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Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2007 with funding from
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http://www.archive.org/details/biblicalarchaeo17sociuoft
S> PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
JANUARY
DECEMBER, 1895.
VOL. XVII. TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION.
^
PUBLISHED AT "*" '
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY, 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
18 95.
harrison and sons,
Printers in ordinary to her majesty.
st. martin's lane, london.
COUNCIL, 1895.
President. P. le Page Renouf.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c.
The Right Hon Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Arthur Cates.
Thomas Christy, F. L. S.
Charles Harrison, F. S.A.
Gray Hill.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Prof. E. Naville.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S.,
&c. E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. Honorary Secretary for Poreigti Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A. Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F. R.G.S.
CONTENTS.
Donations to Library |
Purchases for Library f "" ' ^9> 9 > > > > >
Nomination of Candidates ... ... 2, 50, 96, 122, 163, 214
Election of Members ... ... ... 2, 50, 96, 122, 163
Errata ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 94
Notices of decease of Members ... ... 95, 161, 213, 269
No. cxxvi. January.
Secretary's Report, 1894 ... ... ... ... ... 3
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending
the 31st December, 1894 ... ... ... ... 4
Council and Officers for the year 1895 ... ... ... 5
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead. Additional Note to Chapter CIX ; also Chapters CXI-
CXVI 6-15
Robert Brown, Jr., F.S.A. Euphratean Stellar Re- searches, Part IV ••• 16-36
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Bow in the
Egyptian Sky (2). 37? 3s
Prof. A. H. Sayce. The Karian and Lydian Inscriptions 39-43 S. Arthur Strong. Additional Note on a Fragment of
the Adapa-Legend ... ... ... ••• ••• 44
CONTENTS.
No. cxxvn. February,
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CX ... ... ... ... ... ... 51-56
Rev. G. Margoliouth. The Divine Name mri*1 ••• 57-63 Theo. G. Pinches. The Lament of the " Daughter of
Sin" 64-74
Dr. M. Gaster. The Unknown Aramaic Original of
Theodotion's Additions to the Book of Daniel (III.
Commentary) ... ... ... ... ... ... 75-94
No. cxxviii. March.
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Notes, Chapter CX ... ... ... ... ... 97-102
Prof. E. Lefebure. Etude sur Abydos, un dialogue des Morts : le chapitre d'amener la Barque ; Traduction et Commentaire ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 03-1 19
No. cxxix. April.
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters CXVII-CXXIII 123-129
Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. The Name Shinar, Genesis xi, 2 j
and the meaning of mftf in Genesis xliii, 1 1 130
S. Arthur Strong. Some Assyrian Alliterative Texts... 131-151 Dr. A. Wiedemann. Inscription of the Time of Ameno-
phis IV 152-158
No. cxxx. May.
Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. The Testament of Jacob (Gen.
xlix) 164-191
P. le Page Renouf (President). Note on Length and
Breadth in Egyptian ... ... ... ... ... 191
P. le Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CXXI V.. . ... ... ... ... ... 192-194
VI CONTENTS.
TAGE
Dr. A. Wiedemann. Two Monuments with a Votive
Formula for a Living Person ... ... ... ... 195-198
Walter L. Nash. Bronze Figure of Isis, with Silver
Head-covering ... ... ... ... ... ... 198
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel. Assyriological Notes ... 199-207 Prof. A. H. Sayce. Note to the Paper on Karian and
Lydian Inscriptions {see p. 39) ... ... ... ... 207
P. Paul Pierret. La Coudee Royale du Musee Egyptien
du Louvre ... ... ... ... ... ... 208, 209
Nos. cxxxi and cxxxii. June and November.
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CXXV. Parts I and II 216-219
Rev. C. H. W. Johns. Sennacherib's Letters to his
Father Sargon ... ... ... ... ... ... 220-239
Miss M. A. Murray. The Descent of Property in the
Early Periods of Egyptian History ... ... ... 240-245
Alfred C. Bryant, B.A., and F. W. Read. Akhuen-
aten and Queen Tii ... ... ... ... ... 246-250
John E. Gilmore and P. le Page Renouf {President).
Coptic Fragments (Gen. xiii and xiv, and Psalm cv) ... 251-253 Prof. Dr. Karl Piehl. Notes de Philologie Egyptienne
{continued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 254-267
No. cxxxm. December.
P. le Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CXXV. Part III 273-277
Theo. G. Pinches. Water Rate in Ancient Babylonia... 278,279 Prof. Dr. Aug. Eisenlohr. Egyptian Chronology ... 280-283 Robert Brown, Jr., F.S.A. Euphratean Stellar Re- searches, Part V ... ... ... ... ... .. 284-303
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Vll
ILLUSTRATIONS
Karian and Lydian Inscriptions ...
The Lament of the "Daughter of Sin" (Tablet K. 41 British Museum). {Two plates)
The Book of the Dead. Plates XXV, XXVI, XXVII XXVIII, XXIX. (Five plates) . . .
The Book of the Dead. Plate XXX
Bronze Figure of Isis, the Head covered with Silver
The Book of the Dead. Plate XXXI
The Book of the Dead. Plate XXXII
PAGE 40
64
I02 128 I98 2l6 2 19
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
First Meeting, 8t/i January, 1895. [anniversary.]
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-&*<9<#-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author, G. Maspero : — Histoire Ancienne des Peuplcs de l'Orient Classique Paris, 1895.
From the Author, John D. Davis : — Genesis and Semitic Tradition. London, 1894.
[No. CXXVI.] 1 a
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Candidate was submitted for election, having been nominated at the last Meeting, 4th December, 1894, and elected a Member of the Society : —
Mrs. Garnet Botfield, c/o Major Garnett Botfield, Hong-Kong.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at the next Meeting, 5th February, 1895 : —
Rev. Henry Jones, St. John's Parsonage, Ashbourne, Derby.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : — The University Library, Giessen, Germany.
Professor G. Bickell, of Vienna, was elected an Honorary Member of the Society7.
The Secretary's Report, having been read by the Rev. R. Gwynne, was received and adopted.
The Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending the 31st December, 1894, having been read and ex- plained by Mr. Thos. Christy, was received and adopted.
A Paper was read by the Rev. G. Margoliouth, " On the meaning of the Divine Name Yahveh."
Remarks were added by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, Rev. C. J. Ball, Theo. G. Pinches, Thos. Tyler, M.A., and the President.
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
SECRETARY'S REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1894.
In submitting to the Anniversary Meeting the statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year just passed, I very much regret that con- tinued indisposition has prevented my furnishing at the same time the usual Report of the work done by the Society during the same period. This I shall hope to be able to supply at a future meeting, and will ask the kind forbearance of the Members.
It will be seen from the Statement of Accounts of the Society, that the ordinary current expenses of Rent, Printing, etc., having been dis- charged, a very satisfactory balance is carried forward to the present year.
To one or two other matters of considerable importance as regards the welfare of our Society I will briefly refer. In my last Report, as in those of former years, I asked the kind assistance of each individual Member in increasing the roll of Members. I cannot too strongly urge the advantage to the present Members and those of the future, alike, which would result from a determined effort on their part. Many Members have very kindly replied, some very generously, to the request referring to the cost of printing Vol. IX of the Transactions. From the amount subscribed, however, it will be easily seen that no reply whatever has been received from a large number of our Members. I can only hope that this seeming indifference will be removed during the current year, by a marked increase in the donations.
To matters connected with the Library and Offices I also referred in the last Report, to which I would again call the attention of the Members.
Several applications have been made to me with regard to the 5th and completing Part of the " Bronze Ornaments of the Gates of Balawat." I can only regret the continued delay in its issue. It was my intention to have completed the work by the issue of the final part during the vaccation of last year. Unfortunately, I was taken ill in June, which has completely disturbed the whole of my plans. Immediately I am able I shall give my attention to the publication of the final part.
W. Harry Rylands, Secretary.
A 2
Jan. 8]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1895-
S?
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Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
The following Officers and Council for the current year were elected : —
COUNCIL, 1895.
President. P. LE PAGE RENOUF.
Vice-Presidents. The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. The Most.; Noble theJMarquess of Bute, K.T., &c, &c. The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P., D.C.L., &c. F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c. Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Rev. Charles James Bali- Arthur Cates. Thomas Christy, F.L.S. Charles Harrison, F.S.A. Gray Hill.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c Rev. James Marshall. Prof. G. Maspero.
Council.
Claude G. Montefiore. Walter L. Nash, F.S.A., &c. Prof. E. Naville. Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. J. Pollard. Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.,
F.R.S., &c. E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Treasurer. Bernard T. Bosanquf.t.
Secretary. W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence. Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian. William Simpson, F.R.G.S.
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD. By P. le Page Renouf.
Additional Note to Chapter 109.
The later copies of the Book of the Dead add a few lines to the chapter, of which they certainly formed no part when first written. The most interesting portion of them is as follows : —
"There are writings in thy possession for the grant of fields of corn-land in which there sprouteth corn from the effluxe s of the god Ut'eb. The height of the corn is seven cubits, the ears of two cubits ; and thou shall reap it with the Glorified ones, in presence of the Powers of the East. Thou shalt enter boldly at the mysterious portals and be purified by those who are there. "
The name of the god hieroglyphically written Ah JH was shown
by me (Proc. Soc. Bib!. Arch., Vol. VI, p. 187) to be Uteb or Ut'eb. Brugsch, apparently without having seen my note, came to the same result, though he identified the god with Seb. The god is really Osiris, and the text just quoted is illustrated by a picture of which various copies are found. That here given is taken from the temple of Philae.
These pictures were known from the Ramesside period, but the
-iH>^ JTL /vwwv 1 o.
conception of Osiris which they convey [i ^ JUXk D ' Jf {Todt., 142, 7) is of primitive antiquity. There is a chapter among the texts preserved by the Coffin of Amamu (pi. xxvii, 6) about
" assuming the form of corn," ^ \K ^ \£\ ,d 1 , and
which speaks of " the vegetation of life proceeding from Osiris, growing out of the ribs of Osiris, and giving life to this generation of
±^D ?
rf\ Ci -0\ WW Q /WWVS I 1 g| ^U^~
The same idea gave rise to the name D M 0 /ji which is given
to Osiris in the Book of the Dead, in the sacred texts of the Royal
6
Jan. SJ PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Tombs, and in the Hymn to the Nile. But the god is also twice called □ o 8 c* T (1(1 JN in Amamu, pi. xxvii, S. This latter form
proves that in 7 I we have a compound term.
The deity (in very late times) appears in the feminine gender
dq|(w'"'. iv, 57)-
[The Chapter which in the printed copy of the Turin Todten- buch is numbered no interrupts the series of chapters on the Powers of certain localities. The translation of it is reserved till that of these chapters is completed.]
CHAPTER CXI
is only a repetition of Chapter 10S.
CHAPTER CXII.
Chapter whereby one knoweth the Poivers of Pu. (1)
Oh thou of corpselike form who art in Chait and Anpit ; (2) thou goddess of the Net, (3) who art in Pu ; ye who preside over the untilled lands, ye stars and constellations (4) . . . Know ye wherefore Pu hath been given to Horus ?
I know it if ye know it not.
It was Ra who gave it to him in amends of the blindness in his eye, in consequence of what Ra said to Horus : " Let me look at what is happening in thine eye to-day," and he looked at it.
Ra said to Horus, " Look, pray, at that black swine."
He looked, and a grievous mishap afflicted his eye.
Horus said to Ra, " Lo, my eye is as though the eye of Sutu had made a wound in my own eye." And he grieved in his heart.
And Ra said to the gods, " Let him be laid upon his bed, that he may recover."
It was Sutu who had taken the form of a black swine, and he wrought the wound which was in the eye of Horus.
And Ra said to the gods, "The swine is an abomination to Horus; may he get well." And the swine became an abomination to Horus.
7
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
And the circle of gods said, who were with him when Horus came to light in his own children: (6) "Let the sacrificial^victims (7) for him be of his oxen, of his goats, and of his swine."
As for Emsta, Hapi, Tuamautef, Kebhsenuf, Horus is their father and Isis their mother.
And Horus said to Ra, " Give me then two (8) brothers in Pu and two brothers in Nechen, of this my own body ; and that they may be with me as an everlasting renewal, through which the earth flourisheth and storms are quenched."
And his name became that of Horus upon his Column.
I know the Powers of Pu : they are Horus, Emsta and Hapi.
Notes.
1. On the situation of Pu, see chapter 18, note 6. The Pyramid Texts (Pepi I, 684) speak of the ig£ %, V Q 41- %> ° "those of
the Red Crown who are in Pu."
2. Thou of corpselike form in Chait and Anpit. The sign of the plural, here as elsewhere, is quite consistent wTith its application to a
single person. J^ * Chait is the name* of the 16th, or Men-
desian, Nome of Northern Egypt, and Anpit was its metropolis. The nome is mentioned in the inscription of Amten in the third dynasty. The god is Osiris. He is invoked in the "Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys," and asked to come to Tattu, Anpit and Chait, which are but different names of one Sanctuary, Cf Brugsch, Zeitschr., 187 1, p. 81, and his translation of the Mendesian Tablet, Zeitschr., 1875.
3. Thou goddess of the Net *>a4|- (1(1 a J) I . This name corres- ponds to the Greek Diktynna. The reason why a goddess repre- senting Heaven should be so called may be understood by the Homeric epithet tto\vwtt6v applied to a net.
If, however, the deity was male, according to the other reading, the reference is to tov t7js ''latcos -rpofapov \ik-w, who was drowned in the river. Plut., de /side and Os., 8.
4. Ye who preside, etc. Brugsch {Zeitschr., 1876, p. 3) identifies
the Egyptian n^, K ^\^\° with the Y^\otoVo<? of the Demotic
* Not Hameltit, which is the name both of the Uu of the nome and of the goddess worshipped in it, whose emblem is the fish ^^^ .
8 L
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
and Greek contracts. The remainder of this invocation is so corrupt that the sense cannot be safely guessed at.
5. See Herodotus, II, 47, without attaching too much importance to details. The pig was certainly not considered impure (/uapas) in the days of the third or fourth dynasty, when Amten, who had risen to the highest dignities, enumerates swine among the domestic animals it is natural to possess. And impure animals were not offered in sacrifice. But long before the days of Herodotus a change had taken place in the Egyptian religion as to the nature of Sutu.
Plutarch and Aelian are to be read with the like caution. Some of their information is correct, but it is mixed up with much error.
6. The variants g ^ f, ! and V \ $) f $ j are note-
worthy.
7/ Sacrifical victims \\\\ >%2h 1 . The substitution in Egypt
of animal for human sacrifice is (I believe) entirely without foundation. And the supposed evidence of human sacrifices drawn from certain pictures has (I believe) been misinterpreted.
8. The four children of Horus were also his brothers. He asks for two of them to be with him in each of his two cities, Pu and Nechen. The true sense of the passage is entirely lost in the later recensions and in translations made from them.
CHAPTER CXIII.
Ciiapter whereby one knoweth the Powers of Nechen. (1)
I know the Mystery of Nechen : Horus, and that which his mother did (2) for him, when she herself uttered the cry: "Let Sebak, the Lord of the Marshes, be brought to us."
He cast the net for them and he found them, and his mother made them fast in their places.
Sebak, the Lord of the Marshes, said : " I sought and I found the traces of them under my fingers on the strand. I netted them in a powerful net, as the net proved to be."
And Ra said : " Verily, those are fishes in the hands of Sebak, and he hath found the two arms of Horus for him, which had become fishes." (3)
And Ra said : " A mystery, a mystery, in the Net."
9
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
And the hands of Horus were brought to him, and displayed before his face, on the feast of the fifteenth day of the month ; when the fishes were produced.
Then Ra said: "I grant Nechen to Horus, in the place of his two arms ; that his two hands be displayed before his face in Nechen ; and I grant to him whatsoever is therein comprised on the feast of the fifteenth day of the month.-'
And Horus said : " Be it granted to me that Tuamautef and Kebhsenuf be taken with me, and that they be guards of my body in dutiful service. (4) Let them be this under the god of Nechen." And Ra said : Be that granted to thee, there and in Sati, and let that be done for them which is done for those who are in Nechen ; yea, they are asking to be with thee.
And Horus said : Be they with thee, so that they be with me to listen to Sutu invoking the Powers of Nechen : " Be it granted to me that I may make my entry among the Powers of Nechen."
I know the Powers of Nechen: they are Horus, Tuamautef, and Kebhsenuf.
Notes.
1. Necheti, the chief hieroglyphic variants of which are
© ©
~^aa and ® , was situated in the third norae ( #A Ten) of
© A/WWA © ^T
Upper Egypt, and was called by the Greeks Hieraconpolis, 'city of the Hawks.' from the hawk-headed divinities mentioned in this chapter as Powers of Nechen, and of which numberless pictures are found on the monuments.
2. Between these words and those which the three old papyri* Aa, Ae, and lb, which unfortunately do not agree together on all points, have a few passages here which do not appear in the later papyri. They read, "Horus and what his mother did, tossing in
distressful agitation ( £j? <g\ 1\ H$P , KIJUL, <ra\evecOai) over the
water." The mother then addresses persons who are not named, in words of which the sense is not clear ; and Ra speaks words of
* There is a copy of the chapter in the tomb of Cha-em-hait, which is our oldest authority. But it is unfortunately mutilated, and all that can be said is. that if the additional words were once there, they have been destroyed.
] o
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
which the only certain ones are " the son. of Isis." Then follows the usual text.
3. This legend of Nechen is connected with that of the dis- memberment of Horus (to vepl Tou"Qpov cia/ueXurjiibv), of which we have but very scanty information.* It must have been like a repe- tition of what had happened to his father Osiris. The limbs of Horus had been thrown into the water, and when Sebak threw his net, at the prayer of Isis, he brought up two fishes, into which the arms of Horus had been turned.
Reminiscences of this story are preserved in the names of several
localities, o?^, "Two Fish," is the name of the Merot the second Northern Nome, and of the pehu of the seventeenth Southern Nome ;
-<2>-
just as -<g>-, "Two Eyes," is the name of the flehu of the eleventh
Northern Nome. The latter name may perhaps have reference to Osiris, but the same stories were probably told of both divinities.
4. On dutiful service (I , a word omitted in the Turin
1 AAAAAA Xf
and other texts. Brugsch {Rev. Egypt, I, 22) has discussed the sense of this word, and quoted numerous passages in illustration of it.
It is of course ridiculous to identify the word with the Hebrew "TIN, the meaning of which is radically different.
CHAPTER CNIV.
Chapter whereby one knoweth the Pozvers of Hermopolis.
Maat is borne (1) over the Arm, (2) and Neith dawneth at .Ment'ait, (3) and the Eye is illumined (4) by the one who adjusteth its level.
I am led in by her, and I know what she bringeth from Kasu. (5) I tell it not to men ; I repeat it not to gods.
I am come as a messenger of Ra, to make fast Maat upon the Arm, for the dawning of Neith at Ment'ait, and for restoring the Eye to him who taketh the reckoning thereof.
I am come as omnipotent through the knowledge of the Powers of Hermopolis, who love the Powers which you love.
* The Apis tablets (Zeifschr., 1882, p. 22) give the name of a place Fa-lcerk- en Hor, which seems to refer to this catastrophe ; the Coptic KOpX, KCJOpX corresponding to the Greek tKKoirrttv, tKicXav, KarauTraaOai.
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I am one acquainted with Maat made firm and permanent and reckoned out, and I take delight in reckoning out that which is reckoned.
Hail ye Powers of Hermopolis, small at the beginning of the month and great upon the Fifteenth Day ; Ra teacheth the mysteries of Night, and be it known to you that he who teacheth me is Thoth.
Hail ye Powers of Hermopolis as I know you.
Notes.
There are two chapters (1 14 and 1 16) of " the Powers of Hermo- polis," and they have been preserved separately both in the older and in the more recent papyri. They are very similar in thought but differently worded, and each throws a certain light upon the other, without however dispelling the obscurity of this very ancient religious composition. Some farther help, however insufficient, is afforded by the pictures of the Book which records the passage of the Sun-god through the twelve hours of the night.
1. Maat is borne, fli w 1 is the same word as (I ^r*, the
reduplicated form of (I ^ to gush, spring forth. But in certain
1 ...
cases it acquires the sense of being borne, or conveyed, and is written
0
A in Ptolemaic inscriptions. The corresponding word in
chapter 116 is 1 1 --, \\ , which has the same meanings. One
I V W$> J\
of the pictures above alluded to (Lefebure, Hypogees, Tombeau de Sett, part IV, pi. 31) represents a boat carrying the Moon-disk, raised upon a stand.
A personage kneeling behind is supporting the feather of Maat.
The words £^ \ <2, , which are written by way of explanation,
AWvW y
might give rise to some misunderstanding were it not for considera- tions mentioned in the following note.
2. The Arm £^ in chapter 114 has for corresponding word
Q \\ in chapter 116, implying that Arm is to be taken
in a geographical sense, as when we speak of an ' arm of the sea.' Now the pictures which have been spoken of have the words
12
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
/-»--& -^^ — «— , 'arm of the Urnes,' inscribed over the stream down
which the Sun-god takes his nightly journey.
These pictures have only the value of a commentary on a very ancient text, but they are at least as old as the earliest papyrus which contains the text.
,11""'! =e> ^
3. Merit' ait d^L, , is the ancient reading in chapter 114,
/www v-c^i* v^
the later texts have <&& 1 1", T'ar. Chapter 116 has J>\\ , Mat'ait.
4. Illumined. The texts are discordant as to the reading. I
H
follow that of the two old papyri which have % t— ^ ; though this orthography, however defensible, is somewhat suspicious.
5. Kasu. (29 I , the ' Burial Place,' was the metropolis of
yiMiv 1 ©
the 14th Nome of Southern Egypt. Dendera is called Mfj o and in more ordinary characters (]
but
J.
v- (1 ° I ^ • Like very many other geographical names, it has the feminine form in a , as well as the masculine in
CHAPTER CXV.
Chapter whereby one cometh forth into Heaven, and openeth the Ammehit : and whereby the Powers of Heliopolis are known.
I have grown from yesterday, a Great one among the Great. I have raised myself above all things that come into being.
The Face is revealed to the Eye of the Only One, and the round of darkness is broken through. I am one of you.
I know the Powers of Heliopolis. Doth not the All-powerful One (1) issue from it like one who extendeth a hand to us?
It is with reference to me that the gods say : Lo, the afflicted one is heir of Heliopolis !
I know on what occasion the Lock of the Male child (2) was made.
13
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Ra was speaking with Amhauf, (3) and a blindness came upon him.
Ra said to Amhauf : Take the spear, oh offspring of Men. (4) And Amhauf said : The spear is taken.
Two brethren came into being : they were Heb-ra and Sotem- anes, whose arm resteth not ; and he assumed the form of a female with a lock, which became the Lock in Heliopolis.
Active and powerful is the heir of the temple ; the Active one of Heliopolis. The flesh of his flesh (5) is the All-seer, for he hath the might divine as the Son whom the Father hath begotten. And his will is that of the Mighty one of Heliopolis.
I know the Powers of Heliopolis • they are Ra, Shu and Tefnut.
Notes.
The ancient text of this chapter has most unfortunately been lost. A few words only remain in the fragments of Papyrus Pm. M. Naville has also published what is found on an ostracon of the time of the XVIIIth dynasty. There is no doubt that the form of the text which has been handed down in the later papyri has suffered great alterations. And a comparison between the Turin and Cadet papyri shows in how untrustworthy a way this later form of the text has been transmitted.
Special attention has been given to this chapter by Mr. Goodwin (Zeitschr., 1873, p. 104), and by M. Lefebure {Melanges d'Arch., 1874, p. 155), whose work is very much more valuable than that of his English colleague. But the most important study bearing on the relations between the older and the more recent recension is that of M. Naville, ' Un ostrakon e'gyptien,' in the first volume of the Annales du Musee Guimet.
1. All powerful One, ^* ^ ^. M. Naville observes that this is substituted for -^^ — *? , which is found on the ostrakon.
Both terms are divine names ; the latter corresponding to the Greek 7ro\vcepia'i<! or 7rai'cc/)K)]^ was the title of the high priest of Heliopolis who, like his priestly colleagues all over Egypt, bore the titles of the god whom they represented.
2. The Lock of the Male child, Q XJ ^3* Vft ~~/^ & , is not
a 'curly wigged woman,' as generally interpreted, but the side lock
14
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
borne by Horus, and princes and princesses, as well as by other priests and priestesses, in honour of Horus.
3. Anihauf of whom nothing else is known, is called ' king ' only by a fault of transcription in MSS.
4. O offspring. I follow the Papyrus Luyne in omitting the preposition <czr>.
5. The flesh of his flesh, or the heir of his heir. This may perhaps be an assertion as to the hereditary succession of the high priest of Heliopolis.
CHAPTER CXVI. Chapter whereby one knoweth the Power of Hermopolis.
Neith dawneth forth in Mat'at, and Maat is conveyed upon the Arm of the Eater of the Eye by him who reckoneth it out.
I know it, and I am therefore led in through the Sem priest.
I tell it not to men, I repeat it not to the gods (and conversely).
I enter as one who knoweth not, and seeth not.
Hail, ye gods who are in Hermopolis. Know ye me as I know Xeith, that the Eye may be made firm and permanent, I take delight in reckoning out that which is reckoned.
I know the Powers of Hermopolis who are great at the beginning of the month, and diminished at the fifteenth day.
They are Thoth the Unseen, Sau and Tmu.
If this chapter be known, filth is avoided, and lye is not drunken.
Note.
This is the last of the chapters concerning the Powers of certain places. Of their positive antiquity there can be no doubt, whatever alterations they may have undergone. But they are relativelv modern with respect to other chapters, e.g., the 17th. Mr. Goodwin used to compare them with Christian legends of the mediaeval period. These are ancient enough as far as we ourselves are concerned, but no one would think of judging by them of primitive Christianity.
&>
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1895.
EUPHRATEAN STELLAR RESEARCHES.
By Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A.
Part IV. The Tabid W.A.I., III, lvii, No. 5. Another much mutilated fragment of this Inscription refers to portents and circumstances connected with the rising of Dilbat (Venus), the constellation Mastabba (apparently "the Twins ," near Sibzianna, which were probably r and c Virginis. Vide Proceedings May, 1893, p. 322), the star Zibanituv (vide inf., p. 23), the star Tsir ("the Serpent," >j Serpentarii), the star Bir ('Vermilion,' probably Antares), the constellation Ak. Sutul, As. Niru ("the Yoke" = " the Goat-fish") and "the Star of Merodax " (Dilgan— Capella). The portion of the heavens, therefore, specially under view is mainly that which extends from Virgo to Capella. The Tablet then proceeds : —
Kakkab Su - zak - Gud - elim, kakkab
The star Right- hand -oj '-the- Horned-bull, the- constellation
A-m K • • •
,7 TTt r f the-sea~\
the-Worm-°f- {light )■ ■ '
The first star in As. is Katu amutit Alpi karuni. The Ak. elim signifies "a horned animal," and hence is rendered in As. by dilanu, 'gazelle.' The Rev. Wm. Houghton has excellently explained the ideograph, which reads 'foot ' -f 'water ' + ' tear,' as referring to the Gazella sub-gutturosa* ; and Ea himself is " the Lusty- gazelle" and the "Gazelle-god" (vide JV.A.I., II, lv, 31-33), whilst, as Prof. Sayce informs me, ^ t ; <t»- is also explained as 'Belu,' so that we might possibly render Gud-elim "the Pull of
* Vide Transactions, VI, 473. 16
jAN. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Bel." There would be nothing specially strange in this, as in the Gilgames Epic we read of " the Bull of Anu," which was slain by Gilgames and Ea-bani. But it is certainly preferable to understand dim here as signifying "a horned creature"; and this being was bovine, and also had "a hand"; in a word we have before us the constellation of the Centaur. As Berosos tells us, when speaking of the primeval Darkness and Chaos, the mystical Scorpion-and-Dragon period : — " Other human figures were to be seen with the legs and horns of goats [Satyrs] ; some had horses' feet, while others united tiie hind quarters of a horse with the body of a man. Bulls likewise were bred then with the heads of men* and dogs, with fourfold bodies, terminated in their extremities with the tails of fishes [like Capricorn]. In short, there were creatures in which were combined the limbs of every species of animals. Of all which were preserved delineations in the temple of Belos."t Most of the composite creatures of the monuments, e.g., the winged and human-headed bulls of Khorsabad, are too familiar for special reference ; and their symbolism, whether as combinations of wisdom and strength, or of evil, malignity, and ferocity, e.g., the Demon of the South-west wind,*, is sufficiently obvious. Sometimes we meet with the Man- lion ; or, again, with fantastic creatures combining lion, eagle, gryphon, ram, etc., in a single form. The Man-bull is very prominent, and Ea-bani, the bull-slayer, although not strictly speaking a centaur, is yet always represented with the horns, feet, and tail of a bull.
Again, the expression " Horned-bull," may seem peculiar, but it is, as a fact, the exact name of the Urus (Bos primigenius), the Ak. Am-si (" Horned-wild-bull "), As. Rimu, Heb. Rem (the 'Uni- corn' of the A. V.), i.e., the creature with huge horns; and it is perhaps still more singular that this very name is reproduced by Aratos, and applied by him to the zodiacal Taurus: —
''The horned Bull (nepaov Tavpov) fallen near the Driver's feet."§
Vide inf., p. 19. t Chaldaika, i. 4.
X A statue in the Louvre shows "this tyrant of the atmosphere. One can hardly imagine anything more frightful than his grinning, quasi-human counten- ance, resembling a death's head in some of its lines"; with "great round eyes and goat's horns . . . meagre body . . . hands large and flat, the fingers short anil blunt, while the feet are a curious combination of human extremities with the talons of a bird of prey " (Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Chaldaea and Assyria, Eng. tran., Vol. ii, p. 80. As to the feet, cf. Fig. II).
§ Phainomena, 167 ; vide Proceedings, February, 1890, p. 186, Fig. I.
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In further illustration of the passage I will next refer to the description of the Centaur by Aratos ; and I think we shall arrive at some very curious and interesting results. Aratos says, in a passage which I have previously quoted (Proceedings, February, 1890, p. 202) that the Centaur underlies two Signs, the "human part" being below the Scorpion, and "the hinder-horse-part" below the Claws. His "right-hand," i.e., the kakkab Suzak, is stretched out before the Altar and grasps the Wild-beast, which is included in the constellation. The tail of Hydra, also, is stretched over him, and his mighty back is on the Tropic of Capricorn. With the Scorpion come the Centaur's head and body.
"and the Wild-beast, which The Centaur's right hand holds. But there await The coming Bow the Centaur's foremost feet ; " *
'l7r7roT« 0j;/>o'«, lit. "of the Horse-monster. When the JValer- pourer rises,
" Sign-potent Night draws Centaur by the tail. His breastplate and his head and shoulders broad As yet she cannot take." t
" The Centaur, too, when first the Fishes rise, She quickly swallows." \
From the foregoing account it is clear that the figure of the constellational Centaur which Aratos had before him was, in all probability, not that of the ordinary Classical type, but represented a creature whose forelegs and feet were those of a man. And this becomes practically certain when we consider the centaur-figure represented on the famous chest of Kypselos, and remember that the Hellenic stellar Centaur was Cheiron (" the Skilful," lit. ' Handy '), an adept in the arts of hunting, medicine, music, prophecy, and astronomy, a pupil of Apollon, and an instructor of heroes.^ Kypselos, despot of Korinth, whose 30 years of sway began about i:.c. 658, received his name from the chest (kv\'A\ij) in which he had been concealed when an infant.|j This famous coffer, made of
* Phainomena, 661-3. t Ibid. 695-7. % Ibid. 700-1.
§ For detailed consideration of Caitaurus, vide R.B.Jr., Eridanus, River and Constellation, Sec. X. It is amusing to find Sir I. Newton maintaining that Cheiron "delineated the constellations and was a practical astronomer" (vide Sir G. C. Lewis, Astron. of the Ancients, p. 73).
|| Vide Herodotos, v. 92.
iS
Jan. 8]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1895.
cedar-wood, ivory and gold, and "richly 'adorned with figures in relief," had, long ere his time, descended as a precious heirloom in his family ; and we therefore see that the designs upon it must have been of a very archaic type. At the time of the traveller Pausanias this chest was one of the treasures of the temple of Hera at Olympia, and he has left us a fairly full description of it. He says : — "And there is a centaur, not with all his feet horses' feet, for his forefeet are those of a man. . . And the tradition about the centaur is, that Cheiron, although he had been removed from men, and had been thought worthy to be a companion with the gods, returned to earth to comfort Achilleus."* We thus see what was the special form of the Cheiron depicted on the chest of Kypselos, and of the Centaur of Aratos, and now, fortunately, by the aid of two engraved stones from Western Asia, figured by Lajard,t I am enabled to carry back this special constellational group of Ce?itaur and Wild- beast to within measurable distance of regions Euphratean.
Fig. I. — Gud-elim and the Wild-beast. (Centaurus and Lupus, 1st type.)
Fig. I shows the Centaur, horned (i.e., elim)% and winged, with his fore parts those of a man {i.e., like the centaurs of Aratos and Kypselos), kneeling on one knee, in the familiar Gilgames attitude, which has been preserved in the constellation Engonasin (Herakles-
* Pausanias, V, xix, 2. t Citlte de Miihra, PI. cxviii, Figs. 19, 20.
X The horned, bearded, and human-headed Bull appears on a fragment of an engraved shell found by M. de Sarzec at Tello {Dccouvertes en Chaldee, pi. 66, Fig. 4), and is thus a very archaic Euphratean concept. Such a representation at once recalls the bearded, human-headed, Dionysiac Bull figured on some Greek coins (vide R. B., Jr., The Great Dionysiak Myth, i, 390 et set/.); and is one of the innumerable links which connect Dionysos with the Euphrates Valley (vide Proceeainqs, April, 1S92, pps. 300-1 ; and the excellent remarks of the late
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Hercules), and holding up by the hind legs the Wild-beast, the kakkab ^-^/("constellation Beast-of -death" wide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 202), in this instance a boar, the animal hostile to the solar Adonis. Fig. II shows the Centaur, horned and winged, with human
Fig. II. — Gud-elim and the Wild-beast. (Centaurus and Lupus, 2nd type. )
forelegs, but his forefeet those of eagles, a familiar Euphratean type ;* and holding up by the forelegs the Wild-beast, in this instance a lion.f The animal-part of the body of the creature resembles in each case that of a horse. Another curious example of the Centaur is given by Cesnola, % which he describes thus: — " Another quaint toy of terra-cotta represents a centaur. On the head is a high helmet [the Centaur of Aratos wears a breast-platej, the crest of which is like a cock's comb [a solar emblem] ; a small buckler, with a cross device, is on the left arm ; the right arm is in the act of brandishing a now lost weapon." This weapon reappears in the Thyrsus-spear of the Ptolemaic Centaurus, which has become the simple spear of the modern constellation-figure, and with this he now transfixes the Wild-beast, which in Greece and the West naturally became the Wolf. That the wise Centaur Cheiron, who
Fox Talbot, Transactions, II, 33, on the origin of the name ' Dionysos '). The star ^y^ (fcp*'?) <^»TS<T> , Gud-elim, is mentioned in the much mutilated fragment W.A.I. Ill, lvii, No. 9, 1. 1, in connection with Allah (probably Alphard, "The Solitary," a Hydrae) and Lik-gula ('The Great-dog' = 'lion," Led).
* Vide Canon Rawlinson, And. Monarchies, ii, 31 ; Periot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Chaldaea, Vol. ii, Fig. 87.
t Vide R.B., Jr., Eridamis, Appendix III. The Sun-god and the Lion.
X Salaminia, p. 243, Fig. 230.
20
J us. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
sprung from Kronos and a daughter of Okeanos, is, at all events so far as art goes, connected with the wise, unanthropomorphic Ea-bani (" Ea-made-me "), who " was believed to have originally ascended out of the abysses of the sea,"* is sufficiently obvious.! In both Figs. I and II, the right hand of the Centaur, the Kakkab Suzak, is much in evidence, and grasps the Wild-beast exactly as described by Aratos. The Wild-beast of Aratos was probably depicted head upwards, as in Fig. II, like the Wild-beast of Ptolemy, and the Lupus of a modern map.
The general treatment of the figures on the Chest of Kypselos, was distinctly oriental. Thus Pausanias observes : "Artemis, I know not on what account [i.e., it was contrary to the general canons of Hellenic art] has wings at her shoulders, and in her right hand she holds a leopard, and in her left a lion." This is thoroughly in the spirit of Western Asia. The figures on the monuments represented as holding up various animals are too familiar for special reference.
Line 1 is unfortunately mutilated, so that the full name of the second constellation referred to can only be conjectured. In As. it is apparently to be read Uplu nuri (" The-Worm-of-light ") or Uplu tamti (" The Worm-of-the-Sea "). In the latter case the reference may perhaps be to Hydra, " Lerna's worm," the tail of which, as noticed, extended over Centauries. The Rev. Win. Houghton has some interesting remarks + on the ideographs ^»-«-y, "a small worm," and ^^HfH, ' worm,' the archaic type of the former character showing brightness (a star) in a circle, and probably originally referring " to some species of glow-worm." As the Nahru Tsiri ("River-of-the-Snake"), the Nahru apsi rabi (" River-of-the- ( h-eat-abyss "), is the Milky Way,§ "the Worm-of-light " may perhaps be the VaXcJgla^. The constellation Ce/itaurus, of which the Wild- beast was a part, extended up to Ara, including what is now the constellation Norma (the Rule), which dates from 1752. Centauries,' therefore, as well as Ara, included a portion of the Milky Way, which is likened by Manilius to a cloud of incense ascending from the Altar :—
" Ara ferens turis, stellis imitantibus ignem." ||
* Smith and Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis, p. 205. t Vide R.B., Jr., Eridamis, p. 25. X Transactions, VI, 480.
§ Vide R.B., Jr., The Milky Way in Euphratean Stellar Mythology (in The Academy, J an. 9, 1892). || A stron., v, 340.
21
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
2. ... -HP- T— £* MT <W • • ■
. . . Kakkabi Gu - si - sa ...
. . . the-stars of -the -Leading- Urn . . .
Gu is the Urn, the Amphora of Aquarius (vide Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 340), and appears as such in the Tablets of the Greek period of Babylonian astronomy.* With Gusisa cf. Kaksisa {Ibid., April, 1892, p. 286). We have seen reason [Ibid., Jan., 1890, p. 142) to identify "the Star (or constellation) of the Foundation" with Skat (o Aquarii), also called Sakib ("the Pourer"), and the adjoining stars ; and have noticed that the winter solstice was one natural commencement of the year, This consideration throws light upon the expression "the Urn, the Leader ;" and its stars will be those of the Urn of Aquarius, and probably also those in " the flow of the water " from it, to use the expression of Ptolemy. The Urn is frequently figured on the monuments. f 3. ... the-star Right-hand-of-the- Horned-bull, the-god . . .
4. KHf- 3 -Kl «=T* <H<E Hf- E*Wf *=T4T
Kakkab Su - gub - Gud - elim, 'ilu Iz - si,
The-star Left-hand-of-the- Horned-bull, the Fiery -one, (and)
khp- hn* ^ hp- ^r
kakkab Zi - ba - an - na the-star Boundary - of- heaven
(iz lacuna, tf ?) (rabi) (great)
"The Star of the Left-hand" is alluded to in W.A.I. III. lix. No. 15, Rev. 1. 13, and is there mentioned next to the Scorpion, a circumstance which tends to connect it with the part of the heavens occupied by Centauries. It is probably a Lupi, and we may observe that a star will naturally be called 'great'" by a comparatively rude astronomical observer, not in comparison with the other stars generally, but as contrasted with those in its own immediate neighbourhood.
* Vide Epping and Strassmaier, Babylonische Mondbeobachtungen aits den Jahren 38 und 79 der Seleuciden-Aera (in the Zeitschrift fiir Assynologii , Dec, 1892, p. 223).
t For instances, vide R.B. , Jr., The Law of Kosmic Order, p. 84.
22
|
<r- m- |
W kHP- t |
|
innamar - u |
3 kakkabi |
|
are - seen ; |
three stars |
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Lzsi = Mars (vide Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 319).
Speaking against the view which identifies Zibanna with El-zubcna (''the Claws"), Professor Oppert remarks, " Zibannit est un 'sumer- sches Lehnwort ' (Delitzsch) de Ziba-anna, et ne saurait donner eu a. aucun calembour arabe, pour y trouver la balance."* I have held, with Professors Oppert and Sayce, that Zibanna = Saturn (vide Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 322), and the passage before us appears to speak of 3 stars, not constellations, namely (1) a particular star in the Centaur; (2) Mars, and (3) Saturn ; nor, if we are to read rabi, is it easy to see how in any sense « and j3 Libra could fairly be called 'great.' But, although I think it is clear that there is no linguistic connexion between the names Zibanna and Zubena, yet there may have been some special connexion between Zibanna, Saturn, and the constelation of the Altar, afterwards known as the Claras. For, in the Te Tablet the special star of the 7th month is ' Ziba '- (lacuna), and the passage W.A.I., V, xxvi, n-12 would appear to show some connexion between ^\, Ak. bir, As. ////;-//, ' light ' (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 260 et sea.), and the libbu sa zibaniti, whatever may be the exact meaning of the latter expression. I have noticed the special connexion between Saturn and the Sun (Ibid., p. 248), and that the feeble autumnal sun is reduplicated in the faint light of the stellar and zodiacal Ara (Lbid., p. 261) ; Saturn as Zibanna, may therefore be specially connected with Ara ( = Libra). Prof. Oppert translates the name " Life-of-heaven," but this would rather be Zi-anna (e.g., Sib-zi-anna). If we are to read Zi-ba-anna (and not Zibanna), the name may mean " Life-maker-of-heaven," an epithet apparently primarily solar, and so very applicable to the solar, circular Altar.
5. kHF- z&A -T4T kHF- <EE HTCL tf* <H<iE
Kakkab Iz - si, kakkab Ner-gub-Gud- elim The-star the Fiery-one, The-star Lcft-foot-of-the-Horned-bull (and)
Hf- HIT* --T «f ^T <T- -W s=Hf-
'ilu Zi - ba - an - na innamar - u ; kakkab
Boundary-of-heaven are-seen ; the-star
s=® -y HM* . . .
Rim - ab - nam . . .
J Proclamation-of-the-gathering- \ \ of-the-seas ... J
* Zeitschrift fiir As., March, 1S91, p. 112, note.
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SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895.
The Left-foot (As. Sepu sumelu) of the Centaur will probably be or include ft Cruris. It will be observed that here Zibanna, like Izsi in line 4, is styled 'Hit, not the ordinary J:^>->|- {kakkab), a circumstance which points to planetary dignity ; for, whilst ££:^*->f- is constantly applied to planets, »->^- is rarely, if ever, applied to fixed stars. The star Proclamation-of-ttie-gathering-of-the- seas, a name which reminds us of "the gathering together of the waters called He seas," is apparently the Kakkab Nairn tamti ("The Star of the-Proclamation-of-the-sea :'), 29th in the list of the Thirty Stars, and otherwise called the Kakkab Tamti ("Star of-the-Sea," vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890, pp. 146-7), also known as Nunki (= a Sagittarii. Ibid., May, 1893, p. 317), "the Star of Eridu," "a city which took its name from its bow-like shape."* There appears to have been a mystical and mythical, as well as an archaic, actual, and geographical city of Eridu. t
6- W kHF- <X T • • •
4 kakkabi esiri ana . . .
The four stars propitious for . . ,
7. kHP- 5=&=T ^T4T < kHF- &MI k* HMTtf • • •
Kakkab Iz - si u kakkab Rim - ab - nam . . .
The-star the-Ficry-one and t he-star \Proclamation-of-the-gathering-\
-/ [ of-t/ie-seas ... j
ibassu - va are, and
8. ~Hf- -TT* ^ HP- ^
Kakkab Zi - ba - an - na The-star Boundary-of heaven
innamir - u ; kakkab is-seen ; the-star
Ner-gub Left-foot
Gud
<
-t;<t>
karnu - su
elim, of-the-Horned-bull, its horn
yubbal . . disappears .
* Sayce, Babylonian Literature, p. 39. Prof. Sayce, Rel. Ancient Bnbs. p. 134, explains Eridu, a contraction for Eri-duga, as the "Good-city." t Yide R. B., Jr., Eridanus, Sec. xxiii.
24
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Zibanna, therefore, was seen at times with (line 5), and at times without the star of the Left-foot ; and as Zibanna was certainly in the ecliptic (vide Proceedings, May 1S93, p. 312), the inference is that it was a planet. I am indebted to Prof. Sayce for the rendering ' disappears.'
The expression "the horn (point) of the Left-foot" may seem somewhat strange, but it is really very curious when, in the list of the stars in the Ptolemaic Centaur, we read : —
23- " The one under the hend of the sinister foot."
34. " The one at the frog* (fia-paxiov) of the same foot."
Indeed, the coincidence is so very singular, that I prefer to leave it without further comment.
Kakkab Ku - ma - ru Ud - gu - du - a
The constellation the Dusky-part ofthe-Smiting-sun-face,
s=HP- HE *T --H t* T{ kHF-
kakkab Ega Ud- gu - du - a, kakkab
the-constellation Crown ofthe-Smiting-sun-face, the-constellation
B Hftt (^ K) • • •
Su - gub (xi - bi) . . .
the Left-hand (wanting) . . .
Doubtless the line originally read "the Left-hand of Udgudua ,." and the scribe now not unnaturally passes on from one Centaur to the other, i.e., Udgudua-Sagiltarius (vide Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 332). We have here an interesting instance of 3 sub-constella- tions, the Kumar, the Ega, and the Sugub (As. Sumelu) of Udgudua. As the • hand ' and ' foot ' of the Horned-bull are mentioned, so are the 'hand' and 'foot' (line 11) of Udgudua. And, these two creatures being distinct, it follows that, just as the former is the Centaur, so is the latter the other Centaur, i.e., Sagittarius, a conclu- sion at which we had previously arrived from other and independent
* " Frog. In farriery, a sort of tender horn that grows in the middle of the sole of a horse's foot, dividing into two branches, and running towards the heel in the form of a fork " {Imperial Diet, in voc.).
25
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
reasons. A glance at the constellation-map will show that each of the two solar Centaurs is attacking a creature opposed, or specially devoted to the Sun ; the Scorpion of darkness in the one case, and the Wolf, a familiar type of darkness, and also a creature at times connected with the Sun-god by play on words (Xvkos — XevKoi) ; the Boar, another emblem of darkness ; or the Lion, the special animal of the Sun-god, in the other.
Kakkab-Kumaru. The first sub-division of Sagittarius is styled the Kutnaru. The meaning of this word, which is As. in form, has, I believe, hitherto been unknown. A careful inspection of the constellation convinced me that the dusky hinder-part of Sagittarius was intended ; and I was naturally led to compare Kumaru with "tt23> 'blackness,' whence the name of the Chemarim,* i.e., "the
Black-robed-ones," "the idolatrous priests."! But this does not exhaust the matter, for, as might well be expected, kumaru is merely the Semitic form of an Akkadian loan-word kumar, connected with the Turko-Tatar root kom, hum, an allied variant of which is torn, tum,\ one of the root-meanings of this latter form being 'darkness, ' night,' ' mist.' And the connexion between the forms hum and turn equally appears in Sumero-Akkadian itself, where we find that ////// = As. xartsui ' obscurity.' Such words as the Uigur komar and the Tchagatai toiuar, which, though having a different signification, belong to the same word-group, illustrate the form of the Ak. kumar, which will, therefore, signify "the Dusky-part" of Sagittarius, just as Aratos styles the adjoining constellation "the Dusky-Goat. "S Thus, the 21st moon station, called El-beldah (" a District "), is a starless space in Sagittarius, "the vacant space between the Archer's shoulders and Capricorn's horns . . . Kazwini, Firuzabadi, and Fi'zini, mention al-beldah and its boundary of six dark or small stars, called el-kelddah, or necklace." || From this example we learn incidentally the interesting fact, that these star-names, or most of them, are Sumero-Akkadian in origin, the Altaic word kumar having been draped in a Semitic form.
* Zephaniah i, 4.
t A.V. 2 Kings xxiii, 5.
% Vide Vambery, Etymologisches Wdrterbuch derTtirko-TatarischenSprae!;, 11 . Sees, xcvii, clxxix.
§ Phainomena, 792.
I1 Smyth, Cycle of Celestial Objects, ii, 413. El-beldah is used of " the hairless space between the eyebrows."
26
Jan. 8]
PROCEEDINGS.
[i895.
Kakkab Ega. The second subdivision of Sagittarius is styled Ega, = As. agu, 'crown' (i.e., halo), uzzu, 'glory.'* And here we have a further illustration of the meaning of Kumaru ; for, as that is the 'dusky' hinder-part of Sagittarius, so Ega-Uzzu is the 'Glory,' or bright upper fore-part of the constellation, which part is elsewhere called Papilsak (' Winged-fire-head 't). As Ega means ' crown,' at first it seemed tempting to identify this constellation
Eig. III. — Upcudua (Sagittarius), and its subdivisions
with the Corona Australis, sometimes called Corolla ("the Wreath "), which, in representations of the constellations, is placed immediately in front of the forefeet of Sagittarius. But, I think, this is clearly not the true interpretation of the text. The Stephanos
* For a play on words between the name of the Ak. solar god Uz (' Goat,' vide Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 300; June, 1893 p. 462), and the Semitic word uzzu, vide Sayce, Rel. Ancient Bads., p. 285.
f Vide R.B., Jr., The Te Tablet (In The Academy, Nov. 4, 1893, P- 396)- My suggestion (Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 266) that Papilsak was not in Sagittarius, must be withdrawn in the light of the further evidence.
27
[an. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [189
Notios is noticed by Aratos, but even in his day it had not yet received this name : —
" Other few Below the Archer under his forefeet, Led round in circles roll without a name.'" -
And here I would call attention to the fact, that the Sagittarius of Aratos evidently resembled the Euphratean type (vide Fig. Ill), and not the ordinary classical and modern type, in the position of his forelegs or leg, which were over the Corolla, instead of being imme- diately behind it, as e.g., on the Farnese Globe.t This is one of the innumerable interesting indications that Aratos had before him constellation figures whose prototypes belonged to Western Asia.
Kakkab-Sngub. The 3rd subdivision of Sagittarius, is "the constellation of the' Left-hand ;" and we see at once, from Fig. Ill, the position of prominence of the Left-hand, and from the latter we obtain part of the southern boundary of the sub-constellation Ega (= Papilsak).\
The Ptolemaic description of the stars shown in Fig. Ill is as follows : —
I. Stars in the Kakkab Ega (Papihak).
\. " The more-southerly of those in the northern part of the bow." <(. " The more-northerly of them at the end of the bow." a. " The one at the left shoulder." 0. '• The one in front of this towards the shaft." v\ i'3. "The nebulous and double star at the eye." f. " The leading-one of the 3 in the head." u. "The centre-one of them." - " The hindermost of the 3."
-. " The centre-one of the 3 in the back, towards the shoulder- blade." .
£, " The one below the armpit."
* Phainomena, 399-401.
t Flamsteed, Atlas Coelestis, 1729, places the Corona Australis between the two forelegs. Proctor, improperly, places the two forelegs in the midst of the Crown. The Staphanos Notios is a distinct constellation in Ptolemy.
% Hommel {Die Astronomic der alien Chaldaer, iii, 12) appears to place • Pa-bil-sag' somewhere between 0 Ophiuchi and n Sagittarii.
28
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
II. Stars in the Kakkab-Sugub ("the Constellation of the Left-hand'").
71, ~i~. "The star at the point of the arrow." 8. " The one at the grip of the left hand."
III. Other stars shown.
e. "The one in the southern part of the bow." fi\ /32. " The one at the ancle of the left forefoot." «. " The one at the knee of the same leg."
Hence, the Sagittarius of Ptolemy, the prototype of modern figures, had the foreleg straight, unlike the Euphratean type of Aratos. The Sagittarius of Ptolemy wore a " martial cloak," which is often represented, e.g., in Flamsteed's Atlas Coelestis, as flying in the air, as if blown out by the wind. In this garment we may readily see the wing of the original Euphratean figure. Another interesting instance of the Sagittarius-type occurs on a monument in the British Museum.* The general attitude and position and the wing are similar to those shown in Fig. Ill ; but the bow-string appears, and is grasped by the right hand. The two forelegs are broken off at the knees, the tail is that of a scorpion. and behind, attached to the human head and facing tailwards, is the head of a gryphon. Below the Sagittarius, and with his claws towards the genitalia, as so frequently figured in Mithraic represen- tations, is a scorpion; so Manilius, "Scorpios inguine gaudet.'t According to C. W. King, " in this particular situation it expresses Autumn "J in the Mithraic symbolism ; and this circumstance is in exact and interesting harmony with the role which we have seen the zodiacal Scorpion play in connexion with the waning, autumnal sun (vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 198; March, 1891, pp. 261-2). But the earlier and wider symbolism is diurnal, not annual, i.e., that of the darkness-power seizing on and destroying light day by day ; and it is interesting to notice the Euphratean origin of this peculiar artistic feature in the Mithraic cult. We have in this design another
* Figured in Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, of Art in Phoenicia and its depen- uencies, ii, 204.
t Astron., ii, 462.
% The Gnostics and their Remains, 2nd edit., p. 134.
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Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895
(vide Ibid., March, 1891, p. 265) instance of the Scorpio n-Sagittary, the figure combining the potency and protective power of two zodiacal signs, not to mention the solar Gryphon.* MM. Perrot and Chipiez remark, " We have yet to find the form of centaur preferred by archaic Greek art on some monuments from Phoenicia or Mesopotamia." They will find this long-lost link in Fig. I ; for the Cheiron of the chest of Kypsalos is the true representative of this form. And the same type appears in Kypros, for they figure a centaur f who "wears a cap of cloth or felt," like the Sagittarius above described. "The hind-legs are formless, but in the other pair, clumsy as they are, we can divine the sculptor's wish to repro- duce human limbs ; the rudiments of a [human] foot and knee can be readily distinguished. This centaur, therefore, is composed of the whole body of a man with the middle-piece and quarters of a horse added to it." That is to say, it exactly resembles Fig. I in this respect.
kakkab Za - ma - ma, 4 kakkabi nas - u
The-constellation the- Living-eye, four constellations rise ;
kakkab Ner - (%ibi) t he-star Foot- (wanting)
The second star is probably Nerzak-Zamama (" the-Right-toot- of-the-Living-eye "). In W.A.I., II, lxi, 52, we read: —
HP- ??5*T5*T V <3«
Tlu Za-ma-ma sa Kisu, The-god Living-eye of Kis,
"a great town in Babylonia, now represented by the mounds of Hymer,"j and mentioned in Tablet XII of the Gilgames Epic.
* Vide R. B. , jr., Remarks on the Gryphon, Heraldic and Mythological (in Arckaeoiogia, Vol. XLVIII).
t Hist, o] Art in Phoenicia, etc., ii, 200. X Geo. Smith, in Transactions, iii, 364.
3°
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
'The word kis is akin to the Turko-Tatar root kis, kiz, 'fire,' ' warmth,' ' redness,' " to glow," whence the Uigur kis, ' fiery,' and numerous similar words in the various connected dialects, with meanings such as ' gold,' ' red,' etc. Sometimes the consonant in the root is abraded, and we meet with such forms as the Tchagatai is-ik, ?>-sig, 'warmth,' Yakute it-i, and Koibal-Karagass /j-seg,* 'hot,' which = the Ak. iz-si. 'fiery' {sup., line 5). Kis, As. Kisu, is, then, " the Fire-town," a centre of a solar cult ;t so far, therefore, it seems probable that Zamama was a solar divinity. His name occurs at times in the lists of gods,! and in W.A.I., II, lvii, Rev. Col. A, line 53, we read : —
Kakkub Id-^u, 'ilu Za-ma-ma | 'ilu Nin-ip The Constellation the- Eagle (i.e.) the god Zamama \ t he-God t 'he-Lot d,
the Creator.
Here the Eagle is identified with Zamama, and both are identified, or closely connected, with Ninip, "die Ostsonne,"§ the solar Uras ("the Veiled," vide Proceedings, April, 1892, pp. 302-3). But further: we find that "Alala ("the Great-spirit") the Eagle,"' mentioned in the Gilgames Epic Tablet VI, was " the symbol of the noontide sun ;" |j so we have here the solar eagle, and the solar divinity Ninip-Uras,^ both identical, or most closely connected with the evidently solar god Zamama. What, then, is the meaning of the name Zamama? The ordinary signification of the first syllable za, 1sa, is ' 4 ;' but, as I have shown {Proceedings, Feb., 1888) the Ugro- Altaic ' 4 '-word, is an ' eye '-word, and the line of idea which arrives at '4 ' is represented by (Hand + hand + eye) + eye.** We may
* Vide Vambery, Worterbuch, pp. 89-90.
t It was one of the 20 " oldest known cities " of Babylonia (Vide Smith and Sayce, Chaldean Account of Genesis, 313).
J Vide W.A.I. Ill, lxvi, 45 ; lxviii, 62 ; lxix, 78. § Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonicr, p. 457.
|| Cf. Sayce, Ret. Ancient Babs., p. 248 ; vide R.B., Jr., The Myth of Kirkc, Sec. ix, for an account of Istar-Kirke and her luckless lovers Dumuzi (Tammuz), ' Alala, the Eagle," the ' Lion,' and the ' Horse.'
TT It is interesting to find that Uras, the 'Veiled' or 'Secret' god, is, in the Tel el-Amarna Tablets, identified with the god of Jerusalem : —
No. 106, 1. 15; " The city of the mountain of Urusalim, the city of the temple of the god Uras (whose) name i there is) ' Salim'." ( Ap. Sayce, Records of the Past, new series, v, 72. ) *":: For Table of '4' and 'eye' words, vide R.B., Jr., The Etruscan Numerals p. 20.
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[iS95-
therefore regard za in this archaic divinity-name as meaning 'eye.' Ma-ma is an abraded form of mal-ma, mal-mal ';* and the Ak. mat = As. sakanu, " to be established," and bitu, ' house ' {i.e., that which is established; e.g., "by understanding is an house established,' Prov., xxiv, 3). M and v are interchangeable in Akkadian, and the Ak. vial, val — the Turko-Tatar var, bar, "to be," "to exist," e.g., Tchagatai bar, Osmanli var, " it is," Tshuwash par, " to be," " to exist," etc.f Mai is therefore "to be," "to exist," and hence "to be established." We need not here trace it further back, or enquire whether in primitive idea "to be "= " to breathe ;" and, as the Altaic par= " to be," 'existence,' so will mal= ' existence,' " the existing,' doubled by way of intensity, after an archaic fashion, the solar god Zamama thus being "the Living-eye."
The originally solar Zamama is next, in accordance with a principle of which we have had innumerable examples, and without grasping which mythology is incom- prehensible, reduplicated in a stellar form ; and, in this phase, is identified with the Eagle. But, it will be re- membered that, by almost universal consent, Id\u or Erigu ("the Power- ful-bird ") is identified with Altair (a Aquila, vide Proceedings, April, 1892, pp. 294-6). The fact is that there are two Eagles in the case : (1) Id^n Zamama ("the Eagle, the Living-eye ") = Aquila (the constel- lation), and (2) Idxu ("the Eagle" star) = Altair ; and, if anyone is inclined to doubt this, he will find on reference to Ptolemy's Star- catalogue, that both these eagles reappear in itf the constellation being 'Aerou atncpifT/uu*, and the principal star in it i fcV< to? uercMppivov X«/t7r/J09 kuXov/licvo? 'Agto?. Thus the Tablet describes the rising of Sagittarius (in 3 divisions) and Aquila (Fig. IV).
The representation of the Eagle, "ein schreitender Vogel," as Hommel well calls it, is, like many of the bird-figures on the monuments, a purely conventional type.
Fig. IX. — Zamana (Aquila).
* Cf. Lenormant, Etude snr quelques parties des Syllabaires Cuneiformcs, P- 23.
t Vide Vambery, Worterbuch, p. 198.
12
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Kakkab Ur - ner - gub Ud - gu - du - a, Kakkab The-star Sole-of-the-Left-foot qf-the-Snuting-sun-face, the-star
— < r? y- ^
Dil-bat A - nu - turn
Venus of-the-Great-Goddess (Istar)
i2. <Hgy khf- ^t MS).--
Va kakkab Su - (\'ibi) . . .
And tJie-constellation Hand - {wanting) . . .
The first star is /3 Sagittarii (vide 5///., p. 27), and the last, "the constellation of the Left-hand of Udgiidua (vide line 9). The " star Venus of Anunit :' is not the kakkab Anunitum (vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 203), which represents Istar- Venus reduplicated in a stellar form, but the planet Venus in Sagittarius.
i3. k^+ -HI ^ MHf- <EE EB R 5S ^T <MIU
Kakkab Uz, kakkab Ner- zak Za-ma-ma va
The-star of-the-Goat, the-star Right-foot-of-the-Living-eye, and
^HF- B£T Hf<T TIT KHf- (4 ~) • • •
kakkab Id - xu, 3 kakkabi (\ibi) . . .
the-star the-Eagle (A/tair), three stars {wanting) . . .
Nerzak-Zamama— >i Aquilae {vide Fig. V). Fig. II in the Pro- ceedings, May, 1893, p. 340, shows the part of the heavens referred to.
14. H -TM **T HF- ^T -TM ^T Hf- ~Kf ~M-
2 biritu : kakkab
77c<? ccnjunctions : the-star
e^t -!<r -en -hit
Id - xu sumuq same the-Eagle (is) at the zenith (lit. height-of-hcaven).
33 c
Jan. 8]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY
[1895.
The term ' conjunction ' is not here used in the astronomical sense of ''the meeting of two or more stars or planets in the same degree of the Zodiac," but is applied to two stars or constellations rising about the same time and about the same longitude. So we read in Aratos : —
" When the Goat rises others mount,
The feathered Arro-.'Js stars, the Eagle, Bird."*
The As. biritu, Heb. berith, ' covenant,' is said to be so called from "the idea of cutting'' (victims on the making of agreements) : and the line of thought connected with this use of the word is :— cutting — sacrifice — covenant — (astronomically) conjunction. This is equally illustrated by the Ak. term of which birit is the As. rendering. The passage in Ak. reads : —
Kas sa-ba-an-na sa-ba-an-na. Tioo covenants {con junctions) of heaven.
The word has generally been read ribi-anna, but I read saba-anna because *^\\<\ also = sa and the Ak. sa-ba is evidently connected with the Ak. sab, sap, "to sacrifice," and the Turkic sefa, 'agreement,' the whole class of words belonging to the Turko-Tatar root sap, sab, cap, "to hew," 'cut,' e.g., the Altaic saba, ' cut.' f Both the Semitic and Turanian words, therefore, proceed on the same line of thought. The noontide or zenith Eagle-sun (vide sup., p. 31) is thus reduplicated in the zenith Eagle-star; and Fig. V illustrates the process of the formation of the constellation-figure in archaic idea.
Fig. V. — Aquila.
(Illustration of the formation of the constellational figure.)
KM- -W $*
kakkab Uz,
the-star of -t he-Coat,
15- k=M- --H IH M
Kakkab Gu - ur - ku,
Thc-constellation Seat-of-the-flmving-water.
tiM- ^TM^-TM <M0TkHF- 7
kakkab Sak - sa - di va kakkab Dil . . .
the-star Bright-horn-of-slaughter, and the-star Venus (cf.\. n).
* Phainomena, 689-91. t Vide Vambery, Worterbuch, p. 142
34
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
The Ak. gur = As. apsu, "running water," and one of the renderings of the Ak. kit, ' seat,' is As. subat-sa-apsi (" Seat-of-the- running-water "). The constellation in question consists of the stars in Aquarius from Situ/a ("the Urn" k Aquarii) to that which Ptolemy calls "the last (star) of the Water, and the one at the mouth of the Southern Fish " [a Pisa's Australis).*
Saksadi. This is a new and interesting star. The Ak. sak.= ' head,' ' horn ; ' th3 Ak. sa, amongst other meanings, = As. maxatsu, 'slaughter,' and di is 'brilliance.' The star in question is ft Capri corni. These two stars Uz and Saksadi, which form the 22nd moon-station, are called by the Arabs ScC d-el-dsabih ("The-lucky- constellation-of-the-Slaughterer ") ; and it is very interesting to find the original Akkadian name thus reproduced. Smyth observes, "Although Capricorn is not a striking object, it has been the very pet of all constellations with astrologers, having been the fortunate sign under which Augustus and Vespasian were born." But its good-omened character was not occasioned by or dependent on these two personages, although their fortunes served to enhance its reputation. He continues, "It was also mightily looked to by the Arabians . . . the XXIInd Lunar Mansion was a popular one ; and Kazwi'm, Tizini, Ferghani, and Firvizabadi of Khorasan, author of the Kdmus, i.e., Ocean, the most famous of all Arabic Lexicons, mention its happy tendency."! Thus, alike in East and West, was Capricorn a fortunate Sign, the real reason of this circumstance being the original importance of the Goat-sun, with its bright horn (ray) of slaughter for darkness, night, and stars, the Sea-goat or Goat-fish being his stellar reduplication.
16. <HJI! s=Hf- £^T -T<T • • •
Va kakkab Id - \u ...
and the-star the Eagle . . .
17. -M- £* *£t kHF- --H IH ••• •
kakkab Gu -la, kakkab Gu -ur-(ku)...
The-consieUation of-the- Urn, the constellation Seat-of-flowing-waters . . .
* For remarks on the celestial seat of the waters, vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890,
p. 149-
t Cycle of Celestial Objects, ii, 473.
35 c 2
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Vide 1. 15. Git is the Urn of Aquarius (vide sup., 1. 2. For further illustration of the word, vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 268). La is the emphatic prolongation (cf. Bartabbagalgal-la , Dingirgalgal-la, Ibid., Feb., 1890, pp. 185, 187).* But the name Gu-la thus contains a punning reference to the goddess Gula ("the Great"), who was identified with the goddess ^ '^f* Ba-hu (= Heb. bo/iu, 'wasteness,' Gen. i, 2), the Phoenician Baau, this latter personage being the representative of the Ak. Gurra (" the Watery- deep "), "the waters of the abyss in their original chaotic state" (vide Proceedings, May, 1888, p. 351), and thus suitably connected with the constellation Aquarius, and the foundation and watery commencement of things (vide Ibid., Jan., 1890, p. 143). Bahu "became the wife of the Sun-god of Kis,"t i.e., of Zamama (vide sup., p. 31); and it was very possibly the proximity of the Kakkab Gula and the Kakkab Id^u which caused this formal mythological arrangement. In W.A.I. Ill, liii, No. 1, Rev., 1. 22, the Kakkab Gula is mentioned in connexion with the Kakkab Idxu, and in I.29 in connexion with the Goat-fish; and from W.A.I. III. liii, No. 2, Rev., 1. 24, we learn that in Kisleu, the month of Sagittarius, Venus, a planet referred to here (vide 1. 15), was called (p]£ ■£-■£ ^|, Kakkab Gula, "the Star of the Urn." Other references speak of Jupiter in Gula (vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890, p. 148).
is. . . . y— ^ *=n . . .
. . . (kakkabi) Gu - si - (sa, Cf. 1. 2)
. . . (stars) of-tlie-Ieading-Urn . . .
The passage is too mutilated to translate with certainty. But the meaning seems fairly clear, especially when compared with 1. 2 : "the stars of Gusisa," namely that Gula and Gurku are asterisms in the zodiacal constellation of Gusisa, which constellation apparently consisted of the hinder part of our Aquarius, and did not include fi Aquarii, which we have seen reason to identify with the Kakkab Nammax ("the Star of Mighty-destiny," vide Proceedings, June, 1893, p. 457), and the other stars above Capricorn, and now in Aquarius. Gula, from the comparatively frequent mention of it,
•was evidently the most important part of Gusisa ; and the reason of this is obvious, i.e., that the asterism of Gula is close on the
sgcliptic (vide Ibid, May, 1893, Fig. II, p. 340).
* Vide R. B., Jr., The Te Tablet (in The Academy, Nov. 4, 1893. p. 396). t Sayce, Ret. Ancient Bah., p. 263 ; vide W.A.I. Ill, l.xviii, 33.
36
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
THE BOW IN THE EGYPTIAN SKY. (2) P. le Page Renouf.
Just about eleven years ago, I published in these Proceedings (March, 1884), a note bearing the above title, and explaining a passage in the Book of the Dead (ch. 132), wherein the Sun-god is said to issue from "the Bow." I showed that this Bow is the Crescent of the Moon, from which the Sun-god is said to shine forth.
But I am surprised that neither I, nor (as far as I know) any other Egyptologists, have hitherto recognised in the texts another mythological expression of the same idea of the Bow, as the Sun shining forth from the Moon.
Yet every Egyptologist is aware that [H Jfl, the god An, is Osiris,
and that this is his special name, when he is supposed to be residing in the Moon.* He is generally known in this capacity from the later texts. But the Pyramid Texts mention him under the forms
www 1
or fh coupled with some other word, but always in
G some connection with the Bull of Heaven, or of the Tuat.
[ft in these and similar texts has commonly been translated column, pillar, support ; but this is a mistake. 1'he word has various meanings, and among them that of bow is conspicuous. The evi- dence for this meaning is so well-known and so undisputed that I need not repeat it.
Hathor, the female Sun at Dendera, who bears the name of
^? Anit, is called ^37 fjl ^ y]\ —»— <—m "Mistress of the Bow and queen of the arrow."
It is not easy to say how [jl comes to mean Boiv, which it does not at all resemble, and how it also comes to mean column, obelisk,
* "Der Gott An ist der Osiris in seiner lunaren Natur, in welcher Auffassvmg er in Edfu und noch mehr im Tempel von Dendera eine ganz besonders Verehrung genoss." Diimichen, Zeitschr., 1871, p. 29.
