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THE

PRINCETON REVIEW.

APRIL, 1 853.

No. II.

9

Article I. — (Euvres divers de F'enelon. — Paris: Chez Le-

fevre, 1844.

We are no friends to Popery; to its doctrines, institutions, and ceremonies; and hesitate not to regard it as the great scheme of the evil one for frustrating the leading objects of Re- velation. We repel with indignation her claims to infallibility; we abhor her despotism and tyranny; we regard as mere Pa- ganized Christianity many of her rites and observances; we esteem, as unscriptural and irrational, much of her theology as consecrated by the Council of Trent. We have embraced all proper opportunities to oppose its errors and corruptions, its false doctrines and evil practices ; and shall continue to do it as long as we have power to “ contend for the faith once deli- vered to the saints.”

But while we thus bear our decided testimony against the Church of Rome, does it imply an excision of all the members of its communion ? Should there not be a distinction between the dogmas of a church viewed in its corporate authority, and the character of its members considered in their private capaci- ty ? Adopting the test which our Saviour gives, “ by their fruits ye shall know them,” we ^re bound to admit that many in that community have “ brought forth the fruits of the Spirit,” vol. xxv. — xo. ii. 22

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and exhibited the best attributes of Christians ; that Christiani- ty, even under Papal corruption, has put forth a divine and celestial power that has enlightened and purified ; that in that church there have been men who have adorned the sanctuary of God, and been shining lights in the days of darkness ; that from its bosom have gone forth missionaries to distant parts of the the earth, whose sacrifices and martyrdom have resembled those of the Apostolic age ; that hooks have been written by its mem- bers, and have come down to us, the study of which refreshes and strengthens our piety. Some thus distinguished, remained in the Papal Church, who failed not deeply to lament its errors ; and others gave such a construction as satisfied their minds, to doctrines which we would interpret as unscriptural and dangerous. It is not for us to say how far individuals thus united to Christ, might be unsuspectingly fettered in their ad- herence to the communion in which they were educated, by the force of early prepossessions ; by respect to ecclesiastical authority ; by their views of Christian unity ; and by their sense of the dangers of open separation. It is not for us to say how the Holy Spirit, by such instances of piety, might indicate the inefficacy of all human modifications of the gospel, and teach us that at times he chooses to be independent of the best or the worst instruments.

While, therefore, we firmly oppose the abominations of the Romish Church, and exclaim, “ 0 ! my soul, come not thou into its secret; unto its assembly, mine honour, be not thou united,” let us avoid that unmeasured and undistinguished sentence of reprobation which proscribes all its members. While we behold men there making eminent progress in the most sacred of all human pursuits ; while we listen to the devout aspirations of a Ivempis, prostrate at the foot of the Saviour’s cross ; while we imbibe the solemn and saintly morality of Nicole, breathing the most heavenly lessons of purity, charity, self-denial, and devotion; while we hear the voice of Pascal, now uttering with authority, the existence and attributes of God, and then in mea- sures awful and piercing as the lamentations of a prophet, mourning over the corruption and miseries of man, we should tremble to pronounce an indiscriminate sentence against all the members even of a corrupt community, lest haply we be found

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

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to “ curse whom God hath not cursed, and to defy whom the Lord hath not defied.”

To these may be added the name of Fenelon ; a man who to the highest order of talents, and an inimitable grace of ex- pression in his writings, added much spiritual and ardent piety ; a man in whom the gospel liberally diffused its graces, and dis- played its triumphs ; a man to whom Christianity would have been much indebted, if any mortal homage could have in- creased her native dignity and loveliness.

We shall first briefly present the events of his life, and then consider him in the different relations which he sustained.

Francis de Salignac de Lamothe-Fenelon was born of an ancient and illustrious family, at Perigord, in France, on the 6th of August, 1651 — was called to preach the gospel at an early age, and as Abbe, spent twelve years in presiding over the institution of “ New-Catholics.” In 1682, he was em- ployed in the distant province of Poictou, as missionary; in 1689, appointed as preceptor to the Duke of Burgundy — then was engaged in a warm controversy on the subject of Quietism ; and was removed by death on the 6th of January, 1715.

In considering his education , we learn that Marquis de Fen- elon, his uncle, a man of accomplished mind and acknowledged piety, bore all its expenses, having virtually adopted his nephew, in the place of an only son, who was killed at the siege of Candia. Having remained under the paternal roof until the age of twelve, he entered the University of Cahors, at that time in a flourishing state, affording to its pupils the highest advantages. Nothing is especially related of his pro- ficiency, except a profound knowledge in the Latin and Greek languages, far beyond the ordinary attainments of youth at that age. It is to his enthusiasm for classical literature, and his assiduous study of the best models of Athens and Rome, that he was indebted for that perfection of style which he reached ; that simplicity and grace, that perspicuity and elegance, that indescribable charm, which, by universal assent, pervade his writings. It is related, that in the study of Ilomer, to which he was devoted, he preferred the Odyssey to the Iliad. While he acknowledged that there might be higher sublimity in the latter, in the description of battles, gods, and heroes, in the

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tumult and terror wliicli perpetually reign ; yet lie regarded the former as exhibiting the finest lessons of morality, the most pleasing variety of events, the most natural pictures of domestic life, the truest representations of the manners and customs of antiquity: -while he admired the moral of the Iliad, which displayed the dire effects of discord among rulers, and the best means of rectifying the conduct of princes, he found in the Odyssey the patience, prudence, wisdom, temperance, and fortitude of the hero, affording a model, not confined to courts and palaces, but extending its influence to common life and daily practice; he saw (what was so congenial with his dis- position) universal benevolence inculcated with elegance and force. “Since it is delightful,” he says, “to see in one of Titian’s landscapes, the goat climbing up a hanging rock, or to behold in one of Tenier’s pieces, a rural feast of rustic dances, it is no wonder that we are pleased with such natural descrip- tions as we find in the Odyssey. This simplicity of manners seems to recall the golden age.” This sentiment is connected with that work which he afterwards composed, and on which his reputation so much rests.

After remaining at the University until he had finished his course of literature and philosophy, he was sent to Paris, and entered the college of Plessis. There he continued his studies of philosophy; and as his early piety had led him to choose the sacred ministry as his profession, there he commenced the study of theology; there made rapid progress in scholarship and religion; and there gave indications of that celebrity which he ultimately attained. At an early age, he was admit- ted to orders, and at the altar, gave a Eolemn pledge of his determination to devote his whole life to the service of that religion which he professed. On this occasion he was anima- ted with all the ardour of devout sincerity ; he went through the ceremony like a man in earnest; and implored God with tears that he might be so far honoured as to become, if neces- sary, a martyr for the sake of religion.

In considering Fenelon as a preacher, it may not be impro- per to inquire, TF/<af was the state of religion at that time in France? It was not in a stagnant state, treated with indiffer- ence and apathy; it was so examined and agitated that it every

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where excited attention. The discussions, able and animated, between the Jansenists and the Jesuits; the controversy between the Romanists and the Protestants, conducted by men of the ablest talents and the greatest learning — the works on this subject which were continually issuing from the press — the institutions for instruction which were rapidly multiplied, and in which youth were educated in the peculiar tenets of their founders — the interest felt in the work of foreign missions, extending to the most remote parts of the world — the unwea- ried labours of bishops and other ecclesiastics, “in season and out of season” — all kept the subject of religion continually before the public mind — carried it to the army, to the court, to schools and seminaries, to poets, and philosophers, and men of science. A Conde could pray in the field of battle; a Tur- enne ascribe all the victory to God ; a Racine find his reputa- tion as the author of Athalie and Esther, kindled at the altar of God, and the odour of his fancy and delight arising from the sacred incense. Besides, the Roman Catholic Church, at that period, was in a very different state from what it now is. Its clergy had elevated thoughts, and an evident desire to rid it of its gross superstitions; they took pains to acquire solid and extensive knowledge; they opposed some of its absurdities; omitted many of its ridiculous ceremonies; and endeavoured to render Catholicism more rational and intelligent, more scriptu- ral and pious. We doubt not that France, at that period, had many true followers of the Saviour ; some in elevated situa- tions, whose virtues shone like the reflection of the sun from the lofty mountain — and more of God’s “ hidden ones,” hidden by the obscurity of their condition, the restriction of their cir- cumstances, and the mass of their superstitions. We doubt not that at that time, multitudes whom God had chosen to wear his image, to maintain his cause, and to be employed in his service, went up from that country, day by day, to join “the great multitude that no man can number.”

Fenelon was no sooner in the priesthood than he manifested the most benevolent zeal for the cause of his Master, willing to “spend and be spent” in his service. As some of his com- panions in study had gone as missionaries to Canada, at that time a French province, he was anxious to follow them, willing

170 Character and Writings of FeneJon. [April

to endure hardships and difficulties in the dreary and unculti- vated wilds of America, and to spend his life in the instruction of ignorant savages in the way of life. It was thought that the rigour of the climate would be unfavourable to his delicate constitution, and he was persuaded to abandon his design. He next directed his attention to a mission established in the Levant, and desired to go to Greece, the country endeared to him by such classical recollections; and to Palestine, connected with so many interesting events of sacred history. The letter which he wrote on that occasion to a friend in Paris, shows his youthful enthusiasm, his brilliant imagination, his capacity to present, in lively and animated colours, the impression that was made, and the hope which was cherished.

“My Fear Sir:

“ Several trivial events have hitherto prevented my return to Paris ; but I shall at length set out, and instead of delaying, shall almost fly to the city. But, compared with this journey, I meditate one far greater and more important. The whole of Greece opens before me, and the Sultan flies in terror — the Peloponnesus is again breathing in liberty, and the Church of Corinth shall once more flourish — the voice of the Apostle shall again be heard there, proclaiming the truth. I seem to be transported among those enchanting places, and those inesti- mable ruins, where, while I collect the most curious relics of an- tiquity, I imbibe also its spirit. I seek for the Areopagus, where St. Paul proclaimed to the sages of the world the ‘unknown God.’ I kneel down, 0! happy Patmos, upon thy earth, and kiss the steps of the ‘ beloved disciple and shall almost believe that the heavens are opened to my sight. After a night of such long darkness, lo ! the dayspring dawns in Asia ! I behold the land which was sanctified by the foot- steps of the Pcedeemer, and crimsoned with his sacred blood; I see it delivered from its profaneness, and clothed anew in glory. The children of Abraham are assembling together from the four quarters of the earth, over which they have been scat- tered, to acknowledge the Messiah whom they had pierced ; and to show forth his resurrection even to the end of time.”

But in this design, also, he was disappointed ; Providence

1853.] Character and Writings of Feneion. 171

had a work for him to do in his native land; and there he was detained. For twelve years he presided over the institution of the “New Catholics,” and occupied a situation which until then had been confided to persons only of long and much experience. But at the early age of twenty-seven, he was found to com- bine all those qualities which fitted him for the employment ; distinguished talents and education, amiable manners, unusual prudence and discretion, and above all, much love to God and great benevolence to man. Here, in comparative obscurity, he cultivated those qualities which fitted him for a higher sphere and greater usefulness; he acquired that constancy of medi- tation which continued all his life ; gained that habit of re- flecting and judging so necessary to restrain an imagination naturally errant and excursive ; and had full time to become a philosopher, long before he knew that he was born a poet.

About this time he became intimately acquainted with Bos- suet, Bishop of Meaux, confessedly the head of the Galli- can Church; a man who had acquired the most splendid reputation by his intellectual powers, his varied erudition, his sublime eloquence, and his skill in reasoning. He took the deepest interest in the young Abbe, directed him in his studies, often invited him to his residence at Meaux, and made him one of the small number of his select acquaintance that met at his house for the purpose of discoursing on the sacred volume. Each individual contributed the result of his obser- vations and inquiries, and Bossuet summed up the whole at the close.

