the flat pampas "away from the lake shore" are the poor- est agricultural areas, as assessed by the contem- 30 Chapter Two Table 3. Population per period per ecological zone in the survey area. Period Parameter Middle Upper Early measured Formative Formative Tiwanalcu Altiplano Inca Colonial Total populated area (ha) 23.04 32.72 62.86 74.16 178.49 153.75 Total sites 25 19 41 140 242 224 Mean size of all sites 0.92 1.72 1.53 0.53 0.73 0.69 Total no. of sites in raised fields 11 12 17 44 48 43 Population index of raised-field zone (ha) 9.49 22.71 35.74 21.04 25.15 15.18 Mean size of sites in raised fields 0.86 1.89 2.10 0.48 0.52 0.35 Population index of raised fields as percentage of total 41 69 57 28 14 10 Total sites in non-raised-field suni 11 6 21 75 143 124 Population index of non-raised- field suni (ha) 10.20 8.01 24.53 42.64 118.62 99.89 Mean size of sites in non- raised-field suni 0.93 1.33 1.16 0.57 0.83 0.80 Popuation index of non-raised- field suni as percentage of total 44 24 39 57 66 65 Total sites in puna 3 1 3 21 51 57 Population index of puna (ha) 3.40 2.00 2.59 10.48 34.72 38.68 Mean size of sites in puna 1.13 2.00 0.86 0.50 0.68 0.68 Population index in puna as percentage of total 15 6 4 14 19 25 porary Aymara and confirmed by Stanish's obser- vations. Accordingly, this area is agriculturally useful only with raised-field constructions, al- though the area is used for marginal grazing to- day. Today, it is also the principal zone of resi- dential occupation. The non-raised-field terraced agricultural zones in the suni are considered by the modem Aymara farmers to have both the best agricultural potential in the absence of raised-field agriculture (valley bottoms in the hills) and mod- erate to poor potential (hillside fields) (H. Tscho- pik, 1951, p. 513). What is significant here is that each of these zones provides specific and different economic opportunities. Of course, it is generally unrealistic to presume that there is a strict correspondence between residential location and economic activ- ity, but the contemporary ethnographic data in the Titicaca region indicate that residence is an ex- cellent predictor of the principal economic activ- ity, given the ecologically specific economic op- portunities in each zone. The total population in each zone, as derived by habitation area, provides an excellent characterization of land use during any particular period. In a recent publication, for instance, one of us used these data to define the relationship between political centralization and raised-field land use through time (Stanish, 1994). Ceramic Typology The purpose of pottery classifications is best sunmiarized by P. Rice: "most archaeological pot- tery typologies are devised classifications . . . [used] primarily to standardize descriptions of ar- tifacts, develop chronologies, and help with inter- site comparisons" (Rice, 1987, p. 288). Ceramic specialists are divided on the most appropriate classificatory methods, and it is safe to say that there is no "correct" system. The type-variety system is recommended by Sinopoli (1991, pp. 52-53), for instance, as the best method of clas- sification. Rice notes that it is a powerful method, particularly when the "ware" concept is utilized as one level of classification. Rice successfully utilized a type-variety system to classify Spanish Colonial ceramics in the Moquegua Valley of the western valleys (Rice, 1990). Rowe has argued against the use of types, at Methodology of the Juli-Desaguadero Survey 3 1 least for chronological purposes (1959, p. 318). Similar reservations about the type concept have been suggested by Chavez (1980, p. 219). Rowe advocates the creation of styles: "The object is to write a sort of grammar of the style at a given moment in time" (1959, p. 323). In this light, the definition of style provided by Rice is most use- ful: "visual representations, specific to particular contexts of time and place, that at the least trans- mit information about the identity of the society that produced the style and about the situation or location where it appears" (1987, p. 244). Implicit in this definition is the notion that the styles are, at least in part, emically valid categories. No generally accepted standards exist for de- scribing and typing ceramic assemblages in the Titicaca region. One of us (Steadman) employed an attribute analysis method for our research at Tumatumani (001), a major site near Juli (Stanish & Steadman, 1994). This method works well with very large samples, such as those obtained from the Tumatumani excavations. For instance, in a relatively small excavation area, we obtained thousands of sherds. Such large sample sizes are simply not possible from nonsystematic surface ("grab-bag") collections used in survey. In fact, it would be almost unethical to collect such large samples from the surface of any single site with- out a very rigid surface sampling method, such as that employed at Tumatumani (001) and San Bar- tolome-Wiscachani (022). As a result, we had to alter our typology to meet the specific goals of the survey. Our concern as settlement archaeolo- gists is largely chronological. We sought diagnos- tic material that would date the sites and allow us to define settlement patterns for each period. To this end, we defined a number of types for the survey area that meet the principal goal of chro- nology building, but they can also be used for regional comparisons. The typology that was defined is based on sur- face decoration, vessel form, and/or tempering materials. In other words, we define a particular type that reflects a coherent group of attributes that would most probably be recognized, both et- ically and emically, as a "style." It is important to note that the few types that we utilized repre- sent a fraction of the various types that could be isolated, but the ones defined here were used to date the sites on survey. These types are sum- marized in Table 4. More refined typologies will ultimately be con- structed for the southwestern Titicaca region, de- pending on the types of questions to be asked and Table 4. study area. Diagnostic ceramic types used in the Early Formative Period Pasiri Ware Middle Formative Period Early Sillumocco Plain Early Sillumocco Qaluyu Incised Early Sillumocco Qaluyu Polychrome Early Sillumocco Chiripa Polychrome Incised Early Sillumocco Chiripa Bichrome Upper Formative Period Late Sillumocco Plain Late Sillumocco Polychrome Incised Late Sillumocco Incised Late Sillumocco Qeya Polychrome Tiwanaku Period Tiwanaku Black and White on Orange Tiwanaku Black and White on Red Tiwanaku Black on Orange Tiwanaku Black on Red Tiwanaku Plain Tiwanaku Polychrome Altiplano Period Pucarani Plain Pucarani Black on Red Pucarani Black and White on Red Pucarani Red on Orange Pucarani Red on Brown Pucarani Black on Orange Sillustani Bichrome Bowls Kelluyo Bichrome Bowls Late Horizon Period Chucuito Bichrome Bowls Chucuito Polychrome Bowls Local Inca Plain Local Inca Polychrome Local Inca Bichrome Pacajes Bowls Sillustani Bowls Early Colonial Period Chocasuyu Plain Chocasuyu Bichrome Chocasuyu Glazed the nature of the sample. In general, the present typology will remain very useful for the general dating of the sites and some other analyses. Future work at particular sites will yield more refined typologies, such as those worked out by Steadman at Tumatumani (Stanish & Steadman, 1994). The hierarchical nature of the typology and the gen- erally conservative convention used here should result in new typologies that are consistent with the present one but also yield a greater amount of information. In other words, the following typol- ogy is robust in that it will not be replaced with 32 Chapter Two future research, but may be refined and modified to answer more specific questions. An example is our classification of Expansive Tiwanaku ceramic types. At the present, we merely phase a site as Tiwanaku if it is dated between a.d. 400 and 1100. Excavations at a number of these sites should provide typologies with greater chronolog- ical control. They will also permit the definition of greater stylistic variability within contemporary periods (redefining the Bennett-Ponce chronolo- gy, for instance) and provide greater insights into contemporary social, political, economic, and ide- ological variability." Methodology in the Reconnaissance Areas Once our resources were nearly expended in the intensive survey area, we switched to a large- site reconnaissance strategy, east to Yunguyu and south to Desaguadero. This strategy was designed " Our recently completed excavations, directed by Cecilia Chavez J. and Edmundo de la Vega at Huaqui- na-Sillumocco (158) and Palermo (212), are good ex- amples of this type of analysis. Likewise, work at the site of San Bartolome-Wischachani (022), directed by Dr. Mark Aldenderfer in an independent project, will also provide more detailed ceramic typologies. to locate major sites in the Ccapia and Desaguad- ero areas. The methodology simply involved driv- ing and/or walking to areas likely to have large sites. Likely areas were identified as low hills near the lake, elevated areas near raised-field areas, and higher locations on colluvial flanks near water sources. These criteria derived directly from our experience in the intensive survey area. The cri- teria also were weighted to find pre-Altiplano Pe- riod site locations. Although we did find a number of Altiplano through Early Colonial sites, we con- sciously sought out areas that were likely to have Tiwanaku and Formative Period sites. The intent of the reconnaissance was to record large sites in the area and compare them to the intensive survey area. Furthermore, we sought to sample various geographical areas to test for set- tlement densities and types, including the discov- ery of smaller sites. These data permitted us to compare the Ccapia and Desaguadero areas with the systematically surveyed Juli-Pomata area. Ideally, we would like to continue resurveying the reconnaissance area using an intensive meth- odology. The large-site reconnaissance method most certainly missed many large, important sites in the area, and virtually all smaller sites were not recorded. Nevertheless, the reconnaissance data are important because they document the exis- tence of major sites and serve as the basis of fu- ture hypotheses. Methodology of the Juli-Desaguadero Survey 33 3 Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area Over the past 100 years or so of archaeological research, a number of important archaeo- logical sites in the Titicaca Basin have been de- scribed. Virtually all of these reports concentrated on large ceremonial or administrative sites and did not include the far more numerous habitation sites. Therefore, in spite of this fairly extensive literature, at the beginning of our research there was no settlement typology available for the Ti- ticaca Basin that was applicable to the Juli-De- saguadero region. Site Typology We began constructing a typology almost im- mediately, obviously recognizing the pukara hill forts such as Pukara Juli and the artificial mounds typified by Tumatumani (001). The 1989 season was particularly useful for building this typology because we spent considerable time in nonsyste- matic reconnaissance that allowed us to develop an impression for the range of site types. The sev- eral research seasons prior to the 1991-1992 sur- vey provided enough information to develop a preliminary typology. The systematic survey, in turn, provided almost 500 sites to allow us to test and refine this typology (Tables 1 and 2). Based on additional reconnaissance by one of us (Stan- ish), we believe that this typology (Table 5) is useful for the entire western and southern side of the Lake Titicaca Basin. We consciously sought to avoid using period- specific criteria to construct this typology. Rather, the criteria that were used were site architecture, site function, topographic location, and outstand- ing geographical features. The use of these criteria facilitates comparisons through time. Type 1 — Large, artificial mounds (> 50 X 50 m at base). These mounds are built with artificial fill that was used to construct nondomestic archi- tectural features. The type 1 sites represent a con- siderable labor investment and are one of the two elite/ceremonial site types in the study area. The mounds are not just collapsed structures, but rath- er represent considerable quantities of fill inten- tionally used to create architectural features. In this typology, Chiripa, Pucara, and Qaluyu would be classified as very large type 1 sites. The type 1 site is rare. There are only four sites of this type in our survey zone. Hyslop described only one site that corresponds to this type, the site of Tumatumani (Hyslop, 1976, p. 246; Stanish & Steadman, 1994). Likewise, Kidder described two sites, Sarapa and Asiruni, located near the survey area, that are excellent examples of this site type (1943, p. 10). Type 2 — Small, artificial habitation mounds. These artificial mounds are small (generally < 20 X 20 m at base) and represent individual col- lapsed houses. The distinction between type 1 and type 2 sites is much more than merely size. Unlike type 1, the fill found in this second type of site was not intentionally moved to build corporate constructions. Rather, type 2 sites represent col- lapsed domestic structures that were turned into a mound. It is not unusual for type 2 sites to have intrusive tombs placed on top of the mound. Type 2 sites are much more common than type 1 sites. There are more than 50 type 2 sites in the Juli- Pomata survey, representing about 10% of all sites, although they represent a smaller percentage of the total population (Tables 3 and 6). These sites are generally found in the pampas near the lake. Figure 9 represents a modem example of a single household, characterized by a cluster of structures, that would collapse into a type 2 mound as seen in the archaeological record. Type 3 — Sites built on low, generally nonde- fendable natural hills with domestic terraces and some sort of corporate architecture on the hilltop. Type 3 sites represent the second elite/ceremonial site type in the region, along with the type 1 ar- tificial mound sites. The site of Incatunuhuiri, as described by Kidder (1943, p. 49), is a typical example of this type. In the Juli-Pomata survey, type 3 sites are relatively rare, accounting for less Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 35 Table 5. Site types in the Juli-Pomata area. Type I Large, artificial mounds Type 2 Small, artificial habitation mounds Type 3 Low natural hills with domestic terraces Type 4 Hillside, domestic terraces Type 5 Pukaras Type 6 Dispersed sites built on flat land Type 7 Urbanized settlements Type 8 Cemeteries Type 9 Isolated petroglyphs Type 10 Raised fields Type 1 1 Caves/rock shelters Type 12 Miscellaneous, such as road cuts, apache- tas, clay sources, lithic scatters, dis- turbed sites, etc. than 2% of all sites in the study area, although they accounted for a substantial percentage of the total population in certain periods (Table 6). Fig- ure 10 shows an example of a modem small vil- lage settlement that would correspond to the type 3 site in antiquity. Notice that the houses are built around the hill on domestic terraces. Type 4 — Type 4 sites are defined as those built on hillsides, utilizing domestic terraces. The do- mestic terrace site is that found most commonly in the survey area, accounting for a significant percentage of the habitation sites and a majority of the total population (Table 6). Many of the hill- sides in the region are terraced and are used today for agricultural purposes. Our survey clearly in- dicates that a substantial number of these agricul- tural terraces may have originally been built for domestic purposes and later plowed under for ag- riculture land use. The agricultural and domestic terraces are almost always faced with fieldstones. Today one can observe house compounds built on the hillside terraces in a pattern that appears to go back for millennia. Figure 11 is an example of a modem small village settlement that would cor- respond to the type 4 site. The house is constmct- ed up against the hill, near the pampa. The site is located in the least desirable agricultural land in the immediate area. It was constructed in the steepest and therefore rockiest area, a pattem that appears to hold in antiquity as well. Type 5 — Type 5 sites are the pukaras. These are the classic hilltop fortified sites found through- out the altiplano and described by Hyslop (1976, p. 110). These sites almost always have standing architecture, surrounded by at least three large de- fensive walls. We recognize two types oi pukaras: major ones, characterized by some resident pop- ulation and massive wall architecture, and minor ones (Fig. 12), characterized by few artifactual or architectural remains in a much smaller walled area. Type 6 — Dispersed sites built on flat land usu- ally near the lake or in the puna regions. These sites are inevitably artifact scatters. They lack any evidence of domestic terracing or other constmc- tions. In some circumstances these sites could be type 2 sites that had been destroyed, or could rep- resent very light or transient occupations. In at least one case, a lithic workshop was classified as a type 6 site. Type 6 sites are rare in the region, accounting for a small percentage of the habita- tion sites in the survey. Type 7 — Large urbanized sites. These sites are rare and refer principally to the large, sprawling concentrations of people typical of the Late Ho- rizon and Early Colonial periods in places such as Juli and Pomata. An absolute definition of the term "urban" remains an elusive goal. At one ex- treme, sites such as Pucara, in the far northern Table 6. Population per habitation site type per period. Type MF* UF TIW ALT INCA EC 1 3.00(13%) 5.50(16%) 9.05(14%) 1.25(1%) 4.00 (2%) 3.00(1%) 2 0.53 (t) 0.69 (t) 5.35 (8%) 11.88(16%) 13.97 (7%) 9.60 (6%) 3 5.00(21%) 12.00(36%) 23.75 (37%) 4.25 (5%) 6.00 (3%) 3.50 (2%) 4 14.41 (62%) 14.53 (44%) 23.90 (38%) 51.38(69%) 112.04(62%) 100.56(65%) 6 0.00 0.00 0.20 (t) 5.17(6%) 14.99 (8%) 9.40 (6%) 7 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 27.00(15%) 27.00(17%) The data reflect the total population as measured by total habitation area (ha) and relative population as a percentage of the total (in parentheses). Total percentage per period may be slightly larger than 100% due to sites that fall into two categories. Type 5 sites are not habitation sites and so are not included in the table. * Abbreviations are given in the footnotes to Tables 1 and 2. t Less than 1%. 36 Chapter Three Fig. 10. Example ot site type 3. Fig. 1 1 . Example of site type 4. Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 37 Fig. 12. Minor pukara. Titicaca region, are considered urban (Rowe, 1963); at the other extreme some archaeologists would only consider sites such as Chan Chan and Cuzco to be Andean urban centers. We consider an urban site to be one that contains a significant percentage of nonagricultural laborers. By this def- inition, truly urban type 7 sites appeared only rel- atively late in the Juli-Desaguadero region during the Inca occupation. They contained about 15% of the total population in the Late Horizon and Early Colonial periods (Table 6). Type 8 — Cemeteries. Cemeteries are found throughout the survey area. Tombs are located in a variety of contexts, ranging from those isolated from habitation areas to large cemeteries with multiple types of tombs. There are a number of tomb types in the Juli-Desaguadero region: a) Cist or Shaft Tombs — Cist tombs are com- pletely below-ground constructions. They range in size from shallow pits to 1-m-deep shafts. Mouth diameters are around 35-50 cm, although some are larger. Cist tombs appear to be the most com- mon type of tomb in the study area. Most of these tombs are lined with stone, but they are not ex- ceptionally well made. Based on their size and the human remains scattered at the surface, below- ground cist tombs rarely contain more than two individuals, and they usually contain only one. Cist tombs are rarely found in isolation; they are located in aggregated cemetery areas very close to habitation sites. b) Slab-Cist Tombs (Fig. 13)— These are above-ground constructions first described by Tschopik (1946, p. 19). They are all post-Tiwa- naku in date. Slab-cists are cist or shaft tombs with an encircling ring of stone slabs at the sur- face. The slabs are large and uncut, but they were selected for more or less uniform size. The slabs are set upright around the tomb, and they average about 1 m in diameter. In some cases the below- ground depression is very slight, perhaps only 20 cm or so.'^ In other cases there is a fairly deep shaft with encircling slabs. There is evidence from our survey that in some cases slabs were looted from Tiwanaku and Upper Formative sites for use in the later tomb constructions. Like cist tombs, slab-cist tombs are generally found clustered in cemetery areas near habitation sites. Slab-cist tombs differ fundamentally from cist tombs in that they contain multiple burials. They appear to function in a manner similar to that of chulpas; they are used for the burial of large num- bers of people and are visible from the surface. Like chulpas, slab-cists are most likely "mauso- '^ One possible confusion in the literature is that Hys- lop seems to define some slab-cists as cist tombs. 38 Chapter Three Fig. 13. Example of slab-cist tomb. leums" for corporate groups, probably extended families. c) Chulpas or Fully Above-ground Tombs (Hyslop, 1977) — The term chulpa is listed by Bertonio as a "grave or basket where they put the dead" (1956[1612], Book 1, p. 430). However, a much more cormnon term in his dictionary is Amaya uta, defined as a "burial in the ancient manner" (Bertonio, 1956[1612], Book 1, p. 218), or a "grave like a house on the ground" (Berto- nio, 1956[1612], Book 1, p. 430). The term Amaya uta literally translates as a "house of the soul." We continue to use the term chulpa be- cause it is so deeply entrenched in the scientific literature. Hyslop (1977) described a number of chulpa types that we discovered on our survey. He pub- lished descriptions of several types of chulpas, such as "adobe," "igloo style," pirca stonework style, "Inca" stonework styles, and the like. Hys- lop also provided a chronological typology of chulpas, suggesting that the "rustic" igloo style and pirca style chulpas were earlier, and that the large chulpas with "Inca" style stonework were late. Hyslop (1977, p. 154) argued that chulpa building began in the Altiplano Period, a conclu- sion that was corroborated by our survey data. Most of the chulpa tombs in the Titicaca Basin have been destroyed through centuries of loot- ing. An obscure reference by the 19th-century European naturalist Marquis de Nadaillac sug- gests that chulpas were once much more com- mon than today. Near Acora, for instance, he states that "One vast plain is covered with stones placed erect . . . hence the towers or chulpas which, mixed with megaliths, cover the whole plain of Acora" (Nadaillac, 1969[1885], p. 424). Today, apart from the large, cut stone chulpas on the ridge away from town, there is little evidence of chulpas in the region around Acora. Nadaillac went on to say that "everywhere they [chulpas] form one of the characteristic features of the landscape" (1969[1885], p. 426). Chulpas are often found isolated from habita- tion areas on the tops and sides of ridges, on hill- tops, and along roads or trails. The significance of this remains to be fully investigated. d) Intrusive Tombs in Type 2 Pampa Mounds or Rocl( Piles — ^The abandoned type 2 pampa mounds were convenient places for buri- Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 39 als. A number of rock piles have tombs in them as well, similar to the intrusive tombs in the ar- tificial mounds. The tombs tend to be isolated cist or slab-cist tombs. Type 9 — Petroglyphs. A number of petroglyphs were found throughout the study area. Generally, these were associated with a habitation site and included in the site description. Type 10 — Raised fields. Raised fields are listed as a distinct site type although they were not reg- istered in the survey as separate sites. Type 11 — Caves and rock shelters. Caves and rock shelters are rare near the lake but are more common above 4200 m or so. Because the bulk of our survey area was near the lake, where there are few geological formations with rock shelters, type 1 1 sites were not common. Type 12 — Miscellaneous. This category in- cludes road cuts, clay sources, apachetas, lithic scatters, disturbed sites, and the like. Ceramic Types in the Juli-Desaguadero Region Early Formative Period There was one Early Formative Period diag- nostic ceramic type in the entire study area, de- fined as the "Pasiri" type. The Pasiri type (Figs. 14, 15) is identified by its paste and surface treat- ment characteristics. These ceramics were poorly fired, unslipped, and had heavy inclusions of fiber and sand. There are no complete vessels, nor do we have many rims. The few rims collected ap- pear to be from thickened-rim, slightly flaring oUas, and from slightly thinner jar forms. The precise chronological position of this ce- ramic type remains problematic because there is poor stratigraphic association from excavations at our sites. However, a number of observations from surface collections suggest that this ceramic type is the earliest so far defined in the study area. First, this ceramic type is not very widely distrib- uted. It is found in only ten sites in the intensive survey region (022, 113, 158, 210, 212, 282, 321, 342, 422, and 457) and in one site in the recon- naissance areas (Tacapisi). Of these eleven sites, at least six have Late Archaic occupations. In fact, in every multicomponent Late Archaic site, there are also Pasiri ceramics, a fact that suggests that the ceramic type is quite early. Analysis of the ceramic assemblage at 1\ima- tumani supports this chronological placement of the Pasiri assemblage. With several thousand frag- ments analyzed, no Pasiri ceramic diagnostics were discovered. This is significant, because TU- matumani has a substantial Early Sillumocco component and represents a huge sample. These data suggest that the Pasiri type is not a poorly fired subset of the Middle Formative fiber-tem- pered wares but a chronologically distinct type. In fact, the Pasiri ceramic type is not found on most sites that date to the Middle Formative. In no case did we find a Late Archaic and Middle Formative component without Pasiri ceramics, but it was very common to find Middle Formative sites without Pasiri ceramics. In other words, the Pasiri ceramic type is consistently found on Middle For- mative sites only if there is a Late Archaic oc- cupation, but there are many sites with Middle Formative occupations without Pasiri ceramics. Finally, the settlement distribution of the Pasiri sites is consistent with models of Late Archaic/ Early Formative occupations in the area (see dis- cussion of settlement patterns below, pages 50- 51). The sites are more or less evenly distributed along the landscape, near the lake. There is a clus- ter of Pasiri sites in the Moyopampa area, a pam- pa that would have been particularly rich in re- sources compared with the rest of the intensive survey area. In other words, the distribution of sites defined on the basis of Pasiri ceramics is consistent with a model of initial early village set- tlement out of a fully Late Archaic lifeway. This observation indirectly supports the validity of the Pasiri ceramic type category as well. Middle Formative Period The Middle and Upper Formative Period ce- ramic types in the Juli area are called Early and Late Sillumocco, respectively.'^ The Early and Late Sillumocco periods cover by far the largest absolute time of any in the region. The Early Sil- lumocco begins around 800 B.C., and the Late Sil- lumocco ends around a.d. 400, for a span of about 1200 years. Likewise, the Early and Late Sillu- mocco periods were characterized by some of the most intense cultural changes in the Titicaca re- '^ The following description of Early and Late Sillu- mocco ceramics is adapted from Steadman's chapter in Stanish and Steadman (1994). This monograph contains a highly detailed and extended discussion of these and other ceramic types and should be consulted for com- parative analyses of other sites in the region. 