37
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
pyramid, etc., but it is evident that the notion which underlies all these applications must be akin to what we mean in speaking of a shoot, or of a column as something eland.
With this meaning of the word we shall now obtain a very intelligible sense of several passages in well-known texts.
The 53rd invocation in the Litanies of Rd addresses that divinity
as ^ j nr ^ $n i $a 1 c2s " §od °f the shining h°rn' B°w °f
the West [or of Amenta]."
Let us compare with this another invocation, from the Pyramid Texts; "O An, [steer] great in ploughing, who art Prince in the Tuat ; lo, she cometh to meet thee, the Fair Amenta ... to meet thee, with her beautiful locks — and she saith : 'here cometh he who is born of the god of the shining Horn, the Bow which is tipped with stibium, the Bull of Heaven, " Unas, ^u"~~j •
The extremities or tips of the Bow are called horns in Egyptian as in Greek (cf. Odyss., 0. 359), and the horns suggest the notion of the horned animal. The Moon is called by the Greek poets Kcpocrrna, TavpoKcpioi, TavpwT7j9. and even the curious epithet "tipped with stibium" has its counterpart in the aKpoKekaiviowaa of Nonnus of Panopolis.
Just before the passage I have quoted from the inscription of
Unas, the god is called I "the Bow of the Stars" (evdarepos),
and fli ^ ^5?t "the Bow of Konsit, the Bull of
Heaven." (Konsit is here probably taken in a mythological not geographical sense. The ' sleepers ' in Konsit [Teta 65] are gods like the 'sleepers' in Heliopolis, Tmu and his two children.)
I will not at present proceed in a subject which admits of a con- siderable amount of illustration and development.
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
THE KARIAN AND LYDIAN INSCRIPTIONS. By Professor A. H. Sayce.
Since the publication of my Paper on the Karian Language and Inscriptions in the Transactions of this Society, Vol. IX, pt. 1, I have collected several fresh inscriptions which are written in the Karian alphabet. Most of these I copied last winter in the temple of Thothmes III at Wadi Haifa. The greater part of the temple has recently been cleared of sand by Captain Lyons, and it was on the walls and columns of the newly-excavated portion that I found the graffiti in qnestion. They seem to point to the existence of a Karian garrison on the spot in the age of the XXVIth dynasty, or of the Persian dynasties which followed. At least it is otherwise difficult to account for them. A comparison of them with the Ivarian inscriptions of Abu Simbel shows that none of them could have been engraved by the mercenaries to whom the Abu Simbel graffiti probably belong. Creek inscriptions at Wadi Haifa, it may be noted, are very few in number. In the temple of Thothmes III the most careful searching only revealed three. One of these is written in letters the forms of which are those of the Greek graffiti of Abu Simbel, though the sandstone on which they were scratched is so weathered that very little of them is now decipherable. In fact the only word that I could read with certainty is ZTPATETON. A second consists of the single name AAAM AZ, while the third is as follows : —
TACIME
NHCKYPHNAIOC B lAZHNKYPHNAIOZ A
The letters belong to the second or third century B.C., and it is interesting to find that the two forms of the sigma, C and Z, occur together. The B and A probably signify " second " and " first."
39
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOCY. [1895.
I will now take the Karian texts in the order in which they have been reproduced upon the accompanying plate, transliterating them in accordance with the values I have assigned to the letters of the Karian alphabet in my former Paper.
1. 1. O-u-n-d-bkh-a s-mi a-v-o-e-g mi-g-a-o-v-ii u-v-o-v-ii a-kh 6(?)-v-h(?)-e. This inscription is clearly and deeply cut on a column on the south side of the first court of the temple. The syllable mig is found in two of the graffiti published in my former Paper (IV, 5, n).
2. A(?)-e ? m-a-d mi-*-o-a-w a-o(?)-v-ii u-v-*-n(?) . . . h-c. These letters are written on the third column, starting from the south, of the first court. They are too much obliterated to make a continuous reading of them possible. Some letters may be lost at the end of the first line. In this case we may have the name Madys which occurs at Abydos (IV, 6, 9, 10).
3. A-n-a-e-th(?)-d-. . Written on a broken block.
4. Me-s-n-a-w-wu E-v-v-s-e-u. Mesnawwu is evidently the same name as Mesnbai which occurs on the Lausanne Stele from Memphis (II, 4) and Mesnabai at Abu-Simbel (I, 1). The father's name Ev{d)vse is also clearly the same as that written Evavse and Avavssa at Abydos (IV, 2, 3). The inscription is on a broken block.
5. Me-s-n-a-w-wu. On an isolated block.
6. These two inscriptions are on a column to the south-east. The first of them does not seem to be in the Karian alphabet, but their obliterated condition makes the reading uncertain.
7. This graffito is on the second column of the first court, starting from the south. It may be read as Cypriote se-re-ta-ve-ta, but I am inclined to think it is more probably intended to be Karian.
II. 1. I discovered this inscription three years ago on the lower part of the southern side of a large boulder of stone on the eastern bank of the Nile, opposite Silweh, and about two miles to the north of the Shat er-Rigaleh. At the corner ofaWadi, about a hundred yards
to the north of it, is the hieroglyphic graffito : S^> Ma \>> „
The characters were clearly cut, though I was not certain about one or two of them owing to a slight attack ot ophthalmia from which I was suffering at the time. The following year, accordingly, I revisited the spot in order to verify my copy, and was much disgusted at finding that during the interval, the boulder had been
40
l*roc.Soc.BCbb. Arch. Jan? 1896
I. Wad!Halfa:(l) A T A A *\ V tl 36 9^ AIMM
(4.) .V^CD^NM /^
(6.) *oivoiNii/oy
(2.) A/kZSAIX'^TT
(3.) i A © BAA' <j> I
(5.)
(7.)
V 0AA/MAA
II North of SJlsihs. (I) ViCnYAS 1^WAVw/\<2>Y0
(2) lY^iyAn^viAiA^a
ui.
IV.
VI.
Km rprTMirr
W 3 H ©I'Vy/jiBW '4_
-10H ATTt//>\T
KARIAN AND LYDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
utilised as the basis of a telegraph post, and the inscription upon it ruthlessly destroyed. What makes this the more deplorable is that the inscription contains letters, or forms of letters, not found else- where in the Karian texts, so that it probably represents a local form of the alphabet and a local dialect.
2. E-v-a-s-a(?) k-*-6(?)-a-r(?)-v-k-r-k(?)- . . This is inscribed on the summit of a rock, about a quarter of a mile to the south of the last-mentioned inscription. The numerous Greek and hiero- glyphic graffiti scribbled on the rock show that it must have been regarded as sacred, and even at the present day offerings of corn are made by the natives to the spirit of a "sheikh" who is supposed to haunt it, and are placed by them in a hollow on the top. One of the Greek inscriptions runs : To tti>ikjkvvi]h<i 'AiroWtoviov Vt'iivor. Evasa is evidently the same name as Evavsa or Evavse, noticed above.
Ill and IV. No. Ill is a copy of an inscription on a lentoid gem or "island-stone" sent to me in 1886 by Dr. Ohnefalsch- Richter. He informed me that the scone was steatite, and that it was the property of a monk, in whose family it had been for the last hundred years. It was found in the neighbourhood of Paphos, and is engraved on both sides, the inscription being on the convex side, while on the other side is the figure of a hippocampus. If the copy is correct, I do not know how to read it. Were it not for the square at the top, the characters might be regarded as Cypriote. Eor the sake of comparison I have added (No. IV) the copy of an inscription on an unpublished bead, now in the Ashmolean Museum, which is certainly Cypriote, in spite of the second character to the left. It reads : pe-mo-ta-ka-ko-ya-ta. How this is to be inter- preted I do not know.
V. This inscription I copied two years ago on a rock on the western bank of the Nile, about a mile to the north of Silsilis, my dahabiyeh having happened to have been moored for the night just under it. The inscription was cut on the edge of the sandstone rock overhanging a quarry which had been excavated subsequent!} to the time when it had been engraved along with other (hiero- glyphic) inscriptions which the quarrymen had afterwards cut away. These inscriptions are for the most part of the age of the Xlth and Xllth dynasties, and several of them contain the name of Mentu- hotep. Greek graffiti of the age of the Ptolemies which are inscribed on the quarried surface of the stone show that the quarrying cannot
4i
'■■":"■ }-
'
|
■ |
|
|
- - i |
|
|
■ |
- |
■vv
Jan. 8]
PROCEEDINGS.
['895.
utilised as the basis of a telegraph post, and the inscription upon it ruthlessly destroyed. What makes this the more deplorable is that the inscription contains letters, or forms of letters, not found else- where in the Karian texts, so that it probably represents a local form of the alphabet and a local dialect.
2. E-v-a-s-a(?) k-*-o(?)-a-r(?)-v-k-r-k(?)- . . This is inscribed on the summit of a rock, about a quarter of a mile to the south of the last-mentioned inscription. The numerous Greek and hiero- glyphic graffiti scribbled on the rock show that it must have been regarded as sacred, and even at the present day offerings of corn are made by the natives to the spirit of a " sheikh" who is supposed to haunt it, and are placed by them in a hollow on the top. One of the Greek inscriptions runs : To irpoaKvvrnna 'A.7roWwvtov Yvfivov. Evasa is evidently the same name as Evavsa or Evavse, noticed above.
Ill and IV. No. Ill is a copy of an inscription on a lentoid gem or "island-stone" sent to me in 1886 by Dr. Ohnefalsch- Richter. He informed me that the stone was steatite, and that it was the property of a monk, in whose family it had been for the last hundred years. It was found in the neighbourhood of Paphos, and is engraved on both sides, the inscription being on the convex side, while on the other side is the figure of a hippocampus. If the copy is correct, I do not know how to read it. Were it not for the square at the top, the characters might be regarded as Cypriote. Eor the sake of comparison I have added (No. IV) the copy of an inscription on an unpublished bead, now in the Ashmolean Museum, which is certainly Cypriote, in spite of the second character to the left. It reads : pe-mo-ta-ka-ko-ya-ta. How this is to be inter- preted I do not know.
V. This inscription I copied two years ago on a rock on the western bank of the Nile, about a mile to the north of Silsilis, my dahabiyeh having happened to have been moored for the night just under it. The inscription was cut on the edge of the sandstone rock overhanging a quarry which had been excavated subsequently to the time when it had been engraved along with other (hiero- glyphic) inscriptions which the quarrymen had afterwards cut away. These inscriptions are for the most part of the age of the Xlth and Xllth dynasties, and several of them contain the name of Mentu- hotep. Greek graffiti of the age of the Ptolemies which are inscribed on the quarried surface of the stone show that the quarrying cannot
41
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
have taken place later than the Greek period of Egyptian history. Two of the graffiti are as follows :—
(1) AMMWNIOC (2) AAEEAC AIONYCIOY KAAAIAPOMOY HKLO E*EN
The inscription is somewhat difficult to copy, as it is on the very edge of the cliff formed by the quarry, and for one who stands on the edge, looks the wrong way, showing that the engraver must have sat on a piece of rock that was subsequently excavated away. On the other hand the letters, especially of the second line, are- several inches in length, and are very deeply cut, so that their forms arc perfectly distinct.
I believe that it is a specimen of the long-lost Lydian alphabet and language. We learn from the inscriptions of Assur-bani-pal that the foreign forces with whose help Psammetichos revolted from Assyria, were sent to him by Gyges of Lydia, and consequently though Herodotos mentions only Karians and lonians, there must have been Lydians among them. Now though the graffiti of Karian and Ionian mercenaries have been found in Egypt, no record of the 1 .ydians has hitherto turned up. It was, however, reasonable to expect that one would be discovered sooner or later. The alphabet, again, points to Lydia. The letters belong, in general type, to the Phrygian alphabet, but certain differences in form between them and the Phrygian characters make it evident that the alphabet employed is not that of Phrygia. Nor is it that of Kappadokia, an example of which is known. The alphabets of Kilikia, Pisidia, Lykia and Karia belong to wholly different alphabetic systems, so that of all the populations whose alphabets were derived from the Phrygian, and who were likely to have visited Upper Egypt, the I ,ydians alone are left. Lastly, the names at the beginning of the second line are distinctively Lydian. Alys reminds us of the Lydian Aly-attes, and Mrshtl which follows would naturally be a patronymic. Now we learn from Herodotos (I, 7; see also III, 122) that the Lydian king Kandaules was called Myrsilos by the Greeks, because he was the son of Myrsos, from which we may infer that in the Lydian language the suffix -(/)/ denoted the patronymic. It may be added that the characters engraved on the base of one of the columns presented by the Lydian Kroesos to the temple of Ephesus,
42
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
and published by Sir Charles Newton in the Transactions of this Society (IV, 2), are identical with the characters of the Silsilis text.
Our knowledge of the Phrygian alphabet enables us to read the second line of what I will now call the Lydian inscription without any difficulty. It runs; A-l-us M-r-sh-t-1 z-u-1 ; " Alys the son of Mrsht . . . "'. The first line of the inscription appears to be by a different hand. The characters in it are much smaller than those in the first line, and are not formed in quite the same way. Nor is it easy to decipher. Perhaps it may be read 1-kh-w-e-g.
VI. This inscription is lightly scratched on a small plaque of steatite which was found at Sardes, and presented by the Rev. Greville Chester to the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. If it is genuine, it will also be Lydian. But I am too doubtful about its character to attempt to read it.
It now only remains for me to add one or two notes upon my Paper on the Karian Inscriptions. The obliterated word in the first line of the longest of the Abydos graffiti (IV, 32) can be improved. A recent inspection of the inscription has shown me that the word is IC(D£ W>\' Mr. Theodore Bent has visited Skopi, and made an improved copy of the Karian inscription there (No. VII). As compared with Hamner-Purgstall's copy, the last letter of the first line is \J\J\ , which occurs again in the inscription I
copied near Silsilis (II, 1), and the 5th and 6th letters probably form the single letter \j\j. In line 2, Mr. Bent makes the last letter but one P, while the 3rd letter is 0 ; in line 3, the 3rd letter is V\, and in line 4, the 3rd and 4th letters are F and 0 , as in the copies of Forbes and Hoskyns.
ri (ft .*> m^e _ ' -r^s^- a n ?
43
Jan. 8] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
ADDITIONAL NOTE ON A FRAGMENT OF THE ADAPA-LEGEND.
Dr. Bezold's note in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie (IX, 4, p. 405), so far as it concerns myself, demands just so much of an answer as is conveyed by the following statement of facts. My note was in the printer's hands on the 18th of May, 1894 ; the first proof was corrected and returned before the end of May, and the second in the first week in June. The first part of the ninth volume of the Zeitschrift, containing Dr. Bezold's article, was sent to me by my bookseller on the 15th of June, when the separate copies of my note had already begun to be printed off. These facts are of themselves sufficient to exhibit the character of Dr. Bezold's assumption that I had seen his article, though I did not refer to it : indeed it would seem that " es musz hier ein Missverstandniss vorliegen."
S. Arthur Strong.
The next Meeting oi the Society will be held at 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 5th February, 1895, at 8 P-m-> when the following- Paper will be read : —
Rev. Dr. Lowy, " On the Pre-Mosaic Culture of the Hebrews."
44
Jan. S] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
NOTICES.
Subscriptions to the Society become due on the 1st of January each year. Those Members in arrear for the current year are requested to send the amount, £1 is., at once to Messrs. Lloyds' Bank, Limited, 54, St. James's Street, S.W.
Papers proposed to be read at the Monthly Meetings must be sent to the Secretary on or before the 10th of the preceding month.
Members having New Members to propose, are requested to send in the names of the Candidates on or before the 10th of the month preceding the meeting at which the names are to be submitted to the Council.
A few complete sets of the publications of the Society can be obtained by application to the Secretary, W. Harry Rylands, 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
The Library of the Society, at 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, is open to Members on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, between the hours of 1 1 and 4, when the Secretary is in attendance to transact the general business of the Society.
As the new list of members will shortly be printed, Members are requested to send any corrections or additions they may wish to have made in the list which was published in Vol. IX of the Transactions.
45
Jan. S] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher tier Konige una Paralipomenon im Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
■ La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgex, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Ileiden. Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1S47-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par
II. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen of vols. 3 and 4. ) Budixger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1S62-1873. Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1S67.
2nd series, 1S69.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1SS6.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augcn-
krankheiten. Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1SS0. ( i \vet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie an Musee du Louvre. Golexischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappaclociennes de la Collection de
IIaupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. PI ESS, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London. Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892. Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra" Epic. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
46
Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. Johns HonciNS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology. Krebs, F.', De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. Ledraix, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Leff,bure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legraix, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. Lehmanv, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates. Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1SS0. Lyon, D. G. An Assyrian Manual. Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. MiJLLER, D. H.j Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out
dekkingen. Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio. Tognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. R.AWLINSON, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Coinmentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gbtterglaube.
Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur TEpisode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien. Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. "W'alther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890. Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Kdnigl. Bank zu Theben. Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der AgyqDtische Horus-Ra. Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
■ Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley. C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 187S. Zimmern, H., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
47
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Second Meeting, ^tJi February, 1895. Rev. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A.
IN THE CHAIR.
-#;$-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — H. Rassam. History of Assyrian and Babylonian Discoveries. 8vo. 1S94.
From the Author : — H. Rassam. Assyrian and Babylonian Antiquities at the British Museum. Svo. 1895.
From the Author : — Rev. R. Waddy Moss. Genesis and Semitic Tradition; Outlines of the History of Judea. Svo. 1894.
From the Author : — Professor Guici. Abyssinian Proverbs, &c.,
Rome, 1894. [No. cxxvu.] 49 D
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Candidate was submitted for election, having been nominated at the last Meeting, 8th January, 1895, and elected a Member of the Society.
Rev. Henry Jones, St. John's Parsonage, Ashborne, Derby.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : — The University Library, Giessen, Germany.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at the next Meeting, to be held on the 5th March, 1895 : — Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson, 237, S. 21st Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. Rev. Percival Clementi-Smith, M.A., 35, St. Andrew's Hill, E.C.
A Paper was read by the Rev. Dr. Lowy on " The Pre- Mosaic Culture of the Hebrews."
Remarks were added by Theo. G. Pinches, Thos. Tyler, M.A., Rev. G. Margoliouth, and the Chairman. Thanks were returned for this communication.
5°
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CX.
The Beginning of the Chapters of the Garden of Hotepit, and of the Chapters of coming forth by day ; and of entering and coming forth in the Nethertvorld, and of arriving at the Garden of Aarru, at the Rise (1) in Hotepit and at the Grand Domain, blest with the breezes : that I may take possession there and be in Glory there : that there I may plough and mow : that there I may eat and drink and love : doing whatsoever things are done upon earth,
Horus is seized by Sutu : who looketh as one turning (2) towards the Garden of Hotepit.
But for me Sutu releaseth Horus : and the double path which is nigh to Heaven is thrown open by Sutu. And Sutu taketh his portion of the breeze through the Power of his own day, (3) and he delivereth the bowels or Horus from the gods below.
Lo, I sail the great Bark on the Stream of the god Hotep. I took it at the mansion of Shu.
The mansion of his stars is again and again renewed. (4) I sail upon its streams that I may come to the domains thereof.
For I am in unison with his successive changes and his rules, and his papyrus, (5) and his attendant gods, and his chieftains. He reconcileth the two Warrior gods with those who have the charge of food and the beautiful creation which he raiseth up ; and he reconcileth the two Warrior gods with each other. (6)
He severeth the mourners from those who quarrel with them : he putteth a stop to them whose hand is violent against those weaker than themselves : he keepeth within bounds the contentions of the Powers.
May I have possession there.
51 d 2
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
I know it, and I sail upon its streams that I may come to the domains thereof.
My mouth is potent and secured against the Glorified that they may not have the mastery of me.
May I have the investiture of thy Garden, O Hotep. What thou wiliest, do thou it.
Let me be glorified there, and eat and drink there, and plough there, and reap there, and grind (7) there, and have my fill of love there.
May my mouth be potent there, let me there utter my Words- of Power and not be slighted.
* * * * * * *
I am in possession of that Word of Power of mine which is the most potent one within this body of mine here : and by means of it I make myself either known or unknown.
I make my progress and I plough.
I take my rest in the divine Domain.
I know the names of the domains, the districts and the streams within the Garden of Hotep.
I am there, I am master there, I am in glory there, I eat there : I plant and I reap there ; I plough there, and I take my fill of love. I am united there with the god Hotep.
I cast my seed there, and I sail upon its stream that I may come- to the domains thereof, O Hotep.
Lo, my mouth is armed with sharp points. There is given to me the abundance which belongeth to the Ka and to the Glorified.
I give the reckoning of Shu to him who understandeth it.
I sail upon its stream, and I range within the Garden of Hotep,. for Ra is in the sky, and Hotep is putting together the oblations.
I hasten to the land, and I fasten my stole upon me, that I may come forth, and that that may be given to me which hath to be given ; that I may have joy and take possession of the wealth which Hotep assigneth to me.
Rise in Hotep, I arrive in thee, my soul is with me, and my provision is before the Mistress of the Two Earths, who maketh fast my Words of Power, which recall to mind that which I have forgotten. Let me live free from strife ; and be there granted to me enlargement of heart.
Let my arteries be made fast, and let me have the enjoyment of the Breeze. (8)
52
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S05.
Rise in Hotep, blest with the Breeze, I arrive in thee, my head is uncovered : Ra sleepeth, but there waketh for me, and there shineth upon me Hesit [the Cow-goddess] (9) who lieth at the confines of Heaven by night.
He standeth in my way who heapeth against me his own dross.
But I am in my own domain.
Great Domain, I arrive in thee and I reckon up the abundance as I pass on to Uach. (10)
I am the Bull, raised on high in the Blue ; the lord of the Bull's field ; which Sothis describeth to me at her successive hours.
Uach, I arrive in thee, and I eat my cakes, and take possession of my joints of flesh and meat and fowl.
The winged things of Shu are given to me, and my Kau follow me. (11)
T'efait, (12)1 arrive in thee, I put on the stole and fasten upon me the girdle of Ra, whilst he is >n heaven, (13) and the gods who are in heaven are following Ra.
Rise in Hotep, Lord of the Two Earths, I arrive in thee : I salute the stream of Tescrit. (14) Lo, here am I, and all impurity is far from me. The great one fiourisheth ... I net the ducks, and I eat dainties.
Kankanit, (15) I arrive in thee; that I may see my father and attentively view my mother.
I take care to net the reptiles ; and that which protecteth me is that I know the name of that god who is next to T'eserit (goddess with flowing locks and armed with horns), and who reapeth.
I myself plough and reap.
Hesit, I arrive in thee, and I encounter the Blue.
I follow the Breezes, and the company of the gods.
It is the Great goddess who hath given me my head, and he who fasteneth my head upon me is the Great god, the Blue-eyed, who doeth according to his own will.
Userit, (16) I arrive in thee, in face of the mansion where food is produced for me.
Smait, (17) I arrive in thee. My heart is awake: my head is provided with the White crown and I am conveyed over the "neavens : and I make those things to prosper which are below me : a joy to the Bull of the gods above, the divine company.
I am the Bull, the Lord of the gods ; and I make my way through the midst of the Emerald ones. (18)
53
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Isle of Corn and Barley, divine district, I arrive in thee. I encounter and I bear oft" that which proceedeth from the head of Ra : the pair of horns which have the force of purification. (19)
I make myself fast to the Block of Moorage on the heavenly stream, and I utter my praise to the gods who are in the Garden of Hotepit.
Notes.
The text of this chapter handed down by the Turin papyrus and those which agree with it contains nothing very difficult for a translator, but on being compared with the older copies it is found to consist of a collection of small fragments of the older text put together without any regard to their original order or context. And about three-quarters of the old chapter are suppressed in the new recension.
The editors of the fine papyrus of Sutimes in their notes upon this chapter remark, that in the Turin text the sentences are in quite a different order from that of their papyrus, " On peut y voir," they say, " l'effet de lectures et de transcriptions en rebours du sens, par des scribes ayant mal compris les editions, en colonnes retrogrades. ,r
This is, curiously enough, the very fault of the papyrus of Sutimes itself, which is here wrong from beginning to end,* though probably derived from an excellent original. It begins with the " Isle of Corn and Barley," and jumbles together quite incoherent sentences.
The oldest copy of the chapter yet discovered is that of the Tomb of Cha-em-hait, at Thebes, and by a strange fatality it has been published in such a form that in order to read it correctly, we must begin with what is printed as line n and finish with line 1. We have it also in a very incomplete condition. We miss the first eighteen lines contained in the papyrus of Nebseni and the last words of every line.
The papyrus of Nebseni is the only complete text we have, and here as well as elsewhere it is extremely incorrect. Some parts are so corrupt that a translation must necessarily be dependent upon conjectural emendations which can have no genuine claim upon the reader's confidence. We must be content with waiting till better authorities are discovered.
* See M. Naville's remarks, Einleitung, p. 156. 54
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
The Gardens of Hotepit and Aarru are the Paradise, Elysian Fields and Islands of the Blessed of the Egyptian imagination.* They were supposed to be situated in the neighbourhood of the rising Sun, but certain features were apparently suggested by the islets of the Delta.
The usual meaning of the word Hotepit, ^ □ ,t when
^ III written according to the orthography of the Pyramid Texts, is oblations, offerings. This, however, is only a derived meaning. The word really only expresses a predicate of the things offered, as
putting together, uniting, reconciling; Hotep might signify Rest,
a □
or Peace ; very appropriate names for such a garden. fn is
the name of a god who dwells here.:}: There is also a goddess here
called Hotepit o j\ , mentioned in the Pyramid inscription of
Pepi I (line 423), as mother of the great Scarab : and the same name is given to Hathor in the temple of Dendera. The name of Hotep (with different determinatives S) belongs to one of the islands of this blissful place.
The Pyramid Texts furnish some interesting information not con- tained in the Book of the Dead. We are told that the approach to the Garden is over the Lake of Putrata (see chapter 40, note 1), that there is a great lake (? that of Konsit) in the middle of the Garden of Hotepit, upon which the great gods alight, and that the Achmiu Sekiit, the starry deities who never set, there feed the
departed with the wood of life l ^^ ■¥" lignum vita? I " upon
which they themselves live, in order that he too may live." Shu and Tefnut are mentioned as divinities of this place. But perhaps the most remarkable fact is that Horus had enemies even here, who,
* Mission Arch., I, p. 125.
+ Also written t) 0 {Unas, 422 and elsewhere).
% The garden is also called \\\ = P^ . Another form is I
&^± Cx □ *"^r I <
"" O {Pepi I, 309).
o □
/sa/vw\ Nebseni, I \ Szttimes, \\ in all the later
□ WW\A d □ 1 Ci □ ^
papyri.
55
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
however, were annihilated by the divine weapons at the disposal of the departed worthy, who was led there in order that " he might sit among the stars in heaven."
And here it was that the beatified personage sat upon his throne of steel, which was decorated in front with faces of the lion-god
—-^ $ ^. Jr5V. Maahes, the feet of it being the hoofs of the great
Bull Sma-ura, and extended his hand to the coming generation of
men (the S vX V\ v\ Q), whilst the gods approached him in
submissive attitude, and made offerings to him. It was, perhaps, from these offerings that the Garden derived its name.
(These notes will be continued in the next number of the Proceedings.)
56
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ON THE DIVINE NAME mm. By Rev. G. Margoliouth.
It is well known that the Divine Names YTtfj and mm have, by several modern scholars, been held to mean, " the sender of storms, of lightning, and the like." This theory rests on the derivation of •HtT* from the Aramaic N"TtL\ 1r»> "to cast," or "to throw down," and on the supposition that the name mm does not represent the Kal with its simple intransitive meaning of " being," or " becoming," but the Hifil, or causative of the verb niH, which in Arabic (0-yb) means "to fall down," and which, in the form NVf, also bears the same meaning in Job xxxvii, 6, where the phrase occurs : "^ V1N N1i~f "V2N'' 37ttJ/, "for he saith to the snow, fall down upon the earth."
This conjecture has, however, hitherto been confined to the Sacred Name m!~P itself, whilst its explanation by the phrase mHN mnN 1ttJN> as given in Ex. iii, 14, has not been supposed to bear any other meaning than that which the verb XVT\ usually has in Hebrew. The only question that has been admitted on the point was whether mnNt expresses the absolute being of God (LXX, i aw), or the "simpler meaning of actuality," with which, as Professor W. R. Smith suggested, the iavfiai of Aquila and Theodotion appears to be connected, or whether finally it is more akin to the Greek ^i^vo/iat, to "become something," the latter being the meaning favoured in the new edition of Gesenius' Dictionary, which is now being published by Drs. Brown, Driver, and Briggs, where HipiN ""tfTN mnN is translated by, " I shall be the one who will be it."
* Gesenius {Thesaurus, under ^V) mentions Seb, Schmid and Dryling as ap- parently the first to suggest this derivation of ^V) , but it was the late Professor R. W. Smith who brought the theory into prominent notice for both names. See Dr. Driver's very important article on the subject in Studio. Biblica, I.
t See W. R. Smith's Prophets of Israel, pp. 385-7.
57
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
It appears, however, that the possibility of extending the above- mentioned conjecture on the meaning of rnrP also to the ex- planatory phrase ITnN "ll!?N PPilN is by no means excluded, and the main purpose of this paper is to offer a few tentative remarks in the direction just indicated.
One reason why the explanatory phrase before us has not hitherto been allowed to embody the meaning which Professor W. R. Smith and others claimed for rnrP, is the idea that the designation of the Deity by the term " sender of storms," was held to be derogatory to the spirituality of the Mosaic idea of the Supreme Being. It was all very well to suppose that such an idea existed in very ancient pre-Mosaic days, but even advanced critics have felt a certain very laudable shrinking from a theory which would carry a merely physical attribute like this into the very centre of the religious system propagated by Moses. This objection need, however, not stand in our way, if we only suppose — as we are fully justified in doing — that the physical notion of " sending down things from the sky" would gradually pass over into the meaning of "sending to man all things that he needs," and, like the Arabic
\'\\, it might even have assumed the idea of "sending down a revelation."'1' PHi-p, therefore, if it be taken as the causative of mn> lS&> " to felV' might in the Mosaic conception have had the meaning of the " sender of the law," and from this point of view there can so far be no objection to a similar interpretation of the explanatory phrase in Ex. iii, 14, and rPilN "IttfN ITnN may, therefore, not inaptly be taken to mean : "I will send down what I will send down," i.e., " I will give you a law from heaven in accordance with the plan of my inscrutable providence."
But the other and perhaps more serious objection to this theory lies in the fact that the verb nTf never means anything but " to be " or "to become" in the Hebrew that has come down to us. It is different, so it may fairly be argued, with regard to the name n")i""P y for there we have a root TV\T\, which in the Arabic fourth form actually means "to send down," and which, as we have seen, is also found once in Job in the unmistakable sense of " falling down ; " whereas in the phrase rTHN ItZJN ITnN we have the usual verb ppn , which nowhere means anything but " to be." This argument
* Instances of similar evolutions of ideas and terms are too common to need any specific justification.
53
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
is no doubt a very strong one, and I own to feeling its weight myself. My remarks are, however, as I have already said, merely tentative ; and if my suggestion should be found worth consideration on other grounds, we shall also be disposed to reflect that we are not now investigating what the phrase JTHN "ltLsN SlTlM meant later on — say from the time of David onwards — but what it meant in the original source from which the Elohist, to whom critics assign the main portion of Ex. iii, drew his account. That the roots J-pH and mn interchange in Hebrew is shown., e.g., by the phrase miT TTttA "P23 hi Gen. xxvii, 29, and by 1ft7 ^HD *\n in Is. xvi, 4, where TT\T1 is found in the usual sense of n^H, and we therefore have a right to suppose that in a very early stage of the language, i.e., before Hebrew and Arabic were yet quite distinct from each other, n"1!! might have also been used in the sense which N1H has in Job xxxvii, 6, namely, that of "falling down." Nor ought we to overlook the fact that in Job vi, 2, W, in the sense of "abyss," or "engulfing ruin," is the 1TO instead of T^> which is the *np. This clearly shows that the root TVT\ was not unknown in the sense of " falling down " in that dialect of Hebrew which exhibits most affinity with Arabic, and as the Sinai revelation actually takes us into the territory of the Midianites, who were northern Arabs, we need not be surprised to find in a very ancient phrase an unusual meaning of nTT, if that meaning can be justified by the very similar Arabic root ^jJb-
Another aspect of the question before us is the very important grammatical one. There is hardly any scholar who has not found the phrase JlTM "\tt?N rTHN, when taken in the meaning usually assigned to it, difficult to construe. The late Professor W. R. Smith's elaborate note on the subject, in his work on the Prophets of Israel (pp. 385-7), ends with the confession that a "little awkwardness of expression " still remains. The difficulty, however, lies not so much in the repetition of the word rTTTN, as in the particle IttfN standing between the double JTHN- This relative particle * may follow either a substantive or a verb. If it follows a
* The idea that *^tL^ is here a conjunctive particle, and that the phrase is to- be rendered, " I shall be inasmuch as I shall be," has not found favour among scholars generally, although advocated by Ibn Ezra, J. D. Michaelis, and Wellhausen. See the new edition of Gesenius' Dictionary, under HI!"!-
59
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
substantive, it is equally usual and equally easy whether "Vil^ has to be construed as a nominative or as an accusative. The case is, however, rather different when it follows a verb, for it is then far more usual, and it appears also to be far more natural to construe it as an accusative. A few instances will indeed be found in which it stands ia the nominative case, and the phrase ^7 ItTN '"[7 ^PP in Gen. xxxiii, 9, shows that it would be justifiable to take the 712JN in H"1!!^ ""ltt?N rPnN in a similar sense. De Lagarde* also quotes the Arabic phrase hAjso ^jj>\\ IfcliO .Jus- (donee accidit ei quod accidit), from which it can be seen that the relative pronoun l^JJIj which answers to the Hebrew "*|tIJN, can also be used as a nominative after a verb. But the accusative signification is far more frequent, and no one will, I believe, doubt that, grammatically speaking, the phrase rT1!!^ "Y&'N ("PHN reads much more smoothly .and much more naturally, if rr^H^ be taken as a causative, and "Yit?N consequently as standing in the accusative case ; and as the meaning of "causing to be" is excluded on the simple ground that no Semitic language t uses the Hif'Il of r"Pi~I in that sense, it follows that we must adopt the only other possible translation, and render: "I will send down what I will send down." This phrase would then be entirely analogous to "1QN lENil "KEN ntt in Ex. xvi, 23, or ]nN IttfN ]~!N VGm in Ex. xxxiii, 19.
You will of course not expect me to say much on the views which Egyptologists or Assyriologists have held on the subject before us. There was a time when the Egyptian " nuk pu nuk" (occurring in several places of the "Book of the Dead") was held to be analogous to HTl^ "V£N PPnN, and practically to mean the same. If that were so, my theory of a causative sense for HTl^ would be considerably weakened; but Mr. le Page Renouf has, in his Hibbert Lectures J (pp. 244-5), entirely refuted the analogy, and shown that the phrase " nuk pu nuk " only means, " I, even I," without containing any verb signification whatever. From an Assyriological point of view, the list of names compounded with Ya and Yawa in Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions, as communicated by
* Psalterium juxta Hebreos Hicronymi, Lipsice, p. 138.
t The use of *uOOlf in Syriac is a very late formation. Payne Smith only •quotes some instances from Bar-Hebreus and Ebed-Yeshu.
X Published by Williams and Norgate, 1880; quoted also in Dr. Driver's -article ill Studia Biblica, I.
60
Feb. 5J PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Mr. Pinches in the Proceedings of this Society for November, 1892, appeared rather formidable ; but Professor Sayce, with — one may suppose — Mr. Pinches' very carefully drawn up statement before him, declares, in his work on the Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments (p. 89), that, "apart from the names of Jews and that of Yahu-bidhi [who may have been of Jewish origin], the cuneiform inscriptions, in spite of the wealth of proper names which they contain, show us no names that are compounded with the name of the God of Israel." Until, therefore, Mr. Pinches, or another experienced Assyriologist, draws up a theory which would materially strengthen the hypothesis of Professor Friedrich Deiitzsch,* which, as Dr. Driver has shown, is now practically disproved, the Biblical student is obliged to confine himself to the evidence offered by the more general Semitic branches of research.
I began my paper with a statement of modern conjectures, not only with regard to the Divine Name HI IT , but also with regard to "HtL''- These two Sacred Names must indeed, from the point of view taken up here, be treated together. The two most important rival roots to which v^r? has been assigned by different scholars are Til!? and NT^-t I need not repeat what has been said on the subject before, and I will, therefore, only adduce a grammatical reason in favour of N~TtL\ as I am not aware that this reason has been thought of before. If "HIT were derived from T"TtL\ the > would have to be taken as a formative letter, and the word would
be a relative adjective of the same type as, e.g., E»Q^O " belonging
to a king" or "royal." and Wr^ "belonging to the outside,' or "external." "H^ would therefore mean, "belonging to one who
destroys," or " to one who is powerful." But it is clear that the Divine Being would hardly be designated in this manner. He would be called, "the Powerful," or "Almighty," not "belonging to the Powerful" or "Almighty." If, on the other hand, 'HtiJ be derived from N"!lL\ lr*, the word would denote a "Being who is in the habit of sending down things from heaven," and it would
* See Professor Driver's article on the subject in Stadia Biblica, I.
f I am aware that analogies from the Egyptian and Assyrian have been suggested for this name also, but it will hardly be affirmed that a definite theory has been formulated as yet. The Egyptian expression " nutar nutra " (see Le Page Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, p. 99) would of course be a striking parallel if "Ht^' really meant "the Almighty."
61
Feb. 5J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
then be analogous in form to such words as Q*p, the constant one; Vr^C ' tlie ner0 ; 1*1^D > a sailor.
I will close my remarks with one more suggestion, namely, that l^TtO and rTirP are in reality the same Divine Name expressed in two different Semitic dialects, i"T& being the Aramaic name of the God of the Patriarchs, and rpPP the Hebrew-Arabic translation or equivalent of the Name. Both Names really mean — according to the opinion advocated in this paper — the same thing, namely, "one who sends down things from heaven," and it is only natural that Abraham the Aramaean should have known the Godhead by the Aramaic designation *>T£S and that the Hebrew-Arabic designation of the true God should have been adopted by his descendants later on. "With this view before us the well-known third verse of Ex. vi becomes quite clear and natural. When Moses was informed that to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob the God of Israel was known by the name of 1"7l£J hft , but not by that of mrP, this appears to mean that to the three patriarchs, who had remained more or less Aramaeans in speech, the Divine Being was known by the Aramaic name ^TiLS whilst their descendants, who became more and more identified with Canaan, and also came into very close contact with the northern Arabs, naturally adopted the name HIIT1 to express the Name of the Deity, who had been known to the patriarchs by an Aramaic designation. A modification of a similar tendency appears to lie before us in the two forms of the name borne by Abraham's wife. *HC? may be taken to have been her Aramaic name,* which in Canaan was naturally modified into m2?. One is surprised to find that Prof. Saycef is so much puzzled over the form of the word ^T^, and that he could only find an explanation of it in the Canaanish forms Labai, lion, and Adai, as found on the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, where the words just quoted are, however, not of the feminine gender. The termination ai for the feminine is well known in the Aramaic of an archaic form, as is shown by the words fcJL7Q , a spider, ^qjZ-
a condition, . .nVty. a quail, and a few other examples; and there is besides the analogous Arabic feminine termination in ^ or \* of
See Wright's Comparative Gra'iimar of the Semitic Laif;zia:es, p. 138. t Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments, p. 179.
62
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
which there are many examples — as - » j, a claim; t_s< j, memory;
or lSjJSjJ » g°od news-
You will have noticed that I have been careful to qualify my remarks by the term " tentative." No one can boast to have arrived at anything like a certain explanation of either of the Sacred Names which we have been considering, and a difficulty has been felt all along in the construction of the important phrase "Y^N PPnN iTnN- My only object has been to suggest one or two fresh lines of argument and investigation, and it is just possible that what I have said may deserve to be subjected to a further examination in future treatises on the same subject.
P.S. — I have not discussed the vocalisation of the words treated on in this paper, but it is clear that if my suggestion should be adopted, the original pronounciation of the verbal form in the phrase PPHN "ItTN il^n^ must have been different from that usually assigned to it.
63
Ffb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S95..
THE LAMENT OF "THE DAUGHTER OF SIN." By Theo. G. Pinches.
The lower right-hand portion of what was originally a large closely-written tablet of red baked clay, the text measures at present 2§ inches high by 4! inches long. The obverse has the latter- portion of fifteen lines of column I, and no less than twenty-four- lines, more or less complete, of Column II. The reverse has twenty-five similar lines of Column III, and the latter halves of eighteen lines of Column IV. Like most bilingual texts, the trans- lation is interlinear, the Assyrian lines being inset about ^ of an inch. In some places, however (especially on the reverse), the scribe seems to have wished to economize space, and he has there- fore written the Assyrian line or lines in smaller characters in such blank spaces as were available. The style of the writing is Babylonian, and the tablet was probably copied from a Babylonian original by Assyrian scribes at Nineveh, where the present fragment was found, either by Layard or by Rassam.
Though only a fragment of a large tablet, the text seemed to me to be worth publication, not only on account of the subject, but also because of the new words or phrases it contains, both in the Semitic and non-Semitic Babylonian versions. As will be seen, it is a kind of legend referring to a high-placed lady, seemingly even a goddess, who had been driven from her house and city by her " enemy." *
* Dr. Bezold's description of the text in Vol. I of the British Museum Cata- logue, is as follows : —
" Part of a clay tablet, 4^ inches by 2f inches. End of obverse with twenty- four, and beginning of reverse with twenty-four for the most part pretty clear Babylonian lines. A mythological tale (or part of an incantation?) in the interlinear style of writing, the explanations of the ideographs being given some- times in very small characters between two lines of a larger writing. Mentions
the god ~f ^ <*=T*3ffT CD"*
* " According to some Akkadologists, this text would be one of the so-called dialectic."
64
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Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [,s9S<
Column I.
r gul dug-ga-mu
2. . ui?)-5al-pi - tu
he hath caused evil
3 _r;i>d:." in - _m - c: - ;.
4- • ma-a-ti in-ni-ip-pu
[in] the land was made
5 ma - da gul - gul
6 ma-a-ti u - tab -bat
[//;] the land was destn:.
- kur-ri ba-da-ab - gam
S nak-ri is - ta - lal
the enemy carried >ff
9. [Dumu seg - ga kur - ri
ma-ri dam-ka mina [ Tht son the fair one.~\ the enemy (carried off)
10 §u - nu-um - du - du
11 ill us- tak - la - lu
was not completed
\2 e-a am - gi
15 ina beti pi - hu - u
is shut up in the h
14 ub - bi ba - da - glib
15 ina tup - ki su-uz-zu-zu
was made to settle in the 1 . \
Column II. 1 . . . ra
3 u - a - mu
4 elippi ar - ka - be
[in] the ship I rode
65 E
■
•
•
■
■
tfV
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [^95.
Column I.
1 gul dug-ga-mu
2. . u(?)-sal-pi - tu
he hath caused evil
3 [ma-da] in - ga - du - a
4. . ma-a-ti in- ni-ip-pu-us
[in] the land was made
5 ma - da gul - gul
6 ma-a-ti u - tab -bat
[in] the land was destroyed
7 kur-ri ba-da-ab - gam
8 nak - ri is - ta - lal
the enemy carried off
9. [Durau seg-ga kur-ri
ma-ri dam-ka mina [The son the fair one,] the enemy {carried off)
10 su - nu-um-du - du
11 ul us-tak - la - lu
was not completed
12 e-a am - gi
13 ina beti pi - hu - u
is shut up in the house
14 ub - bi ba - da - gub
15 ina tup - ki su-uz-zu-zu
was made to settle in the region
Column II.
1. . . ra - nu
2
3 u - a - mu
4 elippi ar - ka be
[in] the ship I rode
65 E
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
5. [ur - ri - bi ]e - sir ma-al - la sala - mu ni - in - tu
6. [Nak-ru su-u ina sepa-su ?] se-e-nu sak-nu ana mas-tak-ki-ia
i-ru-ba-am It was the enemy, upon [/lis feet] the shoe was set, to my sanctuary he descended
7. ur - [ri - bi su] nu - lag - ga - bi ma - ku mu - si - in - ir
8. [nak - ri] su - u kata - su la me - si - a - ti ya - si ub - la // was the entmy ! his hands not washed upon me he brought
9. su-[ni] mu - un - si - in - ir im - mu - e - gin 10. ka-ti-su ub - lam - ma u-par - ri-da-an-ni
his hands he brought and he drove me forth
ti. [ur]-ri-bi su - ni mu - un - si - in -ir im-te-a mu-un-gam-en T2. nak - ri su-u kat - su u-ub-lam-ma ina pu-luh-ti us-mi-tan-ni It was the enemy ! His hand he brought and in fear he made me bo7v do7cn
13. Me - e im - ma - da - te e-ne nu - mu - da - te
14. Ana-ku ad - luh - ma su - u ul ip- lah-an- ni I was troub/ed and as for him he fea?rd me not
15. Te - mu mu- da-an - sig dam-a-ni mu-ni-in-dur
16. Su-ba-a - ti is-hu - ut - ta - an - ni-ma as-sat-su u-lab-bi-su My clothes he tore off from me and his wife he clothed
17. Ur - ri - bi na-za-gin mu - da- an - tar dumu - ni mu-ni-in - lal
18. Nak-ri su-u uk-ni-i ip-ru-'-ma ma-rat-su is-kun 7/ was the enemy ! The lapis-lazuli he snatched away and (on)
his daughter he placed.
19. Ki - gub-ba-bi am-gug - e - de
20. Man-za-as-su a-kab-ba-as
His domain I will make desolate
21 im - ni - ma ki - a si-in - ki - ki - e
hi - bi es - Su
22 im ra - ma-ni - ia as - ra-a-ti es-te-ni-'-e
myself the places I 7oill seek
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23 gir - e amar dim ba-ab-hu-luh-ha
24 ia ur - ri - ha - an - ni ina i-ga-ri-ia u - gal-lid-an-ni
\To\ my he hurried me, in my enclosed place he disturbed me
Column III.
1. Tu - musen im - te - a- dim mu - ur - ra ud - ba - ni
2. Ki - ma su - um-ma-tum u(?)-ri-it-ti ina gu-su-ri a-bit Like a lonely (?) dove upon a beam I rest
3. Su - din musen dal-la-dim di-da-al kabar-kabar-ri-en
4. Ki-ma su-din - nu D.S. [ir?]-ri-si ina ni-gi-is-si es - te - ri Like a sudin - bird wounded (?) in a hollow L perch
5. E - ma musen - dim
6. Ina beti-ia ki - ma is-[su]-ri L/i my house like a bird
lm-ma-ra-an - n - e-en u - sap-sak - an - ni he putteth me in anguish
7. Eri - ma musen - dim Ln my city like a bird
S. E - ma egir - mu 9. Beti ar-ki - i[a]
My house behind me
he (putteth me in anguish)
gu - mu - un - de - de - e il - ta - na - as - si - a constantly repeateth
10. Gasan - gin. Eri - ma egir [-mu] Be - li - ku
gu
a - li ar - ki - ia mina
"Lam the lady." My city behind me (constantly repeateth) (the same).
1 1. Me - e e - mu E - mu [nu] - gin a - dim in - na - an - de
12. Ana-ku ana beti-ia[Ul] beti at - tam ki-i ak-bu - u
L to my house " Thou artfiot my house," thus L have said
13. Me - e eri -mu Eri - mu nu-gin a - dim
/ to my city " Thou art not my city" thus (L have said)
14. !5-
Na - an - na - tu - tu - de - en im - mi - gu - a la - bi mu - un-ku-e La ir-ru-ub-[su] ak-bi-ma la - la - su ik - kal - an - ni " / will not enter it" L said, "/or its splendour will eat me, up" 67 E 2
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1 6. Na - an - da - ra . . de-de-en im-mi-gu i-si-is-bi mu - un - da - si - gi
17. La ut-tak .... as-su ak-bi-ma si-ha(?)-ta-su-u-sa-na-as-an-ni
" 1 will not it" I said, "for its lamentation will make
me- sad"
iS. A-dim ni- - gul - gul ni - zu a-dim mu - un - pi - el
19. Ki-ma .... -ri-su ki-i tu-ab-bi-ti-su ra-man-ki, ki-i tu-gal-li-li Like its .... thus thou hast destroyed it, thyself thus thou
hast ruined
20. Nin sala(?)-zu .... -ni-gul-gul ni-zu
21. [Be-el]-tum [masj-tak-ki ki-i ta-bu-ti
Lady, thy sanctuary, thus thou hast destroyed, thyself [thus thou hast ruined).
22. . na - si - im
- ad - di - ni
[thou] hast giveii
o-
24 - 1
25 -en
Column IV.
. . il - me - en am L
esig - ga . strong
5
6 bara mu - ru . . . - an
7 ina ar -ki - ia man - nu
behind me, who . . . . ?
a - ba ba - ra - e
ni-iS i-ni-ia
the darling of mine eye, who hath driven forth ? 63
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. ^895.
9 a - ba ba - ra - Sub - ba
who hath overthrown ?
jo >->f- Mu - ul - lil - la - me - en
11 - ti 5a >->f- H ana - ku
. . the . . of Bel am I
12 tum En - zu - na - me - en
a-bi-ia Sin ana-ku . the . . of my father Sin am I
13 tak - nit >~»f- Nu - dim - mut - me - en
>->f- If ana-ku . the . . of the god Ea am I
14 ■ u - mu - un - il - - . -« e
^ na-as-si sarri \\
\My lord hath\ taken away, my king hath taken away
55 ga(?)-a mu-un-na-ab-il- e
u - sa - as - si
he hath caused to be taken away
16 mu - un - na - ab - si - am - ma
ya-du a-nam-dim I will give
17 mu - un - na - ab - Sa - e
u-se-pis I will have it made
1 S mu - un - na - ab - gub - gub
... / will have it made firm.
In order to make the text more intelligible, I give also a free rendering without the interlinear Sumerian and Assyrian versions. A more correct idea of the state of the text, and the amount that is preserved, will probably be gained from this, than from the threefold version printed above.
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FREE RENDERING. Column I.
1 — 2 he hath spoken (caused) evil.
3 — 4 was made in the land.
5 — 6 was destroyed in the land.
7 — 8 the enemy carried off;
9. The enemy carried off my fair son.
io-n was not completed.
12-13 is shut up in the house.
14-15 was made to settle in the district
Column II.
3 — 4 I rode in the ship
5 — 6. It was the enemy, the shoe was placed upon his foot, and
he descended to my sanctuary — ■ 7 — 8. It was the enemy ! — He laid his unclean hands upon me, 9-10. He laid his hands upon me, and he drove me forth. 11-12. It was the enemy ! — He laid his hands upon me, and made
me bow down in fear. 13-14. I was in trouble, and as for him, he feared me not — 15-16. He tore my clothes off from me and clothed therewith his
wife. 17-18. It was the enemy ! — He plucked off from me my lapis-stone
and gave it to his daughter. 19-20. I will make desolate his domain !
21-22 myself — I will seek the (holy ?) places !
23-24. He hurried me [to] my . . . . , he disturbed me in my enclosed place.
Column III.
1 — 2. Like a lonely dove I rest upon a beam.
3 — 4. Like a wounded sudz'nnu-bird I perch in a hollow place
5 — 6. He frighteneth me like a bird in my house — ■
7. He frighteneth me like a bird in my city. 8 — 9. My house behind me constantly repeateth (that)
10. "I am the lady" — My city behind me constantly repeateth (the same).
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11-12. I have said thus to my house : "Thou art not my house" —
13. I have said thus to my city : "Thou art not my city." 14-15. "I will not enter it," I said, "for its fulness will eat me up." 16-17. "I will not approach (?) it," I said, "for its lamentation will
make me sad." 18-19. Like .... , thus hast thou destroyed it — thyself, thus
hast thou ruined ! 20-21. Lady — thy sanctuary — thus hast thou destroyed — thyself,
thus hast thou ruined.
22-23 [thou] hast given
24-25
Column IV.
3 am I.
4 strong
5
6 — 7 behind me who ?
8. . . . the darling of mine eye, who hath driven him forth ?
g who hath overthrown ?
10-11. . . . the . . . of Bel am I.
12. . . . the . . . of my father Sin am I.
13. . . . the . . . of the god Ea am I.
14. [My lord hath] taken away, my king hath taken away.
15 he hath caused to be taken away.
16 I will give.
17 I will have it made.
18 I will have it made firm.
Judging from what remains of the text, it would seem that the heroine, who speaks in the first person, tells of some one who caused evil, who had plundered the country, and who had carried off her fair son (mart damka, "my son, the fair," or "the fair son," in which case, however, the final i of mart would be difficult to explain). She then speaks of something that had not been com- pleted, of some person or persons " shut up in the house " (Sum. : ea amgi, Assyr. : ina beti pihu), and being " made to stay in the region " (Sum. : ub-bi badagub, Assyr. : ina tupki suzzuzii).
The fracture of the tablet has broken away the upper part of Column II, and where it is complete, the heroine is speaking of having " ridden in a ship." Her enemy (the Assyrian has nakri su,
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'• it was my enemy," but the Sumerian text gives urri-bi, " it was the
enemy" "my enemy," in that language, would probably be
urru-mu\ however, descended to her sanctuary or dwelling {masfakkia), and placing his unclean hands upon her, drove her forth, humbled her, and set her in anguish. He even went farther than this, for he tore her clothes off from her and clothed his wife therewith, and, snatching away her jewel of lapis stone {akn'/), placed it upon his daughter's neck. In her anger the heroine threatens that she will make desolate his domain, and will betake herself to other places. In Column III, which immediately follows Column II without any gap, she mourns her luckless case, liking herself to a dove sitting in solitude upon a beam, and to a sudinnu- bird moping in a hollow place, for like a caged bird her enemy had put her in anguish in her house and in her city. She hears her house and her city saying behind her that she is the lady (in Sumerian gasan-gin, in Assyrian beliku, "I am the lady"— an example of oblique narration). She tells her house and her city that they are no longer hers, and that she will not enter them, for their splendour and their lamentation (at her absence) would con- sume her and make her sad. These words are followed by lines in the form of reproaches, probably uttered by her enemy, who tells her that it is she who has destroyed her sanctuary, and ruined herself. A gap follows, embracing the remainder of Column III and the beginning of Column IV, where she seems to ask, " Who hath driven forth my darling (m's inia, lit., " the darling of my eye ") and overthrown [my dominion?"]. She then tells who she is — the [honoured one] of Bel — the [beloved] of her father Sin, — the [handmaid?] of the god Nudimmut or Ea. It is [her lord] and her king, she says, who has taken away (her precious things, in all probability); but a restoration of the things is promised either by the goddess herself, or by another speaking, in the text, in the first person.
Such is the nature of the inscription, which is rare enough in its way, and when such texts come to light, they are, on account of their rareness, all the more precious. The principal defect about the above is its incompletess, — the remainder of the tablet (more than two-thirds) probably still lies hidden in the ruin-mounds o Nineveh.
A very interesting question is, Who was the narrator and heroine of the story? In Column IV, line 12, she mentions her father Sin,
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the moon-god, and it is not improbable, therefore, that the speaker, in the narrative, is Istar, who, in the account of the descent of that goddess into Hades, is called "daughter of Sin." It is noteworthy that the heroine of the story, in Column I, 1, 9, speaks of her son (atari damka, "my fair son" — unless, indeed, we are to translate " the fair son," in which case Tammuz would probably be intended), and this is supported by the fact that the enemy is said, in the same line, to have carried him off, typifying his imprisonment in Hades by Eres- ki-gal, the cmeen of that region. In Column II, lines 3-4, the heroine says that she "rode in a ship" ([ma-ra ?] uamu = [in a] elippi arkabu), indicating the crossing of the waters by Istar when she went to seek Tammuz in the Underworld ; and the loss of her clothing and lapis-stone, mentioned in Column II, lines 15-18, corresponds with the statement in the story of her Descent into Hades, that she had to part with her clothing and jewels at the seven gates of that region.
In the light of the above parallels, we are able to trace the origin of the legend of Istar's visit to the Underworld. We are able to say that that legend is a comparatively late production, and is probably based upon the present text, and produced by expanding the narrative and changing its figurative language into literal statements. In the present text, Istar is imprisoned in her own house and city (Column II, lines 23-24, Column III, lines 5-13), and apparently not in Hades. This is an important difference ; but the idea of the Netherworld is apparently contained in lines 3-4, where the heroine says that she perches, like a wounded sudin-hixd, in a hollow place {ina ?iigissi), and it is not unlikely that the goddess's comparing herself to birds (Column II, lines 1-7) may have had something to do with the statement, in the " Descent of Istar," that the in- habitants of Hades are " clothed also, like birds, in a dress of feathers;" though this idea, as an early belief, seems to be confirmed by certain cylinder-seals which apparently represent the bringing of a soul before the king of the lower regions.
The lamentation of Istar, in our text, gives place, in the "Descent of Istar," to a lamentation for Tammuz, her husband, whom she had left in Hades, but who, as the waxing summer sun, was to come forth, in due time, from the land of darkness, to lighten the world once more with his rays.
But it will probably be asked, "Who was 'the enemy' whom the heroine of the new text feared?" It is probably not going too
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[1895.
far to say that " the enemy " was death, the king of terrors, who had destroyed the land (Column I, lines 5-6), and carried off [the inhabitants] (lines 7-8), including " the fair son " (line 9), Dumu-zi, or Tummuz, " the son of life," and who does not spare even the god- dess of love herself, taking away from her the things that she loved — ■ her garments, and the jewel of lapis stone by which she set so great store. "The enemy" is the "porter of the waters" of the legend of the descent of Istar, both of them types of death himself.
The reproaches which seem to be levelled at the goddess in Column III, lines 18-21, where she is said to have destroyed her home and sanctuary, and ruined herself, are difficult to understand, unless we suppose that the ancient world regarded the misfortunes of the goddess as the well-merited punishment for her many sins, as detailed in the tablet of the Gilgames-series in which she makes love to that hero. Even in those remote ages, the goddess of love had much to answer for.
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THE UNKNOWN ARAMAIC ORIGINAL OF THEODO- TION'S ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF DANIEL.
By Dr. Gaster.
III. — Commentary.
I pass now to the detailed and minute comparison between the Aramaic text published here for the first time, and the two Greek translations, the LXX and Theodotion. This comparison will show how far the contention is justified by facts that the Aramaic text is the very original of those translations, especially of Theodotion's, and is not a translation from any of the Greek texts, or any other text in existence. I have used O. F. Fritzsche's edition,* which so far seems to be the best available.
At the same time I will offer some emendations of the Aramaic text, and some observations on the state of its preservation.
A. The Song.
V. 1. Is almost identical with Theodotion, and just as short; differing from LXX. Instead of 0X070? we have however p]"l^ NrrPp,n N""!")2 > " The furnace of burning fire," corresponding to the second half of the LXX, tw irvp\ vwoicaio^v)^ tij^ Kaf.uvov. Azarias is the only one who prays, not all as in the LXX.
V. 2. ~p*G, corresponds exactly to ev\o^)j709 • mti^ft settles the reading alve-rov, and refers to the name of God. The verb is in the third instead of the second person, in conformity with the old Hebrew forms of praise, ptf pN U7\vh "H ^1 Ps. lxxxix, 53, and more especially Ezra vii, 27, with which the first half of v. 2 is identical.
* Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testamenti Graece. Lipsiae, 187 1.
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V. 3. For the first ak-qOiva stands here ETl^p, whilst for the •second, which in some MSS. alternates with a\rj9eia, we have the word "pi^nft, identical with Syr. P. This is a proof for the original character of the Aramaic, where two distinct words are used instead of one and the same, as is the case in the Greek. We shall find later on similar examples of copiousness of language in Aramaic for various shades of identical notions, which are rendered however by one and the same Greek word. The two words 3,"^ and ft^HD are used together (Daniel ii, 45), and ^ITH HftN is the form used in the morning prayer of the Jewish Liturgy, which dates from the times of the second Temple.
V. 4. Our text has the singular, t^Tl^pT VH, " true judgment," corresponding to v. 7, iv a\n9ivT] Kptaei, where the same words occur.
nrrrV^N, twice so in the MS., must be altered into ^n^il^^- the scriptio plena, which we find in most cases of 2 s. in our text. It corresponds to Theodotion cTn'jyaycs in both instances in this ■verse.
(rod of the LXX is omitted by Theodotion and in our text. <?t< iv aXyOei'aical Kpiaei is not a very happy juxtaposition, it is contrary to the constant combination of ' truth ' with '■judgment' In our text we have the correct form in true judgment, or judgment oj truth, once before in the same verse, and in v. 7. Cf. also Nehem. '*, 33-
A'. 5. iv tract of the LXX, neither Theodotion nor our text. <\7TOGT?ivai is as near a translation as can be found of i^~T37NT. the Aphel-form of "H^, to depart, to remove oneself from. It stands in the finite form, and is parallel with the two preceding verbs and the following N2ID11?T ; so also Syriac, ed. Lagarde.
V. 6. The Greek translator has read 7^3, as it is in the Syriac ^ed. Lagarde) instead of 72ft , hence the peculiar iv -n-am, which gives no satisfactory meaning. It ought to read iv iruo-t to?<? IvtoXui*, according to the Aramaic text. The whole text of the two verses ^7 and 8) does not seem to have been well preserved in Greek. V. 7 looks like an unnecessary repetition of v. 4. In the Aramaic we have in v. S the justification for the true punishments, and the way how they have been carried out. The LXX reading of v. 7 seems to be the more accurate.
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V. 8. ej£0«rrftw u-oo-rmiL<v is omitted in the Aramaic text, which does not know of apostates, and which has, wicked and bad kings, 1*0773 pluralis, instead of the singular of the Greek, which may have been interpolated into the Greek by a copyist who thought probably of Antiochus, "the wicked king." The difficulty felt of old about the "apostates" is thus solved, and the speculation about the wicked king falls to the ground. (Cf Fritzsche, I.e., p. 125.)
V. 9. The wording of the Aramaic favours Theodotion's Greek form t~/ei»')0>i against the senseless iyevrjeijfiev ; the construction is however somewhat different in both versions. The Aramaic text agrees with Daniel ix, 16; cf. Joel ii, 17; the Greek translator must have thought of Isaiah xxx, 5, as he has alaylnn] kiu ovziho* as in Isaiah, instead of only aloxwy as in the Aramaic text.
V. 10. The Aramaic text has, "thy great and holy" added to "name," which is missing in Theodotion and LXX. ta[m"l~l,,nil.s corresponds to Hebrew *p]"Yny> "Thy law, covenant." rDttttl, wrongly translated cmaKccaa^. The idea of God forgetting the Covenant is taken from Deut. iv, 31.
V. 1 1. Abraham, "thy beloved," ^ajr^eVos, is not a very correct translation of ^TOTTl, which ought to be rendered by, 0i'W aov, the usual title of Abraham. (Cf Isaiah xli, 8.) The Semitic original for this translation has been suggested also by De Wette (I.e., p. 509) ; Syriac has also ^I^TP ■
V. 13. Instead of the word N2"tt}*> which does not exist in Aramaic, we ought to read N2H*Jtt> "we nave been diminished," " we have become less," lafiacpivd-tjfiev.
uti is impossible, it must be ku\ vvv, jfrO "Wl . " and now." iff/iev Tcnretvot is the inexact rendering of fc^PCN p*OD72*"fr "miserable," "poor," and helps us to recognize the Semitic original. V. 14. In the Aramaic is no trace of a king, as Fritzsche and others suggest. 2T\ = <*rxwi'> is the "leader" of the people; V^DI NrfnnC (copied from Daniel iii, 2, 3) are the "governors" and "deputies." In the Greek the last word is missing ; the Syriac has, like our text, four offices, but in a different order : head and governor ; prophet and leader. " Incense " missing in Aramaic.
V. 15. Is based upon and modelled after Ps. Ii, 19. Fritzsche is perfectly right in omitting the interpunction before el*, which belongs to the preceding. The division of the verses is undoubtedly
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wrong in the Greek text, as is evidenced by the Aramaic. Here v. 16 commences with p~0, olnws.
V. 16. Is hopelessly corrupt in the Greek, as pointed out by Fritzsche ; ical c/cTeXeVat owiaGev aou is omitted by the Syriac. It may have been a marginal variant which has crept into the text. The Vulgata alone has preserved the old true reading, " ut placeat tibi," corresponding to Niyp- Ethiopic has : " and let it (our sacrifice) be perfect with thee."
earai, Theodotion for effTii', LXX, is justified by the Itpael form
V. 17. p^l, "we pray," "we are desirous," has been evidently misunderstood by the translator as meaning ' quaerere ' (cf. Dan. ii, 13, 20), hence, "we follow thee" or, "seek after thee;" but in the Greek, the first ical is to be omitted, and the tense of the verb changed to the Infinitive. Z,pou/uei> ™ irp6awTr6i> aou is likewise not a correct translation of the Aramaic "XOIp ]72 V2P\T\, which means, "and we beseech thee." *Tt2Tp p has been taken to have the meaning of Hebrew ^TOEft, and was translated accordingly. The verse does not finish here as now in the Greek, but is continued further, being connected with the following through "H, " that thou puttest us not to shame," which gives an excellent reading.
In the same way is v. 18 to be connected with v. 19, hal being left out and dgeXSv vfia* connected with aou. Instead of V|Di, one could read also ^DH). Kara rd 0avfid<Tid is identical with Jerem. xxi, 2, Vmfcs?Q2> but whether it stood in the original is doubtful. In the Aramaic it is missing ; it may have dropped out.
V. 21. "TTirHQ) which means "alone," has been incorrectly translated Oco? ^6uo9, as if it stood "fn 7N, and the whole sentence has got a dogmatic meaning alien to the Aramaic text. But no stress is laid on the Oneness of God, only on His omnipotence, just as in 1 Chron. xxix, 12, viz., that God is " the ruler over the whole world " ; ivBogos for t^T^, rather freely.
V. 22 agrees more with Theodotion. oi> cie\nrov has no counter- part in the Aramaic, unless it is added by Theodotion to make the statement more emphatic, or ^"Q}f has been taken as a participle and constructed with "D^D!], as meaning, " and they commenced, or continued, to do." I am the more inclined to believe in such a misunderstanding, as the latter word is not translated at all. The uTT'jperai are the ^mt^ft^> the word N37ft*T seems to have
73
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followed it, instead of preceding it as in the Aramaic. Theodotion must have read toVoi ^mtitt^ fHny ll^DS ]V3, etc. fhh^ occurs for a second time in the following Dragon legend, v. 6, where we have the verb 7*17^1, to roll. I translate it therefore, " and they made balls of naphtha, pitch, and tow." Theodotion took it to be the plural of ^7^1 or N72, hence KXrj/iaTi8a, (cf. Levy, Targum- Worterbuch, I, p. 139, s.v. N7*0)-
V. 23. Commences then naturally with HN3DN7, ';to increase." If we had hereNpDN7, which means, "to light, to incense," and also "to ascend," then Theodotion must have mistaken the meaning and translated, "to ascend," "to stream out." In consequence thereof
Theodotion omits NrPl'in^'ttfi NT13 in v- 24, as an unnecessary repetition. The Aramaic text, however, is quite correct, as in v. 23 the intention of increasing the fire and flame is mentioned, and in v. 24 quite a new thing happened, those very flames " streamed out and burned them" (i.e., servants of the king), " and all those Chal- dseans that stood about the furnace." In the Greek pnrP is omitted, undoubtedly by mistake, the " servants " were probably understood to be included among " the Chaldseans."
V. 25. The Aramaic p2tD!TN"l, which means, "and it cooled down," is rendered by the senseless, it-eTtvage "to smite out, to throw out "the fire from the oven. A misunderstanding of the original Semitic word, which becomes still more evident in the curious trans- lation of v. 26, N7I3 NlU^-ft "H Kimi], which means, as a wind that blows (and causes) the dew (to descend). This is very much alike to the formula inserted in the Eighteen blessings of the Morning prayer, dating from the time of the second Temple, where it alternates with the other formula, " Thou makest the wind to blow and causest the rain to descend." Both are based upon Ps. cxlvii, 18, "He causeth his wind to blow and waters flow." (Cf. Treatise Taanith, fol. 2A, first Mishna.) The Greek misunderstood NHII^ft, and translated, ciaovpi&v, whistling. May be that he knew only the other Aramaic form "2T\1 as meaning to blow, and hence his mis- understanding of 3,ti?3-
This passage has also been pointed out by De Wette as proving a Semitic original ; v. 27 will therefore have to be translated, "and he made in the midst of the furnace like unto a wind that blew down dew," etc. The Syriac has, " the angel of dew went down."
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Theodotion, to a.-«0o'Xov = 7^. irup^vwyXi^aev is rather inappro- priate after ekvirrjaev (cf. Daniel iii, 27), and is probably due to a misunderstanding of QJTT'D, a word, by the way, that does not occur in biblical Aramaic.
V. 27.. NnTp'1 is omitted in the Greek; the Syriac has N21]lfc$
from •
Vv. 28-65 of the Greek finish regularly with el? tous alwva<s^ or e«s tov alwva, as if it stood in the original always N^27}? n72 T^T1, in saecula sseculorum, or V»ft7}r7. This is not appropriate, how- ever, in all cases, and is due, in every probability, to a confusion of Nftv^l with ^727^7, the former meaning "in the world," or "all over the world" and " not for ever." In our Aramaic text we find indeed both forms used with the necessary discrimination between the two. God's Name is to be praised for ever ; His creatures cannot very well praise Him for ever, as they themselves are tran- sitory, but they can praise Him in this world and above everything. The former is therefore used more in vv. 27-34, the latter in all the subsequent verses, where the creatures are appealed to to raise their voices in praise of God. Syriac has throughout Lj?yh like the Greek.