Having referred to the labours of Fenelon, at the institution of the “New Catholics,” in imparting religious instruction, both in public and private, it is the proper place to consider the character of his preaching. One of his sermons, composed with care, and designed for a great occasion — the consecration of Joseph Clement, of Bavaria, as Bishop of Liege, Ratisbon, and Hildesheim, was published in 1707. It is truly an elequent production — the first part written with the elevation and energy of Bossuet, and the second with all the tenderness and sensibility of Massillon. But this was not in general, the character of his preaching; he had not the reputation of an orator , in the sense ordinarily attached to the expression ; he

172 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

never aspired after such distinction. His views on the subject of preaching may be learned from his “Dialogues on Sacred Eloquence;” an excellent work, founded on nature and good sense, and well calculated to guard youth against a vitiated taste; to lead them to avoid those gaudy ornaments which serve only to amuse; and to cultivate those higher and solid beauties which make their way to the mind, and at once cap- tivate the heart. The maxims there contained he exemplified by his own practice. A volume has been published containing the sermons which he wrote when he entered upon the minis- try, and which, before delivery, he committed to memory ; but soon afterwards he ceased writing, and, as we learn from his “Dialogues,” recommended it to others. He had such aston- ishing facility in collecting and expressing his thoughts, that he needed not a means which others find not only useful, but indispensable. These sermons may be read with advantage. There is in them a sublimity of sentiment, a clearness of thought, a closeness of appeal, a pathos of address, and a copiousness of Scriptural language, which will repay an atten- tive reader, and which, when spoken, must have won the hearts of the hearers.

An event occurred in 1686, which had the effect of removing Fenelon from his retired situation, and in some degree, chang- ing his destiny. In that year, Louis XIY. was prevailed upon to revoke the edict of Nantz — an edict that was issued by Henry IV. for the purpose of toleration, and which had long afforded a degree of protection to the French Protestants. The revocation of this edict was an intolerant and wicked act; it was, too, most impolitic, and disastrous to the kingdom. By that act, France deprived herself of a million of her most industrious subjects; of a people whose conscientious piety arrested the growing corruption of the times ; of a number of pastors whose piety, zeal, and learning, were a continued stimulus to the national clergy. But when the Protestants were no longer tolerated, the corruptions of the clergy in- creased, the impiety of the people spread, the abuses of the Church augmented, until infidelity and atheism prevailed, and brought ruin upon the nation. It is said that Louis, on his death-bed, lamented to his grandson that he had engaged so

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1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon.

much in war, and that many of his national victories had tended to the injury of his kingdom. If he could then have foreseen the remote and immediate effects which resulted from the deci’ee which suppressed his Protestant subjects, which tended at last to the subversion of the government, and the ruin of the nation, with how much keener regret would he have lamented that cruel and unrighteous act !

After the edict of Nantz was revoked, severe measures were employed to bring the Protestants to subjection, and to lead them to change their religion; fetters were prepared — the sword was drhwn — blood was shed — but all was in vain. The king, bent upon establishing uniformity through his dominions, wished to add to the arguments of the sword the milder mea- sure of persuasion, and to send among them religious teachers, distinguished for their intelligence, mildness, prudence, and piety. In these circumstances, he fixed his eye on the Abbe Fenelon, as one well calculated for the work, and sent him a commission, designating the field and nature of his labours. We cannot justify Fenelon in the course which he took, the spirit which he manifested, the opinion which he expressed of the persecuted Huguenots; (he knew them only by their contro- versial writings) — yet we admire the means which he suggested, a3 indicating the benevolence of his nature and the soundness of his judgment. He consented to undertake the embassy upon one condition — that the armed force should be removed from the place where he was to labour, and military coercion entirely cease. When he arrived at the province of Poictou, one of the first letters which he wrote expressed the desire to have sent to him the New Testament, in large numbers, and in a clear type, to be diffused among the people, as one of the best means of convincing and enlightening them. The request was no doubt complied with, and this book, simply explained and solemnly enforced, was the means employed to bring the “heretics” to apostolic truth. Who would object to such a mode of converting Protestants? Who would not rejoice to see such agency in every nation under heaven ? How different is the Popery of the present day, which takes away the Scrip- tures from the people, and imprisons men and women for read- ing them !

VOL. XXV. — NO. II.

23

174 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

For three years Fenelon was thu3 employed. We learn not ■what effect was produced in advancing Romanism; but we have reason to think that something was effected in promoting the cause of Christ; such labours, by such a man, could not have been in vain. To himself, these missionary toils and struggles were no doubt useful — the humble theatre of his zeal and self- denial became the instructive school of his genius and useful- ness.

Soon after his return to Paris, he published his TraiU de T education des filles — his treatise on the education of daughters — a work which he never intended to print, (it was a simple homage of friendship to a female relative) but which his friends urged him to make public. It gained him much reputation at the time, was long a manual of wives and mothers, and to this day is admired and quoted. Though a small treatise, it em- bodies many valuable and useful thoughts on the education of youth of both sexes, from the earliest childhood to greater maturity, and though originally written for a particular fami- ly, is well fitted for all families, all ages, and all places. Those who have since written on the subject, have borrowed so much from this little work, that it has ceased to be original.*

This work had an influence upon an important appointment which he received not long after it was published. An event, to him entirely unexpected, suddenly brought him to the Court, changed his destiny, and elevated him to a station on which seemed dependent the hopes and happiness of his country. Louis XIV. perceiving that the time had arrived when his grandson, the Duke of Burgundy, required the care of a governor, made choice of the Duke of Beauvilliers. A better selection could not have been made. The Duke was a man who, under great simplicity of manner, concealed the rarest virtues — an enemy to pomp, hostile to ambition, not unduly attached to riches, sedate, disinterested, liberal and courteous. Peculiarly consi- derate and regular in every thing which he undertook, he was well qualified to govern men. As a minister of state, all knew that the basis of his politics was the love of justice; this they

* It was in much repute in the time of Addison, and is referred to in the Spectator, in an article from the pen of Steele.

Character and Writings of Fenclon.

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1853.]

bad observed as the reigning virtue of all his conduct ; to this they had seen him sacrificing his inclinations and feelings, his personal friends, even the interests of his own family. These qualities received a lustre and perfection from an eminent piety, which caused him to look to God, as the end to which all things were to be directed. No sooner did he receive the appointment as governor of the young prince, than he nomi- nated Fenelon as his preceptor — a nomination that was con- firmed by the king, commended by Bossuet, applauded by France. The royal grandsire said, “we give to you a son,” and the whole nation added, “return to us a father.”

Fenelon deeply felt the responsible office to which he was called; from the letters which he wrote on the occasion, we learn how fully sensible he was of the fearful undertaking; of his need of a judgment for distinguishing, and an authority for controlling, which few possess; of a patience and a per- severance which he was never before called to exercise. His pupil, in his moral qualities, was far from being promising. He was proud and capricious, tyrannical to his inferiors, and disobedient to all who would control him ; furiously impatient and incapable of enduring the least opposition ; at times so intemperate in his rage, that it was feared he might expire under the paroxysm of passion. With such unhappy traits of disposition were united astonishing powers of intellect, and such extent of knowledge as had never before been seen in one of his age. Such was the youth that was the heir-appa- rent to the crown, and expected to reign over a great and enlightened people; such was the youth committed to Fenelon, to be trained, corrected, and reformed. Any other preceptor would have been discouraged, but he despaired not. He brought to the undertaking, great intellectual powers, a finished educa- tion, unusual wisdom and prudence, and above all, the graces of a decided Christian. It would be interesting, had we time, to enter into details ; to show what care, attention, and patience, were employed; what skill was exerted; what varied and deli- cate means were used in the education of this child — this prince — this heir of the throne of France. The more we examine his method of forming the mind and heart, the more are we con- vinced that it is a model of a perfect education.

176 Character and Writings of Fcnelon. [April

It is generally known how the child was treated, when he broke forth into intemperate rage. All observed a profound silence — his governor, his preceptor, the officers and domes- tics; they asked no que'stion — they gave him no answer — they carefully removed every thing by which he might injure him- self or others — they looked upon him with tender pity, as upon one whose reason was alienated — and thus left him alone to his own reflections, regrets, and remorse. In these circumstances, he would return to himself, and see and feel his folly and his crime. By the use of all these means happily combined; by the continual exercise of the authority of the tutor, mingled with all the tenderness of a father, Fenelon succeeded in gradually subduing his pupil, and calming his impetuous passions.

One means he employed with great success. Knowing the liveliness of children’s imagination, and the peculiar vivacity of that of his pupil, he laid hold of it as the instrument of affect- ing the heart ; assured that the images there imprinted would be far more effective than the clearest or most forcible reason- ing. Those interesting Fables, still in existence, he composed for this purpose; written with a natural elegance that is agree- able to the ear and taste of a child, and with a moral not vague nor indeterminate, but so particular, that the youngest reader can make the application. Who can read the “Young Prince and Somnus,” “Bacchus and the Satyr,” “The Nightingale and the Linnet,” “The Bees and the Silkworms,” “The Medal,” “ The Fantasque,” and others, without perceiving some folly which the prince had committed, or some virtue which he parti- cularly needed ; without recognizing the mirror in which he looked and saw his deformity, and from which he turned away with aversion and disgust. It was by such means — by convers- ing familiarly with him — by appealing to his honour — by en- gaging at times in his innocent sports, and converting his amusements into study — by seizing the favourable moment to make an impression on a mind that could easily under- stand, and a heart that could sensibly feel, that he obtained over his pupil a complete ascendency, and implanted within him the principles of virtue.

In instructing his mind, a mind of uncommon clearness and strength, he was equally judicious and persevering. Here he

1853.]

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

177

had everything to encourage him ; for his pupil had as much avidity to possess knowledge, as a capacity to receive it; he had an eager curiosity to know everything, and a desire to be profound in everything that he learned. He instructed him thoroughly in the Greek and Latin classics, explained the au- thors which they read together, showed, when there were diffi- culties, how they could be overcome, drew his attention to the beauties continually occurring, the delicacy of the expression, the vivacity of the narrative, the force of the imagery. As the mind of the scholar expanded, and his heart aspired after greater knowledge, he opened to his view the eloquence of Cicero, the power of Demosthenes, the grace and tender- ness of Virgil, the expressive delicacy of Horace, the rapid excursions of Pindar; and he was delighted to see his youth- ful disciple improving in the delicacy and correctness of his taste, and able in a little time to appreciate these inimi- table charms of antiquity. He himself tells us. In his let- ter to the French Academy, he says: — “I have seen a prince at the age of eight years, overcome with grief at the view of the young Joash, and impatient because the high priest concealed from him his name and his birth.* I have seen him tenderly moved and melted into tears, by hearing these pathetic lines of Virgil : —

‘Ah! miseram Eurydicen anima fugiente vocabat.

Eurydiccn toto referebant flumine rips.’ ”

Another means which he employed with his pupil, was wri- ting letters to him in Latin, and receiving answers in the same language — several of them have been preserved. f — Under such

* Referring to Racine’s Athalie.

t We insert one of these letters, from the pen of Fenelon, on the death of La Fontaine, an author whose Fables he and his young friend often read to- gether ; and who, in the latter part of his life, received a pension from the Duke.

“ Heu! luit vir ille facetus, YEsopus alter, nugarum laude Phadro superior, per quem bruta animantes, vocales factae, humanum genus edocuere sapientiam. Heu! Fontanus interiit. Proh dolor! interiere simul joci dicaces, lascivi risus, gratia decentes, docta camana. Lugete, 6 quibus cordi est ingenuus lepos, natura nuda et simplex, incompta et sine fuco eleganlia. Illi, illi uni per omnes doctos licuitesse negligentem. Politiori stilo quantum praslitit aurea negligentia ! Tam caro capiti quantum debetur desiderium ! Lugete, musarum alumni ; vivunt tamen, aternumque vivent carmini jocoso commissa veneres, dulces nuga, sales Attici, suadela blanda atque parabilis ; neque Fontanum recentioribus juxta tem-

178 Character and Writings of Fcnelon. [Ai>ril

instruction, the young prince made astonishing progress ; such as is seldom seen in any country, or in any age.