40 Chapter Three Fig. 14. Pasiri diagnostic ceramic artifacts. gion. As a result, the two periods exhibit the greatest variety of ceramic types, as represented by the following typology. The term Sillumocco was created, at least from the ceramic point of view, because the ceramic assemblage from Sillumocco sites shows suffi- cient local variation to make it difficult to equate it directly with any previously defined sequence (Stanish & Steadman, 1994). Sillumocco ceramics are clearly a local product and are distinctive enough to merit their own cultural designation. We define the division between Early and Late Sillumocco as based on a change from a predom- inantly fiber-tempered assemblage to a predomi- nantly non-fiber-tempered assemblage at around 200 B.C. (Steadman, in Stanish & Steadman, 1994). The division remains subject to future re- vision because we do not know the degree to Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 41 Fig. 15. Pasiri diagnostic ceramic artifacts. which fiber- and non-fiber-tempering traditions overlapped. Clearly, some overlap does exist, by perhaps as much as 200-300 years, but the bulk of the ceramics, particularly the utilitarian wares, show a change in paste composition. The transi- tion between Early and Late Sillumocco is be- lieved to be contemporary with the end of Chiripa Mamani and the beginning of Tiwanaku I. Again, this must remain tentative because we do not know if there is a precise correlation between the Juli-Desaguadero and Bolivia area sequences. We see the beginning of Tiwanaku I as substantially later than reported by Ponce Sanguines (1981, p. 137), who suggested a date of 1580 B.C. based on one outlier C-14 date. We place it sometime around 200 B.C. There are five diagnostic types of Early Sillu- mocco period pottery used to date sites on the survey: Early Sillumocco Plain, Early Sillumocco Qaluyu Incised, Early Sillumocco Qaluyu Poly- 42 Chapter Three chrome. Early Sillumocco Chiripa Polychrome In- cised, and Early Sillumocco Chiripa Polychrome. The Early Sillumocco Plain is by far the most common diagnostic in the survey region. It is sim- ilar in paste and finish to the Early Sillumocco decorated wares described below, and to plain wares from the site of Chiripa (Mohr, 1966). The plain wares are exclusively manufactured in fiber- tempered pastes, and the vast majority are locally made. Shapes include oUas with short, slightly flared or vertical necks; direct, rounded, or slight- ly rounded rims; or rims with interior thickening; and sometimes rim-to-body strap handles. Jars have somewhat taller, slightly flared necks, also with direct rims, whereas bowl shapes are similar to those of the decorated wares, slightly flared or vertical with direct or thickened rims. Circular and horizontal body lugs are also found. The ma- jority of vessels are burnished, most to a high or medium luster. Vessels are somewhat more likely to be unslipped. An unslipped brown with a dark smudged or incompletely oxidized paste is the most common. Among the slipped sherds, a red slip color on a red-brown incompletely oxidized paste is the most popular, with the brown and dark brown slip colors following. Early Sillumocco Qaluyu Incised ceramics found in the Juli area are similar to those illus- trated from the sites of Qaluyu (Lumbreras & Amat, 1968) and Marcavalle (Chavez, 1981). They are generally slipped red, red-brown, or brown and are decorated with curvilinear designs executed in a wide line incision. Shapes include slightly flared bowls with thickened rims. Speci- mens are generally well-finished and burnished on both sides. Qaluyu-related incised ceramics are found in both the local sand-tempered and fiber- tempered pastes of the Juli area and are most commonly oxidized to a red-brown color, or in- completely oxidized with a dark core. Early Sillumucco Qaluyu Polychrome ceramics are painted in dark brown or black on a light brown or cream background, with variants having a white, red-brown, or brown background color. Specimens in which the rim section is preserved show that the rim itself and the interior of the vessels are slipped red. Vessel shapes consist of a flared or slightly flared bowl with a direct or thickened rim. Decorative motifs include check- ered elements, lattices, chevrons, and rectangles. Vessels are predominantly manufactured in the lo- cal sand-tempered and fiber-tempered pastes and more rarely in a nonlocal sand- tempered paste. They are generally well-finished and burnished. This ceramic type is again very similar to speci- mens found at Qaluyu (Lumbreras & Amat, 1968) and at Marcavalle (Chavez, 1980). Although black on cream decoration is more commonly found at Qaluyu, the red-slipped rim and interior is a trait more characteristic of the Marcavalle specimens. In addition, the Juli sample incorpo- rates some local variation, particularly in the range of slip colors and color combinations. Early Sillumocco Chiripa Polychrome Incised ceramics are found in a variety of color combi- nations, including black and yellow on red, black on red, white on red, dark red on red, dark red and yellow on red, and red on red-brown. Color areas are delineated by a fine or medium width incision, forming geometric or block color motifs. Shapes are mostly slightly flared or vertical bowls with direct or thickened rims. Unslipped or brown-slipped ceramic tubes or trumpets with in- cised decoration were also found. These ceramics were manufactured exclusively in the fiber-tem- pered pastes, in both the local version and a semi- local paste whose source is unknown. Vessels are generally incompletely oxidized and well-fin- ished. Many of the specimens of this type found in the Juli area, particularly those with black and yellow on red designs, compare closely to speci- mens illustrated from the site of Chiripa (Bennett, 1936; Mohr, 1966). Others, particularly those with unusual colors, represent local Juli variations or temporal differences in the assemblage. Early Sillumocco Chiripa Bichrome ceramics are generally painted in cream or yellow on a red background. Motifs are again geometric, includ- ing block color areas, pendant triangles, and zig- zag lines. More rarely, different color combina- tions, such as black on red or red on red-brown, are found. Vessel shapes are exclusively bowls with vertical, slightly flared, and flared wall pro- files. Vessels are well-finished and manufactured in the same local and semilocal fiber-tempered pastes as the Chiripa-related polychrome incised ceramics. Again, most of these ceramics are sim- ilar to the cream on red painted specimens from Chiripa, whereas the rare or variant pieces are most likely due to temporal or local variation. Upper Formative Period Four recognizable types of Late Sillumocco pottery were utilized in the survey analysis: Late Sillumocco Plain, Late Sillumocco Polychrome Incised, Late Sillumocco Incised, and Late Sillu- Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 43 mocco Qeya Polychrome. The Late Sillumocco assemblage is characterized almost exclusively by non- fiber-tempered utilitarian and decorated wares. The use of fiber temper persisted in this period only on a very limited scale, and it occurs only in minor quantities in one of the pastes, used for the manufacture of a small number of utilitar- ian wares and Tiwanaku IV decorated ceramics. We anticipate being able to subdivide the Late Sillumocco Period in the future, because it is ev- ident that some of the specimens assigned to this period bear more of a resemblance to Tiwanaku I ceramics and some are more clearly related to the later Qeya assemblage. Late Sillumocco Plain wares are in the vast ma- jority sand tempered and locally made. A small percentage are manufactured in the local fiber-tem- pered paste or one of the semilocal sand-tempered pastes. The local sand-tempered specimens are mostly an unslipped black, gray, or gray-brown, often with a micaceous appearance, and they are most commonly incompletely burnished on the ex- terior only, although wiped finishes are also prom- inent. Other surface colors for these wares include an unslipped red-brown and, less frequently, a red or light brown slip. Vessels are generally oxidized or oxidized with smudged edges. Shapes include jars with flared or slightly flared necks and flat or angled rims, sometimes with incised fillets at the neck constriction, and flared or slightly flared bowls with flat, triangular or rounded rims, some- times embellished with incision on the rim, rim tabs, or horizontal handles. Flared straight-sided bowls are also found with loops or loop handles on the rim. Base shapes include a thickened-edge version, as well as flat, ring, and pedestal forms. The locally made fiber-tempered wares of this pe- riod are very similar in surface finish, color, and shape to the sand-tempered wares, differing only in their pastes. The semilocal sand-tempered wares are found in roughly equal numbers of gray or dull gray-brown unslipped wares and an unslipped red- brown or light brown. Shpped specimens are again in the minority and consist mostly of red or light brown slips. Most of these wares have wiped sur- faces, and burnishes are found less frequently than on the locally made wares. Vessel shapes include jars with flared or slightly flared necks and round- ed, thickened or flat rims, and slightly flared bowls with rounded rims. Both flat and ring bases are found. The Late Sillumocco Plain wares exhibit both general and specific similarities to plain wares from Pucara (Franquemont, 1986; Chavez, 1992) and Qalasasaya (Ponce Sanguines, 1971), but they are most comparable to Qeya plain wares, partic- ularly those form Qeya QoUu Chico (Wallace, 1957). Late Sillumocco Polychrome Incised ceramics were manufactured mostly in a semilocal sand- tempered paste, although some examples of the local sand-tempered pastes are also found. Spec- imens are decorated with red, light red, or pink, cream, yellow or white, and black on an unslipped or light brown-slipped background, with color ar- eas delineated by fine or medium width incised lines. Motifs are geometric: step blocks, chevrons, or rectangles. Vessels are burnished on the exte- rior only, and fired paste color is mostly a light brown. Shapes consist of direct-rimmed slightly convex or slightly flared bowls. These ceramics bear general similarities both to ceramics from Pucara (Rowe & Brandel, 1971; Franquemont, 1986; Chavez, 1992) and ceramics that date to the Qalasasaya Period from Tiwanaku (Ponce San- guines, 1971). However, they are not directly comparable to either of these two ceramic assem- blages but appear rather to be a local or semilocal production from the Juli area. Late Sillumocco Incised pottery consists of un- slipped or single-color slipped ceramics with in- cised decoration. One group of these ceramics has an unslipped gray, gray-brown, or black surface color with a wiped or smoothed finish. Firing con- sists of an oxidized red-brown paste core with dark, lightly smudged edges. Incised motifs for this group are nested rectangles, fields of punctate dots, and squares. Examples exist with post-fire red and yellow paint in the incisions. Other in- cised wares are slipped red or light red, or an unslipped red-brown. Designs are similar to the gray wares: parallel lines, double circles, nested triangles, and fields of punctate dots. These ce- ramics are also sometimes found with red or yel- low post-fire paint, and the surface finish is again wiped or smoothed. Shapes consist of vertical-sid- ed bowls, probably incensario shapes as well, and ring-based forms, again suggesting an incensario shape. Ceramic tubes or trumpets are also found in the red- or light brown-slipped group. Except for the few trumpet specimens in one of the sem- ilocal sand-tempered pastes, all of these Late Sil- lumocco Incised ceramics were manufactured in the predominant sand-tempered local paste. These ceramics are closely comparable to incised spec- imens generally given a Qeya date in the Tiwa- naku sequence, such as those illustrated and dis- cussed by both Bennett (1934) and Wallace (1957). The group of gray unslipped wares, in 44 Chapter Three particular, is very similar to these Qeya ceramics, especially those found at Qeya QoUu Chico, in their gray surface colors and motifs. The red- and light brown-slipped pieces, in contrast, show clos- est similarities to specimens from the northern ba- sin discussed by Chavez (1985) and also ascribed by her to the Qeya or Early Tiwanaku Period. Late Sillumocco Qeya Polychrome painted sherds, very similar to those of the Qeya Period in the Tiwanaku area (Bennett, 1934; Wallace, Her- mann, 1957; Bermann, 1990), are decorated with diagonal lines, triangles, and triangle bands in black and red on a cream, white, light brown, or orange background, or on an unslipped light brown background. Exterior surfaces are generally bur- nished and the interiors wiped. Vessel shapes in- clude bottles and slightly flared bowls or cups. Two different paste groups are found in the Qeya Pol- ychrome ceramics. One, consisting mostly of the local sand-tempered pastes, has a light brown fired paste color and thick slips. The other has thinner slips and a smoother surface contour; it was man- ufactured in a nonlocal paste that is more similar to Tiwanaku IV and V pastes in its hard-fired dense texture and red-orange color Differences between these two groups may be temporal, or they may be due to geographical variation. Tiwanaku Period The Tiwanaku type represents a highly distinc- tive pottery style defined largely by surface dec- oration and vessel form. It is characterized by pre- dominantly black-on-red or black-on-orange dec- orations. We also discovered Tiwanaku poly- chromes and black-and-white decorations on red or orange slips. The most conrmion shapes are ker- os and tazones. Keros are found with and without bands around the body. Incense burners are also a common shape in the Tiwanaku ceramic assem- blage in the region. We recognize six subtypes: Tiwanaku Polychrome, Tiwanaku Black on Red, Tiwanaku Black on Orange, Tiwanaku Black and White on Red, Tiwanaku Black and White on Or- ange, and Tiwanaku Plain. The vast majority of Tiwanaku pottery in the Juli-Pomata area would be classified as Tiwanaku IV and Tiwanaku V in the Bennett-Ponce typol- ogy (Fig. 4). The repertoire of design types from these surface finds is quite limited compared with those published by Bennett (1934), Ponce San- guines (1981), and Alconini Mujica (1993) for Ti- wanaku sites in the region. Goldstein (1989) also found a much greater variety of Tiwanaku styles in the Tiwanaku colony of Omo in the Moquegua Valley. The typical Tiwanaku base slips — red, or- ange, and brown — are found on all sites. Polished black ware (Bennett, 1934, p. 396) is very rare, and virtually no incised black wares were found on survey, although a few were found in exca- vations at the site of Sillumocco-Huaquina (158). Black, orange, and white are used in the designs, generally as independent design elements. This latter design practice is described by Bennett as a characteristic of the Decadent or latest phase of Tiwanaku (Bennett, 1934, p. 456). The two most conmion decorative motifs on the Tiwanaku materials from the study area are the "perpendicular wavy line" design and the step pattern (Bennett, 1934, p. 401). Flamingo motifs are also found in the survey area. Bennett (1934, p. 402) considered these bird designs to be late. Occasionally, keros and tazones have interior dec- oration, particularly the common "perpendicular wavy Une" (Bennett 1934, p. 401), on the rim. We found very few typical Classic Tiwanaku de- signs, such as condors, trophy heads, front-face deities, and the like. Only a small fraction of the pieces showed evidence of having more than three colors ("two-color ware" in Bennett's stylistic classification [1934, pp. 397-398]). Plastic decoration on the Tiwanaku Plain sub- type includes a number of pieces characterized by raised punctate necklace decorations identical to those described by Bermann (1990, p. 503) from Lukurmata in Bolivia. We also found olla or jar handles with a raised cross motif. This motif is also found in Moquegua in Tiwanaku-related con- texts (Stanish, 1991, p. 30). It is important to note that most of Bennett's surface collections were classified as Decadent. Likewise, he noted that most of his first and sec- ond levels (highest) were Decadent as well (Ben- nett, 1934, p. 456). In contrast, the vast majority of his Classic examples came from excavated contexts. The pieces illustrated by Ponce Sangui- nes (1981) and Goldstein (1989) come from ex- cavations as well. It is therefore possible that the lack of variety in design types from the Juli-De- saguadero area is a sampling problem, in that most of our sample is from surface sites. Analysis of the excavated materials will provide a much larger sample. Examples of Tiwanaku types are found in the ceramic illustrations, including num- bers 121.001-3, 121.001-13, 136.001-7, 158.001-1, 208.001-7, 210.001-6, 210.001-25, 261.001-1, 261.001-3, 336.001-21, 336.001-9, Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 45 Fig. 16. Pucarani diagnostic ceramic artifact. 336.001-10, 396.004-3, 399.001-3, 411.001-1, 419.001-7, 419.001-13, 421.001-3, 421.001-10, 421.001-20, 421.001-27, 422.001-48, and 422.001-49. Altiplano Period Altiplano Period diagnostics consist largely of bowls, jars, and olla forms. We have called the most common ware Pucarani (de la Vega, 1990). This ware is Altiplano Period in date and is lo- cally manufactured. De la Vega's (1990) analysis of the Pucarani ware includes several decorated varieties and five discrete pastes that are found in quantity on Pukara Juli. The paste is semi-com- pact, with temper inclusion of quartz, feldspars, pyrite, and sand. We recognize five types: Pucar- ani Plain, Pucarani Black on Red, Pucarani Black and White on Red, Pucarani Red on Orange, Pu- carani Red on Brown, and Pucarani Black on Or- ange. Pucarani decorated bowls are characterized by deep, thin-walled vessels with black decoration on the interior (Figs. 16-21). The decorated Pucarani ware shows some stylistic links to Hyslop's Tanka Tanka Black on Orange, several pre-Inca Sillus- tani types, and the Early Pacajes type identified by Albarracin- Jordan and Mathews (1990) from the Tiwanaku valley. Examples of sherds are found in the section of ceramic illustrations, in- cluding numbers 102.001-1, 230.001-3, and 396.003-1. A small number of Altiplano Period diagnostics are classified as Sillustani, first identified and named by Tschopik (1946, pp. 22-27) and further discussed by Julien (1982), Revilla Becerra and Uriarte P (1985), and Stanish (1991). Using these definitions, Sillustani pottery includes both pre- Inca and Inca types. The pre-Inca types are poorly burnished on the exterior, have parallel black lines on red or reddish brown surfaces, and tend to have very thin walls. They are very rare in the research area. In the Desaguadero area and further to the south, we discovered an additional Altiplano Pe- riod type that we have called Kelluyo (Fig. 22). Kelluyo diagnostics are exclusively straight-sided 46 Chapter Three Fig. 17. Pucarani diagnostic ceramic artifact. bowl forms. They are characterized by typical Al- tiplano Period design motifs: pooriy executed black linear paint on the interior of the vessels. Late Horizon Period There are several distinct types of Late Horizon diagnostics in the Juli-Pomata, Ccapia, and De- saguadero areas. The most conmion shape by far is the bowl form, with Inca bottles or aryballoids quite common as well. The most common deco- rative motif is Local Inca (Figs. 23-25). This type is essentially Inca pottery manufactured in the Ti- ticaca Basin. It therefore dates to the Late Hori- zon, ca. A.D. 1450-1532. These pieces are imita- tions of Cuzco pottery, with bottle and bowls be- ing the predominant forms. In particular, the use of Cuzco motifs and the distinctive double pro- tuberance at the lip of bowls serve to identify this type. Julien (1983, p. 146) notes that the use of local pastes and pigments and the misinterpreta- tion of Cuzco motifs identify the Local Inca style as locally manufactured in the Titicaca area. We recognize three subtypes within the Local Inca as- semblage: Local Inca Plain, Local Inca Poly- chrome, and Local Inca Bichrome. Examples of Local Inca are found in the ceramic illustrations, including numbers 002.000-6, 002.000-7, 002.001-13, 002.001-6, 002.001-9, 190.001-2, 190.001-9, 190.001-12, 274.002-3, 282.001-3, 282.003-1, 286.001-3, 385.001-11, 385.001-13, 385.001-14, 385.001-15, 385.001-17, 396.005-8, 421.001-6, and 454.002-20. Another Late Horizon type is Chucuito (Fig. 26). Virtually all Chucuito types are bowl forms. It was first defined by Tschopik (1946, pp. 27- 31) as two related wares: Chucuito Polychrome and Chucuito Black on Red. The dominant dec- orative motifs include animal and plant designs with smaller numbers of human, insect, and geo- metric designs. The Chucuito ceramics in the Juli-Pomata area are locally manufactured. Tschopik (1946, p. 27) noted that Chucuito pastes are fine textured and tend to be pink or light red in color. They are sand tempered, with occasional mica inclusions. Examples of the Chucuito type are found in the ceramic illustrations, including Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 47 Pucarani olla/jar rim from 399. numbers 002.001-8, 002.001-10, 002.001-6, 13.001-33, 37.001-1, 70.001-7, 70.001-13, 78.001-1, 114.001-1, 121.001-3, 175.003-2, 193.001-7, 205.001-1, 221.001-5, 226.004-12, 227.001-3, 230.001-2, 230.001-3, 273.001-1, 274.002-3, 282.001-1, 282.003-1, 282.001-6, 286.001-1, 306.001-10, 385.001-10, 385.001-11, 385.001-18, 396.005-8, 449.001-1, 449.001-7, 449.001-12, and 454.002-11. Pacajes is a Late Horizon type more common in the Desaguadero area that was first reported in detail by Ryden (1957, pp. 235-238) from a num- ber of sites in Bolivia (Fig. 27). Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews (1990, p. 171) and Mathews (1993) refer to this type as Pacajes-Inka and assign it a Late Horizon date. This ceramic type is almost certainly associated with the Pacajes region of the south basin. Pacajes ceramics are easily recog- nized by the distinctive "llamita" designs (and similar unrelated shapes) on the interior surface of bowls. Our Pacajes ceramics all appear to be Late Horizon in date, given their similarity to Chucuito and Local Inca bowls. The low occur- rence of this type in the region and its greater known density to the south strongly suggest that Pacajes is an exotic import in the Juli-Pomata area. With one exception, all Pacajes examples from the Juli-Desaguadero study area are bowl forms. Examples of the Pacajes type are found in the ceramic illustrations, including numbers 002.001-7, 145.001-2, 221.001-5, 385.001-10, 385.001-18, and 454.002-14. Sillustani types are found in both Altiplano and Late Horizon contexts, as determined by strati- graphic excavations and stylistic analysis (Julien, 1983, pp. 116-125; Stanish, 1991, pp. 13-14). Late Horizon Sillustani types are fairly easily dis- tinguished by thicker lips, shallower bowl forms, finer exterior burnishing, and more elaborate de- sign motifs. The Late Horizon Sillustani type was also first identified and named by Tschopik (1946, pp. 22-27) and further discussed by Julien (1982), Revilla Becerra and Uriarte P. (1985), and Stanish (1991). As with the pre-Inca types, virtually all Sillustani diagnostic are bowls. The primary de- fining characteristic of the Sillustani type is the set of parallel lines along the interior rim of bur- nished or polished bowls. Tschopik suggested four "wares" within the Sillustani "series": Sillustani Polychrome, Sillustani Brown on Cream, Sillus- tani Black on Red, and Sillustani Black and White on Red. We did not find any Polychrome (with 48 Chapter Three Fig. 19. Spindle whorls from Pukara Juli (003). one exception that was classified as a possible Chucuito Polychrome) or Black and White on Red in the Juli-Pomata area and therefore did not include these in our typology. We defined an ad- ditional subtype, Sillustani Black on Orange. Based on paste characteristics, the Sillustani Brown on Cream is hypothesized to be an import to the Juli-Pomata area, while the Black on Or- ange and Black on Red are most likely locally made. Examples of the Sillustani type are found in the ceramic illustrations, including numbers 107.001-1, 110.001-1, 288.001-7, 343.001-4, 343.001-7, 385.001-9, 396.005-8, 422.001-22, 449.001-9, 454.002-1, and 454.002-7. Early Colonial Period Early Colonial Period diagnostics are exclu- sively bowl forms that we have called Chocasuyu. The principal defining characteristic is a slightly everted lip with poorly executed black and occa- sionally white decoration. Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews (1990) found identical types and called them Late Pacajes. They also dated these to the Early Colonial Period. Decorative motifs come in several varieties, including plain wares, Choca- suyu Black and White on Red, Chocasuyu Red and White on Red/Orange, Chocasuyu Black on Red, Chocasuyu Red on Orange, Chocasuyu Black on Orange, Chocasuyu Black on Brown, and Chocasuyu Glazed types. Chocasuyu pastes tend to be similar to the earlier Local Inca ones. The Chocasuyu type appears to be locally manu- factured, based upon paste similarities to the Lo- cal Inca and Chucuito types. Examples of the Chocasuyu type are found in the ceramic illustra- tions, including numbers 59.001-1, 94.002-2, 154.001-1, 154.001-2, 154.001-3, 169.003-3, 216.001-1, 217.001-1, 221.001-4, 224.001-2, 227.001-10, 227.001-3, 290.004-13, 396.005-5, 396.005-9, and 411.001-9. Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 49 Fig. 20. Pucarani ceramic vessel. Fig. 21. Pucarani ceramic vessel. Settlement Patterns in the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area Late Archaic Period Settlement Pattern We found seven Late Archaic sites in the Juh- Pomata region. The density of Archaic sites in the Juh-Pomata region is less than that discovered by Mark Aldenderfer in the only other intensive and systematic survey on the Peruvian side of the cir- cum-Titicaca region. It is likely that we missed some Archaic lithic scatters. It is also likely that sedimentation near the lake and the lack of sub- stantial cultural remains typical of Archaic sites have obscured many of these sites. Four Archaic sites are lithic scatters with some diagnostic artifacts on the surface (Fig. 28). Two Archaic sites are rock shelters with at least some red figures painted on the walls that are typically Archaic in style. The rock art was identified by Aldenderfer as dating from the Late Archaic to the Late Sillumocco and possibly Tiwanaku pe- riods. One site, San Bartolome-Wiscachani (022), is a Lower and Middle Formative site with a Late Archaic component. The Archaic Period settle- ment is beyond the scope of this research. Nev- ertheless, it is significant that we discovered seven sites near the lake, including the complex site of San Bartolome-Wiscachani, which represents the beginning of sedentary ways of life in the basin. Intensive survey methodologies designed to un- cover these pre-ceramic sites will undoubtedly discover additional sites in the Juli-Pomata re- gion. Early Formative Period Settlement Pattern It is once again important to emphasize that the definition of the Pasiri ceramic diagnostic is ten- tative. Presuming the validity of this type, how- ever, we have identified a number of Early For- mative sites in the intensive survey area and one site in the Ccapia reconnaissance area (Tacapisi). We did not locate any Early Formative sites in the Desaguadero reconnaissance area, although our large-site-size survey methodology was not suited to finding such small sites. The distribution of Pasiri sites in the intensive survey area is illustrated in Figure 29. The most significant characteristic of this pattern is a gen- erally even distribution of settlements along the lake edge, with a slight clustering of sites in the Moyopampa region. The Moyopampa region is the richest ecological zone in the intensive survey 50 Chapter Three Fig. 22. Kelluyo diagnostic ceramic artifacts. area. The slight clustering of the earliest village sites in the Moyopampa region can be explained by a resource maximization strategy, with fewer settlements in areas of fewer resources. Pasiri ceramics are rare and difficult to distin- guish on the surface. As a result, it is impossible to accurately estimate average site sizes for this period using intensive walkovers. However, in the five sites with Early Formative occupations and without significant later occupations, the average site size is less than 1 hectare (0.8 ha). The av- erage site size of the later Middle Formative oc- cupations is only slightly larger (0.92 ha), so it is safe to deduce from these data that the Pasiri sites were no larger than 1 ha on average, and probably much smaller.''* '■* In fact, if the larg? Middle and Early Formative site (no. 342) is removed, the average size of Pasiri sites without significant later occupations is a mere 0.33 ha. Middle Formative Period Settlement Pattern The local Middle Formative occupation in the Juli region is called Early Sillumocco. The word "Sillumocco" means "fingernail hill" and is a lo- cal toponym located a few kilometers due west of Juli. The Sillumocco Period was named after site 158, called Sillumocco-Huaquina, a classic type 3 site with a large semisubterranean structure at the top of the hill. The Early Sillumocco spans the end of the Middle Formative and the early part of the Upper Formative. It dates to approximately 800-200 B.C. It would partially overlap with the periods of Qaluyu, Cusipata (Mujica, 1987), Chi- ripa Llusco and Mamani (Browman, 1980), and the Middle and Late Chiripa (Chavez, 1988, p. 2). One carbon sample obtained from Early Sillu- mocco construction fill from Palermo provided an uncalibrated date of 2,810 ± 80 years before the Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 51 Fig. 23. Local Inca ceramic artifacts from Imicate. present,'^ corroborating the dates derived from the styUstic comparisons. The Early Sillumocco settlement pattern in the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area is shown in Figure 30. It is immediately apparent that settle- ment was heavily concentrated on the lake shore, with fully 85% of the total habitation area located below 4000 m. There are three sites in the puna that constitute 15% of the population. It is signif- icant that the largest cluster of Early Sillumocco sites is on low hills in, or on periphery of, the Moyopampa raised-field system. In fact, 41% of the population, as calculated by total habitation area, was located within 1 km of the raised- field areas in the entire intensively surveyed area (Ta- ble 3). The survey data therefore strongly suggest that raised-field agriculture was an important compo- nent of the Early Sillumocco economy. Raised fields are also found in the Pomata area and were constructed in the Challapampa zone due west of Pomata as well, near some Middle Formative sites. Furthermore, lacustrine resources were in- tensively exploited, as evidenced by a large quan- tity of fish bone in middens excavated from Early Sillumocco components at Tumatumani and Sil- lumocco-Huaquina. In summary, the Early Sillumocco settlement pattern is characterized by a lakeside settlement focus, the absence of fortified settlements, a gen- eral concentration of a substantial proportion of the population (41%) in the raised-field areas, and a lack of any archaeologically visible formal sys- tem of camelid pasturing. Late Sillumocco Period Settlement Pattern The Late Sillumocco Period occupies the latter part of the Upper Formative in the Juli area. It is roughly contemporary with Classic Pucara, Ti- wanaku I, and Qeya (Tiwanaku III). The Late Sil- lumocco dates between ca. 2(K) B.C. and a.d. 400, based on stylistic comparisons to pottery from the north and south Titicaca Basin regions. One C-14 date from an initial Late Sillumocco floor at the site of Palermo dates to 2,180 ± 80 years before the present (uncorrected), or 210 ± 150 B.C. (cor- rected).'^ '5 Teledyne 1-17,545. 'Teledyne 1-17,572. 52 Chapter Three Fig. 24. Local Inca ceramic artifacts from Imicate. The Late Sillumocco Period is characterized by a small reduction in the total number of sites and an increase in mean site size (Fig. 31, Table 6). Total population increased, and there was a major concentration of the population in the raised-field areas, increasing from 41% to almost 70% (Table 6). Land use in the puna was much reduced; less than 6% of the total population was concentrated in one relatively large site (333). The obvious con- clusion from these settlement data is that the nat- ural population increase was directed toward the raised-field areas, with additional existing popula- tions also pulled into this economic activity. During the Late Sillumocco Period there was a distinctive hierarchy in site sizes, with sites rang- ing from small type 2 mounds to the large type 1 Tumatumani ((X)l) (Fig. 32) and the impressive type 3 sites of Palermo (212) (Fig. 33) and Sil- lumocco-Huaquina (158) (Fig. 34). These three sites in particular are characterized by the pres- ence of corporate architecture in the form of ar- tificial mounds, stone enclosures, and/or sunken courts. These sites most certainly represent the elite/ceremonial centers of the Late Sillumocco polity. Calculation of total habitation area indi- cates that more than half of the population during the Late Sillumocco Period lived in either the type 1 or type 3 sites, up 20% from the earlier Early Sillumocco Period (Table 6). There is a strong continuity between the Early and Late Sillumocco settlement patterns. The pop- ulation in both periods was concentrated along the lake edge, relied to some degree on raised fields, was nucleated in relatively few settlements, and was generally evenly spread along the landscape on the lake edge. Perhaps the most significant ob- servation is that there was an increase in popula- tion but a reduction in the number of sites. In other words, mean site size increased and populations were drawn into a smaller number of larger sites. Tiwanaku Period Settlement Pattern The Tiwanaku occupation in the region dates from approximately a.d. 400 to 1 100. We discov- ered more than 40 Tiwanaku sites in the Juli-Po- mata intensive survey area. The Tiwanaku settle- Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 53 Fig. 25. Late Horizon diagnostics. ment pattern is shown in Figure 35. One of the most striking features of the Tiwanaku settlement pattern is its continuity with the Late Sillumocco pattern. Site location was essentially the same, with lakeside and raised-field areas favored loca- tions. Virtually the same percentage of the popu- lation lived in the elite site types in both periods (Table 6). Mean site sizes were very high, and a very large percentage of the population continued to live in the raised-field areas. Virtually all of the major Late Sillumocco sites continued to be occupied in the Tiwanaku Period, whereas some minor Late Sillumocco sites were abandoned. Most significantly, nine of the ten sites that were abandoned were small. The three ehte/ceremonial sites of Tumatumani (001), Pa- lermo (212), and Sillumocco-Huaquina (158) all continued to be occupied during this period, and sites such as Tumucu (121) were founded for the first time by Tiwanaku, utilizing architectural pat- terns similar to those seen on the earlier Late Sil- lumocco Period sites. Land use patterns between the Late Sillumocco and Tiwanaku periods were similar as well. The distribution of population among the three eco- nomic zones — raised field, terrace agriculture, and camelid pastoralism — remained relatively con- stant (7:2:1 vs. 6:3:1 for Late Sillumocco and Ti- wanaku periods, respectively). These data suggest a strong continuity between the Late Sillumocco and Tiwanaku periods, indicating that the Tiwa- naku state expanded into an already complex po- litical and economic system dominated by the Late Sillumocco peoples. 54 Chapter Three Fig. 26. Chucuito diagnostic ceramic artifacts. In summary, the Tiwanaku settlement pattern is characterized by a lakeside settlement focus and the absence of fortified settlements, very similar to the earlier Late Sillumocco pattern. Most major Late Sillumocco elite/ceremonial sites continued to be occupied in the Tiwanaku Period. At least one of these, Tumatumani, was architecturally en- hanced as well. In most respects, the Tiwanaku pattern was an elaboration of the existing Late Sillumocco pattern. Altiplano Period Settlement Pattern The first major change in settlement patterning in the Juli-Pomata area after the Late Archaic Pe- riod occurred in the Altiplano Period. The Alti- plano Period settlement pattern is shown in Figure 36. Sites continued to be built on the lake shore, but there was a notable expansion into the higher puna zones, particularly up the rivers. Even though the population did not appreciably in- crease, there is a significant increase in the num- ber of sites. This is the most significant pattern in the Tiwanaku/Altiplano Period transition; the nu- cleated settlements of the Late Sillumocco and Ti- wanaku periods gave way to a dispersed settle- ment pattern. Average site size decreased by a factor of three from the Tiwanaku to the Altiplano Period. For the first time as well, there was major occupation of single-household hamlets in the pampas, as represented by the type 2 small mounds that abounded in the Altiplano Period (Table 6). The percentage of the population Uving Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 55 Fig. 27. Pacajes diagnostic ceramics. in single households in the pampas increased by a factor of two from the previous Tiwanaku Pe- riod, even though the total percentage of the pop- ulation living in the raised-field areas decreased dramatically (Table 6). Another prominent feature of the Altiplano Pe- riod settlement pattern is the development of hill- top fortified sites, or pukaras (Table 7). We lo- cated nine fortified sites in the Juli-Pomata inten- sive survey area. Fortification walls are found at the site complex named Pukara Juli (including sites 003, 005, 006, and 188), on the Sapacollo hill (019), at the large hill located due northwest of Pomata (416), and at two major sites, Suankata (007) and Tanapaca (481), that fell just inside of the survey area. Analysis of the settlement data indicates that there are two distinct types of fortified sites. Pu- kara Juli is typical of the first type — very large hills surrounded by at least three walls, with sub- stantial architectural remains inside and immedi- ately adjacent to the walls. These major pukaras encircle huge areas. To date, we have identified six of these sites in the south and southwestern Titicaca Basin — Pukara Juli, Tanapaca, Llaquepa, Huichajaja, Tanka Tanka, and Gerro Carajuana. Hyslop (1976) described four of these sites — Pu- kara Juli, Llaquepa, Huichajaja, and Tanka Tanka. 