V. 28, absolutely identical with Theodotion, who has not Trai/Ta?,,
as in v. 29, corresponding with the Aramaic 73 ', also only in v. 29. To ovo/ta r7]<s So^tjs is an incorrect translation of the Aramaic ^Tfttt* N'Vp'^ (N1"0» " Thy great and glorious Name," mi is omitted by Theodotion.
V. 30. In Aramaic there is nothing for the Greek tj}s So'fiys aov7 which proved a stumbling block from very ancient times (cf. Fritzsche, I.e., p. 128). May be that NTpi, from v. 29, or ^pi, v. 31, was added afterwards, in order to make the first half of the verse corre- spond with those two verses. It is thus a later interpolation.
The Ithpaal forms of rQJlt^n and "Ip^jin explain the airag- Xe^jOfi : vTrepvfiinpbs kcu i)7rcpev£o£;o<?, as the Greek translator felt forced to translate those emphatic forms here and in v. 32. For Ip*! and its derivation, Soga is always used. I add here a list of the translations of vv. 28-33, which will show the relation between the original and the Greek.
PQt^D) v» 28, aiverost ) V. 29, vTrepcuvc7o<s • v. 32, inrepv/jLvrpo^^ Jinn^n, V. 30, b-opvfiuipb? ; V. 31, atVeros; V. 33, tyu^TM.
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(Theodotion read thus, |-Qt£72 in vv. 28, 31 and 33, and rOTTtt-Tl, w. 29, 30, 32.)
DE"n 12, vv. 28 and 29, and DEWl/l, v. 31, are all translated VTrepu^ov/ievos ; Ip^AH, V. 30, iiirepevSogos ; TIHft, V. 32, birepv- iivou/licvo?, and syTirMl, v. 33, cccogcuT/nevo?.
The Aramaic is more varied in expressions and more original in its forms, whilst the Greek is forced, and clearly an imitation of the Aramaic.
Vv. 31 and 32. Theodotion now reversed (cf. Fritzsche, I.e.) probably later alteration. V. 31. cog)]? after Opovov in some codices of Theodotion is justified by "pV The expression is borrowed from "iJTDTft Tin j Ps. cxlv, 12, "His glorious kingdom."
V- 32- Nnypr^NT, "who hast lowered the abyss," or "causest the depths (abyss) to sink down," i.e., " established them down below," is mistranslated, iirifSkiirw. Theodotion must have read the word differently, probably some form derived from ftpt? : "to look," NnDpttftH? (cf- Deut- xxvi> 1S; Ps. xiv, 2; Lament. iii, 50, etc.) The whole Song is modelled evidently after Ps. cxlviii. The same order is followed in both, only the subjects are more numerous in the Song.
V. 33. Like Theodotion, N^1^, " of the heavens," after
<T7epew/ix, ^p").
V. 35 of the Greek, which is only a repetition of v. 33, is missing in the Aramaic (cf. Ps. cxlv, 4).
V. 35 Aramaic = 36 Greek.
V. 36 Aramaic = 37 Greek, kcu iravTa, which is out of place, is omitted in the Aramaic. ical has been omitted also by Theo- dotion (v. Fritzsche, I.e.), cf. Ps. cxlv, 4.
v- 37- N^TH, exactly the Bovd/iea of Theodotion = VN11N Ps. cxlv, 2.
V. 39 of the Greek is missing in the Aramaic. In Syriac B it is marked with an asterisk, as being a later interpolation (cf. Fritzsche, I.e., p. 129).
V. 38 = Greek 40. N^ft1^, plural, whilst Greek rod ovpavou.
V. 39. (Greek 41.) 7r«?, probably taken from the following verse, as it is here quite out of place. Omitted in the Aramaic.
V. 40. (Greek 42.) Truevjuarn, an inexact translation of NTTTV instead of the proper, uvefxoi. One proof more for the Semitic of being the original, and the Greek a translation (cf. De Wette, I.e.).
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V. 41-44. (44 Greek.) The MSS. of Theodotion's version differ very much among themselves about the text and the order of these verses, which is far from being settled. Our Aramaic text is of extreme value for the reconstruction of the original text, and proves its absolute independence from the Greek.
Each verse in the Aramaic stands for two of the Greek. I divide them into a and b, the first and second half, for easier comparison,, and I add also the numbers of LXX.
V. 41a = 43 Theodotion and 43 LXX, fire and heat. 41^ cold and warm, corresponds exactly with Theodotion 48, ^r^os ical Kaujua, although he uses icav/ia also, v. 21, whilst the Aramaic has Nft^ftn in the second instance. The LXX has, v. 44 (ed. Fritzsche, p. 76), /5ryo<? Kul ■ty-oxo?, and the same idea of ice and cold and snow and frost is repeated at least four times (vv. 44-47) without any apparent reason, unless it is due to inaccurate translation. Vv. 45 and 47 of the LXX are omitted entirely by Theodotion, probably as unnecessary repetitions, and the position of the others is changed.
V. 42a. fcODIH must be read NT2}TL- "thunders and light- nings " (literally, " arrows ") ; cf. the first half of Theodotion and LXX, 50, aoTpcnral. The "thunder" is left out. 42/7. N"Op must be read tfyp ; the words j~np and N"V)p are taken from Ps. cxlvii, 17, where they occur together, ice and cold, Theodotion, v. 49, •jrax^ai Kai ^joVe?. In the LXX we have the choice of vv. 46 or 47, 46 being a more accurate translation of PHp and NTlp, 7rd*/o<? Kae
V. 43«. Vapours and clouds (Ps. cxlviii, 8), Theodotion 50, has only I'eipeXat, whilst the LXX has, v. 45, hpoaoi Kal v«peTol, which latter word could be a corruption from c. k. vecpeXai. The altera- tions into vtiperol may have suggested itself through v. 50, where ve(f)e\ai is, however, not in its proper place, at least according to the Aramaic text. 43b, nights and days, Theodotion, 46 ; LXX, 48.
V. 44a. Light and darkness, Theodotion, 47 ; LXX, 49. 44^, N]"ltD'*Dyi frwH^p > " blackness and gloom," or, as I would prefer to translate, "dusk and dawn." These two are omitted in both Greek translations.
The text has now a more systematic and harmonious appearance : first heat and cold in the abstract, then thunder and lightning, then ice, frost and snow, then vapours and clouds, then day and night. All these are phenomena that happen in the air, the earth and its elements follow naturally upon it.
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V. 45« = Greek 51. Aramaic, the lands, plural; Theodotion, 7*/. 45^ (Greek 52), mountains and hills.
46a = Greek 53. 46^ has only N^-Qft, these are "the fountains of the deep " (cf. Genesis vii, 11), and must therefore be mentioned before "the seas and rivers." The transposition in the Greek text is therefore not likely to be due to Theodotion, who moreover agrees with the Aramaic in omitting o/iftpos (so the LXX), mentioned already before, in v. 41. Similarly we must alter OdXaa-aa, v. 55, Greek, into 6d\aoaui = W^ft*1 of the Aramaic.
Instead of fc0212, Theodotion must have read N*1^]!, hence k)'jt?j instead of the simple fish.
V. 48a. (Greek 57.) t« Treieivd tov ovpavov is as literal a trans- lation of the Semitic fc^ft^ ^S^ as can be wished. Theodotion has Travra = Aramaic 73 in 57 and 58, in the latter only before Otjpi'a, just as in the Aramaic.
NITm means the wild, and N"VJQ the tame animals, and are faithfully rendered by Oijpi'a kcu rd kttjvt] ; cf. Ps. cxlviii, 10, rPHn
nftTrl b^, " beasts and all cattle."
V. 49. (Greek 59.) Theodotion, vloi tQiv uvQpwirwv, without ot = Aramaic NUf2N ^H > TO is omitted in the Greek.
V. 50. (Greek 61-62.) The second half of this verse seems to have dropped out in the Aramaic, as each verse has as a rule two distinct parallel subjects ; and here only priests are mentioned. Theodotion has cov\ol = "H3,^, after tepees, W*27T2, and nvplov after each, just as in the Aramaic Yi^. We must therefore complete the Aramaic verse accordingly.
V. 51. (Greek 63.) fc^pYlSPO^I "plTH = Jrvev/iara ical yjsvxni
BiKai'itiv. The wording leaves it undecided whether it is a question of the living or the dead (cf. Fritzsche, I.e., p. 130). The following half of the verse mentions however the living, ^~> Y^y, vaireivoi ty Kapcia. The lp1£^*7pj Saioi, must necessarily also be taken as living. (Cf. Daniel vii, 21, 22, 27), and we shall translate therefore : the spirits a fid souls of the just. The juxtaposition of fTn and n^^i occurs in Job xxxiv, 14. I cannot see here any idea of the trichotomy of man as suggested by Fritzsche.
V. 52. (Greek 65.) "HNiy is rendered clco?. Theodotion has eawaev before tV- xeiP°9 Oavarov, as in the Aramaic p^lQ before
Theodotion e/c peaov Kaplvov = Aramaic pn^ TO, "From
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the burning fire and flame He has saved us.'' Of these words, ■pmnbl^") pwl are missing in both Greek translations, omitted probably because they appeared an unnecessary repetition of the foregoing verse. S^1 is better rendered by kXvrpwtritTo, LXX, than by ejlpvaaro, with which Theodotion is credited ; as 3,^X1^ is trans- lated so in the same verse, and it is not likely that he should have repeated the same word when he had to translate another Aramaic word, h^T>-
53. (66.) 'pTin, Greek ego/uo\o-/c7cr0e corresponds exactly.
53/7 (67) differs completely from the Greek. The whole verse is not addressed to anyone. V. 52 concludes fitly with the three Children, all the others having been enumerated before. There was no room for aefio/uevoi to be repeated, as they were included among the roi-W, etc. (vv. 50 ff. Aramaic, 61 ff. Greek). NS*?}M"V27>, " The lord of the universe," must have been strangely misread by the LXX and Theodotion, as well as the following, pn^N NIPT, "He is God." They have -rov Kvptoi>, rii> Qeov -rCcv Oewv, "the Lord, the God of gods." This verse is evidently modelled after Ps. cxxxvi, vv. 2 and 3, the Targum of which runs thus :—.,,. t^rT?N TlSfcA imttf . . . . N*H?3 ^V^h irQttf- Theodotion or the LXX may have thought of these verses, and have changed the primitive form found in the Aramaic for the other more dogmatic, but alien to the text.
The result of this detailed comparison is, that the Aramaic is a more primitive and more correct text, agreeing in the main with Theodotion, but differing sufficiently from his text to show its independence from any of the existing forms of the Greek. It represents thus the oldest text of the Song, and helps us to recon- struct the primitive form of Theodotion's Greek translation as it must have been before it was altered and interpolated from the LXX.
By these means we shall be able to reconstruct also the original form of the version of the LXX, as this also must have suffered many alterations and interpolations from Theodotion and others. Those readings in Theodotion which differ from our text will have to be considered as originating from the LXX, and vice versa those agreeing more closely with our Aramaic text than the corresponding portion in Theodotion, have crept into the LXX from Theodotion.
We shall thus obtain a clearer insight into the true character of
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the old LXX version before Theodotion, and understand better the reason for its elimination from the church service ; for it will be found to differ very materially from the Aramaic text, with which Theodotion would then exactly correspond. For this very reason the former had been eliminated, and the latter substituted instead, though it has become rather mixed in the course of time. It must be borne in mind that the Song formed, from very ancient times, part of the Church Hymn book, and is often found added to the Psalter. Hence the profound alterations to which it was subjected, and the amalgamation of LXX and Theodotion.
We are much better off in the other legend, where such causes did not operate to alter the character of the two translations ; and I pass on to the examination of —
Daniel and the Dragon.
V. 1. (LXX 23 ; Theodotion 23.) The Aramaic text has NIHII N"uHNH> "m that place," in common with LXX, iv -<." (,vtu- jottw, and fr^Dl 3,"^, "great and mighty," with Theodotion /ieya?.
r.n is rendered by both cpiiKwv.
73) missing in the Greek.
V. 2. (24.) Aramaic totally different. No trace in it of "brass," which was suggested in the Greek by the tale of the brazen idol Bel (v. 7), nor of "eating and drinking." Instead of TrpoaKw^auv we have v?2, "pray."
V. 3 is missing in LXX, but is v. 25 Theodotion, with which the Aramaic text agrees in general, but has more than the Greek fcO^U?, "to the king;'' "''vnniNl, "of my fathers;" and l^niT 21i "mighty and awe-inspiring," which are all missing in the latter. Syriac identical with Theodotion.
V. 4. (LXX 25; Theodotion 26.) 7ttp",N, identical with Theodotion, cnroKTevw ; and not LXX, ai>e\u\ All the ancient versions have then, "a sword and staff," paxaipas (Theodotion), fTu/jpov (LXX) Kal pdfiBov Syriac fcOtOin. Only the Aramaic has the proper word, NrP2n> "lance," which must have been read N""lt3*in from very ancient times. rP2m 1"1J1 is a standing phrase in the Bible, cf. I Samuel xiii, 19, 22 ; xvii, 45, 47 ; xxi, 9.
V. 5. The Aramaic text is again more complete. The permis- sion asked for by Daniel is granted in express terms, "77 ^PP N2N =
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Theodotion 26, 8i'8u>fii <rov, and not LXX, cetoTai ae, and then follows "leave to do unto it all that thou wishest," which LXX and Theo- dotion omit.
Vv. 6 and 7. (LXX 26; Theodotion 27.) I have already drawn attention in the Introduction to the great difference between these and the corresponding Greek verses. Among the ingredients we have also lT^I, "flax." fiagas, Theodotion, is proved by ~>w^, "a round lump." The whole portion of the iron hatchets is missing in the Greek texts, and thus no satisfactory reason for the death of the dragon is given, at least by Theodotion. The LXX have the large mass of 30 manehs for the lumps made by Daniel. Theodotion, -d aefSda/uiTa vpwv, is identical with Aramaic, which he must have
read fTTSCTp \Thz JWliTF pi NH, omitting pn^N, and took it to be the plural. Totally different is the ironical question of the LXX, ob tcivjci oefteoOe. Syriac differs from all.
V. 8. (27, Theodotion 28.) Almost identical with Theodotion, ifyauuKTijaau Xtau is an excellent translation of the idiomatic fllpn Y\TT?, which is repeated in v. 10 (Theodotion 30), and has the meaning " to be mightily (incensed) against ..." cf. Targum to Psalm xviii, 8, Tvh Fppm, etc. Much clearer is the sentence in the Aramaic, "for we know now that thou art like unto one of the Jewish men." Theodotion, 'lovccuo? ^e^ovev 6 fiaaikevs:; cf. Fritzsche {I.e. p. 152). Aramaic has, after lepc??, "of Bel and his temple," and, instead of KarioQafze, ^TC\1T\ , " thou hast broken up."
V. 9. (Theodotion 29.) Aramaic much shorter, a continuation of the words spoken by the people in v. 8, and not a new state- ment, as in Theodotion. ^XTP^D,, in thine house, Theodotion has read "XTPD."!, and thine house.
V. 10. (Theodotion 30.) Here Theodotion has rendered t^pH hy e-n-ei^ovaiv a(f>ocpa (see above v. 8), and instead of J-pT't^pftT' 1iD"T "they wanted to kill him," we find, ava^KaaOeh, "constrained," which is rather a mild description of the danger threatening him. Some other Aramaic word must have stood in the original used by Theo- dotion, or, what is more probable, with the change of a few letters he may have read the words as (*"^Dft) ("P^^INl"), "and in his being constrained, delivered," etc.
V. ir. (31.) I^ltri, "they placed," I should like to read instead "Ifr-OTll^l , "they cast," as it corresponds exactly with Theodotion, tfHakov. Instead of ainbv we have in the Aramaic " Daniel."
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Aramaic njOXl^, seven, Theodotion and LXX ef, six days.
V. 12. (Theodotion 32.) Aramaic has the addition of N^UND, NinrT) 'in that place.' The real meaning of awfiara, which could mean also " slaves," is proved by the Aramaic "PU^N *H3Q to be "human corpses."
V. 13. (Theodotion 33.) The Aramaic ^N-ytt^H NjnNl is much more correct than Theodotion, 'lovSat'a, as the prophet Hab- akkuk lived in Israel and not in Judaea. tftyrjaev e^re/ia is as litteral a translation of N^T^m *?tZ72E, " sod a pottage" as could be wished for. Instead of i;w0ip the Aramaic has JTpt^j "his sack" or "knapsack." The Syriac has N2,1I?, a very scarce word, which is translated disk, and seems to be ■a.hapaxlego7nenon. I am inclined to amend the word into fcOTlE = Persian ^ _«»v = knap- sack, which would make it absolutely identical with the Aramaic.
In the Aramaic we have also an addition of N^T^IT? TO^uTS " to feed the reapers."
14. (34.) Aramaic has also some small additions: NHl, "and there was" (or "appeared"); in some codices o is preceding cfryyeXos; ~^t is added to TPNI in conformity with the spirit of the Aramaic, " go and bring." Instead of tvxc£? we have NJlS"'11^nJ " which thou hast cooked." After 713, the word Nj~np, "town," is added here and in v. 15. Tvh 17V\, "and gave it to him" (to Daniel), is also missing in the Greek.
v- XS- (35-) N2N*?D^ not in the Greek.
V. 16. (36.) Here a peculiar confusion has crept into the Greek. Theodotion does not seem to have understood properly the word NTHp> which he translated Kopv^rj " the crown," whilst the true meaning of it is " neck." There is then no tautology with the following, "hair," or as the Aramaic has it, "lock of his head," NrPID!?- Aramaic adds, "and he set him with the food that he had in his hands over the mouth of the lions' den which was in Babylon."
V. 17. (36, 37.) The Aramaic text helps us here also over one of the most perplexing passages of the Greek text, of which no one has hitherto been able to extract a proper sense. Cf. Fritzsche (I.e., p. 153-4), who does' not mend matters. The words 2H "D rPiTHj must have been strangely misread, possibly as rTTTQ rPrTH, "the vehemency," "fury," /W£i?» and has been united with the preceding verses, thus producing a totally unintelligible sentence.
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The Aramaic on the contrary is perfectly clear, and shows unmis- takably that it must have been the original. The meaning is, " And when his breath came back to him " (or " he recovered his breath ") which he had lost through the quickness of the flight, " Habakkuk called Daniel and said." After \. 1 a ic adds
" thine," ^nW
V. 18. (38.) Aramaic begins with l^£] mttn, "and Daniel praised and prayed, and said," which is natural when behcldin°- the unexpected divine help. Instead of koi we have "H, "for."' For the rest this verse is identical with Theodotion.
V. 19. (39.) Theodotion, wapaxprj/ia LXX (38) t// dvrrj rjfiepa ;
Aramaic, NUl Nnjfttfl, "in one hour." Theodotion read probably NTH, "in that very hour."
V. 20. (40.) Aramaic mm, as in vv. 7, 8, 13, and 17. yitf) ftp, also a peculiar Aramaic construction similar to l^N") PQIZ^ *h)?) N"p1 throughout the text. In the Aramaic there is no trace of irevO^aai. Did Theodotion read *GliftS instead of
•nrro1? ?
V. 21. (41.) Aramaic fcO 7D, so in LXX, missing in Theodotion ; Aramaic NVID1 11 iff. v. 20). Greek only, "great" (or loud). Aramaic has the third person, "is the god of," mrtvN- Greek, c?? "art thou." Aramaic Nmpvl, "and glorious" (cf. Song of Three Children, v. 29). Theodotion (and LXX) have instead koi ovk
tarn/ u\\o9 7r\l]V coo.
V. 22. (42.) Aramaic has fcOT'tt mpDlj " and the king gave orders." Theodotion omits these as well as the words y\% Vft
mimp ")72N, idiomatic expression, which is paraphrased by
aiTtovs T/ys aTToKei'as avtov.
Wyytl "*\ftN, also missing in Theodotion and LXX.
J^D1> Theodotion, -n-apaxp^j/ia Zvwiriov ainou ; probably he read V2Q!2- Syriac has even more, " before him and before Daniel."
This minute comparison between the Aramaic text and Theo- dotion proves beyond doubt that the former is absolutely independent of the Greek. Not a single trace can be detected of any Greek influence, either in language or in construction. Both are pure Aramaic, agreeing in every point with the known characteristics of that language. No translation could be as perfect, and no text that we have can be looked upon as a probable or even possible original. But everything points to the contrary conclusion — that
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this Aramaic text represents the original from which Theodotion made his translation. Numerous instances of misreadings and misinterpretations have been adduced in the course of our examina- tion, which prove conclusively the dependence of the Greek text upon this very Aramaic text. The close resemblance between the Aramaic and Theodotion in the Tale of the Dragon is beyond dispute. In this piece we recognise, more clearly than in that of the Song, how thoroughly Theodotion differed from the LXX, and we find in the Aramaic text the reason for the profound changes- introduced by him into his translation. He tried to approximate it as closely as possible to this original from which the LXX had deviated so much. With the assistance of the Aramaic text, we are now in a position to remove many of the mistakes that have crept in, and to reconstruct the same text of Theodotion.
Not having found a place in the Liturgy, this tale has suffered less from interpolations, and we have therefore two distinct Greek texts, and not a mixed text as in the case of the " Song." In the Tale of the Dragon we are therefore also in a better position to see how closely Theodotion follows the Aramaic text.
Judging the Song, then, in the light of this almost absolute identity of Theodotion with the Aramaic, we are forced to admit, as already indicated above, that the literary tradition of the two Greek texts is far from being correct, that the difference between Theodotion and LXX must have been more profound than is now the case, and that we shall have to recast the existing text of Theodotion and also that of the LXX, as both translations have exercised a mutually deteriorating influence upon each other, taking as basis for the reconstruction this Aramaic text, which, as I have tried to prove, is the original from which those translations have been made. The mistakes, which have their origin in wrong readings and misinterpretation, prove also conclusively that the original was Aramaic, and not Hebrew.
IV. Translation.
A. The Song of the Three Children.
V. 1. And the three went into the furnace of burning fire, praising and blessing the Lord. And Azariah stood up to pray, and he prayed thus ; and he opened his mouth and said : V. 2.
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" Blessed be he, the God of our fathers, and be his name praised and glorified for evermore. V. 3. For thou art true in all that thou hast done to us, for all thy works are true, and thy ways established, and all thy judgments faithful. V. 4. Yea, true judgment hast thou wrought in all (the things) that thou hast brought upon us, and upon Jerusalem the holy city of our fathers, for true judgments hast thou brought upon us, because of our sins. V. 5. We have sinned, and we have committed iniquity, and we have departed (withdrawn) from thee. V. 6. And we have turned aside (trespassed) from all the commandments which thou hast commanded us, as we have not been willing to keep and to observe them, that it might go well with us. V. 7. And because we have not done (observed) thy commandments and statutes, V. 8. thou hast wrought true judgment in that thou hast delivered us into the hands of lawless enemies, and into the hands of wicked and lawless kings in all the lands. V. 9. And now we cannot open our mouths, for thy servants who cling to thee have become a shame. V. 10. And we beseech thee not to deliver us up wholly, for the sake of thy great and holy name, neither to forget thy covenants. V. n. And cause not thy mercy to depart from us, for the sake of Abraham thy beloved, and thy servant Isaac, and thy holy Israel. V. 12. To whom thou hadst spoken that (thou wonldst) multiply their children as the stars of heaven, and as the sand (that lieth) on the seashore. V. 13. And now we are become less than any other nation, as we are miserable (poor) this day in all the lands because of our sins. V. 14. And at this time we have neither a leader nor prophets, neither governors nor deputies, neither burnt-offerings nor sacrifices, nor obla- tions, as there is no place to bring all these before thee (in order) to find mercy. V. 15. But in a contrite heart and humble spirit let us be accepted like as burnt offerings and sacrifices of rams and bullocks, and like thousands of fat lambs. V. 16. Thus may our sacrifice to-day be acceptable in thy sight : for they shall not be confounded that put their trust in thee. V. 17. And now we desire with all our heart to fear thee. V. 18 and we pray unto thee, that thou puttest us not to shame, but that thou dealest with us after thy lovingkindness, and according to the multitude of thy mercy. V. 19. Deliver us and give glory to thy name, O Lord ; and let all them that do thy servants hurt be ashamed. V. 20. And let them be confounded in (in spite of) all their power, and in (in spite of) their strength let them be broken. V. 21. And they shall know that thou alone art
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ruler over all the lands. V. 22. And now the servants of the king and his attendants, that threw the three men into the furnace, took naphtha, pitch and tow, and made balls, V. 23. in order to increase the flame of the fire 49 cubits above the furnace. V. 24. And the fire and the flame streamed forth and burnt them and every one of the Chaldaeans that were standing by the side of the furnace. V. 25. And the angel of the Lord came down into the oven with Azariah and his fellows, and the fire of the oven cooled down. V. 26. And he made in the midst of the furnace like unto a wind that blew dew, and none ot the fire touched them, nor were they hurt in any way. V. 27. Then those three with one mouth praised, and glorified and blessed God in the midst of the burning furnace, and said : V. 28. Blessed is the Lord God of our fathers, and to be praised and exalted for ever and ever. V. 29. And blessed be thy great and glorious and holy name, and praised and exalted over all the world. V. 30. Blessed art thou in thy holy temple, and to be praised and glorified over all the worlds. V. 31. Blessed art thou upon the throne of thy glorious kingdom, and to be praised and exalted for ever and ever. V. 32. Blessed art thou, who hast lowered the abyss and sittest upon the cherubim and be praised and glorified in all the worlds. V. 33. Blessed art thou in the firmament of heavens, and be extolled and praised for ever. V. 34. O all ye works bless ye the Lord God, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 35. All ye angels bless ye the Lord God, praise him and exalt him over the world. V. 36. O ye waters that be above the heavens bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 37. All ye hosts of God, bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 38. O ye stars of heaven bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 39. O ye rain and dew bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 40. All ye winds of God, bless ye the Loid, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 41. O ye fire and heat, bless ye the Lord, O ye cold and warmth bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 42. O ye thunders and lightnings bless ye the Lord, O ye ice and frost bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 43. O ye vapours and clouds bless ye the Lord, O ye nights and days bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 44. O ye light and darkness bless ye the Lord, O ye dusk and dawn bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 45. O ye lands bless ye the Lord, O ye
91
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
mountains and little hills bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 46. O all ye things that grow in the earth bless ye the Lord, O ye deep fountains bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 47. O ye seas and rivers bless ye the Lord, O ye fish and all that move in the waters bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 48. O all ye fowls of tht: heavens bless ye the Lord, O all ye beasts and cattle bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 49. O all ye children of men bless ye the Lord, O Israel bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 50. O ye priests of God bless ye the Lord, ( O ye servants of God, bless ye the Lord), praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 51. O ye spirits and souls of the righteous bless ye the Lord, O ye holy and humble men of heart bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world. V. 52. O ye Hananyah, Azariah, and Mishael bless ye the Lord, praise him and exalt him in the world, for he hath delivered us from Sheol and saved us from the hand of death ; for he delivered us from the furnace of burning fire, and he hath saved us from burning fire and flames. V. 53. Give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, as his mercies {endure) for ever, and bless ye the Lord of the World, he is God, praise him and exalt him in the world.
B. Daniel and the Dragon.
V. 1. And in that place there was a great and mighty dragon, which all the Babylonians worshipped. V. 2. And the king said unto Daniel, now thou canst not say that this here is no living god, therefore pray to him. V. 3. And Daniel answered and said unto the king, I pray only to the Lord Crod of my fathers, for he is a living God, mighty and awe-inspiring. V. 4. But if thou, O king, wilt give me leave, I will slay this dragon without lance or sword. V. 5. And the king said unto Daniel, I give thee now leave to do unto it all that thou wishest. 6. And Daniel went and took pitch and fat and flax and hair, and rolled them into one lump, and he made unto himself iron hatchets, and rolled all that round and round the hatchets, and he threw it into the dragon's mouth. V. 7. And it came to pass when the dragon had swallowed it and it had gone down into his stomach, the fat and pitch melted away from the hatchets, and the dragon was injured by the (spurs) points of the hatchet, and
92
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
died. And Daniel said, lo, this is your god, whom you worshipped. V. 8. And when they of Babylon saw that the dragon was dead, they were all greatly incensed, and they gathered together and went up before the king, and they spake, saying, now we know that thou art like unto one of the Jewish men, for lo ! thou has destroyed Bel, and the dragon thou hast killed, and the priests of Bel thou hast broken up, together with his temple. V. 9. And now, if thou deliverest not Daniel into our hands, we will kill thee even in thine house. V. 10. Now when the king saw that they were all greatly incensed so that they wanted to kill him, he delivered Daniel unto them. V. 11. And they cast Daniel into the lions' pit, and he was there seven days. V. 12. For there was a pit in that place, in which there were seven lions, and they used to give them every day two carcasses, and two sheep ; and on that day they were not given to them, to the intent that they might devour Daniel. V. 13. The prophet Habakkuk was then in the land of Israel, and he sod a pottage to feed the reapers, and placed bread in his sack, and went to bring it to the reapers in the field. V. 14. And lo, the angel of the Lord (appeared), and spoke to Habakkuk the prophet, saying, go and carry now this pottage which thou hast made to the town of Babylon, and give it to Daniel, who is in the lions' pit. V. 15. And the prophet Habakkuk answered and said to the angel, my lord, I have never seen the town of Babylon, neither do I know the lions' pit. V. 16. And the angel of the Lord took him by the neck and bore him by the lock of his head, and he set him with the food that lie had in his hands over the mouth of the lions' pit which was in Babylon. V. 17. And when he recovered his breath, Habakkuk called Daniel, and said, take now this food which thy God has sent thee. V. 18. And Daniel praised and prayed, and said, O Lord <iod, thou hast remembered me, neither hast thou forsaken all those that love thee. V. 19 And Daniel arose and did eat; and the angel of the Lord carried Habakkuk back to his place in one hour. V. 20. And it came to pass on the seventh day that the king arose -and went to the lions' pit to see Daniel, and he saw Daniel sitting in the den. V. 21. And the king cried with a loud and mighty voice, and said, the Lord God of Daniel, He is great and glorious. V. 22. And the king ordered to draw Daniel out from the lions' pit, and those men who had calumniated Daniel, the king ordered to cast them in there. And they cast them in the lions' pit, and the {lions) devoured them in a moment.
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Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Postscript. — I have since acquired a Hebrew Manuscript (now Cod. Hebr., 130 of my collection) written in a Spanish hand, of the end of the XVIth century. It is a collection of tales. One among these (No. 72 f. i62a-i65a) is now the Hebrew translation of the Syriac text of Bel and the Dragon, published by Dr. Neubauer, from the Midrash Rabba de-Rabba. (The book of Tobit, Oxford, 1878, p. 39-43). This translation is as literal as possible, therefore of no small importance for the criticism of that text, especially as it contains a few remarkable variations. I select only one, as it corroborates the reading of our Aramaic text in one of the most interesting variants. V. 13 reads in this MS.: "Now Habakkuk was a prophet in Judah, and he had in his hands a pottage (seething) and in his knapsack bread, to bring to the reapers
in the field:" Wnn VTttl !TT)rP pNl N*Q2 PPM pIpllTl " agreeing thus exactly : rTTttfl Q^TSIjA With Urh OTTnONll, with the Aramaic, in that Habakkuk carried the bread in a sack, and in nothing else, although the Hebrew-Syriac text has also the word NIW for it.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden at 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, the 5th March, 1895, when the following Paper will be read : —
P. le P. Renouf {President), "Human Sacrifice, and the Theory of Substitution in Egyptian and other Ancient Religions."
ERRATUM. January Proceedings, p. 38, for Unas ^uZIJ rea^ Unas
94
Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alkek, E., Die Chronologie der Blicher der Konige und Paralipomenon im Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de 1'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes. Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden. Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen of vols. 3 and 4.) Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel- Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augen-
krankheiten. Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichle Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra" Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Feb. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's, Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Beriicksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. Toachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology. Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtigung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates. Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c. , 1SS0. Lyon, D. G., An Assyrian Manual. Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen. Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio. Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. RAWLINSON, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur la chronologie des Lagidts
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
.Schouvv, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
A'irey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode dAristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien. Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaelogie. Utrecht, 1891. Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890. Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. Wiltzke, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. "Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
"Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
"Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878. Zimmern, H, Die Assyriologie als Hulfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alteu Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Third Meeting, ^th March, 1895. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President.
IN THE CHAIK.
■&&■
The President referred to the severe loss suffered by the Society by the death of —
Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson, Bart., K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., etc. {Vice- President).
PROFESSOR F. J. Lauth, Munich (Hon. Member).
Hyde Clarke, D.C.L., F.R. Hist. Soc, etc., etc.
[No. cxxvin.] 95
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — Prof. Guidi. Abyssinian Proverbs, etc.
Rome. 8vo. 1894. From the Author : — Rev. Joseph Horner, D. D. Pul, Jareb,
Tiglath-Pileser. A Chronologico-Historical Study.
The following Candidates were submitted for election, having been nominated at the last Meeting, 5th February, 1895, and elected Members of the Society: —
Rev. Percival Clementi-Smith, M.A., 35, St. Andrew's Hill, E.C. Mrs. Cornelius Stevenson, 237, South 21st Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at the next Meeting, to be held on the 2nd April, 1895 : —
S. Hirschfeld, Bream's Buildings, Fetter Lane, E.C. Rev. J. J. C. Valpy, Elsing Rectory, E. Dereham. David J. Waugh, 4, Florence Place, Falmouth.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) on " Human Sacrifice and the Theory of Substitution in Egyptian, and other Ancient Religions."
Remarks were added by the Rev. J. Marshall, Walter Morrison {Vice-President), W. St. C. Boscawen, and the President.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
^^i^p^-
96
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. Le Page Renouf.
Continuation of Notes on Chapter no.
The Garden of Aarru, I H.H.U \\ ^ , is often men-
tioned in connection with that of Hotepit, and may perhaps be considered as the most notable part of it. It is through its Gate that the Sun-god rises up into Heaven.
It takes its name from a plant (J \\ v\ aarru (later
-iV' RM- 55' ; fl'k, 1 , T^o' ^-Chapter
[7 ; \\\* Ba' Chapter no, by phonetic dissimi-
ation of rr into nr). The usual form in later times is n \\
1 Jm I I I "vj, but we find even shorter forms in ,-^MlIlft, B.M. $2,
n Wsl III ~, , . r w
and £A?i . 1 he determinative ^JJJ^ of a reptile, indicates
a creeping, climbing, twining plant, such as the convolvulus, hop, or vine.f
Compared with j\J\j\ | o 1 \ in the papyrus of Nesichonsu,
^^^1 I \ ism ©
published by M. Maspero, Miss. Arch., I, p. 612.
t The Pyramid Texts have the invocations {Unas, 597), "Hail to thee, Horus, in the domains of Horus ; Hail to thee, Sutu, in the domains of Sutu ;
Hail to thee, Lion ((J \0\ Aar), in the Garden of Aarru. :'
\ 1 J»e& jbss
Another derivation is suggested in the "Destruction of Mankind," line 39,
>\ o\ (as I read it) an augmented form of V\ <^ , which does not mean pluck, as in Brugsch's translation, but bind, fasten, twine, nectere, con-
97 g 2
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895
The term 'Garden' implies in this connection nothing more than a cultivated enclosure.
The names of different localities which are invoked by the deceased and appear on the vignette of the chapter, have here been made prominent by means of heavy type.
1. Rise in Hotepit, or (later on) Hotep, 7^^ V\ <=> O , is
the name of one of the localities. The word ^a, as I have often
said, has the sense of rising up, coming to light, making an appearance, and like the Greek fau'vo/uai is especially applicable to the appearance of daybreak, or the rise of the heavenly bodies.
2. Turning, a fcja . The group has the apparent sense of Intilding, but the primitive sense is turning, as in the making of pottery. The preposition <rr> which follows it in this place seems to show that building is not meant.
3. This, of course, sounds like nonsense, but so does the original as it has come down to us. The papyrus of Ani, which reads
[~Q \\ , forces the sense of day upon the sign Q, which in the
stringere, convolvere. This sense would explain the ancient determinatives and lead to still more interesting results. For the ancient word
UMIN , darerit, 'a vine,' has thus clearly the same etymological
1
sense as our European word vine. "Vi-num . . . attaches itself to vi-tis, vi-men, vi-tex, and — exactly like the Greek FoI-voq — to the Indo-Greek root vei, ' to twine.' So that vi-no means first 'creeper,' then 'fruit of the creeper,' finally 'drink made from the fruit of the creeper'" (O. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
P- 324).
Philological speculation might make a further advance.
As (J V\ aar> is to "*" _2<2s <"'> so perhaps is (J \Ov v\
vJ aarru to \I tint. The first two groups are not phonetically iden-
I I I <=»! ' I
tical, but they are certainly allied and have very much the same meaning ; the last has, with some probability, been identified with the Vine-branch, and that,
in conjunction with the text v^ R -TV ^ (see Zeitschr., 187S, p. 107,
<CZ=> II I l 1 11 I 111 @ and the plate corresponding). "The Vine-plant is Osiris." The Greeks, or some of them at least, identified Osiris with Dionysos (Plutarch, de /side et Osiride, 34, 35). The god is sometimes (as in the papyrus of Nebseni) sitting in a naos under a vine, from which bunches of grapes are hanging.
93
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
sense of turn would have been far more intelligible. There was the ' Portion of Sutu,' and the ' Portion of Horus,' each being half the world, topographically, or half the twenty-four hours as regards time.
I suspect that ' day ' is a faulty interpretation of the ambiguous O, and that the true sense of the passage in that Sutu is satisfied with the share which comes to his turn, and thereupon delivers Horus from imprisonment in the lower world. The perplexity, or ignorance of the copyists is seen in the very next words. One has ' he who is in Merit,' others ' he who is in my mouth,' and two ' he who is in the egg,' if this be the sense of the very questionable
group -j Y lj\ ^ Jj , which looks like a mistake for — v\ ^ , a
well known title of Anubis.
4. Again and again renewed \ \\\-
5. His papyrus. So the word ' mehit, which occurs in the
rubric of Chapter 134, has hitherto been translated. But the vases ^ or SJ, as determinatives, rather imply 'inkstand' or 'palette for holding colour.' In this place it is the writing itself and not the material, paper, ink or inkstand, which is meant. And from the entire context Thoth is the god who is spoken of.
6. He reconcileth the two Warrior ?ods with each other.
D^\Yii-l\-i
The final □ lj^-i j^ jf £j i^nj <=> jf y*i y , 1 1
words en aru-sen show the origin of the Coptic form It . . . epHOT invicem.
7. Grind I \ *■ — x>, the Coptic from of which is CIKI. From the notion of ' reducing to powder,' that of the frequent word
I ^pe ^^ ' wearing away,' 'decay,' is derived.
8. Let my arteries be made fast, and let me have the enjoyment of the Breeze, or that I may have enjoyment. The oldest meaning of the word artery, aprrjpia, in Hippocrates, Aristotle and the earlier Latin writers is wind-pipe, and, in the plural, air-ducts. But, even when the word was also applied to what we call arteries, these were supposed to convey air whilst the veins conveyed blood. " Sanguis per venas in omne corpus diffunditur et spiritus per arterias " is the classic doctrine in Cicero (de Natura Deorum, 2, 55). Pliny says
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Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
(Nat. Hist., XI, 89), "arteriae carent sensu: nam et sanguine." This error is corrected by Galen, who has a treatise on the question " Whether Blood is naturally (Kara (pvaw) contained in the arteries?" The error of the ancients arose from the arteries always being found empty after death. The blood flowing from a wound inflicted upon them was inferred to have been intruded into them by the rupture of the veins. The Egyptian doctrine of the ' arteries '
(Coptic ^,<LrtJULOVX) in the head, by means of
c± Jl I I I
which air is conveyed to all parts of the person, was first found by M. Chabas in the Berlin Medical papyrus. The passage of the Book of the Dead on which this note is written is no doubt the earliest allusion to the doctrine.
9. Hesit [the Cow-goddess] jjj ^, |"^^, \^
8 L is one of the many names of Isis or Hathor. She is repre- sented as suckling her son Horus (see picture in Lanzone, p. 844), and it is this which characterizes her and from which she derives her name. She is asked on the Louvre tablet (c. 14) for "the white liquor which the glorified ones love." This is distinctly called 'milk' on the Florentine tablet 2567, and vases of her milk are mentioned (Diimichen, Resultate, 27, 6) in the inscriptions of Dendera. A picture of her given in Diimichen's Historische Inschriften (II, 32) identifies her with Hathor, and calls her "divine mother, mistress of heaven and sovereign of the gods," while others call her "the divine mother and fair nurse."
There can be no doubt about the right reading of the name which is Hesit ; the — * — is written in so many texts (see Pepi, I,
306, Amajjiu, 21, 1, Lepsius, Auswalh, IX, and the form | L at
Philae), that there is no reason for confounding the name with that of hetemit. We must therefore attach no importance to this latter name when applied in the vignette of the Turin Todte?ibuch to one of the divine abodes which bears the name of the goddess, and is written exactly like it.
Uach -L I v\ ® W blooming, flozvering.
11. — The udnged things of Shu are given to me, and my Kau follow me.
Mar. 5 PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
en), v\ <g^& ■> is a word of very rare occurrence.
Birch and Naville understood it of the netting, and Brugsch, of the pluming of birds. Both meanings may be disputed, but whatever Shu did, was done to birds, and these are said to be given to the deceased.
The prayer that a person may travel over the blissful parts,
followed by his kau n H | j ^-j^c^, is repeatedly found on
the early monuments. Several papyri say that the deceased is followed by ' the gods and the kau.'
12. Tefait *__T| J, an abode abounding in ^J <g^ ^ ( ( | delicacies.
13. He is in heaven AT) • The reading |\ to which
Brugsch at one time attached much importance, has turned out to be one of the many blunders of the text of Sutimes. But the
true reading is not without its difficulties. If at is taken
as equivalent to (I V\ we have a strange anticipation of a change
in language of which the " enigmatical " texts of the royal tombs* give the first intimation, but which first becomes conspicuous in the
demotic period. In a previous passage we have _rm I C Y\ AT) D ^Km °, where Nebseni has 1\ y^ . But the important preposition v\ had already dropped out of the earlier text of Chaemhait. The demonstrative particle (II which occurs in both
places may be rendered 'there [he is],' ' le voila.'
14. / salute the stream of Teserit : a corrupt passage like so
many others in this chapter. The first word p> \\ ft ^o( J\
D
' salute ' is rare but correct and well attested. The proper name is but one of the contradictory readings. It has, however, the advantage of being a real name and suitable to the passage, being
* Here we already have ^j( = j| f\ " <=>> 2S< =^> = -])- =«-
and y^l O = At- _ D. See my article in the Zeitschr., 1874, p. 102.
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Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
that of a goddess mentioned in connection with the next abode.
■T"^ o J] T'eserit is a name corresponding to the classical 'AyXata
or Clara.* In the texts of the Royal Tombs she is named as
goddess in L& Lh£a Cher-aba. And heret she is depicted as the
goddess with long or flowing locks (ei>7r\6Ka/nos) and armed with horns. She is one of the forms of Isis or Hathor.
15. Kankanitxs, etymologically akin to the verb of beating (see Chapter 17, note 20), but there is no reason from the notice here to suppose that this was a place of punishment.
16. Us erit | <rr> M is one of the commonest appellatives of
Isis, especially in the later texts. The names of all these abodes, situated in that region of the sky where the sun rises, are derived from the notion of daybreak.
17. Smait, another of these appellatives, see Chapter 62, note 1.
18. The Emerald ones HV^J ~ ^\ 2r , those who are in the
emerald light of the dawn. The sun rises (Chapter 109) through two sycomores of emerald.
19. Which have the force of purification A\ v\ 1 . The
syllable db expresses the word signifying horn as well as that signify- ing purification.
The vignettes of the chapter which are here given from different authorities are explained in their proper place.
It is also the name of a liquid substance ^Z~J =0, Q [T% ,
<=^> &=^ { ^\7
a produce of the cow, such as cream or clarified butter. It occurs in all the
lists of offerings.
t A reference to M. Naville's collation of this chapter (line 40), will show
the corruption and uncertainty of the text which precedes the name of the
goddess. If we look beyond the authorities given by M. Naville, the difficulties
are multiplied. The papyrus of Queen Net'emit in the Louvre, for instance,
stead of [I J \: etc., reads, ?V~
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1895.
PLATE XXV.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter XCIX. Papyrus Busca.
Chapter XCIX. Papyrus, Berlin Museum, No. 2.
Chapter XCIX. Papyrus, Brit. Mus., No. 9905.
Chapter XCIX. 3apyrus, Mus6e du Louvre, No. Ill, 89.
Chapter XCIX. Papyrus Brocklehurst, II.
^_cr<fc
<£.
<L
€
W
1
III
H
/•&*
/I
Chapter XCIX. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arc/.:, March, 1895.
PLATE XXVI.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter C.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre,
No. Ill, 93
Chapter C. Papyrus, Boulaq Museum, No. 21.
^'f-^fctftfoS -^oh.
Chapter C. Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, No. Ill, 89.
Chapter CII.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre,
No. Ill, 36.
Chapter CIX.
Rosrllini, " Mon. del Culto.,'
pi. XXIII.
Chapter CII. Papyrus Brocklehurst, II.
Chapter CVIII. Chapter CIX.
Papyrus, Berlin Museum, No. II. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900.
Proc. Soc. Bibt. Arch., March, 1S95.
PLATE XXVII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Proc. Soc. Bid/. Ate ft., March, 1895.
PLATE XXVIII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CX. Bas Relief, Leyden Museum.
Chapter CXII.
Mariette,
"Abydos," I, p. 83.
Chapter CXII.
Mariette, Abydos," I, pi. 39.
Chapter CXII.
Mariette, Abydos," I, p. 82.
PLATE XXIX.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CXII. Mariette, "Abydos," I, pi. 10.
Chapter CXIII. Mariette, "Abydos," I, pi. 29.
Chapter CXII.
Papyrus, British Museum,
No. 9900.
Chapter CXIII. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9964
Chapters CXII and CXIII. Mariette, "Abydos," I, pi. 31,
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ETUDE SUR ABYDOS.
UN DIALOGUE DES MORTS : LE CHAPITRE D'AMENER LA BARQUE.
(Traduction.) Par E. Lefebure.
Les fetes symbolisant le depart des ames se celebraient, non seulement a Abydos, mais encore dans tout le pays, avec une mise en scene tres detaillee. Leur caractere dramatique, signale par Herodote comrae par Diodore, avait du necessiter la composition d'une sorte d'aide-memoire, scenario ou rituel, comme pour l'Apro, et il semble bien qu'il nous en reste une partie dans le vieux texte d'amener la barque. C'est une longue scene dialoguee entre un mort ou un officiant, et le Charon egyptien, d'abord, puis entre le mort ou l'officiant et un mysterieux personnage reveille par lui, Aken, le tout au sujet du greement de la barque infernale. On n'aurait probablement pas pousse aussi loin une telle redaction, sans un but d'utilite pratique.
Le chapitre de la barque appartient a la haute antiquite, et se rattache aux croyances de l'ancien Empire plutot qu'a celles du nouveau. Son existence au temps des premieres dynasties est indiquee, dans les formules des pyramides royales, par des allusions et des citations frequentes, mais c'est le moyen Empire qui nous a laisse le texte lui-meme, sur les sarcophages de Horhotep,* de Satbast,f et de Mentuhotep4 Une seule copie plus recente se trouve au Livre des Morts de Tura,§ qui date de la dix-huitieme dynastie.
Comme le dialogue dont il s'agit explique certaines particularites des rites d' Abydos, la traduction va en etre tentee ici d'apres ces
* Maspero, Trots annees de fouilles, Sarcophage de Horhotep, p. 163-7, 1. 425-494, et planche en photogravure, (premiere) portion du flanc droit, t Id., Sarcophage de Satbast, p. 228-231, 1. 1-31. J Lepsius, Aelteste Texte, pi. 12-15, '• J-66. § Naville, Todlenbuch, ch. 99, A.
103
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
quatre redactions, lesquelles different assez peu l'une de l'autre pour le fond : elles sont designees dans les notes par les lettres A (Hor- hotep), B (Mentuhotep), C (Satbast), et D (Tura) : l'absence de lettre indique A.
Le texte le moins incorrect (car on ne saurait guere dire le plus correct), et le mieux conserve, celui de Horhotep, A, a ete pris pour type : les passages ou les mots qui lui manquent, et qui sont dans B, ont ete ajoutes entre crochets, tandisque les additions faites pour eclaircir le sens sont mises entre parentheses. B etait plus complet, mais il se trouve maintenant coupe c,a et la par des lacunes ; il offre cette ressource que ies inter- pellations adressees a l'ofhciant (il y en a une soixantaine) sont ecrites a l'encre rouge, comrae l'avait remarque Lepsius.* C, qui ressemble moins a A qu'a B, presente le meme avantage, mais il est tres mutile, et s'arrete a la 1. 463 de Horhotep.
D est extremement fautif; il fourmille d'omissions, de trans- positions et de deformations de groupes ; de plus, il s'arrete a la 1, 467 de Horhotep.
Piein de locutions speciales et d'allusions obscures, comme bien d'autres textes religieux qu'on ne saurait encore interpreter d'une maniere definitive, le chapitre de la barque necessite une sorte de glose perpetuelle et, en consequence, etendue : pour l'alleger un peu, les notes qui eussent ete trop longues au bas des pages ont ete renvoyees a la suite de la traduction, au moyen de chiffres romains ; ce sera le commentaire des parties les plus difficiles ou les plus interessantes.
Une explication d'ensemble viendra ensuite, afin de montrer le jour que peuvent jeter ces vieilles formules sur les ceremonies dAbydos.
TEXTE DE HORHOTEP.
Ligne 425. Amener la barque [en enfer\\ Texte. — He, Batelier ! Amene-moi ceci : amene-moi Horus a son ceil, amene- moi Set a son scrotum (I). En cheminant,J l'oeil d'Horus
* Lepsius, Aelteste Texte, p. 23.
t C'est le texte C qui ajoute V\ n I .
X Merenra, 1. 291 et Pepi II, 1. 1283, ont I J\ U , etc.
104
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne426. est tombe, dans la partie orientale du ciel, et il defend son corps contre Set.* O Celui qui voit derriere lui (II), reveille-moi Aken. Vivat
Ligne 427. pour toi (III) ! Laisse-moi venir (IV). Qui es-tu, toi qui viens (V) ? Je suis celui qui aime son pere, et que son peret aime, grandement, celui qui reveillera
Ligne 428. son pere gisant. O Celui qui voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir.
Ligne 429. Diras-tn, toi qui te diriges vers la partie orientale du ciel, pourquoi tit tydiriges? Je releverai sa tete, je redresserai sa face. II vous donnera
Ligne 430. des ordres, et les ordres qu'il vous donnera ne seront ni perimes ni annules en cette terre, a jamais. O Celui qui voit derriere lui,
Ligne 431. reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Qui es-tu, toi qui viens ? Je suis le Magicien.
Ligne 432. Es-tu pozirvu? Je suis pourvu. Es-tu muni?% Je suis muni. As-tu
Ligne 433. dispose les deux membres (VI)? J'ai dispose les
* II y a un texte analogue aux pyramides : " Horus crie apres son oeil, Set crie apres son scrotum. En cheminant, l'ceil d'llorus est tombe, dans cette partie orientale du lac de Kha, il defend son corps (le corps de l'ceil et non, comme a Abydos, I, p. 45 et 83, le corps d'Horus) contre Set, et voit Thoth dans cette partie du lac de Kha. En cheminant, l'ceil d'Horus, dans cette partie du lac de Kha, est tombe sur l'aile de Thoth, dans cette partie du lac de Kha ; ces dieux passent sur l'aile de Thoth vers cette partie orientale du ciel, afin de parler devant Set pour cet ceil d'Horus ; ce roi passe, etc. Eveille-toi en paix, Mahaf ! (Pepi I, 1. 674-6, Teta, 1. 185-90, et Pepi II, 1. 1282-7).
t Yv\ , sa mere, d'apres D.
+ II s'agit d'un magicien : e'est done de sa magie qu'il est pourvu, comme le
prouve d'ailleurs le Todtenbuch, j^ Jj\ c*^ A < > \\ Q j[ J V\
% I (Naville, Todtenbuch, II, ch. 23, pi. 85 ; cf. Stele Metternich,
pi. 1, et 1. 213-4) ; au ch. 94, 1. 2, l'elu demande a etre possesseur et pourvu des ecrits de Thoth. Un texte des pyramides fait allusion a ce passage du ch. de la barque : " le ciel craque, la terre tremble, (secoues) sur les deux bras- de ce Pepi. Pepi, e'est le magicien, Pepi e'est le possesseur de la magie,
f l°MuVfl( h\M^-^
vient et reconforte Orion, ce Pepi fait primer Osiris, ce Pepi met les dieux a leurs places. Mahaf, taureau des dieux, amene ceci a ce Pepi, mets ce Pepi a sa place de vie et de bonheur." (Pepi I, 1. 176.)
I°5
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
deux membres. Que sont-ils, ces deux membres? Le bras et la jambe. Ensuite ?
Ligne 434. O Celui qui voir, derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Je te reveillerai
Line 435. Aken, pourquoi do?ic ? (Pour qu')il m'amene* la reunion avec Khnemu (VII) dans l'interieur de la Marcheuse du lac.f La coupure est faite dans le
Ligne 436. mouillage (VIII). Retire sa gauche, (a la barque), et pousse-la a (la place de) son arriere, retire sa droite et pousse-la a (la place de) son avant (IX).
Ligne 437. Elle n'a plus ses roseaux, elte n'a plus ses joncs,% elle u'a plus ses piquets (X), elle n'a plus ses courroies. Ses joncs, e'est le pelage
438. qui est a§ la queue de Set, ses roseaux, ce sont les crocs (XI) qui sont dans la gueule de Baba, ses piquets,
Ligne 439. ce sont lespiquants des levres de Bai,|| ses courroies ce sont les mains de l'image d'HoruslI
* (1 A ^ aa/w\a (I , son acte de nCamener (Da A "^^ seulement) ;
pour des infinitifs <le ce genre, dans des phrases dont l'une est la consequence de Pautre, cf. 1. 451 : tu viens et comment vetiir ?
t La barque, appelee aussi VAmeneuse, (I A tV ,, , Merenra, 1. 652,
et Pepi I, 1. 437. D au lieu de la Marcheuse, a I X , le nome heliopolite,
Hekes. Si cette lecon n'est pas entierement fautive, il y aurait la, comme Hekes designe le peche, le filet, le pecheur, une allusion au role de pecheur donne au batelier par le ch. 153 du Todtenbuch : la barque serait la Pecheuse.
+ TqTqT V\ vj, D \ ^c\ vj ; ce mot est pris ici au sens general,
^-^m YJ1\\\ tttxTt ..
comme dans l'hymne au Nil oil il est dit que le fleuve arrose les |}|QI vi » ciees
'——-' 1 1 1
par Ra pour nourrir tous les bestiaux (Sallier, II, pi. 7, et Anastasi, VII, pi. 7).
De meme a Edfou (J. de Rouge, Textes geographiq ues d'Edfou, pi. 49), et au
Livre d'honorer Osiris (Pierret, Etudes egyptologiques, I, p. 30). Les textes des
pyramides placent aux portes de 1'enfer les TqTqT \\ ] <=> \^ \(j "\JJ
de Set (Pepi I, I. 367), dont l'elu renverse la cloture pour sortir.
§ B a <cr> , sur. || B et C ont Baba.
If C'est une allusion probable aux statues des dieux, dont les bras et les mains etaient mobiles, ou bien encore aux serres de l'epervier. Les avirons de la barque infernale sont appeles les doigts d'Horus l'aine {Todtenbiuh, ch. 99, 1. 16).
106
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne 440. qui agit : l'ceil d'Horus les guide. O Celui qui voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi
Ligne 441. venir. Qui done gardera V emplacement* de cette barque ?t Apporte cette queue du Veluj et place-la a
Ligne 442. son arriere : elle la gardera. O Celui qui voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi !
Ligne 443. Laisse-moi venir. Qui done te Pamknera avec mot 7 Amene-la avec Neferneteru, et avec Amset, [Mesetmutdjesf], Hapi,
Ligne 444. Tuaumatf et Kebsenuf.-S il la gouvernera. || La depouille (XII) (de la victime), placee a son avant, la guidera vers le lieu 011
Ligne 445. il est. Eh, pourquoi done ceci 7 Eh, en guise
AA/WVA
* '. , ou A/VWVS , " pour nous ;" ce groupe ne se trouve que dans A.
t D intercale ici cette phrase : 1 fl \\) (~\-/^ A Q
\\ , " le Khenti militaire donnera ce qui la gardera."
7~"^f\ |\ ~% D -^(HS, ~%J, surnom de Set;
les fils d'Horus £ J] /VW/W ^Jf ^^^ ? | T 7 n > vainquent Senem qzii a
arrache Vceil d 'Horns, et t'a mange {Denkmaler, IV, pi. 46, a, 1. 31). Deux
determinatifs du mot, dans ses diverses acceptions, sont TV^ et S??^* *ci ^e
Velu, cf. V Vtn > e'est la victime du sacrifice, regardee comme typhonienne.
§ Neferneteru, le vieilleur des dicux, est represente a la 3e heure de l'Amtuat.
Dans la liste des autres dieux, A omet „ I a \/\ (J — «— | > C omet Hapi,
et D, qui deforme etrangement le mot Neferneteru, omet Amset. B seul a done la six dieux, et il se pourrait qu'en realite il n'en fallut que cinq : le nom de Mesetmutdjesf ne serait alors qu'une variante developpee du nom d'Amset
I — h — , Oimenoptah, pi. XI, A). Aux pyramides, le groupe des quatre genies
des canopes est maintes fois cite comme amenant la barque (Pepi I, 1. 464-5, et Merenra, 1. 551) ; d'autres fois, il est seulement question des quatre dieux
fflh^ ^j(™^ * ^^> (Merenra, 1. 650-2, et Pepi I, 1. 436).
Cinq remorqueurs de la barque, sans doute les quatres genies et Neferneteru, rigurent dans un exemplaire du Todtenlmch (Naville, I, ch. 99, pi. 112). Meset ou Set, / 1 1 c± I I 5 designe line sorte du baton recourbe aux 2e et
4e heures de l'Amtuat, oil a. la 3e heure figure un taurocephale appele I .
^ n /WWW cq
li Cf. Merenra, 1. 641 : Q (^ % ^_^ ] -
107
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
d'ailes (XIII), la depouille. Et ensuite ? Ce ciel rente, et elle ria point son mat. Apporte
Ligne 446. ce phallus de Baba,* qui cree les enfants, qui engendre les veaux. Je I'installerai, pourquoi done
Ligne 447. cela? Pour l'enfourchuret (du mat) et le com- mencement de la marche. [Et ses cordages .?] Apporte ce serpent qui est dans la main de Hemen (XIV).
Ligne 448. En quel endroit de la barque le mettrai-je done? Place-le dans sa sentine. j [Et sa toile ?§ C'est la trame sortie de la tresse (XV) dont Horus ainsi que Nubt respirent l'odeur, au jour de la fete du commencement de l'annee]. Et la ralingue ?\\ C'est le lien
Ligne 449. de celui qui effraie les hommes.1T Qui est-ce, celiti qui effraie les homines ? Celui qui est en vie dans sa nuit
* II faut probablement voir, dans cette conception, l'origine de differentes figurines obscenes de l'epoque greco-romaine, representant des Priapes grotesques, avec mat et voile.
t Mot a mot les deux jambes, e'est-a-dire les deux branches de la vergue soutenant la voile ,
v\ , Purine.
_2Tf=a
§ B (C^-f \\ \y I I t=± ; a la ligne precedente, A, ou tout ce passage
est tronque, a ^ V\ v\ \\ , la voile, au lieu du mot cordages.
|| Litteralement les deux levres ; des levres, qui sont des liens, ne peuvent guere designer ici que la corde qui borde les deux cotes de la voile, et qu'on appelle la ralingue. Ces differentes parties du navire, mat, cables, voiles, et attaches, sont enumerees aussi dans le passage d'llomere qui decrit le depart de Telemaque (Odyssee, II, v. 424-6).
" £* \ Zl W- £* &>■ B ^ ^ \ ■ -w ,,absenco
de determinant, le mot tcmu a ete compris ici dans le sens d'hommes. II y a un ^^|| a la 5e heure de l'Amtuat (Champollion, Notices, I, p. 762), et un
(2*-** j a Denderah, (IV, pi. 37, 1. 76) ; le chapitre des pecheurs represente Horus
assis seul dans l'obscurite, invisible et effrayant les etrcs, ^5' x^. ^ j^, 1 . et les cordes de l'objet >~r< du filet y sont dices les liens, !5E? X\ ' , \' , ' , du maitre des humains (Naville, Todtenbuch, II, ch. 153, pi. 434-5). Le mot •+-, vivre ou surgir la nuit du nouvel an, fait songer au feu qu'on allumait alors (J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques, pi. 279, 1. 27 et pi. 281, 1. 45), et les liens du personnage rappellent ceux d'Yama, le dieu des morts dans l'Inde.
108
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne 450. du commencement de l'annee. O Celui qui voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Qui es-
Ligne 451. tu, toi qui viens ? Je suis le Magicien. Tu vie us. et comment venir ? Tu sors, et comment sortir?* Je sortirai par le moyen desf
Ligne 452. celebrants (XVI) et des victimes (XVII). Pourquoi ceci, et que fais-tu pour elk ?% Je marche sur leur dos,§
Ligne 453. et je guide ses celebrants. Que fais-tu encore pour elle? [Ma droite est a sa droite, mon devant a son avant, ma gauche a sa gauche, mon dos a son arriere. Que fais-tu encore pour elle?'] L'abattage de ses taureaux, l'egorgement de son oie, le tir (de son canard ||).
Ligne 454. Qui est-ce qui se place stir elle ? L'Horus des chefs. Qui est-ce qui prend ses objets mysterieux ?U Le Khent chef aine.
Ligne 455. Qui est-ce qui dispose ses vases ?** Le Khent, chef de la Bat (XVIII). Que fais-tu encore pour elle?
* Mot a mot comme quoi sortir ? ^-=5; ^. C'est la sortie de ce monde pour s'en aller dans l'autre et monter de l'enfer au ciel ; cf. Unas, derniere formule.
f f\ s V\ «ww , forme de l'article et du pronom ; cf. Todlenbuch, ch. 106,
3 ce batelier qui es dans la Sekhet-aru, J] v\ M^ <zr> f^~
^ \j\ tv 0 ^ E
(ou GE^> ~~~ Y\ tf ££££ ^3^6 (edition Naville, II,
III/ // <CZ> -Jl /www
pi. 243), conduis-moi aux ties (ou, cf. Recueil, XIV, p. 170, aux pains) de ton
'*■ ™^\, selon ce que fordonne (Oinie-
r.anal ; cf. aussi / F* — N
o _a i Jr If
neptah, pi. 8, C).
+ /ww^M, et 1. 453, <ZT> I, relativement a elle, la barque; ici, et dans les demandes semblables, les autres textes ont | . . . , relativement a eux, la barque, les celebrants et les victimes.
§ Le dos des victimes.
|| Mot restitue d'apres cette phrase des pyramides : Q I '^wv M
">— r*^ D ^S^ (Teta, 1. 389-390, et Merenra, 1. 405).
IT Le materiel du sacrifice.
** Les vases destines a recueillir le sang et a placer le cceur de la victime, par exemple, comme on le voit dans l'Apro.
109
Mar. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895-
Ligne 456. Marche vers Khem le Coptite et Anubis Abataui :* je les decouvre
Ligne 457. qui celebrent leurs fetes, et qui moissonnent. \Lettr%\ bles ont-ils des epis\ \poicr faire des pains X\ ? Separe les tiges avec leurs faucilles§ qui sont
Ligne 458. a leurs pieds : [tu feras des pains avec (les epis)]. Que Celui qui s'eleve me conduise|| a l'Elevee, que le Jeune de Pa me conduise au Jeune de Neteru (XIX),
* Ce titre d'Anubis, viaitre des deux terres, est ecrit Sekhemtaui a la 1. 46S, B, et a la 1. 4S7 {cf. Zeitschrift, 1885, p. 10) : le sens est le meme sous ces deux formes. On remarquera que le principal hieroglyphe du titre, le sceptre, etait divinise et porte sur une enseigne dans les processions, au moins a Denderah,
6 "1 %j \\ ° "I (Denderah, IV, pi. 21).
t V * V\ ^\ V*^^0' c'esl; 'e terme flm' designe sous les formes
^ > ^ ^T (Oimeneptah, pi. 2, B),
111 /=. \\ ^ '
\J (meme texte, tombeau de Seti I), et Will
III, o I I I
vl (2e heure de l'Amtuat), les enormes epis o l I l
du paradis egyptien.
+ Les derniers mots de la question, dans B, paraissent bien etre pour des pains.
. &
£=> I I I I
<C?\
\^
I I
, et B
r^J}'
c
proquement.
VJ : ces deux versions se completent et se corrigent reci- I l l
:? x, _/l a, parmi ses sens, celui de separer : je ne viens pas pour 1 cvJl ' st!Parer lc die" du dieti (Abydos, I, p. 42 ; cf.
Merenra, 1. 301). Ici, il s'agit de separer la paille du grain : separe les tiges avec les faucilles, ou, d'apres B, separe les tiges a" avec les vases a mettre le grain. Les pyramides mentionnent les rites de la recolte qui avait lieu pour la fete d'Uak (Pepi II, 1. 707-8), et le Todtenbuch, au sujet des bles de l'elu, parle des faucilles ou des recoltes du dieu Khem (ch. 124, 1. 2) : Khem presidait aux moissons.
II ->
; cf. ^
o
J\ Mil
I
elks (les heures) conduisent Ra vers ce dont elles se nourrissent, les douze petits du serpent Herer (Oimeneptah, pi. 7, C).
1 ro
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Ligne 459. aupres* de cesf dieux qui sont dans leurs demeures. Je les decouvre qui laventj leur linge : ils viennent
Ligne 460. avec les pains des dieux. Ils te feront des pains pour Taller, des miches pour le retour. O Celui qui voit derriere lui,
Ligne 461. reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Qui es-tu, toi qui vie us ? Je suis
Ligne 462. le Magicien. Es-tu pourvu ? Je suis pourvu. Es-tu muni '? Je suis muni.
Ligne 463. As-tu dispose les deux membres ? J'ai dispose les deux membres. Que sont-ils, ces deux membres ? Le bras
Ligne 464. avec la jambe. Et ensuite ? Dir as-tu, toi qui te diriges vers la partie orientale du ciel, pourquoi tu/ais cela ?
Ligne 465. Je gouvernerai les domaines, j'administrerai les localites,§ je connaitrai celui qui possede et donnerai a celui qui ne possede pas. Je vous ferai des pains pour
* ® ; cette preposition ne se trouve que dans A.
f □ IU \£> ©, d'apres A, ce qui signifierait les dieux de Pa ; C. a YyQ □ j£> ,
reste du demonstratif L| □ j> , qui est dans D : il y a simplement les dieux, dans B. Toutefois, il est fort possible qu'il s'agisse ici de Pa (cf. Todtenbuch ,
ch. 112, 1. 1-2): a. Abydos le roi est dit C\ □ V\ [ |
(Abydos, I, p. 30, b). Unas, 1. 202,
mentionne aussi j^ (j Ul CT!3 * ^* D 11 -fl est demonstratif, on peut le comparer a □ ^ (Champollion, Notices, II, p. 526).
X <^T> t Q n 5 cf- ^e nom du lieu appele le pays des Laveuses, et situe dans le district Heroopolite d'apres M. Brugsch [Diction naire geograpkique, p. 392). La, les divinites locales en rapport avec Osiris etaient Isis, Horus et Amset, selon le Todteiibuch (ch. 18, 1. 34). Isis et Nephthys blanchissaient le linge du Soleil,
-C2^(JS™I <=>fni^I 1 m (Ab>-dos> *> P- 44; cf. Benedite, Philce
1 l l I., p. 40).
retrouve dans une des formules de la pyramide de Merenra, 1. 252 : (J | ZI
\s\ © © I >?* ^^- £11 ill , il donne des ordres a cenx qui
II
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
Ligne 466. Taller, des miches pour le retour. O Celui qui voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi !
Ligne 467. Laisse-moi venir. Connais-tu le chemin sur lequel tu marches, he, Magicien ? [Je connais le chemin sur lequel je marche. Quel est-il, ce chemin * ? Celui sur lequel marche
Ligne 468. le Sekhem-ta] quand il marche vers les Champs Elysees. Qui est ton guide ? L'Abait-ti Kheb-ti (XX)
Ligne 469. est mon guide. Qui parlera pour toi\ a ce dieu augustel Udja-ab,! frere de Sakar, Paine'.
Ligne 470. O Celui qui voit derriere lui, reveille-moi Aken. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir.
Ligne 471. Je ne Vai pas reveille. Dis : 6 Dieu! forcee est l'enceinte : je descelle ton coffre, je compte tes calames,
Ligne 472. j'ouvre tes livres (XXI); ma face est celle du Nun (XXII), ma vue est celle de Shu et mon ouie
Ligne 473. est l'ouie de Shu ; je donne des ordres aux Akhemu- Seku,§ je suis puissant [comme j'etais puissant] sur terre. Pourquoi
Ligne 474. done Cecil He I dit Aken, je suis, et j'etais mort ! Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi !
Ligne 475. Laisse-moi venir. Qui es-tu, toi qui viens? Je suis le Magicien. Es-tu pourvu ? Je suis pourvu.
sont avec le Nun. Le titre £\ V\ , | | _ est connu. Pour le
5 ^ Q
aw
mot ker, u^ ^ % , B, cf. Brugsch, Zeitschrift, 1886, p. 22, Fepi I,
<=> cz=A=a 111
1. 162, Horhotep, 1. 172, Todtenbuch, ch. 84, 1. 3, J. de Rouge, Basse Egypte, p. 39, etc. Ker signifie, avec le contexte qu'il a ici, lieu habite, d'apres son sens bien connu de posseder, occuper, habiter. On lit au texte de la Destruc- tion des homines, quand le Soleil a fait monter les hommes au ciel : oh ! tu m'as
fait habiter par une multitude, 8 \\ \^^ ^ \ ^ W> 1\
^ ^ J) ' (L 38-9)- 111 £LL Yl 1
* Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 20 et 22.
f D'apres A il faudrait lire : qui dira ton nom, /ww^ , a ce dieu ? Cf
Pepi II, 1. 1288. B parait avoir "^) , lecon adoptee ici ; il s'agit de
faire reveiller Aken par un intermediare, sorte de () -C2>- y> de 1'autre mondc.
X Pour des expressions et des noms de ce genre, cf. Horhotep, 1. 2C9 et 226, Pepi I, 1. 410, Pepi II, 1. 1191-2, et Merenra, 1. 586-7 et 754-9. § Dieux des etoiles circumpolaires.
112
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Ligne 476. Es-tu muni 2 Je suis muni. As-tu dispose les deux membres ? J'ai dispose
Ligne 477. les deux membres. Que sont-iis, ces deux membres [he, Afagicien ?]. Le bras avec la jambe. [Et ensuite? dit Aken\ Amene-moi ceci. Vivat
Ligne 478. pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Suis-je done maitre de tout* ce que je famenerais, \ he, Magieien ? Cette barque
Ligne 479. que void, il n'y a pas son ccope. Apporte cette baguette de Khnemu qui vivifie ce qui est avec elle, et place-la dedans.
Ligne 480. Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse- moi venir. Suis-je done maitre
Ligne 481. de tout ee que je famenerais, he, Magieien ? Cette barque que voici, il n'y a pas ses agres (XXIII). Qu'est-ce qui lui manque ?
Ligne 482. [// n'y a pas ses planches'], il n'y a pas ses grelins, il n'y a pas ses poteaux, il n'y a pas son materiel. Va vers ce dieu que
Ligne 483. tu ne connais pas, et rappelle-lui la totalite de ses agres, marche, il te (les) donnera. Qui est-ce, ce dieu (duquel tu dis) tu ne
Ligne 484. le connais pas, rappelle-lui la totalite de ses agres, marche, et il te les donnera cl Qui est-ce ? C'est Horus qui est avec le sceau (XXIV).
Ligne 485. Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse- moi venir. Suis-je done maitre
Ligne 486. de tout ce que je famenerais, M, Magieien ? Cette barque que voici, il n'y a pas% son cable. % Apporte ce serpent
Ligne 487. qui est dans [la main de Hemen et d'Anubis] Sekhem-taui : place-le en elle, sa tete dans ta main, sa queue dans ma main, et tordons-le. Am-
Ntt— tt \K % le dieu Tmu, au lieu de n,, tc j&X , e'est-a-dire : "suis-je done puissant comme Tmu? Amene toi-meme."
t C'est-a-dire les derniers agres de la barque, notamment le cable dont il va etre question.
% B parait remplacer _A_* par J2 ; cf. la negation douteuse ^7^ ; mais la boucle de ^J\_- peut etre confondue avec un Zl, dans B: la negation ka viendrait-elle d'une confusion semblable ?
5 Son cable de remorque.
1 l X
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
Ligne 488. tenuni (XXV) sera son nom aux bords (XXVI) des bassins qui sont dans ces deux regions. Le fleuve est-il pret?* Le fleuve est pret et libre.
Ligne 489. Aken, amene-moi ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse- moi venir. Qu'est-ce que\
Ligne 489 <£/V. ces deux regions, he, Magicien ? C'est l'horizon avec la Crypte (XXVII), (objets de) mon desir. Alors done
Ligne 489 ter. tu connais ces deux regions, he, Magicien ? Je (les) connais. Qu'est-ce que
Ligne 490. ces deux regions, he, Magicien ? C'est l'enferj avec PElysee. Aken, amene-moi
Ligne 491. ceci. Vivat pour toi ! Laisse-moi venir. Suis-je done maitre de
Ligne 492. tout ce que je famenerais, he, Magicien ? Diras-tu, [toi qui passes^ vers le lieu oil est] ce dieu auguste, si tu me passes un individu
Ligne 493. qui ne sail pas oil sont ses doigts ? [qu'il park ! Je sais ou ils sont. Oil? Dotine les quatre doigts et le pouce, donne /||]
* Cette demande manque dans B ; le contexte indique suffisamment que c'est une interrogation.
t Apres J f? Vv □ ^> terminant la 1. 489, la photographie ajoute ces deux lignes, qui manquent dans B :
Ligne 4S9 *- * « • \ ^ I JJ fl fl J □ % ^ 2 IH
^:m«^y^
IP:
Li^ne 489 ter- \\ \> ^Z^ (J ^^ \\
n a R \ j
D1^4 © ^I^W^i"'
© An q
et le texte continue avec M de la ligne 490.
<=* I 1 ^,~^ + Le monde souterrain distingue de PElysee, qu'on placait un peu partout. § C'est-a-dire qui veux passer (en barque).
j^, <Z=> I llll >^= Ov. 5f|i|- La preposition
<d> a ici le sens de par, selon, quant a, c'est-a-dire "donne la main entiere, selon les quatre doigts et le pouce."
114
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Prends l'un et prends l'autre (ceil), lesquels etaient eteints pour toi. Alors *
Ligne 493^. done donne-les, donne done !\ Je (te) les donne. Sens vers moi ce dont tu as ete depouille, ce dont tu as ete prive.
Ligne 494. L'oeil etait perdu % pour toi, je (te) rends l'oeil (XXVIII).
* Apres vT\ 1 Jl [II =CZT> terminant la 1. 493, vient dans la
photographie la ligne 493 bis, dont le debut n'est pas dans B :
et la 1. 494 continue en terminant le mot commence ^.q J , etc. B a
fcrf
5=
m
o \v
e'est-a-dire (prends l'un et prends l'autre ceil) que tu riavais plus a la tele d'Horus. Je te donne pour accompagner la face ce dont tu as ete depouille, ce dont tu as ete prive.
t Ces mots expriment le tatonnement impatient d'un aveugle : Aken, bien que reveille, n'a pas encore recouvre la vue, puisqu'il cherche les mains de son interlocuteur lui rapportant ses yeux. Dans toute cette fin, qui est assez obscure, il y a, semble-t-il, confusion ou assimilation de la face et des yeux d'Horus avec ceux d'Aken.
+ I I &J , B I ~°^ . C'est evidemment le mot qui signifie User, deranger, troubler, comme dans ce passage du papyrus Westcar : il est arrive qu'elle a derange, \ T^j) ^5^, , son cote de rameuses (pi. 6, 1. 4).
115
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
COMMENTA1RE. I. Ligne 425-—
bWM^^^P ft — ^-5^^ n ft — n
5\&£s 0 Jl 1 J J /WWvA ~^^ -<2>- 1 J J "^^ i
Q /VWW\ AAAAA/\ ,/r\ Q «£-\ /VWVSA Q
V <WWV\ , X. rv 1\ U > X, >-\ l\ _
Dans le reste du chapitre il y a habituellement A ^^ (1 ^\ ,
avec le pronom de la premiere personne dont 1'absence est d'ailleurs frequente en bien des cas, par exemple dans le nom de la fete de Haker, pour Ha-k-er-a ;* on lit, au grand temple d'Abydos,
Q /www q cs /vwwv
l\ ^^^ a. cote de A AAA^A -Tj ( dans une adoration adressee a
Nefer-Tmu par le roi qui prend le role de Thot apportant Poeil
d'Horus.f Quant a la forme A ^^ de C, comme c'est une femme
qui parle il est clair que ^ est la pour J4 , comme dans certains passages des Textes du mythe d'Horus, An, "je t'amene,"
fe\ v\ , "mon fils Horus," ou ^, et (J , "jeviens." +
Au chapitre de la barque, la question est de savoir s'il faut comprendre "j'amene,"ou bien "amene-moi." Cette question est eclaircie par l'ensemble des textes qui concernent la barque aux pyramides royales. La, c'est le batelier qui amene la barque,§ et le mort qui amene l'oeil. " O conducteur de la barque de Sekhet-
hetep, amene ceci a ce repi, l\ /ww^ „ v\ »» Fepi . ||
Teta ordonne a Mahaf, batelier du lac de Kha, "qu'il amene (ou lui amene) sa barque, (I l\ <=> ^. W/WV ^^s (ou^ A ^
d'apres Pepi I), du lac de Kha, dans laquelle il passe les dieux vers
* Recueil, X, p. 146.
t Abydos, I, pi. 37, b ; cf. Todtenbuch, edition Naville, ch. 173. % PI. 5, pl- 1, pi- 3, L 3 et 6, et pi. 5, 1. 4. § Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 99, 1. 1.
|| Pepi I, 405, et Merenra, 578-9 ; cf. Pepi I, 176 et 473, Merenra, 316, et Ilorhotep, 37C-3S0.
116
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
cette partie du lac de Kha, vers la partie orientale du ciel." * Une autre formule est ainsi congue : " Face en arriere, portier d'Osiris,
fais amener a ce Pepi cette barque a toi, |\ I q Pepi ^-Aj
n^O) dans laquelle tu passes tes saints pour recevoir la libation sur
cette voie (uar-t\) des Akhemu-seku." J
On lit ailleurs, au contraire : " apports d'Horus, (ce qu')il aime, Teta lui apporte son ceil " (comme a. Set son scrotum et a Thoth
son bras), \ \ O %> ^. "^ *— . Teta \ j\ ^ "" ^^ t^_ . §
Differents personnages, qui ne sont pas represented comme des bateliers, apportent aussi l'ceil dans les scenes des l'Amtuat, par
exemple: J] Ji et J\ , a. la deuxieme heure, ou A I
A*~VAA (J J J Q d /vCWvA d 1
, a. la troisieme ; Thoth, auquel l'elu se compare ou
s'assimile ici en qualite de Jlekau, Magicien, portait les titres de an-ut'a,\\ et de s-hetep-neterii*\ (Au Todtenbuch, l'elu ramene encore d'autres membres divins.**)
Deux autres formules des pyramides, a la verite fort obscures, semblent montrer le roi et le batelier se faisant un apport reciproque : " Face-en-avant-face-en-arriere, amene ceci a Unas (pour qu')Unas
t'amene cela, 0 -R ^Z "^T ^ "™" Unas \ \ """ " Unas -— Q h
(Pepi II, 1002, a ~JT (1(1 ); batelier, amene a Unas, (1 l\ ^^ Unas,
celle qui s'envole et se pose" (le vehicule symbolique de l'aile).ff Et : " Mahaf-herfhaf, laisse venir ce Pepi a la vie, il t'amene cet ceil
l\ f\ MAMA AAA/W\ ^Q>>- "fV AA/'A/W ^\
d'Horus, (I A ~WWVA v\ v\ , releve, qui etait dans
1 J J k.=^_ v — ^> o JI a _M>
la prairie de la navigation, amene ceci a ce Pepi, la barque,"' Q J5 '7r^>w^A^/ ° <2>"Q^^-tt (Cette phrase est
* Teta, 193-4, Pepi I> 677, et Pepi II, 1290-2. t C/". Merenra, 661, et Pepi I, 672. % Pepi I, 41 1-2, Merenra, 589-590, et Pepi II, 1 194-6. § Teta, 26-7.
|| Abydos I, pi. 37, b; cf. Brugsch, Supplement an Dictionnaire, p. 29, Si et 1404.
IT Benedite, Philce, p. 50 ; cf. de Rochemonteix, E.ifon, p. 25. ** Tcdtenbuch, edition Naville, ch. 136 B. +t Unas, 603-4, et Merenra, 306-9. ++ Pepi I, 443-5.
117
Mar. 5] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
transformee ensuite, dans une apostrophe aux quatre dieux des canopes, par Pomission de la lettre □ apres le nom du roi,* ce qui donne le sens apparent de : amene ceci, c'est-a-dire alors les agres, au roi et a la barque ; Merenra a : amene au roi ceci pour la
barque, ^^ ^SJ^-^-t)
Quoiqu'il en soit de ces deux textes, le debut du chapitre de la barque a ete compris ici dans le sens suivant : "amene-moi ceci, la barque, amene-moi Horus a son ceil, que j'apporte," bien que, aux pyramides, un debut analogue n'ait pas le pronom de la premiere personne (qui a. la verite n'y est pas toujours exprime, Pepi II,
864-7); "O batelier, ft Jj ^T ^> ^\ ft J\ ^T ^_ ,
etc., J amene ceci pour Horus, (j' ?)amene son ceil."
En somme, le sens general n'a rien d'embarrassant : il s'agit de faire venir outre la barque l'ceil sacre, que l'ofnciant apporte a Aken. Quant a, la barque, l'officiant n'amene rien ; Mahaf lui dit : " qui te l'amenera avec moi ? " 1. 443-4, et lui-meme dit d'Aken : " il m'amenera la reunion avec Khnemu dans la barque," 1. 435.
II. Ligne42 6.— A ^^\ ^YP^x k^»_,B et C _3 %\ ^ , D — ^ 'HTP ™J t C'est le Charon egyptien, qu'on
appelait aussi Herfhaf, c'est a-dire, Sa-face-est-derriere-lui. La plus vieille redaction du chapitre des Pecheurs, au TodteTibuch, le designe d'abord par le premier nom, puis par le deuxieme, dans la repetition d'une meme phrase. § On lit egalement, aux pyramides :
"eveille-toi en paix, * a , en paix, <? V\ E. , en paix,
brtelier du ciel, en paix, batelier de Nut, en paix, batelier des dieux, en paix ! " || Une autre formule reunit les deux noms,
-J? ^Tf^^ ^ *%*~ , dans Pepi I, 443, et Pepi II, 11 29
tandisque Merenra, 549, a seulement & 'HIP k^_ ^t>.. Dans
Unas et Merenra, le dieu est dit Face-en-avant-face-en-arriere, tt\ (1 h v (^ans 1'original ce signe est le profil entier)
* Cf. Pepi II, 1129-1132. t 5^0-2.
% Merenra, 290-1, Pepi I, 183, et Pepi II, 896. § Todtenbuch, edition Naville, II, pi. 433 et 435. II Una?, 489, et Merenra, 362. Il8
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. ^895.
u .* C'est ainsi une sorte de personnage
bifrons, corame il y en a dans l'Amtuat, maniere sans doute d'indiquer que rien n'echappe a sa vue.f (Mahomet, d'apres les legendes, avait de meme la faculte de voir devant et derriere lui.)
Les pyramides donnent a. ce dieu les titres de * ^YP { ou
=^_,§ "batelier du lac de Kha," de "taureau des dieux,"|l et de *
5r
"portier d'Osiris."H
Au Todtenbuch, le chapitre des Pecheurs l'appelle ^
^1^ ^ (et **" ' ^ ® )' "maitre de son coeur," c'est-a dire, probablement, "impitoyable."** Le ch. 125, 1. 25, fait de lui un des 42 juges infernaux, celui qui punit la luxure, sous le nom
^ <\Y? ^\ ® 5 "sorti de la Tepeh-t T'a-t," c'est-a-dire, sorti du
Charonium de Memphis : une variante donne * ^^aa
" sorti de sa caverne." ft H a dans ce chapitre, au papyrus de Sutimes, une tete de serpent tournee en arriere pour figurer son nom. (Le batelier du ch. 93 a aussi la tete tourne'e en arriere, comrae les damnes que Dante a places dans la fosse des devins.jj) Enfin, au ch. no, d'apres deux exemplaires thebains,^ les Champs Elysees semblent bien etre appeles "la Campagne de (Ma ou Herf) haf," et " la Campagne du Batelier." L'expression de " batelier de Sekhet-aru," et " de Sekhet-hetep," se trouve dans Pepi I, 400-5, et dans Merenra, 571-8.
* Merenra, 306, Unas, 603, et Pepi II, 1001-2.
t Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 90, I. 2.
% Pepi I, 651 ; cf. Horhotep, 379.
§ Teta, 193-4, Pepi I, 677, et Pepi II, 1194. || Pepi I, 176.
IT Merenra, 589, et Pepi I, 41 1.
** 'lodtenbuch, edition Naville, II, pi. 433 et 435.
tt Recueil de travaux, XV, p. 18. %X Enfer, XX.
§§ Todtenbuch, edition Naville, II, pi. 258.
119
Mar. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1S95.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden at 57, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, the 2nd April, 1895.
The following Paper will be read : — Rev. Dr. Lowy, " Pre-Mosaic Culture of the Hebrews," Part II.
120
Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden. Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
II. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen of vols. 3 and 4. ) Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. Dumichex, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1S69.
— Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1S62. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augen-
krankheiten. Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. Gavet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie an Musee du Louvre. Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Mar. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschicbtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology. Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung cler Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. Lehmanx, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates. Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 18S0. Lyon, D. G. An Assyrian Manual. Maruciii, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. Muller, D. H. , Epigraphische Denkm'aler aus Arabien. Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out
dekkingen. Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio. Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a. propos d'un
Monument Egyptien. Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890. Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Yols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Yols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878. Zimmern, H., Die Assyriologie als Hulfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Fourth Meeting, 2nd April, 1895. REV. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
■306 '^06>-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From F. D. Mocatta :— Sources of Spanish Jewish History. By
Joseph Jacobs. 8vo. 1894. From the Author, Prof. C. P. Tiele :— Western Asia according
to the most recent Discoveries. Translated by Elizabeth J.
Taylor.
[No. cxxix.] 121 k
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
From Prof. E. P. Tiele : — Overgedrukt uit den Feestbundel van Taal-, Letter-, Geschied. En Aardrijkskundige Bijdragen ter Gelegenheid van Zijn Tachtigsten Geboortedag. Tan Dr. P. J. Veth.
The following Candidates were submitted for election, having been nominated at the last Meeting, 5th March, and elected Members of the Society : —
S. Hirschfeld, Bream's Buildings, Fetter Fane, E.C. Rev. J. J. C. Valpy, Elsing Rectory, E. Dereham. David J. Waugh, 4, Florence Place, Falmouth.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at the next Meeting, to be held on the 7th May, 1895 : —
M. l'Abbe Poels, Lie. en Theol., Rue des Dominicains, Louvain.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The General Theological Seminary, E. H. Jewett, Librarian, Chelsea Square, New York, U.S.A.
A Paper was read by Theo. G. PINCHES on a "Tablet in the Babylonian Character, with Greek transcriptions of the era of Alexander." Mr. Pinches spoke of the pronunciation of Assyrian, bringing forward evidence of the existence of the so-called PWT^Q from the inscriptions, where such forms as t'ssi, instead of itti (= iththi), "with" are found, as well as from a tablet with a Greek transcription, numbered Sp. Ill, 245 + 81-7-6, 141 ; which gives 0e? for pes. The existence of 0, both long and short, in places where u or u is now universally read, was also referred to.
The Paper will be published in full in a future part of the Proceedings.
A Paper was read by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, on " The Primitive Culture of the Hebrews." Part II.
Remarks were added by the Rev. C- J. Ball, Dr. Gaster, W. G. Thorpe, F.S.A., and the Chairman.
Thanks were returned for these communications.
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
BOOK OF THE DEAD. By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXVII.
Chapter whereby one taketh the blissful path at Restau. (1)
0 paths which are high above me at Restau : I am the Girdled (2) and the Mighty one, coming forth triumphantly. (3)
1 am come : I am come that I may firmly secure my suit in Abydos, (4) and that the path may be open to me at Restau.
Eet my suit be made pleasant for me by Osiris.
I am he who produceth the water which balanceth his throne, and who maketh his way from the Great Valley. (5)
Let the path be made for me ; for behold I am N the trium- phant. (6)
[Osiris is made triumphant over his adversaries, and the Osiris N is made triumphant over his adversaries, and is as one of you, his patron (7) is the Lord of Eternity : he walketh even as ye walk, he standeth as ye stand, he speaketh as ye speak, before the great god, the Lord of Amenta.]
Notes.
1. This chapter and the following have reference to Restau, one of the Gates between the Netherworld and Heaven.
It is not mentioned in the most ancient recension of chapter 17 (from which my translation was taken), but in all the papyri of the eighteenth and later dynasties it is stated that Restau was a gate
south of An-aaref and north of the "Domain ([ V\ I of
Osiris."
123 K 2
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
The papyrus of Ani has this picture of it,
fte-irL-3*?
but the most interesting representations of it are in the Dublin papyrus (D. a), where the Sun god is seen passing between the folding doors, and in the papyrus of Hunefer (A. g), where the doors are also open and the god is sitting between them. (See Plates VI, n and VII b.)
<=>— 0 0— <r> Q
The name Restau (the feminine form — 0— ^
I — g-fX/vV I *■ rsj^r\
is more frequent in later texts) signifies Gate of the passages. These are the passages guarded by the faithful attendants of Osiris, but armed with "hurtful fingers" against the adversaries of Ra, against whose onslaught the deceased prays Ra. for protection in chapter 17. A mystical interpretation will be found in chapter 119 and note.
2. Girdled, or stole 'd,
On the importance attached
to this ritual investiture, the following references may (among many others) be useful : Unas 66, Tela 149, Pepi I, 395, Merenra 190, Todt. 125 (rubric), 145, 25. The deceased prays (Chapter 82, 4) that he may be girt by the goddess Tait. A passage in Todt. 78, 26 (Turin text) would be of greater interest were it not an emendation of those who no longer understood the ancient text.
3. Coming forth triumphantly. This is the reading of the oldest authority (Nebseni), but the reading which has prevailed, not only here, but in Chapter 147, is "coming forth from the Crown,"
124
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
4. That J may firmly secure my suit at Abydos. The scholion on Chapter 17, referred to in note 1, states that the "place of Maat is at Abydos." It is, of course, the mystical, not the geograpical,
Abydos which is meant, and the suit 1 (res) which has to be
settled is the final judgment of the deceased.
5. The throne of Osiris in pictures of the Psychostasia (see Vignettes to Chapter 125) rests upon water, out of which there springs a lotus flower ; and upon this flower stand the four children of Horus. In a passage of chapter 147, which is an adaptation of the
fl 7^\ I W I "5\ "ft -r-r 0 /wwvv
present chapter, the deceased says (I u n _M^ v\ ZA I /ww^.
La, "I am he whose stream is secret," And a Pyramid Text (Merenrd, 188, 193) after mention of the Great Valley (1 ^
V\ ca and of the investiture I JL ) proceeds, »ama v — ^ jy
^3P5 SS^ ^t=f [1 v\ ^ — ^*, "thy water, thy fresh current, is
a great inundation proceeding from thee." Here the deceased is identified with the Nile and its inundation, as in Chapter 64 of the Book of the Dead.
6. The chapter ends here. The passage which follows in the translation is taken from the Paris papyrus Pe.
7 . Patron, ,wwna \ ¥\ I rW , a word supposed by some scholars
to signify uncle. It occurs on funereal monuments among the desig- nations of persons connected with the deceased, such as brother, sister, nurse. A man may have several bearing the designation, and they are not necessarily children of the same parents (see e.g., Mariette, Cat. d' Abydos, p. no, where a man has five chenemesu, who cannot all be brothers either of his father or his mother). The word occurs repeatedly in the Prisse papyrus. I am inclined to think it means the legal guardian of a minor.
CHAPTER CXVIII.
Chapter zvhereby one arriveth at Restau.
I am he who is born in Restau.
Glory is given to me by those who are in their mummied forms in Pu, at the sanctuary of Osiris, whom the guards (1) receive at Restau when they conduct Osiris through the demesnes of Osiris.
125
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Note.
(1) Guards, (I v\ v. -^ >j!^ ftf 1 aaku, the same personages as
those mentioned in Chapter 28, note 2, and they seem to me to be identical with the "wardens of the passages," Chapter 17, "atten- dant upon Osiris." There is an imperfect tablet of the 12th dynasty
at Hamamat (Denku/., II, 138, c) in which thirty (I <^z^5 TO are mentioned along with the soldiers and other persons belonging to the expedition. The Pyramid Texts have the word (1 ^hp% , but apparently with a determinative of salutation, tff . (Pepi I, 160, cf line 82.)
CHAPTER CXIX.
Chapter whereby one entereth or goeth forth from Restau.
I am the Mighty one, who createth his own light.
I come to thee, Osiris, and I worship thee.
Pure are thine effluxes, (1) which flow from thee, (2) and which make thy name in Restau, when it hath passed there.
Hail to thee, Osiris, in thy power and thy might, who hast possession of Restau.
Osiris raiseth thee up in thy power and in thy might. Osiris raiseth thee up in thy power in Restau, and in thy might in Abydos, that thou mayest go round heaven with Ra, and survey the human race.*
One art thou and triumphant.
Notes. i. Pure are thine effluxes. The true reading is f I ^w^/^A
i _-J /VAA/Wv C^l AAA/W\ ~^ Q
aaaaaa [ C3 , a phrase which recurs in these texts. The suffix VCa of
/WWVA I I I ' J
the first person, which is sometimes added to the first word, would give the sense "thine effluxes are my purification." On the meaning
of ^\fD, see 65 B, note 4. At the end of Chapter 149
* The (JlJ^^^Ls, Rechit, mankind actually living, as distinguised
® Y1 'I' from the dead or yet unborn.
126
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
the deceased prays, "let me be joined, let me be united with the sap which proceedeth from Osiris ; let me not be parted from him."
2. Which flow from thee. I p. V\ , sta, which has here
the same meaning as when the Nile is said {Denkm., Ill, 13) to flow
into the Great Sea, f \\ p ~^~ <=> I ^1 ™ • The name of
Restau is here derived from the effluxes flowing (stait) from Osiris.
The various meanings of I ^ N£\ — <j>- , and of the Coptic CCT,
are all traceable to the notion of sending forth, throwing, and are easily illustrated from the Greek. Thus ixfiaWeiv is used for the discharge of a river into the sea; iicpokai are 'passes, passages.' Doors are secured by pushing the bolts, /(.o^Xo;-? eTnfiaWeiv • they
are opened by shooting back the bolt, I n ' (Mariette, Abydos,
p. 58). I p-^" j| is exactly the reverse of birifiaWeiv a(ppa^7cx. Fl p <R\ "\\ ~§~, ^fL Q , COT", stercus is an eK^o\j, dejectio. And
fl^lp^, *"*, C^f , COTe, /fe'Xo*, /3o\k, [U^, C4.T,
seminare, and ever so many others are all determinations of one and the same concept.
In such passages as 1 1 -^ J ^ , |l_p^ S 5^ | and
the like, sta has the sense not of towing, but of jro/t7n/, ' solemn procession.' It occurs even where towing is out of question, £.£., in
the march of military men (in <=* H$ 1 (Tombs of Amenemheb
and Pehsukher, Miss. Arch. Fraticaise, V, pp. 229 and 289).
And I ~^St~ string, rope is connected with the notion of ' throw- I f> — ^ ing ' like our own warp with tverfen (Goth, vairp-an) and plir-rw).
Chapter CXX is a repetition of Chapter XII.
Chapter CXXI is a repetition of Chapter XIII.
Chapter CXXII is a repetition of Chapter LVIII.
CHAPTER CXXIII.
Chapter (1) whereby one entereth into the Great House.
Hail to thee, O Tmu, I am Thoth.
I have equally balanced the Divine Pair, I have put a stop to their strife, I have ended their complaints.
127
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
I have rescued the Atu from his backward course.
I have done what thou hast prescribed for him.
And I rest since then within my own Eye.
I am free from obstruction ; and I come that thou mayest see me in the house where I repeat the ancient ordinances and words, as a guidance wherewith thou shalt guide posterity. (2)
Notes.
1. This chapter (which is repeated in Chapter 139) is like the repetition of an important passage in Chapter no. But the differences are very considerable, and it is for criticism to decide the question of priority between the two recensions.
Whichever be the earlier recension, the present one is of very great interest and importance. It is found on two of the most carefully written papyri of the eighteenth dynasty. But the most interesting feature is the mythological allusion at this date (at latest) to an astronomical phenomenon, with reference to which later researches may furnish fresh evidence.
The speaker in this chapter is said (not merely implied, as in Chapter no, see note 5) to be Thoth, who is the measurer of all things in heaven and earth, and the author and regulator of all science. He is here said to have established the equilibrium
\> ^^ ~\. between the Divine Pair, Horus and Sutu ; that is
Day and Night. Such an equilibrium, strictly speaking, never exists except at the Equinoxes.
But the most important passage is, " I have rescued the Atu
from his backward course." The v\ ^^j Atu is a mytho-
logical fish, who is represented as following the course of the Bark of Ra. The meaning of the name is, the Cleaver, Divider, Cutter
in two . It is one of the appellatives of the Sun-god,
with reference to his path through the sky. But what is that solar phenomenon specially deserving to be characterised by its motion
backzvards K3 ^\ ?
I do not think any astronomer would hesitate to answer, that Precession is meant. The cause of Precession could only be known to really scientific philosophers (which is out of question in this case), but the phenomena would necessarily be noted by those
128
PLATE XXX.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., April, li
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CXIV
Papyrus, British
Museum, No. 9900.
Chapter CXIX. Papyrus, Leyden Museum, No. V.
Chapter CXVI. Papyrus, Mus6e du Louvre, No. Ill, 36.
Chapter CVII. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9933.
Chapter CXXIII. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9903.
Chapter CXVII. Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900.
Chapter CXIX.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre.
Cab. des Medailles.
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIRICAL A
I have rescued the Atu froi his back\
I have done what thou hasorescribed
And I rest since then withi my own
I am free from obstruction and I 1 me in the house where I repea the ancient as a guidance wherewith thou -alt guide po^
DTES.
1. This chapter (which is ?peated in Ch, repetition of an important issage in C differences are very considerab, and it is for the question of priority betwee the two recensi*
Whichever be the earlier recnsion, the pre> interest and importance. It i.^ound on two of . written papyri of the eighteent dynasty. But feature is the mythological al sion at this d. astronomical phenomenon, wit reference to whii may furnish fresh evidence.
The speaker in this chapt is said (not mere! Chapter no, see note 5) to 1 Thoth, who is the things in heaven and earth, d the author and i science. He is here said have established j
\^ () "H~^ between the D ne Pair, Horus and
Day and Night. Such an eqi brium, strictly speakii except at the Equinoxes.
But the most important ssage is. " I have resc
from his backward course." he Y\ "^P^ Atu
logical yfr//, who is representees following the course > of Ra. The meaning of the iame is, the Cleaver, Dii
in two . It is one f the appellatives of tht
with reference to his path thr< jh the sky. But what is phenomenon specially desen g to be characterised by i
• backivards K3 ^j\ ?
I do not think any astroi mer would hesitate to answ Precession is meant. The cam of Precession could only be to really scientific philosophi (which is out of question i case), but the phenomena w dd necessarily be noted by
128
■
!
[iSo5.
SYRIAN
ative style, and
published by
1 by Professor
•scurities are
f the secunda
for a king to
temples, the
e return of
king, with
and there
'int to one
>f its long
vever, the
but from
irhaddon
ign, saw
lift the
of the
09) he
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
who had important interests in keeping their calendar correct.*
Even the Chinese, by dint of records and without any mathematics,
came to infer the precession of the equinoxes ; so did the Egyptians
apparently at a very much earlier period ; and Hipparchus, who has
the credit of the discovery, may have learnt it from them.
Although ^sp^s is commonly represented as a fish, the
I— +— 1 XIX same name is given to a Crustacean <=s^ cr^^i whose organs of
locomotion are specially adapted for backward motion.
" Rescuing the Atu from its backward course" can mean nothing less than being able to correct or (in technical language) to equate the phenomena.
It might perhaps be suggested that the backward course here spoken of has reference to the year of 360 days, corrected at an early period by the addition of the five supplementary days. This would certainly have been a very probable explanation of the clause, but for the direct connection which this has with what precedes, concerning the equilibrium between Day and Night ; that is, the Equinox.
2. Posterity, <rr> ^v\ J^^^^r ' literally, minores. The word
in the present context seems to have a different meaning from what it has in Chapter no, where it is put in contrast with
N£ V TnT M£ 1 violent ones, against whom Thoth interposes
his protection.
* " The amount of this motion by which the equinox travels backward, or retrogrades (as it is called), is fer annum an extremely minute quantity, but which, by its continual accumulation from year to year, at last makes itself very palpable, and that in a way highly inconvenient to practical astronomers, by destroying, in the lapse of a moderate number of years, the arrangement of their catalogues of stars, and making it necessary to reconstruct them." Herschel, Astronomy, chapter 4.
129
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
THE NAME SHINAR, GENESIS XI, 2 ; AND THE MEANING OF jrO IN GENESIS XLIII, 11.
By Rev. C. J. Ball.
It has long been recognized that Shinar, or rather Shingar, bears the same relation to the Babylonian Shumer (Shymer) as dingir does to dimmer, or dimer; that is to say, it is a dialectic variation of the same word. As to the origin and import of this name, when I wrote my paper last year on Israel and Babylon for these Pro- ceedings (May, 1894), I had already guessed that it might be connected with gishimmar, the palm; Babylonia being par excellence the country of the palm (see Herodotus I, 193). Gishimmar, i.e., gish shimmar, the shimmar tree, the palm, is one value of the ideogram J^fY^YYTT' which was also read shanga (see my paper). This shanga may very well spring from an older shanga-r (cf. ■£-<, read nangar and lamga). And shimmar implies a form shingar, as dingir implies dimmer.
Now the Babylonian shimmar, shimar, is obviously related to the Hebrew *|ft,Tl tamar, date palm, "^jh tomer, do., rnSFl tim-
X T V T
mora, palmette (Ezek. xli, 18), the well-known Assyrian architectural ornament, on the one hand, and to the Arabic -*J tamr, dates, .*♦.;
thamar, Xi thumar, and ,Uju thimar, fruit, on the other. The meaning of shimmar or shimar thus appears to be fruit, especially dates ; and gishimmar is the fruit tree, i.e., the palm. The equiva- lences shimmar, shimar = thamar, thimar = tamar (timmora) are
parallel to those seen in -Qtl?' = ->j = ""OX"!- And since tne inter- change of "T, r\i T, is also a known phenomenon (cf. p"Q and pr\2. with the Talmudic pf2), we may add that IHNn illftf really does mean fruit of the land, although the Assyrian zumru, fruit (Norris ; Dillmann) is a nonentity.
130
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ON SOME BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN ALLITERATIVE TEXTS.— I.
By S. A. Strong. (A.)
Of the following texts, all composed in the alliterative style, and all acrostics, the first is well known. Originally published by Mr. Pinches {Texts, p. 15), it has been translated in full by Professor Sayce (Hibbert Lectures, p. 514); nevertheless, its obscurities are enough to explain and excuse the present application of the secunda manns. The text is a hymn of praise, composed by or for a king to celebrate the restoration of his city of Babylon and its temples, the renewal of the splendours of public worship, and the return of peace and prosperity. Unfortunately, the name of the king, with much else of interest and value, has been broken away, and there is nothing in the sonorous generalities that remain to point to one king more than to any other of those who, in the course of its long history, restored or may have restored, Babylon. However, the fact that the tablet was brought, not from Babylonia but from Assyria, might lead us to identify the king either with Esarhaddon or with Assurbanipal. The former, at the close of his reign, saw that the only way to keep the empire together was to shift the centre of gravity to its old position in Babylon, and in one of the documents of this period and tendency {Cylinder, 81-6-7, 209) he describes himself in terms that might almost have been borrowed
from our text, as tpii Esagila u Babili tnusaklil csrlti u
mahazn mukin sattukku. Assurbanipal followed, for a time at least, in the same path, and he repeats the same strain, so that, although, if we may judge by the event, he seems to have lacked either the will or the power to carry out the great political scheme of his father, it is perfectly possible that he may be the king referred to here.
In dealing with the remarkable text (K 1285) in which Assur- banipal cries to Nebo de profundis, and is answered and consoled by the god, we pointed out that certain marked peculiarities of style
131
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[i895-
might be "explained as a rhythmical device of the composer."* But what in that case suggested itself as a bare possibility, in the present case declares itself almost as a certainty. The ending - o i£ I v - o I , as, to take the simplest examples, in Esagi \ la siri : lissakin \ nigutu ; -tattala \ zimcsu ; muddisu \ parakki, recurs far too frequently to be explained as the effect of chance ; that is to say, these lines have metrical endings, and if these, then doubtless also the rest, of which the cadence is to our ears — imperfectly attuned as yet to "Babylonian numbers" — less obviously metrical. The same holds good of the construction and scansion of the whole line. It is impossible not to recognise — in fact to hear — one and the same measure in the five following lines : —
ar rubi-i Marduk libittasu liktarrab arba- kibrdti littattala zimesu batjuti satlitkkisu itkinnu kl mahrati zirusu lirappisma lisam'ida nannabsu kirusu a ibbasi liksuda nisntatsu,
so that without going beyond the evidence of the text itself, we should be justified in concluding that it was composed in a metre of which these lines show the simplest type.
Now take the following lines from a text which we shall consider hereafter (K 3452) : —
|
ulala |
ibbalu |
itarrisu |
lali-l |
|
11 iasi |
it nits u |
Ml pani |
ridannu |
|
sar/iis |
s~a sari-i |
idibbubu |
dumkisn |
|
sarrak/s |
ilammanu |
dunnaina |
amelu |
|
sarkusit |
nullatum |
ikappttduSu |
nirti |
|
rig mu |
til issapu |
issapil |
atmua |
|
risi-ia |
vl it 11 it |
kakkari |
anattal. |
We have chosen them for their simplicity, which is such as to make it hardly necessary to point out that they are in the same metre as the other group ; but the division into four columns, made, as we shall see, throughout by the Babylonian scribe, adds certainty to what we should anyhow have inferred, viz., that the whole text was composed in metre, and that the basis of that metre is tetrameter. The hymn to Nana, quoted below (Iv 3600), is written in the same
Transactions of the Ninth Oriental Congress, II, p. 200. 132
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
metre, and the composer of K 1285 makes occasional use of tetra- meters, e.g., in such cases as
scpaka la issanamma la inarrnda kdtdka* simtaka sa abnuni tattanahharanni addanika Nabu la tamassaranni idsi.
The acrostic might be restored conjecturally in the metre of the text, thus : —
ina arba' kibrdti lusarrihu zikirsu.
DT. 83.
Obverse. na . . . . na-ra-ru na-an-na-ri na-pa-hi-ru nu-ur sa-ma-mi
5. ar-hu u sat-tu lik-tar-ra-bu E-sag-ila si-i-ri ar ru-bi-i Marduk li-bit-ta-su lik-tar-rab ar-ah sa ba-la-ti i-sin-ni a-ki-ti lis-sa-kin ni-gu-tii ar-ba-' kib-ra-a-ti lit-ta-at-ta-la zi-me-su ar ri-'-i za-ni-ni-su ba-lat tu-ub lib-bi lis-tar-rak 10. ba-si-mu usurat es-ri-i-ti mu-ud-di-su pa-rak-ki Ba-bi-lu al kis-sii-ti u-sak-li-la ma-ha-za-su raba-a ba-sa-a-ti ud-di-sa e-kur (mes)-su rab-ba-a-ti ba-at-lu-ti sat-tuk-ki-su u-kin-nu ki-i mah-ra-a-ti ba-ru-ut su-lum u purussu i-pu-lu us u-su
15 Babilu ma-ha-za si-i-ru sa
su-bat nam-ri-ir
Reverse.
Marduk ....
. . . pi-i karnati li-sa-as-kin
zi-kir .... [kij-ma lal-la-ri eli ab-ra-a-ti li-sa-lu Zi-ir-pa-ni-tum ru-ba-tum sir-tum lik-tar-ra-ba sarru-us-su 5. zi-ru-su li-rap-pis-ma li-sam-'-i-da na an-nab-su kir-ii-§ii a-a ib-ba-si li-ik-sii-da ni-is-mat-su
* I hope to return to this question of metre on a subsequent occasion.
133
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
kir-ri-i dum-ki u tas-me-e li-tap-pa-lu-us u-mi-sam
kir-rit su-lum u hu-ud lib-bi li-pu-sa ana ki-rib Babili (*£]
kir-bi e-kur(mes)-su sal-mes lit-tal-lak-ma li-sal-lim-ma par-si-su 10. kir-bi Ba-bi-lim ta-a-bi el-si-is lis-tak-ka-na hi-du-tii
su-us-ku-us-su ina (is) zak-kal li-iz-za-mir-ma ta-nit-ta-su li-i-ni su-pu-ii-ti ma-ha-zi-su li-sa-az-ni-na saman (is) ris-ti sii-tuni-me e-kur-ri-su li-mal-la-a busu la ni-bi a-kar-tu
sii-ut ip-se-tu-su-nu us-su
15. sii-um sar-ru
Translation. Obverse.
5. Month and year may Esagila the lofty be blessed !
May the son of the great one, Marduk, its brick-work bless ! In the month of life at the New Year's feast may rejoici?ig be
made ! May the four quarters look upon its form I To the son of the shepherd, its supporter, may life, health of
body be given !
1 o. Fashioni?ig the carved work of the shrines, renewing the sanctu- aries, Babylon, the town of strength, he comphted as his great city : Those that {already) existed he restored, even its great temples ; Its lapsed daily sacrifices he established as before ; The decree of peace and judgment he shall render
15 Babylon, the lofty city
the garment of brilliance
Reverse.
3. {His) fame, like the lallaru, over the people may he cause to rise !
May Zirpanit, the high princess, bless his royalty ! 5. His seed may she increase, may she multiply his offspring 1
His grief it shall not be ; may he que?ich the thirst of his
desire / With acclamations of goodwill and submission may he be greeted daily 1
134
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Rejoicings of peace and gladness of heart may he make within
Babylon ! Within his temples peacefully may he walk, and cause his com- mands to be executed I 1 o. In the midst of Babylon the good may joy be established with shouting !
May its height be hymned with the zakkal, and may he sing oj
its loftiness ! May he cause the vats of his city to flow with oil of prime wood ! The granaries of his temples may he fill with substance without
number, precious !
Notes.
6. ar, construct from dru or alarum ; equivalent to mdru, ' child,' see Delitzsch, Woerterbuch, p. 362. With ar rubi cf. the full title of Marduk, aplu ristu sa Ea, as well as the phrase apil Esarra applied to Ninib as, e.g., in the following invocation (K 3351, 11. 12-20): — be-lum ra-as-bu sa ina pu-hur Hani rabuti sin-na-as-su la ib-ba-su-u \ i-na bu-ru-mi elluti sa-ru-uh ta-lu-uk-su | i-na e-kur bit tak-na-a-ti sa-ku-ii par-su-ii-su \ i-na im-hul-lu i-nam-bu-tu kakki- su I i-na nab-li-su u-tab-ba-tu mdtdti mar-su-ti J sd tam-tim gal-la-ti i-sa-am-bu- ru-ub-bu-sa \ apil E-sar-ra zi-kir-su kar-rad ildni ni-bit- su I ul-tu a-sur-rak-ka be-lum ildni su-ut da-ad-me \ i-tia pa-an kas-ti-su iz-zi-ti im-me-du sa-?na-mi. Prof. Sayce (Hibbert Lectures, p. 514) reads arsubbc, 'strongholds,' from rasabu. The word £-^ >^yy £-j£: ^>- arsubbu occurs (W.A.I. V, 26, 23/); but, in conjunction with pissu, sigusu, tinanu, etc., on a list of different kinds of wood or wooden objects. Delitzsch, on the contrary, suggests {Handwoerterbuch, p. 124) that ar may be the construct of a wrord aru, meaning ' abode.'
9. ri'i, used of the king, as often. Cf, e.g., Sargon, K 3600,*
* A hymn addressed to the goddess Nana, hi-rat {ilu) Mu- 'u-a-l? '. Cf. rev. 11. 12-28 : — mn-Sa-aS-ra-a-at ka-ti-i mu-na-hi-sa-at la-ab-ni \ Si-ma-a kib-ra-a-ti da-lil Sar-ra-ti {ilu) Na-na-a \ sur-ri-ha ba-ni-i-tu sur-ba-a rii-su-un-tu \ ul-la-a sa-ru-uh-iu kit-ra-ba ga-sir-tu \ ba-a-lum ttr-pi-tu irib \*~^\\) tam-di ra-ii-ma | nu-hi ma-rat {tin) Sin ri-me-i Sub-tuk-ki | kur-bi ana Sar-°i-na sa-bit ka-ni-ki \ rt-'-ti (mdtu) ASsur (ki) a-lik ar-ki-t-ki \ ba-lat tl-mi arkiiti si-i-me si-ma-ki \ iS-di ktissi-Bu ki-in-ni Sul-bi-ri fali-[§u] | Sul-li-me" mur-ni-is-hi si-iiuda-at
135
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
rev., 1. 19. Delitzsch {I.e., p. 94) explains ar ri'i as a case of assimilation, ar being for an, that is, the preposition ana.
14. barut, 'decision,' from the root han't, like, e.g., kamtitu, from kanvti,.
Reverse.
2. C^ K. 133, ra\, 1. 21 (Haupt., A.S.K.T., p. 81), «za birisunu
kima rime rabi karna.su ittanassi.
3. Cy; W.A.I. IV, 2 7, 5, 1 7, issuruina abrisu usellu. For lallaru as the name of a bird, .sw, .?.£•., W.A.I. IV, 54, 21a, with Zimmern's note (Busspsalmen, pp. 94 and 95), and for the meaning of abrdti, cf. the following metrical fragment of a hymn to Istar (K. n 15 2): — in-nin- na-at ildni su-tu-ka-at be-li-i-ti \ Istar sur-bu-tum e-til-lit ahi-sa \ tu-am-ti (ilu) Satnsi da-i-na-ai kib-ra-a-ti | ru-ba-tum sd il-ti (ilu) Beli sit-lu-ta-at ta-ba-an \ ga-bu-tum * sd sa-ru-ru-sa its-nam-ma-ru ik-li-ti it-tum damik-tum sa ka-lu ab-ra-a-ti el-li-tum Istar kakkabdni nftr sa-ma-mi | se-e-ru sd ur-ha-ti ic-pat-tu-u ki-ma *~~ |>- | ///-// kib-rat ar-ba--i te-til-li-ma sal-mat kakkadu tc-ri--i kima i-la-a-ti en-sd-am a-na dan-ni te-H-'-i i-ra-\_atl\ f | si-mat la dum-ki du-mu-ku ba-a-si it-ti-ki j kas-da-a-ti sd mus-ba{?)-i-ki su-tu- rum si'i-me ete.
Delitzsch (I.e., p. 10) reads li-sa-tib, and explains the whole line as follows : — seinen namen gleich Honig maehe er den Mensehen wohlgefdllig.
6. kiru from kirn, like nibu from nabfi. Cf. Chald. ^"^D doluit. That the character V1 in ni-is-V" should be read mat and not sat is clear from the passage of Samsu-iluna, published by Winckler (Untersuehungen, p. 143, 11. 14 and 15): — ni-is-ma-at libbiia kima Hi kasadam. The root of the word seems to be N?2!£ sitivit, to which it bears the same relation as nibretu, 'hunger,' to fc$*>2 eomedit. nisjnatu must therefore mean originally ' thirst,' and then ' desire, aspiration,' as here and in the passage just quoted. The word kuru in such phrases as ina kuri nissati urra u musa anassus
ni-ri-[su] \ lip-tu-nu Sur-rtc-d Sii-us-si-i zu-nm-rii-§n \ si-i7i-nu £-ri-bu mit-hal-lik aS-na-\an\ \ lim-nu zi-ir-zi-ru mu-ub-bil sip-pa-a-ii \ pa-ri-su sat-tuk-ki Sd Hi u (ilu) Is-ta-ri \ Se-me-i-ki (ilu) Belu ma-gir-Ai (ilu) Tu-tu \ i-na hi-bi-ti-ki li-im-ma-ni za-ki-ki-eS etc.
* Cf. Heb. na3, altmfuit.
t The last character is almost entirely obliterated, iru, of which irat would be the feminine, like Hat, occurs as an equivalent of gaSru.
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(Pinches, Texts, p. 18, 1. 12), and kulu kuru elisu ittaskan (W.A.I. IV, 7, 4a) appears to be connected not with our root kiril, but with a root corresponding to Heb. *y\2 fodit, perfodit. On the other hand, see Zimmern, B.P., p. 92, note.
7. kirn, from tfTp, Cf. Prov. xx, 6, T\DT\ ttJ"«M N^ d"TN11.
8. kirrit, probably from a root corresponding to Heb. "Y^2 saltavit, exultavit. Cf. Esarhaddon, Cylinder A, VI, 34. "The magnates and people of my country with feasting and rejoicing (ina takulte* u kiriti) therein I caused to sit down," etc.
11. Mention is made of zakkal\\\ a fragmentary list of woods or of wooden objects (W.A.I. II, 40, 54a), as follows: — is zak-kal
^yy ^f J^= I i-sar With lizzamir compare Heb. ~}72t, cecinit
ad citharce modos. Zakkal will therefore denote a musical instrument made of the wood so-called.
lint, from the root corresponding to Heb. TTDV cantavit, like Hi
from Tv^V-
12. suputi, 'vats,' from a root seen in Heb. i^3t!?, ctffluxit, abundavit. Cf. the phrase Q^TC^Ct!? Job xxii, 11. The forms sappu, sappatum, with a similar meaning (jw Zehnpfund in Delitzsch's Beitrdge, I, 533), are perhaps related to supii as rabbu to riibu.
13. sutummc. For the meaning, see Zehnpfund, I.e., p. 531.
(B.)
The following text is numbered 8204 in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum. It is in the same metre as that which we have just considered, except that in the third paragraph of the obverse the final long syllable gives a somewhat different ring to the lines. Of the first paragraph only a fragment has been preserved, as follows : —
71 ... .
u
1'1-ha-ak-kam ip-sit
u-ta-sal ra-ma-ni lib-bi u-sa-as-ra-ha
ii-na-ha-as sur-ri sir-hi-is su-tim-u f
* Not tazirte. Cf. taluku from aldku and ukultu, ' food. ' t litasal, II 2 from 7¥K> like titasar from ^N. linaJjas, from a root nah(Uu; cf. Arab. ^-^j. made confectus firit.
137 L
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
From the reverse everything has been obliterated except the first few syllables in each paragraph, as, e.g., in par. 1, du-un-nu . . . . | du-ub-bu u . . . . I du-u-ra . . . . | du-muk ab-ra-a-ti . . . . ; but these enable us to restore the acrostic, which, as the lines begin and end with the same syllable, runs along each side of the text,* thus : —
•j-sa-ab-du-du ma-ru-us-tu, "It shall cause him to pity the distress."
It is needless to dwell upon the meaning of this remarkable fragment, for it strikes one of the most familiar, as it is one of the deepest, chords in the Hebrew lyre. It is a cry for help on the part of one who has been pierced by "the sting of death," whose affliction is felt to be the effect of sin. There can be nothing greater than the contrast between this and the preceding text. We pass im- mediately from one extreme to the other of the compass of sacred song, from the superb exultation of Domine, in virtute tua to the bottomless humiliation of Deus, deus metis. Indeed it would seem as if the sweet singers of " the songs of the second temple " may have learnt more than has hitherto been suspected 7^2, m*^n2"72o "by the waters of Babylon."
1 V^*3HT?~m-«H«< <-T^^^<!~ fill
4 ^ <mk -sh 4*w -^n >ire \ ^ *% <r- m sea n ^
5 sfcl MT >*fc! -+ -0 ^ \ h- ^f *[ r -H
7 *w *& m <m t] -mi a *% v -sr ^ ^ -w *#= -*r *=&
s e&e air ^ *=tt -r r«< ^r --h *t ^t a rc ^
9 ^T ^Ttt ^4 >^ s=TTfc v^m ^tj ^ r- ~ ** ^r
1 1 ^ fcfl| <m >^yyy 4 ^ gf^S ^TT 4 ~I
12 ^r ih ~t tw m urn -Eir ^ <T3= ^ ^r
* Q^ Bezold, Catalogue, p. 905, where pars. 3 and 4 are transcribed.
1.18
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
Transcription.
sa la-ka-a-ta ina ilani ul in-na-si [ri-sa]
sa en-si u dun-na-mi-i tu-kan is-[du]
sa dun-ha-a u mi-ik-ti ab-bak u-ka-a-u ka-a-sa 4. sa-ar-ka tabu li-zi-kam-ma nap-si-ra ia-a-sa
al-si-ka Nabu mu-gur-an-ni al-la-al al-ta-pil ina sabi ak-ta-kur na-a-a-al al-la-pit ki-ma mah-hi-i sa la i-du-ii u-ba-al 8. al-ta-na-si ilani-ma ka-lis ka-a-a-al
du-un-na-mu-ii sa tak-lu-ka i-sib-bi duh-du du-ru-us ki-i-ni tu-dan-na-an-ma tu-kan is-du du-un-ki ta-ti-rak-ku na-as-si hi-du 12. du-ur ab-ni as-tu tu-tar ti-id-du
Translation.
Whom thou easiest down among the gods, [his head] is not
raised : Of the weak and the despised thou establishest the foundation : For humility a?id vileness I bring, I wait for thee : 4. May thy good wind blotv, make me to be released !
I cry to thee, Nebo ! Have mercy upon me, thou mighty one ! I am laid low among the people, on the ground I lie : I am compassed about like a sorcerer, who understands not to remove the spell : 8. I call upon the gods, and with nothing but crying.
The despised one who trusts in thee, the flood overwhelms [him] : The sure base thou strengthenest, and thou establishest the
foundation : With favour thou coverest me, do thou take atvay sin ! 12. A wall of stone ^ [though] strong, thou turnest to mire and clay.
Notes.
1. lakata. Cf. Arab. 10 as in il£J, 'he prostrated him.'
2. dunnamu. Cf. the terms in which Sennacherib describes the Chaldean adventurer Suzubu {Cylinder V, 8 and 9) : dunnamu sa la isii birki, 'a man of low origin without fortune ' (Heb. HD^ri). For
139 L 2
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S95
the root of dunnamti, cf. Arab. *j£i which in the second form is said to have the meaning 'to be vile, contemptible,' and for the meaning cf. K. 331?, Col. Ill, 20, ana murri pisu dunnamit isassika, " for the food of his mouth (cf. Heb. N"lft) the weak cries to thee."
3. dan ha. Cf Arab. ^0 (II), ' to bend the neck, humble oneself.'
mikti. From a root corresponding to Heb. *-p)72 contabescere, used metaphorically, e.g., in Lev. xxv, 25, "PJfN TpW^Oj " If thy brother be waxen poor." With the whole phrase cf. W.A.I. IV, 10, 44^, hablatua (jfc J^J £ff|) mddati kima subati suhut, " tear asunder my many wickednesses like a garment." Zimmern (Bt(ss- psalmen, p. 73) shows by a comparison of W.A.I. II, 36, $g/i with V, 21, 2\-22ab, that the group *3p ^y| £^y is equivalent to »^-lalu and tussu, and we learn from W.A.I. II, 35, 4jgh, that one of the equivalents of tussu is miktum.
4. sdrka tabu. In the story of the creation, Marduk appears as ilu sari tdbi bel tasme u magdn (Delitzsch, Lesestiicke, p. 95, d., 1. 6).
5. allal. For this epithet as applied to various gods, see Delitzsch, Woerterbuch, p. 488, s.v. allallu ; and cf. the following incantation to the fire-god (K. 2455, Rev-> h. n-23) : —
siptu >->f- tf >f- sar-hu bu-kur (ilu) A-nim
i-lit-ti ellu-tim sa-ku-lum (ilu) Sa-la-as
sar-hu id-di-su-11 zik-ri Hani ka-a-a-n\u\
na-din nin-da-bi-l ana Hani (ilu) Igigi
sa-kin na-mir-ti a-na (ilu) A-nun-na-ki Hani rabuti
iz-zu >-Jf- JiJ >f- mus-har-mit a-pi
»->^- frj >f- al-la-lu-u mu-ab-bit isi (izf \^) u abni
ka-mu-ii lim-nu-ti zer kassapi u kassapti
mu-hal-lik rag-gi zer kassapi ti kassapti
ina u-tni an-ni-i ina di-ni-ia i-ziz-za-am-ma
$-pis bar-ti te-na-na-a ku-su-ud lim-fiu
kima salmanu (*f- |-^<) an-nu-ti i-hu-lu i-zu-bu u it-ta-at-tu-ku*
kassapu u kassaptu li-hu-lu li-zu-bu u lit-ta-at-tu-ku.
6. aktakur. " I am on the ground," from the root of kakkaru.
* These lines are important as showing that the melting of waxen images was practised by the Assyrians as a magical rite.
140
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7. mahhu occurs as the equivalent of Hsepu, ' sorcerer,' in W.A.I. II, 51, 48, and this furnishes the clue to the meaning of such passages as, e.g., W.A.I. Ill, 15, 21, col. i, tib tahaziia danni anuruma emu mah-hu-tas, " the approach of my strong battle they saw, and became as if bewitched, under a spell." In the present case the difficulty lies in ubdl, which is clearly the object of idu. The allusion seems to be to a sorcerer whose activity is confined and crippled by the effect of some incantation — as, for instance kima salmanu annuti, etc. — and he does not know how to remove the spell. We might therefore connect ubal with abdlu, " to carry- away," as ubanu with abdnu, and cf. W.A.I. IV, 59, 14A mimma te-pu- sd tu-us-te-pi-sd lu-bil saru.
(C.)
Of the group that follows, I propose to resume the discussion in a future number of our Proceedings. Meanwhile, the readings I have proposed must in many cases be regarded as provisional. Iv 9290 and K 3452 agree closely, so far as they can be compared, and are probably duplicates ;* but the important tablet Sp II, 265, though it takes up and completes the burden of the other two, is apparently an independent, though a similar, document.!
* A few lines have been restored from the fragments 81, 2-1, 63 and 81, 2-1, 90.
t The obverse of Sp II, 265, has been much mutilated, but the acrostic began with a-na-ku. The endings of a few of these lines in the a stanza can be restored from what remains of the first column of K. 8463. My thanks are due to Mr Pinches, who not only called my attention to this tablet in the first instance (in 1892), but most kindly placed at my disposal copies of parts of these texts made by himself several years ago.
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K. 9290.— Column I. 81, 2-1, 63.
"IHS^ Hf< *£ -Km ~f o *yyys=
r ^ ^i< -4- ^< ^ iin urn ^i-w ^-y 4- 3= -~*
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33
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K. 9290. — Column II. 81, 2-1, 90.
$*= ^y ^ ^ -^tt -rr^ * m= ^y ^yy s^r tro r<«i
^ ^T 4-+ ^ 4 ■
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is ~ *fl CT <Ii! <T^ ^TT <3K IHI IHI e= ^ 4
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K. 9290. — Reverse.' Column I.
£1 3 SET
£1
£1
6 £1
£1 9 £1
£1 £1
<MR HTCL HK <M£
■T <l
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1-
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* K. 8491 is a fragment of an alliterative text bearing the remains of a stanza in ma, followed by those of another in as. Cf. 11. 5-8 : — ma-'-du a-iii-ii idinu Sa 11 .... \ ma- an-nu i-na bi-ri-Su-nu ir-ta-Si \ nta-ni it mar-tum lu-ba-'-{u] . . . . | ma-la ut-tu-ii a-a i-zi-ba hi ....
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K. 9290. — Reverse. Column II. K. 3452-
bit ^ w Jfii v «*/ <t- hr *- ^ it bit ^ <~ *$ ^ m ^ i r -it- ^ — ih
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April 2]
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April 2 J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1S95.
Transliteration.
ti i-bak-ki ilu u-zu-un-sii ib-si (?)
la-bu sa i-tak-ka-lu du-muk si
3 ki (?)-is-ti ilu ti-i-ru tu-ri li-bil mas-pa-su (?)
ti belu pa-an sa us-su-pu-su na-ha-su
a sa-ri-ri i-hi-ta a-na (ilu) Ma-mi
6 ka]-la-ma-a minima [ra ?]-ba-a i-lis u-sab-[sii]
i]-ru-ub di e il-tim-ma ki-bi-ti
gi-sim-ma-ru (is) mas'-ri-i a-hi ak-mu (?) 9. gi-mil (?) na-kab ne-me-ki il2-lu uk-tas-(sad ?)
gi ta-ma ma-lik ni-si3 mi-lik
gi ri-mu sam-tu ul i-na
12. gi-inil kar-ba-tim ir-hi-su i-has-su kakkabu
gi-ir bu-li la ba-sa tah-su-su ekil (ga-na) bit4 Beli
gi-il-lat nesi i-pu-su pi-ta-as-su has5-tum 15. gi-is mas-ri-i bel pa-ni6 sa gur7-ru-nu ma-ak-ku-ru
gi-ris ina u-um la si-ma-ti8 i-ka9-am-me-su ma-al-ku
gi-ir-ri an-nu-tu-u i-ku-su a-la-ka10 tah-si-ih 18. gi-mil du-um-ki sa ili da-ra-a si-te-'-e
il-ta-nu te-en-ga ma-nil nisi da
il-lu nu-us-su-ku mi-lik-ka
21. il-te-en zik-ra mut-ta-ka duk
il-la-ku li-ru-uh dum-ki la mus-te-hi-ti ni
il-tab-ni i-te-en-su mus-te-mi-ku sa
24. il-li gi-mi-ia-a-ma te-im ili as-ri-[ih ?]
il-la-ba-an-ka u te-mi-ki-i se-' (ilu) Is-tar-ti
il-ku sa la ni-me-li a-sa-at ap-sa-nu 27. il-ta-kan ilu ki-i mas-ri-i ka-tu-ta
il-an-nu ku-us-su-du pa-na-an-ni lil-li
il-ta-ku-u har-ha-ru-ii a-na at-tas-pil
30. ki-na ra-as uz-ni sa-ku ta-ad-di-nu la har-ka ki-it-ta ta-du-ma li-sur-ti ili ta-na-su* ki-du-di-i ili minima su-us-su-ru tah-si-hu ka-bat-tuk
1 meS. " i. 3 su. 4 bi-it. 5 ha-aS.
(i int. '' gu-ru-un. s /it. 9 kam-mtiS. 10 kn.
* A few more lines of this stanza have been preserved on the fragment K. 8463 (Col. II), as follows : — M-it-tu ta-at-ta-du-u . . . . | ki-du-di-i ildni la
iMin-su-ri j ki-nu ti-mi-si (ilu) IS-ta-ri &e | ki-i ki-rib Sami-i
sip-ki ildni . . . . | lei-bit pi-i >_>f- il-ti ul iS-kur . . . . j ki-niS lit-mu-da-ma sa .' . . . I ki-pi-du-si-na-ma ana nisi . . . . | ki-ib-si il-ti sii-hu-za . . . . | ki-ru-ub te-hi-Si-na ....
148
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [189:
ub-na
up-te iz-za-bil
3. ub-bat li
ub-te-en-ni li-gi
up-te si-it nisi
6. up-te-ih-hir lib
up-te-ik an
ub-te-'-i hi-sih-[ti]
9. bi-i-ta lu-ud-di-lu
bi-sa-a a-a ah-si-ih
bi-il-lu-di-i ilu seni tam-har is
12. bi-i-ra lu-na-ak-kis lu-bil ak-lu
bi-ir-ta lu-ul-lik ni-sa-a-ti lu-hu-uz
bi-i-ra lu-up-ti a lu-mas-sir
15. bi-i-ra ki-di ra-kis lu-tib tap-pu-tii
bi-it-bi-ti-is1 lu-tir ru-ba lu-ni-' bu-bu-ti
bi-ri-is lu2-ut-te-' lu-sib su-li-i lu-sa-a 18. bi-is nu-kis ana3 kir-bi lu-tir
bi-i-su turn ......
ib-ri ub-lam
21. ip-sit nisi la tah-si-hu
ib-sii-ii ina sur-ri
ib-ru pir-hu ka-ka
sa har-ha-ri sa tah-si-hu bu-na-sii
sa am-mi e-bu-ri di-su za-mar i-hal-lik
3. sa la ilu gishabbu ra-si ma-ak-ku-ra
sa-ga-sii (makkursu ?) kak-ka-su i-sid-di-sii sa la tu-ba-'-ii te-im ili mi-nu-ii tus-sar-ka
6. sa-di-id ni-ir ili lu-ii-ba-ti sa-di-ir a-dan-su sa-a-ra ta-a-ba sa ilani si-te-'-e-ma sa sattu tu-hal-li-ku ta-rab a-na sur-ri
9. i-na ad-na-a-ti ab-ri-i-ma sit-na-a i-da-a-tu i-lu a-na hir-ra-bi ul pa-ri-is a-lak-ta i-sad-da-ad i-na mit-ra-ta za-ru-u elippi 12. i-na ki-rib (is) dun-ni ra-rni bu-kur-sii
1 Su. 2 Int.
149
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
i-lak-kit lab-bis ra-bi a-hi u-ru-uh-su
i-li-is ma-lak bu-sii-u pa-ra-a i-rid-di 15. i-na su-ki zi-lul-su i-sa-a-a-ad ab-lum
i-sar-ra-ak tir-din-nu a-na ka-ti-i ti sam-ta
i-na ma-har kat-mi sa ad-da rau-su mi-na-a u-at-tar iS. i-na sa-pal as-bal-ti-ia (arra-ti-ia ?) kit-mu-sa-ku a-na-ku
i-na a-za-an-ni a-hu-ru-u sa-ru-ii u u-hu
li-'-u pal-ku-ii sii-e ta-sim-ti 21. li-it-mu um-ma sur-ra-ka ilu ta-da-a-a-as
li-ib-bi ili ki-ma ki-rib sami-i ni-si-ma
li-pit-a us-su-ru-su sii-ma nisi la lam-da 24. li-pit-sii (ilu) A-ru-ru mit-ha-ris na-pis-ti
li-il-li-du nis-su ka-lis la mur-ri
li-it-tu bu-ur-sii ris-tu-ii sa-pil-ma 27. li-gi-mu1 sa ar-ku-ii ma-si sid-din-sii
li-il-lu ma-ru pa-na-a i-al-lad
li-'-u kar-ra-du sa sa-ni-i ni-bit-su 30. li-'-it-ma2 mi-na a-bak-ki3 ilu-ma nisi la lam-da
li-tag-gam-ma ib-ri li-mad sip-ki-ia
u-sur nu-us-su-ka sum-kar at-mi-i-a 33. u-saas-ku-ii a-mat kab-ti4 sa lit-mu-da busi-[sa?
u-sap-pa-lu5 du-unfi-na-ma-a sa la i7-pu-su hi-bil-[ta
ii-kans-nu rag-ga sa ilu rubu (Ea) abi-su
3. u-ta-ra-du ki-na9 sa ana10 te-im ili bu
u-ma!1-al-lu-u pa-sal-la12 sa ha13-bi-lau ni
ii-sal-ku15 is-sik-ki16 sa-pi is-nu-ku te17-'-t[a18 6. ii-dan-na-nu19 sal-tu sa pu-hur-su an
li-la-la ib-ba-tu i-tar-ri-sm0 la-li-i
u ia-a-si it-nu-su be2I-el pa-ni ri-dan-nu
9. sar kat-mi" na'-3-an-na24-ru ba-nu-u a-pa-a-ti25 sar-hu (ilu) Zu-lum mar26-ka ri-su27 ti-it-ti-28sin sar-ra-tii29 pa-ti-ik-ta-si-na sii-e-tum30 (ilu) Ma-ma3 12. sar-ku a32-na a-me-lu33-ti id-gu-ra34 da-ba-ba
|
1 mu-u. |
2 deest. |
3 kit. |
4 tu. |
0 nab-bal. |
fi sik. |
|
|
' l-sii-ii. |
8 ka-an. |
9 i-nu. |
lu deest |
11 vial. |
12 hi. |
|
|
13 hob. |
14 lit. |
15 ku. |
16 ku. |
17 ti. |
,s tu. |
|
|
10 da-na- |
an. |
20 is-su. |
21 bil. |
22 silli i^t). |
23 deest. |
"4 nar. |
|
-° t[um~\. |
2fi ma-ar. |
27 is. |
2S ta-si-na. |
29 turn. |
30 til. |
|
|
31 mi. |
32 ana. |
33 Int. |
34 m. |
April 2] PROCEEDINGS.
sar-ra-a-ti35 la36 ki-na-a-ti37 is-ru-ku-su ina38 sa39-at-tak
sar-hi-is sa sa-ri-i i-dib-bu-bu dum-ki-su 15. sar-ma mas4n-ru-su41 il-la-ku i-da-a-su
sar-ra-kis i42-lam-ma-nu du4;,-un-na-ma-a a-me-lu
sar-ku-su44 nu-ul-la-tum i-kap-pu-du-su nir-ti 18. sar-ri-es45 ka-la lum-nu sii-hu um-me as-su la i-sii-ii i-n-tii
sar-ba-bi-is iis-ha-ram-mu-sii u-bal-lu-su ki-raa la-a-mi
ri-mi-na-a-tu ib-ri ni-is-sa-tum si-te-'-me 21. ri-sa-ara-ma46 nam-ra-su a-mur lu-u ti-i-du
ri-i-sii pal-ku-ii mut-nin-nu-ii a-na a-di
ri-sa u tuk-la-tum za-mar ul a-mur 24. ri-bit ali-ia li-ba-'-ii ni-hi-is
ri-ig-mu ul is-sa-pu is-sa-pil at-mu-ii-a
ri-si-ia ul ul-lu kak-ka-ri a-na-at-t[al 27. ri-sis ul a-dal-lal ina puhur it
ri-sa lis-ku-nu Ninip sa it
ri-ma li-ir-sa-a Is-tar sa
30. ri-e-um Sam-si ni-si i-lis
ba
[1895.
i5 td.
3,; it la.
|
na-tit. |
3S deest. |
3!' sa-an-tuk-ku. |
4,1 mSt. |
|
dun. |
44 iti\ |
4S is. |
4,1 aeest |
J51
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [189:
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF AMENOPHIS IV. By Dr. A. Wiedemann.