As he advanced in life, and was instructed in history and philosophy, Fenelon prepared other works for him. Among these, was Dialogues of the Dead — written with the ease and grace that characterize his other works — in which are intro- duced all the distinguished characters of ancient and modern times, who, by their rank and actions, have influenced the des- tiny of nations, or by their talents and learning, have left a name celebrated and distinguished. The principal object of the writer is to show that we should not judge of the characters of men from that kind of eclat which they received on earth; to dissipate that illusion so common among youth, which leads them inordinately to admire those wdio have been favoured with success; whose names have resounded from age to age, and are indelibly inscribed on the records of fame. The work shows the most accurate knowledge of history, politics, litera- ture and philosophy; possesses that delicate perception, and those shades of colour, which mark the peculiar character of every speaker; and has that variety of diction which is suited to the several ages and personages — sometimes, the seriousness of Plato, and sometimes the poignant humour of Lucian. "When the author draws back the curtain, and admits us to a familiar interview with the distinguished men of other times, we over- hear the conversation, conducted in the recesses of privacy, with an entire freedom of heart and speech ; we become inti- mately acquainted, and intensely interested ; and before wre are aware, the illusion is so great that all is life and reality. We love to hear Plato and Aristotle, Socrates and Timon, Hero- dotus and Lucian, Caesar and Alexander, Horace and Virgil, thus conversing — we especially love, as exhibiting the nature of true eloquence, the comparison between Cicero and Demos- thenes. The author represents the former as deeply concerned for the safety of the republic, but never forgetting that he is

porum seriem, sed anliquis, ob amoenitates ingenii adscribimus. Tu verb, lector, si fidem deneges, codicem aperi. Quid sentis? — Mores hominum atque ingenia fabulis, Terentius ad vivurn depingit; Maronis molle et facetum spirat hoc in opusculo. lieu ! quandonam mercuriales viri quadrupedum facundiam cequipa- rabunL”

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an orator; the latter so transported as to have nothing in view but his country — the former seeking and attaining beauties of the highest order; the latter, naturally possessing them, with- out desire or search — the former using speech for ornament ; the latter employing it for the mere purpose of covering his thoughts. He represents the auditors as differently affected. Those who listen to Cicero are charmed and delighted by the words which he utters — those who hear Demosthenes are affect- ed only by the things that are to be done. The former conti- nually interrupt their speaker by loud applauses — the latter, under the speaking of their orator, are sad and silent. When Cicei’O concludes, the Roman Senate and people exclaim, “What an orator!” When Demosthenes finishes, the Athenians cry out, “ Come, let us march against Philip !”

As the young prince advanced to manhood, other works were prepared for his benefit — among them, though not published till several years afterwards, was Telemachus. It is somewhat remarkable, that many of those works which have attained the highest reputation, were composed in the abodes of royalty. Plato wrote his Dialogues in the palace of Syracuse — Aristotle, his Treatise on Morals, in the tent of Alexander — More, his Utopia, in one of the towers of royal residence, under the eyes of Henry — and Fenelon, his Telemaque, in the court of Louis. It is not necessary to dwell long upon a book so well known, and marked by so singular a destiny; which was com- posed only for the instruction of an heir to the throne, but which has long been the charm of every condition and period of life ; which is one of the first books put into the hands of youth, and which is re-read and enjoyed in the season of age. It has justly been regarded as an epic poem ; and though not written in verse, the author gives to prose the colour, the me- lody, the accent, the very soul of poetry.

Written for the instruction of one who was expecting a throne, the several parts of the story are appropriate to his character, and have regard to his duties ; the best political and moral maxims are placed before his eyes, animated with life, and heightened by action. The author shows that the glory of a prince is to govern men in such a manner as to make them good and happy; that his authority is never so firmly estab-

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Character and Writings of Tendon. [April

lislied as in the love of his people ; that the true riches and prosperity of a state consist in taking away what ministers to general luxury, and in being content with innocent and simple pleasures.

The author has made a beautiful use of antiquity, and from that treasure, and the source of his own imagination, brings descriptions truly rich and touching — sometimes, the sublime grandeur of great and astonishing events, but more frequently, an inimitable sweetness and tenderness, in calmer and more quiet scenes. "We can never be fatigued in reading his description of Elysium, that abode of happiness, innocence, and peace, where the immortals dwell. There is employed the same mythology that was used by Homer and Virgil, but refined by the know- ledge of Divine Revelation, and adorned by a certain tincture of Christianity that runs easily through the whole relation. The description of that pure and gentle light which overflows these happy regions, and clothes the spirits of the virtuous, is exquisitely beautiful :

“ The rays of the sun are darkness in comparison with this light, which rather deserves the name of glory than that of light. It pierces the thickest bodies in the same manner as the sun- beams pass through the crystal. It strengthens the sight, instead of dazzling it; and nourishes, in the most inward re- cesses of the mind, a perpetual serenity that is not to be expressed. It enters and incorporates with the very substance of the soul ; the spirits of the blessed feel it in all their senses, and in all their perceptions. It produces a certain degree of peace and joy that arises in them, for ever running through all the faculties, and refreshing all the desires of the soul. External pleasures and delights, with all their charms and allurements, are regarded with the utmost indifference and ne- glect by these happy spirits, who have this great principle of pleasure within them, drawing the whole mind to itself, calling off their attention from the most delightful objects, and giving them all the transports of inebriation, without any of its con- fusion or folly.”

We can almost fancy that we hear an angel saying to Paul, when he “was caught up to the third heavens,” what was de- scribed to the youthful hero : — “From those seats of tranquillity

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which the blessed occupy, all evils fly to a remote distance : death, disease, poverty, and pain; regret and remorse; fear, and even hope, which is sometimes not less painful than fear itself; animosity, disgust, and resentment, are for ever denied access. The lofty mountains might sooner be overturned from their foundations, though deep as the centre, than the peace of these happy beings be interrupted for a moment. They are indeed touched with pity at the miseries of life; but it is a soothing and tender passion, that takes nothing from their hap- piness. Their countenances shine with a glory all divine ; with the bloom of unfading youth, the brightness of eternal joy; of joy, which, superior to the wanton levity of mirth, is calm, silent, and solemn — the sublime fruition of truth and virtue. They feel every moment what a mother feels at the return of an only son, whom she believes to be dead ; but the pleasure which in the breast of the mother is transient, is permanent in theirs ; it can neither languish nor cease; they converse together con- cerning what they see and what they enjoy; they enjoy the remembrance of their difficulties and distress, during the short period in which, to maintain their integrity, it was necessary they should strive, not only against others, but against them- selves; and they acknowledge the Divine guidance and protec- tion, that conducted them in safety through so many dangers, with gratitude and admiration. They see, th cj feel, that they are happy; and are secretly conscious that they shall be happy for ever. They sing the Divine praises as with one voice: in the whole assembly there is but one mind, and one heart ; and the same stream of Divine felicity circulates through every breast. In this sacred and supreme delight, whole ages glide away unperceived, and seem shorter than the happiest hours upon earth ; but gliding ages still leave their happiness entire. They reign together, for crowns of glory are placed upon their heads, the symbols and the pledge of happiness and immortality.”* — What man of genius desires not to write in this manner ? What man of virtuous sensibility wishes not such a writer as his friend?

But during this period, was the religious education of the

* Telem. Tom. ii. Liv. xix. VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 24

182 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

royal pupil neglected? No ! To this Fenelon directed great zeal and attention, preached trequently before him, and in con- versation, often dwelt upon a subject which he felt was useful for kings, as well as for subjects. Besides these advantages, the Prince was required to study his preceptor’s “ Treatise on the Existence of God,” a work which had been published for some years, and which was originally prepared for the Duke of Orleans ; but which was now put into the hands of another Prince for his instruction in religious truth. It is a work that presents a convincing argument in favour of the existence and perfections of a Supreme Being, derived from the knowledge of the material world, and in part, from the knowledge of man ; a work, in which the author thoroughly searches the argument, and maintains it upon principles of the most exact philosophy, while at the same time, he lowers and adapts it to the most ordinary capacity ; a work that shows us, in every part of the universe, design — uniformity — a workman wise and almighty — a providence that rules over all. The book must have been familiar to Paley, and probably suggested his great work on the same subject.

Besides this treatise, the Prince was required to study the choice letters of Jerome, Augustin, Cyprian, and Ambrose; and above all, the Sacred Scriptures, which, as Fenelon writes to the Abbe Fleury, “had better be explained as they are read.”

While the preceptor was thus assiduously labouring for his beloved pupil ; while he desired him to ascend the throne of France, with all the virtues of Christianity, and all the know- ledge necessary for the government of a great people, he was not disappointed : the most signal and striking results attended his method of instruction : the Prince became completely changed in character and conduct ; he became mild, benevo- lent, kind and courteous; more than this — he became truly pious.

About this period, in 1G05, Fenelon was appointed Arch- bishop of Camhray , with the privilege of still remaining pre- ceptor to the Duke of Burgundy, and to two other grand- children of the King ; and of spending three months in the year at Versailles. We have a letter to his friend Abbe Fleury,

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written soon after he entered upon his diocese : — “I have com- menced my duties, and preached twice with some prospect of success. I endeavour to inculcate just views of truth, of which I fear the people have been sadly deprived. I am acquiring authority which I hope will not be abused, but be properly ex- ercised. I give to the preachers an example of avoiding all subtilty in their sermons, and of speaking directly to the point, so as to do good. Pray for me, my dear friend, that I may not be as ‘ sounding brass, or a tinkling cymbal.’ ”

We have now arrived at the period when the controversy be- tween Fenelon and Bossuet took place. The connection that had been formed between these two eminent men had grown into an intimacy, notwithstanding the difference in their ages and dispositions, and had lasted for years without any abate- ment. Fenelon was continually gaining fresh stores of know- ledge from his familiar communication with Bossuet ; and Bos- suet was acquiring spiritual improvement from the temper and manners of Fenelon. But now an event occurred, which inter- rupted their friendly intercourse, and at last led to one of the fiercest controversies of the age. It will be necessary to give some account of the person who originated the difference, and may be said to be the cause of it.

Madam Guyon was born in 1648, of a respectable family ; was married when quite young, and from an early period of life was distinguished for her piety and elevated devotion. Left a widow at the early age of twenty-eight, with three chil- dren, possessed of great wealth, with a high reputation for in- telligence, and with refined culture of manners, which fitted her to move in the leading circles of society, she came to Paris. From her autobiography, her “Short and Easy Method of Prayer,” and her “Exposition of the Song of Solomon,” we can learn her religious opinions. Judging by these works, we perceive her piety, though sincere, mixed with much that was enthusiastic ; we see her too often drawn away by a fervid ima- gination, and deriving her ideas of religion from the mere feel- ings of her own heart. Her system was like the Quietism of Molinos, somewhat modified, making true and acceptable devo- tion to consist far too exclusively in the musings of solitude ; in the raptures of silent contemplation ; in a total abstraction of

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the thoughts from external objects ; in such a seraphic love to God, as has reference only to himself and his perfections, with- out any personal considerations of hope or fear. She chose for her spiritual director, the Abbe La Combe, a member of the order of Barnabites, who, though pious, and willing to suffer, as he did, for the cause of Christ, was not adapted to rectify her errors, but rather fitted to encourage and increase her extrava- gance. But with all her mistaken notions, she led a pious life, and maintained the essential truths of religion. Although her views of the doctrine of justification by faith were imperfect and obscure, yet what she expressed in her last hours were no doubt the sentiments of her whole life — “I rely for my salvation, not on any good works in myself, but on thy mercies, 0 ! God, and on the merits and sufferings of my Lord Jesus Christ.” She maintained the necessity of the Iloly Spirit to renew and sanc- tify the heart — read the Scriptures much, and urged others to study them. She evidently encouraged not the invocation of saints and angels. She says of herself, (and in this as in every- thing else, she would be an example to her friends) “ The deep and profound sense which I had of God absorbed every- thing. I could not see the saints, nor discern the Holy Virgin out of him ; in him I beheld them, and could scarcely distin- guish them in any other manner. I tenderly love certain saints, as St. Peter, St. Paul, St. Magdalen, St. Theresa, and all who are really spiritual ; yet I could not form any sensible idea of them nor invoke them out of God.” She had no faith in the doctrine of Transubstantiation. In one of her letters she says: “As to what you ask me, if the body and blood of our Lord are in the bread and wine which are given at the Supper, I do not believe it — but it would be too long a discussion to tell you where it really is.”

Believing that she was destined by God for some extraordi- nary ministry, she had frequent conferences at her own house of persons of both sexes, and laboured with assiduity to bring them to her views. Nor was she satisfied with confining her labours to Paris — she went abroad, fulfilling her ministry, con- trary to the wishes of many of her friends, who were pained that she was leading a life that interfered with her duties as a mother. She visited Geneva, Lyons, Grenoble, Turin, and

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 185

other cities, where she had her meetings, where she was attended by persons of all ages and classes, by ecclesiastics as well as the laity, and where, according to her own account, she gained many proselytes to her opinions. After an absence of five years, she returned to Paris, and persisted in the propa- gation of her principles, without any abatement of zeal or dread of consequences. She was soon silenced by Ilarlai, Archbishop of Paris — her writings were condemned at a Con- ference of Bishops; and she herself was treated most cruelly; confined in a convent — afterwards imprisoned at Versailles, and at length sent to the Bastile. But under all her sufferings, she maintained her principles, and lived to convince her enemies of the purity of her life, and the sincerity of her piety.