56 Chapter Three ^ J .ONnMSJLfll © III I.I 'Milihliiiliitliiiliiiliiilitiliiiliiilii'ltiiliiilnili Fig. 28. Archaic lithic artifacts. Likewise, Vasquez et al. (1935) first reported Tan- ka Tanka. The second type of pukara is characterized by small hills with surrounding defensive walls and very little architectural remains. These minor ref- uge sites are built in a manner similar to the major ones, but they are considerably smaller and much more numerous (Fig. 37). They rarely have more than a few structures, and artifactual remains are meager. The available data indicate that the minor pukaras were not permanently occupied. There were no permanent habitation structures, and there is little evidence of intensive use.'^ The survey provides data on the distribution and frequency of minor refuge sites and contem- porary nondefended settlements near the refuge sites. Minor refuge sites are distributed among nu- merous undefended villages and hamlets. We hy- pothesize that major pukaras, minor pukaras, and '^ We therefore did not include the minor pukaras in the total habitation area calculations in the tables. undefended sites composed the Altiplano Period settlement pattern. This settlement pattern is dra- matically distinct from the preceding Tiwanaku pattern and represents a profound change in the political and economic organization in the Alti- plano Period. The distribution of above-ground tombs closely parallels that of the habitation sites (Fig. 38). The survey failed to discover any major chulpa cem- etery areas. Rather, the above-ground tombs ap- pear to conform to a pattern of territorial marking, as suggested by Hyslop in 1976. These data could be interpreted to suggest the formation of distinct political-geographical units in this period, each associated with one major and possibly one or more minor refuge sites. In this case, the set of sites in the Juli area, including the San Bartolome hill, would correspond to one of these groupings. Likewise, the sites in the El Molino/Challapampa area would compose another. This pattern is dis- cussed in greater length in the discussion section, pages 117-118. Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 57 Fig. 29. Distribution of Pasiri habitation sites. Expansive Inca Period Settlement Pattern The Expansive Inca Period settlement pattern is shown in Figure 39. In many ways, the transition from the Altiplano to the Expansive Inca Period is similar to the change between the Tiwanaku and the Late Sillumocco Period. That is, the Inca occupation does not represent any dramatic change from the Altiplano Period. The difference is one of degree, not kind. Mean site size is only slightly higher than that of the Altiplano Period, increased by the founding of the large urbanized centers such as Juli and Pomata. The clear settle- ment choice during the Expansive Inca Period is near the lake. However, the movement into the puna that began in the Altiplano Period continued in the Late Horizon Period. About 14% of the population was living above 4000 m under Inca occupation. Likewise, the shift away from the raised-field areas continued, with the result that 85% of the population lived in the terraced agri- cultural areas or on the camelid grazing lands (Ta- ble 3). The main differences between the Altiplano and the Expansive Inca Period are the greater number of sites, abandonment of the fortified ref- uge sites such as Pukara Juli, and the founding of several regional political centers: Juli (002), Po- mata ((X)4), and possibly the Kajje region. The Late Horizon witnessed a "spike" in the popula- tion of the region. Extrapolating from the previous population growth rates, there was about twice the population during the Late Horizon than expected. These data suggest that populations were moved in the region under Inca control, a process con- sistent with ethnohistoric data on Inca mitimae in the region (Julien, 1983). One final note is that the location of Juli and Pomata as major Early Colonial political and re- ligious centers appears to have been based largely on the existence of already large populations dur- ing the Late Horizon. Our data strongly suggest that the decision to intensively settle Juli and Po- mata during the Early Colonial Period reflects the demographic and cultural-geographical landscape left by the Inca state much more than it reflects a 58 Chapter Three Fig. 30. Site size distribution of Eariy Sillumocco settlements. new administrative order imposed by Spanish au- thorities. Population Trends in the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area Early Colonial Period Settlement Pattern The settlement pattern during the Early Colo- nial Period in the Juli-Pomata survey area is very similar to that of the Late Horizon. There are few- er sites in total, and the absolute population is lower, but the settlement distribution is approxi- mately the same as in the Late Horizon. Mean site sizes and overall population distributions were very similar to those of the Late Horizon (Tables 3 and 6). Interestingly, the highest density of set- tlement in the puna is in the Early Colonial Period (25% of the population, as seen in Table 3), sug- gesting a very high reliance on camelid pasturing during this time. The substantial number of Early Colonial sites in the puna may also help explain the location of the impressive Early Colonial church at the site of Lundayani (009). Population trends in the region provide an ex- cellent index of the settlement history of the south- western Titicaca region. The calculation of popu- lation size from settlement data is one of the most difficult and contentious problems in archaeology today (e.g., see Parsons et al., 1982, pp. 69-70). We believe that calculations of total site size pro- vide a reasonable indicator of population size. For the intensive survey zone, we can provide an ac- curate characterization of the population history in the prehistoric and early historic periods. Figure 40 is a graph of the population growth in the area using several different correction methods. The uncorrected data are expressed as total habitation area in hectares per period. These base data were corrected for length of time period, average household life of 60 and 90 years, differ- ential densities of nucleated sites with 20% and 40% population increases, and combinations of these factors. In virtually all cases, the shape of Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 59 Fig. 3 1 . Site size distribution of Late Sillumocco habitation sites. the graph is the same. In other words, the data appear to be highly robust in the sense that even with extreme corrections for a variety of factors, all curves are similar. The steady curve from the Early Sillumocco Period to the Altiplano Period suggests that future research that might divide the sequence into finer time periods would not alter the curve. It furthermore supports our phasing of the sites and corroborates our ceramic chronology, even with the relatively large time periods that we are unfortunately forced to use at the present time. The population curve in the intensive survey area is extremely important for understanding pre- historic cultural developments in the region as a whole. The growth rate indicates a relatively steady population increase from the earliest oc- cupation to the Altiplano Period, with a noticeable growth spike in the Expansive Inca Period and a definite drop during the Early Colonial Period. Initial agricultural populations were sparse and lo- cated along the lake edge. The population contin- ued to grow in the subsequent Upper Formative and Tiwanaku periods. During the Altiplano Pe- riod, there was a slight leveling in population lev- els, but no dramatic shift in overall levels relative to the preceding periods. Only during the Inca Pe- riod can we detect a substantial increase in pop- ulation well beyond that expected from normal population growth. Major Sites in the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area Aceruni Amaya (375) This cemetery consists of at least eleven field- stone chulpas that are found on the sides of the hill next to the Chutani Pampa. These chulpas date to the Altiplano and Late Horizon periods. The site is in the community of Huacani. The area included in this site measures approximately 200 X 100 m. These chulpas are well conserved, and some are up to 3.0 m high. Most are round and range in diameter from 2.0 to 4.0 m. One chulpa is square in shape and 2.5 m on a side. One chul- pa has two snake motifs in bas relief. This area 60 Chapter Three Fig.. 32. Site of Tumatumani. represents one of the major Altiplano and Late Horizon Period chulpa cemeteries in the survey area. It was first reported by H. Tschopik in his 1951 report (p. 506). Altarani-Bebedero (457) (Figs. 41-44) This site consists of the entire Bebedero out- crop, with an adjoining artificial platform on the southern side. The platform is a few meters above the pampa, and it is difficult to determine without excavations how much of it is artifical or altered natural features. There is also the famous carved niche on one of the rock outcrop walls. Ceramic densities on the site are quite high. The Bebedero is a large uplifted rock outcrop that is unique in the survey area, with Late Ar- chaic, Pasiri, Early Sillumocco, Late Sillumocco, Tiwanaku, Altiplano, and Inca occupations. It consists of a series of domestic terraces built into vertically tilted geological strata. The terraces do not have any surviving architecture that is appar- ent at the present time. Densities of artifacts, how- ever, are very high on some of these terraces, pos- sibly as a result of secondary redeposition pro- cesses. This site is impossible to classify due to its unique geological features. Most of the do- mestic areas would have been on artificial terrac- es. The formation is at least 2 km long, and we surveyed the southern half. There are pockets of artifactual remains throughout these uplifted rocks. Altarani was first discovered by Hyslop (1976, p. 352; 1977, p. 161). His description matches our survey observations, except that we have included the entire Bebedero rock outcrop with the plat- form and carved niche as one site. The carving is Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 61 A-SUNKEN COURT B-ENCLOSURE C-HILL D-DOMESTIC TERRACES TWO METER CONTOURS 100 m. Fig. 33. Site of Palermo. best described as a small inverted trapezoidal or T-shaped niche inside of an upside-down square U shape. It is geometric in form. The carving is about 7 m high and 14 m wide.'* The carving is '* Hyslop (1977, p. 161) stated that the niche is 7 X 8 m wide. However, he appears to have not included the unfinished carving flanking the deeper niches in his width estimate. The total width of the carving is 14 m, whereas the width of the inverted U is consistent with Hyslop's original measurements. unfinished, suggesting that the site was abandoned during the preparation of this niche. This is evi- denced by the uncompleted flanking section on the north side of the cut stone face. If the niche was an Inca construction, it is possible that the Inca architects abandoned their work at the time of the Spanish conquest. Hyslop (1977, p. 161) argued that the niche represented a carved chulpa facade constructed in the Altiplano Period. We be- lieve that this supposition is not established and 62 Chapter Three A-SUNKEN COURT B-ENCLOSURE C-HILL D-DOMESTIC TERRACES TWO METER CONTOURS Fig. 34. Site of Sillumocco-Huaquina. that the carving could be associated with the prob- able cut stone at the northern end of the site, built in a supposedly Inca style. There is, of course, an Inca occupation at this site. Alternative hypothe- ses include that of Hyslop (1977), or that the carv- ing was completed during the Tiwanaku or Late Sillumocco Period, the major occupations of the platform area of the site. Hyslop himself notes that the "doorway has a T-shape reminiscent of a Tiwanaku sculptural motif" (Hyslop, 1977, pp. 161-162). Chinchin Jalave (017) Located at the northernmost tip of the San Bar- tolome peninsula, Chinchin Jalave has one of the most spectacular views of the lake and a com- manding view of the Bolivian cordillera and the Isla del Sol. Today, the site is composed of a se- ries of low agricultural terraces that follow the relatively gentle contours of the hill. The area is virtually uninhabited today. Several (at least three) slab-cist tombs are found on the site. There Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 63 tAISED-riELD AM< LAKE TITICACA KAISCD-FIELD AREA RAISED-FIELD f Fig. 35. Site size distribution of Tiwanaku habitation sites. are also a number of rock piles that could have been built over fallen chulpas or slab-cist tombs. This is a dispersed site with a very low density of artifacts. Chinchin Jalave probably represents a number of Late Horizon and Early Colonial hamlets or individual households that moved over the generations. There is no visible architecture on the site today. Chukusuyu (137) This site includes domestic terraces, with a rel- atively high concentration of artifacts on the sur- face from the Middle Formative to the Inca peri- ods. It is very close to the lake, and there are substantial totora stands at the edge of the site. The site was originally discovered by Hyslop (1976, p. 373). He described it as a habitation area of about 2 ha, with two igloo chulpas and one slab-cist tomb. Our methodology recognized four separate sites (127, 133, 136, 137) that Hyslop (1976) had lumped as a single site. We did not locate any chulpas. It would appear that these had been leveled for agricultural activity since Hys- lop's (1976) survey. It is also possible that surface stones in the area were utilized for road construc- tion in the mid-1980s. Hyslop noted that the site name of Chukusuyu was mentioned in the Garci Diez (1964 [1567]) Visita as part of the subdivision of Juli. He sug- gested that the site that he found was this histor- ically documented settlement. Our survey located a substantial number of Late Horizon settlements on and near the Chukusuyu Peninsula, any of which could reasonably be the Chukusuyu com- munity listed in the Visita. Hanco Vilque (333) This site has occupations including Early Sil- lumocco. Late Sillumocco, Tiwanaku, and the Altiplano periods. It is located at 4100 m.a.s.l. Hanco Vilque is the highest pre-Altiplano Period site in the intensive survey area. It measures ap- proximately 150 X 150 m. The site consists of at least four large (approximately 15 X 50 m) 64 Chapter Three itusu>-niu> A'-;r' Fig. 44. Cut stone "doorway" at Altarani. ■^■rS 70 Chapter Three Fig. 45. Site area of Juli with Sapacolla in background. Fig. 46. Site ot Juii. Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 71 was located in a raised-field zone. This site type is very rare in the pre-Altiplano periods. KoUini (103) This site is composed of a series of large ter- races that measure from 20 X 30 to 40 X 50 m in dimension. A large wall surrounds the lower three sides of the site. Some terraces are outside of the wall. The wall actually consists of two smaller walls filled with rock rubble, a building technique typical of Altiplano Period sites in the area. This wall may therefore have served a de- fensive purpose. There are approximately 10-15 circular fieldstone chulpas and/or slab-cist tombs on the site. The chulpas average 2.0 m in diam- eter. This site, combined with sites 102, 104, and 105, may be considered one large settlement dur- ing at least the Altiplano and Late Horizon peri- ods. It is possible that this settlement complex de- rived from the earlier Tiwanaku settlement from the nearby site of Ibmuku (121). Lundayani (009) Lundayani was first identified by Hyslop (1976, pp. 377-380) as a major Inca and Spanish Colo- nial Period site. There is some cut stone near Lun- dayani that may be the location of a hot spring near Juli (an Inca bath) mentioned by Bertonio in his dictionary as Huntto uma: "hot springs or baths in the puna" (1956[1612], Book 1, p. 85). The site is located between two quebradas. It con- tains a number of standing structures, including round and rectangular ones that led Hyslop (1976) to suggest that it could have been a "reduction" of some indigenous Lupaca populations by the Inca state. This is because rectangular structures are typical of Inca domestic construction, whereas round structures were typical of pre-Inca Lupaqa construction (Hyslop, 1976; Stanish et al., 1993). Lundayani has perhaps the earliest Christian church in the Juli region. It is built in a classic Early Colonial church style with adobe and bricks. The significance of Lundayani for the Ear- ly Colonial and Inca history of the Juli region cannot be overstated. Mogote (403) This important Inca site has at least 15 small, round, domestic structures. The structures are ap- proximately 10-15 m from each other and range from 2.5 to 4.0 m in diameter. There are also at least three circular fieldstone chulpas, with di- ameters of approximately 2.5 m. The chulpas and the habitation structures are distinguished from each other by the construction techniques and the characteristics of the foundations. This site is significant because it is a single- occupation Late Horizon site with domestic ar- chitecture that is much more characteristic of the preceding Altiplano Period. It therefore consti- tutes good evidence that the local populations dur- ing the Inca occupation continued to build do- mestic structures in a local, traditional style. This would contrast with sites such as Lundayani, where both round and rectangular structures are found in the Late Horizon. El Molino (261) The site of El Molino is built on a low, broad hill in the Molino section of the survey zone. It covered an area of about 1 ha during the Tiwa- naku Period, the principal occupational period of the site. The site is close to the Rio Molino and is composed of a number of low, wide domestic terraces. It represents a modified type 4 site, with a set of domestic terraces built on a very low gra- dient rise. It is in a centralized location in the El Molino area and has had a substantial and long occupation throughout the sequence. There is no surviving domestic architecture from the site, with the exception of the badly eroded and worked ter- races. There is no evidence of corporate construc- tions. This site represents a large nonelite settle- ment from the Tiwanaku Period found in the in- tensive survey area. Moyopampa Play a (221) This site consists of five type 2 mounds spread over a 2-ha area in the Moyopampa raised-field zone. The mounds are approximately 5.0 m in di- ameter. These mounds are located today about 50 m from the lake in an area subject to periodic inundations. We collected from each mound sep- arately. One important observation from these collections is that the mounds contain a large quantity and range of artifacts from the Altiplano to the Late Horizon periods. Collections such as these assure us that the surface artifacts represent the subsurface materials in most of these mounds. 72 Chapter Three These mounded sites typically began in the Al- tiplano Period, although a few type 2 mounds contain evidence of Tiwanaku occupations. One of us has argued that site locations such as these indicate the gradual collapse of the raised-field system (Stanish, 1994). The larger and more com- plex aqueduct, canal, and field systems of the Ti- wanaku and Upper Formative periods contracted in the Altiplano Period. These smaller agricultural systems were characterized by small households, as represented by these mounds, that may have been located next to small blocks of raised fields near the lake and along the rivers. In other words, during the Altiplano Period, the raised-field agri- culture was most likely organized at the house- hold or ayllu level, and no higher Sites such as 22 1 are typical of this settlement pattern, associ- ated with a relatively noncomplex organization of raised-field production in the region. Palermo (212) (Fig. 33) The site of Palermo is located directly between two aqueducts that feed the raised fields. It is the largest Early Sillumocco, Late Sillumocco, and Tiwanaku Period site in the Juli-Pomata area. It is the center of the Early and Late Sillumocco polity in the region, equal in political importance to the site of Ckackachipata in the Chatuma area (see below). The site is located on the northwest side of Pu- kara Juli, adjacent to an old hacienda that lends its name to the site. Palermo is a classic example of a type 3 site, with massive domestic terraces that climb up to an artificially altered hilltop. There is a semisubterranean sunken court at the top of the hill that measures 15 X 15 m. The court is lined with shaped but uncut stones. The court contains a stone doorway very similar to that found at Lukurmata in Bohvia (Bermaim, 1994) and at other sites in the Titicaca region, most no- tably Incatunuhuiri. Above the sunken court is an open area, ap- proximately 50 X 50 m in size. Today, part of it serves as a corral, but numerous large stones around the site suggest that it was a stone-walled enclosure. This enclosure is hypothesized to have functioned like a "kalasasaya" area adjacent to the sunken court. A large stone monolith is lo- cated at the base of the site, at the entrance of the hacienda. As with comparable elite sites in the region, it is likely that this monolith was origi- nally located in this enclosure area or in the sunk- en court. The monolith is large, about 3.5 m in length, and tapered at one end. The size of the monolith suggests a Tiwanaku date, but there is no obvious carving on the three exposed sides. At the very top of the site is a small, rounded hilltop that has been artificially altered. The hill is a few meters high, with no obvious construc- tions at the present time. The effect of the sunken court, enclosure area, and this hill replicates the Akapana-Kalasasaya semisubterranean court at Tiwanaku and suggests a standardized architec- tural pattern for sites of this time period. The same three architectural elements are found in other sites in the region, such as Sillumocco-Hua- quina and Tumuku. On top of this local variety of an "akapana" is a circular fieldstone chulpa that obviously postdates the major occupation of the site and is most likely Late Horizon or Altiplano Period in date. The "kalasasaya" area was excavated during the 1991 season. We discovered about a meter of construction fill below a clearly defined floor. A single C-14 date from this subfloor fill dates to 940 ± 110 B.C. (corrected), indicating that the fill came from a very early Early Sillumocco context. The ceramic diagnostics in this fill were consis- tently Early Sillumocco in date. A single C-14 date from the floor surface dates to 210 ± 150 B.C. (corrected), a time falling at the beginning of the Late Sillumocco Period. Again, the artifact as- semblage was consistent with the C-14 date, being Late Sillumocco in style. Above this floor was a level of unconsolidated midden, a substantial quantity of burned vegetal matter, and larger rocks. A number of Tiwanaku sherds were found mixed in these upper levels. The burning episode occurred during or after the Late Sillumocco Period, possibly at the time of Tiwanaku occupation. All of the features at this level were suggestive of postoccupational unin- tentional collapse. The burning may represent a violent episode in which structures on the floor surface were destroyed. Although tenuous, these data suggest that the Tiwanaku occupation was accompanied by the destruction of the existing ceremonial area. The substantial Tiwanaku occu- pation of the site, as evidenced by the widespread distribution of Tiwanaku pottery, indicates a sub- stantial reuse of the site. Higher up in this post-floor level was a thick lens of camelid dung, a feature indicating that the site was utilized as a corral after the principal oc- cupation represented by the floor. This interpre- tation is supported by the existence of a canal that Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 73 runs from the side of Pukara Juli into the sunken court area. This level is most likely associated with the post-Tiwanaku occupations of the site. This site in Palermo (212) is located between two major aqueducts that lead into the raised-field area immediately below the site. The aqueducts are not used at present, but one runs to a spring that is used today by a church-run agricultural re- search station. The spring is used to water the entire station and produces a large quantity of wa- ter throughout the year. The second aqueduct is on the other side of the site. Palermo was the larg- est Middle Formative, Upper Formative, and Ti- wanaku site in the region. Its association with the raised fields emphasizes the importance of this ag- ricultural technique in the economy of these so- cieties. Palermo was unquestionably the popula- tion center of the Juli area prior to the Altiplano Period. Palermo Pampa (243) This site consists of 14 mounds, most of which were typical type 2 mounds; a few appear to be rock piles. The mounds contain Altiplano and Early Colonial Period pottery at the surface. The site covers an area of about 70 X 70 m in the pampa in front of the site of Palermo (212). Most of the mounds are round, although some are ir- regular in shape. The mounds are high, with sev- eral reaching 2.0 m in height. Like many other mounds in the pampa, these habitations are in an old raised-field area. What is most significant about this site is that some of the mounds are located on top of the aqueduct structures clearly associated with the site of Palermo (212). All of the mounds are located in the flow directions of the aqueducts, indicating that the aqueducts were out of use at the time of mound occupations. This is direct evidence of the collapse of formal sys- tems of raised-field agricultural organization after the collapse of Tiwanaku control in the region. We noted the existence of agricultural imple- ments, such as stone hoes and flakes, on the sur- face. The site appears to be a small Altiplano Period village that was on or at the edge of a former major raised-field zone. The site does not contain evidence of a Late Horizon occupation. Some Early Colonial sherds were recovered from the site, but these are most likely from intrusive tombs located in the mounds themselves. Pomata Pueblo (004) Pomata is one of the cabeceras listed in the Garci Diez (1964[1567]) Visita. It is a major Late Horizon and Early Colonial population center. We estimate a total site size of approximately 5 ha, based on the distribution of Late Horizon pottery in the streets and disturbed areas of the town. Po- mata was therefore about four times smaller than Juli in the Inca Period. Pukara Juli, Sector Yacari-Tuntachawi (003) (Fig. 47) Yacari-Tuntachawi is a section of the Pukara Juli complex, the large fortified site that looms over the modem town of Juli pueblo. Along with other sites located along the side of the hill, 003 represents one of several habitation areas along the base and up the hill of the pukara. Pukara Juli is one of the major refuge sites of the Altiplano Period in the region. The site was mapped by one of us in 1988 (Frye), and a large domestic terrace was excavated by another co-author of this mono- graph (de la Vega, 1990). Excavations at the site revealed a very ephemeral occupation. In fact, the data from this work led de la Vega to first propose that the large pukaras such as Pukara Juli were not permanently occupied but represented refuges in times of danger. As discussed below, our sur- vey suggests a slight modification of this hypoth- esis: that the large pukaras were permanently oc- cupied along the base of the walls, with temporary refuge structures higher up. The minor pukaras, in contrast, were not permanently occupied. Palluni (310) This site contains some of the few standing Inca colcas in the survey zone. The colcas are classically rectangular in shape, characterized by an exterior wall that measures 4.0 X 12.0 m, with regular internal divisions. The structures are re- markably well preserved. There was no ceramic material near the colca at Palluni. The site also had four circular fieldstone chulpa bases, two of which were 5.0 in diameter and two that were 3.0 m in diameter. Sillumocco-Huaquina (158) (Figs. 34, 48) The site of Sillumocco-Huaquina (158) lends its name to the Middle and Upper Formative Pe- 74 Chapter Three Fig. 47. Fortitication wall at site ol Fukara Juii. riod occupation in the Juli-Pomata region. It is not a type site in the traditional sense, but Sillu- mocco-Huaquina is indeed typical of the largest and most impressive Upper Formative and Tiwa- naku Period sites in the region. Artifacts at the site reveal a series of occupations from at least the Middle Formative up to the Altiplano Period. Pasiri Period diagnostics and Late Archaic projec- tile points are found on the site as well. Sillumocco-Huaquina is a classic type 3 site, characterized by a low hill with domestic terraces leading up to a semisubterranean, square structure on the hilltop. This "temple" area most likely dates to the Late Sillumocco and Tiwanaku peri- ods. The subterranean construction is built with uncut fieldstones. It is very badly damaged, but we estimate it to measure approximately 9.0 X 9.0 m in size. Like the site of Palermo (212), there is a higher open area that corresponds to a kalasa- 5a>'a-like enclosure. The site appears to have been intentionally reconstructed in a geometric shape, possibly in the form of a Tiwanaku double cross. Unfortunately, this remains conjectural because a large section of the site had been altered several years previously by the local landowner with a tractor. Sillumocco-Huaquina was excavated by C. Chavez in the 1994 season. The analysis of these data has yet to be completed, but the prelim- inary results indicate a substantial Tiwanaku, Late Sillumocco, and Early Sillumocco occupation. Excavations on one of the highest terraces re- vealed a sequence of house floors similar to that discovered by Bermann at Lukurmata in Bolivia (Bermann, 1994). These excavations indicate a huge Tiwanaku level, characterized by a series of structure rebuildings, also similar to the area ex- cavated by Bermann (1994) at Lukurmata. Sillumocco-Huaquina is close to the site of Pa- lermo (212). Like Palermo, it is an elite center but is considerably smaller in size (3.5 ha). This pat- tern is curious in that it appears that these two sites, along with Tumatumani and Altarani-Be- bedero, constitute a cluster of elite/administrative/ ceremonial sites surrounding the Moyopampa in the Middle Formative and Tiwanaku periods. Sil- lumocco is also important in that it is geographi- cally associated with a series of relict raised fields, as are the other major sites in the Moyopampa area. This raised-field segment is watered by a canal that runs perpendicular to the canalized Rio Salado and then turns 90 degrees across the base of Sillumocco-Huaquina. The raised-field segment Results firom the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 75 Fig. 48. Tiwanaku projectile points from 158. is excellent evidence for the construction of such agricultural systems during the main occupations of the site. later occupations) Early and Middle Formative settlements in the survey. Takape (342) This is one of the rare Early and Middle For- mative sites without later occupations that was discovered in the intensive survey area. The site is located on a low ridge between two water- courses: the Rio Chachacomani and the Rio Tak- ape. The site is found on the top and sides of the crest between these two rivers. It is characterized by a rounded, mound-like appearance that was produced by the collapse of the Middle Formative Period structures. The architecture of the site ap- pears to have been tightly compact and aggluti- nated in plan, with a possible central court in the center of a number of domestic structures. This site, like site San Bartolome-Wiscachani (022), is one of the best preserved (owing to the lack of Tiipata (118) This Early Colonial cemetery site is located on a low hill. It contains the remains of at least two circular chulpas approximately 3.0 m in diameter. The chulpas are constructed out of fieldstones. There is one rectangular chulpa base or slab-cist tomb that measures 1.2 m on a side. There are also at least two cist tombs with mouths 0.6 m in diameter. Curiously, 20 m away is a large con- centration