The short reign of King Amenophis IV was of such importance to the history of Egyptian religion and art. that each text of this period must have a particular value. From this point of view I give a description of the following monuments : —
1. Stela, calcarious stone, rounded at the top. Geneva Uni- versity Museum, D. 49. 63cm. high, 33cm. large, the figures filled in with red, the hieroglyphics with blue colour. Below the signs =<5££ Q ^S? , a man with the lotus-flower and the tie in his hands, and a woman who embraces him, are sitting ; before them, an altar and a standing man in the position of speaking. Behind the last
man,
(I x~ (sic) s=> v\ //^> |[^ v& ; before the sitting persons,
[I nt* Below, a man and a woman are sitting before
an altar with gifts, on the other side of which two women cower. Above them, in horizontal lines :
(sic) ^-^J %^(3)
f J =
Below, written from right to left, the inscription :
lIll^M^-JAPmo^lMll
* For the name and word ad-ad, cf. Rec. de trav. re/., etc., XIV, p. 120, sat/. ; XV, p. 46, 1. 7; Lieblein, Diet, des noms, pass. ; Ree. de trav., XIII, p. 116, is
found the woman-name ^ ' avww .
T52
April 2
PROCEEDINGS.
[1895.
TJMH
(sic)
®
o
o
J ° n I - J JL (5 vertical) Ul ^ [
(6 vertical) M£ T
\\©
Side by side with the two last lines, six persons are cowering
_J> M3 man, (4)
I
man, (2)
H
man, (3)
I o^i-/»'-
ian,(5) "^
lo^
woman, (6)
0
a
kj /WVW\
The name of the last person has been written below him, the space above being already filled by the other texts. The beginning of the third name has been destroyed on purpose, but enough is left to
recognise with certainty the word (I . This erasure of the
1 AA/vW\
name of the god Amon shows that the monument belongs to the time before the reformation of Chu-en-aten. On the other hand
the determinative © instead of 0 behind (I in line 4 proves,
that at that time the town of Aten was already spoken of, and that the thought of this place induced the scribe to err.* We may thus date this stela of a man of Abydos with great certainty in the years 4-6 of Amenophis IV.
2. Slab of calcareous stone in the Museum at Berlin, No. 2070 (Lepsius, 199; new catalogue, p. 102) with a representation running from right to left. A standing man brings in the right hand [j ; in
* A similar mistake is found in Papyrus Louvre 3283 (ed. Wiedemann, Hierat. Texte). In this text, written for a woman of Thebes, the divinity is
called, Pl. 1, 1.6, (^ ^ JJJ J^^®, "who ex.mta
the words of the men with the level " {cf. Renouf, Religion der alien Aegyptcr,
p. 195). The writer has given to Ihe word ret-u I v\ v\ v\ |;
etc. ; for the reading, cf. Naville, Aeg. Z., 18S2, p. 188, sqq.) the determinative
©, because he had in mind in writing A\ at the end of the word, the
name of U-"->l rf^-f \\ > tne Part OI Thebes, which had a particular con- nection with the treatment of the dead.
April 2]
SOCIETY* OF BIBLICAL ARC I LEO LOGY.
[1895-
the left five rectangular, fiat parcels lying one on the other ; the scene is accompanied by this inscription, in vertical lines :
<.)"h
ci 1
w
00
*?
a
(3)
1:1
ni
O
[J ^.(4 horizontal)^ (Jj^.t
(vertical)
\\
Jr^
1^
Behind, a man brings two ties ; inscription in vertical lines :
My,
n
o
¥
w
□
L=Z1
O
<»)
IN^^I
l"1^
(3 horizontal)
D X
(sic) £_
The text itself contains some formulae of the Libro dei funerali, which was discovered and excellenty treated by Schiaparelli. The bringing of the vases abut is found in the text of this publication, I, p. 144 sqq. (cf. II, 362, under the word), and the bringing of the feather, I, p. 143 (cf. II, 275) and the bringing of the ties occurs II, p. 15 sqq., in a much more developed form. For the general sense of the formula, we may refer to the book of Schiaparelli ; here we will speak only about a curious variant found in the first text. The feather brought by the man is that of an ostrich. The
/") /ww\a r\ uz J r\ f~ /www
text of Schiaparelli calls it I) @ [ .] (I ^^ 1 or I) '^5M
\^. , and here nend, nenu are forms of the word nnu, nndu, etc., "ostrich."^ Our text gives instead the word V\ I) * 1,
+ Instead of * the original has the standing bird (f!~^ . The leg ||
is in the original more similar to that of an ostrich than in the hieroglyphic type used here.
X Cf. for the writing of the text, Rec. de trav. rel., etc., XV, p. 37, from the time of Chu-en-aten.
§ The writing.
•I'
■, in Diimichen, Rec. , IV, pi. 14, 1. 84, for the
feather, which was accepted by Goodwin, Aeg. Z., 1874, p. 37, is faulty; the right form is |\ , given in the publication of the same text by Mariette,
Dend., IV, 37, 1. S4 (cf. Loret, Rec. de trav. re/., etc., IV, p. 30).
*54
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
which is new in this sense ; its determinatives are two well-drawn images of a standing ostrich with its long legs and short wings —
(C^j is therefore the picture of a sitting ostrich, not, as is usually
believed (e.g., Rouge, Chr. eg., I, 60) of a newly born bird,- — and the leg of the animal. The word itself explains the origin of the reading ma for R . Md-t is the old name of the bird, which was supplanted afterwards by nnu, but remained in the syllabic sign P . This is another example of the fact, that the syllabic reading of a sign gives us sometimes an old designation of the represented thing, a designation which may often be older than the word used for the same object by the current language.
The owner of the slab is called the first time Meriti-Neith ; in the other places, Meriti, with a circle at the end which will represent the sun. On three other fragments out of his tornb, found in the south of the great pyramid of Saqqarah (published by Mariette, Mastabas, p. 449), he appears also as Meriti without Neith, but with the sign O- In reality, the name will have been Meriti-Neith, but as the cult of Neith was proscribed by the Aten-religion, her name had here to disappear, and was changed to the name of the sun-god. That this was really the case, is shown by the slab itself, on which we may yet observe, that at the two places, where Meriti-Ra is found, the O has been written over an erased x=x. The monu- ment belongs, therefore, to the moment in which the Aten-cult became conqueror also at Memphis.
3. In these Proceedings, VII, p. 200, sqq., I published an Usebti of the time of Chu-en-citen, which showed instead of Chapter VI of
the Todtenbuch the formula I A = )>K (J "^wa -f- etc. The same
formula in a somewhat more developed form is found on a heart scarab of greenish stone in the Museum at Turin, No. 5993, which
belonged to a functionary of the irsn (I ^y& (l[| . A man of the name
Apii is known in the time of Chu-en-aten from his tomb at Tell-el- Amarna, whose texts were published by Bouriant, Mem. de la Miss, du Caire, I, p. 1 r, sqq., and Piehl, Inscr., I, pi. 191-2), but as he bears other titles than our Apii,* he is not to be identified with him.
* This fact is possible to ascertain, if also the exact title of the owner of the scarab cannot be made out from the publication of its inscription in the Catalogue of the Museum, II, p. 209.
155
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Under any circumstances the name is not the more interesting part of the monument at Turin, it is the fact, that it shows, that in the time when the Aten-cult flourished, the custom of giving to the dead a heart-scarab was kept up as well as the custom of the Usebtis, but that in the two cases the ordinary formula referring to the Osiris- religion were changed in favour of the worship of Aten.
4. Nearly at the same period, but, as the mention of the god Thoth shows, not during the ascendancy of the Aten-cult, a curious monument found in Italy (now at Florence, Cat. Schiaparelli, p. 314, No. 1588; Photogr., Petrie, No. 165), was worked out. It is a relief calling to mind from the manner of its carvings the plans found in the tombs of Tell-el-Amarna. It shows an Egyptian court-yard, at the left of which is the poultry-yard, at the right, above, four magazines, of which three are full of wine-pots, below some rooms, the contents of which have disappeared. Between these two rows of magazines a door leads into an emplacement, probably a court, in which a small table with different objects on it stands, as well as a scale with its weights in the form of animals. Backwards three naos are to be seen ; above the one in the middle a stela is drawn, which, following the rules of Egyptian perspective means that the stela was placed in the naos. Above the naos on the right and the one on the left is the picture of a coffin, similar to the coffins of queen Ahmes-nefer-ateri and queen Ah-hetep found at Der-el-bahari.
We know from the Greek authors, that in Egypt the custom existed of preserving in one room of the house mummy-formed coffins containing the corpses of dead relatives. The excavations of Petrie at Hawara speak to the correctness of these notices for the later time,"* but documents of older periods relating to this custom were wanting till now. I believe this bas-relief fills this gasp, the naos with the mummies reproduce each a oiieq/ia 0rjicaiov, as Herodotus, II, 86, calls these rooms ; the naos in the middle would contain a stela with an inscription in memory of the deceased persons.
5. We are accustomed to take Tii as the mother of Amenophis IV, but this is not at all certain. The text generally refered to in
this connexion is Leps. D., Ill, 100c, where is written I ci I
I /WVWA T
%^ e± ( I C]Q \\ f|j ] , and in the same way we shall have to write Leps.,
* Cf. Wiedemann, Herodots Zweitei Buck, p. 560 .*>/. 156
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
D., Ill, iood, instead of ] \ ^ I in the middle I ^ . Yet
Lepsius (Abh. der Berl. Akad. 185 1, p. 199) has shown, that at the time of Chu-en-aten the word mut, " mother," was written not with
A\ , but with 1\ or / , surely to avoid a confusion in ortho- graphy between it and the name of the Theban divinity Mut. These texts call, therefore, Tii the mother of the queen, she must have been, in consequence, the mother-in-law of Amenophis IV. If she
is called in another place (Leps. D., Ill, 101) I I •^=t ^ ,
this would show only that the king gave her the title Royal Mother, because a part of his rights to the throne was founded on his re- lationship with her. Another daughter of Tii was, then, the sister of Chu-en-aten's wife Net'em-t-Mut, which appears Leps. P., Ill, 109, and is in all likelihood identical with the wife, whom Hor-eirr heb married in order to legitimize his position as Pharaoh. The reasons of the high position of Tii, to whom even her husband Amenophis III paid tribute in quoting her so many times on his monuments, will only be understood, when we know something certain about her parents Tuaa and Iuaa.* The effort has been made to identify Tii with Kirkipa, the daughter of the prince Satarna of Neharina ; but, as the scarab f relating the arrival of Kirkipa in Egypt, is dated from the time of Amenophis III and Tii, the daughter of Tuaa and Iuaa, this idea must be thoroughly abandoned.
* In the inscription found by Petrie at Gui'ob (Petrie, Illahun, pi. 24), by which
the great royal wife Tii consecrates an altar to V if) I '~' | 1 ( O ft) V_^ 1 ,
sen cannot be translated "brother," as the two have different parents ; also the idea, that sen is here the masculine of sen-t, " consort," is not plausible, as Tii is
named just before I -S^r _ jt w;jj ^ave to ^e taken not m the sense of
T o c± designation of relationship, but only as meaning "beloved," the word being so used in the love-songs of Pap. Harris, 500. In the same sense, it may be trans- lated, Leps., Ausw., pi. 11, where Thutmosis III is called the h of Ramaka,
the king being probably, not brother, but nephew to this queen.
+ Publ. by Brugsch, Aeg. Z., 1880, p. 81, sqq., and Thes., p. 141 3 ; in fac- simile by Maspero, Rcc. de trav. rel., etc., XV, p. 200 ; a duplicate by Legrain. I.e. XVI, p. 62.
157
April 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1895.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden at 37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, the 7th May, 1895.
The following Paper will be read : —
Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A., Oxon.— "The Testament of Jacob" (Genesis xlix).
15*
April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, zvill confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Ameli.veau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 pari?
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden. Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols. , folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen of vols. 3 and 4. ) Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassei., Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
■ Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 18S0.
Gavet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jknsex, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
J59
April 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. Johns HorKiNS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology. Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates. Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1880. Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkm'aler aus Arabien. Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out
dekkingen. Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio. Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. Rav/linson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeoer, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
Yirey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien. Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890. Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Wkissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII,
1S50 to 1S5S, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1S78. Zimmern, IL, Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
160
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-FIFTH SESSION, 1895.
Fifth Meeting, Jth May, 1895. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
The President referred to the loss the Society had recently suffered by the death of the VERY REV. Robert Payne Smith, D.D., Dean of Canterbury.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors: —
From the Author: — Prof. Paul Haupt, Ph.D. Wo lag das Paradies? from Ueber Land und Meer. 1894-95, No. 15, Stuttgart.
[No. cxxx.] 161 N
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
From the Author: — Prof. Paul Haupt, Ph.D. Excavations in Assyria and Babylonia. Smithsonian Report, 1887-88. Washington, 8vo.
From E. Towry Whyte, M.A., F.S.A. : — Burlington Fine Art Club. Catalogue of Exhibition of the Art of Ancient Egypt, etc. 1895.
From Edward S. M. Perowne : — W. M. Flinders Petrie. A History of Egypt. Vol. I. From the Earliest Times to the XVIth Dynasty.
From the Author : — W. Scott Watson. Historical and Critical Notes. The References in the Pentateuch to Jair and Havvoth Jair. 8vo. 1895.
From the Author : — J. Lieblein. Le Livre Egyptien Que mon Nom Fleurisse. Publie et traduit, Leipzic, 1895.
From Rev. Canon S. W. Allen : — D. G. Lyon. An Assyrian Manual. For the use of Beginners in the Study of the Assyrian Language. Chicago, 1886.
From the Union of American Hebrew Congregations : — Judaism at the World's Parliament of Religions. Comprising the Papers on Judaism read at the Parliament, at the Denomi- national Congress, and the Jewish Presentation. Cincinnati, 1894.
From the Author : — Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D. Notes on the Pilgrim Psalter. 8vo. 1S95. From the Journal of Biblical Literature.
Some recent results of the University of Pennsylvania ex- cavations at Nippur, especially of the Temple Hill. March 1895. 8vo.
From the Publishers : — H. Grevel and Co. Manual of Egyptian Archceology. By G. Maspero, D.C.L. Oxon. Translated by Amelia B. Edwards. New Edition. 8vo. 1895.
The Ancient Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul. By Alfred Wiedemann, D.Ph. London. 8vo. 1895.
162
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
The following Candidate was elected a Member of the Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, 2nd April :—
M. l'Abbe Poels, Lie. en Theol., Rue des Dominicains, Louvain.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The General Theological Seminary, E. H. Jewett, Librarian, Chelsea Square, New York, U.S.A.
The following Candidates were nominated, and by special order of the Council were submitted for election, and elected Members of the Society : —
Dr. Wm. Chapman Grigg, 27, Curzon Street, Mayfair, W.
Frank Wilkinson, Hawkley Lodge, Sutton, Surrey.
R. Brede Kristensen, Christiania.
Frederick William Read, 4, Clarendon Gardens, Maida Vale, W.
Captain Granville Smith, 131, Queen's Gate, S.W.
George H. Whittaker, Rush Bank, Middleton Road, Oldham.
A Paper was read by the Rev. C. J. Ball, on "The Testament of Jacob." (Gen. xlix.)
Thanks were returned for this communication.
163
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
THE TESTAMENT OF JACOB (Gen. xlix). By the Rev. C. J. Ball.
Note. — G. = Greek version (LXX). *** = Samaritan Text. S. = Syriac (Peshitta). T. = Targum (Onkelos). J. = Jerome (Vulgate).
This ancient text has exercised a kind of fascination upon the minds of many scholars of the most varied gifts and acquirements. After all the pains, however, that have been lavished upon its interpretation, it still remains in many respects obscure and unin- telligible. The dying patriarch who is the mouthpiece of the unknown poet, like the fabled Sphinx, propounds his ancient riddles anew to each succeeding generation of students. Yet there is no valid reason for assuming beforehand that the thoughtful labours of the competent will not eventually clear up the remaining obscurities, and produce out of materials, gathered from every possible source, a trustworthy text, and a self-coherent and harmo- nious interpretation which will carry conviction to the general apprehension.
We need not be afraid of emending a text which cries aloud for emendation. The general laws of Hebrew syntax — apart from that extraordinary mass of ingenious speculations by which it is sought to palliate improbable, and justify impossible constructions — must be steadily borne in mind. Continuity of thought must be expected, and, where not apparent, must be made the object of careful search in each distinct portion of the text. The light thrown upon our subject by the finished course of Israel's history is not to be disregarded from any legitimate fears we may entertain of reading into the text a meaning which is not there. Above all, it must never be forgotten that we are dealing with poetry, not prose ; and that, consequently, poetic style and phraseology, poetic form, exhibiting the vital principle of parallelism in thought and expression, as well as a certain degree of syllabic equipoise, will naturally be
164
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
present throughout the piece, though in some cases they may be concealed under the mask of time-honoured corruptions.
The insertion of poems and poetical citations in historical prose is a familiar phenomenon of Oriental literature. It is not, therefore, at all surprising to meet with sporadic instances of the same practice in the Book of Genesis. That the piece before us is a poem, and not merely elevated prose, appears plainly enough from the matter and manner of it ; a fact which I hope will become even more apparent in the course of our examination. That it is, more- over, one of the oldest sections of the book is generally recognized by Hebrew scholars ; whether it be assigned with Dillmann to the period of the Judges, or, as seems more probable, to the age of the Judean monarchy. A first glance reveals the fact that the praise of Judah (vv. 8-10) and the praise of Joseph (vv. 22-26) are the principal themes of the singer. The other tribes are simply the background, or the foil to these. To Judah no less than seventeen stichi are devoted ; to Joseph nineteen. This clearly reflects the historical fact that Judah and Joseph-Ephraim were the two leading tribes around which the others clustered — the two kingdoms of the House of Israel. But more than this. The writer makes a marked distinction between these two leading tribes. While heaping blessings on the head of Joseph, and even designating him " the Nazirite of his brothers " (v. 26), he is in full sympathy with the later feeling of the literary prophets, who saw the only legitimate rule in the House of Judah and the line of David. Nothing that he says of Joseph can fairly be made a reference to the separate kingdom which had its seat in Samaria. And this silence becomes all the more significant when we recollect Joseph's dreams, with their apparent promise of sovereignty over all Israel. It is as if the writer regarded these as exhausted of their import by Joseph's exaltation in Egypt, and the consequent submission of his brethren. But of Judah he speaks in a tone which really leaves little doubt as to his meaning. After clearing the way by a sentence of disinheri- tance upon Reuben, the first-born son and natural heir of the hegemony in Israel, and by the ban pronounced on Simeon and Levi, the two succeeding sons of Leah ; he expressly assigns to Judah the homage of all his brethren, in the very terms in which Joseph's brothers had seen a reference to royal supremacy — the terms also in which Isaac had promised Israel the dominion over Edom and other peoples (v. 8 ; cf. ch. xxvii, 29; xxxvii, 7, 8); he
165
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
compares him to the lion, the king of beasts {cf Prov. xix, 12; xx, 2 ; xxx, 30 ; Rev. iv, 5 ; Num. xxiii, 24 ; Ezek. xix, 3, 5, 6 ; 2 Sam. i, 23) ; he gives him wine — the royal beverage — in abundance, as Isaac had given to Jacob (ch. xxvii, 28, 37); and finally, in a verse, which, however difficult, cannot be treated as an interpolation without destroying the connection of thought, he endows Judah with a " sceptre " and the " obedience of peoples " {cf ch. xxvii, 29), Of Judah, as of Joseph, the goodly land is a chief blessing :
He shall bind his foal to the vine, His ass colt to the choice vine ; He shall wash his apparel in wine, His clothing in blood of grapes ; Dull of the eyes from wine, And white of the teeth from milk.
For Judah, too, as for Joseph {vide infra), fighting is in store. But Judah is praised for his own native valour. He is not a timid hart like Joseph {cf Ps. Ixxviii, 9) ; he is a lion who preys on his enemies, and his father's sons do him the homage due to their champion — not an obscure intimation of the prowess of David, and his elevation to the throne of all Israel. The sceptre and the staff of rule, the insignia of leadership in war and of sovereignty in peace, will not depart from Judah {cf the apparently imitative phrase, Zech. x, 1 1 : T)D>1 CHSJft t^l^"))- As in Balaam's prophecy (Num. xxiv, 17*), the "sceptre" is the mace that crushes the foe {cf also Isa. x, 5, 15, 24) ; and here, as there, the victories of David are hinted at, as well as the first successes which established this tribe in its permanent domain west of the Jordan (Judges i).
We have to find, as we have said, a meaning in agreement with the context and with the data of history. As a matter of fact, Judah was the royal tribe ; and David, the great founder of Israel's monarchy and of the only permanent dynasty, was of this tribe. Historically, in this respect, Judah stands alone among all the tribes : for the House of Joseph, after the separation, never achieved a stable dynasty.
All this indicates that the piece belongs to the period of the Davidic monarchy. It might even be thought to date from the palmy days
* The "star" of this passage is probably a lance or pike, as the parallel expression indicates. Cf. the Accadian mul-mul (written star + star), Assyrian mulmullu, lance, spear.
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of Solomon, to which we might see a reference in what is said about Asher (v. 20) : — ■
Asher — his food shall be fat ;
And he shall yield the king's dainties.
The word *"T7?2 here is certainly not without bearing on the question of age. Asher is expressly named among the districts which had to provide the monthly supplies of Solomon's household (1 Kings iv, 16).
The curse upon Levi — for it is nothing else — and the silence about his priesthood (the principal element in postexilic conceptions of him), seems to exclude the last period of the monarchy, while it agrees very well with the earlier date.
Nor is there anything fatal to this view in what is said of the other tribes. Zebulun and Issachar, which figure as warlike com- munities in the ancient song of Deborah (Judges v, 14, 15, 18), are here presented in a different light. What is said of Zebulun (v. 13) evidently contemplates the tribe as long settled in its locality, and as having exchanged its ancient military prowess for the hazards and profits of a seafaring life, such as might naturally be suggested by neighbourhood with the Phoenicians, the great seafaring race of antiquity. Perhaps Solomon's "Navy of Tarshish," which ac- companied the navy of Hiram, king of Tyre, in trading voyages (1 Kings x, 22), was manned by Zebulunites. In the probably later poem, known as the Blessing of Moses, it is said of both Zebulun and Issachar (Deut. xxxiii, 19) : —
They shall suck the abundance of seas, And treasures hid in the sand.
The "treasures of the sand "may well denote the murex, or purple fish, from which was obtained the famous dye. The eldest son or chief clan of Issachar was named Tola, " purple fish " (Gen. xlvi, 13: see also Judges x, i)- an indirect confirmation of the tribe's contiguity to the coast. The existing text of Gen. xlix presents us with three lines about Zebulun : —
]W wp r^xh fynf rvoN t\rb Nim
The third line looks like an explanatory gloss or interpolation, specifying Zebulun's point of contact with the coast. As a local
167
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
determination it is without parallel in the entire piece, and is, besides, thoroughly prosaic. Rejecting this, we are still dissatisfied with the remaining couplet, as both tautologous and pointless. The phrase Qifti Fpn recurs (Judges v, 17), but fTP^N Fpn, strand of ships, never. The term fjin, in fact, is always joined, either with QTT (prose ; e.g., Deut. i, 7), or with the anarthrous plural 0"^ (poetry ; here and Judges I.e., only). A slight change would get rid of this doubtful expression, and what is more important, restore an adequate sense to the couplet. f)inS might be an accidental in- version of the rare TQin, pilot (Ezek. xxvii, 8, 27-29; Jonah i, 6 only). But the parallel passage, Judges v, 17, almost demonstrates that the repeated Fpn7 has displaced ""n^p. And now the second line tells us something more about Zebulun, instead of simply repeating the first : —
Zebulun by the strand of seas will dwell ; And he will sojourn in ships.
The result is interesting in the paucity of information about this ancient tribe. And the whole statement suits the settled times of the monarchy, from Solomon onwards, better than the stormy period of the Judges. The expressions, "will dwell," "will sojourn," seem to connect Zebuhm with zebul, dwelling (scil. of Jahvah ; cf. Shechaniah).
The sneer at Issachar, again (vv. 14, 15 ; cf Judges v, 16), does not well agree with the times of the Judges, when Issachar was represented by the hero Barak ben Abinoam (Judges iv, 5) and Tola ben Puah, who judged Israel twenty-three years (Judges x, 1, 2). Baasha of Issachar appears as a strong king of the northern kingdom (1 Kings xv, 27); and the tribe is decidedly warlike according to 1 Chron. vii, 1-5, upon which, however, not too much stress can be laid, as we know nothing of its date or source. The hexasyllabic hexastich upon Issachar certainly resembles a retrospect rather than a prophecy : —
Issachar was a sturdy ass,
Couching amid the stalls :
And he marked that his resting-place was goodly,
And that the land was rich ;
So he bowed his shoulder to burden-bearing,
And became a toiling serf.
It is possible that the strong cities of the Great Plain — e.g., Bethshan, Taanach, and Megiddo — in whose territory this tribe had
168
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
obtained some sort of footing, gradually encroached on Issachar's liberties, until they had, for a time at least, reduced it to the position of a sort of villeinage. It is strange that the tribe is not even mentioned in Judges i, 27 sqq. What is said of the Canaanites, Josh, xvi, 10, may in some cases have been true of the intruding Israelites. Hiram of Tyre may have acquired and exercised authority over the tribe, which tamely submitted to the foreign yoke for the sake of peace and quietness. Among the fragmentary traditions of Kings, we find that Solomon ceded " twenty cities in the land of Galilee" to Tyre (1 Kings ix, 11). The attitude of Issachar may have had something to do with the fact ; though in the meagreness of the records, we cannot determine precisely what it was. In any case, Issachar's service is forced, like that of a beast of burden, or it would not be called *T2^ D72 ', cf. 1 Kings v, 13, 15 (= v, 27, 29 Heb.). Riehm's view, that it was voluntary wage-earning service to the foreign traders passing through the tribal territory, can only be right if the poet meant no more than a mere sarcasm by his strong language, which seems unlikely.
The phrase D""0 T)ft!"T, ass of bone, demands a word of comment. It occurs nowhere else ; but is essentially similar to Ezekiel's ^7 "It^l, heart of flesh ; flNi! T?, the heart of stone (Ezek. xi, 19 ; xxxvi, 26). But the supposed Arabic phrases + s>- ,U.:>-? a strong ass, . -s_ (jyuJ, a strong horse, cited by Gesenius, Thesaurus, s.v.
0"^, from Schultens, and repeated in all the manual editions of his lexicon, appear to find no support in the native Arabic lexicographers. But we do find the adjective ^ p- , large-bodied, applied to camels ;
ifr
e.g., in the phrase , _^ n^ {see Lane) ; and we may fairly
assume the identity of this term with the Q'HJ of ** (Gesen., Thes., p. 303), though Geiger and others prefer to follow the Targum of ***■ in pointing Q'Hi "^ftn, an ass of sojourners, or resident a/iens (□"QmrO- J-, correctly, asinus fortis ; but G., strangely enough, to Kakov e7re0vfi)]<Tci>, which seems to imply a reading "TOPI "TOPf (cf. Isa. xxvii, 2 ; where ^\72T1 has the double rendering koXos e7ri9v/j.t]/Lia; and Num. xvi, 15, where M., "YOf, ass = G., eiridifiijiia). S. Vr^M l^a (- ^1D tfcPN, 2 Sam. xxi, 20) j perhaps reading or
correcting "^J for Q"0. At all events, S. renders D~TN N1Q (ch.
169
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S95.
xvi, 12) quite literally. In line 3 we have pointed rfrCft (m2ft)>
because of 2112 ; and in line 4 we read rCftt^ with G. and Targ. Sam. (cf. Onk.). Rich pasture would be more attractive to an ass than a lovely landscape.
The hexastich on Dan seems to refer chiefly to the past traditions of the tribe. The opening couplet —
Dan shall wreak doom for his people, Like one of the tribes of Israel,
at first sight does little more than play on the name Dan, which means doomster, judge. But the words promise Dan equality of rank with his brother tribes, though his families were few and his territory small, because of his martial qualities, which are suggested by the figure of the following lines : —
Be Dan a serpent on the way,
A crested snake on the highroad ;
That biteth the horse's heels,
So that he throweth his rider backward.
The Targums interpret the entire oracle as a direct reference to the Danite judge and hero Samson, and his exploits against the Bhilistines. In the tantalizing glimpses afforded by the book of Judges, we find the tribe of Dan settled at Zorah and Eshtaol on the outer verge of the Judean hills, commanding the approaches from the plain of Philistia ; but we are told that no domain had "fallen unto them among the tribes of Israel" (Judges xviii, 1). Samson, the great hero Of the tribe, who avenges his people upon their Philistine oppressors, is of Zorah (Judges xiii, 2) ; and Jahvah's Spirit " urges him in Mahaneh-Dan (Dan's Camp), between Zorah and Eshtaol" (id. xiii, 25). Here the tribe lay as an advanced guard on the hills overhanging the highroad from the sea and the plain inland ; and doubtless harried the rear of any companies of marauding horsemen passing that way (cf v. 19). The image of the serpent suggests the cunning of ambushes and surprise attacks (cf also ch. iii, 15, "QpJ7 ', xxv, 26, "2pV^ \ xxvii, 36; and xlix, 19,
Dlpy)- We Point ^EPn, with T., instead of \fat\.
The same attitude of watchers on the highway suits also the position of the tribe in its new settlement of Lesham (Laish, Dan), which they wrested from the Canaanites by a sudden and unsuspected assault; thus again exhibiting the supposed craft of the serpent
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May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
(Judges xviii, 27). Laish — the name is identical with "£>1~), "lion," the Assyrian nesu, and therefore accounts for the oracle relating to Dan in the Blessing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii, 22) — was situate on the great northern highway from Damascus past the sources of the Jordan to the seaboard (cf. Jer. viii, 16): "The snorting of his horses was heard from Dan," said of enemies approaching by the northern route to the invasion of Palestine.
The seventh stichus, TT\TP TPlp "pW£>',7 , For thy salvation have I waited, O Jahvah ! is probably the aspiration of some marginal annotator, writing after the fall of the northern kingdom, and sighing for the fulfilment of this prophecy, which would make of Dan a true bulwark of Israel. The name of Jahvah does not occur anywhere else in the entire poem ; and the line is besides out of rhythm and asymmetrical, the utterance about Dan forming a hexasyllabic hexastich, like that about Issachar. G., rrji/ (TWT>]piai> Trepi/nevwv Kvpe'ov, which refers the line to Dan himself, as if TT^pfo stood in the original, shows that the exclamation was felt as an interruption. Similarly, Saadiah introduces it with JyL< , he (Ban) will say.
Of Gad, it is said (v. 19) : —
Gad — raiders will raid upon him ; But he will raid upon their rear.
This, again, simply tells us of the perpetual liability of this border tribe of East Jordan land to the freebooting attacks of marauding tribes and hostile peoples ; such as it suffered in the ninth century B.C. from the Arameans, in the course of their long and relentless struggle with the northern kingdom (cf. 2 Kings v, 2) ; and doubtless from the earliest period of its settlement, on the part of the lawless tribes of the desert : see the account of the wars of the East Jordan tribes with the nomades of northern Arabia (1 Chron. v, 10-22). In Num. xxxii, Gad figures as a pastoral tribe, choosing its portion on the east of Jordan as a " suitable place for cattle." The Bene Gad, therefore, were not essentially dissimilar in life, character and pursuits, from the roving tribes which from time to time tried to oust them from the rich pastures which they had themselves occupied by force. Their warlike temper is attested by a poetical fragment embedded in 1 Chron. xii, 8. The tribe was carried away by Tiglath-pileser, b.c. 734 (see 2 Kings xv, 29 ; 1 Chron. v, 26), and the Ammonites were in occupation of its territory about B.C. 600 (Jer. xlix, 1). It is self-evident that the
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
couplet about Gad must belong to an earlier period than these events ; but beyond this it would apply equally well to the times of the Judges, or to those of Solomon {see 1 Kings xi, 24, 25), or to almost any period previous to the year 734.
Of Asher we have already spoken. The fertility of his land is again alluded to (Deut. xxxiii, 24) : "Let him dip his foot in oil !" The names of Ahlab and Helbah among his cities (Judges i, 31), both meaning fatness, i.e., rich fertility, indicate the same thing. We see him living at peace with his Phoenician neighbours (Judges v, 17):
Asher sat still by the strand of seas,
And on his beaches would abide.
No judge or national saviour sprang from Asher; and his name is absent from the list of tribes (1 Chron. xxvii, 16-22).
It is generally admitted that the utterance concerning Naphtali is corrupt as it stands in M. :
new "nEN |ron
but the extent to which corruption has gone is not so generally
perceived. Following G, most critics point PH^N as nv,N=iT7N
terebinth, and *H?2N as *H?2N cacumina, in the sense of tree-tops ;
but G. does not necessitate this, although it certainly figures the tribe as a tree' not an animal. The words are : —
fse(p6u\ei ffTe/Ve^o? avei/xevov Etticicovs ti> 7w "/evijfiari koWos.
On this we observe that, (1) oreX-e^os, trunk or stump, is used for }7T3 (Job xiv, 8), and for Tlhy, foliage (Jer. xvii, 8), but nowhere for il7N ; (2) in some ten places, e.g., Deut.xxvi, 10, 7c ;'>//< a =^Q, fruit ; so that iv tw ryevTjficni may represent a reading *HE3]1; (3) o-reXe^os occurs twice as the rendering of PHNQj branch (Ezek. xxxi, 12, 13; M., V>n^Q=1\rnrD=V,rnNQ ; tf- the proper name mD=mNB in Judges vii, 10, 11). This may indicate mD = nv1Qj a fruiting tree, e.g., an olive or a vine (Isa. xvii, 6 ; Ps. cxxviii, 3), confused by G. with mt^fe? branch. As the true reading in the first stichus, we thus restore :
nrbw ms ^nw
Naphtali is a spreading vine. 172
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We next remark that PD'D, being feminine, requires fl^rOU in the second stichus ; and that, whereas "HE ]D2, to yield fruit, is a common phrase, "JjHi is not used °f putting forth branches, while nbty1 is so used, especially in the case of the vine (Ps. lxxx, 1 1 ; Ezek. xvii, 6 ; rHNQ PHtl^rn, and shot forth sprigs). This is a further objection to i"y^2N, even if that term could mean branches. "TON, in fact, does not occur in the plural ; and, as it means top, peak, crest, whether of a tree or of a mountain (Isa. xvii, 6, 9 only), the plural is plainly inappropriate in the case of a single tree. Finally, common corruptions of letters will account for the meta- morphosis of an original, "HQ rCrOPJ, that yieldeth fruit, into G. Y^Sl ]rOH on the one hand, and M. i"V2N ]^T1 on the other. The second stichus, therefore, becomes :
That yieldeth beauteous fruit.
The Targum preserves a trace of the true text, for it renders : "Naphtali in a good land shall his lot be cast, And his domain shall yield fruits " (pTQ N*"QJft3)- Viticulture, moreover, would be natural to a tribe like Naphtali, living " on fertile mountain slopes " (Ewald, Hist., II, 290, E.T.). His very name may have suggested vine tendrils to the poet, as being derived from SjlDj to twist and twine* (cf. the somewhat analogous uses of JJi^, <LLaj). At all events, the sole allusion, as in the case of Asher, is to the richness of Naphtali's land, which agrees with his blessing in Deut. xxxiii, 23. The tribe is expressly mentioned by name among those that supplied Solomon's table ; and its importance in the matter is perhaps reflected in the fact that the deputy in charge there for this purpose was the king's son-in-law. But the couplet would plainly suit any period between the Occupation and 734 B.C.
But how did nS^N, hind, get substituted for the rare rnD5 fruiting vine, in the blessing of Naphtali ? The answer to this question brings light to the problem that next awaits us. Others have perceived the incongruity of the statements (vv. 22 sqq.).
Joseph is a fruitful bough (fruiting tree) The archers have
sorely grieved him, etc. ; and Dr. C. H. H. Wright long ago suggested the rendering, Joseph is a stag .... And the archers harass him ;
* The true meaning is perhaps "The Shifty" or "Wily;" cf. ")n33> Prov. viii, 8, and the name Jacob.
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justifying it, however, by the assertion that mo is " here equivalent to (TlQs a heifer, a hind, for antelopes are called by the Arabs (j£.r*-j5! JUj wild oxen." The difficulty is that there is no other trace of the supposed use in Hebrew. The Assyrian fiarratu, again, which in Hebrew would take the form J-pO, means ewe; and PHD X2, son °f a ewe, would apply very well to Joseph ben Rachel (Hj-p, ewe). This, however, does not suit the context. Archers would not shoot at a sheep ; nor would a sheep be standing alone by a spring, though a hart (TW) might. Clearly, the term ir^N* which we now find applied to Naphtali, belonged originally to Joseph's blessing. This is far from being the only instance of such unhappy transpositions of words by transcribers of the O.T. text. G. vlbs rjv^rjfievos 'luxrljcf) (= J. Alius accrescens Joseph) shows that the text was already corrupt; for avgaveaOai is the usual equivalent of fnO? to increase (i, 22 ; cf. xlvii, 27). T. ^D"1*! "H2 F)DV imPnes the same reading, viz., pPlG- Possibly the word was repeated here by some copyist whose eye fell on the j~nO or i*)Q of the preceding couplet, and someone afterwards wrote IT^N as a correction in the margin. The latter term may then have been substituted for HIS in Naphtali's couplet by some later transcriber from that copy. However it happened, it seems clear that such an interchange was effected. People do not shoot at vines ; at harts they do. It is perhaps worth notice that a town "pT^ per- tained to the "house of Joseph " (Judges i, 35). The expression PH^N D> a son °f a hind =.2, young hart, is like D^NI \2 (Ps. xxix, 6). For the next line G. gives vib? rji^rj/ievos /xov fyXwros = V*y ' !~HQ "p- G. remembered how Joseph's brothers envied him (chap, xxxvii, 11) ; and so p^ was strangely referred to the de- nominative verb yty, to eye, look askance at (1 Sam. xviii, 9). J.'s et decorus aspectu = Viy *HV> is interesting as an attempt at textual correction ("H^, Ezek. xvi, 7). S. partly agrees with G. and J., and then points "py v3?» S° uPi O fountain! a reminiscence of Num. xxi, 17, ""ifcO. *hy. The next line of the Hebrew text, 11 iy *IT,J^ mi?2 m^l, starts with a grammatical anomaly, besides being discordant with what precedes and follows. Daughters march (Judges v, 4 ; 2 Sam. vi, 13), or, according to the Arabic use, go
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iip on the wall, makes no sense at all. G. has two's /uov vewra-ror 77-/309 /te avaoTpetyoi'' implying the Hebrew 1111? ^J* ""l}*^ *02, my son, my little one, return to me! (cf. **, lilt?' ^sV "H*1}^ *02, where we should probably restore nil?, the letters 2, and 1 being very similar in the Samaritan script. We have here one of the many indications of the influence of G. on the editor of *»). But this irrelevant reference to Jacob's yearning after his lost favourite does not help us much towards a good consecutive sense. What is wanted is something to connect the hart standing by the spring with his enemies the archers. Now "V)t!) may mean insidiari (Jer. v, 26 ; Hos. xiii, 7 ; vyy is an easy corruption of 17^, ascenderunt ; and they went up to lie in 7vait supplies the link of connection we desiderate.
The two preceding terms must in some way qualify this state- ment ; and the reading of G. (**) "H}£J "02 suggests the correction Y""0£4*22,j t'n his tracks (Ps. xxxvii, 23 ; Prov. xx, 24 ; Dan. xi, 43). A broken £) might easily be read "0, and 1 is constantly confused with **i. Perhaps M. should rather be corrected rnj?!i*22 (H — = !•) The meaning of the whole is that the hunters follow the trail of their prey to the mountain spring, and lie in wait to shoot him when he comes to drink. The restored text of the verse (22) is :
tpv rfow p
py >hy n^M p : -w 1S54 rrrom
which we render :
A young hart is Joseph,
A young hart beside a spring ;
In his track they go up to lie in wait.
The verbs of the next verse (23) are grammatically consecutive to "py ; and 1211 is clearly impossible between two imperfects with strong waw : ini"!*1! would be necessary to grammar, sense, and symmetry. But 22*1, to shoot seems doubtful (Ps. xviii, 15; cf. Ps. cxliv, 6, j-TQ ; 2 Sam. xxii, 15 ; see Proc. Soc. Biol. Arch., June, 1886, p. 166); and G, i\oic6pow (Ex. xvii, 2) = *" in2v!v), J . jurgati sunt, is perhaps preferable. We may then translate :
They harass him, they contend with him, — The lords of the shaft beset {or, assail) him :
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With what result ? The Hebrew text states it thus : lJTOp JiTNl IttttYl
t»t mt wi
np*n "yon ^-ra : ^nw pa run ours
the strangeness of which, in view of the context, is undeniable. The hart (or the fruiting tree) appears as defending itself with a bow against hostile bowmen, and as endowed with arms and hands ! The poets of the Old Testament do not deal in such confusions of metaphor ; and it would be vain to seek for a parallel to this extraordinary transition from tree or animal to man. Fortunately G. has preserved traces of a text which is much more consonant to the requirements of poetical expression as well as of common sense. So far as I can see, "Ijlt^p ]rPNH ItlMll, which is formally con- secutive to the statement of the previous line, could only mean, But his bow dwelt in a rock (Num. xxiv, 21, "pl^lto 7i""PN)- G., how- ever, gives kul avvQ-rplfii] /uera icparovs tii Toga hvtwv, i.e. m\'2RJ'PC\
DntPp ]J~PN2 (rf- 1 Sam. ii, 3; Ps. xxxvii, 15, xlvi, 9; Hos. i, 5), But their bow was shivered with might.
The next line is represented in G. by kuI i^e\v0i^ id vedpu fipayj.6vwv xeiP°9 ivtwv. The enigmatical t« vedpa, which lacks a corresponding word in the Hebrew, may be due to a marginal N€YPA, i-e., vevpil, bowstring; intended as a correction of /<e-« KpaTovs. This suggests a reading "irTO, string, instead of in^i^D.- Kal ege\v6>) implies "1Q"P") (2 Sam. iv, 1) instead of "ITQ^ ; but !1D"1 is always joined with "p, hand, never with JTnT, arm, and we want a closer parallel to ^QtWlV The root fTD (2 Sam. vi, 16) therefore being inappropriate, the question is whether any synonym of "yyty resembles "ftQ^l and "1Q*V1 sufficiently to account for both ? Such a term we find in "YfQ, which originally meant to split, shatter, like the
Arabic .\i; cf. the imprecation ^,-,3^ 4IS \ ,ji, Allah break their backs! This sense of "UQ also suits Ps. lxxxix, 10, n, Thou hast broken Rahab in pieces (]HfcO"T j cf- Job xxii, 9), With thine arm of might thou hast shattered (H'ntQ) thy enemies ! and Ps. liii, 5, where rYTC!&7 1TQ is synonymous with .nift!^ "0!$} (Ps. xxxiv, 20 ; Isa. xxxviii, 13), and with TNC&V fcWl (Ps. Ii, 9): see also Ps. cxli, 7. The Syriac OJroZ"jo may indicate that the translators conjectured "ntCT; see Jer. hi, 13, and the Peshitta. The restored
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stichus, □"!"> 1JHT inlS"1"!, And the arms of their might were shattered, is octosyllabic like its fellow. Otherwise, Ifi'V') (=1N5~P")) would
be a good parallel to ""QtI?Yl, and might easily have been misread
lain
The next line is good Hebrew and good sense : By the hands of the Hero of Jacob. But the closing stichus, pN njH 012^2 SfcOt^1 is formally disjointed and doubtful Hebrew ; and, more- over, violates parallelism, however it be pointed and translated. S. pointing Q$ft , renders : And by the name of the shepherd of the
stone of Israel, which is certainly preferable to M. The Greek has simply eice?0ci> 6 KxTia^voas 'loparfK, which might represent a reading or conjecture 7N1tLVl "If^n D1Z7T2- KaTiaxveiv stands for ~\\y in 2 Chron. xiv, 11, and at least four other places. Restoring JHtft in place of Q^ft, on the ground of parallelism, and treating the superfluous |"f as an early corruption of 1 (fc, ^), wre get the line —
b&~)W Try ^y-ma
By the arms of the Helper of Israel ;
which, at all events, is an adequate parallel to the second line of the quatrain. The "pt}^ of the next verse, regarded as a natural repetition, slightly confirms "If}? m tms one- As for pN, it was perhaps originally written in the margin by some reader who remembered If^n pN (1 Sam. iv, r ; v, 1 ; vii, 12). Thus we have recovered the verse —
But the string (?) of their bow is broken, And the arms of their might are shattered, By the hands of the Hero of Jacob, By the arms of the Helper of Israel.
The construction is continued in what follows (verse 25) : —
By thy father's God — may he help thee !
And by El Shaddai — may He bless thee
With the blessings of heaven above,
With the blessings of the Deep that coucheth underground,
With the blessings of the breasts and the womb !
The continuity of the thought and expression makes it evident that the last clause of verse 24, whatever its original wording, cannot have been a parenthesis, as it now appears in M. In the
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second line we read 7N") with some Hebrew codices, and «*, G, S., J., instead of HN1, which violates the construction. Its occurrence here would seem to prove that 'H'ttr?^ was really an ancient title of God (Ex. vi, 3), and perhaps as the source of fertility, both of the soil and of men and animals — the chief blessing in the eyes of pastoral and agricultural communities. At all events, the terms of the text agree with this view. The blessings of heaven above are the rains and dews (see the paraphrase of the passage in Deut. xxxiii, 13, sqq.) and sunshine, to which the soil owes its productiveness ; the blessings of the Deep that coucheth underground are the springs and streams, so important in the hot East, supposed by Israel as by the old Babylonians to issue from the great subterranean ocean of " the waters under the earth " (Ex. xx, 4) ; while the blessings of breasts and womb need no further explanation (cf Gen. xx, 1 7, 18). The well-known representation of the Ephesian Artemis even suggests a possible connection of "H1^ with Q"Ht£\
In verse 26 the text is again unsound. The first line rO""Q 11113 "PUN, Thy father's blessings toiver or rise high (ch. vii, 19), is apparently correct ; for the '"[ftt^l, and thy mother's, inserted by ***■ and G., spoils the rhythm and weakens the sense. It perhaps originated in the teal /o/t/jh? of the previous line ; and in that case has passed from G, into **. But in the next line l^niM is generally recognized as corrupt. The parallel phrase, Q~HJ? j"IJ03> justifies the Greek oplwv fiov/fiwv = ~]y "H^i""! (see Hab. iii, 6, where both phrases occur) ; as does also the imitation, Deut. xxxiii, 1 5, where Q"Tp "H^H is the phrase parallel to Q^l^ r\}Q3- Moreover, .TOID. can hardly be right in this line ; for 7^ YlHi requires the specification of some high object of comparison, corresponding to iT)N.n> apices, cacumina, in the parallel stichus, and Deut. xxxiii, 13, has \lfN1, top. We therefore restore Dllft (Isa. xxxvii, 24), thus getting the satisfactory line —
which is closely parallel to its fellow member. The letters "2, ft, ]")» are often confused with each other.
The closing lines present no great difficulty, until in the last Joseph is called "PPM ""PT2, the Nazirite of his brothers. G. read "^y^ prince (wi> y^p'jaaro d8e\(f)wi>' cf 2 Sam. v, 2) ; but M. is preferable to this, as Joseph is not promised crown and kingdom, but might perhaps be
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spoken of metaphorically as a Nazirite, as being a youth devoted to Jahvah and the flower and choice of his brothers (Amos ii, it ; Lam. iv, 7). But see Addendum 2, p. 191. The whole verse may be rendered :
Thy father's blessings shall rise
Above the height of the eternal mountains,
The summits of the everlasting hills :
They shall fall to the head of Joseph,
To the crown of the hated of his brothers !
Reviewing his entire blessing, we see that Joseph is contemplated, not for the most part as the youth whom envy sold into Egypt — for the archers can hardly be the ten elder brothers of the story- — but as a tribe already established in his richly fruitful land, the central hill country of Palestine {cf. the play on the name of Ephraim, Gen. xli, 52; xlvi, 20; and the allusion to it in the word maphreca, xlviii, 4). It was a land of many fountains and streams, as well as of fertile pastures and cornlands ; so that the image of the first line,
Joseph is a hart beside a spring, is peculiarly appropriate {cf. Ps. xlii, 1). It is there that he is harassed by the archers; who, however, do not succeed in dislodging him, because the God of Israel will not have it so. The whole gist of the blessing is that Joseph shall have a fruitful land, indeed the choicest portion of the Lord's heritage, and a numerous offspring : and that the assaults of external enemies will be broken by the Hero of Israel. The " lords of the shaft go up " to the attack from the deep valley of the Jordan on the east, or from the maritime plains on the west, or through the narrow passes leading up from the Great Plain on the north (Judith iv, 6, 7).
But it is not possible to connect what is here said of Joseph with any particular occasion. We seem to have before us a long history summarised ; in the course of which, at varying intervals, the archers of Philistia, of Syria, and finally of Assyria, came up against him. But though it is difficult to find any direct reference
. to a particular historical crisis or period in this generalized survey of Joseph's experience, we may infer something from the fact that it is thus generalized, and from the remarkable omission of all reference to the original predominance of the House of Joseph, and the subsequent rise and continuance of the separated kingdom of Ephraim. In the age of the Judges, and in fact from Joshua to Samuel, both of whom were Ephraimites, the tribe of Joseph- Ephraim is more prominent than Judah. Shiloh in Ephraim is the
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religious centre, and Shechem the capital of the nation (Judges ix, 2 ; Josh, xxiv, 1). Ephraim claimed the hegemony in war (Judges viii, 1 ; xii, 1). Gideon the Manassite, who resided in Ephraim, was offered the crown after his defeat of Midian ; and his bastard son, Abime- lech, actually reigned three years in Shechem. But of all this we find no hint in the passage before us, which would be strange indeed if the poem belonged to the time of the Judges. And when we remember that the sceptre and the final sovereignty are promised to Judah, it seems difficult to avoid the following inferences : (1) The piece was written by a Judean author under prophetic influence, (2) not earlier than the disruption of the Davidic monarchy ; (3) but not later than the invasion of Tiglath-pileser (2 Kings xv, 29).
The hexasyllabic triplet about Benjamin simply characterises the tribe as warlike and predatory : —
Benjamin will be a ravening wolf ; At dawn he will devour prey, And at eve will divide spoil.
This, so far as we know, was always the case, and the prowess of the tribe may be illustrated by reference to the story of Ehud ben Gera (Judges iii, 12-30) ; to the prominent mention of Benjamin and his clans in the Song of Deborah (Judges v, 14) ; to the strange narrative of the last three chapters of Judges, and to the Homeric exploits of Saul and Jonathan. The tribe occupied a highland district, approachable only by deep ravines from the Ghor on the east and the lowlands on the west. Hyaenas and foxes gave their names to the Benjaminite towns of Zeboim and Shual (1 Sam. xiii, 17, 18); and doubtless wolves also haunted these rocky winding glens. That the tribe was given to marauding expeditions and predatory exploits appears incidentally from the fact that the mur- derers of Ishbosheth (Eshbaal) are called captains of D^TlTl, i.e., robber bands (2 Sam. iv, 2 ; cf. v, 19). This again shows that we are not confined to the times of the Judges.
If now we go back to the beginning of the piece, we may find that careful criticism enables us at least to signalize corruptions and suggest more or less probable emendations of the text, even if it should fail to bring us appreciably nearer to the solution of the problem of date. Indeed this preliminary work of textual correction, by help of internal evidence such as the implications of context, the mutual coherence and dependence of statement, parallel expressions,
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references and reminiscences in other parts of the Old Testament, as well as by consideration of the data of the old versions, is the principal object of this paper. The opening words (verse 1) And he said, Gather yourselves together, that I may declare unto you what zvill betide you in the after times ! are most naturally taken as the author's or perhaps the Jahvist's (prose) introduction of the poem. The historian reveals at the outset his reason for embodying the piece in his work : he regards it or presents it as a prophecy or inspired forecast of the fortunes of the Twelve Tribes. In this respect, the use of the terms TOPI (Isa. xli, 26; xlii, 9; xliii, 9; xlvi, 10) and D^^H rYHnNl (Num. xxiv, 14; Hos. hi, 5; Isa. ii, 2; Jer. xxiii, 20) is characteristic. About the source of the poem thus introduced, nothing can be said with certainty. It may, of course, have been current at the time when the Jahvist wrote, in a popular collection of national lyrics, like the Book of the Wars of Jahvah, cited in Num. xxi, 14, or the Book of the Upright, Josh, x, 13, or some other lost anthology of which the very name has perished. I see no reason, however, for ignoring the possibility that the Jahvist himself may have been the author of the piece. He may have thought it appro- priate to represent the Father of the nation as thus endued at the end of his eventful career with a divine foresight of the future of his progeny. The details would naturally be taken in each case from the known traditions and circumstances of the tribe. In fact, as we have already seen, most of the utterances of the patriarch plainly concern not persons but tribal communities. The literary usage involved in such a proceeding hardly requires justification to readers familiar with the pages of Thucydides and Livy. In neither case was there the faintest intention to deceive. Our author's design rather was, in the absence of particular historical records, to suggest a conceivable and suitable conclusion to the patriarch's career, according to the ideas of his own time. It was believed, and rightly believed, that the vicissitudes of national and tribal existence were not the result of chance, but were intimately connected with moral and spiritual causes. From first to last the God of Israel held in his hands the destiny of Israel ; and that destiny was always the outcome of the character and conduct of Israel, as overruled by divine grace and love. As then Jahvah foreknew the entire course of things from the beginning, it was a natural assumption that he revealed that part of it which affected the Chosen People to their ideal ancestor. The history of the Twelve Tribes is supposed to
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correspond to what Jacob, speaking at once with the august authority of the First Father and with the unerring knowledge of one directly inspired by Jahvah, pronounced about their fortunes "in the after times."
The poem itself begins with verse 2 :
Come together and listen, ye sons of Jacob ! And hearken unto Israel your father.
Instead of the repeated "IJftStl?, we should have expected "Q^pn or l^TNn m the second line. The Targum and Saadiah vary the verb.
The hexastich addressed to Reuben shows at once how inappro- priate it is to dub the whole piece the " Blessing " of Jacob.
Reuben ! thou wast my firstborn, My might and the firstfruits of my manhood ; Precedent in rank, and precedent in power ! Lawless as a flood, keep not thy precedence ! For thou didst climb thy father's couch : Then didst thou sully the bed of thy sire.
It is a sentence of disinheritance. Reuben is deprived of the rights of primogeniture, on account of the crime briefly chronicled in ch. xxxv. 22 (a passage which cannot have ended so abruptly in its original context). What historical facts may underlie this possibly metaphorical indication of intertribal transactions, we will not stop to inquire. The most plausible view is that of Wellhausen, which is probably familiar to most of us. Our textual uncertainties begin with the second triplet. Instead of fprD , ** reads JTOIQ 5 and
G., S., and J. likewise render by the past tense of a verb. We have simply pointed frfo (Judges ix, 4; Zeph. iii, 4 ; Jer. xxiii, 32). The
extension 3^3, like waters, follows more naturally after a verbal form. We also point "tfVlfl, instead of *\Tt\T\ {tf> Dan. x, 13).
The hiphil of ""in"1 is always transitive, occurring some twenty- three times besides, and always in the sense of letting remain over, e.g., leaving food after eating, letting men survive, and twice only of causing to abound in goods (Deut. xxviii, 11; xxx, 9). The present text of the last line, rhv W^ Jl^bn tN, is certainly
wrong; for (1) it lacks coherence; (2) the poetical word J?")^ is always plural in the four places where it occurs again, and the
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paraphrase of the Chronicler is YQN *&)& 'hhnTl ; (3) hhn is always transitive, and ^1^ 's most naturally its object ; and (4) instead of n73? "1^1^>') my bed ^e climbed, we should expect a phrase parallel to *"T*QN "QSI^to, thy father's couch, just as TvT7V^ is parallel to IvbV- Accordingly, we restore ,"T"T7V ^I^j tne bed of him that begot thee. The letters y, when run together, resemble y ; and *"p for the same reason might be misread as If. Thus J., et maculasti stratum ejus, is practically right. G., rdre ifitavas ti)v arpwfivrjv ov aveftij*, is also nearer the mark than M. My bed he climbed 1 as a sort of sotto voce, or an aside to the other sons supposed to be present, is prosaic, feebly tautologous, and without parallel in the rest of the poem.
In the strophe relating to Simeon and Levi — who alone of all the tribes are coupled together — the curse is not only implied by the general sense but formally expressed :
Accurst be their anger, for it was fierce, And their fury for it was fell ! I will disperse them in Jacob, And scatter them in Israel.
The disfavour here so strongly indicated again depends upon certain events recorded in the prose narrative of Genesis, and this time at greater length (ch. xxxiv ; cf. especially Jacob's remonstrance, v- 3°) J-)- The subtle treachery and coldblooded cruelty of the two tribes in the massacre of Shechem seems to be the sole ground of the curse. They, therefore, are to lose their independent tribal identity, and to be scattered promiscuously among the other tribes of the Bene Israel. This would be the condition of things at the time of the composition of the poem.
In rendering the final quatrain we have only diverged from A. V. to the extent of marking the alliteration of the original ; SEN "VHN • • • nnil^l IV- The internal use of the same poetic device is noticeable in ^pJT1! QpTTTN, as elsewhere.
The preceding lines may be restored as follows : —
Simeon and Levi are very brothers : They fulfilled the violence of their schemings. Into their council let my soul not come ; Into their meeting let not my heart go down ! For in their anger they slew the man, And in their humour they houghed the ox.
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The second line gives the reason why Simeon and Levi are called "brothers," i.e., cognate in temper and disposition as well as in blood. But M. DiTTP^D UOTt ^3 is more than doubtful.
Even if rVY"Oft could mean swords or daggers, the statement Instruments of violence are their swords is open to the objection that swords and daggers always were instruments of violence (court swords were hardly in fashion in those days); and if we adopt the rendering compacts or nuptial agreements (xxxiv, 13, sqq.), it may be questioned whether a marriage-contract could be called a "i~^ in spite of our own legal use of the term instrument. The word always denotes a material object ; and, though it occurs some three hundred and twenty times besides, is not once found in such a sense. On the other hand, the reading of **> Y?3j they accomplished, is also that of G (awe-rekeaav), and T (T12}7) ; and the idea of plots and stratagems, with reference to the crafty ruse by which the two brothers fatally deceived the Canaanite chiefs, is almost demanded by the context. Simeon and Levi are brothers in guile ; their schemes are lawless and cruel ; the patriarch washes his hands of their nefarious conspiracies — this is what the first four lines seem to declare. Now the desired sense may be gained quite naturally by deriving the isolated JTn^to either from PHD, to dig, bore (Ps. xl, 7), and pointing, rTTOp > OHl-ft? as tne rnytnm requires; or from a synonym T^J (Ps. xxii, 17; G wpvgav), if we must needs point J"YH5^ ' The verb m2 is used in the required metaphorical sense, Ps. vii, 16; Prov. xvi, 27, "The man of Belial digs," i.e., devises "mischief: " cf. toSPf) DQHj to dig, search, and then devise (Ps. lxiv, 6). Otherwise we might accept De Dieu's reference to the Arabic jL< , to practise deceit, guile, lay plots, etc. (see Lane ; and cf. Ethiop. cK>jTi4 : exploravit, dolum struxit, tentavit), and still point iTTpP- The stichus QJTOft D^Pf iSo is heptasyllabic, like that which precedes it.
In the fourth line we restore "»"D2 TSW 7N, kt not mJ liver go down! for vfil inn ?N- G has t« j/V«7« /.iov, and T S read jinn or riPP for the uncertain IJlH (Isa. xiv, 20 only), which **. replaces by -ilT = G iplaai. (123, liver, should also be restored in Ps. xvi, 9 ; Ivii, 9, and elsewhere, as being, like the Assyrian kabattu, a synonym of terms denoting mind, heart, disposition.)
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
JlTO, as a verb of motion, is a better parallel to N*Q than "in"1, to be united ; and the construction is different in Isa. xiv, 20.
Judah, the royal tribe of the house of David, is the first to be addressed in terms of entire approval.
Judah ! thee — let thy brothers laud thee ! Thy hand clutch the nape of thy foes ! Thy father's sons bow down to thee !
The fine assonance of milT • • • "pTV • • • "[~P can hardly be preserved in a translation. We suggest fn^n as predicate to TT*; cf. Job xvi, 12. This restores the metrical balance of the
triplet.
The triplet is followed by two quatrains and a sextet or hexastich. The first quatrain is thus rendered in R.V. : —
Judah is a lion's whelp ; From the prey, my son, thou art gone up : He stooped down, he couched as a lion, And as a lioness ; who shall rouse him up ?
A question arises as to the meaning of the second line, M. iT/J^ ^1 rpt^ft- It is generally assumed that the figure is that of a lion descending from the mountains (Cant, iv, 8) to seek prey in the valleys, and then "going up" again to his lair, where he is secure from molestation. Such, no doubt, was Judah's safe position in the hill country which he had won for himself so early in the period of the conquest (Judges i, 19). And we might suppose an intentional contrast between the sensual behaviour of Reuben and the martial vigour of Judah, in the use of the same word Tv7V '» thou wentest up, as addressed to each in turn. But if the above were the writer's real meaning, the word mountains would probably have been expressed either in the line itself or at least in the context, neither of which is the case. The G. eK fi\a<rrov, vie pov, ave(3t)9, from a shoot, my son, thou grewest up {cf. ch. viii, n, where Ppt£ is rendered «ca/>0os, twig; and for 7v?y, ch. xli, 5),
hardly suits the context, Judah being compared to a lion imme- diately before and after. Coherence of thought is restored if we render, On prey, my son, thou grewest up, i.e., wast nurtured (cf. Ezek. xix, 2, 3; Job iv, 11); or we might correct PIIP7, and
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translate, To ravin, my son, thou iventest up (Judges i, 1, sqq.). But the palpable imitation, Deut. xxxiii, 22, Dan is a lion's whelp ; He springeth from Bashan, suggests that ft-^ft also covers a local determinative, perhaps ^"1}7ft , from the desert (cf. Hab. i, 8 ; Zeph. iii, 3 ; Jer. 5. 6). In the ancient writing y and "£ (O ©) might have been confused, as indeed they are in Deut. xxxiii, 13 (^tjft for T^ft). We thus get the stanza : — -
A lion's whelp is Judah ; From the waste, my son, thou wentest up ! He crouched, he couched, as a lion, And as a lioness — who durst rouse him ?
See Judges i, 4, 16, 19. The use of Tvjy in that chapter seems to illustrate its meaning here. The perfects may be prophetic.
We have reached the great crux of the oracle about Judah, and indeed of the entire poem. The Hebrew text is : —
rmrpn Bit!? -no*1 vh
rhr\ job ppna)
rfyv> ni^ 13 *iy
j a*oy nnjy i^i
The first two lines are fairly clear. They appear to say : —
Sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor staff of rule from before him ;
that is, Judah shall enjoy in his mountain land the independent sovereignty already foreshadowed in the opening triplet. Zech. x, 11, cited above, presents a parallel to the first line. G. 0<V iic\eiy[rei apxtof eg 'loved may indicate the false readings rpD^ for "Y1D'1 {cf nttf for TW, v. 22 ; and Ps. lxxiii, 19, 1QD = i^eXivov) and E'vt^ (ch. xlii, 6 = upxw") f°r 1011^, but in the same general sense. For the next line G gives kcu rfeyov/ievos eV twv ^r/pwu avrov, J. et dux de femore ejus ; cf. ch. xlvi, 26, where "Ol"' ^^ = ol
egeXOovTe.? £k 7wv fir/pwv avrod. This indicates in what sense G understood the text, but hardly a different reading, as jlN^T! !~P 7^1 FQE3 is rendered to ege\66v rid twu firjp&v «imy?, Deut. xxviii, 57. The Chronicler seems to have understood the line in the same way ; see 1 Chron. v, 2, where the brief ")20ft T1^ /) is as
clearly a paraphrase of V^l pD ppTflffl, as 113 PHim ^
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■pnNB is of -piN m -[^ Yirrw- But evidently ■vfen pin,
which is parallel to miiT^ in the former stichus, depends on "I1D*1; and ppn*2 i-s not leader ox marshal (Judges v, 14; Isa. xxxiii, 22), but synonymous with tOl'ttfj as the parallelism requires (Num. xxi, 18; cf Ps. xxiii, 4). As rp^l T2 means before her, at her feet (Judges v, 27), V7JH "plD here will similarly denote from before him; referring to the actual position of the long staff, grasped in the right hand, as the chief walks or stands still ; and "V^Tl V2.72 is said rather than V"P Tl^ (tf- Arab. &Ju j^JJ, between his hands, i.e., before him), because it is not a short sceptre that is really meant, but a long staff reaching to the ground ; cf pw , the common Egyptian
hieroglyph for ura, great man, chief, and the long staff held by Bedawi sheikhs and headmen of villages in the East at this day.
The difficulty of the following couplet centres in the enigmatical !~H>,tI'% for which some MSS. and »* read, and the versions imply, n^E?- The ordinary text n?"^ NT *0 TV can only mean Until he (Judah) come to Shiloh (1 Sam. iv, 12), which is unsatisfactory, if only on the ground that Shiloh was an Ephraimite, never the Judean sanctuary. It would be better to emend DT^, to Salem, i.e. Jerusalem (ch. xiv, 8 ; Ps. lxxvi, 2). David's reign over all Israel is dated from his entry into Jerusalem (2 Sam. v, 5, sot/.), which then became the capital of the united kingdom (cf. also 2 Sam. vii, 10). There are other instances of confusion between O and PT at the end of words. In Jer. xli, 5 (G. xlviii, 5) M. I^ll?, Shiloh, is ZaXrjfi, Salem, in the Greek ; an instance of the reverse confusion. But a local proper name is suspicious, standing thus alone in strange contrast to the vague indefiniteness of the rest of the poem. Q.7 1^ or u7l2? might therefore be regarded as a secondary predicate, and the line might be rendered, Until he come home unscathed ; Judah being personified — like Benjamin in Judges v, 14 — as a warrior who goes forth to battle in the common cause (Judges i, 1, 2); cf the phrase D^tP SpJP «1*,*1, ch. xxxiii, 18, and Ahab's words □"\?1I,'r3. "Wl IV (1 Kings xxii, 27); also Amos i, 6, 9; Nahum i, 12. Moreover, the term ^3,1 reminds us of *)2Niri in Deut. xxxiii, 7 : —
Hear, Jahvah, the cry of Judah ; And unto his people bring him home ! 187
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(12fcO]H "yfty 7N1) ; where the expression Ifty may very well denote the folk left at home, and anxiously awaiting the return of their warriors from the field. At all events, the striking simi- larity between rhty Nl"1 "O "IV and IftJJ ^1 12N1TI can hardly be accidental. Indeed rptV (or p| hw?)i to that which belongs to him (= yt2V '&)■> maY> after all, be right ; in which case we might render, Until he come to his own. The Song of Deborah, which, in other respects, has served the author as a model, sufficiently authenticates the ancient poetical use of the relative particle 1& (Judges v, 7). Is it possible that John i, 11, eh to. I'hia rjkOe, depends on this view of the passage ?
The versions, however, make IT/lV the subject of feQ,\ Thus
the Targum renders, NTTI^E NTf Txh*T\ NPPttJE W! "W> Until the Messiah come whose is the kingdom, and the Peshitta, Until he come whose it is (so also Saadiah) ; as if the Hebrew were NIP! rr?tt$ Nl^ "O ~W, Until he come to -whom it (the sceptre) belongeth. The Latin, Dotiec veniat qui mittendus est, conjectures m/tV (PT7t2/) instead of H/tl?. The Greek ewsav e\0t] -raairoKelfieva
avriv, with the variants w or 5 awoKeirai, need not imply any difference from M., except the pointing VOW (= lb ItTN)- T« awoKelfieva
avTi?=o airoKeirai (ain£) = yj *TC?N> that which is, or shall be, his. The correction <? airoicenat involves the interpretation of the oriental versions, and requires the addition of the demonstrative Nlpf to the received text.
On the other hand, icei/iat and its compounds are somewhat rare in G. For airoicenai, see Deut. xxxii, 34; Job xxxviii, 23; where the words it represents are quite different. And elsewhere HtTN Y? is simply t« ainov (e.g., ch. xxiv, 2). Possibly therefore, cnroKei/nai in our passage indicates a various reading, as Professor Cheyne has suggested. In 2 Sam. xiii, 32, Jl^lV iirvn = G. ?\v icelfievos, and Symmachus gives a.-6?t«/ for Q1^ in Job xxxiv, 23. This suggests that G. may have had QW H; before it ; and as ty, 72 resemble each other in the ancient writing (vA7VN^), TV? DW was perhaps a pre-Septuagintal corruption of H^tl^S • The omission of one of the similar letters would account for the reading nbllf • All this, however, is very precarious, inasmuch as G. may be only
1.
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
paraphrastic of M., and TOW (^^w) may almost equally well represent the remains of an original i~D/ft (^-V^^)- In either case, the passage strongly reminds us of Zech. ix, 9, "pra tl2Tl "T7 N")!"1, Behold, thy king will come to thee.' and the suggestion of relation is strengthened by the context of both passages : cf. the expressions mV^. "CjIN *C1 (v. n) with -»iy Sjn Tl^n hv m:n« p (Zech. i.e.) ; and our next line, Q1fty Hip"1 *lSl, with Zechariah's, D'HJl1? 217^ "111") > which is followed by a definition of the extent of the king's dominion ("1712^2). It is worth while also to compare Jer. xxx, 21, "QlpD lStOTn30O YYn» mm Nl>i; Micah v, 1 ; and iv, 8, POttttTn H^tt^n HNIT, as well as the suffrage, " Thy kingdom come !"