Fenelon met Madam Guyon for the first time at the house of the Duchess of Charost. Having heard much of her character, and the excellence of her morals, he was prepared to be interested; he was attracted by the sprightliness of her conversation; pleased with her spiritual piety; and deeply affected by the persecutions which had assailed her. Not that he gave credit to the visions and revelations which her too ele- vated imagination had indulged — he was possessed of too much discernment and vigour of understanding for this; not that he embraced all the peculiar doctrines found in her works — some of them he rejected as irrational and unscriptural ;* not that he approved of her public ministrations — he advised her to retire to a convent, where she could be more useful, in privately instructing those of her own sex. But he regarded it as a harsh and cruel proceeding, to treat with such cruelty an amiable and pious female, whom her worst enemies could only consider in the light of a visionary, labouring under the influence of a heated and impetuous imagination. He did more than thus defend her ; a man of his warm and elevated devotion, would naturally feel attracted towards one who cultivated to such a

* He united with Bossuet and the Bishop of Chalons, in signing the Articles of Issy, that condemned several of her opinions. In a letter to Madame de Main- tenon, written not long after this interview, he says: “ Je ne compte pour ricn ni ses prelendues propheties, ni ses pretendues revelations ; je ferais peu de cas d’ elle, si elle les comptait pour quelque chose. II m’ a paru qu’ elle etait naturellement exagcrante, et peu precautions dans ses experiences.”

186 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

degree experimental religion; he entered into a correspondence with her, -which continued for two years; freely discussed, in his communications, the whole subject of inward piety; made upon her mind a most useful impression; and doubtless re- ceived himself much improvement from her letters, and the truths thus examined.

While Fenelon was thus occupied, Bossuet, fearing that error was springing up in the bosom of the Church, was giving the most vigorous attention to the writings of Madam Guyon ; he examined thoroughly her work, entitled “Short and Easy Method of Prayer,” and, after eight months of intense study, produced one of the ablest productions that ever came from his pen ; profound in learning, and brilliant with eloquence — “ In- structions on the Spirit of Prayer.” Before it was published, and after he had obtained the approbation of the Bishop of Chartres and the Archbishop of Paris, he brought it to the Archbishop of Cambray, to receive his testimonial in its favour. Fenelon received and examined the book, acknowledged the ability with which it was written, made no opposition to the doctrines which were discussed, but expressed the most decided opposition to its personalities — to the manner in which it spoke of Madam Guyon. Others, ignorant of her life, might con- demn, but he could not — he knew her well — he was convinced of her sincerity, and the purity of the motives from which she acted — he had conversed and corresponded with her — he had taken pains to ascertain her meaning in passages which seemed obscure and difficult ; he had learned from others the history of her life, and had found it pure and virtuous — he had been made ac- quainted with those counsels which she gave to others, and was sure that there was nothing in them wrong or injurious — and in these circumstances he could not give his signature and ap- probation to a work which spoke in severely disparaging terms of one of whom he entertained the most favourable opinion ; he could not, (to use his own expression,) “strike the final blow at the reputation of one, whose innocence he had clearly and accurate- ly ascertained.” This opinion, deliberately formed, he in a letter deliberately expressed, though he was fully aware of the consequences; though he was sure that his refusal would give

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 187

offence to Bossuet, and dissatisfaction to his sovereign. How could one possessing his traits of character act differently ?

Now ensued an open breach between two friends who had long lived together in terms of the most fraternal intercourse ; now the two prelates who were at the head of the Gallican church, were engaged in a fierce controversy, respecting an im- prisoned female — the one regarding her as a heretic, the other esteeming her innocent and persecuted.

After Bossuet had published his work, which made a deep impression upon the public mind, and when all eyes were direct- ed towards Fenelon, he felt that he must not be silent ; his posi- tion made it necessary for him to speak boldly and fearlessly. This he did in the “Maxims of the Saints;” a work in which he endeavoured to exhibit the sentiments of his friend (though her name is not mentioned) in an unexceptionable light; to purge away the dross, and present the gold in a pure and un- adulterated mass. Never before did a volume of such a peace- ful title, produce such an explosion of angry controversy. It was mentioned to the King, as containing heretical opinions ; he at once applied for information to the Bishop of Meaux, who, he used often to say, “ had all the wisdom and influence of a (Ecumenical Council ;” and Bossuet, forgetful of his past friend- ship, and consulting only his present feelings, fell on his knees before Louis, and asked pardon for not having before acquainted him with the dangerous tenets which Fenelon had imbibed. He lost no time in preparing a reply; and when some other prelates and theologians saw so much merit in the “Maxims of the Saints,” as incited a desire to pass it by in silence, he ex- claimed, “ Take your own measures ; but I will raise my voice to the very heavens against these errors — I will complain to Rome — to the whole earth — it shall not be said that the cause of God is weakly betrayed — though I should stand single- handed, I will advocate the truth.” He did earnestly advocate what he regarded the truth, and what he knew was agreeable to the sentiments of his sovereign. But we cannot enter into the details of this controversy; it occupied about three years, and during that period, Bossuet produced such a number of writings as would fill three large volumes, and Fenelon almost as much. They both put forth all their strength ; and the conflict display-

188 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

ing the highest theological and literary power, attracted not only the sight of France, but the eyes of Europe. The one was advanced in years, but preserving all the vigour of mind that he ever possessed, and retaining much of the fire of his early days — the other was in the strength of manhood, enjoy- ing the highest reputation for the loftiness of his genius, the pathos of his eloquence, his wisdom and success as the instruc- tor of royalty. But far different were the tempers of the two combatants — Bossuet contended earnestly for “ what he be- lieved to be the faith once delivered to the saints,” but he contended not “ lawfully;” and why should he “be crowned?” In his controversy with the Protestants, he kept the limits of his zeal within the bounds of propriety and decency, but now, when contending with one of his dearest and most cherished friends, he betrays an irritation, a rancour, a bitterness of spirit truly lamentable. We behold him covering his innocent rival with invective ; resorting to every artifice to degrade him ; garbling his publications ; violating the secrecy of private let- ters ; calling him the Montanus of a new Priscilla ; an extrava- gant fanatic, a champion of errors, towards wdiom should be exercised no mercy nor moderation. The conduct of Fenelon forms the most beautiful contrast ; his gentle and purified spirit, carried him far above such violence. He asserted his equitable rights, but with undisturbed dignity ; he defended his own character, and that of female innocence, but with elevated self-respect ; on all occasions he evinced the urbanity of the finished gentleman, combined with the graces of the exalted Christian; he was always calm and modest, yet ever manly; liis style forcible and pointed, but with no mixture of illiberal sarcasm. Posterity has done him justice; it has affirmed that throughout this contest, no stain has rested upon his moral character ; that he was sincere in what he said to Bossuet, in one of his writings : — “ Two things only do I desire — truth and love — truth to enlighten, and love to unite us.”

A final appeal was made to the decision of Innocent XII., who at that time occupied the Papal chair, and a letter was written by the King, urging him to settle the controversy without de- lay. The tide now ran strongly against Fenelon — Madame Maintenon deserted the man to whom she was once attached,

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 189

and in whose society she took so much delight. The Pere de la Chaise, the confessor of Louis, loving the person, and attach- ed to the principles of the Archbishop, dared not speak in his behalf — and the clergy of every grade, with but few exceptions, were united in opposition. The King was decidedly hostile. In 1697, he ordered him to quit Paris, and to confine himself to his diocese of Cambray, an act intended as a kind of exile and imprisonment ; and about a year afterwards, with his own hand, erased his name from the list of the royal household, and deprived him of the office of preceptor to his grandsons. Would we know the cause of such banishment from the court? He “was no flatterer — he sought neither to enrich nor aggrandize himself — but aided those who were seeking after truth and virtue.”*

The examination was protracted at Rome, during the period of nearly two years, owing to the high reputation of Fenelon, and the reluctance of the Pope and some of the Cardinals to censure him. At length, after repeated discussions, and innu- merable delays, thirty-seven propositions in the book were ad- judged to be erroneous, and the Pope’s Brief was proclaimed at Rome, on the 13th of March, 1699.

In examining these propositions, we think that the errors con- demned may all be reduced to the following, viz: — that a state of absolute perfection, in which there is no desire for heaven, and no fear of hell, may be attained in this world by the pious soul, though few comparatively ever reach it — that love to the Supreme Being should be pure and disinterested, entirely ex- empt from all views of interest, and all hopes of reward — that there are souls so filled with the love of God, and so resigned to his will, that if, in a state of temptation and trial, they believe that they are condemned to eternal punishment, they make the sacrifice of their salvation, willingly and cheerfully, for the Divine glory.

That these are errors, we have no doubt ; and the elevated virtues of Fenelon should not prevent us from perceiving and con- demning what is exceptionable. We cannot conceive how we

* These, in his Telemachus, are Mentor’s own words to King Idomeneus, at his parting.

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. /

25

190 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

can love God, unconnected with benefit and interest to our- selves ; how in our views of him, we can overlook the im- portant relations which he sustains to us, as benefactor and rewarder ; how our hearts can be drawn out to him in supreme admiration, without a sense of his goodness to us. The sup- position that it is possible for the pious soul to attain such an overwhelming desire for the divine glory, as to acquiesce in its own condemnation, if it be the will of God, is to put a case as im- possible in fact, as it is absurd in theory ; as derogatory to the Divine benevolence, as it is destructive of Christian confidence.

Fenelon received the Papal decree on the Sabbath, as he was going to church — he delayed a few minutes — changed the subject of his discourse — preached on the necessity of submis- sion to the “higher powers,” and exemplified the truth publicly by his conduct. It was an affecting sight. Holding the decree of the Pope in one hand, and his book in the other, on his bended knees, and with a firm voice, he pronounced his recan- tation, amidst the tears and sobs of his beloved people.

From this time he ceased to introduce the subject in his con- troversial writings. But did he renounce the doctrine ? No ! The Pope had taken pains to say that the propositions were condemned in the sense which they might bear, or which they did bear in the view of others ; but not in the sense in which they were explained by the author. Availing himself of this suggestion, he carefully avoided those expressions and illus- trations which were liable to misconstruction, and which had been condemned at Home ; but he never ceased, in his conver- sation, in his practical writings, or in his sermons, to inculcate the doctrine of a pure and disinterested benevolence.

After the termination of this severe conflict, Bossuet was re- garded as the most orthodox of bishops, Fenelon as the most mild and amiable of men; the former, the oracle of theological dogma, the latter, the oracle of piety and virtue. Bossuet con- tinued at court, admired and revered; Fenelon remained at Cambray, idolized and adored. But though he was not recalled to the court, nor to the instruction of the grandchildren of the king, yet he did not forget his beloved pupil, the Duke of Burgun- dy, nor was the Duke unmindful of him. The Prince had ten-

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 191

derly sympathized with him in his banishment and persecution; had deeply regretted his privation of the purest of examples and the best of preceptors; and felt it a severe affliction that he was not permitted even to correspond with him. At length, after a period of four years, he wrote the following letter, which expresses the tenderest gratitude to him whom he still recog- nized as his teacher, the religious sentiments with which he was penetrated, and his anxiety to receive instruction and ad- vice.

“Versailles, 22d Dec., 1701.

“At length, my dear Archbishop, after four years’ silence, I have an opportunity of writing. I have suffered many afflic- tions since our separation; but one of the severest has been my inability, during all that time, of giving you any proof of my affection ; and of telling you how much your misfortunes, instead of lessening, have increased my friendship and regard. I look forward with great pleasure to the time when I shall again see you ; but I fear that it is far, far distant. I have felt most indignant (but could not express my feelings) at the un- just and cruel treatment you have met with; but (as you taught me) must be submissive to the divine will, and believe that all these things are working together for our good.”

The following is Fenelon’s answer :

“Nothing, my lord, ever gave me greater comfort than the letter which I have just received from you. I render thanks for it to Him who can do in all hearts whatever he pleases for his glory. God must surely love you, since he makes you to partake of his love, in the midst of every thing capable of stifling it. Love him, therefore, above all things; and fear nothing so much as his displeasure. He will be your light, your strength, your life; in a word, your all. 0! how rich is the heart in the midst of afflictions and sorrows, when it has this treasure ! Accustom yourself to seek God with the sim- plicity of a child; with a tender familiarity; with a confidence that will be most pleasing to so good a father. Do not be discouraged at your weaknesses; there is a way of bearing without excusing them ; a way of correcting, without being im- patient under them. God will show you this way, if you seek it, distrusting yourself, and like Abraham, walking before

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him. 0 ! how strong are we in God, when we feel ourselves weak! Fear falling into sin — fear it a thousand times more than death — and if through temptation you do fall, hasten to the Father of Mercies and the God of all comfort — he will ex- tend his arms to receive you; open your wounded heart to him who can and will heal. Be humble and little in your own eyes. Take care of your health ; be moderate in your appe- tites; and apply yourself closely to your several duties. I speak, you perceive, only of God and yourself. It is a matter of no consequence what I am. Thank God, I have a quiet conscience. My greatest cross is that I cannot see you; but in my approaches to God I have you so near, that it seems to sur- pass the view by the outward senses. I would give a thousand lives to see you just as God would have you to be.”