of lithics. This modest site is important because the ceramic material is virtually pure Ear- ly Colonial, yet there are a variety of indigenous tomb styles represented: chulpas, slab-cists, and cists. Also, the rectangular slab-cist or chulpa is extremely rare in this area. Along with site 154, Tiipata is excellent evidence for the preservation 76 Chapter Three Fig. 49. Example of typical andesite agricultural implement. of indigenous burial forms in the Early Colonial Period. Tumatumani (001) (Fig. 32) Tumatumani is one of the principal Early Sil- lumocco. Late Sillumocco, and Tiwanaku sites in the region. The site was excavated by the Lupaqa project in 1988 and was described in detail (Stan- ish & Steadman, 1994). This is one of the few type 1 sites in the survey region. It is composed of two mounds, one of which is U-shaped. The western mound, in contrast, is composed of two platforms, with terraces that were aboriginally about 1-2 m high. There were two principal ar- chitectural constructions on the western platform mound during the Late Sillumocco and Tiwanaku periods. During the Late Sillumocco Period, the occupants built the original two platforms; in the Tiwanaku Period, these platforms were rebuilt for the last time. An agricultural implement from this site, typical of the hoes of the region, is seen in Figure 49. Tumuku (121) The site of Tumuku is representative of the elite administrative and ceremonial centers of the re- gion during Tiwanaku times (Figs. 50, 51). Rowe and Donahue (1975) mention a report by an Au- gustinian priest regarding the discovery of a stela (idol) from the Ilave-Juli area. The name of the hill where this stela was reportedly found is called Tucumu. According to Rowe and Donahue the priest reported that: In the year 1619, Father Diego Garcia Cuadrado . . . discovered a stone idol on the hill called Tucumu facing Lake Titicaca. The idol was three and a half varas high [at least 2.80 m] and had two faces, almost the way they depicted Janus, except that one face was that of a man and the other of a woman, with two snakes which climbed up it from the feet, and in the crown a large toad in the form of a headdress. They were worshipping it as god of food and kept it on a large slab. (Rowe & Donahue, 1975, pp. 36-37) The brief passage says that Father Diego was working among the "barbarous" people between "Hilavi" (Have) and Juli. TUmuku, of course, is near the major Inca and Early Colonial population Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 77 Fig. 50. Site of Tumuku from a distance. center of the Juli region. It is a likely site for this stela to have been found, particularly in light of the fact that we discovered a sunken court that probably was home to at least one large stela such as the one described. San Bartolome-Wiscachani (022) (Figs. 52, 53) This site was found on one of the high natural terraces located near the crest of the San Barto- lome hill. It overlooks the town of Juli and has a commanding view of the lake. The site is a series of terraces, at least three in number, that surround a small, flat area. In this flat area is a possible small sunken court. This possible court is defined by the presence of a small depression. Next to the depression is a petroglyph with a square design. The square design motif on the petroglyph may possibly represent the court itself. There are also four cut stone protuberances on the site, several of which line up with mountain peaks in the area. One sight line hits Tokohawa near Pomata, and another sight line hits one of the peaks in the II- lampu chain. San Bartolome-Wiscachani is a very important site because it represents one of the few major sites with a Late Archaic, Pasiri, Early Sillumoc- co, and Late Sillumocco component without sub- sequent Tiwanaku occupations. If the depression is indeed a sunken court, then it may represent one of the few examples in the area of a pre- Tiwanaku ceremonial construction that was not altered in the Tiwanaku Period. Most of the other sites in the area, such as Tumatumani (001), Pa- lermo (212), and Sillumocco-Huaquina (210), have ceremonial constructions but also have Ti- wanaku components. Therefore, San Bartolome- Wishcachani may represent a very early corporate construction without any Tiwanaku Period re- working. Unnamed Site (284) This Tiwanaku, Altiplano, and Early Colonial Period site is located on a low hillside in the El Molino area. It is an odd site that is the only type 1 site not located near the lake edge. It is in the form of a small U and measures only about 15 in on its long axis. The projecting arms of the U are approximately 4.0 m long from the back of the mound. It is not a product of collapsed domestic structures but appears to have been intentionally constructed in this form. On top of the mounds is a series of intrusive tombs. There are twelve slab- cist tombs and at least two cist tombs. The slab- cists are approximately 0.80 m in diameter. This site is best interpreted as a Tiwanaku construction 78 Chapter Three Fig. 51. Site of Tumuku. with a subsequent post-Tiwanaku reuse, either as a cemetery area or habitation. The mound built in this form is reminiscent of the east mound at Tu- matumani (001) and is extremely rare in the study area. Unfortunately, the site is in danger of de- struction from planned terrace building in the area. Willahauci Calpa Capac (154) This is a very interesting cemetery site located in the Moyopampa area. It runs roughly perpen- dicular to the lake edge on a natural terrace that rises about 20 m above the lake. On the ridge spur is a large accumulation of stones and rocks. With- in this rock accumulation are the remains of at least one chulpa, four slab-cist tombs, and two cist tombs. The most surprising aspect of this site is that of the 22 sherds collected from the surface, 19 were Early Colonial and three were nondi- agnostic. No other diagnostics from other occu- pational periods were found. Along with site 118, this site is excellent evidence for the preservation of indigenous burial practices in the Early Colo- nial Period. Unnamed Site (155) The unnamed site 155 is about 60 m from site 154. Like Willahauci Calpa Capac, 155 is found on a low ridge or hill near the lake. It also has at least one circular chulpa 2.50 m in diameter and at least ten slab-cist tombs with internal diameters between 0.35 and 0.50 m. This cemetery is vir- tually identical in topographical location and tomb styles to site 154. Unlike site 154, however, we found a very different artifact collection that dates the site to the Expansive Inca and Altiplano pe- riods. The data from sites 154 and 155 suggest that the use of above-ground tomb styles began in the Altiplano Period and continued into the Early Colonial Period. These sites provide some com- pelling evidence for the continuation of indige- nous burial practices in the Early Colonial Period. Yacari (282) Yacari is located on the southern edge of the massif of the same name at 4200-4300 m.a.s.l. It has evidence of Pasiri, Early Sillumocco, and Late Horizon occupations. Inca use appears to have been restricted to a few structures and some chul- pas, suggesting a ceremonial area. The Early Sil- lumocco and Pasiri occupation is lower and as- sociated with the wet bofedales in the pampa be- low. The Inca occupation is characterized by two structures with an associated 3-m-diameter circu- lar chulpa. The structures are 3.0 X 4.0 and 2.5 X 4.0 m in size and were built with fieldstones. Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 79 "'' . V ^ ■ " :-■■ V - ^,^y\:S:-%, ^(iHl^^ ->-'^; -• M--^^:r ■.\'--:- .•«& L*k- -:■.," _ nj- ;.,-,*: c^.^: Fig. 52. Site of San Bartolome-Wiscachani (022). Fig. 53. Site of San Bartolome-Wiscachani with ahgnment (022). 80 Chapter Three •<^5-, '^^^^.■3S- FiG. 54. Site area of Huancani. i^^:^ %ik^ Fig. 55. Chulpa in the Huancani area. Results from the Juli-Pomata Intensive Survey Area 81 Fig. 56. Chulpa in the Huancani area. They are notably different from other abandoned structures in the region and are most Ukely pre- Colonial in date. The chulpa was built with field- stones as well. Below the chulpa and the two structures are at least three domestic terraces with Pasiri and Early Sillumocco pottery. There is no standing architecture. Yacari represents one of the rare pre-Early Sillumocco occupations in the re- gion. It is possible that the rock art from sites 499 and 500 is associated with Yacari. Huacani Area The Huacani area (Fig. 54) is a small pampa area with relict raised fields and a series of sites. One of the principal sites is 383, which has evi- dence of a substantial Formative and Tiwanaku occupation extending about 4.0 ha. Along the southern side of the Huacani pampa are a number of chulpas (Figs. 55, 56) that were first discussed by H. Tschopik (1951). These chulpas were built in a Late Horizon style and are not associated with any definitive habitation area. ZapacoUo (019) (Fig. 12) ZapacoUo is popularly known as the "sleeping lion" hill. There are two crests on ZapacoUo, each of which has a modem shrine or capilla on top. On the northernmost crest is site 019, a minor pukara. It has two or three low rings of walls encircling the hill in a typical fortification pattern. The site is a typical minor pukara that functioned as a temporary refuge site for the populations around the base of the hill. There are no structures visible on the surface at the present time, and the intensity of occupation was very low. The idea that the site functioned strictly as a ceremonial area remains a possibility. In particular, the Early Colonial sherds could be a result of ceremonial offerings, a practice that continues to the present day. 82 Chapter Three Results from the Reconnaissance Areas The data from the reconnaissance areas are consistent with those from the intensive survey area. These data, of course, are skewed to the large and early sites, and we focused on areas that were likely to have Tiwanaku and earlier sites, as opposed to later ones. Nevertheless, there was nothing in the reconnaissance areas that con- tradicted the results from the intensively surveyed areas. The ceramic, tomb, and site typologies that we developed from the Juli area data were not altered by the reconnaissance area data. Further- more, as with the intensively surveyed area, we found a number of large Tiwanaku and Formative sites and a number of smaller sites from all time periods. We did not find any large Inca sites, a fact that corroborates historical documents that list most major Inca sites in the Titicaca region. One of the most significant finds in the recon- naissance areas was the discovery of the site of Ckackachipata. The site is a major Middle and Upper Formative Period site covering the huge peninsula that juts into the southern lake out of the Pomata or Chatuma pampa. Its area was about 5-7 ha during the Middle Formative Period and about 9 ha in the Late Formative. It was larger than any contemporary site in the entire study area during the Middle Formative Period; its size is on the same order of magnitude as Palermo. We interpret Ckackachipata to have been the seat of a major polity during the Middle and Upper Formative periods in the Pomata-Chatuma region. This interpretation is supported by the ceramic data. We did not conduct an intensive analysis of the ceramic data, such as the one performed for the site of Tumatumani that defined the Early and Late Sillumocco assemblage (Stanish & Stead- man, 1994). However, our less intensive analysis of the paste, surface treatment, and shape of the vessels indicates a style intermediate between Early Sillumocco and Chiripa. We found a higher percentage of Chiripa imports and a higher num- ber of ceramic vessels that were imitations of Chi- ripa styles. We hypothesize that the Ckackachipata polity would be contemporary with Early and Late Sil- lumocco periods and would appear to have fol- lowed the same general cultural dynamics. This would include a smaller polity in the Early Ckackachipata Period, followed by the consoli- dation of a markedly ranked society in the Late Ckackachipata Period. The polity controlled large areas of raised fields, and there was an apparent site size hierarchy in the region during at least the Late Ckackachipata Period. At least three other sites discovered in the re- connaissance areas could also have been the pri- mary regional centers of polities in the Middle and Upper Formative periods, similar to Palermo and Ckackachipata. These are Kanamarca, Amai- zana China, and La Casilla; they are described below. Each of these sites is large, around 10 ha in the Late Formative and/or Tiwanaku periods, and each contains evidence of corporate architec- ture. Future work will be necessary to adequately characterize these polities. The Ccapia reconnaissance area (Figs. 57-59) includes the edge of the lake around the large Ccapia Mountain that dominates the southern Ti- ticaca Basin. The Desaguadero reconnaissance area was restricted to the Peruvian side of the riv- er, from the town of Desaguadero to a distance several kilometers south. We discovered a number of important sites in both of these areas. The re- sults from this reconnaissance are consistent with those from the intensive survey area. That is, we found a full range of sites and site types in the Ccapia and Desaguadero areas, just as we did in the Juli-Pomata area. Sites ranged in date from the Late Archaic to the Early Colonial Period. The reconnaissance data indicate that the Upper Formative and Tiwanaku occupations in these regions were even more intensive than in the Juli- Pomata area. The site of Kanamarca, described below, has the largest cut stone blocks in the en- tire study area. We also found a number of stone stelae and cut stone blocks on a number of Upper Formative and Tiwanaku sites, including two un- Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 83 Kasant • Tiricachi Ckackachipata Isla Quiljata Caninsaya ■ Machaca-Uyo Kanamarca Fig. 57. Sites in the Ccapia reconnaissance area. reported Upper Formative stelae with carvings at the site of Caninsaya. The reconnaissance data support the association of Upper Formative and Tiwanaku sites with raised-field agriculture. In particular, the Chatuma area sites are adjacent to a huge raised-field area, and there is a high density of pre-Altiplano Period sites. Likewise, the Desaguadero river area en- compasses a large number of raised-field areas and has a correspondingly high density of Upper Formative and Tiwanaku Period settlements. The data also corroborate the pattern of intensive use of the lakeside area, with a marked decrease in settlement away from the lake edge proper. These data also corroborate the pattern of Al- tiplano Period fortified sites with associated un- defended hamlets. The pukaras of Calvario Pata, Huichajaja, Llaquepa, Pukara Chatuma, and Tan- ka Tanka all have associated smaller hamlets. Major Sites in the Ccapia Reconnaissance Area Accari This site is located near the town of Imicate, several kilometers from the lake at the base of the large Cerro Ccapia. The site is located in the col- luvial fans of a small hill called Vincalla Vinco, on a low, sloping surface. There is a small Middle and Upper Formative (approximately 0.25 ha) oc- cupation, with a larger (approximately 0.50 ha) 84 Chapter Four Fig. 58. Ccapia area — Yunguyu-2^pita area. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 85 Fig. 59. Chatuma area sites. Late Horizon occupation. This small site is im- portant because it demonstrates early occupations away from the lake edge in good agricultural ar- eas. It is a small hamlet that is undoubtedly rep- resentative of many other such sites in the region. Acero Phatjata (Fig. 60) The name of this site means "cut snake" in Aymara and refers to the geological formation on which this site is located. Beginning at the moun- tain and pukara of Huichajaja, a huge, uplifted rock extends in a sinuous pattern down to the lake. At the end of this rock formation, near the lake, the topography rises slightly to form a low natural hill. The rise at the lake edge gives the impression of a snake's head, cut off from its body, the latter represented by the formation up to Huichajaja. The site is located to the northwest (or lake side) of the Checca Checca-Yunguyu highway between kilometers 15 and 16. The natural rise near the lake makes a perfect location for a typical type 3 domestic terraced low hill typical of the Formative and Tiwanaku Period sites in the region. The habitation area begins near 86 Chapter Four Fig. 60. Site of Acero Phatjata. the modem highway, extends up to the top and around the sides, and continues on toward the beach area. The total size of the Acero Phatjata site is about 4.0-6.0 ha. The top of the site is heavily eroded, and bare rock is exposed through- out the surface. There is also considerable distur- bance on the south and east sides of the site from modem construction. As a result, there is no ev- idence of corporate architecture. Heavy concentrations of pottery were found on the terraces immediately below the hilltop, a re- sult of both erosion and intensive domestic use of the terraces. The major occupations of the site in- clude Middle Formative, Upper Formative, Ti- wanaku, and Late Horizon. A number of modem houses on the side of the site near the road have destroyed several domestic terraces. Amaizama China This site was a large and important center dur- ing the Upper Formative and Tiwanaku periods. There is also a significant Late Horizon occupa- tion on this site, and there are minor concentra- tions of Middle Formative and Altiplano Period pottery. Amaizama China is located slightly more than 1 km south of the school at Isani. It is about 500 m from the lake. Habitation refuse was found near the road and on up the hill to its crest, where the habitation area is concentrated. A quebrada separates the site, and there are habitation remains on both sides. The total habitation and ceremonial area of the site is at least 6 ha, and it could be as large as 10 ha. The site sits on a narrow hill or ridge that mns almost perpendicular to the lake. There are at least three or four very wide domestic terraces on the lake side, and there is an extensive area of gen- erally flat habitation area on the crest. Large, cut stone andesite blocks on the top of the hill indi- cate that there had been a corporate constmction of some sort, most likely a sunken court and/or formally faced stone terraces. The remains of a possible platform can be detected at the top of the hill, but the site is very badly disturbed. Sr. Agus- tin Mamani Mamani, a local landowner, informed us that many of the blocks were carted away years ago to build modem stmctures in the town of Is- ani. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 87 . f M Fig. 61. Site of Caninsaya with two stelae Calvario Pata This pukara is located west of the Puno-De- saguadero highway between kilometers 126 and 129. The site has at least three large walls sur- rounding the high hill. It was not ground checked but appears to be typical of the pukaras (type 5 site) found only in the Altiplano Period. Because we did not survey the site, we were unable to determine whether there were permanent habita- tions in or near the fortification walls. We were therefore unable to confirm whether it was a ma- jor or minor pukara. Camuna This modest type 3 site is located on a low hill at kilometer 8.5 on the Checca Checca-Yunguyu highway. The site is about 100 m directly south- east of the highway. Camuna is characterized by a series of low domestic terraces that surround a low hill in a pattern typical for type 3 sites. There is, however, no indication of corporate architec- ture at the site. The area is heavily worked as agricultural land, and the surface of the site is badly disturbed. The habitation area of Camuna covers about 1 .5-2.0 ha. The major occupations of the site in- clude Middle Formative, Upper Formative, and Late Horizon. We found no Tiwanaku sherds on the surface. As with many sites of this type in the region, Camuna was most likely occupied in the Middle Formative, architecturally enhanced in the Upper Formative, and then subsequently aban- doned, either after the Tiwanaku or Altiplano Pe- riod. The site was later reoccupied by Late Hori- zon populations as a small village or hamlet. Caninsaya (Figs. 61-63) The site of Caninsaya is located almost 6.0 km south of the crossroad where the Zepita-Yunguyu road meets the Yunguyu-Yanapata road. This is a large type 3 and type 1 site located near the town of Yanapata on the low, flat, wide lake plain. There are two distinct architectural components on the site: a major domestic hillside area west of the road that covers about 2.0-4.0 ha and a sec- ond mounded area east of the <9ead that covers about 2.0-3.0 ha. In total, the habitation and cer- emonial area of the site is between 4.0 and 7.0 ha. Diagnostic artifacts on the site include Middle 88 Chapter Four :^^' ptm ^,v *i^^" %; #■ . tt V 4' ■ V ^ -?!, ' » \ f f Fig. 62. Yaya-Mama stelae at site of Caninsaya. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 89 ^A^ Fig. 63. Yaya-Mama stelae at site of Caninsaya. Formative, Upper Formative, Tiwanaku, and Late Horizon. Caninsaya has two cut stone stelae that fit into the Yaya-Mama tradition as defined by Chavez and Chavez (1975) (Figs. 62, 63). The motifs in- clude a Late and/or Middle Chiripa style face, lla- mas, some geometric patterns, and possible snake designs. The stelae are very significant in that they indicate an elite center at this site, most like- ly contemporary with Yanapata, Kanamarca, and other similar sites on this side of the study area. The stelae are currently protected by the com- munity, a fact that most certainly explains their existence on the site. It is likely that many other similar sites had stelae such as these that have since been destroyed or moved. Ckackachipata (Figs. 64, 65) Ckackachipata represents the largest Middle Formative site discovered in the entire survey and reconnaissance area from Santiago Chambilla to Desaguadero. Virtually the entire peninsula that juts into the lake is covered with domestic terraces and artifactual debris, the vast majority of which are Middle Formative in date. There are moderate scatters of Upper Formative, possibly a very light Tiwanaku occupation, and light scatters of Late Horizon pottery as well. The total site area covers at least 9 ha, of which we estimate about 5-7 ha was occupied during the Middle Formative. This would make the Middle Formative occupation at Ckackachipata larger than that at Palermo (212) in the Juli area. There is no evidence of corporate architecture on the site. However, the wide terrac- es, leading up to a flat area with heavy concen- trations of artifacts, are suggestive of corporate constructions such as those found at Palermo and other type 3 sites. The suggestive evidence in- cludes sunken courts, artifically flattened enclo- sure areas, and the like. Ckackachipata is the larg- est Middle Formative site in the entire study area. To appreciate its importance, it is significant that it is substantially larger than the site of Chiripa or any previously known Middle Formative site out- side of the Tiwanaku or Pucara areas. Ckackachi Mancja At the far northern side of the Ckackachi pen- insula, along the beach, is a scatter of Late Ho- rizon pottery that covers 0.5-1.0 ha. The site is 90 Chapter Four ml I mill illlillllilllMMMIII Fig. 64. Site of Ckackachipata. Fig. 65. Site of Ckackachipata. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 91 possibly associated with some cut stone blocks further west on the beach that are known locally as "Sillas del Inca." The site represents a modest Inca period occupation along the lake edge, pos- sibly a specialized fishing settlement. Imicate The site of Imicate was first reported by John Hyslop in his dissertation (1976). He described the site as being "located on a knoll about 2 ki- lometers from the lake" (Hyslop, 1976, p. 384). He also noted the existence of stone blocks on the surface that "were probably in the Tiwanaku style. One may be an eroded statue" (Hyslop, 1976, p. 374). The site is approximately 1.5 km from kilometer 18.1 on the Checca Checca-Yun- guyu highway. On the road that leads toward the conmiunity of Imicate from the main road is a standing rock, probably a cut stone from now- destroyed corporate architecture at Imicate. This stone is most likely that referred to by Hyslop. Northwest of this rock is the mound, with a mod- em church and/or community center on top. This major type 1 mound is at least 3 m above the natural ground surface. The site is at least 5.0 ha in size, and possibly larger. The substantial ini- tial Middle Formative Period occupation was fol- lowed by Upper Formative, Tiwanaku, Altiplano, and Inca occupations. The Tiwanaku and Inca pottery on the site is of exceptional quality, at- testing to the importance of this site. In fact, we recovered one of the few fragments of nonlocal Inca Period pottery at this site. The Imicate site is being systematically de- stroyed by the conmiunity to quarry for building stone. They are cutting into the mound on the east end, collecting small rocks that appear to have been used aboriginally as fill for a large platform construction. The site is very similar to TXimatu- mani (001), near Juli. It was an elite center, with evidence of substantial corporate architecture and access to fine ceramic vessels from around the region and beyond. Isla Quiyata Isla Quiljata is a very prominent island located near the lake shore in the Chatuma area. The is- land itself rises dramatically out of the lake, with very steep sides. It is an island today, but the lake levels around it are very shallow. In antiquity, and in the recent past, the island was almost certainly continuous with the mainland during periods of drought. We surveyed the top of the island and found only a small Altiplano Period occupation. There were a few Pucarani-like sherds as well as some round or oval structures. The top of the island supported only a modest occupation during the Altiplano Period. A few Late Horizon sherds sug- gest either a very small habitation site or perhaps a burial and/or ceremonial area on the summit. At the southeast side of the island, on the beach area, is a large Inca site that measures between 2.0 and 3.0 ha in size. There are a number of slab- cist and chulpa tombs associated with this habi- tation area. The Inca site is larger than most con- temporary hamlets and is thus classified as a small village. There is no evidence of corporate archi- tecture, and the site is not listed as a major settle- ment in any documents of the period. One pos- sible explanation for the site location is the abun- dant totora reed stands in the lake near the island today. The site could have been a specialized to- tora-producing and fishing settlement within the Inca settlement system. Kanamarca (Figs. 66, 67) Kanamarca is located on a very wide, low hill north of the Zepita-Yunguyu road near the village of Calacota. The school of Kanamarca is located on the northern end of the site. The Rio Calacota runs directly to the east of the site. Kanamarca is easily noticed because it rests on one of the most prominent natural hills that juts into the lake. The site contains Middle Formative, Upper Formative, Tiwanaku, and Late Horizon Period diagnostics on the surface. Its habitation area covers from 7 to 10 ha. The hill is heavily plowed, and there is only a trace of some very wide, large, and low domestic terraces. Very large cut stone andesite blocks are found on the surface, indicating the existence of a large corporate structure or struc- tures. These are the largest cut blocks that we have found to date in the study area, and they suggest a corporate construction of considerable importance. The site is also located next to a probable raised-field area, one of the few such areas on this side of the lake. We were unable to examine the pampa to determine if there were any obvious rel- ict raised fields. However, the area is low, swampy, and has topographical features similar to 92 Chapter Four '--■■-J* »*4^4> =»fi*3: '--.«•*'! Fig. 66. Site of Kanamarca with massive cut stone blocks. fi^' *' Fig. 67. Site of Kanamarca with massive cut stone blocks. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 93 those of raised-field areas in the region. Most no- tably, there is a large circular depression in the pampa, similar to the reservoir discovered by Ko- lata and Ortloff at the major Ti\yanaku site of Pajchiri in Bolivia (Ortloff & Kolata, 1989). Kan- amarca could very well represent another Middle and Upper Formative elite center, similar to Pa- lermo and Ckackachipata. We did not have suffi- cient time to study the area of the site in detail because the local community requested that we spend no more than a half hour on the site. Out of respect for their wishes, we made no collec- tions outside of the immediate hill area, but we were permitted to spend the 30 minutes examin- ing (but leaving) diagnostics on the surface. If the Middle and Upper Formative occupations were as large as we believe, the site could have been the center of a chiefly lineage during these periods, comparable to Ckackachipata and Palermo, and the head of a major autonomous polity prior to Tiwanaku expansion. This very important site de- serves considerably more research. Kasani Kasani is the border town between Peru and Bolivia on the road from Yunguyu to Copacabana. Exactly on the border at the arch north of the church is a type 3 site with at least Middle For- mative, Upper Formative, and possibly Tiwanaku pottery on the surface. The site is literally shared between the two countries. Being a border area, the site is heavily damaged. However, its surface features suggest a typical type 3 site, with do- mestic terraces and probable corporate construc- tions. This may also be the source of the Kasani stela described and figured by Chavez and Chavez (1975, fig. 13). Llaquepa Mancja Below the fortified pukara of Llaquepa, on the north and northwest sides, is the large Middle Formative, Upper Formative, Tiwanaku, and pos- sibly Late Horizon habitation site of Llaquepa Mancja. This classic type 4 domestic terrace site covers an area of at least 3.5 ha. The habitation area begins at least at the modem cemetery area on the northwest side of Cerro Llaquepa and con- tinues east along the base of the hill for about 300 m or more. There are at least four major domestic terraces, and a number of smaller ones, that were constructed along the base of the hill down into the pampa area. These terraces are large, about 30 m in width, and they continue up the hill for at least 100 m. Collections from the site indicate that there were substantial Middle Formative, Upper For- mative, and Tiwanaku occupations. Finely made local Inca fragments were found in restricted areas on the upper habitation terraces, possibly associ- ated with the remains of some round, fieldstone chulpas. Small quantities of Altiplano Period pot- tery were also recovered from the site. The site is located near the major raised fields in the Pomata pampa and is part of this major settlement com- plex in this region. Machaca-Uyo This modest 0.5 -ha site is composed of a small mound with Middle Formative, Upper Formative, and Late Horizon diagnostics. The site has a few nice fieldstone chulpas, and there is a moderate density of artifacts spread over it. It is important in the Ccapia reconnaissance area because it dem- onstrates the existence of small sites of this type similar to those in the Juli-Pomata intensive sur- vey area. That these small sites exist indicates a substantial range in site sizes, suggestive of the same site size hierarchies seen in the survey zone. Misavi Pampa We surveyed a section of the beach about 100- 200 m from the lake, between Quenuani (Fortina Vinto) and Camuna. This area exhibits a settle- ment pattern distinct from any in the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area. The entire area surveyed, approximately 3 km, has at least a light concen- tration of pottery, with occasional heavier concen- trations of artifacts in restricted areas. In other words, the entire beach constitutes a habitation area, with some concentrations of now-destroyed structures. Prehispanic diagnostics included sherds from the Middle Formative up to the Late Horizon. These survey data indicate that the Mis- avi Pampa was one of the most heavily occupied areas in the entire study area, from the Have Pam- pa to the Desaguadero River. Pinutaya (Fig. 68) This site is located on the east side of the Moro- coUo hill on a low ridge that is oriented 3207140°. 94 Chapter Four ■^!«K^ 4J,', . dil^sillt^^ ^^^^:^ "V!"