That the Greek translators, like those of the other versions, understood the passage in a Messianic sense, is evident from their peculiar rendering of the last line of the quatrain. They in fact seem to substitute a"W mpn Nim for Cray mp"1 *h\ (G., Kal
«vto9 TrpoacoKia eOvwv, cf. Job xiv, 7, mpj"\j Symmachus, 7rpos8oKi'a'
Lam. ii, 16). J. follows, with Ei ipse erit expectatio gentium.
Keeping the Hebrew text of this line, we might render the couplet —
Until he come home unscathed (0?; to his own), Having the submission of peoples.
But a verb would seem more natural in place of nnp\ which is only vouched for by the phrase QN nnp*,> obedience to a mother, Prov. xxx, 17. Accordingly, **. alters to Ijinp1, a vox nihili, for which the Sam. Targum gives T"n^J-p, will be drawn or led. The Targum of Onkelos has py£]"^\ will obey ; cf. Kautzsch and Socin's und die Volker sich ihm nntenverfen. Saadiah's And u?ito him the peoples gather, suggests the highly interesting reading Yip"1 ■
see Jer. iii, 17, where the Arabic renders y)py\ by the same verb which it uses here (w*Ir>-\). As the Greek version elsewhere confuses mp> to wait or hope for, with mp2, to gather together, e.g., in Jer. viii, 15, and Micah, v, 6 (7), it is quite possible that ical (tiros irpoocoKia idvCbv here is a paraphrase of an original Ylp^ yy\
1 T .
D^QJX This is confirmed by the Syriac JloSbl tQQEQJ Ol^O, and
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for him the peoples wait (pointing ifipi for y\p^ cf. v. 18 Syr.).
The whole quatrain might thus be a direct prophecy of the Messiah- king :
The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the rod of rule from before him, Until his King shall come, And to Him the peoples gather !
Such perhaps was the way in which the text was read and understood by the author of the beautiful prophecy, Zech. I.e. It is obvious that if it be substantially or approximately correct, the poem must be assigned to the period of the literary prophets. On the other hand —
The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, Nor the rod of rule from before him, Until he come home unscathed (or, to his own) Having the submission of peoples !
seems to agree better with the context. It is only after Judah's warfare has ended in victory that he can " tether his ass colt to the vine, The foal of his she ass to the choice vine," and enjoy the profuse plenty of his fair land of vineyards and pastures. It also also agrees better with Judah's blessing in Deut. xxxiii, 7, which is simply a prayer for victory and conquest (the third line may be thus restored —
y? 3,"\n "TT1 Let thine hand contend for him ! or V? Q*^n IT1 His hand lift up for him !
cf. Ps. lxxxix, 13, 43; Micah v, 8; Deut. xxxii, 27; Exod. xvii, n, sqq.).
Little remains to be said of the closing hexastich (vv. 11, 12), which in striking metaphor depicts the tribe as a happy prodigal, in careless enjoyment of the good gifts of the soil. In verse 2 we read nmD3 with **, instead of the mutilated nJTlD of M., which is found nowhere else. G. confirms the correction with ti)v TrepiftoXrjv (ivrou (cf. Exod. xxii, 26, rmiDlD = ~epij3d\aiov avToii) ; and S. has fPD^n in both places.
Addendum 1 (p. 176). T« vevpa, perhaps ="HV|, a corruption of ^JHf • ^n ^at case, fipayiovwv xcil)0K a-vTwv is a conflate reading.
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Addendum 2 (p. 179). A learned friend's objection that even a metaphorical reference to the peculiar institution of Naziritism is surprising in this context, has led me to reconsider the closing line of Joseph's blessing. I would now suggest the correction ""012, in the sense "hated of," or "estranged from:" cf the term -ft, and the Assyrian zaru, izlr, to hate. The form, no doubt, would be a seme/ dictum in this sense ; but so is the hophal "ftltt in Ps. lxix, 9, which may be regarded as a parallel and perhaps imitative passage. The same correction would, of course, have to be made in Deut. xxxiii, 16. Perhaps, however, it may be thought safer to retain "VT2 in both passages, as a nominal formation from the same root Tn*> "VT, to hate, and in much the same sense; cf. *W±
from "Tit-
Addendum 3 (p. 183). As Judah is a lion, Benjamin a wolf, Dan a serpent, Joseph a hart, Issachar an ass, it is possible that Simeon and Levi are not HTTSt , brothers, but DTTtt, hyenas (Isa. xiii, 21). It is but the difference of a point ; and the title agrees with the actual meaning of Simeon (pyttttf ; cf p^lS; and Arab. ^_X-, a hybrid between wolf and hyena).
NOTE ON LENGTH AND BREADTH IN EGYPTIAN.
By P. le Page Renouf.
In a short review which appeared in the Academy, 4 May, 1895, I introduced a paradox about the Egyptian words for length and breadth, in the hope of eliciting a contradiction. But by the omission (which I only recognised after publication) of a couple of words, my paradox will I fear have had the appearance of an error. I might easily have supported my criticism by the authority of the book reviewed, but I purposely quoted authorities which seemed to contradict me, though they do not really do so. The fact is that
both J^ and |^| signify length in the geometrical sense. But in what direction ? I conceive ^\ to apply to what lies straight before the spectator, in a picture or plan, and f^| to what runs at
right angles to that.
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BOOK OF THE DEAD. By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXIV.
Chapter whereby one cometh to the Divine Circle of Osiris.
My soul buildeth for me a Hall (1) in Tattu and I flourish in Pu.
My fields are ploughed by those who belong to me : therefore is my palm tree like Amsu.
Abominations, abominations, I eat them not. I abominate filth, I eat it not.
[Peace offerings are my food, by which I am not upset]
I approach it not with my hands ; I tread not upon it with my sandals ; for my bread is of the white corn and my beer of the red corn of the Nile.
It is the Sektit boat, or it is the Atit boat, which bringeth them to me, and I feed upon them under the foliage of the Tamarisk. (2)
I know how beautiful are the arms which announce Glory for me (3) and the white crown which is lifted up by the divine Uraei.
O thou Gate-keeper of him who pacifieth the world, let that be brought to me of which oblations are made, and grant that the floors may be a support for me, and that the glorious god may open to me his arms, and that the company of gods be silent whilst the Hammemit (4) converse with me.
O thou who guidest the hearts of the gods, protect me and let me have power in heaven among the starry ones.
And every divinity who presenteth himself to me, be he reckoned to the forerunners of Ra : be he reckoned to the forerunners of Light and to the Bright ones who deck the sky amid the Mighty ones.
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Let me have my will there of the Bread and Beer with the gods ; that I enter through the Sun-disk and come forth through the Divine Pair, that the gods who follow may speak to me, and that Darkness and Night may be terrified before me in Mehit-urit, by the side of him "Who is in his Sanctuary."
And lo I am here with Osiris. My measure is his measure (5) among the mighty ones. I speak to him the words of men and I repeat to him the words of gods.
There cometh a glorified one, equipped, who bringeth Maat to those who love her.
I am the Glorified one and the Equipped. And better equipped am I than any of the Glorified.
Notes.
7rp6co/iio9, ' Vorsaal,' first room of a temple or palace. The sense of harim which has been ascribed to it in certain texts is entirely erroneous. The temple inscriptions (see Brugsch, Zeitschr., 1875, p. 118, and fob, and Mariette, Detiderah, I, 6) leave no doubt on the subject. If there were " ladies of the royal antechamber," it by no means follows that they were wives or concubines of the king, and hall or antechamber convey a very different idea from that of the most reserved portion of the house.*
Pictures and inscriptions on mummy cases identify the term mythologically with that portion of the sky whence the first rays of the rising sun are visible.
The mention of the word in the Pyramid Texts (Pefii, I, 672)
is in connection with the notion of food, "^ \j\-
* The V\ I mentioned in the tablet of Pa-shere-en-Ptah are not
/WWV> CJ J L I
concubines, as Brugsch and others have thought, but female children, as Birch rightly asserted. Cf. my Hibbert Lectures, p. 79, note. It is the feminine
form of D
There is also another word, ^ , applied on the walls of tombs to
persons {male as well as female) executing certain gymnastic movements.
193 P
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2. We have here a repetition of passages to the same effect as in Chapters S3 (A and B) and others. The Pyramid Texts (Tela, 344) have a section nearly identical.
3. The arms which announce Glory for me. The clue to the
-<E>-
meaning of this passage is to be found in , which is a relative
form implying an antecedent, which can only be " the arms."
The arms which announce Glory for me are to be explained by the usages of the ancient ritual, which prescribed certain postures
or attitudes in the ceremony of -cs>- I ^s^ , as in other forms
wherein the arms played a great part. These religious ceremonies, it must always be remembered, were considered as dramatic repre- sentations of what was done in the invisible world.
4. The Hammemit, j| ^^ ^ jj| j . or fD J^ ^ZI _y
rjf $ ' ' H!] \5^, l^v vfck. V $T Jl ' ' the generations °f human beings yet unborn.
5. My measure is his measure. The meaning of L v\ v^\ jj
or ^ b^. \k^v V C3 can on^ ^e mferred fr°m the form lj v\ v\ yj which occurs repeatedly in the great Harris
Papyrus and some other documents.
The scribe of the Turin Todtenbuch carelessly omitted the second part of the phrase, and therefore altered the grammatical construc- tion. This is how M. Pierret came to conjecture the sense 'proclaim,' which is not suggested by any of the ancient authorities, or even by the later ones. The reading of the Leyden Papyrus T, 16 is identical with that of the oldest papyrus.
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TWO MONUMENTS WITH A VOTIVE FORMULA FOR A LIVING PERSON.
Dr. A. Wiedemann.
So little notice is taken of the fact, that of the so-called funeral monuments, especially the stelae, many are found, the inscriptions of which prove that they were votive objects not for the dead but for living persons, even although the formula is composed for the Ka of the person. As on the objects of offering for the dead, the inscriptions on these pieces are composed after fixed formulas, of which one is found on the two following monuments — a third example of the same formula was published by myself, Rec. de trav. rel., etc., XVII, p. 13.
1. Fragment of a stela, rounded at the top, calcarious stone. Geneva, Musee Fol. 1305. A man incenses before an altar, behind which sits a goddess, the sQ between the cow-horns on the head and
J and ■¥- in the hands. Above, in four vertical lines : (1) I A
U I (4) M$ *$> — - ^ , "Royal offering to Hathor, the lady of
Hetep (?), the lady of the heaven ; may she give life, welfare, health, insight, praise, love, an agreeable old age, an agreeable life to the Ka of [Amen ?]-hat."
2. Water basin, calcarious stone, diameter 27 m Geneva Uni- versity Museum, D. 59. Inscription at the upper edge, to the left :
*=j(^nZty];gl Oil' "R°yal offering to Anuki, the lady of Sati (?) ; may she give a good lifetime without evil to the Ka of the setem Maa in the place of Truth Hul." To the right :
Anuki, the lady of the heaven, the mistress of the two lands ; may she give life, welfare, health, insight to the Ka of Hui." The sign
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T is written on the original only once, the two inscriptions join in it.
It is curious how differently the word sept her is written in these
texts, the first sign having the forms A , m or I .
As no designation of relationship is given, it is impossible to decide to whom of the ast Maa functionaries with the name Hui (cf. Maspero, Rec. de trav. re/., etc., II, 187, sq.) this basin be- longed. A hitherto unknown man with the same title appears on a small rudely worked stela in the same Museum at Geneva, D. 54, rounded at the top, 27 m high, i9cm large. Here a standing man
(1) *$ Q7\ (2) QA X37 ^ (3) ^ adores the standing
divinities A Jf\ ,vZv' | 9X and u~. .In the name of Isis
the writing for a\ , which brings to mind the time of Chu-
en-aten, is remarkable. Below a man and a woman are sitting before
^ - — °^ s^-
an altar. They are called *&' £YA %$&. Mr and
ll -L ^ v 4- ^'""^ ^T ' ^ut t^ie reac^'n» °f these signs is very difficult from the circumstance that the stone had been used at an earlier time for another representation, which was not quite erased when the actual text was inscribed.
The style of the last monument calls to mind the style of stela D. 55 of the same Museum (26™ high, 19°° large), though the workmanship of the latter is better. Near an altar is seated a god- dess, behind her stands a large nosegay ; the inscription above has
been destroyed, only n 7M (?) J\ remains of the first vertical line
Below two women, of which the first sacrifices a vase, are kneeling ;
> O o v y t /"'*? AAAAAA -<o>- \^S
a vertical inscription says : (1) ^ r=^=, of J L_f I
(5) $> ^ (6) „ (7)
The reading of the name of
Horus of Edfu, which forms a part of the name of the first woman, has changed several times in these last years. The older reading was Hut, it is retained by Lanzone (Diz. di mit., p. 668), and Maspero {Hist, anc, p. 100). Renouf (Proc, VIII, p. 144; cf. XIII, p. 316 ; not Erman, who proposed only {Aeg. Z., 1882, p. 8) to read
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Bhdti instead of Bhdt), pronounces on the authority of a demotic variant Behutet.* Erman (A eg. Z, 29, p. 63) thought that the name was to be spelt Dbhti, because some inscriptions of the old empire gave
for the word <=^3 1 9 the variant ■ and similar forms.!
These variants, refered to by Erman, are very well known, J and they will have induced Birch {Egypt. Galleries of the Brit. Mus., I (1874), p. 23) to give as a name of the winged disk side by side with Hut Tebhut, § but for the right spelling of the god-name they are not decisive : *=. is a polyphone sign ; it is therefore necessary to prove for each word, in which it is found, the specially suited reading, and it is of no importance whether in other words it was spelled thus or otherwise. As Mr. Renouf has shown, that Horus of Edfu was called Her behutet ; we have to retain this reading as certain, and have no reason to introduce another name for the god or for his town. As regards the origin of the name, I think, we must remember, that in a magical papyrus at Leyden || is found the bird-name
J| ^^ Jj, which is related to the radical 1 9 £ fl, "to cut,
kill, hunt," and denotes a bird of prey. Brugsch thought, perhaps, " the vulture " ; a more exact translation would be " hawk," in re- membrance of the reference of Horapollo, I, 7, that /3ai>/9- (cf Copt. &.&.YT, accipiter) is a designation of the hawk, and that this word
is formed of /Sat, "soul" ("fe^ da), and v&, "heart" («=^, § ° hdti, lieti), which would give a form (^^ 9 aN for the Egyptian
word. Horus was therefore called Behudet, in consequence of his incarnation as a hawk, and his town Edfu received its name as the town belonging to the hawk-god.
Cf. Tequier, Note sur quelqi4es rois de la \2.e dyn., p. 2. Mr. Piehl has found, as he stated at the Congress of Orientalists at Geneva, some hieroglyphic variants giving the same reading.
t It is curious to note, that already before the appearance of the article of Erman, Mr. Krebs {Wochenschr. Jiir Klass. Philol., VIII, p. 149), writes: " already a long time it is known, that the right name is not Hor behudet, but Hor debehti."
+ Cf. p. ex., Levi, Diz., V, 23, and specially the name 1 9 /wvaaa
in Leps. D., II, 35-7, and de Rouge, Six prem. dyn., p. 64.
§ Ae%. Z., 1874, p. 65. Birch gave on the authority of other variants the reading Tebat.
|| PI. II, 1. 4 ; cf. Pleyte, Etudes egypt., p. 25.
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
It appears to me, that the same bird is quoted also in Todtenbuch,. cap. 55,* where it is said : " I convey breezes in presence of the Glorious One to the ends of the sky, to the ends of the earth,
^^B^^^T^G^T? ° (the text of Naville gives at the
end [) ^\ I 8 ^\ ; 1 (1 ^\ in Pa is only an error in copying, for
1 9 Vr * tmn^ tnat we nave to ta^e neret su-t in its most usual sense as "wing," n as a sign of the genitive, be/iu(f)as "hawk," translating the passage, "till to the wings of the (Horus) hawk." "The wings of the sun," Horus of Edfu being a sun-god, are used in these words to mean " the utmost ends of the world " (cf. for the idea, Psalm cxxxix, 9), and the whole is in parallelism with the ends of the sky, or of the earth, spoken of just before.
The Grange,
Northwood,
Middlesex. Dear Mr. Rylands, April 2nd, 1894.
The bronze figure described by Mr. F. L. Griffith in the January No. of the " Proceedings " reminds me of a bronze figure of Isis (?) which I possess. The figure is 7 inches high from the feet to the top of the head, and the horns and disc add another inch. Below the feet is a " tang " about an inch long. The whole of the front of the head, face, neck, and ears, are covered with a thin plate of silver. At the back of the head the silver is worn away, and the elaborate wig, which descends to the shoulders, is visible.
The position of the hands : the right raised in deprecation, and the left with the fingers clenched and the thumb extended, is very unlike that of any other figure of Isis 1 have seen. I send you a photograph, which you may like to re-produce.
Yours truly,
Walter L. Nash.
* Goodwin (A eg. Z., 1866, p. 54) found the Chapter LV in a more developed form in the Todtenbuch of Queen Mentuhetep ; a fact proving it to be a very ancient text.
t For other explanations of the passage, cf. Birch in Bunsen, Egypt's Place, V, p. 203, 377 ; Renouf, Proceedings, XV, p. 289, seq. ; Pierret left the words untranslated; Budge, The Papyrus of Ani, p. 96.
108
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. May, 1893.
BRONZE FIGURE OF ISIS. THE HEAD COVERED WITH SILVER.
IN THE COLLECTION OF WALTER L. NASH, ESQ.
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
ASSYRIOLOGICAL NOTES. By Professor Dr. Fritz Hommel.
§ 6. Scheil in his excellent "Notes d'Epigraphie et d'Archeologie Assyriennes," § XXI {Recueil, XVII, p. 81), communicates an Aramaic inscription of a Perso-Aramaic cylinder ("au centre, une porte cintree, grillee en losanges, et aux rebords rayonnants — peut-etre la porte du Soleil levant "), consisting only in these words :
" 011 la premiere lettre est bien la preposition d'attribution, Malki, d'autre part, n'offrant pas de difficuites ; il n'en est pas de meme de \ilonsah, qui n'offre aucun sens."
Who would not think here of the Cosssean town Bit-Kilamsahy well known from the inscriptions of Sennacherib ? Kilam-sah seems to be the founder of this town, and the name is composed of an element kilam, ghila??i (Q7^, which before the dental sibilant becomes y?y> ghilan), with which may be compared nlam-, in Ulam- burias, etc.,* the name of the Elamitic god Sa/j, or the Sungod (compare above, "la porte du Soleil levant"). I translate therefore : "to Ghilan-sah, my king." The mere fact that we here find a Cosssean king with a name of pure Cosssean-Elamitic origin in the Persian time, is of the highest historical value.
§ 7. In the contract-tablets of the later kings of Ur we read : mu Ga?nil-Sin lugal-i ma-da Za-ab-sa-li^-ki) mu-gul, " in the year when Gamil-Sin, the king, the land Zabshali attacked," and : mu dur-
* A similar name is Ilinzash, the name of a fortress in the Median country Bit-Barru, which Sennacherib conquered, and to which he gave the new name Kar-Sinacherib. I would have compared this name with nDJ?y, but it seems originally a local name, whilst Kilamsah (in Bit-K. ) is evidently the name of a king, as is the case with nD3?y.
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
sal lugalla pa-ti-si Za-ab-sa-li-ki ba-tuk, "in the year when the daughter of the king became vice-queen of Zabshali " (Scheil, " Notes d'Epigraphie et d'Archeologie Assyriennes," Recueil, XVII, p. 37 f.). Now we meet in the Gudea-inscription statue B, 6, 3 ff., the phrase :
Sha-ma-num ghar-sag Me-nu-a-ta, »-£|J£y | -sal-la ghar-sag Mar-tu-ta
tag na-gal im-ta-dul-du, na-ru-a-ku mu-gim
i.e., from Shamanu in the mountains of Menua (Mivvd? in Armenia, see Nic. Damasc. in Joseph. Antiq., 1, 3, 6), from Sub-sal-la in the mountains of Martu, nagal stones he has caused to be brought, in slabs he has caused them to be cut.
This Sub-salla must be the same region as Zabsali in the contract tablets of the time of the later kings of Ur.
Concerning the sign >-£|I&f|, it is known that it has the two
values sub and viu. The same sign seems to be found in an in- scription of Sargon of Agadi, Hilprecht, pi. 2, col. i, 7 : sub-u-la-ti Bili, "the subjects (otherwise ba-u-la-ti) of the god Bel" (compare usMl, uspil, shafel of ba'dlu).
§ 8. The etymology of the words D7^, DTlN, DTty, and Babyl. illamu. The Babylonian illamu signifies, " what is in front of" (locally), as also temporally "before"; e.g., illamifa, "in front of me," " opposite to me," but also "before me." As a substantive, it must have had the sense of " entrance hall " ; in this meaning the Hebrews borrowed the word as D"^ (such is the better reading, instead of QT^N, compare LXX alXafi). An abbreviation of illam is lam, e.g. lam abubi, " before the flood." Etymologically the Hebrew Q 7W, " time of old," " eternity," corresponds to this Babyl.
illamu. We have quite the same development in the word kitdmu (in Babyl. also a synonym of God, " the primeval "), Hebr. Dip (opposite "inN, " what is behind," and then, " what is coming," " future," compare Arab, al-akhiratu).
Also Elamtu, Hebr. 37^, seems to me originally " the land in
front of (Babylonia)," the East land, as opposed to Amurrfi, "the West land" (Synon. Martu, the land of the Amorites, for Amartu). It is true, that the ideograph for Elamtu, Nim-ki, is generally explained by the Babylonians themselves as " Highland " (mm = ilu and
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May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
sakii) ; but for the Babylonians the conceptions, " in front of" and "above" were almost identical; compare 3 R. 43, putu Uu sadu, opposite putu saplu amurru.
Quite another origin must be ascribed to the Hebr. particle OTlN> Dvfc*, "notwithstanding," "but," oh fiTjv aWa, which I think a secondary derivation of ^7^ (Babyl. ulai), "perhaps," "or,'' " or when " : it has nothing to do with the Babyl. loanword DT5"1^
" entrance hall."
Paul de Lagarde, in his " Uebersicht," p. 115, compared with
07"i}7 the Arabic J_^ " the water upon which is the earth," " the
sea," " water covered in the earth, beneath layers of the earth." Here the Arabs preserved a " primeval " mythological remembrance of the oldest times of the earth, the chaos ; " time of old " (OTty), and " chaos " are synonyma.
S 9. An overlooked Palaestinian letter of the Amarna period.
One of the most interesting historical texts is 4 R. 34, No. 2* I give in the following a transcription, not venturing to add a translation, in sight of so many obscure expressions. The text runs : A-na-ku 71I ak-ru-bak-kam-ma (or akrabakamma T) sa gur-ru- bi-ia (or kurrubla ?) ng-tar-ri-bak-kam-ma (or uktarribakamma ?) a-na su-hi-i-ri sa sarrani sa li-mi-ti-ka il-tak-nu-ka-ma
(2 = 41) u a-mi-ni dib-bu-ku-nu a-na sd-sar-ra-bi-i mas-lu su-ma sa at-ta tas-pu-ra um [-ma ?] : istu istin umi ina alu Zak-ka-lu-it tu-ki-i-an-ni
(3 = 42) im-ma-ti sa-pa-a-ru sa mun-tal-ku-tu u li-i-u-ti su-ma u ku-un-nu-tu (or : ku-un-nu as-su ?, or ku-un-nii ina katl) arad Assur- suma-ustisir
(4 = 43) sa it-ti bi-li-su ii-ru-du-nis-sum-ma a-na mati an-ni-ti il-H-kani-ma abu-71-a u-sa-ta i-pu-sa-as-sum-ma
(5 = 44) a-na mati-sti li-tir-ru-su ul-tu at-ta Har-bi-si-pak Ha- bir-ai ti-ma ta-sak-ka-nu su-u ina pa-ni-ka u su-us (from sasu, to speak ?) u ip-pa-lam a-gan-na
(6 = 45) [/-] kab-bi (or ta-kab-bi?) um-ma a-kit-tam-ma (adverb? written |J iz]^ ^ £f) is-tin unia ina alu Zak-ka-lu-u u-ki-ia-an-na-si ina lib-bi-ku-nu man-nu ki-i sarri ma ti-ma i-sak-\ka-an ?]
* Compare my " Geschichte," p. 156, and 432 f . ; Tiele, " Geschichte," p. 145. Hai.EVY, "Journ. Asiat.," 1891, November to December, p. 547.
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May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/FOLOGY. [1895.
(7 = 46) Bel-matati lim-ku-tam-ma dib-bu sa mat Assur
a-na sa-sar-ra-bi-i lu-u mas-lu u ina pi-i a-ha-mis dib-bi li- (or
hi-bi-li )
(8 = 47) di-ba-ni 11 ina tnati-Su lu-ti a-sib ul-tu a-na
mat Akkad-ki il-li-ka i-na bu-ni su-u ih-hi-
(9 = 48) -lik-ma Nindar-tuklat- Assur bilu-su ina mati
an-ni-ti ik-ka-li Nindar-tukldt-Assur sa a-na bi-lu-ti-su
(10 = 49) u a-sib Nindar-tuklat- Assur i-na la bi-lu-ti-su
sa Assur-suma-ustisir Bi l ma tati (compare line 7) im-ma-ti 11-ka-
(11 = 50) -// ul-tu abu-zi-a ana mati-su u-tir-ru-su ib-ni-
ma dib-bi sa tas-ri-ih-ti i-dib-bu-bi sa tas-pu-ra um-ma a-na-ku ki-i
(12 = 51) hi u-pak-ku-u ta-ab-tam-ma sa mat Akkad(-ki)~
u mat Assur *-»~y Ir-sagga at-ta ki-i lib-bi-ka i-pu-us ana (?) *-* -tu-u ta-sap-pa-ra
(13 = 52) -a)i-ni ma a-ha-mis lu-u ni-mur u sa-nu-ti-
ik-ka ia-sap-pa-ra um-ma ta-ab-tam-ma sa mat Akkad(-ki) u mat Assur i-ir *^-
(14 = 53) ~bu $a sarrdni ma-a su-u sa a-na Har-bi-
si-pak tak-bu-u um-ma a-ki-i ana-ku ak- ma Ni?idar-\tuklat-
Assur] . . .
(15 = 54) u a-sib (or u-a-sib) ma lu-bir ma a-ha-mis
i ni-mur-su-nu Nindar-tukldt-Assur it-ti ana mat Ki-\iia-
ah-hi?]
(16 = 55) Nindar-tuklat- Assur ul hi-bi {i.e., deletum)
ir-mu an-na i-na ikli ul-li-ia-mi u -as-sar-
(17 = 56) -ka-ta-ku kat-tak-tu-Jis (or su tak-tu-us)
ul-tu tak-
(18 = 57) am (?) -mi-fii la li-bi-ram-ma
mi-nu-u sa
(19 = 5 8) \Nindar-~\tuklat- Assur it-ti-ia
a-na mat I-ri-ka-at-ta su-
(20 = 59) [Nindar-]tukldt-Assur ki-i pi-i
dib-bi-ma
(21 = 60) \Nindar^\tukldt- Assur sa tak- bu-u um-ma ku-lu-u-u la zi-ka-ru su-u
(22 = 61) -za-tu-nu u ba-na-tu-nu
Nindar-tukldt-Assur
(23 = 62) u i-na bu-ni ki-i pi-su-nu
am-mi-ni la ga-mir
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May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
(24 = 63) sa tas-pu-ra utn-ma . . .
(25 = 64) m&t Assur-ki sal-mis- ma mat Akkad-ki la ih-ba-\tu\
The peculiar proper names of this text are Assur-suma-ustisir, line 3 and 10, Nindar-tukldt-Assur 9, 10, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, Harbisipak the Khabirite 5, 14, the names of countries and towns : Akkad and Assur 12, 13, 25, Zakkalu 2, 6, Irikatta 19, and perhaps Kinahhi 15. The title bel-matdti, otherwise of the kings of Babylonia, is found 7 and 1 o, and is written *■*-] >-J^ kur-kur, as it seems, in near connection with the name Assur-suma-ustisir (perhaps the name of a still unknown king of Assyria). Or is Bel-matati here a title of the god Nebo? Concerning Irikatta, we have here a variant of the well known Phoenician town 'Arka, Assyrian Ar-ka-a (Delitzsch, " Paradies," p. 282), but in the Amarna letters Ir-ka-ta (compare Bezold, " Tell el-Amarna Tablets," p. lxxii) ; our text gives a new instance for this Irkata, and proves thereby and by the mention of a Khabirite, its close affinity with the Amarna letters. The name of the Khabirite, Kharbisipak, is Cassitic, which is of the greatest importance for the problem of the origin of the Khabirites. This people gave to the town Kiryat-Arba (Rubuti in the Amarna tablets) the new name Khebron ; one of them was a certain Kudurra son of Basish, who is mentioned in a new-found boundary stone * close after Kharbi-Bel, perhaps the same as our Kharbi-Shipak, since Shipak is the Cossaean name of Bel-Merodakh.f It is now clear that the Khabiri cannot be the Hebrews, as some Assyriologists have supposed. The town Zakkalu I should like to identify with " Dor (-)N^ of the Bible), the town of the Zakkar," which is mentioned in an Egyptian inscription c, 1050 b.c. (W. Max Muller, " Asien und Europa," p. 388).
Concluding this paragraph, I may be allowed to add some few philological remarks to this difficult text. Line 1, akrubakkamma for akruba-ka-ma, 1st sing, with the suffix pronoun of the 2nd sing. Line 2 : " Since one day thou hast looked (or waited) for me in the Zakkalite town " (compare line 6, " he waited for us in the Z
* Scheil, "Recueil," XVI, p. 32; Hilprecht, "Assyriaca," p. n, note (time of the king Marduk-akhi-irba).
t In this latter case — which is of course possible, but not yet to be exactly proved — our letter would be written in the time of the king Marduk-akhi-iiba, c. 1065 B.C., and not in the so-called Amarna period (<r. 1450).
203
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
town"). Line 3, immati (compare line 10), perhaps for ina mati, "when." Line 4, "the servant of Assur-suma-ustisir, whom with his lord they expelled (or drove away), came to this country, and my father did help him, and brought him back to his land, since thou didst make report to Kharbisipak, the Khabirite " (Tiele : since thou, O Kharbisipak, didst give advice), etc. Line 5, tt sits u ippalam ; u . . . . u perhaps " either ... or " (either speaking or answering ?). Line 6, akittamma, " truly " ? compare appitimma, "henceforth." Line 7, dibbu sa mat Assur, etc., compare line 2, amini (why) dibbu-kunu, etc. ; the letter seems to be written by a Babylonian high official to the Assyrians. Line 9, ikkali, nifal of is?2, to retain, hold back; compare ku-lu-u-u, line 21 (Pi'el). Line 11, ultu abua, compare line 4, abua ttsata ipttsd-su ; his father perhaps is the king of Babylonia. Line 1 2, «-| Ir-sag, a later form for «-| Ur-sag ( = Nin-ib, viz. Nindar) ; perhaps here for karradu atta. The expression tabtamma sa mat Akkad u mat Assur, means " the good mutual understanding (or agreement) between Akkad and Assur." Line 1 3, i-ir, 3 sing, of ^1^ (Delitzsch, Handworterb., p. 50), to go, to come to. Line 14, perhaps aki (when) anaku ak\rubakam\ma, compare line 1. Line 16, mi in ullia-mi, the same particle (for ma) as in the Amarna tablets. Line 22, banatunn, 2nd plur. perf. (or so-called permansive) of banu ; compare kakku rigma nasatunu ana dakm, K. 9875, 3, 10 (Bezold, Catalogue, Vol. Ill, p. 1045 ; Strong, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XVI, p. 279); the fem. 2nd pi., must have been banatina, because of the analogy of statu, sina, and of kunusi, ft ina si (4 R., 2nd ed., 29, 4c; rev. 1, 13, ai-si-ki-na-st). Line 23, ina buni, compare line 8.
§ 10. In the inscription of Agu-kak-rimi (5 R. 2>Z) we read, col. 2, line 36 ff —
36. abna za-gin-kur-ra (or uknu sadi, lapis lazuli) abna su (written kd) Mar-ha-si arku
37. abna hulal itti (written saAV^ {J*~, i.e., za-ditn-igi) abna hulal sir-gir (viz. sirgarri or musgarri)
38. abna za-ditn gus-simid (^| *~)
abna za-ditn ^ ^*~ (otherwise za-ditn ^ >— *~- )
39. abna mat Mi-luh-ha (otherwise abnu za-sun Mi-luh-ha or
Sdndu of Melukh)
40. abna parfiti (written gis-sir-gal)
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May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
41. abna sal-la (otherwise = ilia) ak-ra 71 abna ilia
42. sa »t< (read *^, sum ?)-s?( na-as-ku
43. a-na as-rat Marduk
44. 71 Sar-pa-ni-tum
45. hi-71 ad-di-nu-ma
46. 77i7i-7ih-hi hi-bii-7is-ti
47. i-lu-ii-su-nu
48. ra-bi-tim
49. lu-za-i-i-nu
i.e., "the lapis lazuli of the mountains, the green tooth of Markhasi, etc., etc., I presented to the temples of Merodach and his wife, and adorned with it the garments of their grand divinity." In another text (4 R. 18, No. 3) we meet instead of these ten precious stones the nine following : hulal mi, muSgarru, luddlu, sdndu, 7iknii, duM, aban nisikti (or su&u), ilmi§u (ti^ft vTf), and abmi sa pi*
in-gu-su hurasa 7ihhuz7i, " for the adornment of the breast of the king" (a 77a irti illili sa sarri ana stm&ti sakdnu), to which may be compared the nine precious stones of Ezekiel xxviii, 13 (for the covering of the king of Tyre), whilst the twelve stones of the breast- plate belonged to the pontiff, and not to a king.
In the above given list of Agukakrimi, two names are exceedingly remarkable. Line 38 we read, abna hul&l (or za-d/)n) ^| >— ; this
1 read gus-simid, and compare the " khesbed of Babel" (a kind of lapis lazuli) of the Egyptian inscriptions. The other name is " the green ka (or su, i.e., h'nnu, " tooth ") of Markhashi," or emerald (smaragd), perhaps the same as the " green aban nisikli" 5 R. 30, No. 5, line 67. Since the north Syrian town Markhasi (the modern Mar'ash) is otherwise written Markasi, it seems to me very probable that the etymology of " smaragd," Arabic zabargad and zu7/i7imid, Hebrew barkat, Greek ff/jApa^Sos, fidpa^Soi, Indian marakata and 777asdraka, lies in the Babylonian su-Mar&kas of Agu-kak-rimi.
§ 1 j a. Dr. Bruno Meissner identifies in his paper "Lexicalische Studien " (Z.A., VIII, 1893), p. 82-85, the Babylonian word S7itafii}, "consort," "companion," with Syr. NErniZ? sa7ilaphd, " socius,"
* Sumerian Jf^| "^ \^\\-bi tag-tag-ga gusgin-ta garra ; compare ■£- ^f f (read sal-la) = fu "mouth," Brunnow, No. 10,958, and ^fyf^ tag— ingii,
2 R. 41, "]c The abnu sal-la of Agukakrimi seems to be the same stone as the abnn sa pi ittguSu Jiurdsa uhhuzu of 4 R. 18, No. 3.
205
.
■
■ ■
a
-
•
-
-.
■
<
....
■
t
X ^ . ....
... . . . . — . \
- : I • ' <o
... ■
■ .
■ . ■ . • . ■• v. ■ • !*. I
. •■ .... ....
.... ....
. . . . V . . . .... . ... ...
K p-\ ■ ■ -
- . > . . . \. . . ■
........ . . . ... ...
. . .... ........ . . s
...
tf
j : v . .
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
and derives it from a root apu (""Q")), "to be united, joined" (other- wise Jensen, Z.A., VIII, 85, note 1 : borrowed from Sumerian su-tab, compare tappu from Sumer. tab). I am able to add to these corresponding words a third, viz., the Ethiopic fV "£(£:, sutuf, " socius, consort," T^i^di!, " societatem inire," which belong to the oldest stock of Ethiopic words. Therefore, the word must have been carried in very ancient times by Arab tradesmen from Babylonia to the eastern and southern Arabs, from whom it passed to the Ethiopians.
b. Another old borrowing from Babylonia seems to me the well-known Arabic word for "colour," "form," "exterior habit,"
^y-ilaun; it comes from the Babylonian word Idmi, "form," " appearance," "shape," "statue," which latter itself is borrowed from the Sumerian a/an (Neo-Sumerian a/am)i "statue," "image."
In the other Semitic languages lanu, ^jy has no correspondents, which is the best confirmation of its character as a borrowed word.
§ 12a. In several Babylonian texts of the oldest period we find a town y| iz^-^-ki, e.g., in an inscription of Ur-Ghanna, published by E. de Sarzec ("Revue d'Assyr.," II, 4. p. 147), col. 37:
]j=q£><AV><^|> mu-ri), "the town A-idinna he has built." Since a-idinna (" water for the desert ") is explained by the Assyrian lexicographical tablets with the Semitic word nddu, " leather bag " (Heb. "Tt^2), I read the name of this town, which reminds us of the name of Sippar, Ud-kib-nun-Idinna (Ward, " Hebraica," II, 85, Lehmann, " Samas-sum-ukin " II, 38), simply Nadu, the Heb. "['2 of Gen. iv, 16, "Cain dwelt in the land of Nod, in the east of (or better : before) Eden (Idinna !)" I think it not impossible too,
that the writing of Agadi (Akkad), || ^J> =Qx=|<^, is only a later
variant of an older ||^|}!E>\y>\V A-ga-di(-k\), which resembles
so much the above given |eJJ-!><A\><^> A-idinna-ki or Nddu of the south Babylonian inscriptions. Indeed, Agadi was nearly the same as Sippar (the one Sippar of Anunit and the other Sippar of the Sun-god).
206
May 7] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
b. In Gen. iv, 17, we read the name of another town, Khanok, as built by Cain for his son Khanok (" and he builded a city and called the name of the city after the name of his son, Khanok "). If I am right in reading the name £*?;< f <^E|, (the old ideograph of Ninu'a) as G//anna-ki* it seems very plausible to identify this name with the name of the Biblical town in Gen. iv, 17.
NOTE TO THE PAPER ON THE KARIAN AND LYDIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
By A. H. Sayce.
In my Paper on the Karian and Lydian inscriptions, which was published in the Proceedings for January 8, 1895, I stated that I had been unable to revise my copy of the text I discovered three years ago north of Silsilis, the boulder upon which it was scratched having been utilised for the support of a telegraph-post. Last winter, how- ever, I found that the post had been moved to another piece of rock, and though the bed of stones in which it had been planted had done some injury to the Karian text underneath them, it was still very legible in the morning light. Accordingly I now give a facsimile of it, which corrects my first copy in one or two points. The alphabet employed in the inscription is not the usual Karian one, but some local variety of it, of which we have no other example. On that account I refrain from giving a transliteration of it.
$***
cflW
* £l£Y, ("house,") with inscribed TU (= gan), as phonetic indicator ; Gudea, Cyl. A, 4, 4, we read tJrXj \^^-na, i.e., gan-na. A later form of the name of the goddess *->-Y £:*??< | (Istar of Niniveh) is —>{- "^"^ *"M' *'e'» S^ul-la.
207
May 7]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1895-
LA COUDEE ROYALE DU MUSEE EGYPTIEN DU LOUVRE.
Par M. Paul Pierret.
Le Musee egyptien du Louvre possede (Salle civile, vitrine I) une coudee royale de 525 millimetres portant les designations hiero- glyphiques de ses differentes parties, avec les seize subdivisions du doigt. Ce petit monument a plusieurs fois attire l'attention des savants, et la partie metrologique en a ete publiee notamment par M. C. Rodenbach dans un memoire special sur la coudee (Bruxelles, 1883). Les autres legendes concernant le personnage a qui elle appartenait sont inedites. Les void :
#\ r> av
91
n^t^m^p\M
m
I I I I <g
/vww\ /WsAAA
Jt*Jfl
o
1 1
I I I (3 111
PI
J
O V — 7
/VWvAA
I I I I
V*\ i£) AAAAAA I /VWWV J3<^ I I Ij II
1 111 in® qI/1
«
1
a
X J\
•II
7\ lllK^L
/V\A/V\A /WVWN
I
" Le porte-chasse-mouches du roi a (sa) droite, scribe royal, intendant du tresor du maitre de la terre, Maia. II dit : O prophetes,
208
May 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
L1895.
pretres, Kher-heb de ce temple ! Les dieux de votre ville ecouteront* toutes vos prieres, vous transmettrez vos dignites apres la vieillesse accomplie selon que vous proclamerez mon nora en me traitant comme un favori de son maitre, porte-chasse-mouches du roi a. (sa) droite, compagnon des jambes du maitre de la terre, qui ne s'est eloigne du Pharaon en aucun lieu 011 il est alle, apparaissant derriere le groupe des Smerf pour entendre ce qui sort de la bouche du roi, (cela etant-) par la grandeur de la bienveillance du roi pour la personne du royal scribe, ami de la Verite, intendant du tresor du maitre de la terre, Maia dont la parole est verite."
r^
1 1 1
=^s
/WW\A
O <2
A/WW AA/VWN /WVW\
^VWW\ A I I I > S \J AA/VW\
<WWV\
n n
" . . . . pour qu'il accorde que mon existence soit prospere pour servir sa personne, que mon nom soit affermi dans l'interieur de sa demeure, (cela) pour la personne du grand favori du Pharaon qui marche sur les pas du roi et comble les desirs§ de ceux de l'interieur de son palais, le royal scribe, intendant du tresor du maitre de la terre, Maia."
pour introduire une proposition a ete
* k\ ^/ a/wnaa • L'emploi de
depuis longtemps signale par M. Erman {Neuaegypt. grammalik, p. 215). t Litteralement derriere les Smer reunis. ± Cette lacune cache l'invocation a un dieu.
§ Le sens de 1' expression
/WWVN I
dans le Recneil des Travatcx, XIV, 120.
a ete parfaitement etabli par M. A. Moret
209
May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und ParalipomenSn im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder. Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de l'Egypte Chretienne.
■ La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, l'homme de Dieu.
■ A., and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden. Blass, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest. Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publies par
H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen of vols. 3 and 4. ) Budinger, M.. De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis. Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen. Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1 862-1873. Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c, 1st series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1S86.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1S80.
Gavet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
■ Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
LIommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., A Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
210
May 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
Tere.mias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen. Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde. Johns HorKiNS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology. Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio. Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie. Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Leff.bure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2me partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre. Lehmanx, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates. Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c, 1SS0. Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia. Muller, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien. Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen. Place, Ninive et l'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio. Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. Robiou, Croyances de l'Egypte a l'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Yelitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altiigyptishe Gotterglaube.
Virey, P., Quelques Observations sur l'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien. Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891. Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1 890. Wilcken, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben. WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra. Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878. Zimmern, H., Die Assyriologie als Hiilfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1895-6.
Sixth Meeting, ^th November, 1895. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-<60£<&£-
The President referred to the loss the Society had recently suffered by the death of three of its Members. Professor Eber Schrader, of Berlin. Rev. William Houghton. M.A., F.L.S. H. Villiers Stuart, of Dromana.
[Nos. cxxxn. & cxxxil] 213
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Donations to the Library were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From Prof. A. H. Sayce : — The Philology of the English Tongue.
By John Earle, M.A. Third edition. Oxford. 8vo. 1879. From the Author : — Lucien Gautier. Au dela du Jourdain. 8vo.
Geneve. 1895.
(Societe de Geographie de Geneve. Tome XXXIV. Me-
moires.) From the Author and Publisher : — Tellis and Kleobeia (Poem).
By Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. London. 8vo. I). Nutt.
1895. From the Author : — G. Sergi. Origine e diffusione della Stirpe
Mediterranea. Roma. 8vo. 1895. From the Author : — H. A. Poels. Le Sanctuaire de Kirjath-
Jearim, etude sur le lieu du culte chez les Israelites au temps
de Samuel, etc. Louvain. 8vo. 1894. From Jos. Pollard : — Catalogue of a Collection of Egyptian
Antiquities discovered in £895 between Ballas and Nagada.
By W. M. Flinders Petrie. London. 8vo. 1895. From Rev. R. Gwynne : — Zur Erklarung der semitischen Ver-
balformen. Von L. Nix. 1895.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at the next Meeting, to be held the 3rd December, 1895 : —
Mrs. George Bennett, 4, Hampton Grove, Surbiton, Surrey.
Sam. Bergheim, 41, Norfolk Square, W.
Alfred Charles Bryant, B.A., 5, Daginar Terrace, Alexandra Park,
Wood Green. James Johnstone, 8, Merchiston Park, Edinburgh. J. R. Mayfield, Eastbourne.
H. J. Innes Whitehouse, 107, Farleigh Road, Stoke Newington, N. A. Goodinch Williams, F.S.A., F.R.H.S., The London Institution.
Finsbury Circus, E.C. Charles Hanson Greville Williams, F.R.S.. F.C.S., F.I.C., Castle
maine, Oakhill Road, Putney, S.W.
214
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The University Library, Bonn, Germany. The Melbourne Library, Australia.
The Luxor Sporting Club. Rev. C. B. Huleatt, M.A., Librarian, Luxor, Egypt.
A Paper was read by the Rev. C. J. Ball, on the 33rd Chapter of Deuteronomy, which will be printed in the next part of the Proceedings.
Remarks were added by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, Rev. G. Margoliouth, Thos. Tyler, M.A, and the Rev. C. J. Ball.
Thanks were returned for this Communication.
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV.
Part I.
Said on arriving at the Hall of Righteousness, that JV may be loosed from all the sins which he hath committed and that he may look upon the divine countenances.
He suiih : Hail to thee, mighty god, lord of Righteousness !
I am come to thee, oh my Lord : I have brought myself that I may look upon thy glory. I know thee, and I know the name of the Forty-two gods who make their appearance with thee in the Hall of Righteousness ; devouring those who harbour mischief, and swallowing their blood, upon the Day of the searching examination (1) in presence of Unneferu.
Verily, 'Thou of the Pair of Eyes, (2) Lord of Righteousness' is thy name.
Here am I ; I am come to thee; I bring to thee Right and have put a stop to Wrong.
I am not a doer of wrong to men.
I am not one who slayeth his kindred. (3)
I am not one who telleth lies instead of truth. (4)
I am not conscious of treason.
I am not a doer of mischief.
I do not exact as the firstfruits of each day more work than should be done for me. (5)
My name cometh not to the Bark of the god who is at the Helm.
I am not a transgressor against the god.
I am not a tale-bearer.
I am not a detractor.
I am not a doer of that which the gods abhor.
I hurt no servant with his master.
I cause no famine.
I cause not weeping.
216
PLATE XXXI.
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, III, 36.
BOOK O
TO
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, III, 93.
Cha: Papyrus, Mus
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus du Louvre, III, 9.
Chapter CXXIV. Louvre, Cab.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Nov., 1895.
E DEAD.
TER CXXV.
\u Louvre, III, 89.
XV.
mvre, III, 36.
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus, Ani.
5, Musee du lailles.
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus, Paris, Sketch by Mr. Renouf.
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
I am not a murderer.
I give not orders for murder.
I cause not suffering to men.
I reduce not the offerings in the temples.
I lessen not the cakes of the gods.
I rob not the dead of their funereal food.
I am not an adulterer.
I am undefiled in the Sanctuary of the god of my domain.
I neither increase nor diminish the measures of grain.
I am not one who shorteneth the palm's length. (6)
I am not one who cutteth short the field's measure. (7)
I put not pressure upon the beam (8) of the balance.
I tamper not with the tongue of the balance.
I snatch not the milk from the mouth of infants.
I drive not the cattle from their pastures.
I net not the birds of the manors of the gods. (9)
I catch not the fish of their ponds. (10)
I stop not the water at its appointed time.
I divide not an arm of the water in its course.
I extinguish not the lamp during its appointed time.
I do not defraud the Divine Circle of their sacrificial joints.
I drive not away the cattle of the sacred estate.
I stop not a god when he cometh forth.
I am pure, I am pure, I am pure, I am pure.
My purity is that of the Great Bennu in Sutenhunen, for I am the Nose of the Lord of Air, who giveth life to all mortals ; on the day when the Eye is full in Annu, on the last day of Mechir ; in presence of the Lord of this land.
And I am one who see the fulness of the Eye in Annu, let no harm come to me in this land, in the Hall of Righteousness ; because I know the names of those gods who make their appearance in it.
Part II.
1. Oh thou of long strides, who makest thine appearance in Annu ; I am not a doer of wrong.
2. Oh thou who holdest the fire, and makest thine appearance in Cher-aba ; I am not a man of violence.
3. Oh thou of the Nose, (11) who makest thine appearance at Chemunnu ; I am not evil minded.
217
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
4. Oh Eater of the Shadow, (12) who makest thine appearance at Elephantine ; I am not rapacious.
5. Oh thou of Serpent face, who makest thine appearance at Re-Stau ; I am not a slayer of men.
6. Oh thou of Lion form, (13) who makest thine appearance in Heaven ; I am not fraudulent in measures of grain.
7. Oh thou whose eyes [pierce] like swords, who makest thine appearance in Sechem ; I commit no fraud.
8. Oh thou of fiery face, whose motion is backwards ; I am not a robber of sacred property.
9. Oh Breaker of bones, who makest thine appearance in Suten- hunen ; I am not a teller of lies.
10. Oh thou who orderest the flame, who makest thine appearance in Memphis ; I am not a robber of food.
11. Oh thou of the Two Caverns, who makest thine appearance in Amenta; I am not sluggish. (14)
12. Oh thou of the Bright Teeth, ( 15) who makest thine appearance in the Unseen Land ; I am not a transgressor.
13. Oh Eater of Blood, who makest thine appearance at the Block ; I have not slaughtered the sacred animals.
14. Oh Eater of Livers, who makest thine appearance at Mabit; I deal not fraudulently.
15. Oh Lord of Righteousness, who makest thine appearance in the place of Righteousness ; I am not a land-grabber.
1 6. Oh thou who turnest backwards, who makest thine appearance in Bubastis ; I am not an eaves-dropper.
17. Oh AatL, (16) who makest thine appearance at Annu ; I am not one of prating tongue.
18. Oh Tutuf, (17) who makest thine appearance in Ati ; I trouble myself (18) only with my own affairs.
19. Oh Uammetu, who makest thine appearance at the Block ; I commit not adultery with another's wife.
20. Oh Maa-antu-f, who makest thine appearance in Pa-Amsu, I am not unchaste with any one.
21. Oh thou who art above Princes, and who makest thine appearance in Amu ; (19) I do not cause terrors.
22. Oh Chemiu, (20) who makest thine appearance in Kauu ; I am not a transgressor.
23. Oh thou who raisest thy voice, (21) and makest thine ap- pearance in Urit ; I am not hot of speech.
218
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
24. Oh divine Babe, who makest thy appearance in Annu ; I lend not a deaf ear to the words of Righteousness.
25. Oh high-voiced one, who makest thy appearance in Unsit ; I am not boisterous in behaviour.
26. Oh Basit, who makest thine appearance at the Shetait ; I am not the cause of weeping to any.
27. Oh thou whose face is behind thee, and who makest thine appearance at thy cavern ; I am not given to unnatural lust.
28. Oh thou, hot of foot, (22) who makest thy appearance at even ; I indulge not in anger.
29.. Oh Kenemtu, who makest thine appearance in Kenemit ; I am not given to cursing.
30. Oh thou who earnest thine own offering, and makest thine appearance in Syut ; I am not of aggressive hand.
31. Oh thou who hast different faces, and makest thine appear- ance in Net'efit ; I am not one of inconstant mind. (23)
32. Oh Busy one, who makest thine appearance at Utenit ; I do not steal the skins of the sacred animals. (24)
33. Oh thou Horned one, who makest thine appearance at Sais ; I am not noisy (25) in my speech.
34. Oh Nefertmu, who makest thine appearance in Memphis ; I am neither a liar nor a doer of mischief.
35. Oh Tem-sepu, who makest thine appearance in Tattu ; I am not one who curseth the king.
36. Oh thou who doest according to thine own will, and makest thine appearance in Tebuu ; I put no check upon the water in its flow.
37. Oh Striker, (26) who makest thine appearance in Heaven ; I am not one of loud voice.
38. Oh thou who makest mortals to nourish, and who makest thine appearance at Sais ; I curse not a god.
39. Oh thou of beautiful shoulder, who makest thine appearance at .... (27) ; I am not swollen with pride.
40. Oh Neheb-kau, who makest thy appearance at thy cavern ; I have no unjust preferences. (28)
41. Oh thou of raised head, (29) who makest thine appearance at thy cavern ; I- have no strong desire except for my own property.
42. Oh thou who liftest an arm, (30) and who makest thine appearance in the Netherworld, I do not that which offendeth the god of my domain.
219
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1!
SENNACHERIB'S LETTERS TO HIS FATHER SARGON. By C. H. W. Johns, Queens' College, Cambridge.
The last years of Sargon's reign are in some obscurity. The great king's own inscriptions carry us down to B.C. 708 ; but, excep t that he was murdered in B.C. 705, nothing further is known. Any- thing that can throw light upon these last three years must be welcome. I believe that interest will therefore attach to the letters which Sennacherib wrote to his father during the time that he was in the position of a subordinate, though high official. In the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum four at least are preserved, viz., K. 125; K. 181; K. 5464; K. 7434. All four are now published in Harper's Assyrian and Babylonian Letters of the K. Collection, Vol. II. Of these, K. 7434 contains only the seven lines of complimentary good wishes, which seem to have occurred at the commencement of each ; the three others I purpose here to transliterate, and as far as I can, translate.
K. 181 has long been before the public in the fourth volume of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia (page 47). It was also published in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Vol. VI, page 220, by Mr. T. G. Pinches, with an introduction, transcription, translation, and notes. Oppert and Lenormant seem to have considered the writer to be the great Sennacherib, the son and successor of Sargon. The letter forwards to the king reports from a wide-spread district, and indicates the writer's position as one of high authority, but it does not give the name of the king to whom it was sent, nor any hint as to the writer's relation to him. At the end of the letter a "•majordomo" of the lady Mimmu-abi-sa is named. The same female name occurs also as that of the " prophetess " who utters an oracle for the encouragement of Esarhaddon, which is published in the same volume of Inscriptions (IV R., p. 61, col. v, line 65), where she is called a daughter of Arbela. Whether the Nabu-mudu named in this letter be the majordomo in question, or not, we do know that this was the name of the prefect of Arbela in B.C. 702, at the very commencement of Sennacherib's reign. It fits the circum-
220
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. 1895.]
stances of the case to suppose that Nabu-mudu sent news at the end of Sargon's reign from the seat of war by the majordomo of Mimmu-abi-sa, and a few years later was prefect of Arbela, where that lady lived. If Mimmu-abi-sa be a personal name, there seems no difficulty in extending her life so as to overlap Sennacherib's reign two or three years each way ; on the other hand, if, as its meaning allows, it is simply an official name of the prophetess of Istar of Arbela, there seems no difficulty at all : so on any supposition it is possible the great Sennacherib was the writer. Another official named in this letter is Assur-risua, known also as the author of several despatches on the same events, and further connected with Sargon as his amel res dupsar sa zikrit ekalli (Strassmaier, A. V., No. 880). Other considerations will suggest themselves in more closely examining the contents of this tablet, all pointing to the end of Sargon's reign as the date, and to his son as the writer. It seems important to settle the date of this letter, as the names occurring in it serve to associate a wide group of letters in the same collection.
The letter K. 5464 was first published by Dr. Winckler (Sammlung von Keilschrifttexten, Heft II). It is also written by a Sennacherib, and mentions Assur-risua, almost certainly referring to the same report from him, and quite certainly to the same events as in K. 181. So the Sennacheribs are the same. But the writer of this letter is twice called the king's son, and this seems to settle his identity.
The letter K. 125, also first published in the same work by Dr. Winckler, has much less interest, and the name of the writer is somewhat defaced. Neither Dr. Winckler nor Dr. Bezold in his Catalogue expressly ascribes it to Sennacherib, but Mr. Harper has no doubt, and nothing in its contents seems incompatible with that assumption. Mr. Harper calls attention also to Rm. 2, 14, as another letter by Sennacherib. This I have not seen.
In what I have attempted here by way of transcription and translation I must acknowledge my great debt to Dr. Delitzsch's work on Assyrian Letters in the two volumes of his Beitriige, and wherein I differ from Mr. Pinches' work on K. 181, I trust that he will pardon the expression of honest doubt. The letters already published by Mr. S. A. Smith have given me many valued hints and parallels. Mr. S. A. Strong, my respected teacher, kindly collated Dr. Winckler's texts, from which I worked, with the originals in the British Museum.
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
K. 181.
Obverse.
1. A-na sarri be-li-ia
2. Ardu-ka (m) Sin-ahe-erba
3. lu sul-mu a-na sarri be-li-ia
4. sul-mu a-na (mat) Assur (ki)
5. sul-mu a-na asra-te
6. sul-mu a-na (al) bi-rat sa sarri gab-bu
7. lib-bu sa sarri be-li-ia a-dan-nis lu tab
8. (mat) Uk-ka-a-a ina muh-hi-ia is-sa-par
9. ma-a sar (mat) Urarta-a-a a-na (mat) Ga-mir
10. bi-id il-lik-ii-ni ma-a (amel) e-mu-ki-su
11. a-na ma-la di-e-ka ma-a su (amel) bel pihate-su
12. a-na (amel) e-mu-ki-su-nu se-e-lu-u
13. (turta)-nu-su II (amel) bel pihate
14. it-tal ka
15. is-sa-ba-at
16. -a-a il-lik-an-ni
17. nu-te sa mati-Su
18. is-sak-nu-u-ni
19. an-ni-ii te-e-mu
20. sa mat Uk-ka-a-a
21. (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a i-sa-ap-ra
22. ma-a te-e-mu sa (mat) Urarta-a-a
23. ma pa-ni-u sa as-pur-an-ni
24. ma-a sii-ut u-ma su-ii
25. ma-a di-ik-tu ina lib-bi-su-nu
Edge.
26. ma'-da di-e-ka-at
27. ma-a d-ma-a mat-su ni-ha-at
28. ma-a (amel) rabute-su ia-mu-tii.
29. ina libbi mati-sii it-ta-lak
Reverse.
1. ma-a (m) Kakkad-a-nu (amel) tur-ta-nu-su
2. sa-bi-it ma-a sar (mat) Urarta-a-a
3. ina lib (mat) U-a-sa-un su-vi
4. an-ni-u te-e-mu sa (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a
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5. (m) Nabu-mudu (amel) bel pihate sa (al) Halsu
6. ina muh-hi-ia is-sa-ap-ra
7. ma-a ina eli (amel) massar (al) bi-ra-a-te
8. sa ina eli ta-hu-u-me ina eli te-e-mu
9. sa sar (mat) Urarta-a-a a-sa-ap-ra
10. ma-a (mat) Gamir bi-id il-lik-u-ni
11. ma-a (amel) e-mu-ki-e-su a-na ma-la di-e-ka
12. ma-a III (amel) rabute-su a-du (amel) e-mu-ki-su-nu
13. di-e-ku ma-a sii-u-tu ih-tal-ka
14. ana mati-su e-tar-ba ma-a ma-dak-tu-su
15. li-di-i-ni la ta-ka-ri-ba
16. an-ni-u te-e-mu sa (m) Nabu-mudu
17. (al) Mu-sa-sir-a-a ahu-su
18. mar-su a-na sul-me
19. ina eli sar (mat) Urarta-a-a it-tal-ku
20. (amel)mar sip-ri sa (mat) Hu-pu-us-kaa-a
21. a-na sul-me ina muh-hi-su-ma
22. it-ta-la-ak
23. (amel) massar (al) bi-rat gab-bu
24. sa ina eli ta-hu-me te-e-mu
25. a-ki an-ni-im-ma i-sa-par-u-ni
Edge.
26. e-gir-tii sa (m) Nabu-inudu
27. (amel) rab biti sa (f) Mimmu-abi-sa
28. istu (mat) Ta-bal na-su-u-ni
29. ina eli sarri bel-ia us-si-bi-la
Translation.
1. To the king my lord
2. Thy servant, Sennacherib
3. Verily peace be to the king my lord
4. Peace to Assyria
5. Peace to the temples
6. Peace to the fortresses of the king my lord all of them
7 . The heart of the king my lord be supremely cheered
8. The land of the Ukkai to me sent
9. that the king of the land of the Urartai, to the land Gamir 10. as he went ; that his forces
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11. to the full extent were slain, that he, his prefects
12. against their forces despatched
13. his tartan {?), two prefects
1 4. he has gone
15. he is taken
16. -at has come to me
17. of his land
18. they are fixed ig. this ?iews
20. from the land of the Ukkai.
21. Assur-risua sent
22. that the news of the land of the Urartai is
23. also the former which I sent
24. that upon that same day
25. that a slaughter in their midst
Edge.
26. extensively took place (lit. was slain)
27. that now his land is at rest ;
28. that his nobles are dead
29. into the midst of his land he has gone
Reverse.
1. that Kakkada?iu his tartan
2 . is taken ; that the king of the land of the Urai'tai
3. is in the midst of the land of Uasa-un that same
4. this is the news of Assur-risua
5 . Nabu-nmdu, prefect of Halsu
6. to me sent
7. that to the wardens of the fortresses
8. which are on the border, on account of news
9. of the king of the land of the Urartai, I sent :
10. that to the land of Gamir as he went
11. that his forces were extensively slain ;
12. that three of his nobles in addition to their forces
13. were slain ; that he himself had fled ;
14. to his land had entered ; that his camp
15. as yet has not been approached ;
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16. this is the news of Nabu-mudu.
17. To the city of the Musasirai, his brother,
1 8. his son, for peace,
19. on behalf of the king of the Urartai have come :
20. a messenger of the land of the Hupuskai 2 r. for peace for him also
22. has come.
23. The wardens of all the fortresses
24. which are on the border news
25. like this also sent.
26. The letter of Nabti-mudu
27. the major domo of Mimmu-abi-sa
28. from the land of Tabal brought ;
29. to the king my lord I have sent (lit. caused to bring).
Notes. K. 181.
The first seven lines appear to be identical in all the four letters of Sennacherib. They are evidently a formula of complimentary greeting deemed appropriate by the writer. They have many striking parallels in other letters and despatches, and call for little comment. In my transliterations I have placed the restorations in brackets : but in K. 5464 and K. 125 have not thought it necessary to repeat their translation. At the end of line 5 the word e-kur-mes-te* was read Bit-Matat'e : but the frequent spelling e-kur-ra(a)te points to an ending -rate. S. A. Smith and Delitzsch render e-kur by asm or esru, and Delitzsch seems to prefer the reading of the whole asrdte, at any rate it is the plural of e-kur, and means "temples." Delitzsch (in his Wo lag das Paradiesf) places a definite city Birate on the banks of the Turnat, and quotes this passage among others in support of his view. A more conclusive passage occurs in K. 509, line 6, where we have Birta-a-a, " the people of Birtu." So there seems no doubt that there was a city Birtu, and probably more than one. Birtu does, however, occur simply in the sense " a fortress," and seems, from Winckler's Sargon, to be interchange- able with halsu. Here Birat seems plural and in similar compli- mentary salutations we read halsani; further the addition of gabbu and the custom in such passages seems to demand the reading "fortresses."
* On K. 4447 ASsurbanipal spells it i-kn-ra-ti. 225
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Line 9. In nearly every case known to me, where these troubles are referred to, the ideogram which I read Urartu is used, and that can equally well be read Accad, but in K. 574, Gabbu-ana-Assur, mentioning the same districts as Assur-risua does in his letters, names also three prefects to whom he sent for tidings of the move- ments of the king of the U-ra-ar-ta-a-a. These three names are Assur-risua, Nabu-mudu, and Assur-bel-dan. This decided my reading. The land Gamir is said by Delitzsch (Farad., p. 245) to be the same as Gimir, and it is placed in the neighbourhood of Cappadocia on the map (in Schrader's Keil. BibliotheU) outside the limits of Sargon's empire. I cannot find any mention of it in Winckler's Sargon, but Assur-risua in his report K. 1080 mentions the fortresses of the land Gamirra as sending tribute to the king of Urartu, coupling with them the countries of Guriania and Nagiu and the fortresses of Urartu. At the same time he mentions the defeat of the king of Urartu " when he went to the land of Gamirra." This report was addressed to the king direct ; in our case the news reaches Sennacherib from the land of the well-known Ukkai.
Line 11. mala as a preposition might mean "for," though ana iiiala dieka, "for to conquer," seems unlikely, as the infinitive is daku, and I take dieka as permansive. ana mala is frequent in the sense "as many as," with and without basil. I take it here in the sense, "to a full extent," "extensively." It is unusual to find su in the sense of "he," "himself;" I am inclined to read su = kissat, and render, "all his prefects."
Line 12. Selu is an unusual form except as imperative or infini- tive. It seems difficult to take nu-selii, because of the question it raises as to the " we " concerned. It could be from salu, which Lyon gives as meaning " to shoot, discharge weapons."* The change of a to e would be parallel to isessu for isasi.
Line 13. The ending -nit-su has induced me to restore turtanu-su. The king of Urartu seems to have lost his tartan and two prefects in the battle. In line 12 rev. they seem to be referred to as three "nobles."
Line 21. Assur-risua was res dufisar sa(f) ekalli in the 12th year of Sargon, and is known to me as author of the letters K. 194, K. 910, K. 1080, K. 1 1 70, K. 1907, and Rm. 2, 3. He is frequently
* Senacherib Prism. Ins., V, 49, has uSa'/u kakka-sun ; Assqrb. Rm. Cyl. I, 34, Salic kaSti.
226
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mentioned in other letters referring to these events {e.g., K. 561, K. 746, K. 1 182, K. 7528, K. 13,111; see Bezold's Catalogue). I am not at all sure that I correctly appreciate the order of events which he had to announce, and many of the letters are very frag- mentary. Sargon, as we know from his annals, had set garrisons in the cities of Usi, Usian, Uargin, in the land of Urartu, and several of these letters mention "the garrisons." It seems the king of Urartu, after his check on attempting to go to Gamir, settled at Uesi, doubtless Sargon's Usi. The prefect of Usi drove him out. Then he held out at Turuspa, the capital of Urartu in Tiglath- Pileser's time. The prefects Si-e-tini and Suna, of the land of the Ukkai, assembled their forces at Musasir, and in Rm. 2, 3 Assur-risua announces these facts. The king was still at Uesi. In K. 1080 Assur-risua reported the sending of tribute from Guriania, Nagiu, Gamirra and Urartu generally to the king after his defeat ; but though he names Turuspa, it is not clear what he meant to say about that place. In K. 1 94 Assur-risua sends the rab-kisir Naragie with twenty conspirators as captives to Sargon. He announces that the king of Urartu has entered Turuspa and there gathered a following. Sargon's (?) tartanu sanu or second general Ursini was captured in Turuspa, and his brother Apli-uknu had gone to see him there. K. 910 concerns a messenger from the land of the Ukkai who had gone up into the land of Urartu and returned into Assyria ; but there is not enough left of the letter to make it clear how this fits into the story. K. 11 70 does not seem to concern our period. In K. 1907 he names Turuspa, but too little is left to decide what the reference is. In K. 194 Assur-risua mentions having sent a messenger to Babylon, but to whom does not seem certain. Was Sargon there at this period? K. 125 also seems to suggest this (line 15).
Line 24. u-ma is an unusual way of spelling the word for " day," but I can make no better sense otherwise.
Line 28. ia-mu-tu • this I take to be from matu, "to die." The ending -iu is settled by K. 614, rev. 5, where we read, gabsi ali idukin, iamutu. Cf. K. 617, rev. 2-5, and 12-13, where we have ia-mut-tu : and K. 686, mat Kilhu gabbu ia-mu-tu. I can see no other meaning possible that will serve all these passages. A similar case of ia- for i- (in verbs not commencing with a guttural) is ia-sap- par-kan-ni in S. 76c. Mr. Pinches in his comments on this letter, seems to have derived it from a root meaning "to command," but
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I cannot recognize the root. S. A. Smith, Assurb., Heft III, p. 72, thinks it the same as ammute, "those," and Mr. Pinches, p. 108, seems to agree with him.
Reverse.
Line 1. The name Kakkadanu is spelt singularly, but on K. in 1, a name Kak-ka-da-ni occurs, which favours my reading. K. 645 gives Kakka-da-nu sa putii mat Uka-a-a.
Line 3. As far as I know, this is the only place in the corres- pondence where the land of Ua-sa-un is named. The termination -un occurs in other proper names, and I do not think it possible to connect it with the su-u that follows in the text. The other letters give the place of retreat of the king of Urartu as the city of Uesi : it is probable the district is the same.
Line 4. Nabu-rnudu now takes up the story in Sennacherib's letter. This was the name of the Eponym in B.C. 702, when he was prefect of Arbela. He is now prefect of Halsu. It is usual to read his name in the Eponym list as Nabu-W-, but the character -zu may also be read -mudu, as Mr. Pinches did. K. 1026, a letter to the king from Arad-gula, spells the name 2Vabil-zu-du ; the -du I take to be a phonetic complement showing the name was read Nabu-mudu. It is not necessary of course to identify the persons, but I feel that, without strong reasons to the contrary, the presumption must be that in such a limited set of actors the same name must refer to the same person. In our case Nabu-mudu is prefect of Halsu ; he repeats the tidings sent by Assur-risua concerning the garrisons of the fortresses on the marches. The close parallelism of lines 9 and 10 on obverse and reverse leads me to read the land of Gamir in line 10, rev. The sign pap, kur, has the value napharis : and consequently may have had the sense "totality," expressed by Gimir ; and though I do not know of an example in which pap is actually put = gimru, it seems probable that, as line 9, obv. would suggest, we are to read Gimir or Gamir.