The following letter of the Prince, seems to have been written soon after the receipt of the preceding one of Fenelon. uMg Dear Archbishop :

“ I will endeavour to make a good use of the advice you give. I ask an interest in your prayers, that God will give me grace to do it. Pray to him more and more, that he would grant me the love of himself, above all things else; and that I may love my friends, and love my enemies, in and for him. In the situ- ation in which I am, I am compelled to hear many things un- favourable. When I am rebuked for taking a course which I know to be right, I am not impatient, nor disquieted; when I am made to see that I have done wrong, I readily blame my- self; and am enabled sincerely to pardon and to pray for all who wish or who do me ill. I hesitate not to admit that I have faults; but I may add that I am firmly resolved, whatever be my failings, to give myself to God. Pray to him, pray without ceasing, that he would be pleased to finish in me what he has begun, and to destroy those evils which proceed from my fallen nature. Be assured that my friendship for you will be always the same.”

In the year 1702, the Prince received a commission to com- mand the army at Flanders; and as he had to pass through Cambray to his place of destination, he asked permission of the king to visit his former preceptor. Leave was granted, on

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the condition that he should not see him alone. The two friends met, after an absence of many years, exceedingly enjoyed each other’s society, though restrained by the presence of a third person; and had much conversation, which they feared might be the last, and -which they carefully treasured up during the remainder of life. They never again met.

Not many years afterwards, in consequence of the sudden death of the Dauphin, Louis associated with him upon the throne the Duke of Burgundy. This event gave new encour- agement to the hopes of Fenelon respecting France; he had consecrated his life to prepare for her such a king as she needed ; and he had reason to think that he who was thus ele- vated had the wisdom to conceive, and the energy to execute, the very best plans of government. With all the fidelity of a Mentor, he gave him advice in things the most minute ; pointed out the dangers to which he was exposed, the obligations that rested on him, the whole consequences of his conduct. In a letter to another, but intended for his inspection, he says: “he must become the wise counsellor of his majesty, the father of his people, the consoler of the afflicted, the friend of the poor, the defence of the Church, the enemy of flatterers, the patron of merit, the hearer of everything, but the believer of nothing without proof. He who conducted David from the sheepfold to the throne, will give a mouth and wisdom to him who resists not the Divine will, provided he be humble, meek, distrusting himself, and confiding in God.”

About this time he wrote the following letter, which was the last the Prince ever received from him. “ Offspring of St. Louis ! be like him, mild, humane, easy of access, affable, com- passionate, and liberal. Let your grandeur never hinder you from condescending to the lowest of your subjects — yet in such a manner that this goodness shall not weaken your authority, nor lessen their respect. Suffer not yourself to be beset with flatterers ; but value the presence and advice of men of virtuous principles. True virtue is often modest and retired ; princes have need of her, and therefore should often seek her. Place no confidence in any but those who have the courage to differ from you with respect, and who love your prosperity and repu-

194 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

tation better than your favour. Make yourself loved by the good, feared by the bad, and esteemed by all.”

He to whom this affectionate letter was addressed, seemed to promise all that Fenelon desired; his subjects, regarding him as a father, looked for happiness under his government ; the nations around anticipated the general happiness in which they too would participate, and rejoiced in looking forward to the period when he should be sole monarch. But death, that destroys so many projects, came, and blasted the hopes of all. When Fenelon heard of his dangerous illness, he wrote: “I fear for the sad destiny of the Dauphin. If God is not dis- pleased and angry with France, he will recover; but if his fury be not appeased, we have cause to dread for his life ; the Lord has long stricken us, as saith the prophet, and his hand is stretched out still.” He heard of the news of his death with the most lively sorrow, and yet with perfect resignation; he wept like a disconsolate father, and yet submitted like an emi- nent Christian; he cried out, “If I could restore him to life by turning a straw, I would not do it, for it is God’s will. Now the ties which bind me to earth are broken, and those which unite me to heaven are strengthened. 0 ! what suffering does true friendship produce!”

Thus fell, in the prime of life, at the age of twenty-nine, the Duke of Burgundy, whose death caused many tears to flow, whose name is to this day mentioned with emotions of tender- ness. With him terminated the expectations of France; with him were crushed the fond hopes of the man of God, whose prayers could not avert the divine judgments.

But Fenelon had more to do than to lament the death of his friend; submitting to the afflictive dispensation with all the resignation which his religion could inspire, he “girded up the loins of his mind,” and performed his Master’s work with still greater fidelity. The Seminary which he had established for ecclesiastics, occupied much of his attention. He had sur- mounted all the obstacles that he met with, and had succeeded in the execution of his plans; had removed it from Valen- ciennes, where it was first established, to Cambray, and placed it under the care of the Abbe de Chanterac, a man of similar spirit to his own. We can well conceive how such a

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man would delight in instructing youth; and we can form some opinion of his mode of instruction, when recalling his fidelity to the Duke of Burgundy, and reading his “ Dialogues on Sacred Eloquence.” He was not satisfied with merely superintending the institution ; he himself, occasionally gave instruction, and was always with his pupils on festival days ; assisted at the examination of those who applied for orders, and thus became acquainted with all the ecclesiastics of his diocese. Among other means of instruction, was a conference once a week, at which he always presided ; resembling familiar conversations, where the young men were at liberty to ask questions, and to propose difficulties. None were regarded by him as too minute or frivolous ; he listened to them with patience and kindness ; seemed to be struck with an objection, however common ; viewed it in all its extent ; and in a happy manner led his pupils in the way, where they themselves could discover the solution which they asked. He was always most tender and indulgent to inexperience and youth.

He continued to preach frequently to the very close of life; the same voice which gave so much delight in the court of Louis, and which so often gratified the taste of the French Academy, was heard every Sabbath by the humble rustics of Cambray. Tenderness and pathos were the qualities which marked his preaching ; and love, the theme on which he most delighted to dwell. He used to say: “I must spend much time in my closet, in order to be prepared for the pulpit ; and be sure that my heart is filled from the divine fountain, before I pour out the streams upon the people.”

In the beginning of the eighteenth century his diocese was rav- aged by the horrors of war ; it was the battle field in which the armies of Europe fought, and where an opportunity was given to him for the display of the most eminent virtues. By his direction, his palace was the residence for the sick and wound- ed; for the poor who had fled from the adjoining villages; for the wives and children, whose houses had been reduced to ashes. All his revenues were given for their aid; his time expended for their relief ; his personal acts performed for their comfort. Even among those who were affected with infectious maladies, he was often present, uninfluenced by the fear of disease or

196 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

death. Among them all, he appeared daily, 'with the kindness of a parent ministering to their temporal ■wants, and occasion- ally dropping words of spiritual instruction. Here was the practical illustration of his doctrines — here was disinterested benevolence.

He was held in equal veneration by the French army, and the enemy. The Duke of Marlborough, Prince Eugene, and the Duke of Ormond, when triumphant with victory, embraced every opportunity of showing their esteem ; and when the city was taken, at once sent a detachment of men to guard his lands. The name of Fenelon was a barrier which the cupidity of the soldiery dare not remove. His house was guarded by an Eng- lish sentinel ; and while all around was desolation, his property was secure, and his family safe. It reminds us of the conduct of Alexander who destroyed the city of Thebes, and left stand- ing the house of Pindar. London and the Hague applauded the homage which was thus paid ; and while his own country- men refused the admiration that was due to his talents and virtues, the hostile nations vied in paying honours to the im- mortal author of Telemachus, and amidst the shouts of victory, recalled with gratitude the magnanimous conduct of their generals.

But the enemy not only spared his palace and his lands, but furnished an escort when he went abroad through his diocese, and thus prevented the interruption of his pastoral duties. It is truly refreshing to see him in these visits; entering the cot- tages of the humble peasants, mingling with them in the most affectionate manner, conversing with them with unreserved familiarity, and with the gentlest earnestness, recommending to them God and the Kedeemer. Thus in the fulness of his benevolent spirit, he “went about doing good;” and was among his people, as a father among his children. His happiness consisted in making others happy. No wonder that he was everywhere known by the name of “the good Archbishop.”

But we must hasten to the contemplation of a scene which he often referred to in his letters, and to which he looked forward without dread. He had seen most of his friends pass- ing away; the ties which had bound him to them had been broken; and their removal caused him to direct his thoughts

Character and Writings of Fenelon.

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still more to the objects of eternity. The last stroke of this kind that affected him was the death of his friend, M. D. Beau- villiers, with whom he had been so closely associated, when pre- ceptor of the Duke of Burgundy. It was a stroke that com- pletely weighed down the delicate and oft-wounded spirit of Fenelon; the impression of which he could not resist. Most tender were his letters to the afflicted widow; for he “knew how to speak a word in season” to the afflicted. — “ Raise your eyes, my dear madam, to Him who can appease agitated nature; in whom we can find infinitely more than we have lost; who, with his own hands, can wipe away our tears. The wound is dreadful ; but the hand of the Heavenly Comforter has an all- powerful efficacy. No! the senses and the imagination only have lost the loved object. He whom we no more see, is more than ever with us; we constantly behold him in our common centre; he extends to us his sympathy, knows better than we do our infirmities, and is tenderly interested in all our afflictions. As for myself, though I have been deprived, for many years, of the happiness of seeing him, yet, in the ex- ercise of faith, I behold him before God; and though I have wept, and still weep, bitterly, yet I am sure that I have not lost him.” Three days before he sickened, he again wrote to her, and it was the last letter that he ever penned. — “ We shall soon, my dear madam, find him whom we think we have lost — we are daily approaching him with rapid steps — in a little time, like him, we shall have occasion no more to weep.”

We love to visit the death-bed of “ the good Archbishop ;” and while we see some rites of his Church with which we are not acquainted, and to which we are not reconciled, yet we be- hold much to instruct and comfort ; we see a heavenly glory shed, and a Christian influence felt; we see his dying cham- ber none other than “the gate to heaven.” During the days which preceded his departure, and when he had death only in prospect, he wished to be instructed and comforted by the reading of the Scriptures. Those who were with him repeated, from time to time, passages on the shortness of life, the hopes of the pious, and the blessedness of heaven. He was parti- cularly impressed with the fourth and fifth chapters of the 2d Epistle to the Corinthians — spoke of “the light afflictions VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 26

198 Character and Writings of Fejielon. [April

which are for a moment working out the exceeding weight of glory;” of the dissolution of the “tabernacle,” and of “the building of God, not made with hands.” Three times, by his request, these chapters were read to him. He dictated a letter to Father le Terrier, desiring him to express to his sovereign his dying sentiments and wishes. It commences: “Reverend father, in my present condition, preparing to appear before God, I wish you to represent to the king my true sentiments and wishes.” He proceeds to say that he never had in his life felt any thing but gratitude and respect for his majesty ; hum- bly asks him to appoint an able and pious successor, and con- cludes by wishing him a long life, and the highest happiness. After this, his friends and relatives, the students of his seminary, and the members of his household, including the humblest do- mestics, came into his room to receive his dying benediction.

On the last two days and nights, he was exceedingly anxious to have repeated to him such parts of Scripture as were suited to his dying state. “Repeat — repeat to me the divine words — I want God now to speak to me.” On the day of his departure, he suffered much pain, but rejoiced that he was “conformed to Chi’ist, in his sufferings,” and more than once said, “ I am crucified with Christ.” His friends repeated to him such pas- sages of Scripture as expressed the necessity of sufferings, and the little proportion there is between them and the “ eternal weight of glory.” They repeated what Luke says of the Saviour, that he redoubled his prayers as his agony increased. “Yes!” he added, “he uttered the same prayer three times.” He commenced — “ Father, if it be possible” — but the violence of his pain prevented him from proceeding. A pious friend added, “ let this cup pass from me — but not my will, but thine be done.” Elevating his feeble voice, he spoke distinctly — “ not my will, but thine be done.” Joining his hands together^ he laid them gently on his breast, raised his eyes to heaven, and quietly “slept in Jesus.” Ilis soul no doubt departed to the mansions of the blessed, to live for ever in the enjoyment of that pure love on which he so often conversed, on which he so delightfully wrote, the foretastes of which he had so long enjoyed.