^^:^^^- 1 lo. 68. Site of Pinutaya. The site begins about 100 m from the road at ki- lometer 8 on the Checca Checca-Yunguyu high- way. It rests on a narrow ridge about 50-75 m wide and a low flat area below the larger Moro- collo hill. The site is composed of three or four low domestic terraces on each side of the ridge that are built around a small flat area at a low ridge spur. The total domestic area is approxi- mately 2.0-3.0 ha in size. There is no evidence of corporate architecture in the flat area. A number of below-ground tombs were located at the top of the hill. They have all been looted. We found a number of Middle Formative sherds near the looters' piles next to these tombs. The tombs are therefore most likely representative of a Middle Formative cemetery placed atop the do- mestic area of this site. The site is largely Middle Formative in date, with a light scatter of Upper Formative and Inca pottery. We also found some Altiplano Period sherds on the west side of the site on some lower terraces. This rather large Middle Formative site is associated with the huge Ckackachipata pen- insula settlement about 2.0 km to the west. Pi- nutaya is one of several major Middle Formative sites in the Chatuma area. Poconcirca This is a small Late Horizon site located on the flat beach area near the school in Isani. There are several small type 2 mounds with additional scat- ters of Late Horizon pottery that cover an area of a little more than 1 ha. Although we did not in- tensively survey this area, informal walkovers suggest that Poconcirca is most likely represen- tative of a number of sites in the region near the lake during the Inca Period. Pucara Chatuma (Figs. 69-71) This is a major pukara, containing abundant domestic terraces and heavy artifact concentra- tions. Most of the primary defensive walls have been destroyed, but sufficient sections remain to indicate a site with at least three large perimeter walls. The top of the hill is characterized by a fairly flat crest with abundant Altiplano Period pottery, a well-made stone carving or petroglyph with concentric rings, and several cut stone blocks (Figs. 70, 71). There appear to have been a large number of domestic terraces outside of the defen- Results from the Recormaissance Areas 95 Fig. 69. Site of Pucara Chatuma. Fig. 70. Cut stone on F*ucara Chatuma. 96 Chapter Four Fig. 71. Cut stone on Pucara Chatuma. sive walls along at least the southern and western sides of the hill, containing remains from the Mid- dle Formative through the Early Colonial periods. The only occupation of the top of the site as a habitation area was during the Altiplano Period. Combined with the residential areas near and on the top of the hill, the total habitation size for Pukara Chatuma during the Altiplano Period is at least 4.0 ha, and possibly much larger. There is a large chulpa at the top of the site, built in Inca style. The chulpa is square, about 5 m on a side. Around the chulpa and dispersed at the top of the site in general are a number of very well-made Inca sherds. These most likely repre- sent the remains of destroyed chulpa offerings in the burials and are not an indicator of a residential occupation. On the east side of Pucara Chatuma, along its base near the pampa, is a set of about three to five domestic terraces with moderate to light concen- trations of pottery. The pottery collected here is predominantly Middle Formative, Upper Forma- tive, Tiwanaku, and Altiplano. The Altiplano Pe- riod occupation is almost certainly associated with the pukara. It is not a large site — about 0.5 ha in size — ^but it is one of a number of sites associated with the complex settlement system in the Cha- tuma" area. On the south side of the pukara is a section called Kcusill-Chacca. This habitation area be- gins near the raised-field areas and extends up to the saddle separating the Pukara Chatuma from Cerro MorocoUo. The Kcusill-Chacca area con- tains about 1.0-2.0 ha of domestic residences, built as domestic terraces. This section has Ti- wanaku, Altiplano, and Late Horizon Period pot- tery. Pusicuchuni This is a small (less than 1 ha) Late Horizon site west of the road just north of the Rio Pusi- cuchuni. Sites such as this are very common in the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area, and we can confirm the existence of similar hamlets in this area as well. Like the site of Poconcirca, Pusicu- chuni is probably typical of hundreds of Inca Pe- riod sites in this area. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 97 Fig. 72. Site of Quenuani (Fortina Vinto). Qeiiuani (Fortina Vinto) (Figs. 72-74) This site was first discovered by Hyslop during his dissertation (1976) research. He named it Qeii- uani, after a village not far from the site. The of- ficial topographical maps refer to this specific area as Fortina Vinto. Hyslop described the site as "resting on a small promontory into Lake Titi- caca" (1976, p. 248). He furthermore described it as "covered with terraces 5 to 10 m. broad, some of which appear to be platforms, particularly in the highest part where they descend to the north and to the south" (Hyslop, 1976, p. 248). The site indeed sits on a long, relatively narrow ridge that trends north-south into the lake. As Hyslop (1976) noted, a series of low, wide terrac- es climb from almost the road north to the top of the low hill. Other terraces are found around all sides of the site, although the habitation area does not extend to the lake. Near the top of the site is a rectangular structure approximately 20 X 25 m in size. It appears to be an aboriginal corporate structure in the form of an elevated and walled platform or plaza. Near this structure is a cut stone. There is no evidence today of other cor- porate architecture inside of this structure. Exca- vations are clearly warranted at this site. Curious- ly, there is a small, squarish mound near the lake, below the summit of the main area of the site, that could be a type 1 site. There was very little debris on this mound, so we could not phase it. The major occupations of the site include Mid- dle Formative, Upper Formative, and Tiwanaku, with some minor scatters of Altiplano and Late Horizon Period artifacts. We found one Tiwanaku incensario and a very atypical strap handle with a face (Fig. 74). The total habitation area of the site is approximately 4.0-6.0 ha.'^ Tacapisi (Fig. 75) This important site is located a little more than 1 km from Copani, on a high ridge about 200 m from the road. The ridge is located between two small quebradas, or rivers. Occupation at the top of the hill is Late Archaic, Early Formative, and Middle Formative in date. Below the ridge and '^Hyslop (1976) reported the site as being 50 ha in size. This is most Hkely a typographical error. The total habitation area of Quenuani is about 5 ha. 98 Chapter Four Fig. 73. Upper Formative ceramic diagnostics from Queiiuani. Fig. 74. Probable Upper Formative Period ceramic strap handle — Queiiuani. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 99 ':m "'^K ^^^s^^^; v.. i .• Fig. 75. Site of Tacapisi. terraces is an Upper Formative and Inca occupa- tion. The habitation area is about 1 .0-2.0 ha in size. Beginning near the road is a series of about four to six terraces that rise up to the top of the ridge. At the top of the hill there is a low, flat area that may have contained corporate architecture. This is area is badly disturbed, however. The artifacts on the upper terraces and the ridgetop are over- whelmingly Middle Formative in date, whereas the lower terraces contain Upper Formative and Late Horizon artifacts. We also found one Late Archaic diagnostic point and several Early For- mative pottery fragments. This pattern of a small Early and Middle Formative occupation, associ- ated with some Late Archaic diagnostics, is found at several other major sites in the survey area, including San Bartolome-Wiscachani (022), Sil- lumocco-Huaquina (158), site 082 near the Yacari hill, and Palermo (212). These sites represent the earliest settled hamlets or villages in the south- western Titicaca Basin, marked by the beginning of pottery production and intensification of hor- ticultural and fishing economies. There are hills and ridges to the north and south of Tacapisi that were not surveyed. These areas most likely contain additional sites. Tintinpujopata-Ticamaya-Chatumapata- MorocoUo^o This settlement complex is located in the Cha- tuma area south of Pukara Chatuma and Ckacka- chipata. It is a series of small scatters and chulpa tombs, dating largely to the Altiplano and Late Horizon periods. On Tintinpujopata, there is some earlier Tiwanaku and Upper Formative pottery on the basal terraces near the pampa. Chatumapata currently has a modem mirador on the top. To the north of the site is a scatter of Altiplano and Late Horizon diagnostics on some domestic terraces. The southwestern side of Morocollo also has some contemporary domestic terraces. On the saddle of the hill between Chatumapata and Mo- rocollo is the area called Ticamaya. Ticamaya has two fine chulpa tombs built in fieldstone, pre-Inca ^^ Not to be confused with the site of Tintinpujo, near the Rio Desaguadero. 100 Chapter Four Fig. 76. Site of Yanapata with stela. masonry. One chulpa has two distinct floors. The second chulpa is badly destroyed, the blocks be- ing removed several years ago for construction in Pomata. An informant stated that it was originally dressed with fine stone blocks and was square. Tiracachi This site is located between Yunguyu and Ka- sani, about 350 m from the road and about 500 m due north of a modem cemetery. The site is located near probable raised-field areas on the lake edge below. This settlement complex consists of a series of low hills with varying densities of prehistoric remains. A modest 1.0-ha Middle and Upper Formative site is located on the low part toward the lake. There is a moderate to high den- sity of pottery on this section of the site. There is no evident corporate architecture on the site. Higher up, on the low hills to the east, there is a 1 .0- to 1 .5 -ha Late Horizon site with some fairly fine pottery. No architecture exists on this section of the site, but modem agricultural walls, possibly made with prehistoric stones, and a decent road that could possibly be prehispanic are found on Tiricachi. Yanapata (Fig. 76) Yanapata was first reported by Hylsop in his dissertation (1976, pp. 255-257). The site is lo- cated about 1 km from the crossroad where the Yanapata road branches off from the Yunguyu- Zepita highway.^' It is 0.5 km from the plaza in Yanapata proper. Hyslop described Yanapata as located on "a hill pointing northward toward Lake Titicaca which is less than 1 km. away" (1976, p. 255). He furthermore noted the existence of two badly eroded monoliths on the surface, one of which was recently placed upright by the local landowners. The upright stela is about 3 m in height, squarish, and approximately 20 X 40 cm on a side. Hyslop (1976) felt that the remains of a human figure could possibly be seen on the up- right stela. He also noted the presence of building stones and other cut stone blocks typical of Ti- wanaku and Upper Formative sites in the region. 2' Since John Hyslop and Elias Mujica visited the area, in the early 1970s, the roads have been improved and their courses slightly altered. Some crossroads, for instance, have been changed. Therefore, Hyslop's direc- tions in his dissertation (1976) could differ from ours when referring to the Zepita- Yunguyu or Yanapata- Yunguyu roads and landmarks associated with the roads. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 101 Our observations of the site are generally con- sistent with those of Hyslop (1976). The habita- tion area of Yanapata is at least 3 ha (Hyslop es- timated the site area at 5 ha). In our typology, Yanapata is a type 1 mounded site, with a prob- able aboriginal corporate construction on top of the hill where the stelae are now found. Upper Formative and Tiwanaku pottery dominated the diagnostic artifact assemblage, with small amounts of Inca and Middle Formative. The site was a major elite/ceremonial center in the Middle Formative and Tiwanaku periods. Major Sites in the Desaguadero Reconnaissance Area (Figs. 77-79) Callanga This site was discovered and analyzed by Hys- lop (1976, p. 290). We did not visit the site, and rely exclusively on Hyslop's description. He de- scribed the site as two low mounds about 1 m high, with subterranean cist graves in the area. He also suggested that it may include a platform and rectangular structure of unknown age (Hyslop, 1976, p. 290). Hyslop recovered Altiplano and Ti- wanaku Period diagnostics from the site. The site appears to be associated with the burial area, found by Hyslop (1976), to the west. There also seems to be a small Tiwanaku and post-Ti- wanaku settlement near the Desaguadero River, probably associated with some raised fields in the area. La CasUla (Figs. 80, 81) La Casilla is located at the crest of the road that separates the Desaguadero pampa area from the Challaquenta area. The site represents one of the most important Upper Formative and Tiwanaku Period settlements in the Desaguadero region. There was also a smaller but significant Late Ho- rizon occupation of the site. The habitation area of the site covered at least 4.0 ha during the Upper Formative and Tiwanaku periods, and it was prob- ably larger. A series of at least six very large and wide domestic terraces climb up the southern side of Cerro Chojllapata. There is evidence of do- mestic architecture on the site, including rectan- gular and circular buildings, stone blocks, and ca- nals. The canals are not agricultural; they appear to be similar to those found at Lukurmata, in Bo- livia, which functioned as domestic sewers or wa- ter sources inside the habitation area. La Casilla is a rare type 4 site, with evidence of corporate architecture. Figure 81 is a photo- graph of a large cut stone block, possibly from a sunken court typical of the Upper Formative and Tiwanaku sites in the southern Titicaca region. The block has no carving on at least three sides and is very well worked and rectangular. We could not turn it over, so we were unable to see the fourth side. This is typical of the building stone used in sunken court constructions, such as those found at Palermo (212), Sillumocco-Hua- quina (158), and Incatunuhuiri (Kidder, 1943, p. 10), and not typical of stelae. An important aspect of this site is that there is abundant raw copper ore on the surface. The res- idents of the site were therefore almost certainly exploiting the source of copper near the site of Chincane, less than 1 km away (see below). The location of the settlement at this site could there- fore represent a compromise between access to the raised-field area near the river, access to the copper source, and a suitable location for habita- tion on the hillside. Chincane This site is located along the eastern side of Cerro Chujllapata, immediately above the modem road. Chincane has a low density of Middle For- mative, Altiplano, and Late Horizon Period diag- nostics on the surface. The site is composed of two or three small domestic terraces. There is no existing architecture on the site. The site area itself is small, less than 1 ha. The significant feature of the site is its proximity to a raw copper source found in a small quebrada ad- jacent to the habitation area. The quebrada runs through the flanks of the Cerro Chujllapata and exposes a relatively high-grade copper source, judging by the bright green color of the deposits. This is the only copper source discovered in the study area. The Chicane copper deposits are al- most certainly the source of the surface copper found on La Casilla, and it is most likely that this site, combined with La Casilla, was the residence of workers who exploited the ore during the pre- hispanic periods. 102 Chapter Four Fig. 77. Sites in the Desaguadero reconnaissance region. ChontacoUo This major Altiplano, Late Horizon, and Early Colonial Period site is located on the side of a hill named Huaripucho. The site itself faces the mod- em road and is on the opposite site of the hill from the Rio Desaguadero. It is a typical type 4 site, composed of a series of moderately sized do- Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 103 Fig. 78. Desaguadero River area. mestic terraces. The habitation area is minimally about 3.0 ha in size. Surface debris concentrations range from moderate to heavy, including Kelluyu ceramics (Fig. 82). The site is typical of numerous post-Tiwanaku residential sites in the study area. The fact that the site is unfortified, and not near any major or minor pukaras, is very significant. Chujchujpata This Middle Formative through Early Colonial Period site is located near the river along a low crest that runs about 1207300° in direction. The site has a moderate to high density of artifacts on the surface. It is a series of small domestic ter- races that were built along the southeastern side of the crest. There are also two low artificial mounds on the flatter area of the site located to- ward the river. These are not typical type 1 mounds because they are too small and do not appear to have been intentionally constructed. Rather, they are more like the type 2 mounds that are almost always found in the pampa areas. Such mounds outside of pampa areas are rare in the study area, and their function and nature are un- known. It is possible that they are nothing more than collapsed habitation structures, identical to type 2 pampa mounds, that have survived because the area is not intensively cultivated. It is also possible that they were specially constructed structures not yet previously discovered in the survey or reconnaissance area. Finally, it is pos- sible that these mounds are Colonial or early Re- publican in date and not in fact associated with the prehispanic occupation. Excavations are nec- essary to define this site with greater precision. The habitation area is at least 1.5 ha in size. The principal occupations are Upper Formative, Late Horizon, and Early Colonial, with a minor Middle Formative occupation. There is a possible Altipla- no Period occupation as well. The site is associ- ated with the raised-field agricultural area near the Desaguadero River. Kelluyo Area The Kelluyo area is located on the extreme southern edge of the study area. A brief survey was performed in this area to assess the nature of the archaeological settlements and to test the 104 Chapter Four Fig. 79. Desaguadero River area. Fig. 80. Site of La Casilla. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 105 Fig. 8 1 . Cut slone al site of La Casilla. proposition that the region south of Tanka Tanka constituted a distinct cultural area in the Altiplano Period. We discovered a series of chulpas and two Al- tiplano Period settlements directly above the town of Kelluyo.^- These chulpas and associated habi- tation sites are found along the base of the Jacha- circa mountain range, a geological formation that runs more or less north-south. Below the top of the range is a series of colluvial fans cut by que- bradas. The sites and chulpas are located on these fans. The chulpas were in a line slightly west of north (3507170°), separated by considerable dis- tances of 50-100 m. The chulpas were all pre- Inca in date, made with uncut fieldstones typical of the Altiplano Period. At least one of them had a deep (at least 1 m) subterranean cist covered by the high chulpa superstructure. This chulpa is similar to the type 3 chulpa of Tschopik, noted principally from the site of Viscachani, near Chu- cuito (Tschopik, 1946, p. 15). Informants told us ^^ We thank Ing. Pedro Huallpa Ch. for his assistance to our survey of the area above the town of Kelluyo. We further express our gratitude to the Alcalde and peo- ple of Kelluyo. that there used to be many more such tombs, but they have since been destroyed. We discovered two major habitation sites in the Kelluyo area. One was a small site, about 0.5 ha in size. This site was located on the hill called Waraque. It contained Altiplano and Late Horizon Period diagnostic pottery. A second site was con- siderably larger and located on the hill called Yo- cucholuma. Yocucholuma is at least 1 .5 ha in size, and possibly larger. The site has a moderate den- sity of pottery on the surface, all of which is Al- tiplano and Late Horizon in date. Altiplano pot- tery dominates the surface collections. The site is relatively flat, with some very low and broad ter- races on all sides. Above-ground and cist tombs are found throughout the periphery of the habi- tation area, usually in areas unsuitable for struc- tures. There is at present no evidence of habitation structures or other architectural features. The area today is intensively cultivated. The site is unfortified, and there is no pukara near the area. The Altiplano Period pottery is a distinct type that we have named Kelluyo. Kel- luyo has two varieties: Kelluyo Black on Red and Kelluyo Black on Orange. This pottery represents a distinct ceramic assemblage in the far southern 106 Chapter Four Fig. 82. Kelluyu ceramic artifacts from ChontacoUa. Fig. 83. Site of Tanka Tanka. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 107 Fig. 84. Late Horizon chulpa at Tanka Tanka. zone of the study area. This type is better fired than the contemporary Pucarani type ceramics in the Juh-Pomata area. Kelluyo is characterized by a deep bowl form, with black paint carelessly ap- plied to the interior surface. Vessel walls tend to be thicker than the Pucarani type. Tempering ma- terial is sand and mica. Linquinchira (Linquinchita)^^ This Middle Formative through Early Colonial site was first recorded by Hyslop in his disserta- tion (1976). He correctly located the site south of Desaguadero "on the eastern and southern edge of a rock outcrop 100 meters west of the Desa- guadero River" (Hyslop, 1976, pp. 261-262). He furthermore described the site as about 5 ha in size and stated that "the eastern side is principally a large platform 50 by 100 meters with piles of stones on it possibly indicating habitations. The ^^The official 1:25,000 Desaguadero map (hoja 34y- I-NE) uses the name Linquinchita. However, all inform- ants were adamant that the name was pronounced with an "r" and not a "t." southern section of the site has a number of cist graves and at its western end there is a platform of about 50 by 50 meters with cist graves in it" (Hyslop, 1976, p. 261). Hyslop included the cem- etery area as part of his site size calculation. We estimate the size of the habitation area as about 2 ha, with the large platform noted by Hyslop as the principal location of aboriginal domestic struc- tures. We furthermore confirmed the existence of tombs in the area mentioned by Hyslop. Linquinchira is a type 4 site in our typology for the region, characterized by large and wide do- mestic terraces and an absence of corporate ar- chitecture. The large platform noted by Hyslop (1976) would constitute a very large domestic ter- race, with additional smaller terraces located along the eastern hillside of Vilamaya, down to the modem road. The artifact density of Linquinchira is quite high. Surface artifacts include post-Late Archaic projectile points, a finely made nonprojectile lithic assemblage made of a wide variety of nonlocal materials, copper ore, andesite hoes and adzes, and well-made ceramic artifacts. Ceramic styles from all time periods beginning with the Middle 108 Chapter Four Fig. 85. Redressed chulpa at Tanka Tanka. Formative through Early Colonial are found on the site. The Middle Formative, Upper Formative, and Tiwanaku periods constitute the principal oc- cupations of the site, with smaller scatters of Al- tiplano. Late Horizon, and Early Colonial diag- nostics. The site is located adjacent to prime raised-field agricultural land. There is a major aq- ueduct about 500 m south of the site that fed the raised fields near QuintuvincoUa. This aqueduct is associated with both the Chincane and Linquin- chira sites. Tanka Tanka and Surrounding Area (Figs. 83-86) The site of Tanka Tanka was first reported by Vasquez et al. in 1935. They noted that the site was located on a very prominent massif that is part of an east-west-tending chain of uplifted hills in a very broad pampa. The site has a number of outstanding chulpas built in fieldstone, cut stone, and adobe (Figs. 84, 85). Tanka Tanka was further described by Hyslop in 1976. He described the massive fortification walls: "The walls are dressed on their exterior and in their bases there are often stones up to two meters in height. Walk- ways two meters wide are observed in places be- hind and below the tops of the v/alls" (Hyslop, 1976, p. 335). There are five major walls that reach as high as 7 or 8 m (Fig. 86). Hyslop (1976) noted the extensive habitation area to the southwest, with the remains of hun- dreds of circular structures. He suggested that the habitation area of the site covered about 100 ha. We believe that most of the area inside the higher walls was not used as permanent habitation and accordingly we suggest a permanent habitation area of about 50 ha. Nevertheless, in spite of our lower estimate of the residential area, the total area of domestic architecture on this essentially Altiplano Period site is enormous. Tanka Tanka is a site of fundamental importance to the entire study area, and it must be mapped, excavated, and intensively analyzed. Artifacts on the surface of the site are over- whelmingly Altiplano Period in date, although Late Horizon sherds are noted in some areas, par- ticularly near the chulpa burials. Tanka Tanka therefore ranks as one of the largest major pukar- Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 109 "^ - JKS?^ <*^*5i^.v.,^^ Fig. 86. Fortilicalion wall al lanka Tanka. Fig. 87. Site of Tintinpujo. 110 Chapter Four as in the entire southwestern Titicaca Basin, if not the largest in total habitation area. Hyslop (1976) also noted the existence of nu- merous cist tombs in the pampa area below the site. We corroborated this observation. There were clearly hundreds or thousands of below-ground cist tombs that probably coexisted with the above- ground chulpas on the site. A curious fact about at least three of the chulpas on the site is that they were reconstructed at a later date. That is, three chulpas (at least) were originally fieldstone "ig- loo" types that were re-dressed with either cut stone blocks in Inca style or with adobe (one case). These chulpas are typical of the Juli area, such as those found at the Huacani site. This fact suggests that the original tomb of an elite was rebuilt or enhanced in the Late Horizon Period. There are very few Late Horizon artifacts, how- ever, on the surface of the habitation areas of the site. This would suggest that the site was gener- ally abandoned after the Inca conquest but re- mained an important ceremonial/burial place for the local Lupaqa elite. North of Tanka Tanka are other massifs that rise out of the pampa. One of these, IchucoUo, was described by Hyslop (1977, pp. 296-299). The site contains chulpas, petroglyphs, and associated habitation areas. West of Tanka Tanka are at least two minor pukaras that were not ground-checked. These sites are typical of minor pukaras in the Juli-Pomata survey area. The Tanka Tanka site and surrounding area were therefore major settle- ment locations during the Altiplano Period. Tintinpujo24 (Fig. 87) Tintinpujo represents a complex of artifact con- centrations located along the north side of the Cerro Vilamaya in the Desaguadero region. Hab- itation refuse is found on an area of at least 300 m along the base of the hill, along low, wide ter- ^^ Not to be confused with the site of Tintinpujopata, located in the Chatuma Pampa area. races and on top of low hills (between 50 and 100 m wide, producing a habitation zone between 1.5 and 3.0 ha in size). The site was not defended. Today the area is cultivated, and there are no re- maining residential structures. The entire area is considered a single site, al- though the density of surface artifacts varies throughout the area. The diagnostics are exclu- sively Altiplano and Late Horizon Period in date. Tintinpujo therefore represents one of the largest Altiplano Period settlements away from any major pukaras in the region. This Altiplano Period site has the distinctive ceramic bowl types that we have named Kelluyo. Both Kelluyo Black on Red and Kelluyo Black on Orange are found on the site. Given the dis- tinctive ceramic styles in the Desaguadero area (and see the site description of Kelluyo above), we argue that Tintinpujo and the surrounding area was home to a distinctive cultural tradition in the Altiplano Period. There seems to be less emphasis on fortified site location in this area. Tanka Tanka is apparently one of the last major pukaras to the extreme southwest of the Titicaca area. Although an occasional minor pukara is found in the area, the major location of conflict in the region, as evidenced by the existence of major pukaras, is more on the western and southwestern lake side. It is important to note that Albarracin- Jordan and Mathews (1990) did not find any fortified sites in the Tiwanaku valley itself. Likewise, we noticed no major pukaras near the sites in the Kelluyo region (see above). In short, there appears to be a general correlation between the Pucarani type ce- ramics associated with the Lupaqa polity in the Altiplano Period, and fortified site types, indica- tive of conflict. In the extreme south of the study area, a different tradition, contemporary with the Lupaqa, existed. In this latter area, perhaps out- side of the area of Lupaqa political influence, there was considerably less conflict, as evidenced by the lack of fortified sites south of Tanka Tanka. The lack of pukaras in the Tiwanaku valley cor- roborates this proposition. Results from the Reconnaissance Areas 111 The Settlement History of the Southwestern Titicaca Basin Charles Stanish The survey and reconnaissance of the south- western Titicaca Basin provides a system- atic database for addressing many anthropological problems in the prehistory of the region. In the preceding chapters we provided settlement data, typologies, and data from our research. Detailed settlement locations and ceramic drawings are found below. In this concluding chapter I sum- marize the results of this research in relation to some of the more important problems in the ar- chaeology of the southwestern Titicaca Basin. The Formative Periods The Early Formative occupation in the study area represents the first settled villages in the Ti- ticaca region. The earliest permanently occupied sites in the Juli-Desaguadero area are represented by small, undifferentiated hamlets that appear to be no more than 1 ha in size, and probably were much smaller. The first settled agricultural popu- lations developed out of a hunting, collecting, and fishing economy of the Late Archaic. These Early Formative sites are generally located on low hills, and they are sparsely spread over the landscape. There is no evidence of conflict, and the sites are concentrated on economically rich areas near the lake. The Early Formative settlement pattern in the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area suggests an optimizing strategy aimed at securing access to lacustrine, horticultural, and puna grazing areas. The settlement pattern is more or less evenly dis- tributed, with some clustering in the richer eco- logical zones. The Middle Formative occupation of the region was substantial, both in size and complexity. This period saw the formation of ranked societies, of- ten referred to in the literature as simple chiefly societies, in the study area. The formation of ranked society in the Juli area occurred later by several centuries than in either the northern Titi- caca Basin, in the Qaluyu area, or in the southern basin, at Chiripa. In these latter areas, ranked so- cieties appear to have developed by at least 1100 B.C., possibly earlier. There were at least two political centers during this period: the site of Palermo, which was at least 4.0 ha in the Middle Formative Period, and Ckackachipata, which was at least 5.0 ha. The site of Kanamarca may have also been a major center, on par with Palermo, Ckackachipata, and Chiripa during its Middle Chiripa Period. The nature of the political and economic relationships among these Middle Formative polities remains poorly understood, but it is clear from our work that they were certainly not related to the Qaluyu polity to the far north, although there was stylistic borrow- ing, as seen in the ceramic assemblage at Tuma- tumani (Stanish & Steadman, 1994, pp. 72-75). The ceramic styles in both polities (Early Sillu- mocco and Early Ckackachipata) show stronger borrowing from the Chiripa polity, but again, the ceramic assemblage in at least the Juli region (Early Sillumocco) was locally manufactured and not incorporated into the Chiripa polity in any for- mal sense. The situation with the Ckackachipata polity is less clear, and it is geographically closer to the Chiripa area. Without an intensive ceramic attribute analysis, like that conducted by Stead- man for the Sillumocco area, we cannot draw too many conclusions from the surface artifact data. Settlement History of the Southwestern Titicaca Basin 113 However, we recovered no Qaluyu-like fragments from the reconnaissance area, and preliminary ob- servations suggest that there were more Chiripa imports in the Ckackachipata area. The Middle Formative settlements in the De- saguadero area also remain poorly understood re- garding their political and economic relationship to the Chiripa area. Clearly, there was a substan- tial Middle Formative settlement concentrated along the Desaguadero River and southern edge of Lake Titicaca. Ceramic diagnostics are related stylistically to Chiripa, but again, without an in- tensive analysis, the precise relationship remains unknown. Theoretically, we would expect there to be an additional comparable polity in the Desa- guadero River area, particularly along the rich raised-field areas along the river. We found no site comparable to Palermo, Ckackachipata, or Kana- marca in size or complexity in the Desaguadero reconnaissance area. However, it is quite possible that such a site exists on the Bolivian side of the river. The Upper Formative Period is defined by the formation of societies characterized' by a highly ranked political structure and correspondingly complex economic system. Archaeological re- search on the Upper Formative Period in the Ti- ticaca Basin has historically focused on two areas: northern Collao and southern Pacajes. These are the areas of Qaluyu/Pucara and Chiripa/Tiwanaku, respectively. This bias in the research has led to an implicit or explicit view of the Titicaca Basin as being characterized by these two principal cen- ters of cultural development that influenced, to varying degrees, neighboring areas. In many ways this view is reminiscent of the notion of nuclear centers of civilization, that of the "generators" of great art styles and culture that subsequently dif- fuse out to other areas. For instance, all decorated ceramic assemblages and carved stelae are eval- uated as to whether they are in the Chiripa/Ti- wanaku traditions or are more related to Qaluyu/ Pucara types. Sites in between these two regions are identified as "Chiripa," "Qeya," "Pucara," and so on, on the basis of a few decorated surface sherds without regard to the rest of the assem- blage or other site characteristics. The Juli-Desaguadero data indicate that our traditional view of the Upper Formative Period must be revised. I argue that the prehistoric cul- tural landscape of the circum-Titicaca Basin is far more complex than currently accepted, and that this is particularly true for the Upper Formative. The Upper Formative was a time of intensive po- litical development of numerous, autonomous and semi-autonomous, complex chiefly polities. At least four, and most likely many more, polities existed immediately prior to the development of Tiwanaku. These would include Pucara, Chiripa/ Qeya, Late Sillumocco, and Late Ckackachipata. We hypothesize additional similarly complex pol- ities, such as those represented by the site of Kan- amarca and those possibly existent in the Desa- guadero and Omasuyus area. The work of Portu- gal Ortiz (1988) at the site of Titimani stands as one such example for the eastern lake region. Consistent with anthropological theory on com- plex chiefly societies, political boundaries were most likely fluid, as competitive relationships and alliances between different groups constantly shifted. We expect certain "pan-Titicaca Basin" art styles to be interpreted in slightly different ways in different polities. This would be particu- larly evident in stone sculpture, ceramic vessels, and the like. At our excavations at Tumatumani, for instance, we observed significant "borrow- ing" of styles from both the north and south ba- sin, plus a local "Juli" style best represented by Sillumocco polychrome ceramics. The discovery of the Late Sillumocco and Late Ckackachipata polities raises the question of their relationship with Pucara and Qeya. We can more or less define the southernmost limits of the Pu- cara settlement and/or influence in the western Ti- ticaca Basin. Alfred Kidder reconnoitered the northern basin, and part of his survey covered the Have area (Kidder, 1943, pp. 10-15) south of Chucuito. He described three Tiwanaku sites in the region, including Incatunuhuiri (Kidder, 1943, p. 13), Asiruni, and Sarapa (Kidder, 1943, p. 10). Incantunuhuiri is located near Ichu, directly north- west of Chucuito. Asiruni and Sarapa are located just north of our study zone in the Have Pampa. Incatunuhuiri is a large, terraced hill that has both a Pucara and Tiwanaku occupation. It also has a semisubterranean sunken court with carved stone stelae. Asiruni and Sarapa did not produce many Pucara sherds, according to Kidder (1943), and the rare occurrence of some incised wares does not constitute sufficient evidence for assigning these sites a Pucara cultural affiliation. Rather, they appear to be Sillumocco or Sillumocco-like sites, with a major Tiwanaku occupation after a.d. 400. We found no Pucara sites in the Juli-Desa- guadero research area. The southern limit of Pu- cara settlement is therefore located somewhere between Incatunuhuiri and the Have Pampa, the northernmost limit of our survey. 