Lines 14, 15. Delitzsch (A.W.) takes udini as "eagles;" so the sense would be, his camp was so inaccessible that even an eagle could not approach it. Now the udini-bird in Assurnasirpal is clearly some such bird as an eagle or vulture : and Sargon's udini Imrasi or kaspi being mentioned as royal furniture, may well be golden or silver images of eagles : and the rendering here also would be quite admissible, though it is startling to meet a figure of
228
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speech in the midst of such terse communications. But why is the determinative of birds omitted ? : and besides there are quite a number of other passages where udini thus occurs without the suffix {-hu). I think that " eagles cannot approach" them all. In K. 5464, line 19, we have udini ba-tik-niu la harassa, and tidini la .... on the
edge. Then Rm. 77, line 36, gives us udini tcnsu la ni-sa-me. Further, on K. 102 1 we have ina eli lisanisa sarru beli ispuranni asapra {a mil) da-a-a-li udini la il-la-ku-u-ni, i.e., "as yet he is not come." In each a negative sentence follows, and it seems to me that udini is an adverb, with some such sense as "at present," "as yet" (so and so has not happened). Further, I am inclined to compare K. 11 70, also from the hand of Assur-risua, where we get udina la uda ......
and Rm. 2, 3, again by Assur-risua, udina la unammas. K. 939, rev. 13, udina arah ume la illaka. Petermann gives the modern Samaritan pronunciation of the word for "yet," "still," in Gen. xviii, 22; xliii, 27, 28, as udinnu. Adu is "now," udu is "day;" adverbs are formed from nouns with termination -e?i or -an, and the influence of analogy would account for zidi-ini.
Line 17. It is not at all clear to me whose "son and brother" are intended, the pronoun " his " seems to refer to the king of Urartu, and I venture to consider ina eli as meaning "on behalf of." It was at Musasir that the Assyrian prefects were able to collect their forces to attack the rebel ; so I do not think there is any hint of its defection here. Peace with the king of Urartu seems to me an improbable object, peace with the Assyrian forces seems likely. A brother and son are likely ambassadors for peace. It is possible that Nabumudu's message ends with line 16, and in some parallel cases " the city N. " is used for " a messenger from the city N. ;" but on the whole I prefer my rendering. Years before this, Urzana, king of Musasir b.c. 714, had relied upon Ursa or Rusa, king of Urartu, and omitted to render his homage. Sargon's troops swarmed into the country, Urzana fled for his life, and went up into the mountains. Sargon triumphantly entered Musasir, Urzana's wife, sons, daughters, goods, and 20,170 of his people, with their possessions, his gods Haldia and Bag-bar-tum, and their sacred vessels, with other temple furniture, were reckoned as spoil. Then Musasir was made part of the Assyrian empire. It is very curious to note that Urzana's seal still exists, and has been made the subject of a memoir by Schrader. All this seems decisive against the son and brother being relatives of Urzana, they probably belong to the
229 s
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present king of Urartu. Rusa had put an end to his life on the capture of his gods at Musasir ; Argisti was his successor.
Line 20. Hupuskia was the headquarters of Sargon in B.C. 715, when he received the tribute of the king of the land of Nairi, and from the district ruled by Rusa. In b.c. 714 Sargon again received tribute at this city, but Urzana of Musasir was then a defaulter. Sargon seems to have claimed to have added Urartu to his dominions, but in B.C. 708, while he was in Babylon, Argisti rebelled and stirred up Mutallu of Kummuh also to rebel. Perhaps this rising led to the events we are considering.
Line 26. The letter of Nabu-mudu was brought to Sennacherib from the land of Tabal, which had given Sargon trouble in b.c. 715 and again in B.C. 711, when a large part of it was colonised by Assyrians, the native population being deported. I am not certain from the wording of this letter whether Nabu-mudu himself was majordomo to Mimmu-abisa, or whether that official simply brought the prefect's letter.
K. 5464.
Obverse.
1. ana] sarri be-li-ia
2. ardu-ka (m)j Sin-ahe-erba
3. lu sulmu] ana sarri be-li-ia
4. sul mu ana mat Assur-] ki
5. sulmu ana as-ra]-te
6. sulmu ana (al) birate gab-] bu
7. libbu sa sarri beli-ia adannis lu]-u tab
8. bu-su 9- -lak
10. it-tal-ka
11. sar (mat) Urarta-a-a
12- -te ea sar (mat) Assur-(ki)
13- ma ?i-pu
14. sar mat Urarta-a-a bel pihate-su
15. te-e-mu e-mu-ki-ku-nu
16. ina kata-ku-nu sa-ab-ta-ma alik alka (amel) bel pihate"
17. sa sar (mat) AsSur-(ki) istu (al) Ku-ma-a-a baltute
18. ina kata sa-bi-ta ina muh-hi-ia i-sa-al-ka-a-ni
230
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19. ma-a u-di-i-ni ba-ti-ik-ma la-a ha-ra-as-sa
20. ma-a ki-ma a-si-me sa-ki-il ina eli mar sarri a-sa-ap-ra
21. ma-a e-mu-ki ar-his lu-se-bil-u-ni
22. an-ni-ii te-e-mu sa (m) Ar-ia-e
23. Urn XI sa arhu Ululu e-gir-tu sa (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a
24. ina muh-hi-ia ta-tal-ka ma-a sar mat Urarta-a-a
25. ma-a bid (mat) Zi-kir-ta-a-a u-bi-lu-su-u-ni
26. ma-a me-me-e-ni la is-lim-a ma-a ra-ku-te-[e]
27. i-su-uh-ra ma-a ina lib (a.1) U-a-a-si
28. a-du e-mu-ki-e-su it-ta-lak e . . .
29. ma-a e-mu-ki-e-su ina lib (al) U-a-[a-si]
30. ma-a su-u-tii e-mu-ki e-sa-te
31. i-si-e-su it-ti si-ma-a(-ti)
32. (mat) Ma-na-a-a it-ta-(lak)
Edge. S3- ma-a ina eli sa e-gir ....
34. u-di-i-ni la-a
35. ma-a ki-ma asi-me a(-sa-ap-ra).
Reverse.
1. ma-a (am el) bel pihati sa ina te-[gir-te
2. ina lib (al) U-e-si su-u-tii ma(?) ....
3. ma-a i-da-tu-us-su it-tu-si
4. ma-a u-sa-a-sii istu lib (al) U-a-a-[si]
5. la-a e-mur harra-ni sa ina muh-hi ....
6. u-ta-a-bu ti-tur-ra-a-te li-be
7. ma-a ki-ma a-si-me mi-i-nu sa si-te-(si ? ia ?)
8. sum-mix itti e-mu-ki-e-sii il-la-ka
9. sum-mu za-ku-u su-u-tu is-su-ka ma-a ub . . . .
10. ina eli mar sarri a-sa-pa-ra
11. an-ni-ii te-e-mu sa (m) Assur-ri-su-u-a
12. (mat) Ar-sa bi-ia-a i-sa-ap-ra ma-a (mat) U-ka-a-a
13. su-pa-ni-ia lu pa ti u ma-a a-ta-a
14 du-ka-an-ni at-tu-nu ka-la-ku-nu
15. (amel) mutir-pu-te-ia ina eli mat U(-ka-a-)a a-sa-par
16. mat Ar-sa-bi-ia sa-bu-ub
17. (i-)du an-ni bir-tu [ma]-ru-us
l8- ina lib a-a ina muh-hi-ia i-tal-ka
J9- na har-tii ina muh-hi-ia na-sa
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20. istu mat Ma-na-a-a ik-ti-bi-a
21. is-su-har sa-tii a-sa-kan-su
22. sa mat Sa-du-da-a-a ana (al) Kal-ha
23. u-ni a-ta-har ak-ta-na-ak
24. la har-tii a-sa-ka-an
25. sa arhu Ululu e-gir-tu
26. u-bi-la
Translation.
Obverse.
1-7. The compliments appear to be identical in phrase with the
commencement of K. 181. 8-9. The ends alone are visible
10. Ends with "he went"
1 1. Concludes with " the king of the land of the Urartai" 1 ?. Probably had " the prefects of the king of Assyria "
13. Leaves nothing certain
14. Has " the king of the land of the Urartai his prefects "
15. an order (gave) your forces
16. in your hands take and go be off the prefects
1 7. of the king of Assyria from the city of the Kumai alive
1 8. in their hands were captured, over against ?ne they advanced
19. that at present one is cut off, and there is no breaking out
20. that as I heard it is cared for, to the king's son I send
21. that forces quickly let him send
22. this is the news from Ariae.
23. The eleventh day of the month Elul a letter from Assur-risua
24. to ?ne came that the king of the land of the Urartai
25. that when the land of the Zikirtai brought (?)
26. that any how he did not succeed that bootless
27. he turned back, that into the midst of the city U-ai-si
28. along with his fore s he has gone,
29. that his forces are in the midst of the city U-a-a-si
30. that he, a few forces
31. with him, with prosperity
32 the land of the Manai has gone
33. that concerning what
34. at present . not ......
35. that as I have heard, I send
232
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Reverse.
1. that the prefect who is in the defence (?)
2. in the midst of the city Uasi, himself
3. that with his armament, he has set out
4. that he thrust him out from the midst of the city U-a-a-si
5. he did not find the roads which to
6. he made good the bridges
7. that as I have fieard, whatever
8. whether with his forces, he goes
9. or that same zaku goes
10. to the king's son, I send.
1 1 . this is the netvs of Assur-risua
1 2. The la?id of Arsabid sent that the land of the Ukai
my defences verily are destroying now already
1 4. are killing me, I call on you :
15. my body-guards to the land of the Ukai I have sent
16. land of Arsabia is surrounded
17 the fortress is in evil case
18 to me came
19. the seal-ring to me was brought
20. from the land of the Manai he has said
21. he returned for ever I have fixed it
22 from the land of the Sadudai to the city Kalah
23. I have received, I have sealed
24. tlie seal I have set
25. oj the mouth Ululu a letter
26. I send
Notes. K. 5464,
Lines 16-18. If we read alik alka this is a repeated imperative for emphasis possibly, or alik is a participle, but we might read ma-a tas-al-ka. In line 18 isalkani seems to demand a verb, salaku or zalaku. In K. 582, line 24, we also have isalka followed by bila (see S. A. Smith, Assurb., Ill, p. 67, and Pinches' Remarks, p. 107). In that passage it seems possible to take the -ka as second personal pronoun, but that will not do in our case. The city Ku-ma-a occurs on K. 1 182, where also Assur-risua is named, and on K. 539 the amel Ku-uni-ma-a-a are named. It is noteworthy that K. 561 also mentions a city Ku-, and that there seems only room for one more
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sign; but the traces (given in Harper, A.B.K.L., Vol. I, 91) do not favour -ma.
Line 19. udini, see on K. 181, obv. 15. The sign before la, Mr. Strong tells me, is ma. harassa seems from hardsu. K. 1 136 has*
temu sa dl Sibtu i-har-ra-sa-an-ni isapparkani tensunu i-har-
ra-sa-an-ni. K. 8383, ha-ra-as-si ; cf. Del., H. W.B., p. 292. S. A. Smith, Assyrian Letters, IV, 8, reads on 80-7-19, 17, adu a-har- sa-ni, and gives as meaning, "until I shall come;" but with some reservation, iharas occurs K. 1077, obv. 9, K. 79, rev. 14 and 24; the Talmudic y/hrz originally = to bore through, which would suit here.
Line 21. saki-il I take to mean, "it is taken charge of," as in S. 760, line 19, but S. A. Smith there translates, "paid for;" amel sakil issuri, seems to mean, "one that has charge of birds ;" sakdlu, to have charge of, see Tallqvist, Sprache der Contracte, p. 134; cf. Delitzsch, H. JV.B , p. 319, it does not seem to me from sakdlu.
Line 22. The name of Ariae occurs on K. 561, in connection with Assur-risua and the land of the Ukkai ; and business in the land of Urartu. It is spelt A-ri-e instead of Ar-ia-e, so removing all doubt as to the first part of the name. Aria = namu, " to destroy," and is a by-name of Nergal ; but in neither case is there a determinative of divinity. So that my reading still lacks confirmation.
Line 23. Assur-risua's message is dated.
Line 25. I think we must read ma-a, and then £?^=when. Mittatti the king of Zikirtu was slain by Sargon in b.c. 714. From K. 1037 we learn that the king of Assyria sent for news of the king of Urartu, to an official whose name is read by Strassmaier and Delitzsch as Huteru. In his reply he mentions the land of Zikirtu. The writer's name however is spelt on K. 1067 as Hu-te-su-pu ; and I am inclined to think we should read it Bag-tesup, like Bag-daddi, for both Tesupu and Daddu are divine names. What the sense of Bag is I cannot tell. It would scarcely be likely that the name is Issur- tesupu. Hu is possibly in sense = Amelu, but scarcely to be read so.
Line 26. For the phrase rakute issuhra, cf. 2 Sam., i, 22.
Line 27. The spellings U-e-si, Ua-a-si, compared with Sargon's Usi are instructive. There seems to have been in Urartu a great partiality for the initial syllable Ua-; compare Ua-ia-us, U-ar-gi-in, U-al-lia, U-assurme in Sargon. I am inclined to add Urzana, Ursa, and also possibly Ar-sa-bia, Ar-za-unia (which latter may be U-a-za-un of K. 181 ; in which case it may be the name of a
234
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
mountain). I hazard the conjecture that U-ar-, Ur-, Ar, are all closely connected ; cf. the spellings Urzahina, Arziihina. Tiglath- Pileser Ill's P-u-sa may perhaps = Usi.
Line 31. i-si-e-su I take to be for issi-su, i.e., itti-su, as so common; but ASiurn., II, 53, isi-ia ; III, 12, usesia given in Schrader's Keil. Bibliothk. are there referred to a root asu, seen in usatu, "help," asitu, "pole," &c. If this be accepted we should translate, "he set himself up with rejoicing," or in prosperity, or with good luck.
Line 32. At the beginning was mar sipri possibly, or simply istu = " from."
Lines 33-35. I am inclined to think the lost word at end of 33 was egirtu, and to suppose the meaning was, "concerning the letter he brought, at present I am not informed, but whatever I hear I will send."
Reverse.
Line 7. Dr. Winckler's text seemed to favour the restoration site'u at the end of the line, i.e., " whatever I have in charge ; " but Mr. Harper's text points to an ending -si or -ia.
Line 9. (amel) zakii, by its root meaning " be clean," — I suppose it to mean "an envoy " here, " a picked man."
Line 12. Arsabia is mentioned in Sargon's Annals, B.C. 714, as suffering severely from his attacks.
Line 13. Supania perbaps=my defence and lu-hat-ti-u could be taken = verily they have broken ; su — masak (?) with masak paniia ; cf. Sennach. Prism. Insc, Col. V, 49, pan maski, but lu-pa-ti-u I cannot render. Cf. Del., H. 1KB., p. 296 Jhit.
Line 15. The traces lend themselves very well to gur-pu-te, i.e., mutir-pu-te, "a body guard/'
Line 16. sababu means "to surround," encircle;" sabub would be permansive.
Line 19, compared with line 24, leads me to think that liar goes with -tu, hartu = " a ring ; " the king's seal ring as a warrant of authority is often named in the letters.
Line 22. The land of the Sadudai is unknown to me. Cf. how- ever the proper name Sadudu sakin mat Suhi, Assurn., III. And Sayce in his Vannic Inscriptions, No. XXXII, line 6, seems to have a king of Hittite race called Sada'da (as).
Line 23. atahar and aktanak occur together elsewhere.
235
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
K. 125.
Obverse.
1. Ana sarri beli-ia
2. Ardu-ka (m) Sin-ahe-erba
3. lu sul-mu a-na sarri beli-ia
4. sul-mu a-na (mat) (Assur-(ki)
5. sul-mu a-na asrate
6. sul-mu a-na (al) bi-rat sa sarri gab-bu
7. lib-bu sa sarri beli-ia a-dan-nis lu tab
8. (amel) mahha-ni (mat) Ku-mu-ha-a-a
9. it-tal-ku-ni ma-da-tu na-su-ni
10. vii u-ra-te sa (imer) ku-tin is-si-nis
11. na-su-u-ni ma-da-tu itti (imer) ku-tin
12. bid ana mat Ku-mu-ha-a-a pa-ak-du
13. (amel) mahha-ni ina libbi-su su-nu
14. akale sa ra-me-ni-su-nu e-kul
15. i-ma-ta-hu-ni-e a-na (al) Babilu
16. u-ba-lu-ni sak-la-a an-na-ka
17. i-ma-ha-ru-su-nu a-ki sa sarru beli
18. ni-ka-bu-u-ni ar-his lis-pa-ru-ni
19. sik-(mes) unnubu-(mes) is-si-nis na-su-u-ni
20. (amel) dam-kar-e ik-ti-bu-u-ni
21. ma-a vn biltu istu libbi ni-ip-ti-ar
Edge.
22. ma-a mat Ku-mu-ha-a-a la im-ma-gur
23. ma-a ma'-at-tii-nu la-ta-bi-ra
24. ma-a lu-bi-lu (f) is-para-te
Reverse.
25. sa sarri am-ma ina (?) li sim kit
26. sarru beli lis-pu-ra ana ma-an-ni
27. i-da-nu-si-na-a-ni
K. 125. Translation.
1-7. The salutation seems to have been identical with that in the other three letters of Sennacherib.
8. The magistrates of the land of the Kummuhhai
9. have come, tribute they brought
236
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
10. 7 mares of the mule kind singly (apiece)
11. they brought the tribute with the mules
1 2. as to the land of the Kummuhhai was appointed
13. The magistrates in its midst they
1 4. their own food eat
15. they were directing themselves towards Babylon
16. they were brought, were cared for here,
1 7. they furnished them, as the king my lord
18. we have told, quickly let him send
1 9. clothes, forage, singly they brought
20. the merchants have said
21. that 7 talents from our midst we will pay
22. that the land of the Kummuhhai are not pleased
23. that our produce is reduced
24. that let him bring the king's weavers
25
26. the king my lord let him send to whom
27. they shall give them.
Notes. K. 125.
Line 16. sakla might be permansive from sakalu, "to care for.''
annaka ; cf K. 609, iq, anaku annaka ina all Dursarrukin ; K. 1 201, obv. 11, u ka-a-a-manu mar sarri beli libbu isakananni adu mar sarri annakanni ana sulme ana a I Ninua la illakuni ; K. 1274, rev. 3, annusim nise an?iaka sunu ittalkunu ina muhhia ; K. 591, edge, anaku annaka K. 1880 and two passages in Strassmaier ; sa sarru beli ikbuni met istu annaka istu annakamma upasu mcCdani and attisi annaka, etc. I think annaka is related to annu, " this,' as ammaka is to ammu, "that;" see K. 113, 10, istu ammaka. So I take annaka = " here," ammaka = " there ;" for the ending cf. ekd, "where," a-a-ka, "where," uddukam and udda akku, "at day-break." Further, see K. 1242, allaka azaza ina pan nike ula annaka anaku ; and note that on K. 554, 16 we have ammaka, rev. 4, annaka.
Line 23. ma'altu = " abundance, produce;" ma'adutu is asso- ciated with aplutu, tabru in II, R. 42, lines 25-27.
Line 25. I can attempt no translation of this line as it stands.
Line 27. idatiusinani, cf. D.A.G. §56.
237
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
Addendum.
When the first part of this article was written I had not seen the fragment Rm. 2 II, 14 referred to by Harper (Z.A., VIII, p. 342). He published the first two lines, restoring them much as I have done ; only that in the other letters of Sennacherib, there is no example of his lu-u at the beginning of line 2. Sennacherib (or his amanuensis) always writes Ifi simply. It is quite open to say that the text contains nine lines on the reverse and three on the edge. The text is not easy to read, owing to its defacement. But as Professor Strong first, and then Mr. Pinches have collated the text for me I feel quite safe. There is not enough left to make a connected translation possible. But the exact way in which the first five lines can be restored from the other Sennacherib letters, removes all reasonable doubt of its authorship. The restorations are in square brackets.
As to its contents there is little to say. I think there is no doubt that in obverse 6 the name is Bel-etir, of whom I can with certainty say nothing as yet. In line 2 of reverse we have the name of Nabu-etir-napSati, probably the same who, in the twelfth year of Sargon, was ami I aba sd amel rdb-saki at Kalah (Strassmaier, A.V., No. 5748). On the last line but one of the text, the god Nabu seems to be setting out from Kalah. Compare the statements in II. R. 69 concerning the gods of Dur-Sarrukin. That Nabu had a chief seat of worship at Kalah, is well-known.
Rm. 2, II, 14. Obverse.
[ft ~Mf sBK -XI sSfl ^ ^H 1 <« A- H- *«<TT
\M <Wf?W ■* T? -KT *gft -XI ^U [*ffl *- EM *&% -XU sSff I? efflf « IHJ 4 *TTT*
mm u t -xi *w ?w
238
Nov. 5]
PROCEEDINGS.
Reverse.
[1895-
|
I |
M$M |
|
2 |
|
|
3 |
Hi fc |
|
4 |
!H * |
|
5 |
HINI |
|
6 |
|
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8 |
WMM |
|
9 |
miii |
^MM&^MMMW^.
j-YYY >=£
T TM Hf- -0 ST m HTC^ ^
E *TTMffl If NHf" ■*•*!* V"
=TJ^ t] Vy ^ T— II! ^ 4Hffl 4M &S -B tt B <Igf It tf- *T Hf- SfF
nitT A~m hk 111 ih ^y us mm '$$ ^^^ z^k >wm m
*!
Edge.
10. wmmm % n ^t r? *i sus^s - n
». lIlilHP- -B s^TTT -«=YT -!!r Vi<
12. -__,_;,- RTF *«I -tlY
239
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
THE DESCENT OE PROPERTY IN THE EARLY PERIODS OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY.
By Miss M. A. Murray.
In many tombs of the IVth, Vth, and Vlth dynasties, are found processions of farm-servants, each servant personifying, and being associated with the name of, a farm belonging to the deceased During the last few months I have devoted my time to studying these lists of farms, and I have epitomised the result of my researches in the following pages.
I find that many of the names occur in different tombs, and from this it seems possible to obtain some information as to the descent of property in those times. The period covered is, roughly speaking, between four and five hundred years; but, as the earlier lists give very little information, and farm-lists become rare in the Vlth dynasty, we find that it is to the tombs of the Vth dynasty that we owe most
There are very few authorities who even mention this subject, and lists of farm-names are to be found only in Mariette's Mastabas, Lepsius' Denkmaler, Petrie's Median, and Diimichen's Resultate. Besides these, Professor Flinders Petrie has kindly allowed me to make use of some hitherto unpublished notes which he made in 1882 on two tombs at Gizeh, one of which has since been destroyed.
In comparing the farm-names I have omitted all the cartouches and personal names with which they are compounded. It is evident that when property changed hands, the owner gave his own name to his farms ; Pehenuka, Ptah-hotep, Khennu, and Nefer-art-nef add their own names to quite half the number of their farms. This change in names is shown very clearly ; e.g., the farm Zesert is called Zesert-Nefer-art-nef in the tomb of Nefer-art-nef, and Khennu Zesert
240
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
in the tomb of Khennu. The royal cartouches are changed in the same way, although the name of an important king continues some- times for several generations. Assa, the 8th king of the Vth dynasty, appears to have given his name to many farms, ousting the cartouches of most of his predecessors. For instance, Nefer-hesiut in the tomb of Ptah-hotep is Horakau-Neferhesiut; in the tomb of Senezem-ab we have Assa-Nefer-hesiut. Senezem-ab seems to have been a great admirer of Assa, as no less than nineteen of his farms are compounded with this king's cartouche. Again, we find the farm Uakh-hen occurring in four different tombs, and in each case compounded with the name of a different king, — Khufu, Userkaf, Horakau, and Assa. This shows that the cartouches and personal names are not an integral part of the farm-name (and are not to be depended upon for identifying the farm), being changed for obvious reasons on the death of the owner or of the king.
I have compared not only the farm-names, but also, as far as possible, the relationships of the owners. When we find the re- currence of personal names as well as of farm-names — as in the case of Nenkhetefka and Thy — there is strong evidence that the property descended from one to the other. The earliest possible date for the owners of the property is indicated by the cartouche of the latest king found in the tomb. Thus — to take the case of Nenkhetefka and Thy — the latest cartouche in the tomb of Nenkhetefka is that of Sahu-ra (b.c. 3699), in the tomb of Thy it is that of Ra-en-user (b.c. 3500), an interval of about ninety years. Then again we find that the name of Nenkhetef ka's wife was Neferhoteps, which was also the name of Thy's wife, and five farm-names which occur in Nenkhetefka's lists occur also in the lists of Thy. We have here a man whose wife is called Neferhoteps, and who owns farms called Ant, Art, Hebnen, Nebes, and Shet. Two or three generations later we find another man whose wife is also named Neferhoteps, and who also owns the farms Ant, Art, Hebnen, Nebes, and Shet. Of these five names, two — Ant and Shet — are so common as to be incon- clusive in themselves, but carry weight when they occur with other names. The inference therefore is very strong that the later man obtained his property from the earlier, possibly through his wife, who may have been a grand-daughter of the first Neferhoteps. Out of sixteen farms, Thy holds nine in common with Pehenuka, which argues a descent of property from Pehenuka to Thy; Pehenuka's date being that of Sahu-ra (b.c. 3690), Thy's that of Ra-en-user
241
Nov. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1S95.
(b.c. 3500). Ptah-hotep, again, holds seven of Pekenuka's farms, of which five occur in Thy's list, besides two which Thy has acquired from an unknown source, and one which occurs in the list of Semnefer (G. J 82), as well as in that of Thy. Here we see a strong connection between Thy and Ptah-hotep ; but as very few relationships are given in either tomb, it is not possible to prove a direct descent.
Between Pehenuka and Depemankh also there appears a con- nection, as both hold the farms Art, Ant-hekt, Hebnen, and Shet.
There are in all the lists about 450 farm-names altogether, of these about 40 recur in different tombs. I give a list of these names with reference letters for the sake of convenience. Many of the names recur so often that this list really represents about 120 out of the 450, or rather more than a quarter of the entire number. Of the rest most of the names appear only once, and cannot be identified in any other tomb.
I also give a diagram showing the descent of property, and where relationships have been ascertained I have inserted them. The diagram is intended merely to show the descent of property through different hands, and is not meant as a genealogy of the persons mentioned.
I think that I have shown how important it is that these lists of farms should be carefully copied wherever they may be found. It is from this source alone that we can hope to obtain any information as to the descent of landed property in the earliest period of Egyptian history.
<&<
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List of Farm-Names. r \\ 1 000
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242
Nov. 5]
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243
Nov. 5]
SOCIETY OF BIliLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1S95.
^3
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244
Nov. 5]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1895-
Merab
Semnefer ...
Kanefera ...
Depemankh
Nenkhetefka
Nefer-art nef
Semnefer
Pehenuka..
Thy
Khennu
Rakapu
Ptah-hotep
L. D., II, 21.
L. I)., II, 28.
G. I 82.
M. M., p. 196.
M. M., p. 305.
M. M.5 p. 324.
G I 82.
L. D., II, 46.
D. R., PI. II.
M. M.. p. 185.
M. M., p. 276.
M. M., 353, and D. R., PI. XV.
245
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
AKHUENATEN AND QUEEN TIL By Alfred C. Bryant, B.A., and F. W. Read.
In a recent number of the Proceedings* Dr. Wiedemann published some important notes on questions of interest in con- nection with the reign of Ahu-en-aten. On two of the points with which he dealt his conclusions appear to us to be hardly warranted by the evidence adduced ; and as this particular period is one to which we have devoted some attention,! we feel justified in detailing the reasons which compel us to dissent from so eminent an authority.
(1.) In the first section of his article, Dr. Wiedemann publishes
a l/\c in which one of the blessings enumerated for the deceased is ^J? (I *~wv\ w ^ M M _ The partial erasure of the
a J ' U 1 1 L on this monument shows, as Dr. Wiedemann
points out, that it " belongs to the time before the reformation of Chu-en-aten." But he contends at the same time that the peculiar spelling of the phrase just quoted shows that the stela must belong to the years 4 — 6 of this king's reign. " The determinative © instead
of O behind (I in line 4 proves, that at that time the town
of Aten was already spoken of, and that the thought of this place induced the scribe to err."
Even if this inscription were otherwise carefully written, such an error would afford a very narrow foundation for any theory as to us date ; but the fact that in the space of a few short lines we find such other blunders (which are duly noted by Dr. Wiedemann) as
* XVII, pp. 152 — 157. "Inscriptions of the time of Amenophis IV." t See " An Inscription of Khuenaten," in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XV, pp. 206 — 215.
246
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Q^for (1 ° , J ^ for I ^, and 4L ^ for JL«, the
well-known appellative of the god Anpu,* is sufficient, to show that we are dealing with the work of a thoroughly careless and incom- petent scribe. Of course there may be some special reason, apart from general ignorance, for the commission of any particular blunder in writing, but it is hardly safe to assume it, and still less is it safe to found a theory on the assumption. But in the present instance it seems that an equally valid reason, other than that assumed by Dr. Wiedemann, might be suggested for the scribe's error. The substitution of ^ for £3, in addition to that of © for Q, might well lead us to infer that the engraver of the inscription had been furnished with a not-too-well-written manuscript to copy ; and that provided his transcription of each individual character were a possible one, he was not careful about the general sense.
Even granting this, however, it might conceivably be urged that the fact of his being accustomed to see the determinative of a town
written after the word (I , influenced the scribe in his transcrip-
I AAAAAA
tion. But, in fact, we hardly ever find either (I or
I AAAAAA
fO) (I written with © as a determinative, but almost always
I AAAAW
with O; so that the influence of habit would be entirely the other
way.t We cannot, therefore, admit that the spelling (Jaaaaaa
1 © proves that the inscription belongs to a time when " the town of
Aten was already spoken of;" and as the simple mention of the suirs
* Mr. Renouf has already suggested that a similar mistake might be the origin of the reading Hr ^s ^ Jj in two copies of Chapter CX of the Book of the Dead. See Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XVII, p. 99. The present case confirms his suggestion.
t See for examples of the usual way of spelling both these names, Lepsius, Denkmdhr, III, Bl. 91 a, gii, 92, 93, 94, and 97 e. That the determinative circle employed is intended for ©, and not Q, may be seen from 106 b, where the
latter determinative is clearly marked in the expression 41 ^. See also Prisse,
1 © ©
Monuments, PI. XII, line 4. In Lepsius, Denkinmer, III, 105 b, and c, the sign
C°3
« I —\ |\ AAAAAA L_~-J f\ AAA/V
nr dependent from the circle in both (J n and ■¥■ (J V?
1 ' T ob' T
additional corroboration.
247 T 2
AAAAAA
is an
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
disk might occur in almost any period of ancient Egyptian history, there does not seem to us any reason for ascribing this monument to the reign of Ahu-en-aten at all.
(2.) In the fifth section of his article Dr. Wiedemann attempts to show that Tii, the wife of Amenhetpu III, was not actually the mother, but the mother-in-law of Ahu-en-aten. This theory was put forward ten years ago in an important article by M. Bouriant,* but his argument was too briefly stated to be in any way conclusive. " La reine Tii," he says, " qui est, en effet, representee dans l'un des tombeaux de Tell el-Amarna, comme venant faire visite a V ombre de Rd, dans le temple d'Aten, est qualifiee de ' royale mere de la fern me royale.' Khunaten n'etait done pas son fils, mais simplement son gendre."f To this statement we can only reply by the direct negative. So far as we can see, Tii is not styled " royal mother of the royal wife," but "royal mother, great royal wife."
Dr. Wiedemann's own position is not quite clear ; but as he
apparently allows that I I ^s&=? ^ means " royal mother,
^reat royal wife," while he seems to consider the meaning of to be " royal mother of the great royal wife,"
we conclude that he takes the <ww\a of the second phrase as a
preposition, as if it were found written I /WVAA* I *^r=* o.
This of course is quite a possible construction ; but we, in common presumably with the majority of Egyptologists, had taken «w as a
complementary sign to I, and considered the c± as at once performing the duty of a complementary to I, and at the same
tim'e joining with / in spelling l Q "mother." According to
this view the phrase might be written out as follows : I
I /WV>AA C2l
* Recueil de travaux, Tom VI, pp. 41 — 56. A Thebes. In Le Livre des Rots, by MM. E. Brugsch and Bouriant the same theory also appears. Under No. 351 are arranged cai touches of " la reine Tii," and under No. 375 cartouches of the " mere de la reint Tii ;" but it is difficult to see what principle has guided the editors in their arrangement.
t Recuetl de travaux. Tom VI, p. 52. The scene referred to is published in Lepsius, Denkmaler, III, 101. Curiously enough Tii's titles are given in one case in this plate in a form which compels even Dr. Wiedemann to admit that she L sometimes styled Royal Mother.
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
I
"^r=* cs. To this construction also we do not think that
exception can possibly be taken by any Egyptian scholar ; and it appears to be supported by such an arrangement of the characters as
we find in Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, icod, \ e* I ^fe^, where
it might plausibly be argued that the / is written above in order
to exhibit both the groups I and clearly before the
eye. It is true that Dr. Wiedemann appears to consider this method of writing the title a mistake ; but he has surely failed to observe
that it occurs at least as frequently as the J. ^ form,* and
I /SA/VSAA
consequently has as good a right to be considered correct.
But what appears to us to be really decisive of the question is a
method of writing the title in which the two groups which compose
f ^ xj ^ n ^_, <=> '
it are reversed, T and instead of 1 ^ I -^ q we have I ^q) q
( \ t{ ^ m ]• This must read "great royal wife, royal mother," and
if 1 has the simple value of "royal mother" in this instance,
there can be no valid reason why it should be assumed to have the additional value of " royal mother of" in the other instances.
In connection with this question the titles which are given to Net'emit-Maut, who was admittedly a blood-relation of the queen of
Ahu-en-aten, are especially valuable. X She is designated 1/
* See for instance, Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, 101, 102. In the second of these passages we have the ^wwv omitted. It is especially worthy of note that this occurs in writing the name and dignities of the same scribe as in \ood. In one
case he is ll Q f£ ris?* and in the other | "1 j2c=5-. In view
in other places, we think the burden rests with Dr. Wiedemann to prove that they are not so here.
t Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, ior. See Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XV, p. 213 ; Lepsius, Konigsbuch, II, Taf. XXVIII, 374/'; and E. Brugsch and Bounant, Livte des Pots, Nos. 351, 375.
X Lepsius, Denkmiiler, III, 109. See also Lepsius, Kdnigsbuch,Tz.{. XXIX, 397 ; and E. Brugsch and Bouriant, Livre des Pois, No. 374.
249
of the fact that
are universally admitted to be equivalents
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
^ A\ q J) , in which it is evident that, as the phrase I 1^=* does
not refer to her, the name of the queen to whom it does refer has been inserted in order to remove ambiguity. On the analogy of this title, therefore, we should expect to find Tii, if she really were the mother
of the queen, styled ^ fg - ("»f» IJUJ j ^ ](\Sf j
simply.* Another point might also be mentioned. Net'emit-Maut, being sister to Nefertiit, must likewise, on Dr. Wiedemann's theory, be a daughter of Tii and presumably of Amenhetpu III. But in
that case should we not expect to find her styled I. ^ l^^=: on the
monuments ? This title, however, does not appear to have been given to her, and we may therefore infer that she was not of Egyptian royal descent, and that her sister Nefertiit consequently was not the daughter of Tii.f These considerations are not of course in them- selves conclusive ; but they add considerable weight to the previous arguments, which were drawn from a review of the different forms of Tii's titles found on the monuments.
* It might possibly be urged that the similarity of the phrases I ° P ^ and 1 ^F 1 ^ ^ is an argument in favour of Dr.
£$ AAAAAA | C^i *d> I AAAAAA I f~\ <___->
Wiedemann's view that the two ladies were the sister and mother of the queen. But it is not safe to take a phrase away from its context ; it might equally well be argued that the very fact of this similarity of phrase compelled the insertion of the queen's name in the description of her sister in order to differentiate the two forms of title.
t A list of the children of Amenhetpu III appears to be given in Lepsiu% Denkmaler, III, Bl. 86a and />; but it is too defaced to be of any u^e on this question.
250
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
COPTIC FRAGMENTS.
May 13, 1895.
Dear Sir,
During a recent visit to Egypt I procured the following Coptic fragments : —
(a) Vellum, one leaf, about 12 in. x 9-5 in., pages AXO — It (49 — 5°)> written in red and black in a large rather careless hand. Contains the Sahidic version of Gen. xiii, 1 [ to xiv, 7. Gen. xiv, 2-7 is wanting in Ciasca's edition of the Sahidic Old Testament, and is, so far as I know, unpublished.
This leaf is said to have come from near Akhmim.
(b) Vellum, portions of two leaves, about 4^ in. x 33 in., con taining the Sahidic version of part of Psalm civ (cv), 6-20, pages 129-132.
This fragment was purchased in Cairo with some others con- taining portions of the New Testament.
I remain,
Yours' faithfully,
John E. Gilmore.
^th August, 1895.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
The Coptic fragments which you have sent me, are, so far as I have identified them, parts of the Sahidic version of the Bible. But it is possible that the manuscript from which they were taken was liturgical in character, and only biblical as far as containing extracts more or less copious, from the Holy Scriptures.
251
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGY. [1895.
In the following copy of the larger extracts, I have made no attempt to restore the accentuation of the whole, but have only retained the signs of accentuation in the words where they are visible.
There are about 12 letters in each line of the MS., and the small fragments are in such mutilated condition that no context can be presented. The larger fragments are well worth publishing. I wish we had more of them.
P. le Page Renouf.
Genesis, Chapter xiii.
11. ... T"neprx;oPoc XJLniop^^itHc* <lX(jut" Tuoofit eftoX&rt Juuuti. ncy^- <LYnu)px e&oX no-*<L not&- jULneqcort.
12. <L ,Lfip£JUL OVCD,?, £,JUL U.K&£, li^Q^m.^n JULrt
Xcjut" £,uxJoq <LqoTa),p> ^rt ttioXic rtJULneprx°Poc ^.qajume ,P,p£.i £,rt co^ojul^.
13. rtpuxmte 2^e ex^it co^ojul^. rce ^ermortHpoc ire <l**(ju Ttpeqpnofie exx^rre ZiinejULTo e&oX Unxoeia
14. nexe nitoirre rt<Lftp<*Jui juLrtnc<LTpe Xcjot" nuupx e&oX juumoq. xe qi^/rK e&p^i Tenox £~jul njut<L eTJuuuLi/c eneJUL^iT- julH tiih&t" Jxsi nejuurr julk oa-X^cc^..
15. xe HK£.£, T"Hpq eTeKrt<LT epoq *f rt^T^^q rt<LK Axrt neKcnspJUL^ oj<l ene£,.
is. <lycjd *f" n^.p neKcnepjuti. rtee juLnecyuo Tuulttk<l£,.
ectjxe o-*n (Tojul itoy^. een ncyuo Jxy\k&.£j
CTeqcym juut TeqoYecyc. 17. xe 'f it<LTA.^q rt<LK JuCri T~eKcnepjUL<L uj<l eite£,. is. <s/*(jo <l <&.fip£.£/LJUi nume e&oX <Lqei <Lqo**uo(p,
&A.T&H rtnajHit jutJUL^ftpH h<li eneqcyoon ,p^rt
X^pon ^.qKuox rto**eHci<LCT-Hpiort juuixoeic.
252
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Chapter xiv.
1. Acctjcjone 2^e &R TJULrrrepo n^juii.pcbz.p nppo nxe cerc<L<Lp* ^picox nppo Trre ceXX<L<Lp- ;X;o2^o**XX<lvojulop nppo rt<u JJLsi e^.pK^.2^ nppo mt&eenoc.
2. <L-*eipe novnoX^fjuLoc Jm &<0\<lk nppo rtco- 2^ojul<l jul rt &A.pc<L nppo nvojuLopp^- jutn cenn^-i.p nppo n<L2,<jjuL<L £.**co iuiri cmuLoftop* nppo nce&oeiJUL- jmrt nppo rtft<LX<LK- exe t^'i T~e cHvaop.
3. H^-i THpoT <Lvqi AJLn ne*yepHV exJX. ni<uuL julX^, t<u xe e^X^cc^n nne&JULonr
4. <Lvp .p.jul^^.X nxo^oXXovojuLop- rtJULrcT~crcoo*rce npojuLne* ^n TJUtrtxcyojuLTe npojuine £/*c<l- £/joov eftoX.
5. ^H TJULe.p.juLnx^qTe ^e npoJULne <*.qei h<5"i ^Xo^oXXorojuLop- AJCri nepuu ot exrcjuum^q. &.s<fox(fex nnviv^-c excyoon ^rt ^cT^puoe K^pn.muL' julh £,en£,eenoc eixoop hjuuul^lt A.VCU itnoJu.i.ioc n^-ieTcyoon &n ci.tR T~noXic.
e. juLn ne^oppeoc ni.ieT"ajoon £,jul mroox rcceeip* aj<L £»P^-i eTTepejULinooc juLcbi.pp^rc- T~<u
6T^!t TepHJULOC. iTKOTOT <LYei e£,p<LI €Xtt
T"nHVH m-eKpicic eTi.i -re k<L2,rc <*,-*(jo <lt-
6^0x6^.
Psalm cv. {Sept.)
e rceqcurrn . . .
7. [n]xoq ne nxoeic nerconrre neq ....
10 Ti-VAJL^.- <lyuj nmX eT^i^-OHKH cy<L eHe£,.
11. eqxcojULoc xe -fn<L'fn<LK JU.U.K&.& rtx^-^^n ncK . . . no-y^, m-eTnKXHponojuLii.
The fragment continues up to r. 20.
253
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S95.
NOTES DE PHILOLOGIE EGYPTIENNE.
Par Karl Piehl.
(Suite.)*
97. L'edition des textes des pyramides de Saqqarah venant de paraitre au complet,t nous sommes maintenant en mesure de jeter un coup d'ceil d'ensemble sur cette literature, la plus ancienne du monde. Nous pouvons aussi a loisir en etudier la langue, tache d'autant plus curieuse que cette langue offre des differences tres notables, quant a la grammaire, par rapport a d'autres epoques, plus connues, de l'egyptien.
M'interessant tout particulierement au dictionnaire egyptien, je me permettrai cette fois de continuer ce que j'ai commence dans une noce anterieure J — j'entends examiner la maniere dont l'editeur a traduit et explique une serie de mots qui se voient aux textes des pyramides. A ce sujet, je crois devoir faire remarquer que la plupart de ces mots se rencontrent dans des textes d'autres periodes de l'histoire egyptienne, quoique ce fait quelque fois paraisse etre dissimule par l'ecriture que tel ou tel mot revet, quant a l'ancien empire.
(«) ° 1^ • Ce radical, tres frequent, signifie originairement,
" accomplir, fmir, achever, fermer," etc. De la signification originaire derive fort logiquement celle de negation, comme je l'ai releve ailleurs. Aux textes de Pepi II, se rencontre (1. 767) l'expression
suivante: ^^J^^T^A^!^^^
* Voir Proceedings, XVI, page 254.
+ Vers le milieu du mois de Juillet passe. L'article merae porte la date du 22 decembre, 1892, ce qui n'empeche pas, que les epreuves en aient pu etre corrigees 4 ou 5 mois plus tard. Voir Recneil de Vieweg, XIV, Livraisons 3 et 4.
* Proceedings, XV, page 249 et suiv.
254
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
¥X. VhQ °lU'a tracmite* M- Maspero delasorte: "Salutatoi," CEil d'Horus, qu'il a muni de ses deux mains creatricesP Ici je crois devoir traduire : " Salut a toi, oeil d'Horus, qu'il a rempli de ses deux mains reuuies." II est vrai que le copte possede un verbe T<LJUUO, 0<LJUUO,t ayant le sens de " creer, faire," mais ce sens
n'a pas ete reconnu jusqu'ici pour le mot V\ de la langue
ancienne; et du reste, le mot copte qui equivaut a ^^_^ V\ est plutot T03JUL, OCUJUL.
Tres-instructif pour le sens du passage cite* est celui-ci : j (I ^§\
" II a parcouru les deux ciels entiers, il a passe les deux parties de l'Egypte."
Nous n'avons pas besoin de nous homer a l'ancien empire pour trouver des exemples du sens " entier, complet," quant au mot
Ys\ . En voici un, § datant des basses epoques : — » — f\
u5m\s==U 7 $J ' • Ici x joue le
^ 1 If — h— I I I ^n=ir £ *jys 11 /J o I I
role, qu'a tres souvent le mot J^\ dans les inscriptions de la meme periode. — Pour un autre exemple, on peut consulter Naville, Litanie, page 18.
Le sens "entier, complet, tout" que nous attribuons a. s V\
derive naturellement des significations, "accomplir, achever," que tout le monde a adoptees pour ce vocable.
(£) /www \ \ signifie, "jambes, cuisses,"comme les egyptologues
s'accordent a admettre depuis longtemps. Dans cet emploi, le mot
est synonyme de (I $ ^ ^ \ , comme nous le prouve une comparaison
* Recueil, XII, page 160.
t Ce verbe pouriait bien etre 1'equivalent de l'ancien fiJj\ ^ | , qui aurait subit des changements phonetiques, par suite d'un jeu de l'analogie.
t Pyra?nide d'Ounas, 1. 514. M. Maspero a ici tres bien rendu sT^ir |^ per " entier." "
§ Mariette, Dendirahy IV, 306.
255
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1895.
entre les deux exemples suivants : (1 — v^ fAM* \ S ^ * et
Par contre ^wwa *| j[ ne signifie pas "pieds," et le passage que
-9 q ^
voici : <fe\ O <~> ^^ .11 + ne peut se traduire, "fille de Ra,
qui est .^r /<?.$■ pieds de Ra," comme le veut M. Maspero,§ mais " fille de Ra, qui est sur les jambes — c'est-a-dire stir le sein — du dieu." Cette difference d'acception paraitra peut-etre insignifiante, mais elle ne Test pas, si Ton regarde le role mythologique qu'elle implique dans 1'un et l'autre cas. Celle qui est sur les pieds du dieu-solaire le foule sous les pieds ; elle est par consequent son ennemi. Celle qui est sur le sein du dieu est intime avec lui, et c'est la un role qui convient a la fille du dieu.
Evitons done d'employer le sens "pieds" pour le mot .www \\.
(/) — nous est deja connu par le Dictionnaire de Brugsch,
J a I qui y attache fort bien la signification " pilote." Le mot en question
se retrouve aux textes des pyramides dans la phrase suivante : (I — ^.[1^; I |l ce qu'a rendu M. Maspero^I de la sorte
mmmI U O I I
"biens de qui est dans I'ceil de la barque divine;" et aussi dans
1 expression suivante /v (I-
0,**traduiteparM. Maspero,!!
de la sorte : " gateaux a qui est dans Tceil de Ra."
Traduisons "biens du pilote de la barque divine," "gateaux du pilote de Ra," les deux passages susmentionne's.
(d) 1 u 1 1 @ . Ce mot se rencontre dans les inscriptions de la pyramide de Merenra, ou a la ligne 769, on lit ceci: ( © ^ww J □ v\aL=^_ taU 'V fan — 1 J gQL q ce qui a ete traduit: + + "car c'est Mirinri qui empoigne la couronne blanche like a. la
* Pyramide de Pepi I, 1. 401. t Brugsch, Thesaurus, page 461.
X Pyramide de Pepi II, 1. 956. § Reaieil, XII, page 1 84.
|| Pyramide de Pepi II, 1. 625 = Tela, I. 91, = Merenra, 1. 241. H Recueil, V, page 15. ** Pyramide d'Ounas, 1. 184.
tt Recueil, III, page 197. XX Recueil, XI, page 27.
256
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
couronne verte," truduction qui reellement repond au fonds de notre passage. Toute fois, c'est par pur hazard que cette con- cordance entre forme et fonds &'est etablie. Car dans la traduction
citee, \[D n'a pas ete rendu; et crsr: J <£ ne signifie pas "Her."
II est vrai, que Brugsch * depuis longtemps nous a fait connaitre
la racine r~rc— 1 J " her," mais cette racine n'a guere a faire avec notre
groupe 1 . 1 ] GL .
Ce dernier est a regarder comme une variante ou une forme dialectale du vocable *£ lg\ J (j> qui notoirement denote le croc
qui orne la couronne rouge >/ .
Notre passage se traduit done de la maniere que voici : "c'est Merenra qui saisit la couronne blanche qui s'appuie sur le croc de la couronne verte."
{?) A.. L(l o "racine." Ce pretendu groupe ne m'est connu que
o n
d'un seul passage de texte — Pepi II, 1. 662 — oil se lit: ™™
\) (](]\^njlj> ce l11'3- traduit M. Maspero de la sorte: "ce
jour de repousser les Rayonnatits qui te disent la racine de Pepi Noferkeri. — Dire: Ja. Hai."
II est evident que A..L(j<=> de ce passage doit se couper en
deux: J_ L "ceci" et (jo '-'pere," ce dernier titre applique au roi
defunt, qui souvent s'appelle " pere," dans les textes des pyramides. La fin de notre citation signifie done " dire ceci, 6 pere Pepi, a savoir Ta. Haa." Quant au debut, il me semble douteux qu'il
existe un verbe A ^ J\ "repousser." Je lirais plutot I J\, ce qui fournit un mot frequent et dont l'emploi est connu. D'ailleurs le mot "racine " s'ecrit .L-l-o -fir aux textes des pyramides. Evitons done d'adoDter le mot inexact _!-Lllo "racine."
* Wbrterbuch VII, page 11 74. 257
IP
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AXCH.EOLOGY. [1S95.
(/) X fl^jL • Ce mot, il y a longtemps, a ete explique par
M. Le Page Renouf,* comme signifiant "vapeur," acception que, entre autres, Brugsch t a cru devoir admettre. M. Maspero le traduit partout par "flamrae," comme dans cette expression-ci :
r=> qu'il a traduite : " lis elevent Pepi Noferkeri au ciel, au O
ciel, sur la flamme de l'encens." j Nous prefererions traduire de la
sorte : " lis enlevent Pepi vers le ciel, dans les vapeurs de l'encens."
Ces dernieres paroles nous paraissent plausibles, car elles repondent
a. ce que Fame exaltee peut sentir au milieu des bouffees d'encens
qui s'elevent vers le haut — et il ne faut pas oublier que le langage
des textes des pyramides est un langage concret, emprunte en grande
partie a la vie de tous les jours.
t^ » 1 • (^^ n $\ <===>\ ^^^ <=^> ^
De meme, le passage suivant : <cz> (I ^X D ^) V
Q A I Jl /vwwx (1 <^> ne signifie pas "sa bouche se manifeste par
la flamme de la grande rosie," § car la rosee n'a pas de flamme. II faut plutot traduire, " il sort sur la vapeur de la grande rosee," et par la on se sert d'une expression parfaitement logique, car la rosee se transforme en vapeur ou resulte de vapeur.
Gardons alors pour le mot ft jl^(J|le sens "vapeur," etabli et
admis par tout le monde, et effacons celui de "flamme," introduit par M. Maspero.
(§") \J 1 ■ 1 (j$ mot jusqu'ici inconnu, qui selon M. Maspero
fournirait un nouveau nom d'astre. Voici le passage || d'oii le pretendu vocable a ete tire :
* Zeitschrift, 1877, page 107. t IVoiterbuck, VI, page 859.
+ Reaieil de Vieweg, XII, page 1S4. La traduction " elever," proposee par
M. V. Loret et adoptee par M. Maspero pour c*=5\ f a ^te montree etre inexacte par nous (Proceedings, XII, page 374). Le passage d'Ounas e*e='\ [I
*\ -t?\ ^- — ^ *^1 j~\ ^ ^3 A^^A^
I V^ k\\ /vs (1- 493) rnontre l'inanite de la traduction "elever " pour le
verbe en question, a moins qu'on n'etablisse l'equation : elever = baisser, ce qu serait porter atteinte a la langue francaise.
§ Pepi II, ligne 747. II Pyramide de Merenra, ligne 765.
258
Nov. 51 PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
D <=> [1 PR
(o^ — J D^J^Va^
{ .^P <==> J I 0 I A *— > ce clue notre excellent confrere
V —J\ /WW\A 111 U
avait rendu par : " c'est Mirinri, l'astre Ouapshou, et le ciel admet ce Pepi (en lui) comme dieu defenseur."* L'explication que nous voudrions soutenir dans ce cas, a a peu pres la forme suivante : " Merenra est une etoile qui parseme le ciel {de rayons) ; ce Pepi monte, comme dieu defenseur."
Contre I'acception de M. Maspero parlent plusieurs particularites.
Ainsi, le groupe ^ £tj\ n'a pas le sens transitif ; t pour en avoir,
il aurait fallu inserer le prefixe I , caracteristique des causatifs egyptiens. Puis, une expression " l'astre Ouapshou " s'ecrirait plutot [ I * \<J 1 1 (/? * , c'est-a-dire determined par une etoile.
Cfr. H 11 * <=s^ -Pi * "l'etoile du matin."J
Le groupe \J < ' (j& nous est connu depuis longtemps, et
Brugsch l'a deja insere dans son grand dictionnaire.§ Toutefois le sens "illuminer, eclairer," que l'eminent savant allemand attache au mot en question, n'est que secondaire. La signification originaire est peut-etre : " parsemer, jeter 9a et la," comme pour l'expiession
suivante, empruntee a un texte de basse epoque: °„Q}
C3
*=* i " Je parseme ton siege d'ceil d'Horus.
r~\ o o o
Eliminons done le pretendu vocable \J 1 1 [Jr " l'astre
Ouapshou."
{h) ^n^|l \\ , 3 "Kaid," nom d'etoile selon l'editeur des textes des pyramides. Le passage 011 a ete releve ce nom nouveau est celui-chfl (j \^\ (1 ® IMIMMi ^H^kT^
* Recueil de Vieweg, XI, page 26. t Voir plus loin de notre article. % Pyramide de Pepi 11, ligne 948. -§ Hierogl. dem., Worterbuch, I, page 58. I] DumiCUEN, Baageschichte des Dendercitempeh, pi. 47. ^[ Pyramide de Tela, ligne 239 — Pyramide d'Ounas, ligne 419.
259
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
® \\\fi il ^^^^Ti^^"0 terreur
_ a Jf 111 ' I JJ ** ^T <s>- _m^. WL 111 ^wws d^
des champs de Ka'id et d1 Apaou-an-sibou, lorsqu'ils ont vu le pilier de Konsii,"* comme l'a traduit M. Maspero. Je ne crois pas etre
trop hardi en ecartant V\ I J\!\ n\ h_J\ \ .QJL^ ^3^5 comme
un mot compose, ce qui nous autorise a lire le groupe que le suit
ant. Par la, nous obtenons un mot comprehensible au
point de vue etymologique, tandisque Ka'id reste inexplicable.
J'imagine que ceux qui connaissent l'astronomie egyptienne pourront etabler un lien intime — non seulement sous le rapport de
l'etymologie ! — entre (I v\ , et
Pour le moment, il me suffit d'avoir ecarte le pretendu mot nom d'etoile."
*
(/) ® II Sous cette forme, les textes des pyramides
/W\AAA 0 0 ( )
donnent un mot que l'editeur en a cru devoir couper en deux, et qu'il traduit, " embrasser les deux horisons." Les variantes de ce groupe
compose sont fort peu de nombre — on rencontre ® V f )
et ® v^ *~ — et nulla part je n'ai trouve les deux precedes
/■•WVNA
de 1!k , la lecture habituelle de "l'horison," quant a cet order de
textes. Cette derniere circonstance fournit une preuve indirecte a. l'appui de notre these. Examinons d'ailleurs quelques exemples de
l'emploi du groupe H | J
5P «k Pepi ^ •
* Recueil de Vieweg, IV, page 47. La transcription Apaou-an-sibou ne me plait pas non plus, pour le groupe ^ v\ fjl | I \\ ' wPf^.. Celui-ci est
compose de ^ v\ " ce qui sont devant " et Ml | I 1 " le pilier des
etoiles." Mais la tete humaine fy ne se lit pas— a ma connaissance — dp avant l'entree des basses epoques. A mon avis, il faut la lire ici tep, et la gruupe entier: Tepdou -an-sibou.
26d
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
" Pepi* va sur ces deux horisons du ceil " [M. Maspero :f " Ce Pepi va pour embrasser ces deux horisons du ciel."]
— QtlTO^00 1 fvY—^O J «^«(= passer
les deux horisons du ciel par la barque de Ra [M. Maspero :§ "Fais que la barque de Ra soit enfermee entre les deux horisons du ciel."]
Evidemmment, je rapproche ® O du groupe frequent
/WW\A v! 0 C )
I T, II qu'on rencontre souvent pendant le nouvel Empire.
I AAAAfW I
(k) 1 •>§ jh- Tihont, nora de deesse que M, Maspero a
releve deux fois dans les textes de Tctaf\ et qui n'a pas ete corrige par lui pour les passages correspondants des autres pyramides. Nous avons evidemment a. remplacer le nora nouveau par le nom
ancien Q Jk, qui se voit dans d'autres textes de la meme epoque.**
(/) ^ ££\ a ete rendu par "entrer," et son causatif par
" introduire," tandisque le vrai sensff de ce vocable est "monter," caus. " faire monter, elever." Dans les textes des pyramides, je n'ai nulle part rencontre un <cr^> final pour se mot, ni dans les variantes a determinatifs, ni dans celles qui manquent de cette particularite
graphique. Neanmoins il est certain que ^ rjm equivaut ^ T^T , plus moderne quoique le <rz> du premier ait ete passe
grace a son caractere de liquida sonans. Comme temoignage de cette equation, je citerai :
\ gg\ 'I [Teta, 281] = o3^ *
[von Bergmann, Recueil, VI, 165.]
A 0 5^3: /waa q J (pIEHLj Im ffUr^ LXXXII, 6) = k
m AAAAAA
h3r\ ' — ^b fl \Merenra, 460].
(;//) aaaaaa vfsf " Se poser." Ce sens, propose par M. Maspero
AAAAAA OC
pour le mot en question, n'est guere exacte. Pour l'accepter, il
* Pyramide de Pepi I, ligne 392. t Recueil de Viezveg, VII, page 109.
% Pyramide de Pepi I, ligne 177. § Recueil de Viezveg, V, page 188.
|| BRUGSCH, Wbrterbuch,lV , page 1295. IT Pyramide de Teta, lignes 89, 90. ** Inscription biographique d'Ouna, ligne 40. tt Brugsch, Wbrterbuch, I, pages 204, 205.
261 U
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
faudrait connaitre une variante, dormant pour determinatif un ideo- gramme, designant "s'asseoir." Mais je n'en connais pas pour ma part. Mieux vaut alors admettre le sens, donne il y a longtemps par Brugsch,* a savoir, " planer, se soutenir les ailes immobiles." Les
textes des pyramides nous font voir le mot /www v£C en qualite de synonyme du verbe ^^_ ^\^ "voler." Un passage comme celui-ci : f
-crr> O ne signifie done pas "Ounas vole comme un oiseau, il se pose comme un scarabee," } mais plutot, " Ounas vole comme un oiseau, il plane comme un scarabee." Ici, www vK peintlemouve-
ment irregulier et gauche le voltigement du scarabee, qui veut voler, sans pouvoir le faire comme un veritable oiseau.
Le determinatif vj< represente une scene, souvent vue par ceux
qui ont visite la campagne de l'Egypte. C'est un oiseau aquatique — le grebe je crois — qui plane dans l'air, en attendant le momeut favorable pour plonger dans le canal du Nil, d'oir il va rapporter un poisson.
*****
Voila une douzaine de mots — la plupart depuis longtemps con- nue — pour lesquels l'editeur des textes des pyramides a propose des acceptions, plus ou moins inadmissibles. Mais par la, on ne peut pas dire que la liste des inexactitudes, relatives au dictionnaire Egyptien, soit videe, comme quelques autres exemples, pris au hazard, prouvent surabondamment. Que dit-on de la traduction
"peres," proposee pour le group (J ' de l'expresston suivante:§
1 bbb
"tu as frappe les peres, tu as moissonne les orges "] ! Le paral- lelisme des membres aurait du amener le traducteur a voir en
* Worterbuch, III, page ro89. + Pyr amide d Ounas, ligne 477. J Rccueil de Vieweg, IV, page 56. § Recueil, V, page 4J. 262
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
(1 et \l Iff deux choses analogues. II est vrai que le
lobb J o III
mot (I n'est pas au dictionnaire de Brugsch a Pendroit ou Con
pouvait s'attendre a le rencontrer — j'entends sous la lettre (I — mais
si Ton consulte la page 1527 du Vol. IV, on le retrouve tout de meme avec l'explication necessaire. Est-ce peut-etre la misinter- pretation au point de vue mythologique du dit passage qui a conduit
notre collegue francaise a traduire cette phrase-ci : P w~" 9 ^
de la maniere suivante*(" Je suis Horus, qui venge son pere) j'ai frappe pour toi, te frappant" par quoi le jeune Horus, vengeur de son pere, devient egalement le chatieur de son pere !
Pourquoi traduire f ^^ Par "la crainte," quand Brugsch
nous en a fort bien appris le sens " eine besondere Entenart?" Ou ^>1 " par "l'Occident," quand le meme lexicographe nous enseigne qu'il signifie le contraire, a savoir "l'Orient?" Ou <==>i>^L tant°t Par '"colombe," tantot par "epervier?" Cette derniere hesitation entre deux acceptions, assez divergentes, est peut- etre due a Brugsch, qui dans son Dictionnaire (VII, page 1334) embrasse les deux sens. Evidemment celui d'eperi'ier ou ne oiseau congenere est le seul admissible, comme nous le prouvent les representations, peintes sur certains coffies funeraires et relatives
a. l'oiseau <zr> A^.
Tar ces observations nous croyons avoir montre que nombre de mots, employes aux textes des pyramides, ont ete mal interpretes par l'editeur de ces textes, surtout parce qu'il a omis de consulter les dictionnaires, deja existants, quant a. ces mots.
98. La preposition Copte rtGJUL est du nombre des mots du l'egyptien chretien dont on ignore l'origine. II est vrai que nous rencontronsquelquefoisdes essais de la rapprocher de (I nh ' ^V
de la langue ancienne, mais ces essais sont si timides que nous n'avons guere de quoi nous en occuper d'une maniere serieuse.
Provisoirement, je proposerai de voir en | Vv ) l'equivalent
* Recueil, XI, page 1. t Recucil, IV, page 58.
26^
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
hieroglyphique du Cope HCJUL, et en faveur de cette equation je citerai les exemples suivants :
III q \\o| _M>> <=» 1 il o 1 c=^^ ^^ f /WWVA in
"peindre avec de 1' 'anti ainsi que ( = joint a) de la couleur Roi sur une piece de linge."*
\% m± c^> o fn 1 oVo (J o I J^ ^= \\ HH o 1 <^> SH
^ (I ««A 5 "peindre avec de Yanti et du parfum frais, ainsi que
AAAAAA I H
de la couleur Roi," sur un morceau d'etoffe rouge."!)
*wwv\ AAAAA/ SWSVJ\
/www ^n
ft/WWA C\
_ n-r=r^Us.
/WAAA ft ^\^ U(J fl 0 Peindre avec
5
de Yanti seche, ainsi que de Vnot du midi, ainsi que de l'eau du puits de l'Occident, sur une piece d'etoffe verte."|
_ /www SOF f~. I I
"On lui donna une ^*~ o I ||
chevre, ayant la valeur de 2 unites de poids, ainsi que 5 pieces de
Uot egalement on lui donna 5 morceaux de bois."§
Je crois ne pas etre trop hardi en enoncant que l'emploi de
de ces exemples presente une analogie tres
frappante a, l'emploi qu'on fait de la preposition ItCJUL dans la langue neoegyptienne. On a peut-etre de quoi deriver la seconde
* Todtb., chap. 101, ligne 5. + Ibid., 164, ligne 10.
% Ibid., 163, ligne 15. Cfr. a ce sujet Pleyte, Chapitres supplementaires du Livre des Morts, page 185, cm Ton trouve les raisons de la modification de la
lecture c<=>\ ft 0 du Todtb., en celle de ^""^ ft C
§ Inscriptions in the hier. and dem. character, pi. XXIV. M. W. Spiegel- berg {Recueil de Vieweg, XV, p. 141) vient de donner une petite etude relative a ce texte difficile. En general, nous tombons d'accord avec les vues de ce jeune savant, quant a notre ostracon. Le seul point ou nous declinons d'accepter ses transcriptions, c'est concernant quelques uns des chiffres. II faut en effet se souvenir, que le sigle hieratique, representant 4, quand il designe le quantieme du mois, equivaut a 5 pour d'autres annotations numeriques.
264
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
de la premiere. J'ajoute d'ailleurs que j'ai fonde ma lecture nem, quant au groupe i Yk\ , sur les arguments qu'ont donnes les Brugsch et Le Page Renouf en faveur de la dite lecture.
II m'est connu qu'il y a des egyptologues qui attribuent a | V\ la valuer de u/iem} mais je n'ai pas vu de preuves satisfaisantes
etablissant cette equation, et le fait, que le copte onfOJ^eAA
X R quelquefois a un sens identique a celui de I f\, ne me parait pas
definitivement resoudre le probleme. Car OTCJO^eJLR. peut fort bien deriver de OfeQ, de meme que p. ex. eiCDpeJUL derive de I pi. 99. Le papyrus Abbot contient (page VII, ligne 10) une expres- sion que tout le monde parait avoir meconnue. Voici ce qu'on y a lu :
1 1 1
c'est la a peu pres la lecture commune de Chabas, de M. Maspero et de M. von Lemm (Lesestiicke). La traduction de Chabas:* "Et comme il fit sa jactance pour les lieux," et celle de M. Maspero :f "Or apres qu'il eut profere des paroles par rapport aux lieux," s'accordent tres bien, comme explication de notre passage. Toute- fois, je ne connais aucun exemple en faveur d'une acception sem-
blable de l'expression v\ ^=^ ^=^_ .
Cette expression n'est du reste pas la reproduction exacte de
l'original hieratique qui plutot renferme ceci : V\ ^ — f\ ><— .
En introduisant cette petite correction, nous avons pour le passage entier le sens suivant : " II a ouvert sa bouche contre les lieux grands."
La maniere dont le scribe a ici rendu le groupe <~f>, ne peut
faire sujet d'etonnement, si nous regardons le mot [I 0A -"^v ^
de la meme page (VII), ligne 11, car <=f> de ce dernier groupe a exactement la meme forme que le <=j:> qui nous occupe.
* Melanges Egyptologiques, III, page 139. t Une enqucte judicaire, page 54. 265
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1895.
La locution ' r ,, nous est bien connue d'autres textes,
c-= -a W=fl 1
p. ex. (I V\ r „ 1 <c=r> ■¥- _ £u\ " n'ouvre pas ta
bouche pour proferer des jurons."*
100. En publiant son "Agyptische Grammatik," f ouvrage qui a paru ces jours-ci, M. Erman de Berlin a rendu a notre science un service signale. Quelle que soient les remarques qu'on puisse adresser a. cette grammaire — et nous en avons un certain nombre — ■ on ne peut nier qu'elle ne possede des qualites, tres serieuses, qui lui conferent une place a part parmi les publications egyptologiques qu'ont vu apparaitre les annees dernieres.
Ce n'est pas maintenant le moment de critiquer l'ouvrage entier de M. Erman, il faut du temps pour arriver a accomplir en con- science une tache aussi ardue que celle-la. En attendant que j'aie fini les recherches, indispensables a pareille entreprise, il sera peut- etre permis d'examiner certains points de detail que notre savant confrere a notre avis a traites trop a la legere.
Un tel point de detail nous est fourni par le paragraph e 372, 011 se lit : " Eine, in klassischer Sprache wohl veraltete, Verstarkung der
Negation ist T "~ _ru.," apres quoi l'auteur donne les deux seuls
exemples que voici : H I _a_^^^\ a "wenn es
nicht in eurem Besitz ist : " J i) " me ward Gleiches
gethan."
Nous croyons que cette nouvelle regie est erronee, et cela nous semble resulter d'un examen attentif des deux exemples, sur lesquels la dite regie a ete echafaudee.
La premiere citation se voit dans Penchainement de phrases
. . £L /VWW\ ra /W^M £3 tt n 1
- <=> m v& ¥\ & V\ s=> 1
1
^ vb\ ce que je crois devoir
traduire de la sorte : " Vous allez m'enrichir beaiicoup de ce que vous
;;" Inscriptions in the hicr. and dem. character XVIII. — Le sens litteral de
v\ ~ est sans doute " faire la petite bouche."
t Adolf Erman, Agyptische Grammatik) Berlin, 1894(1). Reuther und Reichard.
266
Nov. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
avez eu pres de vous ; si vous n'en avez pas, vous allez dire par votre bouche."* Ici, ~" est done une expression adverbiale —
plus souvent ecrite <rr> I =*"~ — appartenant a la phrase anterieure,
tandis que ,_n_^. introduit la phrase suivante. La nouvelle regie est done ici de trop.
Quant au second exemple de M. Erman, il se voit au milieu d'une expression dont le debut et la fin ont ete detruits, et qui par consequent peut autoriser plusieurs acceptions. Voici la dite expres- r&. .en f /VVWVN 0 <=> n r? , <2 # -a
S||.t Un passage de la meme inscription portant ceci : I ^z^ T ~^* r^% y$i, il me semble peu probable que T -cs>- , etc.,
I 0 a^vwvn -/£■. 0 d
renferme une negation ordinaire. Toutefois, il est possible que la phrase en question renferme une proposition negative: "Voici que rien de pareil n'a ete fait par aucun grand'pretre a aucune epoque " ..... mais cela serait alors la consequence d'une modification,
apportee dans la signification originaire de T "accomplir, terminer,
finir." Une traduction plus litterale sonnerait peut-etre de la sorte : "C'est fini que Taction de pareilles choses par tout grand'pretre," etc.