His funeral obsequies were such as became a man dying in

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such circumstances. No splendid retinue accompanied his re- mains to the tomb; no lordly equipage, with glittering coronets, was seen; no mitred bishops, or archbishops, graced the fune- ral procession — all was marked with plainness and simplicity — the usual service was performed, and his body decently laid in the vault of the cathedral. No funeral oration was pronounced — he needed no eulogy; his reputation required no such ex- pedient to perpetuate it. But we feel indignant at the cause that was alleged for this departure from universal usage — it was feared that the discourse would offend his majesty, and might expose the friends of the departed to his terrible re- sentment. Something of the same fear influenced the mem- bers of the French Academy, and prevented Dacier, in his eulogy, from pronouncing the name of Telemachus. But of how little consequence were those omissions — they could not prevent him from being “held in everlasting rembembrance” before God, nor from being celebrated among men, as long as any regard is paid to merit and virtue.

Let Louis vilify and attempt to degrade him by listening to the misrepresentations of his enemies — the spotless character of Fenelon will stand, in the eye of posterity, conspicuous and indelible. Let him declare that “he is the greatest, but the most romantic genius in the kingdom” — his lofty principles of morality in the government of nations will be as eternal as truth. Let him condemn to silence the first literary society in the world, and prevent the name of Telemachus from being mentioned in any thing that is made public — it will be trans- lated into all the languages of Europe ; will be regarded as one of the most beautiful monuments of French literature; will enter the courts of kings, and be the text-book for the instruc- tion of all youthful princes. Let him denounce him as an error- ist in religion — yet in many a house of the unlettered Chris- tian, his practical works will enter and be read, where the name of the proud monarch is unknown, or if mentioned, mentioned only as the persecutor of injured innocence.

Let none suppose that Fenelon died prematurely; he depart- ed at the very best time. The Supreme Disposer of events foresaw the dreadful storm that was coming upon his country ; and before the tempest poured out its fury, he “ took him away

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Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

from the evil to come,” and laid him in a “quiet resting- place.”

His nephew, Marquis de Fenelon, raised over him a monu- ment, on which was a Latin inscription, written by Sanadon, the fine classical scholar, whose name is associated with the Odes of Horace.*

To his body, “the temple of the Holy Ghost,” God was peculiarly gracious: at a time when the ashes of other great

* The following is the inscription:

Hie jacet sub altari principe Francisccs de Salignac de Lamothe-Fenelon, Cameracensium archiepiscopus et dux, ac sancti imperii Romani princeps.

Sasculi litterati decus

Oranes dicendi lepores virtuti sacravitac veritati,

Et dum sapientiam, Homerus alter, spirat,

Se, suosque mores inscius retexit.

Unice patrias bono intentus Regios principes ad utililatem publicam instituit;

Hinc pio gaudet Iberia Philippo.

Hinc religio, Gallia, Europa extincto illacrimant Delphino.

Veri defensor

Ut Hipponensis olim fortis et suavis,

Libertatem cum gratia eo felicius conciliavit,

Quo debitum ecclesiaa decretis obsequium firmihs astruxit.

Ascetica; vitae magister De casto amore ita disseruit,

Ut Vaticano obsequens oraculo,

Simu! sponso et sponsae placuerit.

In utraque fortuna sibi constans,

In prospera, aulas favores nedum prensaret, adeptos ctiam abdicavit ;

In adversa, Deo magis adlnesit.

Antistitum norma

Gregem sibi creditum assidua fovit preesentia,

VTerbo nutrivit, erudivit excmplo, opibus sublevavit.

Exteris perinde carus ac suis Gallos inter et liostes chin esset medius,

Hos et illos ingenii fama et comitate morum sibi devinxit.

Maturus coelo

Vitam laboribus exercitam, claram virtutibus Meliore vita commutavit.

Septimo januarii anno M. DCCXV aitatis LXIV.

Hoc monumentum pii ac mcerentes sororis filius ct fralris nepotes posuere.

1853.] Character and Writings of Fenelon. 201

and good men were dishonoured, his remains, by a special act of Providence, remained undisturbed.

Of all the outrages of the French Revolution, when the fury of atheism was directed against everything sacred, nothing seems to us more horrible than the depredations which were committed, by order of Government, upon the dead; when men descended into sepulchres, seized the bodies of the great and noble, the learned and pious, and scattered them to the four winds of heaven — and this, too, with a wanton cruelty and brutal merriment. What a picture of depravity! “Let me fall into the hands of God, for very great are his mercies, but let me not fall into the hands of men .”

While such scenes of brutality were passing in other places, an order from Government reached the city of Cambray, directing all the leaden coffins that were there to be given up, and sent to the arsenal of Douay, there to be converted into instruments of warfare. The agents proceeded to the Metro- politan Cathedral, entered the vault under the altar, took away the bodies of others, but left the remains of Fenelon — not designedly, for they had no veneration for the talents and vir- tues of the illustrious prelate — not accidentally, for what men call chance is only the providence of God; it was the counsel of unerring Wisdom that issued the commission — “ Touch not mine anointed, and do my prophet no harm.”

The traveller visiting the city of Cambray, and asking for the resting place of him whom men delight to honour, will not be disappointed; he will see the monument which was erected in 1805, and the small stone which originally marked the place where he lay in the Cathedral, with the following inscription!

Hie jacet

Franciscus de Salignac de Lamothe de Fenelon, Archiepiscopus Cameracensis defunctus die septima Januarii 1715, e priori turnulo translates Die 28a Martii 1720.

Such is the history of Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray; a man who gave lustre to the age in which he lived ; who was distinguished for the superiority of his talents, the pathos of his eloquence, the importance of his duties, the fervour of his piety, the character and peculiarity even of his errors. Whe-

202 Character and Writings of Fenelon. [April

tlier we follow him into his missions at Saintonge, into the tumult of the court, into the republic of letters, into his retreat at Cambray; whether we consider him a poet, an orator, a metaphysician, a moralist, a politician, an instructor, a bishop, a friend, or a persecuted Christian; whether we behold him in life, or view him in death, we find much to interest our feel- ings and improve our hearts. “Being dead, he yet spealceth;” and as long as his writings survive, the people will have a pro- tector, kings a guide, the instructors of princes a model, and Christianity an advocate. But even his writings do not ex- press his whole character. One who knew him well, who lived with him for many years in his family, who was in habits of inti- mate intercourse with him, says : “ Had he been born, and had he lived in a free country, he would have displayed his whole genius; he would have developed all his principles, not gene- rally known, and not to be expressed in his native land.”* In England, his virtues attracted more esteem, and his name car- ried more influence, than in France. f Among all nations, his readers are not merely his admirers, but his friends. Not one country, but all acknowledge him — mankind love his memory, for his heart expanded with affection to the whole human family. He was sincere when he said, “ I love my family better than myself — I love my country better than my family — I love man- kind better than my country.”

Other men of learning, talents and usefulness, we venerate and esteem, but Fenelon we love; there is a charm in his cha- racter which excites the tenderest affection. In reading his writings, and especially his letters, we imagine that we see him, that we live with him, that his spirit is around us, that he re- veals to us, though unconsciously, the secret of all his virtues.

* “ S’il etait ne en Angleterre, il aurait developpe son genie, et donne 1’essor a ses principes, qu’on n’a jamais bien connus.”

+ An instance is recorded. When Chevalier Ramsay, once his pupil and friend, and afterwards his biographer, went to England in 1730, he applied through his friends for a doctor's degree at Oxford. Some of the members of the University opposed it on the ground that he was a Papist, and had been the preceptor of the children of the Pretender. But opposition ceased, when Dr. King, Principal of St. .Mary’s, observed : — “I present to you the pupil of the illustrious Fenelon, and this title is a sufficient guaranty to us.” — “ Quod instar omnium est, Fenelonii niagni Archi-praesulis Cameracensis alumnum preesento vobis.”

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1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

What is that secret? Where lies his great power which thus touches our souls ? It is the spirit of Christian love , liberally shed upon all he did, and wrote, and said.; that love which sub- dues selfishness; which binds our hearts to our fellow-men, and unites us indissolubly to God. We love him, because he is so much like the Apostle John ; because he made his words the motto of his life; “ Beloved , let us love one another, for love is of God; and every one that loveth is born of God, and knozveth God. He that loveth not, knoweth not God, for God is LOVE.”

Art. II. — The Religious Significance of Numbers.

All that it will be necessary to premise respecting the authorities referred to in this article, can be stated in a few words. The symbolical character and use of numbers have been most elaborately investigated by Bahr. His writings are classical upon this subject, and no discussion of it can be considered satisfactory, in which the facts and reasonings that he has brought forward do not receive their just measure of attention. In his Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus he devotes to it an entire chapter of one hundred and thirty-six closely printed octavo pages, besides many occasional remarks scat- tered through the rest of the work. It recurs again in his later publication on Solomon’s Temple, in which he modifies to some extent the opinions formerly expressed. The views of Bahr are, with a few unessential alterations, adopted by Kurtz, in an article in the Studien und Kritiken, for 1844, on the Symboli- cal Dignity of Kumbers in the Tabernacle. Professor Stuart has given, in an excursus at the close of his commentary on the Apocalypse, some fragments of Bahr’s principal chapter in a diluted state. Hengstenberg’s ideas regarding it appear inci- dentally in the course of his various commentaries, particularly those upon the History of Balaam, the Psalms, and the Revelation. The change of sentiment which Hengstenberg has undergone in the interval of these successive publications,

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The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

is very remarkable. From being an opponent of Biihr on the side of moderation, he has run into an extravagance far beyond him. Vitringa, in bis Anacrisis Apocalypsios, or Examination of the Apocalypse, has entered into the question of the signifi- cance of the numbers which occur in the course of that book. Winer has also given his views briefly upon it in his Biblisches Real-Worterbuch, under the word Zalilen. The extended ex- planations of sacred numbers found in Philo, Josephus, and other ancient writers philosophically inclined, cannot be ac- cepted as either rational or consistent, or as anything but heaps of idle and arbitrary fancies.

There is no small diversity of opinion respecting this subject, both in the authors named, and in others who have less for- mally and largely spoken their mind upon it. Such is the measure of indefiniteness unavoidably connected with symbolic representation, and so much must be left to be mentally sup- plied by those who interpret it, that even where there is entire agreement as to the thing signified in the main, there is scarce- ly to be expected a complete coincidence in opinion as to the meaning of its minor features, especially where these are exa- mined in their minuter details. It is the same even with figures of speech, metaphors, fables, allegories, and parables. Their general purport may be plain enough, but there will always be embarrassment and divergence of opinion, when the attempt is made to settle with precision all the particulars to which the significance extends. There is no palpable boundary separating the significant from that which is not. The former fades away so gradually and insensibly into the latter, that its termination cannot be evidently marked, and one w'ill lose sight of it at a point where it can still, in the imagination of another, be more or less perceptibly traced.

The numbers are in any case a very subordinate part of the Scripture symbols. The chief significance resides in the body of the symbols themselves, and not in their numerical re- lations. And yet it is not impossible, that these may have their appropriateness and significance likewise. There have been not a few to claim that they have, and to imagine that they could discover a fitness and a meaning in them, such as would well repay the labour bestowed upon their sttidy. With-

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1858.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

out placing an undue estimate upon these investigations, and without putting confidence in all their results, we yet think them not undeserving of attention, both for the sake of the history of opinion involved, and because of some aspects of the subject which have a real importance in the interpretation of Scripture. Our aim, as we here forewarn our readers at the outset, is not to propound nor to establish a theory of our own, so much as to acquaint them with what others have thought and written upon the matter.

The first questions to be raised concern of course the cha- racter and the foundation of the alleged use of numbers. What is meant precisely by sacred or symbolical numbers? And what proof is there of a sacredness, or ideal significance attach- ed to some particular numbers rather than to others ? Then having informed ourselves as to the fact, we shall be at liberty to ask after its reasons, and to search out the extent of its ap- plication.

The grounds upon which the existence of numerical symbols is assumed, are a use of numbers pervading the Bible, which cannot be otherwise than ideally explained — a marked prefer- ence, so to speak, a partiality for particular numbers in sacred connections — a recurrence of the same numbers too frequent and too uniform to be accidental and undesigned — 'a use of them which cannot have arisen from necessity, from conside- rations of convenience or symmetry, nor from the indefinite employment of them as round numbers ; for why should seven be a round number rather than six or eight? The force of these considerations is enhanced by an appeal to the symbolical use of different numbers in many nations of antiquity, besides the Hebrews, and by attempts to show how such a use might readily have arisen.