1 14 Chapter Five In the southern Titicaca region, I argue that the first complex chiefdoms in the Titicaca region are represented by the Mamani phase, or Late Chiri- pa, in the Chiripa area. Chiripa Mamani dates to 400-100 B.C. in the Browman (1980) chronology and would correspond to Late Chiripa in the Cha- vez chronology, ca. 650-200 B.C. (Chavez, 1988a, p. 2). During this time, the first complex storage structures and semisubterranean temple were built at the site (Browman, 1980, p. 809). I argue that the construction of this major corporate architec- ture correlated with the development of a complex chiefdom at Chiripa. The mound was formally walled and faced in the preceding Middle For- mative or Chiripa Llusco and Chiripa Condori phases. The inhabitants of Chiripa in this earlier time had built a plaza area on the mound proper (Browman, 1980, p. 808). In the Upper Forma- tive, the plaza area was replaced with a formal, walled, semisubterranean temple area. In other words, the earlier plaza area was formally walled off with a construction technique that was to be- come typical of elite architecture in Titicaca area. After the Mamani phase, Browman (1973) re- ported a hiatus in the occupation of Chiripa, with a rebuilding of the temple area around a.d. 4(X). This rebuilding would correspond to the later Qeya period (Browman, 1978, p. 809).^^ Ponce Sanguines (1981) assigns an average date of a.d. 299 for the Tiwanaku III or Qeya Period, a date with which I generally agree, based on our ad- mittedly limited database. In his excavations at Lukurmata, Bermann (1994) obtained a single calibrated date of a.d. 430 ± 80 from a house floor with associated Tiwanaku III or Qeya ceram- ic fragments. Qeya is therefore contemporary with Late Pucara, Late Sillumocco, and Late Ckacka- chipata. The most appropriate interpretation of the data at the present time suggests that Qeya dates to approximately a.d. 200-400. As we just noted, in the study area the two polities of Sillumocco and Ckackachipata in the Middle Formative Period continued on into the Upper Formative. In the Juli-Pomata area, quan- titative data indicate that during the Late Sillu- mocco Period raised fields were extensively uti- lized. In the Chatuma area of the Ccapia recon- naissance area, extensive Ckackachipata sites are associated with raised fields. Based on these set- tlement data, raised fields were the most important component of the regional political economy. In " Browman refers to this period as the Tiwanaku oc- cupation, ca. A.D. 400-800. the Juli-Pomata area, for which we have good quantitative data and 1(X)% coverage, the number of Upper Formative sites actually decreased from the Middle Formative, but the mean size of indi- vidual sites and the total population increased. Mean site size in the field areas almost quadru- pled, and these sites were dramatically larger than average site sizes for the period as a whole. Most dramatic is the population movement away from the non-raised-field suni zone, in the center of the survey area, toward the raised-field zones where almost 63% of the population lived. Two of the river-edge Moyopampa sites in the Early Sillu- mocco Period were abandoned for a naturally high area nearby. Furthermore, two additional sites were built on the edge of the Moyopampa zone, indicating that most of these relict fields were probably in use. The immediate periphery of the field area (within 1 km) was the optimal settlement location for populations utilizing the raised fields. Distanc- es of more than 2 km were inefficient, and settle- ment directly in the swampy field areas would be cold, damp, and less desirable than in the low hills ringing the field areas. The settlement data there- fore indicate a shift from the earlier period to an optimal "ringing" of the field areas near aque- ducts and canals. This patterning is highly sug- gestive of a more formal organization of produc- tion than in the Early Sillumocco Period. In the Desaguadero reconnaissance area, we also found a number of Upper Formative sites. We can very provisionally hypothesize a distinct pol- ity in this region at this time, but intensive surface survey and intensive artifact analyses are neces- sary to define these with greater precision. The Expansive Tiwanaku Period The Tiwanaku presence in the southwestern Ti- ticaca Basin was substantial. Our data support a model of Tiwanaku as an expansive state political system (Kolata, 1983, 1986). We have demon- strated that the Juli-Desaguadero area was heavily populated in the Tiwanaku Period. Settlements are concentrated along the lake, and they decrease in density in the puna. The survey data indicate that the Tiwanaku state maintained particularly strong political control in this region during its later phases, most notably ca. a.d. 800-1000. It is also likely that the earlier Tiwanaku Period settlement, ca. A.D. 400-800, was also heavily represented in the study area. There was no Early Tiwanaku set- Settlement History of the Southwestern Titicaca Basin 115 element (pre-A.D. 400), although the existence of an occasional example of trade ware suggests contacts between the Upper Formative polities and the pre-Expansive Tiwanaku Period. Our data from the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area indicate that there was little change in settle- ment patterns between the Upper Formative and the Tiwanaku Period. Only two out of eleven ma- jor Upper Formative sites (1 ha or larger) in the intensive survey area were abandoned in the Ti- wanaku Period. Excavations at Tumatumani, Pa- lermo, and Sillumocco-Huaquina indicate that there was no hiatus in the occupation. In other words, the Tiwanaku state expanded into an al- ready complex political and economic context with the incorporation of the Sillumocco polity around a.d. 400. Similar patterns of settlement continuity are suggested by the data from the Ckackachipata polity and Desaguadero reconnaissance areas. Ti- wanaku occupations are generally found associ- ated with Upper Formative sites in the reconnais- sance regions, a pattern similar to that of the Juli- Pomata area. Raised fields are strongly associated with Tiwanaku sites, corroborating the data from the Juli-Pomata region. We may presume that, in the same way that the Tiwanaku polity incorpo- rated the Late Sillumocco polity, it also absorbed the Ckackachipata and related polities to the south. The lack of any growth spike during the Ex- pansive Tiwanaku Period in the Juli-Pomata in- tensive survey area is instructive and contrasts markedly with the Altiplano/Inca Period transi- tion. Although we accept the notion of Tiwanaku as an expansive polity of some power and influ- ence, these population data suggest that one com- ponent of Inca political economy — mitimaes — were not part of the Tiwanaku strategy, at least in the Juli-Pomata area. We therefore believe that it is inappropriate to use the Inca state as a direct analogy for the Tiwanaku. Populations do not seem to have been moved into the region as col- onists, a very stark contrast to the population pat- terns evident in the Inca Period. The Tiwanaku peoples constructed an archaic expansive state of impressive proportions. How- ever, unlike the Inca, they either lacked the ability or the resolve to move large populations under their control. Tiwanaku expanded into an already complex political and economic context in the Upper Formative, as represented by the Late Sil- lumocco and Late Ckackachipata polities in the survey and reconnaissance areas. The strong con- tinuity in settlement patterning between the Upper Formative and Tiwanaku periods suggests a co-option of existing political and economic in- stitutions by the Tiwanaku state, as opposed to the imposition of new ones, as seen in the Altiplano/ Expansive Inca transition. The Tiwanaku state maintained and intensified raised-field agriculture. In fact, based upon geographical locational data, the Upper Formative and Tiwanaku economic strategies were strikingly similar, exhibiting sim- ilar proportions of the population located in the raised field, terrace agriculture, and pasture lands, respectively. The settlement data indicate that the Tiwanaku population maintained a mixed economy of inten- sive and extensive agriculture, pastoralism, lake resource exploitation, and regional exchange. In- tensive agriculture is represented by the raised fields. These fields date to the Tiwanaku Period, as evidenced by the location of major Tiwanaku sites adjacent to aqueducts, canals, and the fields themselves. Extensive agricultural practices were represented by rain-fed terraced agriculture, typi- cal of the area today. A number of Tiwanaku sites are found away from the raised-field areas and geographically associated with rain-fed agricul- tural terraces. In short, both raised-field and non- raised-field areas were occupied by Tiwanaku sites. The Tiwanaku settlement combined a heavy lakeside focus with settlements in the other eco- logical zones. The lakeside focus is indicative of the exploitation of the lake resources, although this proposition needs to be refined using exca- vation data. A few Tiwanaku sites are also found in the high puna area more than 4000 m.a.s.l., a settlement pattern that suggests control of camelid grazing lands. The number of Tiwanaku sites in the puna is small, however, compared to the later Altiplano and Late Horizon periods. The coexistence of a locally manufactured Ti- wanaku imitation pottery, along with imported polychromes, indicates the existence of a trade network of as yet unknown proportions or inten- sity. It is not known whether the locally produced ceramic type follows chronologically, as in Mo- quegua (Bermann et al., 1989; Stanish, 1991, p. 9-10), or simply represents a local imitation of the genuine Tiwanaku ceremonial pottery. The existence of the nonlocal finewares, most likely produced in or near Tiwanaku itself, is indicative of a complex exchange relationship between a distant state center and local populations. Like- wise, the difference in site types may represent a 116 Chapter Five resident Tiwanaku administrative elite among a local support population. In this instance, it is fair- ly obvious that the type 3 sites represent elite cen- ters, given the existence of semisubterranean tem- ples, stelae, and the like. We can hypothesize that the other site types represent the local population, with the exception of the artificially mounded type 1 sites. This proposition remains to be tested. It is instructive to compare the data from the Juli-Pomata intensive survey area with those from the Tiwanaku Valley collected by Albarra- cin- Jordan and Mathews (1990). In the first in- stance, there is a substantial pre-Tiwanaku 4 set- tlement in the Tiwanaku Valley. This is to be ex- pected in the ancestral homeland of the Tiwanaku state. At Tiwanaku, there is an unbroken devel- opment of Tiwanaku settlement from the earliest Upper Formative Period (Tiwanaku I or Kalasa- saya) to the dramatic expansion of Tiwanaku in its later phases. As I have just noted, the Upper Formative/Tiwanaku Period transition in the Juli- Desaguadero region is very different, with Tiwa- naku replacing an already complex polity. Exca- vations at two elite/ceremonial sites indicate that they were architecturally enhanced in the Tiwa- naku Period, an observation that supports political and economic continuity. The number of sites in the Tiwanaku Valley is an order of magnitude larger than that in the Juli- Pomata area. In a total survey of approximately 400 km^, Albarracin- Jordan and Mathews discov- ered 1(X) Tiwanaku IV sites and 339 Tiwanaku V sites (1990, pp. 7, 89, 130). The methodologies of the Tiwanaku Valley Project and the Lupaqa Pro- ject were similar. Likewise, the definition of a site is comparable in both projects. Therefore, the dif- ference in settlement density between the Pacajes and Lupaqa area is empirically valid. Clearly, the core territory of Tiwanaku has a radically differ- ent and more intensely occupied history than the Lupaqa zone. The factors responsible for these different patterns in adjacent zones remain as cen- tral problems for future research. The Altiplano Period The Late Intermediate Period or Altiplano Pe- riod settlement system differs from all preceding periods. In functional terms, there are two types of sites: fortified sites, or pukaras, and nonforti- fied residential sites that tend to cluster near these pukaras. Furthermore, there are two types of for- tified sites. The first type, major pukaras, are very large hills surrounded by at least three walls with substantial architectural remains inside and im- mediately adjacent to the walls. The second type of pukara is characterized by small hills with sur- rounding defensive walls and very little architec- tural remains. These minor refuge sites are built in a manner similar to that of the major ones, but they are considerably smaller and much more nu- merous. Rarely do they enclose more than a few structures, and artifactual remains are meager. In short, our data indicate a pattern of large Late Intermediate Period refuge sites more or less evenly spaced along the southwestern Lake Titi- caca region (Fig. 88). These major refuge sites are roughly similar in size, architecture, and associ- ated ceramic assemblages, although some varia- tion within the sites is evident. Excavation data from at least one of these sites suggest that they were not permanently occupied but were used as temporary refuge sites for nearby populations in times of danger. Associated with these major ref- uge sites are dozens of smaller ones, located near undefended hamlets and villages. This pattern ap- pears to be typical of the Lupaqa region as a whole. We have identified a number of major refuge sites in the region between the Have Pampa and Copacabana. One pattern that is obvious is the relatively even spacing of the major sites. There is some variation in size between the major pu- kara sites, but it is significant that all sites are within the same order of magnitude. The largest sites are Pukara Juli, Tanka Tanka, and Cerro Ca- rajuana, with three others — Huichajaja, Llaquepa, Pukara Chatuma, and Tanapaca — roughly equiv- alent in area. The actual size of the area enclosed by defensive walls appears to be more a function of topography than of population size. All major refuge sites other than Cerro Cara- juana were ground-checked. The remains of do- mestic architecture were found on all of the vis- ited sites. The general architectural pattern is one of round houses built on domestic terraces. As with Pukara Juli, domestic architectural remains were found within the walls and immediately ad- jacent to the walls. Above-ground burial towers, or chulpas, are found within and near the fortified walls. Other chulpa cemeteries are found away from the sites themselves. Ceramic collections were made at four of the five pukaras. The diagnostic material is uniformly Altiplano Period in date inside of the residential areas at each site. We have named the ceramic type Pucarani in the Juli-Pomata area and Kelluyo Settlement History of the Southwestern Titicaca Basin 117 -^ ~- ^ COPACABANAN^ > i ■ X' X\ ■TmcACA ^ ^'^ iiu-^ . V ^^v^|;^^j.,^>'''''^ yuNGUYu POMATA or/-". : 0''^ w VL^.^p-' HUICHAJAJA \" TANAPACA n/ e \% e -—"^^'^'^^^^ \z. ^ — -^ X, V J LLAQUEPA e T MODERN TOWN 0 MAJOR PUKARA ffi 0 5 Km Fig. 88. Pukaras in study area. in the Desaguadero region. Diagnostic Pucarani ceramics show strong affinities to pre-Inca Sillus- tani and Chucuito types from the Collao region of the north Titicaca Basin (Tschopik, 1946, pp. 21- 44), although the Pucarani style is clearly a local type associated with the southwestern Titicaca area. There is some variation in the decorated ce- ramic styles among the five sites collected, but the Pucarani style is relatively homogeneous in the Juli-Pomata region compared to contemporary as- semblages to the north (Tschopik, 1946) and the south (Albarracin- Jordan & Mathews, 1990). One of the major questions facing the southern Titicaca Basin for the inmiediate post-Tiwanaku period is that of the hypothesized migration of Aymara speakers (see pages 12-14). Our data do not necessarily disprove or support this hypothe- sis. There is indeed a substantial change in settle- ment patterns in the Tiwanaku/Altiplano Period transition that could support this model of Aymara migration. These data, however, could also be ex- plained by the dramatic political disruptions co- incident with Tiwanaku collapse in the region. The probable drought around a.d. 1000 (Ortloff & Kolata, 1993) may also explain these settlement changes, and in particular the shift from nucleated settlements near raised fields to a more dispersed pattern founded on camelid herding. We would have expected to find fortified settle- ments in the Kelluyo and southern Desaguadero area to support the Aymara migration hypothesis. It is curious to have contemporary sites in the immediate lake region fortified while other sites in the south were not fortified. The fortification of the settlements in the region correlates with the demographically dense areas near the lake, and it would therefore support models of internecine strife as opposed to a model of migrants moving into the region in fortified settlements. Further- more, the Kelluyo ceramic type is distinct from that of the immediate lake area during the Alti- plano Period. This suggests a cultural distinction between the two areas, another observation that would not support a southern migration of the Ay- mara in the wake of Tiwanaku collapse. In short, there is still much work to be done on this intrigu- ing question. Linguistic and toponymic studies, combined with systematic archaeological work in the Caranagas area and the Lake Poopo region, will help clarify this problem. Another significant question in Lupaqa area ar- chaeology centers on the nature of political com- plexity in the immediate pre-Inca periods. This problem is addressed in detail in the study by Kirk Frye presented as Appendix 2 of this work (be- ginning on page 129). The Inca Period There was a massive Inca presence in the study area, including major population movements within and from outside the area. Three major dif- ferences distinguish the Inca Period from the pre- vious Altiplano Period: the walled sites were abandoned, larger towns were founded, and 118 Chapter Five raised-field areas were abandoned. Puna land use was intensified (19% of total population), a pro- cess that began in the preceding Altiplano Period. The Inca did not utilize raised-field areas, as indicated by site location and the derived popu- lation data. This was most likely due to the altered ecological conditions, specifically drought and lower average temperatures, beginning around the time of the Inca conquest. The Late Horizon set- tlement pattern is heavily weighted toward ter- raced agricultural and lakeside urbanized areas, suggesting a maximization strategy in the region that was designed to produce and move commod- ities and locate populations near optimal agricul- tural land. One of the most dramatic characteristics of the Inca occupation is the growth spike after a gen- erally steady growth rate that began in the Middle Formative Period. This growth rate could not oc- cur from natural population increases alone. These data leave little doubt that substantial pop- ulations migrated into the Juli-Pomata region dur- ing the Inca Period. The growth spike during the Expansive Inca Period can be explained, we be- lieve, by two principal factors. The first factor is methodological. The intensive survey zone cov- ered two major Inca administrative sites, Juli and Pomata. Had the systematic survey continued into the Chatuma area and beyond, we might expect some flattening of the curve with the inclusion of more pre-Inca sites away from Pomata. Even with this extension of the survey, however, the growth spike almost certainly would still exist, although in a less severe form. This is supported by the discovery of numerous Late Horizon sites in the reconnaissance area. The second explanation for the growth spike that accompanied Inca occupation relates to Inca policies of population relocation in the form of mitimae colonists (Patterson, 1991; D'Altroy, 1992). There are numerous historically docu- mented cases of Inca mitimae colonists in the Ti- ticaca Basin. A significant percentage of the new population was concentrated in the larger towns. In particular, the towns of Juli and Pomata were founded in this period. Site size data for the Ti- wanaku through the Inca periods indicate that there was a shift to a bimodal site distribution, with a few very large sites and a number of small- er villages and hamlets in the Inca Period. The transition from the Altiplano to Expansive Inca Period suggests substantial changes in the political economy of the southwestern Titicaca Basin. The highest rate of site abandormient oc- curred during this period. Likewise, there was a significant change in site size distributions during the Inca occupation. Although the emphasis on small hamlets continued, the Inca built huge ad- ministrative settlements along the road system. In fact, approximately 50% of the population lived within 500 m of the road in the Juli-Pomata area. Presumably, much of the population in these cen- ters consisted of imported colonists. Likewise, there was an intensification of pastoral and rain- fed terrace agricultural zones, and there was a vir- tually complete abandonment of the raised-field areas in the low pampas. There is a surprising continuity between the Inca Expansive and Early Colonial settlement pat- terns, and presumably also in economic organi- zation. From a political and economic perspective, the needs of the Spanish state were similar to those of the Inca, at least in the first generation. Through time, there was a shift away from alti- plano products to mining. 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Ph.D. Diss., Department of Anthropology, University of Cal- ifornia, Berkeley. Wise, Karen. 1993. Late Intermediate Period Architec- ture of Lukurmata, pp. 103-113. In Aldenderfer, M., ed. Domestic Architecture, Ethnicity, and Comple- mentarity in the South-Central Andes. University of Iowa Press, Iowa City. ZuiDEMA, R. T. 1983. Hierarchy and social space in In- caic social organization. Ethnohistory, 30(2): 49-75. 124 Literature Cited Appendix 1. Contemporary Aymara Agricultural Soil Categories'^ Luperio Onofre MamanP^ In this report, I use a different approach, com- pared to typical agronomic studies, for ana- lyzing and classifying soil types. This work is based on a number of interviews with Juli-area farmers, who have a lifetime of experience with managing agricultural soils. With this informa- tion, I have been able to reconstruct the typology of agricultural soils used by the farmers in the area today (Table 8). The creative and rational classification and utilization of these soil types provides an advantage to the farmers in optimiz- ing production and minimizing risk from the va- garies of climatic conditions. The quality and type of soil depend on several components, such as soil texture, climate, drain- age characteristics, the presence or absence of rocks, vegetation, and climate conditions. Con- temporary Aymara farmers in the Juli region rec- ognize six different major land and soil types based on these criteria. Soil Types Type A: Q'inko orake or wila lak'a (tierra arcillosa) This type is characterized by soils with a high percentage of red clay, a minimal number of rocks, and good soil texture. This soil is sensitive to rainfall levels; significant rainfall makes it very clayey, whereas low rainfall makes it very com- pact. In general, the color of the soil is red; it is easy to identify. It is generally found in the low areas, such as pampas, and along hillsides (parqui chaka). ^* Translation by C. Stanish. ^^ Lie. Onofre, a member of the Lupaqa Project since 1988, is a native Aymara speaker and is from the Juli area. According to our informants, this soil type is very fertile. It is particularly useful for tuber ag- riculture, principally the "sweet" potato {wila im- illa or papa dulce). The planting should take place 1 or 2 months before the rainy season. This soil is also characterized by the presence of wild plants, such as cebadilla, chijchipa, kentu, ichu, muni muni, amicaraya kora, and others. In some areas where the climate is warmer, this soil is ex- tremely fertile, and one can grow maize, alberja, wheat, some vegetables, and other fertility-sensi- tive crops. This soil type is occasionally used for the con- struction of raised fields or jake kolli, as they are known in the Juli region. Type B: Ch'iara orake or ch'iara lak'a (tierra negra o ceniza) This soil type is black or gray in color (similar to ash), clayey, has a good texture, and is mod- erately good at water regulation. Another char- acteristic is its relative lack of rocks and the com- mon occurrence within it of wild altiplano plants such as kora and muni muni. This type of soil is found in the pampas and quebradas with a cold climate {hupi chakanaka) and sometimes in a sheltered location (junfu chakanaka). It is good for the cultivation of Andean tubers, most notably the black potato {Chhiar imlla), a potato called "cow tongue" {waka lajra), beans, and cebada. According to the farmers, this soil is good for planting because it is fertile and resistant to ad- verse climates. Occasionally raised fields are con- structed in these soils. Type C: Paqo orake or qella lak'a (tierra marron) This soil type is highly variable and not easily characterized with the usual agronomic terms. Contemporary Aymara Agricultural Soil Categories 125 ca < o £ .§. u •c ■« 73 (J ^ "1 t >, !3 ^ H •^i^i^^i ^u^£t^ c >> 1^83 pa ucL- S TJ (A S- 2 O vT c «3 >> 1 — o. 00 < K c £ CO — rt ^ c C^ CO Cu 03 S2 s i o o o o Oli U CU C/5 o Y ca q^ Cd 1) aj 1) j;; ■^ s o "V - ca ca 2 ^ oi 6o2 00 c •^ (u o u o OiUQiZ ca J3 o S cS S , -a ^ S o S u J> "^j . ca eg S Q,-2ii § E g ^ Q ^ fli ^ flJ ca rs § 3 !/5 ^60 2 "o "a Y8 U 60 ca S ca QJ eg (U cu > >-. J= C/) Q. U( ea Ui > 00 o ii u 3 O u cr « = "S o --^ D ca c/5 u pu o: 126 Appendix One The informants consistently identified this soil type as brown in color and having few rocks. They also noted that the wild plants llapa and kora were common within it. However, in some cases they described it as having a good texture and good water-retention capacities, but in other cases as having poor texture and poor water-re- tention qualities. Likewise, the fertility of the soil varies as well, according to the climatic condi- tions of the area. This soil is most common on agricultural ter- races on the hills (kollo pata), quebradas (huasa- ra p'uchunaka), and in rare instances in the pam- pas (phutunku chakanacd). This soil is favorable for the cultivation of potatoes (chokke), particu- larly the following varieties: p'akoya, 'chikilla, and papa negra. Oca (apilla) and beans (habas) also grow well on this soil type. Type D: Ch'alla orake or ch'alla lak'a (tierra arenosa) This soil is characterized by a light gray or light brown color, a very high percentage of sand, poor texture (with the exception of areas with abundant pasturage (ch'ijji), and poor water-retention ca- pacities in abnormal weather but good capacities when rainfall is normal. Wild plants are abundant, particularly kentu, kora, muni muni, ch'ijji, totora, and cabadilla. The informants say that this soil is risky for cultivation. In good weather, particularly near some areas of the lake where it is slightly warmer, known in Aymara as kota jump'i, this soil is very productive. However, the soil is very dangerous in periods of frost, given its poor texture, which permits root damage much more easily than other soil types. Furthermore, with too much rain, this soil type saturates quickly and does not drain well. It is precisely for this reason that type D soils are best for raised fields {jake kolli). Ac- cording to our informants, ihcjake kolli should be constructed in areas of abundant vegetation {chijji pampanaka). The advantage of this agricultural system is the control of frost damage due to the presence of canals that keep the area slightly warmer. Furthermore, the "humus" that forms in these canals is used as fertilizer to improve the soil. Type D soils are found largely in the pampas or edges of the rivers and lake (jahuir laka y kota laka). The best crops for this soil type are cebada, beans, and papa blanca, respectively. Type E: Jhank'u orake or alex lak'a (tierra blanca a tierra corriente) This soil type has a normal texture, moderate water-regulation capacities, few rocks, and a high quantity of the wild plants kora and chijchipa. The soil quality overall varies from average to bad. Furthermore, these soils are susceptible to frost damage and exist in areas that are referred to as uncultivated and arid. The "white" soils are found on the hills and pampas. Only the bitter potato can be cultivated with any guarantee of good results. Type F: Chajjwa lak'a or chajjwa orake {tierra pedregosa) These soils are brown in color, with a poor tex- ture, poor water-retention capacities, and a high quantity of rocks. The overall quality of the soil is poor. They are found on the high areas of the hills and along the hillsides (parki chakanaka). They are almost always terraced in what is, ac- cording to the informants, an attempt to improve water retention, conserve fertility, and protect against frost. Type F soils are occasionally found in the pampas. The most appropriate cultivar for this type of soil is oca {apilla), a plant that is drought-resistant. Contemporary Aymara Agricultural Soil Categories 127 Appendix 2. Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period in the Southwestern Titicaca Basin Kirk Lawrence Frye The accounts of Lupaqa political organization in the 16th century suggest a complex hi- erarchical system headed by a hereditary ruler who controlled several lower-order administrators within the six other cabeceras. What the docu- ments do not make clear is whether 16th-century Lupaqa political organization reflects Inca influ- ence or whether the descriptions of a stratified Lu- paqa social and political organization describe a pre-Inca political system. The traditional histories are ambiguous. One interpretion of a paragraph from the chronicle of Bemabe Cobo, for instance, is that the Lupaqa built their hilltop fortifications as a direct response to the Inca incursion into the Titicaca Basin: On this expedition the Inca subjugated all the towns and nations who defended themselves bravely, and they had many clashes with the Inca before they were subjugated. The Inca subjected many of them to a relentless siege, and they built forts in order to defend themselves, such as those at Caquingora and the one we see on a high hill near the town of Juli .... (Cobo, 1956[1653], p. 140) With this account, Cobo seems to imply that the Lupaqa were not politically unified and that the defense of each town was organized by local leaders rather than by a central ruler. This prop- osition is supported by Julien's interpretation of the available ethnohistoric material, when she suggests that the pre-Inca Lupaqa political land- scape tnight have been characterized by internally competing groups (Julien, 1978, p. 61). The account of Cieza de Leon, in contrast to that of Cobo, suggests that Lupaqa political com- plexity and unification predated the Inca interven- tion in the region. According to Cieza de Leon, a Lupaqa "king" known as Cari succeeded in uni- fying a number of towns in Lupaqa territory be- fore the arrival of the Inca (Cieza de Leon, 1959[1553], p. 274). Describing a battle before the Inca arrival between Cari and Zapana, the Lord of the Collas to the north, Cieza de Leon says: "Cari emerged the victor. But as he aspired to no other honor or power beyond robbing and destroying the villages, loaded with booty, with- out taking captives, he returned to Chucuito [on Lake Titicaca], which he had made his seat, and by his orders the villages of Hilave, Xulli [Juli], Zepita, Pumata [Pomata], and others had been set- tled" (Cieza de Leon, 1959[1553], pp. 215-216). In order to determine the level of Lupaqa po- litical complexity during the Altiplano Period, data collected during the Juli-Pomata systematic survey as well as data from four major fortified sites — Huichajaja, Llaquepa, Tanapaca, and Pu- kara-Juli — were intensively analyzed. The latter two sites are located within the Juli-Pomata in- tensive survey area boundaries. Data used to com- pare these sites include the results of an analysis of both plainware and decorated ceramics and site architectural patterns. One of the criteria for defining the degree of political centralization is whether or not spatially distant sites were integrated into a single regional political hierarchy. Although differences in site sizes have traditionally been used to identify hi- erarchical political systems, I argue that a study of site sizes alone is insufficient for accomplishing this. Along with size differences, the distribution of decorated ceramics on sites of different sizes and types is a second useful marker. The analysis of Altiplano Period settlement sys- tems incorporates only sites that have well-de- fined habitation areas and contain clearly identi- fiable Altiplano Period ceramics. I exclude cem- etery sites. For the purposes of the settlement analysis I focus on major fortified sites, nonfor- tified sites, and temporary refuge sites. Major for- tified sites are all classified as centers, refuge sites fall into the size categories of small and large vil- lages, and nonfortified sites fall into all size cat- Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period 129 egories. Although no systematic studies of non- fortified and temporary refuge sites have yet been undertaken, the ceramic samples collected from these site types during the systematic regional sur- vey are sufficient for indicating whether or not high-status artifacts are associated with them. Architecture The method for defining different levels of Lu- paqa political organization depends on the ability to identify similarities or differences in architec- tural styles and spatial organization patterns at four major fortified sites. My approach to defining different levels of social and political integration builds on the work of Steponaitis (1991, pp. 219- 220). He showed that differences in patterns of site layouts at Mississippian sites correlated with different levels of chiefdom political complexity. I operate under the assumption that similarities or differences in architectural styles can be an indi- cator of whether separate archaeological sites were either part of a unified political system or represent localized political groups. If the people living in the Lupaqa territory dur- ing the Altiplano Period were organized at the level of a complex chiefdom, I would expect fea- tures typical of centralized polities, such as the existence of areas for tribute collection, process- ing, and storage, heightened craft production, and politically charged ceremonial activities. Further- more, the architecture associated with elite resi- dences and activities should be clearly demarcated from other areas of the site where more mundane tasks are carried out. The architectural styles used to build important structures are expected to be similar between the centers of local chiefs, be- cause elite individuals derive political authority by being identified with standard symbols of pow- er. These symbols are frequently reflected in elite architecture styles. Conversely, if populations who used different major fortified sites were not politically integrat- ed, these sites would not be characterized by for- malized site layouts, would be expected to lack evidence of specialized work areas, and would be expected to show variation in architectural styles between centers. The presence of different archi- tectural styles, seen in structure shape and adorn- ment, fortification wall construction, or doorway styles at different major fortified sites, will be in- terpreted as indicating that the Lupaqa major for- tified sites were not politically integrated. Methodology Mapping Site Architecture — Areas within major fortified sites with the most architecture were chosen for detailed mapping. Site layout data were obtained by mapping a small but rep- resentative section of each site at Huichajaja and Llaquepa; approximately 1 ha of each area was mapped. One of the four residential areas at Pu- kara Juli, called Yacari-Tuntachawi and covering an area of approximately 5.0 ha, was mapped. Tanapaca was not systematically mapped, but a detailed sketch of the site was made in the field. The second step was to compare the building styles of major architectural features located with- in the sites, including fortification walls, door- ways, and structure shapes. The third step was to measure a representative sample of the structures in order to determine the range of structure size. The number of structures that were measured rep- resents only a portion of those found at each site. Ceramic Artifacts — The ceramic analysis fo- cuses on three basic elements needed to determine whether the Lupaqa major fortified sites were po- litically integrated. The elements we compared were (1) the pastes used in the production of dec- orated ceramics at major fortified sites, (2) vessel rim diameters, and (3) decoration style and vessel form between different major fortified sites. If Altiplano Period fortified sites functioned as different centers within a unified and ranked pol- ity, it is anticipated that decorated ceramics found at those sites might indicate redistribution from a centralized production center. To determine cen- tralized ceramic production, I compared the rang- es in rim diameters within functionally specific ceramic classes, and the paste composition of dec- orated ceramics from the different sites. At the least, if the major fortified sites in the study were politically integrated, decorated ceramics from those sites should show strong similarities in, among other elements, decoration use, rim shape, and vessel form. Conversely, if Altiplano Period major fortified sites were the centers of simple chiefdoms, the decorated ceramics within each site would be expected to show evidence of local, nonstandardized production. In this study, deco- rated ceramics are defined by the presence of painted decorations, such that ceramic examples 30 Appendix Two that are either slipped or contain rim slips are not considered decorated. The analysis of ceramics from the major forti- fied sites also helps to establish the function of these sites. First, if major fortified sites represent the highest level of a settlement hierarchy, then it is expected that they would have been the resi- dences of the local elite. Therefore, major fortified sites should contain many more decorated ceram- ics than unfortified sites. If major fortified sites were only used for temporary refuge centers it is expected that nonfortified sites occupied by rulers could be identified and would contain as many if not more examples of decorated ceramics than those found within major fortified sites. Because no systematic surface collections have been made at nonfortified sites, the ceramics from those sites cannot be systematically compared to the ceram- ics from major fortified sites. However, the non- systematically collected ceramic samples from nonfortified and temporary refuge sites during the survey are sufficient for determining how well represented decorated ceramics are at those sites. Second, the kinds of ceramics used at the major fortified sites can indicate whether they were used in conjunction with important political and or rit- ual activities. For instance, Costin (1986, pp. 294-299) showed that specific containers, prin- cipally large jars and bowls, were associated with eUte feasting ceremonies at the site of Tunanmar- ca in the Mantaro valley. If major fortified sites were the centers of religious or political activities, then the ceramic assemblages from them would be expected to provide evidence of feasting activ- ities, as seen in the number and kinds of ceramics present at each site. Altiplano Period Settlement Patterns Because two of the major fortified sites, Hui- chajaja and Llaquepa, are located outside of the survey boundary, the settlement data are only ap- plicable for assessing the relationship between the two major fortified sites, Tanapaca and Pukara Juli, and several clusters of settlements near them. The settlement pattern within the Juli-Pomata in- tensive survey area during the Altiplano Period centers on major fortified and temporary refuge sites. The survey results indicate that major for- tified sites are more or less centrally located be- tween distinct population clusters, with some of the individual population clusters, in turn, being located near refuge sites. One of these clusters is made up of sites in the vicinity of Suankata, a minor refuge site. It in- cludes several sites in the northern portion of the survey zone, the largest of which are sites 448 and 445. Sites within this cluster are located in and along the periphery of the Moyopampa plain and extend in a linear pattern toward a cluster of sites below the major fortified site of Pukara Juli. It is within the vicinity of Pukara Juli that several discrete clusters of sites are apparent. These clus- ters include sites in the Moyopampa area, as pre- viously mentioned, and sites associated with the two refuge sites, Zapacollo and San Bartolome. Another cluster of sites is located approximate- ly 10 km to the south of the Pukara Juli group in the Sihuayro area. This cluster contains a center (site 287), other large villages, and several ham- lets. Sites within this cluster are not far from the major fortified site, Tanapaca. Two other clusters are located in the areas on either side of the Po- mata area, containing villages (sites 384, 393, and 428, among others) and several hamlets. On the north side of the Pomata area cluster, located near the lake edge, is the refuge site, Tocokcahua (418). Site 388, a large village, although not clear- ly a fortified or refuge site, is located on the top of a high promontory between site 418 and the major fortified site, Tanapaca. These settlement data indicate the presence of several discrete population blocks, some associ- ated with refuge sites and others associated with major fortified sites. Significant in these data is the central location of major fortified sites be- tween different site clusters. For example, Tana- paca is centrally located between the Pomata and Sihuayro clusters, and Pukara Juli is situated be- tween the San Bartolome and Zapacollo clusters and, to a lesser extent, the Moyopampa settlement group. The association between different settlement groups with centrally located major fortified sites suggests the existence of distinct political units, one associated with Pukara Juli and the other with Tanapaca. The proposition that the survey region contains different political groups is supported by the comparison of site size distributions for sites within the Tanapaca and Pukara Juli settlement systems. In terms of size, each settlement system contains approximately equal proportions of site size categories. The only difference between the two settlement systems is that the Pukara Juli group contains many more smaller sites. Although Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period 131 the distribution of nonfortified site sizes within each of these settlement groups describes a three- tiered hierarchy, it is not clear that differences in site sizes indicate a political hierarchy. Other than size, no architectural or artifact evidence was not- ed during the survey that would distinguish larger unfortified sites from smaller ones. The settlement pattern within the Juli-Pomata region is complex. It shows the existence of sev- eral settlement clusters, possibly integrated within the political sphere of the major fortified sites. The identification of an uninhabited buffer zone between the Tanapaca and Pukara Juli settlement systems strengthens the interpretation that the set- tlements in the Juli-Pomata survey area represent at least two distinct political groups. These two groups were in turn made up of several separate communities. The ability to infer the degree to which these separate groups were politically in- tegrated is complicated by the fact that some site clusters are associated with refuge sites. The as- sociation of some of the settlement clusters with minor fortified sites suggests that a level of polit- ical autonomy may have been maintained by local groups, even though they existed in proximity to major fortified sites. Within the category of large unfortified sites, there is no site that is comparably larger than others throughout the survey region, suggesting that major fortified sites were local centers of political power. Additional evidence supporting the interpreta- tion that major fortified sites were political centers of a two-tiered political hierarchy is the distribu- tion of decorated ceramics between them. Pukara Juli and Tanapaca are the largest sites in the re- gion and contain nearly all examples of decorated ceramics. In fact, only 15 decorated Pucarani ce- ramics were found in all nonfortified and tempo- rary refuge sites combined, indicating that deco- rated ceramics had a distribution restricted to ma- jor fortified sites. Architectural Features at the Four Major Fortified Sites As discussed above, one set of archaeological correlates associated with defining simple or com- plex chiefdom political organization depends on a comparison of architectural styles and spatial pat- terning at separate major fortified sites. As we dis- cuss below, the major fortified sites, rather than being characterized by similar patterns of spatial organization and comparable architectural styles, each have different architectural styles and site layouts. Huichajaja The major fortified site, Huichajaja, is located near the modem town of Yunguyu and was visited and described by Hyslop (1976, p. 307). The hab- itation area of the site falls between 4350 and 4500 m.a.s.l. and is encircled by three main walls enclosing approximately 2 ha of habitation (ap- proximately 1(X) structures) within an overall area of approximately 5 ha. Site walls measure from 1 to 2 m in width, reaching heights of over 3 m in some places. The first wall on the eastern face of the site describes a Z pattern and represents a dis- tinct architectural feature at major fortified sites (Hyslop, 1976, p. 308). Site containment walls are backfilled with dirt, leaving a walled section ex- tending above the ground level, creating a para- pet. Narrower at their bases and flaring slightly to a wider dimension at the top, three sets of doors in each of the three main walls, between 1 .5 and 2 m in width, permit access to the different sec- tions of the site. Most doorways have connecting walls leading into the interior of the site and may have served to funnel traffic into the site. The domestic architecture at the site consists of circular and ovoid structures measuring 2.5 to 3.5 m in exterior diameter. Circular and ovoid struc- ture foundations are associated with three distinct architectural features: structures located near pat- ios (circular raised platforms), structures enclosed in walled compounds, or structures located on ter- races. Of the approximately 100 structures at the site, 42 were measured. Although interior floor areas of the measured structures range from 1.2 to 13.9 m% the majority of the areas sampled were small, 78.5% having interior floor areas of less than 5.0 m^ (Table 9). Structures measuring less than 5.0 m^ had a mean size of 3.2 m- (Table 10). Rather than defining the presence of rigid, well- defined structure size categories within the site, the distribution of interior floor area was charac- terized by fairly continuous variation. The only apparent pattern might be described by a division of structure sizes into small and medium types, or structures less or more than 5 m^. There was no apparent correlation between the size of a struc- ture and its association with either patios, com- pounds, or terraces. The most obvious spatial division at the site is 132 Appendix Two Table 9. Interior structure floor areas for all major fortified sites (m^).* Table 10. Interior structure floor areas of less than 5 m^ for all major fortified sites (m-).* Huicha- Lla- Tana- Pukara Huicha- Lla- Tana- Pukara Parameter jaja quepa paca Juli Parameter No. of cases jaja 33 quepa 30 paca 28 Juli No. of cases 42 48 34 23 16 Minimum 1.27 1.53 1.34 0.70 Minimum 1.27 1.53 1.34 0.72 Maximum 13.96 31.65 32.42 46.18 Maximum 4.91 4.96 4.86 4.23 Range 12.69 30.12 31.08 45.46 Range 3.64 3.43 3.52 3.51 Mean 4.44 5.30 5.17 7.81 Mean 3.27 3.29 3.25 2.75 Variance 7.24 21.35 36.19 131.18 Variance 0.82 0.96 0.56 1.17 Standard deviation 2.69 4.62 6.01 11.45 Standard deviation 0.90 0.98 0.77 1.08 * Total observations: 147. * Total observations: 107. defined by the fortification walls. Structures, pat- ios, and enclosures are located in the areas be- tween the site walls, but slightly more structures and architectural features occur above the third major wall. The eastern side of the site contains many large terraced constructions, although no structures and very few artifacts were found in this area of the site. Along this eastern flank, ter- races are found downslope but do not reach the lowermost wall. Delimited by a fourth, much smaller wall, the highest area at the site is sepa- rated from the main habitation area and contains a number of circular and ovoid patio areas out- lined by small walls. This area of the site con- tained a high percentage of decorated ceramics but almost no structures or foundations. The high- est area at the site has a walled enclosure housing a modem shrine. Other than the basic division of space deter- mined by the enclosure walls, there is no clear internal pattern within the site, and the overall set- tlement density at Huichajaja is low. Although different kinds of architectural constructions are found within Huichajaja — compounds, patios, and terraces — the distribution of artifacts throughout the site is uniform, suggesting that different forms of architecture were not associated either with specialized activity areas or with clearly defined high-status residences. The highest area at the site is an exception, for it contained a high percentage of decorated ceramics, suggesting that it may have been used for ceremonial purposes. Llaquepa Also first reported by Hyslop (1976, p. 300), the major fortified site of Llaquepa is located ap- proximately 10 km southeast of the modem town of Pomata. The estimated habitation area of the site is 8-10 ha, containing approximately 600- 700 structures within an overall enclosed area of over 50 ha. As mentioned earlier, approximately 1 ha of the site was mapped. Three large walls encircle the site, making use of natural topograph- ical features to approximately enclose its area. Site contairmient walls are similar to those seen at Huichajaja. The interior surfaces of the walls are filled in with dirt, and the lowermost wall on the northeast slope describes a Z pattem. Site en- trance doors show slight variation and are either straight- sided or have narrow bases flaring to wid- er tops. As at Huichajaja, structures are associated with distinct architectural features: they are found in walled compounds, or are located at the end of or within curved terraces, or surround open "plaza" spaces, or are found in clusters, or are isolated. The most characteristic spatial patterning is the clustering of three to five circular or ovoid struc- tures, roughly the same size or with larger ones, throughout the upper reaches of the site. No patio units comparable to the ones at Huichajaja were observed at Llaquepa. Of 48 sampled stmctures, interior floor area ranged from 1 .5 to 3 1 .6 m^, and whereas the largest stmctures measured between 5.0 and 6.0 m in diameter, the majority (62.5%) measured less than 5 m^ in interior floor area (Ta- ble 9). Of the stmctures that had interior floor ar- eas of less than 5.0 m-, the mean size was 3.2 m^. Although the interior floor area data do not in- dicate the presence of well-defined stmcture size categories, three basic stmcture types are appar- ent. The first stmcture type measures between 2.0 and 3.0 m in exterior diameter. It is constmcted with fieldstone foundations set into the ground. Stones are sometimes piled up on the foundations to form a structure very similar in shape to those that Hyslop (1977) called "igloo chulpas," al- Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period 133 though there is as yet no evidence to suggest that they were used for burials. The second structure type is much larger than the first. Constructed in the same manner, these structures are impressive in size and are generally ovoid in shape, measuring 3.0 to 3.5 m wide and up to 5.0 m long. The third structure type is nearly circular and uncovered, measuring over 5.0 m in diameter. An exception to these three structure types was a single, nearly square construction containing 0.75 X 0.50 m cut door stones with bas-relief camelids carved on their exterior sur- faces. This type of structure adornment has never been identified at an Altiplano Period fortified site and is suggestive of differential labor investment in structure construction. The spatial division of Llaquepa is determined by natural features and site containment walls, and by the placement of structures throughout the site. The areas between each of the three main walls contain covered structures and structure foundations. The largest structures are sometimes found isolated at the highest part of the site. More often, though, they are surrounded by smaller structures or are associated with open plaza spac- es. The Llaquepa site shows a more clear structure size ranking, a high settlement density, and evi- dence of status differentiation in structure adorn- ment. However, the placement of structures within the site does not conform to an overall plan. That is, rather than being spatially segregated, the larg- est structures are consistently surrounded by sev- eral smaller ones and occur in different areas of the site. A more extensive systematic surface col- lection will be necessary to determine whether the distribution of architecture and artifact types cor- relates with different activity areas. Tanapaca Tanapaca is the highest of all the studied major fortified sites. Located on top of a very steep-sid- ed hill, the habitation area reaches almost 4600 m.a.s.l. Several concentric walls encircle an area of approximately 15 ha, including 5 ha of habi- tation area. Two types of doorway permit entrance into the site habitation area. The first type of doorway is covered and inset, built into the fortification walls and measuring 1.0 m wide by 2.0 m high. Forti- fication walls with the inset doorways continue over the door, contain raised sections or built-in ramparts, and are associated with what appear to be tower constructions. The second doorway type is similar to those seen at other sites; they are either straight-sided or flare outward at the top. Access into and through the site is restricted by several doorways and the short distances between major walls. Structures at Tanapaca are circular or ovoid, as at the other pukaras. As at Llaquepa, covered structures are well-preserved and are similar in shape and construction technique to the "igloo" - shaped structures found there. Buildings are found clustered together in walled enclosures near the top of the site, while structure foundations with variable diameters are found throughout the site. The largest structures, measuring up to 5 m in exterior diameter, are circular constructions with- out roofs, straight-sided and well-built. Of the 34 sampled structures (out of a total of approximately 100 at the site), floor areas ranged between 1.34 and 32.43 m^ (Table 9), but most areas sampled (82.35%) measured less than 5.0 m^ in floor area. Structures with floor areas of less than 5.0 m^ had a mean size of 3.25 m^ (Table 10). Spatial patterning at Tanapaca appears more consistent than at either Llaquepa or Huichajaja. Three large circular constructions with cut stone doors dominate different levels on the west side of the site and are surrounded by numerous small- er structures. A number of variable-sized struc- tures are located along the top ridge of the site, below a well-defined plaza area. The antiquity of this plaza area is in question because it is asso- ciated with a modem shrine that is in use today. Areas above the first two walls on the north side of the site are delimited by natural rock outcrops, and smaller walls defining open spaces within these areas contain few structures. Settlement den- sity at the site is low, with the number of pre- served structures and foundations not exceeding 100. As at Llaquepa, larger structures are sur- rounded by smaller ones and, rather than being spatially segregated, they occur at different areas of the site. All areas of the site contained similar artifacts, with the exception of the highest area of the site, near the plaza area, which contained many decorated sherds. Pukara Juli Visited and described by Hyslop, the major for- tified site of Pukara Juli is located approximately 4 km from the modem town of Juli (Hyslop, 1976, p. 315). It is the largest and most complex i 34 Appendix Two of all of the Altiplano Period sites studied in the southern Titicaca Basin. Four concentric walls in- tersected by natural topographical barriers run a combined distance of over 25 km around the site. Ranging in height from 2.0 to 5.0 m, these walls encircle four spatially segregated habitation areas. All four habitation areas are located between an altitude of 4100 and 4250 m.a.s.l. The combined habitation areas are estimated at 15 ha, containing approximately 400 structures within an overall en- closed area of nearly 75 ha. Three main walls run across the Yacari-Tuntachawi habitation area (4.0 ha), closing out at a rock outcrop to the south and continuing around the site to the north. Walls are built with two rubble-filled retaining walls such that the upper retaining wall is slightly lower in height than the downhill wall, forming a rampart. The site is further divided by three passageways that run vertically up through the walls through three sets of doorways. These passageways effec- tively control access and traffic patterns into and through the habitation area. The highest area of Pukara Juli contains a plaza area, with a modem shrine in its center. The domestic architecture at Pukara Juli con- sists of numerous rounded terrace walls associated with circular structures. Structures are located ei- ther in the middle of terraces or at their comers; or they are located in walled compounds; or, less often, they are clustered together. Structure di- ameters vary in size from 2.0 to 7.0 m, with in- terior floor areas ranging from 0.70 to 46.18 m^ (Table 9). Although three structure sizes are ap- parent at Yacari-Tuntachawi, consistent with the pattern seen at the other major fortified sites, the majority of sampled stmctures (23 out of a total of 150) are small, with 74% of the floor areas measuring less than 5.0 m^. The mean size of these very small stmctures is 2.75 m^ (Table 10). At Pukara Juli, several stmctures exhibit a unique shape and construction technique. The most common structure found at Pukara Juli is an ovoid stmcture built of fieldstones. Stones were placed initially to create nearly vertical walls, which were covered with a corbeled roof. Unlike the preserved stmctures at the other major forti- fied sites, those at Pukara Juli do not have domed roofs; instead, additional stones were placed to cover any curvature created by the roofing pro- cess. The exteriors of the buildings are vertical- sided and flat-roofed despite the corbeling. Build- ings of this type usually fall into the medium structure size range, whereas stmctures in the smallest category have only stone foundations and were not covered. Similar to the pattern seen at Llaquepa and Tanapaca, the largest circular stmc- tures at Pukara Juli are also not roofed, but unhke the pattern seen at those sites, large circular stmc- tures at Pukara Juli are located in the lower areas of the site. A more detailed discussion of basic household architecture at the site of Pukara Juli is presented by Edmundo de la Vega, the excavator of one terrace household unit (de la Vega, 1990). Despite its spatial and architectural complexity, Pukara Juli does not contain a high number of stmctures or foundations, and, given its overall size, the settlement density is quite low. Pukara Juli is characterized by a low settlement density, comparable to those of Huichajaja and Tanapaca, but unlike at the other major fortified sites, larger stmctures are restricted to specific areas within the site. Although each of the major fortified sites con- tains similar architectural features, including for- tification walls, similar ranges in building sizes, and what can be interpreted as small-scale plaza or ceremonial areas, differences in architecture styles and spatial organization between the major fortified sites are not consistent with the expected archaeological correlates of a politically central- ized organization. The Z-wall constmction and earthen ramparts are specific to both Llaquepa and Huichajaja, but Huichajaja does not contain any large circular stmctures and contains unique patio constmctions that occur without stmcture foun- dations. Unlike any Altiplano Period fortified site that we visited, Llaquepa contained evidence of stmcture adornment: bas-relief camelids carved into the door stones of one of the larger stmctures. Llaquepa is also characterized by a relatively high settlement density, containing up to 700 stmc- tures. Tanapaca and Huichajaja each contain ap- proximately 100 stmctures, and Pukara Juli has approximately 400 stmctures. Tanapaca also dif- fers from the other sites because it contains the unique architectural