T jouerait alors ici un role analogue a celui de la soi-disante negation
NpnE v\ , qui n'est en realite qu'un verbe, si Ton en tient compte
de l'emploi syntactique.
Tout bien considere, on peut en toute assurance effacer la nouvelle regie, qui demanderait des preuves, bien autrement solides, pour pouvoir esperer quelque avenir dans notre science.
* Grebaut, Le musee egypiieu, pi. 18. — La maniere dont certaines publica- tions se poursuivent en egyptologie, merite d'etre signalee. Ainsi, l'editeur da " Musee egyptien " deja en 1891 s'est fait remettre tout le prix de la livraison Iere de ce Recueil, et maintenant (29 Decembre, 1893) on n'a vu paraitre que le premier fascicule de la dite livraison et pas meme celui-la au complet. A quand la suite ?
t Mariette, Mastabas, 390.
267
Nov. 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
The next Meeting of the Society will be holden on Tuesday, 3rd December, 1895, at 8 p.m., by kind permission of the Council of the Royal Institute of British Architects, in their Lecture Room, at 9, CONDUIT STREET, HANOVER SQUARE, W.
Mr. Grey Hill will read a paper on "A Journey East of the Jordan and the Dead Sea, 1895."
A large number of Photographic Lantern Slides, taken on the spot, will be shown in illustration of the journey.
268
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1895-96.
Seventh Meeting, yd December, 1895. P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CKAIR.
-#;$-
I very much regret that, owing to my having been mis- informed, though the authority appeared to be sufficiently reliable, the decease of Professor Eberhard Schrader was announced in the November Proceedings. I am happy to be able to state that Professor Schrader is now rapidly recovering from his recent illness.
[No. cxxxiii.] 269 x
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1895.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Rev. James Marshall. — CEuvres choisies de A. J. Letrorme, Membre de l'lnstitut, assemblies, mises en ordre et augmentees d'un index par E. Fagnan. Deuxieme serie, geographie et Cosmographie. 2 vols. Paris. 8vo. 1883.
From the Author : — Michael Petrovo-Solovovo. A short sketch of the History of the relations between Assyro-Babylonia and the Hebrews. (In Russian.) St. Petersburg. 8vo. 1895.
From the Author : — Rev. Alan Spencer Hawkesworth. On the identity of Hebrew and Aryan Roots. Fol. 1895.
From the Author : — Rev. James Johnstone. The Bible de- molishes the Criticism of the Higher Critics. Edinburgh. 8vo. 1895. Appendix B. 1895.
The following Candidates were submitted for election, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held on the 5th November, 1895, and were elected Members of the Society : —
Mrs. George Bennett, 4, Hampton Grove, Surbiton, Surrey.
Sam. Bergheim, 41, Norfolk Square, W.
Alfred Charles Bryant, 5, Dagmar Terrace, Alexandra Park, Wood
Green. James Johnstone, 8, Merchiston Park, Edinburgh. J. R. Mayfield, Eastbourne.
H. J. Innes Whitehouse, 107, Farleigh Road, Stoke Newington, N. A. Goodinch Williams, F.S.A., The London Institution, Finsbury
Circus, E.C. Charles Hanson Greville Williams, F.R.S., F.C.S., F.I.C., Castle-
maine, Oakhill Road, Putney, S.W.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : — The University Library, Bonn, Germany. The Me'bourne Library, Australia.
The Luxor Sporting Club. Rev. C. B. Huieatt, M.A., Librarian, Luxor, Egypt.
270
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at the next Meeting, to be held the 14th January 1896 : —
W. H. Brown, B.A., London, 21, Cambridge Street, Eccleston
Square. John Stanton, Chorley, Lancashire.
Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A., Queens' College, Cambridge. James Wheeler, Chardmore Road, Upper Clapton.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Libraries (Basil Anderton, B.A., Chief Librarian).
The following Paper was read by Mr. Gray Hill, Author of " With the Bedouins."
A JOURNEY EAST OF THE JORDAN AND THE DEAD SEA, 1895.
This Paper was illustrated by a large number of lantern slides, photographed on the spot. Many of the places of which views were exhibited have never been photographed before.
The^following is a list of some of the places visited during the journey : —
A fourth Attempt to reach Petra. Jerusalem to Yadiueh. The Beni Sakhr Beduins. Stormy weather. Ruins of Yadiudeh. Sheik Arar of Petra. A Thief. Ruins of Umm Moghr. Sheik Hazah and his relatives. A seeming reconciliation. We start for the Ruined Castle of Khauranee ; an Alarm and a Hurried Retreat. Return] to^ Umm Mogr. We try again. A strange Night in the Castle. Arrest of the Herald. No Water. The Aenezeh are coming ; we retreat again. Hazah's Camp. Ruins of Umm Shettah. We steer for Kerak. The Waters of Dimon. The Christian Boy. New Way of Fishing. The Gorge of the Arnon. The Keraki. " This is your Last Night." A Shower
271 x 2
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
of Bullets. Intervention of an Uncle. We appeal for Justice and Permission to visit Petra. Descent to the Dead Sea. The Ghor es Safiyeh. The Robber's Gully. Mr. Forder's ex- perience. A Long Day. The Pass of Ain Jidy. Home again.
Remarks were added by Messrs. Walter Morrison, Vice- President, W. G. Thorpe, P. R. Reed, Rev. R. Gvvynne, Rev. Dr. Lowy, Mr. Charles Hamilton, and Mr. Gray Hill.
Thanks were returned to Mr. Hill for this communication.
A vote of thanks to the President and Council of the Royal Institute of British Architects, for kindly allowing the Society the use of their lecture room, was proposed by Mr. Thomas Christy, seconded by Mr. F. Pollard, and carried unanimously.
A vote of thanks to the Palestine Exploration Fund for allowing the use of a copy of their large raised map of Palestine, was proposed by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, seconded by Mr. Gray Hill, and carried unanimously.
272
PLATE XXXII
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus Brit. Mu
Proc. Soc Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1895.
0. 9,90.1, and Papyrus Leyden, No. II.
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
BOOK OF THE DEAD. P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV. Part III.
[Said upon approaching to the gods who are in the Tuat. (31)]
Hail ye gods, I know you and I know your names ; let me not be stricken down by your blows : report not the evil which is in me to the god whom ye follow. Let not reverse (32) of mine come to pass through you.
Let not evil things be said against me in presence of the Inviolate One ; because I have done the right in Tamerit.
I revile not the god : let not reverse of mine come to pass through the King who resideth within His own Day. (33)
Hail ye gods who are in the Hall of Righteousness, who have nothing wrong about you; who subsist upon Righteousness in Annu, and who sate themselves with cares, (34) in presence of the god who resideth within his own Orb : deliver me from Babai who feedeth upon the livers of princes on the Day of the Great Reckon- ing.
Behold me : I am come to you, void of wrong, without fraud, a harmless one : let me not be declared guilty ; let not the issue be against me.
273
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1895.
I subsist upon Righteousness : I sate myself with uprightness of heart : I have done that which man prescribeth and that which pleaseth the gods.
I have propitiated the god with that which he loveth. I have given bread to the hungry, water to the thirsty, clothes to the naked, a boat to the shipwrecked. I have made oblations to the gods and funeral offerings to the departed : deliver me therefore : protect me therefore : and report not against me in presence of the great god.
I am one whose mouth is pure, and whose hands are pure, to whom there is said "Come, come in peace," by those who look upon him.
For I have listened to the words which were spoken by the Ass and the Cat in the house of Hept-ro. (35)
And I have undergone the inspection of the god Whose face is behind him, who awardeth my verdict (36), so that I may behold what the Persea tree covereth (37) in Restau.
I am one who glorifieth the gods and who knoweth the things which concern them.
I am come and am awaiting that inquisition be made of Right- fulness and that the Balance be set upon its stand within the bower of amaranth. (38)
0 thou who art exalted upon thy pedestal and who callest thy name, Lord of Air : deliver me from those messengers of thine who inflict disasters (39) and bring about mishaps. No covering have they upon their faces.
For I have done the Righteousness of a Lord of Righteousness.
1 have made myself pure : my front parts are washed, my back parts are pure, and my inwards steeped in the Tank of Righteous- ness. There is not a limb in me which is void of Righteousness.
I purify me in the Southern Tank, and I rest me at the northern lake, in the Garden of Grasshoppers. (40)
The Boatmen of Ra purify them there at this hour of the night or day (41) and the hearts of the gods are appeased (42) when I pass through it by night or by day.
Let him come (43) : that is what they say to me.
Who, pray, art thou ? that is what they say to me.
What, pray, is thy name ? that is what they say to me.
" He who groweth under the Grass (44) and who dwelleth in the Olive tree " is my name.
274
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S95.
Pass on, then : that is what they say to me.
I pass on to a place north of the Olive.
What, prithee, didst thou see there ?
A thigh (45) and a leg.
And what, prithee, said they to thee ?
That I shall see (46) the greetings in the lands there of the Fenchu :
What, prithee, did they give to thee?
A flame of fire and a pillar of crystal.
And what, prithee, didst thou to them ?
I buried them on the bank of the Lake of Maait as Provision of the Evening.
What, prithee, didst thou find there on the bank of the Lake of Maait ?
A sceptre of flint : ' Giver of Breath ' is its name.
And what didst thou to the flame of fire and to the pillar of crystal after thou hadst buried them ?
I cried out after them and drew them forth : and I extinguished the fire, and I broke the pillar, and I made a Tank.
Thou mayest now enter through the door of the hall of Righteousness, for thou knowest us.
I allow thee not to pass by me, saith the Leaf (47) of the Door, unless thou tell my name :
" The Pointer of Truth " (48) is thy name.
I allow thee not to pass by me, saith the right side post (49) of the Door, unless thou tell my name.
"The Scale-pan (50) of one who lifteth up Right" is thy name.
I allow thee not to pass by me, saith the left side post of the Door, unless thou tell my name :
" The Scale-pan of Wine " is thy name.
I allow thee not to pass over me, saith the Threshold of the Door, unless thou tell my name :
" Ox of Seb " is thy name.
I open not to thee, saith the Lock of the Door, unless thou tell my name :
Bone of An-maut-ef is thy name.
I open not to thee, saith the Latch, unless thou tell my name :
" The Eye of Sebak, Lord of Bachan," is thy name.
275
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S95.
I open not to thee, and I allow thee not to pass by me, saith the Keeper of the Door, unless thou tell my name :
" The Knee of Shu, which he hath lent for the support of Osiris," is thy name.
We allow thee not to pass by us, say the Lintels of the Door, unless thou tell our names :
"The dragon brood (51) of Renenut " is your name.
Thou knowest us : pass therefore by us.
I allow thee not to pass over me, saith the Floor of the Hall, for the reason that I am noiseless and clean, and because we know not the names of thy two feet, wherwith thou wouldst walk upon us. Tell me, then, their names.
" He who goeth before Amsu " is the name of my right foot : and "The Truncheon of Hathor" (52) is the name of my left foot.
Thou mayest walk over us : for thou knowest us.
I do not announce thee, saith the Doorkeeper, unless thou tell my name :
"He who knoweth the heart and exploreth the person" (53) is thy name.
Then I will announce thee.
But who is that god who abideth in his own hour ? Name him.
He who provideth for (54) the Two Worlds).
Who, pray, is it ? It is Thoth.
Come hither, saith Thoth, wherefore hast thou come ?
I am come, and wait to be announced.
And what manner of man, prithee, art thou ?
I have cleansed myself from all the sins and faults of those who abide in their own day ; for I am no longer among them.
Then I shall announce thee.
But who is he whose roof is of fire, and whose walls are living Ursei, and the floor of whose house is of running water ? Who is it ?
It is Osiris.
Proceed then : for behold, thou art announced.
Thy bread is from the Eye, thy beer is from the Eye, and the funeral meals offered upon earth will come forth to thee from the Eye (55). So is it decreed for me.
This chapter is said by the person, when ptirifted and clad in raiment; shod with white sandals; anointed from vases of dnta ;
276
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
attd presenting oblations of beeves, birds, incense, bread, beer and vegetables.
And thou shalt make a picture, drawn upo?i a clean brick of clay, extracted from a field in ivhich no swine hath trod.
And if this chapter be written tipon it — the man will prosper and his children will prosper : he will rise in the affection of the king and his court : there will be given to him the shesit cake, the measure of drink, the persen cake and the meat offering upon the altar table of the great god ; and he shall not be cut off at any gate of Amenta, but he shall be conveyed along with the Ki?igs of North and South, and make his appearance as a follower of Osiris : undeviatittgly and for times infinite.
277
Dec. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S95.
WATER RATE IN ANCIENT BABYLONIA. By Theo. G. Pinches.
The above is probably a title which few would expect to find as the heading of an article referring to ancient Babylonia, summoning up, as it does, pictures of water companies, collectors, first, second, and final notices, etc., followed by threats to "discontinue the supply," to say nothing of the unspeakable plumber. The water company, however, was none other than the great temple of the Sun at Sippara, and as it is to be conjectured that the supply was laid on by means of the usual water channels, similar, in all likelihood, to those used for irrigation purposes, cutting off the water was probably not altogether a simple matter.* Demand notes, also, were hardly needed, for the temples had naturally ways of their own to ensure prompt payments.
Text. 82-9-18, 3812.
< mi gfT £i k=t z& m ^r Ji u m af t
3 y y &i *■' w J! ^t 4 *m
^T4T say 4 <n<! m 4 t %
Transcription.
Esrit sikli kaspi ba-ab-tum parap ma-na hamsit sikli kaspi simi me-e sa al D.P. Samas 3. Sa-du-nu a-na E-par-raf
* This remark, would not, of course, apply, if the water was supplied by means of carriers, t Or E-babar-ra.
278
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
it-ta-din. Arah Sabatu umu estin satti res sarruti* 6. Nabu-na'id sar Babili [D.S.]
Translation.
10 shekels of silver, balance (of) % of a mana {and) 5 shekels f of silver
price of the water of the City of the Sun 3. Sadunu to E-para\
has paid. Month Sebat, day 1st (?),
accession-year of 6. JVabonidus, king of Babylon.
The translation of " balance " (of a sum of money) for babtum is that indicated by other texts referring to money, etc., and is un- doubtedly correct (see Delitzsch, Handworterbuch, p. 166). The word for "price" is indicated by the common ideograph, £±*;; n -f , simu. The word for " water" is the usual one, me, here phonetically spelled y>- X^\ nie-e, seemingly the plural of ?nu.
Apparently the water was paid for by the municipality, for the sum paid by Sadunu was not for the water supplied to an individual, but for that supplied to the " City of the Sun " (^|f »>f- *f, the name either of the whole or of a part of Sippara). Sadunu was therefore in all probability one of those employed by the municipality.
The above is one of the numerous tablets found by Mr. Rassam at Abu-habbah.
* Or, if read in Akkadian : Mu-saga-namlugalla.
t Or, as we should say, " balance of 55 shekels of silver."
i Or E-babara.
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EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY.
WARNINGS.
By Prof. Dr. Aug. Eisenlohr, Heidelberg.
The last but one number of the Zeitschrift fiir Aegypt. Sprache und Alterthums Kunde (Bd. XXXII, Zweites Heft, S. 99 ff.) contains an article from Dr. Eduard Mahler of Vienna, " Materialien zur Chronologie der alten Aegypter (Chronologische Bestimmung der Regierungszeit der Ramessiden)," wherein the author claims to have fixed chronologically (festgelegt, I.e., S. 105) by calculatory deduction the dates from Amosis to Ramses VI (1575-1198 B.C.). Although in a paper read at the Oriental Congress at Geneva, entitled : " Die Festlegung historischer Daten durch die Hiilfe der Astronomie," I have, while gratefully acknowledging the help of astronomers as Biot, Ideler, Oppolzer, Wisclicenus, and also of Dr. Mahler to fix chronological dates, expressively cautioned against the use of uncertain bases to build chronological reckonings upon, and especially refuted the consequences drawn by Dr. Mahler from some dates for the reign of Tutmes III, and Ramses II, in the Aegyptische Zeitschrift, XXVII, 2, p. 97 ff, and XXVIII, 1, p. 32 ff., still some time will elapse before the proceedings of the Geneva Congress are printed. To prevent people from being misled by statements they are unable to verify, as, for example, I already see Dr. Mahler's deductions have been accepted by Prof. Ebers {Beilage zur Allg. Zeitung, 1S91, No. 89), I may be allowed to give a short extract of what I explained more in detail in my Geneva paper. The time of Tutmes III is based by Dr. Mahler (Aeg. Zeitschrift, 1889, S. 103) on the commemoration of two new moons in two consecutive years, the 23rd and 24th of this king, the first men- tioned in the Karnak inscription (Denkm., Ill, PI. 32, 13) on the 21 Pachons of the 23rd year, the second (Mariette, Karnak, PL 12, 7) on the 30 Mechir of the 24th year of Tutmes III. The first of these two dates is in the text brought into connexion with the day of the king's accession to the throne, which is reported as the 4th of the month of Pachons. The king's death is known from the inscription in the tomb of Amenemheb (found and published by
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Ebers, Deutsch Morgl. Gesellschaft, Bd. XXX, p. 391 ff.), as having happened on the last of the Phamenoth in the 54th year of his reign. Dr. Mahler, understanding all these dates in the fixed year (beginning with the heliac rising of the Dog Star on the 20th July) finds on the 5th April (=21 Pachons), 148 1 B.C., and on the 15th January (= 30 Mechir), 1479, B-c-> tne mentioned new moons in two consecutive years of Tutmes III, who therefore would ascend the throne 20th May, 1503 B.C., and die the 14th February, 1449 b.c.
As I am (contrary to Dr. Mahler's supposition) convinced that dates of historical events, and such we have undoubtedly in the annals of Tutmes III, as in the biography of Amenemheb, cannot be understood otherwise than in the vague year, I could not accept these two days of new moons, on which he bases his chronology. When I communicated this to the author, he answered me by letter, that understanding the given dates of 21 Pachons and 30 Mechir of the vague year, we should find in the list of new moons for the 16th May, 1482 B.C., and the 24th February, 1480 B.C., likewise two corresponding new moons, which afford for the beginning of Tutmes Ill's reign, 1504 B.C., instead of 1503, so that Tutmes III began his reign after the vague year 4 Pachons = 4th May jul. 1504, and died the 30th Phamenoth = 18th May, 1450 b.c.
While in this manner, with the necessary correction for the days of the fixed year with those of the vague year, I came to a similar result for the time of Tutmes III, fully acknowledging the value of Dr. Mahler's new method of making use of the tablets of new moons for chronology, I cannot accept in the same way the other results of his paper. We are prohibited from drawing any chrono- logical conclusions from the Smith Calendar so long as the royal cartouche therein cannot be explained. That it cannot be that of Amenophis I, because the last sign is surely not ka (see Proceedings, Vol. XIII, p. 598; Prof. Erman in Westcar, p. 56, has proved nothing to the contrary; the sign [Sineha 203] is quite differently written from the last sign in the royal cartouche), I ought not to have to repeat. So every conclusion drawn from that cartouche is more than arbitrary.
We come now to the weakest part of Dr. Mahler's explanation, his fixing the time of Ramses II. First he asserts that the representation on the ceiling of the Ramesseum (Leps., Denkm., Ill, 170, i7i;Brugsch, Monuments, PL V, VI) reports the beginning of a Sothic period, which was celebrated in the 30th year of
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Ramses II. Now we know for certain from the hall at Silsile, that a festival was celebrated in the 30th year of the reign of Ramses II, the so-called Triakonteride (hierogl. jl <=^> v^/ set heb, Brugsch, Thes., p. 209) of the Rosetta Stone (Greek text, 1. 2), a jubilee, repeated afterwards every 3 or 4 years {cf. Brugsch, Thes., p. 1 1 19 ff . ; Erman, A eg. Zeitsch., XXIX, 1891, p. 128, where the eighth jubilee of Rameses II is commemorated). Dr. Mahler con- fuses this festival with the beginning of a Sothic period and finds in the words /VJ5~V v"=^ <*neP an indication of the 20th day of the month {cf. Brugsch, Thes., p. 47, 115). As the heliacal rising of the Sirius star happened at the 20th July Jul. and this is the anep, the 20th day of the moon, the 1st July of the year 1318 B.C. (after Oppolzer the beginning of a new Sothiac period) must have been a new moon, which really was the case. Now firstly it is not correct that the set heb festival of the 30th year of Ramses II was a commemo- ration of the Sothic period ; secondly, the signs " □ anep, on the Ramesseum ceiling, are not to be found in the month of Thoth and near the goddess Isis Sopt, where they ought to be if they had relation to the Sirius star, but in the month of Tybi. So every con- clusion fixing the reign of Ramses II from the Triakonteride and the anep day on the Ramessum ceiling must be given up.
Dr. Mahler, on the contrary, finds a confirmation of his dates for Ramses II in the Leyden hieratic Papyrus I, 350, verso (dated of the 52nd year of that king), col. hi., line 6, where he reads: " Monat Mechir Tag 16 in der Stadt Rameses II, Tag der Neumondfeier." First, the day cannot be the 16th of the month Mechir, but must be the 26th, because in that journal, on the fore- going column ii, 19, the events of the 23rd Mechir are treated, as Prof. Lauth has already shown (Moses der Ebraer, p. 9), and after our date (iii, 24) the events of the 28th of the same month are related. Besides that, III, 6, the hieratic signs at the end of the line contain nothing of a new moon but only J®^ ^217 ra en heb, festive day, so that all conclusions of Dr. Mahler for his erroneously read date are futile.
The same false conclusions are made by Dr. Mahler for the day of Ramses Ill's accession to the throne. He asserts that this day, the 26th of the month Pachons, belonged to the fixed Sirius year, and that for the first time in the 22nd year of King Ramses III the 26 Pachons was contemporary with the 26th day of the
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1895.
month. But reference to this is made in the great Pap. Harris, PI. 17a, hut only that from the 22nd to the 32nd year a festival of 20 days was added to the festivals of Anion at Thebes, which began the 26th of the month Pachons. There is no mention of a coincidence of a new moon with the 1 Pachons, but the date is taken of the vague year, which had a month of 30 days, which were independent of the real new moons. So it seems that the chronolo- gical dates, which Dr. Mahler draws from the inscriptions by help of the new moons, are in no way credible. We must demand first the unquestionable reading of texts, before we can permit the erection of a building on them : when the foundation is of sand instead of stone, the building will soon collapse, as we see is the case here.
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EUPHRATEAN STELLAR RESEARCHES. By Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A.
Part V. — The Archaic Ltmar Zodiac.
I.
In a former Paper (Remarks on the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, Jan. — Feb., 1890) I showed that a lunar zodiac, i.e., the mapping out of a number of asterisms or single stars in or near the ecliptic, as a means of observing the monthly course of the moon, existed in the Euphrates Valley at a very early period. Such a scheme would doubtless be recorded in numbers of tablets, although, so far as I am aware, we only possess the one (JV.A.I., V, xlvi, No. 1) which I have endeavoured to explain ; nor is it improbable that the scheme may have somewhat varied in detail in different localities. The next step in this research, is to endeavour to show the con- nexion between the original Euphratean Lunar Zodiac and the various ancient lunar zodiacs which have come down to us. Of these we possess at least seven complete specimens — the Persian, Sogdian, Khorasmian, Chinese, Indian, Arab, and Coptic schemes. It has often been observed that any one nation might as easily have mapped out a lunar zodiac as any other, since all see the same moon and stars ; scientific research, however, is not concerned with that which, in the abstract, is possible, but with what has actually taken place. We now know that the Euphratean Solar Zodiac has been borrowed by nation after nation. They have so acted because it is easier and simpler to borrow than to work ; and the more we investigate the lecords of the past, the smaller the sphere of originality and invention is found to be. Therefore, so far as general probability is concerned, it is more likely than not that Babylonia, which has supplied the world with so much, has, amongst other things, furnished it with the original scheme of a lunar zodiac.
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This view of the matter has already suggested itself to several very eminent students of ancient lunar zodiacs ; although, in the absence of evidence, they could not advance the theory to any point beyond that of the most probable hypothesis. Thus, Prof. Weber, when speaking of the schemes of India and China, and writing prior to 1878, says: "To me the most probable view is that these lunar mansions are of Chaldaean origin, and that from the Chaldaeans they passed to the Hindus as well as to the Chinese " {Hist, of Indian Literature, Eng. edit, 1878, p. 248). Prof. Whitney agrees, remark- ing that, so far as the Hindus are concerned, his ' suspicion ' as to the Babylonian origin of the lunar zodiac " rises to the dignity of a persuasion" {Oriental and Linguistic Studies, 2nd series, 1893, p. 418). Prof. Max Miiller writes, "The twenty-seven Nakshatras, or the twenty-seven constellations, which were chosen in India as a kind of lunar Zodiac, were supposed to have come from Babylon. Now the Babylonian Zodiac was solar, and, in spite of repeated researches, no trace of a lunar Zodiac has been found, where so many things have been found, in the cuneiform inscriptions " {India, What can it teach us? 1883, pp. 126-7). But, since 1883 a lunar zodiac has been found in the cuneiform inscriptions ; and therefore the argumenlitm e tacitumitate, unsatisfactory at all times, vanishes. Prof. Miiller elsewhere makes the important statement, " Lunar chronology seems everywhere to have preceded solar chronology" {Rig-Veda-Samhita, Vol. IV, 1892, Preface, p. 67). He also further observes, "In spite of all, however, I am quite prepared to take into serious consideration the Babylonian origin of Indian, nay, even of Chinese astronomy, whenever the decipherers of the cunei- form inscriptions shall have supplied us with evidence that deserves to be considered. No hypothesis, however repugnant to received notions, should on that ground be treated with contempt" {Ibid., p. 69). With respect to the Persian and Coptic lunar mansions, he says, " The passage in the Bundehesh in which the 28 divisions occur, is no more pertinent to the establishment of the Babylonian theory than the list of Coptic names, neither of them going back beyond the time of Mohammed." That both these sets of names do go back centuries prior to the era of Mohammed, will fully appear in the course of this Paper ; and Prof. Max Miiller quite admits that, long ere the days of the Prophet, the Arabs were familiar with a series of lunar mansions (vide Quran, x, 5 ; xxxvi, 39)-
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The famous dispute, in which Biot, Weber, and various other savants took part, as to' whether China obtained the lunar asterisms from India, or India from China, is now merely matter of history ; since it is almost universally admitted that each country received the mansions from a source external to either. The Arab, Chinese, and Indian stations have long been familiar to us ; and one result of an examination of them is thus expressed by Prof. Whitney, " No one, I am confident, can examine this [i.e., his] exposition of the correspondences and differences of the three systems, without being convinced that they are actually . . . three derivative forms of the same original" {Oriental and Linguistic Studies, 2nd series, p. 356). The archaic connexion between China and Babylonia has of late been illustrated with very great acumen and learning by my lamented friend Terrien de Lacouperie, who, knowing that I was engaged upon the study of the lunar zodiac, shortly before his death sent me a corrected list of the Chinese Siuh (Lunar Mansions). His views and researches, which have received the support of several scholars of great eminence, are summed up in his Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization, 1894, and are further supported by the very interesting and important studies of the Rev. C. J. Ball (The New Accadian), in the Proceedings of this Society, in illustration of the family connexion between the Sumero-Akkadian and Chinese languages ; whilst, on the other hand, the extravagant claims to an existence of many thousand years, put forward on behalf of Chinese astronomy (vide Schlegel, Uranographie Chinoise), prove as unsupported by facts as they are contrary to probability. In a Paper entitled Early Asterisms (Nature, Dec. 28, 1893) Prof. Norman Lockyer has given lists of the Indian, Chinese, and Arab mansions, with explanations of their names by Profs. Max Midler, Robertson Smith, and Douglas ; and observes in conclusion, " Although their dates are uncertain, they are undoubtedly built upon a common model, they have identical functions, and they have to do with the ecliptic, that is to say, we are in each case in presence of a belt of stars to which the motions of any other heavenly body travelling round the sun, like the planets, or round the earth, like the moon, can be readily referred." Mr. T. W. Kingsmill has treated of this subject in an important article, full of learning and suggestive- ( Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Soc, Dec, 1892), ness, entitled A Comparative Table of the Lunar Asterisms and, although I differ with him both in detail and in general
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conclusion, I acknowledge with pleasure the value of his researches. He deals only with the Arab, Indian, and Chinese asterisms, and his conclusion respecting their origin is that "We may reject as frivolous the strife between authors as to their birthplace, and accept them as in the widest sense of the term Asiatic, and date back their origin to the prehistoric tribes of Central Asia before the great dispersal of the Aryans" (p. 45). Mr. James Burgess, in his Notes on Hindu Astronomy and the Hist, of our Knowledge of it {Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soc, Oct., 1893) has given a most useful and learned compendium of the subject so far as India is concerned ; and, on the general question of the Lunar Zodiac, the student will find much of interest in the writings of Mr. j. F. Hewitt (Notes on the Early Hist, of Northern India, Parts i-vi, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soc. ; The Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times, 1894).
The list of Persian mansions is contained in the famous PahJevi work the Bundahis ("Original Creation "), respecting which Mr. E. W. West writes, " As the work now stands it is evidently of a fragmentary character, bearing unmistakable marks both of omissions and dislocations . . . Many passages have the appearance of being translations from an Avesta original, and it is very probable that we have in the Bundahis either a translation, or an epitome, of the Damdai/ Nask, one of the twenty-one books into which the whole of the Zoroastrian scriptures are said to have been divided before the time of Darius. This may be guessed from a comparison of the contents of the Bundahis with those of the Damda^Nask, which are detailed in the Dini-vaj>arkan/ " (Sacred Books of the East, Vol. V, p. xxiv). The names, therefore, of these "fragments of the calculators," as they are styled, go back to a remote antiquity. They are written in Pazand ('Re-explanation'), i.e., "a further interpre- tation of the Pahlavi Zand in the Persian vernacular"; and what have to be discovered, if possible, are their original Avestic forms. Thus, No. 14 fflur =. the Avestic Cparegha ; No. 25 Kahtsar = the Avestic fatavaira. Their Pazand forms thus represent, in a corrupt and abbreviated fashion, archaic originals ; and the transfor- mation of the original names is the necessary result of a linguistic process occupying many centuries. The names are given in Cap ii. of the Bundahis, which treats of " the formation of the luminaries," and they occur immediately after the names of the twelve signs of the Solar Zodiac, which were admittedly obtained by Persia from Babylonia.
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The Sogdian and Khorasmian schemes of lunar mansions have been preserved by Albiruni, who wrote cir. a.d. iooo, in his Vestiges of the Past (Eng. edit, by Dr. C. E. Sachau, 1879, pp. 227-8). So far as I am aware, they have never yet been given in English. In the Vendidad (Fargard i) Sughdha (Old Per. Suguda, Gk. 'Eoyttavy, Mod. Samarkand) is described as "the second of the good lands and countries which Ahuza Mazda created." Khorasmia, the land of the Khwarizmians, adjoins it ; and these two lists of lunar mansions, which thus represent a Central Asian scheme, though presenting various differences, still, upon the whole, as might be expected, closely agree. Albiruni says of the Khwarizmians, '• They were in the habit of using the stations of the moon and deriving from them the rules of astrology. The names of the stations in their language they have preserved," but the old race of lunar astrologers had then died out. " In the Khwarismi dialect an astronomer is called Akhtar-waiik, i.e. looking to the lunar stations . . . They used to distribute these stations over the twelve signs of the Zodiac, for which they also had special names in their language. They knew them [the signs of the Zodiac] even better than the Arabs, as you may learn by the fact that their nomenclature of them agrees with the names given to them by the original designer cf these figures " — unfortunately Albiruni does not mention his theory respecting this important person — " whilst the names of the Arabs do not agree." As an instance of Arab blundering he says, that the Arabs " count Aljauza among the number of the Zodiacal signs instead of Gemini, whilst Aljauza is the figure Orion. The people of Khwarizm call this sign [Gemini] Adhupac'karik, i.e. having two figures, which means the same as Gemini" (Vestiges, p. 226). The colonization of Khorasmia is said to have taken place " 980 years before Alexander" (Vide Lacouperie, Western Origin, p. 350) ; and there are many indications of the wide extent and comparatively high degree of civilization in Central Asia in early times.
The names of the Coptic lunar mansions are given by Weber, Die vedischen Nachrichten von den naxatra, Erster Theil, Berlin, i860, p. 330, from Rossi, Etynwlogiae Aegypiiacae, Rome, 180S. They are nearly all from the ancient Egyptian or the Greek, but two or three are probably Arabic. Our President, who has encouraged me in the investigation of this very difficult subject, has also kindly furnished me with an explanation of the meanings of Nos. 7, 10 and 20, but for the rest I am responsible. He has, moreover, sent me
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a list of Notes taken by him from Edward's Manuscript Diet, in the Bodleian, and which have been of much service to me. I am not aware that these Coptic names have yet appeared in English.
It must be remembered that the solar zodiac was, if I may so express it, placed upon the lunar zodiac, and covered the same space in uranography. Hence the reappearance in the derived lunar schemes, of names drawn from the original solar scheme. Mr. Kingsmill suggestively observes, "Notwithstanding the wide extension of the lunar mansions, which at one time must have been popularly received from China on the one hand to Greece on the other, the system cannot have prevailed for many centuries " (A Comparative Table, p. 78). "If however the completion of the series of lunar stations, and the astronomy to which they gave rise, cannot be dated before 2350 B.C., we find that the system cannot have had more than two centuries of unchallenged existence. Evidence . . . goes to prove that when the astronomers of Chaldea adopted the solar signs, and marked the beginning of the year by the solar culmination of the constellations, the Pleiades still occupied the place of honour, marking a date not later than 2150 B.C." (Ibid., p. 79). Whatever may have been the case in other countries, in the Euphrates Valley the lunar scheme had probably, either solely or jointly with the solar scheme, a reign of many centuries.
As regards our oldest known lunar zodiac, the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, further study of this singularly difficult text, especially in connexion with the various other lunar schemes, has occasioned me to adopt some alterations in details, but has strengthened the general conclusions arrived at in my former Paper, which should be referred to in connexion with the present Article. Thus, I am unable to agree with Prof. Hommel {Die Astronomic tier alien Chaidiier, iii, 4) that the list begins with the Pleiades, and that lines 12-26 form an Excursus relating to the Pole-star, Pegasus, Deneb (a Cygni), Cassiopeia, etc. The testimony of Diodoros, com- bined with W.AJ., IV, xv (vide Proceedings, Jan., 1890, pp. 137-8)' makes such a view impossible ; nor can I find any real support for it in the Tablet itself, whilst my friend the late Geo. Bertin was equally clear that all the stars referred to were in or near the ecliptic. Again, as regards the point of commencement, it is true that the Pleiades are in the Sign which technically was called Te ("The Foundation," vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 250) or Te-te (= Pleiades + Hyades). But of what were the Pleiads and Plyads
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the ! foundation.? ' Of the solar year, not of the lunar month or year. So, when the Indian lunar mansions are adjusted to a solar scheme beginning with Taurus, Krittikct (= the Pleiades) becomes the first mansion. And when the Persian lunar mansions are adjusted to a solar scheme beginning with Aries, Paderar (= ft, 7 Arietis) becomes the first mansion. Both could not originally have been the first mansion, and, in fact, neither was. Prof. Hommel's error, in my opinion, consists in treating the lunar, as if it were a solar scheme. Thus, as I have observed, "the Great Twins of the solar zodiac are Castor and Pollux'''' {Proceedings, Jan., 1890, p. 185); and, at first sight, Prof. Hommel's explanation of the six leading asterisms of the " Thirty Stars " seems absolutely conclusive, i.e., "The Foundation" (= Pleiades), "the Jackal" {= Al debar an), Gam (=ft and £" Tauri), "the Great Twins" ( = Castor and Pollux), "the Little Twins " ( = Asellus bor. et aust. in Cancer), and "the King " ( = Regulus). But, unfortunately for this view, we are informed in line 49, that the Ram is " the uppermost part of Gam " (vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 184); and thus Gam cannot be ft and i," Tauri, nor can it come after the Pleiades and Aldebaran, and so the chain is at once and fatally broken. It appears, also, from tablets of the Greek period (vide R. B., Jr., in the Academy, Nov., 10, 1S94), that ft Tauri was "the northern light of the Chariot" and "C, Tauri " the southern light of the Chariot, i.e., Auriga, hot the Wain, in Ak. Gar, As. Narkabtu, or Rukubu, Heb. Rekhev. This constellation (dj ^J) is distinguished in W.A.I., III, lvii, No. 9, 1. 70 from Gam, which is named next to it (1. 71). This important piece of information respecting Gam and the Ram, moreover, implies that the scribe was well acquainted with two sets of figures, solar and lunar ; the Ram was a solar, Gam a lunar asterism.
Such, then, in brief, is the present position of the question, and the most important recent literature connected with the enquiry respecting the origin of the archaic lunar zodiac. In an investigation so extremely difficult my conclusions must, almost of necessity, be incorrect in some points of detail ; but, as a whole, I submit them with confidence to the judgment of the learned student, in the hope that, at the least, they may aid in the solution of one of the most famous and fascinating questions connected with the history of early astionomv.
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II.
In the following list, Ak. = Sumero-Akkadian, Bab. = Baby- lonian, As. = Assyrian, Eg. = Ancient Egyptian, Ber. = Persian, Sog. = Sogdian, Kho. = Khorasmian, Chi. = Chinese, Ind. = Indian, Ar. = Arab, Coo. = Coptic, Av. = Avestic (often improperly called 'Zend,' which latter term meaning 'commentary' or ' explanation,' applies only to interpretations of the Avesta, = Old Ber. Abasta, " the Law "), Sk. = Sanskrit. The names of the Ak. asterisms are taken from the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, and are printed in large Roman letters. The numbers are those of the various lunar mansions in the respective schemes. It is not intended to assert that the stars named are in all cases the only ones in their respective asterisms.
The Archaic Euphratean Lunar Zodiac and its Derivatives.
I.
ABIN ("The Fou ndation"), = , /3, k, 0 Aquarii and the stars adjoining. A Aquarii is the Ar. Sadalmelix (" the Auspicious Star of the King "), this ' King ' being the heaven-god Sar (= An-sar = Assur), the patron-divinity of "the Asterism of the Foundation;" and, similarly, the Vedic Varuna (= Sar, by analogy) is the patron- divinity of the corresponding lunar mansion. B Aquarii is the Ak. Nam-max (" The Star of Mighty-destiny"). A Aquarii (Skat, " the Leg ") is the star equated with the tenth antediluvian king Xasisadra, the hero of the Flood. Aquarius (Ak. Gust's a, " the Leading-urn "), the lucky constellation in which Xisouthros escaped destruction and renewed the world, in mediaeval and modern astrology "is deemed a fortunate Sign."
= Ber. 24. Bimda (= (3, % Aquarii), "the Foundation" (Cf. Av. buna, ' ground,' ' basis,' Sk. budhna, Gk. (3ei>66? = j3d0o>s).
Ind. 24. Cravishtha, "the Most-glorious," a name applied to a) A 7> ^ Delphini.
Chi. 24. Hii, anc. Ko (—ft, % Aquarii), "the Empty" (i.e., the beginning of things), or perhaps " the Frecious" (= Ak. hi, gu).
Ar. 24. Sa'ad as Suiid (= Same stars), Sadalsund, "the Luck- of-lucks."
Cop. 24. Upuineute (= Same stars), "theOne-at-the-foundation," (Gk. errl-veaTos, ' undermost '), or "the Luck-of-the-whole-year "
(Gk. ev-7raverrjs).
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= Per. 25. Kahtsar (= A, c etc. Aquarii), = A v. Catavacfa, Bundahis Cataves.
Sog. 25. Shazvshat (= Same stars), = Per. Sar-kaht (i.e., Kahtsar reversed. Cf. Ak. Adra-Xasis = Xasis-adra, Aryan Doro-theos = Theo-doros, Krato-xenos = Xeno-krates).
Kho. 25. Mashtazvand (= Same stars), " Possessing-greatness "" (Cf. Av. mafti, 'greatness,' Per. wand, 'possessing').
Ind. 25. Catabhishaj (= Same stars), = Av. Catavaeca. This corrupt form shows that the Ind., like the Per. name, was derived from the Av.
Chi. 25. Wei, anc. Gui (= a Aquarii, 6 Pegasi), "the Founda- tion." (Cf. Ak. gi, ' foundation.')
Ar. 25. Sa'd al-Akhbiyah (= «, 7, £*, 7 Aquarii), " Luck-with- the-tents."
Cop. 25. Upeutherian (= Same stars), "the Place-of-Good-
fortune " (Gk. * evTradepia, akin tO eu7reTr')<s) ev7rcl0eia, Lat. copia).
The Ak. asterisms, like the solar zodiacal constellations, are very unequal in size ; an equal division of the Zodiac, whether solar or lunar, being a much later work, and the result of scientific deduction, whilst the archaic Akkadian scheme represents merely occular obser- vation. The Fort una Maior of Dante, Chaucer, and other mediaeval writers, is «, 7, y, £", tt Aquarii, and 0 Pegasi ; and it is very in- teresting to observe how the later greatness of these comparatively inconspicuous stars depends on archaic, Euphratean ideas (vide Prof. Skeat, in the Academy, Nov. 3, 1894 ; R. B. Jr., in Ibid., Jan. 12, 1S95). The lunar mansion Av. Catavaeca ("The Hundred- dwellings ") in India is also called Cata-tara (" Having-a-hundred- stars "), which is incorrect in actual fact ; but the names may be understood as of dignity, i.e., " Possessing-mighty-stars," or 'dwell- ings,' = Fortuna Maior. At the same time, I think it is quite possible that the name C-ata-vaefa was originally a corruption of Adra-xctsi-s, with an Aryan derivation attached to it. The Chi. 25, Wei is said to mean "a Dangerous-place," but, in this case, as in some others in the Chi. scheme, it is sufficiently clear that the later Chi. meaning of a word was not its original signification as- a lunar mansion. The Chi. mansions, like the others, are asterisms, not sinsrle stars.
* The asterisk before tviradepia shows it is formed by analogy but is not a known word.
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II.
LIK- or UR-BARRA ("The Hyena"), = T, «, 7 Pegasi. This animal and his brother URBAT (No. XXVIII) appear with many other signs of the lunar zodiac on the uranographic Stones figured in W.A.I., Ill, xlv. There being no bright stars in Pisces except Okda (a Piscium), which apparently forms part of No. Ill, GAM, there is no other Akkadian asterism in the constellation. Mean- while, the more scientific derived lunar zodiacs fill up the space with asterisms, whose names are mainly illustrative of the watery character of this portion of the heavens (vide No. XXX) ; for, here, in Euphratean idea, is the Upper Deep, the realm of Aquarius, wherein swim the Sea-goat, the Dolphin, the 3 Fish, and the Sea- monster. The Urbarra, if only by play on words (to which the scribes evidently much inclined), is the animal appropriate to the Horizon- and Foundation-god Ur, and hence is suitably placed next to "the Foundation." Some render lik by 'jackal,' and a jackal appears in the circular zodiac of Denderah in a position which would correspond with the stars of Pegasus. The Euphratean Horse appears elsewhere (vide No. XVIII). Mars, "the luminary reigning over the constellation of the Hyena" ( W.A.I., III, lvii, 62, ap. Sayce), is specially connected with Urbarra.
Per. 26. Vaht (= a, /S Pegasi), "the Watery," = Av. Vaidhya (' Watering,' ' sprinkling ').
Sog. and Kho. 26. Far shat Bath ( = Same stars), " the Watery- division" {cf. Per. pashidan, "to sprinkle," Sk. prushita, 'sprinkled,' Sk. root prush, "to sprinkle," 'wet').
Ind. 26. Purva Prostha-pada (= Same stars), "the Former Watery-division" (Sk. pada, a 'step,' 'portion,' 'division,' ixompad, 'foot'). The Ind. Proshtha — the Sog. Farsha-t ; the Ind. Pada = the Sog. Bath.
Chi. 26. Shih, anc. Sal, later Shat (= Same stars). "The House," i.e., Division.
Ar. 26. Al-Fargh al-.Delwi-1-mukaddem ( = Same stars), "the Front-emptying-place of the Bucket."
Cop. 26. Artulos ( = Same stars), "the Watery." As if Gk. *e/xraXo9. ''Epaa (Alkman) = Attic cp6<ro^ Lat. ros. Cf the Gk. Herse and the Prokris dew-myth.
The Ind. 26 is sometimes styled Bhadrapada, which is con- ventionally rendered " Having ox-feet." Bhadrapada, however, is
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not the ancient name (vide Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit, p. 323). The Sog., Kho. and Ind. names are, of course, identical. It must be remembered that, in many of these names, we have not only to deal with ordinary linguistic changes, but with the corruptions necessarily attaching to words handed down in many languages for several thousand years. Such appellations as "the Watery" do not, in this connexion, refer to the weather or climate of the different countries, but are reminiscences of archaic Euphratean names and ideas. The Ar. 26 is a distinct invention which, however, preserves, in a manner, the watery character of the region.
Per. 27. Miyan ( = 7 Pegasi, a Andromedae), "the Middle" — of the 3 watery divisions, = Av. Maidhya, Maidhydna ('Middle'), Lat. medius.
Sog. 27. Bar Farshat ( = Same stars), "the Watery-division." Cf. Sog. and Kho. 26.
Kho. 27. Wahir (= Same stars), "the Second (Watery) division. As if Wa-Bar-(Farshat) ; Per. Wa = ba, 'with,' "back again."
Ind. 27. Uttara Proshtha Pada (= Same stars), "the Latter Watery-division."
Chi. 27. Pih, anc. Lek (= Same stars), " the Wall," i.e., Division.
Ar. 27. Al-Fargh al-Mukhir (=Same stars), "the Hinder- emptying-place " — of the Bucket.
Cop. 27. Artulosia (= Same stars), "the Place-of-wateriness."
As if Gk. *''Ep(ra\6<ria.
It is thus obvious that in each instance of the 27th lunar mansion, the Derivatives, having no original to fall back upon, have filled up the gap by practically repeating the name of the previous lunar mansion. The Per. 27, Miyan forms no real ex- ception to this. The Arabs show here, as elsewhere, a certain amount of originality, but strictly adhere to the doubling. It is further obvious that all the schemes are one in origin.
Per. 28. Kaht (= e, g Piscium), "the Thread" (Per. Kaitan), i.e., the cord which fastens the pair of Fishes. Thus a Piscium is called Okda ("the Knot"), and Rischa ("the Cord"), = As. riksu, Ak. dur (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 269).
Sog. 28. Riwa?id (= Same stars), "the Rich" (vide Ibid., p. 270).
Kho. 28. Zidadh (= Same stars), "the Rich." Cf. Per.-Ar. Jidat, 'Rich.' Kho. 1. Riwand.
Ind. 28. Revati (= Same stars), " the Rich," = Riwand.
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Chi. 28. Kwai, anc. Kwet (= /?, S, e, £", ?y Andromedae, %, Yr Piscium), "the Stride?" Mr. Kingsmill observes, "The 'step' or ' stride ' from the conspicuous Quadrilateral of Pegasus to the well marked stars Alpha and Beta in the head of Aries forming the next stopping-place." But, perhaps, it is a variant of the Per. Kaht.
Ar. 28. Batn-al-Hiit (= [3 Andromedae, v, 0, x -Piscium), "the Belly of the [Northern] Fish." This Northern Fish Xa\da?oi Kakovaiv 'Ix#*V xe^l^oviau (Schol. in Arat. Phai., 1. 242).
Cop. 28. Kutdn (= Same stars). Either "the Thread" (Per. 28) or "the Fish" (Ar. 28).
Through an obvious mistake the Kho. list has inserted Riwand twice (Zidadh = Riwand).
III.
GAM ("The Scimetar ") = a Piscium, «, (3, 7, fi, 39, 41 Arietis. Called " the Weapon of Meroda^. The Ram, a solar figure, is "the uppermost-part" of it (vide sup., p: 290). The ideas con- nected with the Scimetar are those of protection and what is round and curved, Gam signifying 'round,' 'curved' (vide Proceedings, Feb. 1890, pp. 183-4); and it is interesting to find that they re- appear in the Derivatives. This Scimetar, the weapon of Merodax- Perseus, protects against the 7 Evil Spirits, originally storm and tempest powers, but apparently ultimately reduplicated in some southern constellations. Thus Ea says to his son Merodax (Ah. Poem on the Seven Evil Spirits, ap. Sayce, in Records of the Past, ix, 143) et sea. : —
" May those Seven never draw near. Like a broad Scimetar . . . bid (thine) hand rest ; and In circling fire by day (and) night on the (sick) man's head may it abide ; "
and allusion is made to "the mighty girdle of the deep," perhaps the ecliptic. In another Story of the Seven Wicked Spirits (ap. Smith and Sayce, Chal. Account of Genesis, p. 99) we read : —
2. "The rebellious spirits, who in the lower part of heaven [= the nocturnal southern sky.]
3. Had been created,
4. Wrought their evil work,
5. Devising with wicked heads (at) sunset [i.e., when the con- stellations are about to become visible] ;
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6. (Like) a Sea-monster [=T\amat- Cetus] to the River [probably = the Milky Way, called in ancient Egyptian " the Great Stream," and possibly also Eridanns~\ (they marched).
7. The first was a Scorpion [= Scorpio] of rain.
8. The second was a Thunderbolt [Ara, the fiery Altar! "A mighty Sign of storm at sea." Arat. Phai., 1. 409-10] ;*
9. The third was a Leopard [= Therion-Lupus\ ;
10. The fourth was a Serpent [= Hydra] ;
11. The fifth was a Watch-dog [= Cam's Maj.~\ ;
12. The sixth was a raging Tempest [= Crater. Vide R. B., Jr., Pridanus, p. 19];
13. The seventh was the Messenger of the Evil Wind " [= Corvus. Vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, p. 194].
GAM = Per. 1. Padevar ( = ft, 7 Arietis), " the Protecting-pair," = Av. Pati-dvaya (Av. paiti, 'chief,' 'protector,' from root pa, " to protect," Sk. patis, Gk, tt6gi?. Av. vaya, ' couple,' = dvayay from Av. dva, ' two ').
Sog. 1. Bashish (= Same stars), " the Protector" (Sk. patis).
Ind. 1. Acvini (= Same stars), anc. Atvayugau ("the Two Horse-harnessers ") i.e., the Acvinau, the Acvins, "the Great Twin Brethren," Dawn-gods, who begin the day as these two stars begin the year, and are aiders and protectors of mankind.
Chi. 1. Leu, anc. Lok (a, ft, 7 Arietis), " Things-in-stories," "the Mound" (Cf. Ak. Kizlux, '"high place"), i.e., the Upper-part of GAM.
Ar. 1. Ash-Sharatan (= ft, 7 Arietis), "the Two Tokens."
Cop. 1. Pikutorion (= Same stars), "the Protection" (Eg./, pui, Cop. pi, ' the ' + * Kv-tvpiov, 'protection,' from kvtos, "that- which-covers," Lat. scutum).
= Per. 2. Pesh-Parviz (= /<, 39, 41 Arietis), "the Forerunners- of-the-Numerous-Family " (Per. pesh, " in front," + parviz. Vide Per. 3).
* In Tablet K. 12,340 we meet with the Kakkab J^ t^ ^JTT , NI-DU-UB = NI-DUB. A synonym of the Ak. ni is the As. kisallu, 'altar,' itself derived from the Ak. Kisal. Dtib = the Turko-Tat. fob, 'heap' ; 'round' ; 'hill.' Hence, Nidub ■=■ " the Altar-mound" or "Lofty-altar," and is probably the original Akkadian name of the zodiacal Altar, which, as I have shown, appears on the monuments (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 260, et seq.), and was subsequently replaced by the Claws, and ultimately by the Balance. This Tablet also mentions other neighbouring zodiacal constellations, such as Girtab (" ^the Scorpion''''), Niru ("the Yoke'''' = the Goat-fish), and Zibanituv, which, as noticed {Proceedings, Jan., 1S95, p. 23), was specially connected with the zodiacal Ara.
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Sog. 2. Barv (=Same stars), — "of- the -Numerous- Family." Barv = Parv-iz ; the first part of the name has dropped off.
Kho. 2. Farankhand (= Same stars), = Fara-Khan, " Before- the- Family " (Per.fara, Av.fra, Lat. pro, + khan, 'house,' 'family').
Ind. 2. Bharani (= Same stars), "the Bearing." Figured by the pude?id. tnul.
Chi. 2. Wei, anc. Vij (= Same stars), "the Stomach," as that which is round, curved.
Ar. 2. Al-Butain (= Same stars), "the Little Belly."
Cop. 2. Koleon (=Same stars), "the Belly" (Gk. KoiKi'a), or, possibly " the Scabbard " (Gk. ico\e6v)—cf. GAM.
The names are frequently corrupted by the addition of final letters, e.g., Sog. khan-d for khan, and in the Cop. names " the on- hanging N " (vv e.<pe\KvaTiKov) frequently appears. That all the Derivatives are connected schemes will already be perfectly obvious. In the case of Mansion No. 1, all, except the Chi., are clearly closely connected with each other ; and the Chi. is curiously linked in idea with the Ak. original. In Mansion No. 2, the great import- ance of the Pleiades has caused a reference to them in the Per., Sog., and Kho. schemes; whilst the Ind., Chi., Ar., and Cop. houses agree absolutely, and preserve the idea of the Ak. original. China and Egypt cannot have borrowed from one another ; the Cop. form may possibly have come from the Ar.. which, in turn, would be borrowed in idea from the Euphrates Valley ; and the cases of China and India make it almost certain that the Per., Sog., and Kho. forms, as we now have them, are not originals.
IV.
MASTABBAGALGALLA (" The Great Twins "), = the Pleiades and Hyades. Cf. II. xviii, 486 : n\,Tjtd£as 6' 'YdBas. The Pleiades are often spoken of as a single star, e.g., Eurip. Ion, 1152, or as a combined unit, e.g., by Ptolemy in his star-list ; and the " Great Twins " may be strictly the Pleiad and Aldebaran. The pair are again represented by TE-TE, the technical name of Taurus in Babylonian astronomy (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 250; R.B., Jr., in the Academy, Nov. 4, 1893, p. 396). The immense importance of the Pleiades ("the Clusterers," — not 'Sailing-stars,' which, like ' Doves,' is an afterthought) in connexion with astro- nomico-religious observances and the calendar, need not be further
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referred to here. As the ' Clusterers ' are called in Heb. Kimak (Job, ix, 9 ; xxxviii, 31 ; Amos, v, 8), it is clear that their Bab.-As. name was Kimmatu ("the Family," from Kamu, "to tie"), i.e., " Those-bound-together."
= Per. 3. Parviz (= the Pleiades), " the Numerous-family " (Old Per., Av., Sk. paru, 'full,' 'much,' Gk. ttoXv-s, + Av., Sk. vie, 'house,' 'family,' Lat. vicus, Gk. o?ko?).
Sog. and Kho. 3. Parvi (=Same stars), = Per. Parviz. According to Haug {Essays on the Par sis, p. 182), called the Paurvas in the Homa Yasht.
Ind. 3. Krittika (= Same stars), "the Dividers" — as com- mencing the year with Sol in Tanro.
Chi. 3. Mao, anc. Mo I (= Same stars), "the Constellation" (Cf. the Ar. Au-Najm, " the Constellation," a name of the Pleiades), = Ak. Mul, Sem. Kakkab. Chi. Mao-lei, " the Star-heap " (cf. Chi. 1).
Ar. 3. Ath-Thuraiya (= Same stars), "the Cluster."
Cop. 3. (1) Orias ( = Same stars), "the Good-season" (Gk. 'Qpa?oi), i.e., Spring, the Pleiades being the special stars of Spring — Vergiliae. (2) Ezastran (= Same stars), "the Six-stars" (Gk. "Eg 'darpa). Cf. Ovid, Fasti, iv, 169; "Quae septem dici, sex tamen esse solent."
(For some excellent remarks respecting the Pleiades, and the meaning of the name, vide Hahn, Tsimi- \\ Goam, the Supreme Being of the Kho i- Kiwi, 1881).
= Per. 4. Paha (the Hyades, and specially Aldebaran), " the Follower " (cf. Av. pafca, Lat. post. Per. pasrau, ' follower ') — of the Pleiades.
Sog. and Kho. 4. Baharu (= Same stars), " the Follower,"= Paha.
Ind. 4. Rohhil (= Same stars), "the Red " (cf. Ind. iS), called by Ptolemy Wo'/c^o?, " reddish-yellow " (cf. No. XXIV).
Chi. 4. Pih, anc. Pal (= the Hyades), " the Net," so called from the shape of the asterism. Chi. Pit, "the Yoke," = Aldebaran, called in Bab. Pid-nu (" the Yoke ").
Ar. 4. Al-Z>abardn (= the Hyades, specially a Tauri), "the Follower."
Cop. 4. Pibriobn (= the Hyades), "the (Stars) of the Good- season " ('Qpcuov).
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V.
M ASTABBATURTUR ("The Little Twins "), = \, 01, 02 Ononis.
This asterism affords a striking illustration of the light thrown upon the Tablet of the Thirty Stars by the Derivatives, with which, in the first instance, I did not study it, and thence supposed that " the Little Twins " would be (3 and <T Tauri. But it is, of course, well known what stars constitute the asterisms in the Ind., Chi., and Ar. schemes, in each of which the 5th mansion consists of the 3 stars above mentioned ; whilst the names of the Sog. and Kho. lists show that their arrangement is similar. The 3 stars in question are situate so close together that 01 is overlapped by A, They thus form a pair of "Little Twins," immediately in line with the "Great Twins"; and their proximity is further illustrated by the fact that in Ptolemy's list they are grouped together as one star (\), which is called "the Cloudlike (ve(fie\oeidi)syone in the head of Orion." This ' cloudlike ' appearance is reproduced in at least five names applied to the asterism.
= Per. 5. Avecr (= A, 0,1 02 Orionis), = (1) "the Coronet" (Av. avt, 'on,' + caret, 'head'). Cf. Zad-sparam, vii. 10 (ap. West, in Sacred Books of the East, v, 175) : " These six regions are like a coronet (arisar)." But the Ak. and Sog. names enable us to see that the original Per. name = (2) "Two Heads" (Av. ubha, nva, ' two,' Sk. ubha, Gk. afi<pw, Lat. umbo, Lithuanian abii, Goth, bai, + Av. fara, ' head '), Av. Uva-cara. The connexion between this idea and a coronet, which is on both sides (giving the idea of duality) the head, is like that between the Gk. «/(0/ and a/*0w. The idea of a ' cloudlike,' or somewhat shining, coronet, is also naturally connected with the actual appearance of the asterism, and its situation in the head of the figure, which, from Egypt and Greece in the West to China in the East, was considered to represent a great warrior or chieftain.
Sog. 5. Marezdnd (== Same stars), "the Two Companions." The Av. marez = varez = verez ; marezana = varezdna, = " verezana, mot obscur, trad, voisin. — Travailleur, qui travaille sous un autre, compagnon " (De Harlez, Manuel de la Langue de I'Avesta, p. 204). Marezana is a dual form. The Per. " Two Heads" = Sog. "Two Companions, = Ak. " Little Twins," == X and 01 + 0Z Orionis.
Kho. 5. Ikhma (= Same stars), = (1) "the Brethren" (Ar.-Per. Ikhwa-n), and (2) "the Plume" (cf. Ver.jiha, "royal plume").
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Ind. 5. Invakd (= Same stars), "the Surrounders," = " the Coronet," called later Afrigafiras, " the Antelope's Head." Mriga is applied to " the spots on the moon represented as a hare or antelope " (Monier Williams, Sk.-Eng. Did. in loc), so that Mrigaciras = " The Spots (stars) in the Head (of Orion).'''
Chi. 5 Tsui, anc. Tsok (= Same stars), "the Spike-of-feathers- on-the-head."
Ar. 5. Al-HaK ah (= Same'stars), "the Circle-of-hairs," = "the Coronet," = "the Plume," = "the Spots," = "the Spike-of-feathers."
Cop. 5. Klusos (= Same stars), "the Watery," 'Rainy' (Gk. k\v£os, 'flood,' "rise-of- water;" vide Hesych. in icXvgei, =7r\i]ftpupi9, " rise-of-the-sea "). The reference is to Orion as " pluviosus et tristis," ' nimbosus,' 'aquosus,' etc.
VI.
UNGAL or SAR ("The King") = « Orionis, or possibly the seven stars of Orion. The patron-divinity of the asterism is Merodax, known as Sam/, " the King," and also hymned as " King of the land, king of (all) lands, king of heaven and earth," and " king of Babylon " (vide Sayce, Rel. And. Babs., 99). Lacouperie observes that Orion appears as a "military chief alike in Babylonia and China" {Western Origin, p. 340): and Sahu, the Eg. Orion, is "a wild hunter," and, with Sopdit (Sirius), the ruler of the starry and nocturnal world, hunts "the very gods" (Maspero, The Dawn of Civilization, Eng. edit., pp. 96-7).
= Per. 6. Besn (= a Orionis), "the Arm" — of the Giant (Av. bazu, bahu, Gk. IH/x^-*), Beielgenze (= Ar. Ibt-al-Jauza), "the Giant's armpit."
Sog. 6. Rashnaivand (= t, e, g Orionis, the Be/i-stars), "Pos- sessing-righteousness." "The star-bespangled Girdle" (Yasna, ix, 26), explained by Haug (Essays, p. 182) as "the belt of Orion," is the asterism apparently specially belonging to the Av. Genius Rashnu ('Righteousness' personified, i.e., rectitude, with which these three stars, as being in a straight line, are connected), " the Genius of Truth" (Darmesteter). This connexion between Rashnu and the j£te//-stars further appears from the Av. words racma, ' rank,' rapnan, <cord,' straight-line,' ' rank-of-soldiers,' from the root raj, rash.
Kho. 6. Khawiya (= Same stars), = Per. Shahrivar, = Av. Khs- hathra-vairya ("Perfect-sovereignty," Darmesteter), "the god of order " (Haug), a concept akin or equivalent to Rashnu.
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Ind. 6. Bahu (=s « Ononis), "the Arm" (= Per. 6), later Ardrd ("the Wet," cf. Cop. 5). Names such as Ardra, which refer to local climate, are, as of course, later; and the instance of Bahu alone would show that the Ind. scheme was not the original product o^ that country.
Chi. 6. Tsan, anc. Sal (= ?, e, g Ononis), "the Three" (cf. R. B., Jr., The Etruscan Numerals, p. 19, List of ' 3 ' words). Said to mean ' Together.'
Cop. 6. Klaria (=a Ononis), "the Armlet" (Gk. A.-\a/>a— ^e'\t«. Hesych., Lat. Armilla). Cf. Per. and Ind. 6.
VII.
KHIGALLA(" The Canal") or KHlGAL-AI ("The Canahof- waters ") = >/, /<, v, 7> £ Geminorum, situate in the " Miiky Way." Prof. Hommel says, "Chega/ai (Frucht-barkeitstern) wahrscheinlich Deriebola (/3 leonis). Oder a im Becher? oder /3 virginis?" (Die Astrotiomie der altetl Chaldder, iii, 16). But there is little real uncertainty when once the proper order has been obtained. " The Canal " primarily refers to the Galaxy.
= Per. 7. RakhVad ( = //> /«, <', 7, if Geminorum), "the Watery- way " ( Av. faithya, Per. rah, ' road,' + Av. vaidhya, ' watering '). Per. rahi ab, 'canal/ Rahi Mjiyan ("the Road of the Pilgrims"), = the Via Ldctea.
Sog. 7. Ghathaf (— Same stars), = Pazand Goshurim, = Av. Geush-urta (" the Soul of the Bull "). The following quotation from Haug will make this very curious connexion plain, " The Gosh Yasht is devoted to a female spirit who is here called Drvaspa, i.e., one who keeps horses in health. The name Gosh, ' cow,' which was given her in aftertimes, refers to giusk urva, the universal soul by which all living beings of the good creation are animated. . . . She [Drvaspa] was believed to preserve the life of the good animals. In heaven she represents the Milky-way, and in this respect is described as having many spies (eyes), having light of her own, having a far way, and a long constellation" (Essays, pp. 201-2). So Darmesteter ; " 'The Soul of the Bull,' Go^urun or Drvaspa" (Sacred Books of the East, xxiii, 245).
Kho. 7> Gaivthaf (■=. Same stars)$ = Sog. Ghathaf.
Chi. 7. Tsing anc. Tiam (= \, <T, c, v, u, 7 Geminorum), "a Well" —in the middle of divided land. The idea of partition by water has been preserved.
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Ar. 6. Al-HarHah (= rj, n, v, 7, f Geminorum), "the Brandmark." According to Kazwini, the mansion consists of 7 and £" Geminorum only, described as "two whitish glimmering stars in the Milky Way." "This," says Smyth, "is called Alhena, a ring or brand on a horse's neck" (Celestial Cycle, ii, 154). Robertson Smith explains it as "apparently the wishing Asterism." But neither of these inferpre- tations is very satisfactory, and perhaps we should read Al-Qana-t ("the Canal").
VIII.
PALLIKA or PALURA ("The Crossing of the Water-dog"). The Kakkab «~<y* Jpy \\ = Prokyon (a Can. Min.). The Ak. pal = As. ebiru, ebur, "to cross," "the crossing." J]y (Ak. lik, ur) = ^ITT ^*"> As. kal-bu, Heb. keleb, and elsewhere (JV.A.I., II, vi, 17) we read of Ka-lab-me (f- S^), "the Water-dog"; ]}, Ak. 'a = As. me, 'water.' To understand the meaning of this name we must remember the mythic legends respecting the crossing of the Circulus Lacteus, regarded as a river,* by stars. Thus, Mr. Kingsmill says, " To the constellation Lyra the Chinese gave the name of the Chih-nii (or Weaving Woman), a name still familiar and associated with the legend that once a year on the seventh day of the seventh moon Altair crosses the celestial river (the Milky Way) to visit Vega " (A Comparative Table, p. 61). Similarly, "the Little-dog" (Ar. Al-gamfis)\ in idea crossed " the Great Stream " (Milky Way) which now lies between him and his brother Cam's Maj., and, hence, appears as Tlpa-icviov, 'before' the latter. "The Arabs recognized its quality of fore-runner to the Dog-star in al-kelb-al-mutekaddem, the antecedent dog ; they also called it ghomaisd, watery-eyed " (Smyth, Celestial Cycle, ii, 183). And this connexion between Procyon, eighth of first magnitude stars, and water, is the reason why names signifying 'watery-eyed,' 'weak-eyed,' ' blear-eyed,' were sub- sequently applied to the beautiful star, which, similarly, reappears in Greek myth as Ma?/>a("the Sparkler ")— not weak-eyed, "can is ululans Mera" (Hyginus, Fabulae, cxxx), the Litrie-dog which wept (=the "Watery-eyed") for the death of its master Ikarios. The Derivatives have, rightly enough, not adopted this star in their
* Vide R. B., Jr., The Milky Way in Euphratean Stellar Mythology {Academy, Jan., 9, (892, p. 43).
t Cf. Ar. , gamas, " dip into waier," ' immerse,' ' wet.'
302
Dec. 3] PROCEEDINGS, [1895.
schemes; but, its presence here may be illustrated by a passage in the Schol. on Germanicus, which, after speaking of Procyoti, says of the other stars in Can. Min., " Reliquae sunt stellae in signorum circulo, quern sol perambulat in XII mensibus " (ap. C. Robert, Eratosthenis Catasterisinorum Reliquiae, Berlin, 1878, p. 192). A Dog sejant, not salient as Can. May. (vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 271, fig. xviii), appears amongst other lunar zodiacal emblems on the Boundary Stones,
IX.
SUPA (" The Lustrous." Explained as As. Namru, W.A.I., V, xlvi, No. 1, 1. 52, "the Brilliant") = a and /3 Geminorum, Castor and Pollux. The name affords an interesting instance of the close connexion between the Ak. and Turco-Tataric languages.
The Bab. translation prevents any possibility of doubt respecting its meaning, and Supa is at once seen to be akin to the Turco- Tataric root sub, suv, su, 'water/ 'lustre,' 'honour,' Uigur sub, 'lustre,' etc.
= Per. 8. Taraha (= a, /3 Geminorum), "the (Two) Stars" (Av. Ctehr, ctar, Gk. ami'jp, Lat. stella, Per. tara, ' star ; ' cf, Gk. Te?/J09, re'/ja?, found only in plu. seipeu, " the constellations," + Per. ha, plu. form. Cf. also Per. towa, tava, ' twin ').
Sog. 8. Ghamb ( — Same stars), "the Twins" (Av. Yima, Sk. Yama,yamau, " twins,' Fer.Jam). Cf. the Vedic myth of Yama and his twin sister Yami.
Kho. 8. Jiray (= Same stars), "the Pair" (cf. V&r.jf/r, 'pair').
Ind 7. Punarvasu (= Same stars), "the Twice-bright," = "the Two Bright-ones."
Ar. 7. Al-Dzird' ( = Same stars), "the Arm" (Ar. zird, 'arm ') — of Leo. Speaking about the Ar. constellations, Albirum, who says that the Arabs " were very far from an accurate knowledge of the [solar] zodiacal signs and the star-figures," observes, " according to their opinion the figure of Leo extends over the signs Cancer, Leo, Virgo, and part of Libra;" and "they consider the two heads of Gemini as his outstretched forefoot . . . whilst in reality the matter is not what they assume" (Vestiges, p. 226).
Cop. 7. Pimafi (= Same stars), "the Fore-arm" (Cop.//, 'the,' -1- Cop. mafi, Eg. me/i, ' forearm '), = Ar. 7.
(To be continued*)
I
The Anniversary M n at
Great Ru 14th January, Me* I
A Paper b)
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Dec. 3]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1S95.
The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be holden at 37> Great Russell Street, Bloomsburv, W.C., on Tuesday, 14th January, 1896, at 8 p.m., when the Usual business of tl Meeting will be transacted.
A Paper by Dr„ Gaster will be read*
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