But in order to exhibit these grounds in a more definite form, let us follow the leading of Bahr. He first comes in contact with this subject, in explaining the draught of the Mosaic tabernacle. He has the advantage in his argument of coming with a presumption gained from the symbolical cha- racter of the whole structure, that its various parts were sym- bolical. Not only the general plan of the building, and its furniture, but its materials and its colours, have all their signi-

vol. xxv. — xo. II. 2T

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[April

The Religious Significance of Numbers.

ficance aud their appropriateness. This granted, it is natural to suppose that the same may be the case with the forms and numbers likewise. Then, the minuteness of the specifications is such, that unless explicable from their ideal import they would border upon triviality. Why must there be just so many boards in the frame? Why must the covering consist of precisely such a number of pieces, and these fastened together by exactly so many loops and taches? This cannot be accounted for by any reasons of convenience, or of adapta- tion to the purposes for which the building was erected. It was not with the sole design of ensuring symmetry of form, or the preservation of architectural proportions. The religious structures and symbolic representations of the Hebrews, and indeed of the East generally, unlike those of Greece, were governed less by a regard for symmetry and beauty, than by the desire faithfully to embody the religious conception, and that, though the resulting form might be inelegant, or even grotesque. But apart from this, the minuteness of detail in things which would not in the slightest affect its appearance, cannot be thus accounted for. This is confirmed by the detailed measures given by Ezekiel in the closing chapters of his prophecy, whose occurrence there it would be hard to ex- plain, even were they literal measures, either reminiscences of the temple of Solomon, or prescriptions to guide in the con- struction of the temple of Zerubbabel. But as they demon- strably were neither, and the building described is an ideal one, that never in fact was, nor was designed to be erected, these details must have an ideal significance, or none at all. Again, in Rev. xi. 1, 2, the measuring of the temple marks its sacred character : that which was to be given up to profana- tion was left unmeasured."

If, now, it be conceded that an ideal reason must in all these cases be assumed, it is not enough to look for that in the bare fact of measuring by divine authority, while the numerical relations discovered or enjoined are left out of view as unim- portant. The whole truth is not exhausted, by saying that it Avas a matter of indifference what particular numbers were to have place in the Mosaic sanctuary ; that the total of their sig- nificance lay in the fact of God’s having directed what they

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1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

should be; that it was of no consequence whether one set of numbers appeared in the draught of the tabernacle or another, but only that the numbers, whatever they might be, should be divinely prescribed. This is part of the truth, no doubt. The tabernacle was to be a divine structure ; and to mark this more evidently, the directions given were not merely general, but spe- cific. The plan was given, not simply in its outline, but in its minutest details, so that it might not need the most trifling hu- man addition. All was designed of God. Just as the detailed prescriptions as to clean and unclean meats, had the same end in regard to the everyday life of Israel, teaching by symbol what the apostle has thus translated into New Testament lan- guage : “ Whether ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God.” But there is a significance, it is claimed, ly- ing back of all this, back of all considerations of adaptation and of symmetry, back even of the divine character to be impressed upon the structure. In the draught which God gave to Moses of this building, one class of numbers is systematically pre- ferred to all others. Every other end could have been answered as well, without so large a use of these particular numbers. But there was a propriety arising out of the symbolic conceptions of the Hebrews, to which God adapted himself in this, as in the rest of the ceremonial institutions, that precisely these num- bers, rather than any others, should predominate in that sacred edifice.

A brief survey of the principal numbers of the Levitical in- stitutions, will put the reader in possession of the facts, and will enable him to judge for himself of the necessity or appli- cability of the doctrine of numerical symbols. Some of the numbers to be met with in other parts of Scripture, for which a similar explanation is proposed, will be exhibited subsequently.

The sanctuary consisted of 3 parts — the court, the holy place, and the holy of holies — all quadrangular, and set by the car- dinal points of the compass; the last a perfect cube, its length, breadth, and height, each 10 cubits. The tabernacle proper measured 10 cubits in breadth and height, and 3x10 cubits in length. There were 4x12 boards in its frame. Over this were laid 4 coverings ; the lowermost was composed of 10 pieces, 4 cubits broad by 4x7 long, and joined 5 to 5 by 5x10 taches.

203 The Religious Significance of Xumbers. [April

The second covering differed from this, in having its pieces 3x10 cubits in length. In the most holy place were the tables containing the 10 commandments ; 4 pillars supported the veil •which separated this from the adjoining apartment. In this stood 3 sacred vessels, the altar of incense, the candlestick with its T lamps, and the table of shew-bread with its 12 loaves. The court was 10x10 cubits long, and 5x10 broad, surrounded by pillars 5 cubits high and 5 cubits apart, with 4 pillars form- ing the entrance to it from without, and 5 the entrance from it to the tabernacle.*

In the temple of Solomon, the same arrangement and pro- portions were preserved, the measures only being doubled. The difficult question as to the height of the temple, need not here be raised. The two cherubim of olive wood, set in the holy of holies, were each 10 cubits high, and 10 cubits between the tips of their wings ; 10 candlesticks and 10 tables were put in the holy place, and in the court 10 lavers, 10x10 golden basins, and a molten sea 10 cubits in diameter and 5 cubits high, supported by 12 oxen, 3 facing toward each of the 4 points of the compass. The porch before the temple was twice 10 cubits long, by 10 broad.

The sabbatical system was a complete series of sevens. The Tth day of the week was to be kept holy; the first day of the Tth month was hallowed by the blowing of trumpets; the Tth year was a sabbatical year; and the 7x7th was followed by the year of jubilee. All Israel was required to appear thrice in the year before the Lord at the 3 great festivals. The passover lamb was to be selected on the 10th, and killed on the twice

* Friedericb, in bis Symbolik der Mosaischen Stiflshulte, maintains the idea derived from some expressions employed by Luther, that the sanctuary symbolizes man, or human nature, as the dwelling of God’s Spirit; and he accordingly un- dertakes to make out that the numbers of the frame and its coverings have their counterpart in man’s anatomical structure. In his view, consequently, they are significant in this sacred edifice, and contribute to its correspondence with that which it symbolizes; not, however, ideally, but literally and physically. His pal- pably strange misconception of the intent of the entire building, and the forcing to which he is obliged to resort in the details, as well as the fact that there are other numbers no less remarkable than those of the tabernacle for which not the semblance of an explanation can be furnished on this method, throw his theory completely out of the question, and render it unnecessary to give it more than this passing notice.

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1853.] The Religious Significance of Numbers.

7th clay of the month, after which the feast lasted for 7 clays; 7x7 days were numbered from the passover to the feast of weeks. In the 7th month there was a cluster of sacred services. Besides the hallowing of its first day already mentioned, the great clay of atonement occurred on the 10th, and after the twice 7th followed the feast of tabernacles, which lasted for 7 days. The sacrifices upon this, as upon some other occasions, were multiples of seven; 7x10 bullocks for the entire feast, and twice 7 lambs for each clay. Children were circumcised after they had completed their 7th day. Periods of purification from un- cleanness were according to the nature of the several cases, 7, twice 7, 40, and twice 40 days. When persons or houses were suspected of leprosy, they were shut up 7 days, in order to a renewed examination. In their cleansing they were to be sprinkled 7 times. In sacrifices of more than ordinary solem- nity, as that on the day of atonement, or one offered for the sins of a priest, or for those of the whole congregation, the sprinkling of the blood was repeated 7 times.

There were 3 orders of ministers in the sanctuary, the high priest, the priests, and the Levites. The priests were distri- buted by David into twice 12 courses. One 10th of all the produce of the land was given annually to the Levites, and every 3d year an additional 10th was bestowed upon the poor. Of the tithes which they received, the Levites were required to offer one 10th to the Lord. They had 4x12 cities assigned to them, with adjoining tracts of land lying 4 square, set by the points of the compass, and measuring 10x10x10 cubits in each direction from the cities. Of these twice 3 were selected as cities of refuge. The sacred vestments of the priests were composed of 4 pieces ; those of the high priest of twice 4. The breastplate of the high priest was adorned with 12 precious stones, set in 3 rows of 4 each. In the consecration of the priests, which lasted 7 days, they were anointed with the holy

011 of 4 ingredients. The sacred incense was likewise com- pounded of 4 ingredients. Parts of 4 different creatures made up the cherubim. The legally prescribed encampment of the

12 tribes in the wilderness, was a hollow square, set by the points of the compass, with the sanctuary and its ministers in the centre, and 3 tribes lying upon each of its 4 sides.

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It is not necessary in order to make out a case in favour of numerical symbols, that all the members which have been recited, should have an ideal significance. Many of them may have been, some very probably were, suggested by considera- tions of symmetry or convenience. But leaving all such out of view, there will still remain a frequency and regularity in the recurrence of a few favourite figures which cannot have been accidental. From these and similar facts gathered from other parts of Scripture, two conclusions have been drawn. The first is, that there are certain sacred numbers, or such as occur with marked frequency in the religious institutions of the Hebrews, and to which the preference seems always to have been accorded, when there was no antecedent reason of conve- nience, necessity or the like, for selecting another. This is generally admitted to be the case with 7, 10 and 12. Bahr contends for more than these; so do others, as will be seen in the sequel. The second conclusion is, that there are specific differences and gradations among the sacred numbers themselves, peculiarities of signification, so to speak, or of usage belonging to each, which determines with some degree of definiteness the respective range of their employment, and make one more suitable than another in its own particular sphere. As instances may be noted, the tens in the measures of the tabernacle as contrasted with the fives of the court, and the predominance of seven in the cycle of sacred seasons.

The complete proof of the symbolical import of numbers can however only be furnished by their interpretation. If a con- sistent and rational explanation can be made of them, which shall be in constant harmony with the connection in which they are found, the matter is settled. Everything depends upon whether such an explanation is possible. The proof of the correct interpretation of symbols, as that of the answer to an enigma, lies in the appositeness and the adequacy of the solution itself. This requires, however, that we should first examine the meanings or ideal values attributed to these various numbers. And in order to this it will be necessary to institute an investigation into the reasons of this signi- ficancy. Upon what is it founded, and whence is it derived? Here we are met by several different theories. We may name

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them the historical, the typical, the speculative, the astronomi- cal, the chronological, and the realistic. A formidable list, truly ! And yet it may prove not to be very difficult, after all, to select out those of them to which we may most reasonably look for whatever significance the numbers appear to have.

The historical theory supposes the sacredness of numbers to rest upon scriptural facts in which those numbers are prom- inent, and to which there is always a reference more or less distinct in their religious use. The plainest instances of this are twelve and seven. It is undeniable that twelve is often employed with designed allusion to the number of the tribes of Israel. From the duodenary division of this chosen race, twelve became the signature, so to speak, of the people of God, or of the Church. It was this, as is evident, which determined the number of jewels in the high priest’s breastplate. This is positively asserted in many other cases, e. g. Ex. xxiv. 4. Josh. iv. 18. 1 Kings xviii. 31. Under the employment of

this number, was couched an allusion to the twelve tribes. The loaves of shew-bread were to represent a combined offer- ing from all the tribes. The oxen under the molten sea, and perhaps the boards of the tabernacle, numerically represented the same thing, they marked the sacred edifice in which they were found as designed for the worship of the twelve tribes. Bahr, though admitting all these facts, contends that there must have been some anterior reason for the sacredness of twelve, some reason other than the bare historical one which made it appropriate that the chosen people should be a whole made up of twelve confederated communities. 1. Because a duodenary division of tribes occurs in other ancient nations ; also, e. g. the Arabs in Gen. xvii. 20 ; xxv. 16, and in the time of Mohammed, the ancient Persians, according to Xeno- phon, and even the ideal state of Plato. 2. Because the tribes were always numbered twelve, although there were in fact thirteen. Biihr’s own explanation will be given below. Here it is sufficient to say that the number of Jacob’s sons was twelve. And although the two tribes springing from Joseph, increased this number by one, yet this was balanced by the singular position occupied by Levi. Twelve tribes only received inheritance in the promised land.