features of covered doorways and tower constmctions, but, like Pukara Juli, the site has wall ramparts. Of the four major fortified sites studied, Pukara Juli is the largest and clearly the most complex in terms of architectural layout. What differentiates Pukara Juli from the other sites is a more formal- ized spatial organization, as seen in the four sep- arate habitation areas and the horizontal and ver- tical divisions within Yacari-Tuntachawi that re- strict access to different sectors of the habitation area. With the possible exception of Pukara Juli, the Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period 135 size and architectural layouts of the fortified sites studied do not indicate a high level of political complexity. It was expected that a similarity in architectural layouts for each of the major fortified sites might indicate whether the sites were inter- nally complex and politically integrated. The ob- servation that each of the four studied sites ex- hibits important differences in architectural fea- tures and spatial organization strengthens the in- terpretation that major fortified sites, rather than representing centers within a unified polity, were most likely centers of small-scale political groups. visual analysis, they may be represented at other major fortified sites. Fine paste ceramics are rarely slipped and are used to produce decorated bowls whose rim di- ameters are characterized by continuous variation and range from 9.0 to 22.0 cm. Of the 44 deco- rated sherds, 86.0% contain black decorations, 0.4% contain red decorations, and 13.6% contain red and black decorations. One decorated ware appears only at this site; it is a small jar form with rims that flare out at the body. One polychrome ware was found at the site — a red-slipped sherd containing cream, black, and orange decorations. It is an exotic. Altiplano Period Ceramic Artifacts from Major Fortified sites The ceramic analysis provides further insights into the nature of Lupaqa political integration dur- ing the Altiplano Period. In general terms, the ce- ramics from the major fortified sites are all in- cluded in the broadly defined Pukarani style (de la Vega, 1990). However, a comparison of the limited ceramic sample from the four major for- tified sites of this study indicated that the deco- rated ceramics were locally produced and exhibit significant variation in shape, rim diameter, and decorative motifs within and between sites. Huichajaja Ceramic Artifacts The ceramic sample from four collection units at Huichajaja comprises only 147 sherds out of an overall ceramic sample of 216 sherds. Six paste types are identified from the collection at Huicha- jaja and are denoted as HI through H6. On the basis of inclusions, pastes are grouped into three basic categories: coarse, medium, and fine. Paste types HI, H2, and H4 are coarse, H3 is medium/ coarse, and H5 and H6 are fine-textured pastes. Coarse and medium/coarse pastes are used to pro- duce different sizes of jars and unidentified con- tainers. The distribution of jar and unclassified vessel diameters is bimodal, showing the presence of two basic categories, large and small. Coarse paste ceramics, sometimes slipped red or occur- ring with red rim slips, make up the majority of the sample and likely represent utilitarian wares whose function has not been determined. Type H4 paste ceramics are either slipped red on the ex- terior or contain a red rim slip. Based on initial Llaquepa Ceramic Artifacts The ceramic sample from Llaquepa is fairly large, consisting of 347 sherds out of an overall sample of 379 sherds from four collection units. Eight paste types were distinguished within the sample and are denoted LI through L8. Some- times slipped, undecorated coarse/medium wares were made from pastes LI, L3, L6, and L8. Types L5 and L7 are fine paste ceramics that are usually decorated. Medium and coarse wares dominate the assemblage. Diagnostic sherds are all poorly represented, but large handle fragments and jars and other unclassified containers were made with L5 and L7 pastes. The distribution of rim diam- eters within this class of ceramics may be bimod- al, but a larger sample size is needed before such a pattern can be confirmed. The sample of decorated fine paste ceramics is small, comprising only 36 sherds, and it is vari- able in terms of rim shape and decoration style. The majority of fine paste ceramics, 89.7% of the sample, are decorated with black designs; 5.2% of the sample occur with red decorations and 5.1% of the sample have red and black decorations. A full 44% of decorated sherds have a brown to red or orange- slipped surface. The range in rim di- ameters for bowls is continuous, ranging from 9 to 23 cm without any apparent clustering. Paste variability, stylistic diversity, and the wide range of rim diameters shown in the decorated ceramic assemblage argue against standardized production by ceramic specialists. Tanapaca Ceramic Artifacts The ceramic sample from three collection units at Tanapaca is 234 sherds, out of an overall sam- 136 Appendix Two pie of 289 sherds. Six paste types are distin- guished within the sample and are denoted Tl through T6. Tl and T2 are coarse, T3 and T4 are medium/coarse, and T5 and T6. Tl and T2 are coarse, T3 and T4 are medium/coarse, and T5 and T6 are fine-textured pastes. Coarse and medium/ coarse pastes were used to produce variable-sized jar forms, handle fragments, and unclassified con- tainers. Rim diameters within this group of ceram- ics appear to be bimodal, with small varieties measuring from 7 to 15 cm and large ones mea- suring from 26 to 40 cm. The majority of diag- nostic coarse paste sherds are slipped on the ex- terior with either a light brown or red slip, and they occasionally occur with interior red rim slips. Fine paste ceramics contain a number of design elements and rim shapes that appear more stan- dardized than the samples from Huichajaja or Lla- quepa. Nearly all of the 49 decorated sherds are bowl forms. Of these, 89.5% contain black dec- orations, 6.2% have red decorations, and 4.1% have both red and black decorations. Character- ized by continuous variation, bowl form rim di- ameters range from 9 to 22 cm. Pukara Juli Ceramic Artifacts The ceramic analysis at Yacari-Tuntachawi is the most detailed for any Altiplano Period site in the Titicaca Basin, reflecting the excellent work of Edmundo de la Vega (1990). The total ceramic sample from the excavations is 2,482 sherds, of which 1 ,245 were analyzed. De la Vega identified seven paste types from Pukara Juli. Pastes PI, P2, P3, P4, and P7 are coarse; pastes P5 and P6 are finer. Coarse paste types were used to produce pitchers, pots, jars, decorated bowls, and plates. Several pastes were used in the production of small jars and bowls. Unlike the findings from other major fortified sites, rim diameters of jars and other containers fall into three broadly de- fined categories: a small category that ranges from 6 to 17 cm, an intermediate category that ranges from 20 to 26 cm, and a large category that ranges from 34 to 40 cm. The pattern in bowl rim di- ameters is also different at Pukara Juli. Bowl rim diameters are not as variable in comparison to ranges in rim diameters from the other sites, rang- ing from only 10 cm to 17 cm. Unlike the deco- rated sherds from other major fortified , sites, which were manufactured with fine pastes, the majority of decorated sherds from Pukara Juli were made with coarse pastes. Also deviating from the pattern seen at the other major fortified sites, of the total sample of decorated sherds at Pukara Juli, only 33.3% have black decorations, 1 1 .2% are decorated with both red and black de- signs, and, significantly, 55.5% are painted with red decorations. Discussion The available data on settlement patterns, ar- chitectural features, and decorated ceramics do not support the model that populations associated with Altiplano Period major fortified sites were politically integrated, complex societies. Instead, these data support the interpretation that the Al- tiplano Period Lupaqa represent several small- scale political groups, most likely organized at the level of what evolutionary anthropologists have referred to as simple chief doms. The Altiplano Period settlement pattern is char- acterized by discrete clusters of habitations locat- ed near both minor and major fortified sites, a pattern that includes buffer zones between popu- lation clusters. Although the settlement pattern analysis shows that unfortified, refuge, and major fortified sites form a three-tiered site size hierar- chy, there is no other archaeological evidence, other than size, that unfortified and refuge sites were politically ranked. Instead, the observation that only 15 decorated sherds were found at the combined number of unfortified and temporary refuge sites, whereas 154 were found at major for- tified sites, argues that major fortified sites occu- pied the highest level of a two-tiered political hi- erarchy. In addition, the central location of major fortified sites between discrete population clusters argues that they were the focus of political sys- tems that succeeded in unifying several different conmiunities in their immediate areas. Rather than being characterized by complex and similar spatial layouts, as was anticipated had important sites been integrated into a unified po- litical system, each of the four major fortified sites is characterized by a lack of specialized architec- tural forms, activity areas, and segregated elite ar- eas. Also, each major fortified site contains dif- ferent architecture styles. Huichajaja has a forti- fication wall that describes a Z pattern. In this respect it is similar to Llaquepa, but it does not contain the large circular structures seen at the other major fortified sites. Huichajaja does contain unique terraced patio constructions. The spatial Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period 137 organization of Llaquepa is characterized by clus- ters of different-sized buildings, only one of which is adorned with bas-relief carvings, but like other large buildings, this one is surrounded by smaller structures. As as Llaquepa, the spatial or- ganization at Tanapaca consists of a repeated pat- tern of smaller buildings clustered around much larger ones, but unlike what was observed at other major fortified sites, Tanapaca has inset doorways associated with rampart and tower constructions. In comparison to the other major fortified sites of this study, Pukara Juli provides evidence of a more complex spatial layout, as seen in four sep- arate habitation areas, one of which is internally organized by the placement of fortification walls and vertical passageways. As determined by the distribution of surface artifacts and the placement of architectural forms within each of the sites, the spatial patterning at all major fortified sites, with the possible exception of Pukara Juli, is charac- terized by a lack of clearly defined elite sectors or specialized activity areas. Another possible indicator of a lack of organi- zational complexity at these major fortified sites is that structure sizes do not fall into discrete size categories. Instead, structure size increases incre- mentally, from small buildings to large ones, without any clear breaks. The continuous range in structure size might be explained if structures were used for different purposes, were used by families of different sizes, or were occupied by groups of different social status. Despite the dif- ficulty in discerning clear structure size clusters, structures from major fortified sites can be grouped into small, medium, and large categories. Although it is not yet clear what the function of the largest structures is, it is possible that they served as elite homes, a suggestion made by Hys- lop (1976, p. 115). An interesting observation is that modem Aymara groups use similar structures for ritual activities at mountaintop ceremonies, suggesting that these structures may also have served this function prehistorically. Whatever the function of these structures, the fact that they are large, well built, and consistently have worked door stone implies that they were important. The available evidence indicates that the me- dium-sized structures were most likely associated with domestic activities, including cooking and food processing, but they may also have been used to sleep in. One excavated medium-sized structure at Pukara Juli contained hearths, camelid bones, and ceramics (de la Vega, 1990, pp. 136- 137). One medium-sized structure at Llaquepa contains bas-relief carvings of camelids on its door stones, a good indicator that it was used by an individual with high status. The interpretation of the function of the small- est structures remains problematic. It is possible that many of these small structures functioned as temporary shelters, but their sizes are much small- er than the known ranges of contemporaneous Late Intermediate Period dwellings in the Titicaca region (Wise, 1993, fig. 10), structures at similar fortified sites in other areas of Peru (Costin & Earle, 1989), or even Middle Archaic residences (Aldenderfer, 1993, p. 19). However, even if all of the buildings located within major fortified sites housed people, their numbers are far too few to have housed the populations represented in the numerous unfortified sites below them. Edmundo de la Vega (1990, pp. 120-122) sug- gests that the smallest structures at Pukara Juli sites were used for food storage. He points out that the smallest structures there could have been the foundations of above-ground silo structures made from totora reeds, a suggestion supported with evidence from the excavation of one small structure within Yacari-Tuntachawi. The excavat- ed structure yielded no artifacts, hearths, or other evidence that it was used as a kitchen, domicile or, other domestic activity. We add to this evi- dence the observation that the smallest structures at all major fortified sites consist only of foun- dations and are usually not roofed with stone. However, the ability to distinguish which of the smallest structures at Pukara Juli and the other major fortified sites may have been used as stor- age facilities is hampered by the fact that their size range overlaps with those of structures that de la Vega (1990) identifies as houses. If the smallest structures at major fortified sites func- tioned to store food, the fact that the majority of structures found within major fortified sites are small (those measuring less than 5.0 m- have a mean size of 3.1 m^) indicates that the control of storage facilities may have been an important part of the political structure at these sites. If the smallest structures were used to stoi"e food, it is implied that the resident population at the sites was also quite small, consistent with the interpretation that a small group of elite individ- uals was associated with these sites. The distri- bution of decorated ceramics almost exclusively to major fortified sites also supports the interpre- tation that these sites were organized around the activities of elite segments of the population, who most likely used stored goods as the base of their 1 38 Appendix Two political power. Use of major fortified sites for the storage of agricultural products (de la Vega, 1990, p. 120) and to protect camelid herds (Hyslop, 1976, p. 133) does not negate their obvious func- tion as refuge centers, but, importantly, it also suggests their political function as well. It was expected that if the Altiplano Period Lu- paqa in the southern Titicaca Basin were orga- nized at the level of a complex chiefdom, there would be evidence of centralization and possibly specialization in the production and distribution of high-status goods. I suggested that fine-ware ce- ramic production would reflect centralization and specialized production; distribution of fine-ware ceramics to different sites would indicate political and economic integration. The ceramic analysis showed that although each assemblage is charac- terized by some similarities, there is no evidence of centralized production at major fortified sites. Instead, each site is characterized by important variability. The similarities that characterize the ceramic assemblages from the four major fortified sites in- clude the use of slips, decorative designs, and the distribution of a single paste type. In broad terms, all of the major fortified sites contain coarse paste ceramics, some of which are slipped on the ex- terior or contain red rim slips. The use of some common decorations is similar between sites, no- tably the use of black curvilinear lines placed ei- ther parallel to or arranged diagonally from the rim, or the use of parallel diagonal or vertical lines. Another similarity is the presence of a near- ly identical paste at each of the four major forti- fied sites. The observation that paste no. 4 at Hui- chajaja, Llaquepa, and Tanapaca and paste no. 3 at Pukara Juli all appear similar suggests that they may have been manufactured at the same place. A mechanism that could account for the distri- bution of a poorly made coarse paste ceramic to the major fortified sites remains to be determined. Rim diameters for the decorated ceramics from the major fortified sites are similar to those from Huichajaja, ranging from 8.0 to 23.0 cm (mean, 16.9 cm). Rim diameters of decorated ceramics at Llaquepa range from 10.0 to 22.0 cm, with a mean diameter of 15.0 cm. Tanapaca rim diame- ters on decorated sherds range from 7.0 to 21.0 cm, with a mean diameter of 17.1 cm. Differences in the ceramic assemblages from the four major fortified sites are seen primarily in the paste types of decorated ceramics and in vari- ations of vessel form and decoration style be- tween individual sites. The clearest difference be- tween the decorated ceramic assemblages from the major fortified sites is in paste composition. As noted previously, decorated ceramics from Huichajaja, Llaquepa, and Tanapaca are made with fine pastes, whereas those from Pukara Juli occur on coarse pastes. Fine paste ceramics from Huichajaja are characterized by the use of fine opaque to white inclusions and by the occasional use of red inclusions. Almost none of the deco- rated sherds were made with black inclusions, and the pastes are highly variable in terms of the den- sity and distribution of inclusions. The two fine- ware pastes from Huichajaja range in Munsell soil color from SYR 5/6 to 7.5YR 7/6 (H5) to lOR 5.5/0 to 2.5YR 5/7 (H6). The decorated sample from Llaquepa, in contrast, is characterized by a higher percentage of sherds being produced with white and red inclusions, although some black and occasional mica inclusions are present. Fine paste decorated sherds from Llaquepa range in color from 2.5YR 5/8 to 5YR 6/6-8 (L5) to 2.5YR 5/8 to 5YR 5/6 (L7). Additionally, almost half of the decorated sherds from Llaquepa occur with slipped surfaces, a pattern not seen at the other major fortified sites. The decorated ceramics from Tanapaca are also made from fine pastes. The ma- jority of the sample includes pastes that contain only white and/or opaque inclusions, although some examples contain white and black inclu- sions. Fine pastes range in color from 2.5YR 5/8 to 5YR 6/6-8 (T5) and 2.5YR 5/8 to 5YR 6/6 (T6). Decorated sherds from Pukara Juli occur on coarse pastes that range in color from lOYR 2-6/ 4, 5YR 5/4 to 7.5YR 5/4 (de la Vega, 1990, Lam- ina-21,22). The decorated assemblages from each of the major fortified sites are also different in respect to form and decoration style. For example, ceram- ics from Tanapaca are characterized by a unique jar form that occurs only at this site, decorated sherds from Llaquepa occur primarily on slipped surfaces, and the prevailing design motif at Pu- kara Juli has several horizontal red lines located parallel to bowl rims. As noted previously, the majority of decorated ceramics from Pukara Juli are painted with red designs, whereas those from Tanapaca, Huichajaja, and Llaquepa are charac- terized by the use of black decorations. There is no evidence to suggest that decorated ceramics were produced in one locality and sub- sequently distributed to separate major fortified sites. Instead, several observations provide evi- dence that ceramics were produced within the lo- calities of individual sites and without using clear Political Centralization in the Altiplano Period 139 standards or specialized craft workers. The obser- vation that the pastes used in ceramic production vary in number and composition between sites supports the interpretation that they were manu- factured locally. Variation in decoration style, sur- face treatment, rim diameter range, and, to a lesser extent, form argue against standardization or spe- cialization, even in local ceramic production. Fi- nally, the poor overall quality of Pucarani ceram- ics does not suggest that any specialization char- acterized their production. Rather than supporting the model that the Lupaqa represent a unified po- litical entity, the available ceramic data support the interpretation that the Lupaqa are more likely to have been several independent political groups, with each center producing its own decorated ce- ramics. Given the wide range of variability within and between sites, it is possible that decorated ce- ramics produced in each site were traded or oth- erwise distributed to other sites. However, there is no evidence that the distribution of decorated ceramics between sites took place under a well- organized or centralized political or economic system. The ceramic data from the major fortified sites also provide evidence that they were the focus of political and or ceremonial activities: nearly all examples of Altiplano Period decorated ceramics are found within major fortified sites, and they are almost never found at other settlements. The dis- tribution of decorated ceramics at major fortified sites suggests that elite people lived there or that ceremonial or political activities were carried out within them. Evidence that ritualized feasting took place at these sites comes from the analysis of the decorated ceramic sample and the ceramic forms made from coarse pastes. The fine paste ceramics are used primarily to produce decorated bowl forms, whereas coarse pastes are used in the pro- duction of small and large jars and large contain- ers. It is tentatively suggested that the ceramic classes identified at the major fortified sites are associated with elite-sponsored ritual feasting or other ceremonies. Many of the smaller decorated bowls found at Huichajaja and at the other major fortified sites were most likely used as drinking vessels, whereas the larger containers and jars al- most certainly held food. What is not clear is what function these ceremonies served. Did they serve as a mechanism to consolidate local power struc- tures, or did they function as a means for estab- lishing and maintaining political alliances with other political groups, or both? The available data indicate that the Lupaqa were organized into small-scale political groups that most likely competed with each other for po- litical prestige. That the political groups were small-scale simple chiefdoms is seen in the fact that each major fortified site did not contain ar- chitectural patterns associated with well-orga- nized economic activities and that the decorated ceramics were locally produced. The supposition that major fortified sites were in competition with each other is supported by the settlement data. The settlement data within the Juli-Pomata region indicate that the two major fortified sites there were centrally located between several unfortified and temporary refuge sites and that the settlement systems associated with these sites were separated by what was apparently a buffer zone. Competi- tion between major fortified sites is further reflect- ed in the fact that each site contains important differences in architectural styles. The picture that emerges concerning the polit- ical landscape of Altiplano Period Lupaqa is of several small polities competing over political in- fluence. The supposition that each site contains many structures that appear to have been related to storing foodstuffs indicates that local elites had control over community resources and derived their political influence by controlling these stored goods. The nature of the ceramic assemblage from the major fortified sites suggests that they were used in conjunction with feasting ceremonies that served to tie together the local population and provided a context for elites to demonstrate their political influence. The feasting ceremonies car- ried out within major fortified sites were most likely used by elites as a competitive mechanism for expanding the population base of each com- peting polity and may have served as an alliance- building mechanism that incorporated the elites of other major fortified sites as well. However, it is likely that periods of fierce competition created periods of alliance failure, followed by an out- break of warfare. This pattern of competition and military conflict is one that is well documented within the Mantaro Valley in central Peru during the same time period (D'Altroy, 1994). Although most of the evidence concerning Al- tiplano Period Lupaqa social organization points to the existence of several small and politically unintegrated groups, the Lupaqa were said to have fielded a unified fighting force on the arrival of the Inca into^the Titicaca Basin. 3Phe fact that dur- ing critical military campaigns the separate poli- ties within the Lupaqa territory were able to come together suggests that there existed some sort of 140 Appendix Two alliance network that enabled the populations un- fortified sites to suggest that the Lupaqa were in- der different major fortified sites to coalesce into tegrated into a political system that produced the a larger and more complex political organization. expected material correlates associated with a po- Nevertheless, there is no evidence from the major litically integrated society. Pohtical Centralization in the Altiplano Period 141 Ceramic Illustrations The ceramic color key is shown in Figure 89, and the illustra- tions listed in the text are found in Figures 90-106. DARK BROWN LIGHT BROWN n PINKICREAM ■ilujii YELLOW '?'' YELLOW ORANGE ;->!- RED BROWN ?'S'^' DAMAGED ^'•- SMUDGED Fig. 89. Ceramic color key. 142 Ceramic Illustrations 002.000-6 tvj 002.000-7 002.001-6 002.001-9 002.001-8 002.001-13 002.001-10 002.001-7 Fig. 90. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 143 13.001-33 37.001-1 70.001-3 70.001-5 70.001-7 Fig. 91. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. 144 Ceramic Illustrations 70.001-13 78.001-1 89.001-3 102.001-1 107.001-1 Fig. 92. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 145 121.001-3 -^ u 121.001-33 j^)s/^AM,, 110.001-1 121.001-1 121.001-13 136.001-7 145.001-41 Fig. 93. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. 146 Ceramic Illustrations 145.001-43 145.001-44 145.001-48 145.001-49 146.001-6 146.001-9 146.001-14 146.001-12 Fig. 94. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 147 157.003-2 n 154.001-3 158.001-19 Fig. 95. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. H8 Ceramic Illustrations 167.001-4: 169.003-3; 175.003-2 190.001-8; 169.003-1 190.001-2 n 190.001-9 190.001-12 Fig. 96. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 149 193.001-8 193.001-7 208.001-7 205.001-1 210.001-6 210.001-25 212.001-1 Fig. 97. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. 150 Ceramic Illustrations 212.003-6; 218.001-1 212.007-2 216.001-1 217.001-1 Fig. 98. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 151 221.001-4 226.004-6 226.004-15 221.001-2 224.001-2 226.004-12 227.001-10 230.001-1 Fig. 99. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. i52 Ceramic Illustrations 230.001-2 261.001-3 274.002-3 282.001-3 230.001-3 if / 261.001-1 273.001-1 Fig. 100. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 153 282.001-6 286.001-3 290.004-13 288.001-7 306.001-10 336.001-21 336.001-9, 336.001-10 336.001-22 Fig. 101. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. 154 Ceramic Illustrations 343.001-4 365.001-8 365.001-2 ^ 385.001-10 385.001-13 343.001-7 365.001-13 385.001-11 385.001-14 3 m» 385.001-15 385.001-17 Fig. 102. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 155 385.001-18 396.004-3 396.005-8 399.001-1 396.003-1 396.005-9 s 399.001-3 399.001-2 411.001-1 3 ®m Fig. 103. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. 156 Ceramic Illustrations 419.001-13 ^i^v*-; 421.001-6 421.001-18 411.001-9 419.001-7 421.001-3 421.001-10 421.001-20 421.001-27 9 OON Fig. 104. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 157 422.001-8 422.001-2 422.001-16 422.001-22 422.001-31 422.001-48 422.001-49 Fig. 105. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. 158 Ceramic Illustrations 449.001-7 449.001-9 4S4.002-1 449.001-12 454.002-7 454.002-11 454.002-14 454.002-20 Fig. 106. Ceramic illustrations from survey sites. Ceramic Illustrations 159 The Survey Map Blocks The map block key is found in Figure 107; it shows the location of each block relative to the other blocks. The lack of standardization in the available maps and some errors in the contour lines have created minor discrepancies between the adjacent blocks. The individual map blocks, and not the site size distribution maps, are the definitive site locations. The survey map blocks are listed as Figures 108-124. Each block represents a portion of the survey area. The sites are portrayed as accurately as possible using nongeometric shapes. The sizes of the sites generally correspond to the largest habitation site area for any particular phase, as listed in Table 1 . However, in some cases there are non-overlapping areas of habitation refuse in different periods on a single site, so it is possible that the site area depicted on the map is actually larger than the largest site area listed for any single phase in Table 1 . Cemeteries are usually indicated as a small dot because the purpose of the map blocks is to indicate total habitation areas. The topographical contour lines are drawn from 1:10,000 or 1:50,000 scale maps. Unfortunately, there is some inconsistency in the published contour lines, so we have left out absolute elevations. The lake level is 3810 m above sea level. The contour lines in all map blocks except J and N represent 25 m. Those in J and N are 50 m. r LAKE TmCACA N JUU-PO^fATA INTENSIVE SURVEY AREA MAP BLOCKS Fig. 107. Key to map blocks. 160 Survey Map Blocks Fig. 108. Map block A. ... -*-^ .A ^ . * -•*---^ A*-* •*■■"*"'■'■* ^'-.» 1 * ■ M ■» ■* . i»^ - .t ■* J ,» .■*. -■tt'^.'S^ , _.> ♦,'. ^".^ \" >i ."•*■ "* > .*"-*. '^* .-"^ >:: .. \*^«''- "* * * * '^ Fig. 109. Map block B. Survey Map Blocks 161 isir vW\|lUv\-\0/2 !i^a«j Fig. no. Map block C. /^042 Fig. 111. Map block D. 162 Survey Map Blocks Fig. 112. Map block E. Fig. 113. Map block F Survey Map Blocks 163 Fig. 1 14. Map block G. 1 km Fig. 115. Map block H. 164 Survey Map Blocks Fig. 116. Map block I. 4 km Fig. 117. Map block J. Survey Map Blocks 165 Fig. 118. Map block K. 166 Survey Map Blocks Fig. 119. Map block L. • !=========! Ikm Fig. 120. Map block M. Survey Map Blocks 167 Fig. 121. Map block N. Ikm Fig. 122. Map block O. 168 Survey Map Blocks Ikm Fig. 123. Map block P. Survey Map Blocks 169 426 Fig. 124. Map block Q. 170 Survey Map Blocks A Selected Listing of Other Fieldiana: Anthropology Titles Available Nunivak Island Eskimo ii> ui i iciu Museum of Natural w. vcui.->U)nc. Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s., no. 13, 1989. 40 pages, 32 illus. Publication 1404, $11.00 Historic Pottery of the Kotzebue Sound Inupiat. By Charles V. Lucier and James W. VanStone. Field- iana: Anthropology, n.s., no. 18, 1992. 29 pages, 20 illus. Publication 1436, $10.00 Material Culture of the Blackfoot (Blood) Indians of Southern Alberta. By James W. VanStone. Field- iana: Anthropology, n.s.. no. 19, 1992. 84 pages, 53 illus. Publication 1439, $19.00 The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit Material Culture. By James W. VanStone. Fieldiana: Anthropol- nfix. n.s no, 22, 1994 71 napes 44 illus. Publication 1455, $17.00 Paugvik; A Nineteenth-Century Native Village on Bristol Bay, Alaska. By Don E. Dumond and James W. VanStone. Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s.. no. 24, 1995. 109 pages, 47 illus. Publication 1467, $23.00 Traditional Beluga Drives ot the inupiut ol Kotzebue Sound, Ala.ska. By Charlc- " ier and James W. VanStone. Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s., no. 25, 1995. 91 pages, 26 illus Publication 1468, $20.00 Order by publication number and/or ask for a free copy of our price list. All orders must be prepaid. Illinois residents add current destination tax. All foreign orders are payable in U.S. dollar-checks drawn on any U.S. bank or the U.S. subsidiary of any foreign bank. Prices and terms subject to change without notice. Address all requests to: FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY Library — Publications Division Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive Chicago, Illinois 60605-249S UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 3 0112 033459360 Field Museum of Natural History Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496 Telephone: (312) 922-9410