212 The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

The sacredness of seven is quite as plainly due to the sancti- fication of the seventh day at the creation. This is expressly declared in the fourth commandment to have determined the selection of the Sabbath day; and upon this is evidently built the -whole round of Sabbatic institutions, governed as they are by sevens, throughout the whole of which the reference is plain to the primeval rest of God. Consequent upon this is a farther extension of its use. As seven marked sacred time, it came to mark other sacred things. Hence the seven branches of the candlestick, and other uses of the number detailed above, or to be mentioned hereafter. And it perhaps deserves considera- tion, whether out of the employment of this number in the book of Genesis, may not be derived an argument of some im- portance in favour of the original institution of the Sabbath immediately upon the creation. The force of the arguments can never be successfully set aside, which are drawn from the almost universal septenary division of time among all ancient nations ; the importance of a day of religious rest to the patri- archs, no less than to their descendants, the distinct mention of the Sabbath before the arrival at Sinai, the word “Remem- ber” in the fourth commandment, the extended Sabbatic system of the Mosaic law, seemingly implying a previously existing foundation upon which it was based, and the explicit testimony of Gen. ii. 3. But it may be worth inquiring, whether the ante- Mosaic sacredness of seven is not an additional argument to be co-ordinated with the foregoing. We shall not dwell upon this here, but only refer in passing to the ante-diluvian evi- dence of its sacredness in the sevenfold vengeance to be taken of the slayer of Cain, and the seventy and seven fold boasted of by Lamech ; then the septenary division of time in the day3 of Noah, the seven clean beasts and birds he took with him into the ark, circumcision in the family of Abraham, performed after the seventh day, seven ewe lambs taken to witness the oath made with Abimelech, the constitution of the Hebrew language itself, in which “swear” and “seven” have a common etymology — not to mention cases in which its religious use is less apparent, as the seven years which Jacob served for Leah, and seven again for Rachel, the seven times he bowed himself to Esau, and the sevens of Pharaoh’s dreams.

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The explication of other numbers upon this theory is less evident and satisfactory. Ten might be referred to the ten plagues of Egypt, or the ten commandments; but the sacred- ness of the number is more easily explained as the cause than as the effect in these cases. The speculative theory seems to offer the best solution here. Hengstenberg, after denying in his Bileam, p. 90, the symbolic character of three, and specifi- cally that it had such a character in the sacerdotal blessing, Num. vi. 22, in his later writings finds evidences of its sacred- ness almost without limit, and makes it the number of the blessing.* We confess, botvever, that we are unable to see in the instances adduced by him or by others, the evidence of any thing more than a rhetorical or a graditative employment of the number three. And we do not see why his own previous appeal to Jer. vii. 4; xxii. 29; Ez. xxi. 27, does not remain valid against his later conclusions. Nor, to our mind, is there any more proof of the symbolical character of the number in the three successive compartments of progressive sacredness forming the sanctuary, than there are in the three ordinary degrees of comparison. The only cases in which we are dis- posed to think it significant, are those in which it appears in immediate connection with the divine names, e. g. in the sacer- dotal blessing, that pronounced by Jacob upon Joseph, Gen. xlviii. 15, 16, or the thrice holy of Isa. vi. 3. There may be in passages like these, obscure intimations of the doctrine else- where taught in the Old Testament, and clearly revealed in the New, of a trinity of divine persons. But the proof seems to be wanting of anything beyond this, of any extended use of the number with designed allusion, whether to the Divine Being, (Biihr,) his blessing, (Hengstenberg,) or the secret mys- tery of his nature, (Lampe,f) or even a more vague and gene- ral employment of it in sacred connections.

* In his preliminary remarks upon Ps. xxvi. and xxvii., Hengstenberg recites what he at that time held to be “all the significant numbers of the Old Testa- ment;” twelve, the number of the covenant people; ten, the signature of com- pleteness; seven, the signature of the covenant; and three, the number of the blessing. In his Commentary on the Revelation, he not only adds the number four, but adopts regarding it the opinion of Babr, which he had before distinctly repelled, that it is the signature of the earth. See on Rev. iv. 6.

t See Comment, in Joannem vi. 67. In this passage, which we make no apo-

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Yitringa may be taken as the representative of the typical theory. An inordinate fondness for types is a -well-known characteristic of this learned and able expositor, and it has frequently betrayed him into extravagant and fanciful views. The strong conviction -which he entertained of the intimate connection between the two dispensations, led him into the belief that everything in the Old Testament bore a designed relation to something which was to appear in the New. This same idea governed his explanation of at least one of the sacred numbers, viz. seven. His views regarding it are given at considerable length in his comment upon Rev. i. 20. He contends that there is always involved in it, wherever it occurs, in the Old Testament and in the New, a mystical refer- ence to the seven periods through which the Church of Christ is to pass before the end of all things, as set forth in the seven mystical churches of Asia, and the seven seals; a view, the adoption of which, he thinks, will “shed immense light” upon the typical institutions of the Old Economy, and the various passages of Holy Writ in which this number is mentioned or

logy for quoting at length, it will be perceived that Lampe gives to both three an A four ideal meanings. He agrees with Vitringa in attributing to seven a typical sense, and with Bahr in making the composition of twelve and seven from three and four significant, while as to the primary sacredness of twelve, he adopts the historical view stated above. “Collegium Apostolorum frequenter in historia Evangelica dicitur ci non solum propter numerum quern conficiebant, sed

etiam propter singulare mysterium quod sub eorum duodenario latet, quod ipse servator innuit Matlh. xix. 28, nempe quod hie numerus respondeat xii. patri. arrhis, filiis Jacobi, totidem tribuum Israelis capitibus, quorum antitypus erant apostoli, filii Israelis mystici, fundamenta et capita totius populi Dei in N. T. et eapropter per duodenarium fontium in Elim, genimarum in pectorali Ponlificis maximi, duodecim lapides in Jordane erectos, duodecim boves maris aenei etc. prsefigurati. Unde universa Ecclesia N. T. toties in Apocalypsi per duodenari- orum duplicationem et in unum corpus cum Ecclesia V. T. collecta per duode- nar.uin duplicatum seu xxiv. presbyteros respondentes ephemeriis Sacerdotum et Levitarum, recensetur. Nec sine mysterio esse videtur, quod duodeuarius constfet ternario per quaternium multiplicato, cum nop solum ternarius et quater- narius conficiat septenarium, omnes periodos ecclesise connectentem, sed etiam ternarius respondeat Trinitati, quaternarius Ecclesise per quatuor partes orbis terrarum disperses. Divisio enim duodenarii in ternarios et quaternaries roysti- cos fundata est turn in castrametatione Num. ii. turn in portis Hierosolymee secundum Ezechielem xlviii. 31 — 34, distinctis, quarum Spiritus Sanctus

Apoc. xxi. 13 non obscure innuit.”

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alluded to. He admits that in the Sabbath there is a com- memoration of the creation, but argues that the Old Testa- ment, as a whole, is not commemorative of the past, but typical of the future ; and that every thing centres, not in the old work of the original creation, but in the promised creation of a new heavens and a new earth, in the grander work of redemp- tion to be consummated under the New Economy, and in this latter, not in the former, he would seek the antitype of every Old Testament fact and institution. If the basis upon which this explanation rests were more secure, it might deserve to be further inquired into. But are any such seven periods certain ly predicted of the Christian Church ?

Whether Vitringa extends this theory to other numbers, is not so clear. He says of ten, Rev. ii. 10, that it is a number “absolutus et perfectus,” but without giving the grounds upon which, in his view, its perfection rests. It is hard to see what typical reference it could be imagined to have. Of twelve he says, Rev. xiv. 1, that it exhibits the church founded upon the doctrine of the twelve apostles, the true antitype of the old Jewish church, divided into twelve tribes.

The speculative theory has been most ably presented and advocated by Bahr, and after him by Kurtz. It proceeds upon the supposition that there is an ideal signification inherent in numbers themselves, and not derived to them from any sub- ject to which they belong, and with which they have been asso- ciated; one which follows from the universal and necessary laws of the human mind acting upon simple numerical rela- tions. This obliges them to seek the same essential ideas in the numerical symbols of all nations, only modified in their character and applications by the nature of the system in which they are each time found. Bahr largely substantiates this view by the testimony of ancient writers, particularly the Pythagoreans and the later Platonists, into whose philosophy speculation upon the abstract nature of numbers so largely entered. To our mind the scheme is for the most part the merest fancy, even as regards the explanation of the numbers of the heathen mythology and worship, and wholly foreign to the Mosaic system and the scriptural system generally, in

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which its subtleties and refinements find not the slightest coun- tenance, expressed or implied.*

Biihr’s view of the matter, as nearly as we can state it in a brief compass, is this. Two awakens the idea of division, of opposition, of contrast. This duality is removed by the addi- tion of another unit which mediates, as it were, between the previously divided parts. Thus arises a fresh unity, not like that of the uncompounded monad in which there was no oppo- sition, and no contrast to reconcile, but a higher and more perfect unity with contrarieties reconciled and differences set at rest. A perfect whole is conceived as consisting of three parts, beginning, middle, end. So time has its three divisions, past, present, future; and space its three dimensions, length, breadth, thickness. The triangle is the simplest of all recti- linear figures. Now, as the idea of the Deity is the most perfect of all ideas, and it is to the Deity that perfect existence exclu- sively belongs, three is the divine number, the signature of that Being, who is, and was, and is to come.f This use of the number he traces not only in the triad of the Hindoos, but among the Chinese and other Oriental nations, the Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, Northmen, and even some American tribes. Compare in the classical mythology, the three-forked lightning of Jupiter, the trident of Neptune, the three-headed dog of Pluto, the tripod of Apollo, the three Fates, three Furies, three Graces, thrice three Muses, &c. In the Mosaic tabernacle, there are found no triangular forms, as there are again and again in heathendom, as symbols of the Deity. This would have been in direct contravention of the Mosaic statute to make no visible representation of God. It is not until the times of the Cabbala, that we find this use of the triangle among the Jews. But things bearing a divine character and specially devoted to God occur in triplets.

* Vitringa’s pithy reply to this theory is Anacrisis, p. 43. An res sunt propter numerurn, num potius numerus propter res ? * * * Certe cum numerus inera sit collectio unitatum, unitas vero unitate non sit perse prrestantior, nulla etiam numeri hujus (7) per se pras alio erit proecellentia. The arguments by which it is supported, be calls, ineptas subtilitates, quae si subjicerentur rigidiori examini vel sanum sensum non darent, vel discuss® abirent in fumos. t Compare Schoettgen’s Horce Heb. et Talmud, on Rev. i. 4.

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As four proceeds from three, so the ■world from God ; this therefore is the number of the world. The same appears too from the constitution of the world, its four elements, four car- dinal points, four seasons. As the world is that in which the Deity reveals himself, four becomes the number of divine reve- lation; hence the four-sided figure of the Mosaic altars and of the sanctuary, as the seat of revelation, and the holy of holies, whence God communed with Moses, was a cube, each side of it a perfect square.*

Three and four combined make seven, the signature of the union of God and the world. In the heathen symbols this has to do with mere cosmical relations, and the harmony of the universe. In the Mosaic system it suggests the covenant relation between God and his chosen people, and may be affixed to anything specially belonging to that covenant, its preser- vation, &c. ; hence its connection with circumcision, the Sab- bath, sacrifices, purifications. Twelve is formed from the same numbers, not by addition but by multiplication. It is a four conditioned, inhabited by the three, a totality in which God is, and in which he reveals himself. In Scripture symbols it is the signature of the covenant people, and is best illustrated by the encampment in the wilderness, in the form of a square with three tribes on each side, and God’s tabernacle in the midst.

Ten closes the series of units ; all numeration is but a con- stant succession of decades. Ten thus represents the whole numerical system, and becomes in consequence the symbol of completeness. It represents a system of units forming together one entire, complete and perfect whole. Hence the ten avatars of India, the ten spheres of Pythagoras, the ten periods of the Etruscans, the ten sephiroth of the Cabbalists, &c. The ten commandments form a complete rule of duty; the judgments upon Egypt ran their fearful course in ten successive plagues. Hence, too, tithes ; the sum of a man’s possessions is reckoned

* The square figure of the Temple and of the New Jerusalem, according to Vitringa, p. 899, and Havernick (Comment. Zum Ezech. p. 691,) suggests the ideas of firmness and regularity. According to Bahr, the tabernacle was set by the points of the compass, so as to correspond with God’s dwelling in the uni- verse, which it mediately represented; according to Keil and to Kurtz, to sym- bolize the future extension of the kingdom of God over all the earth.

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ten, of which he gives the first part to God in token of grateful acknowledgment to him from whom he has received the whole. The explanation which Bahr has given of the significance of this number is the obvious one, bating a refinement of specu- lation in which it is impossible to follow him. The decimal division of numbers prevailing among all nations is the basis of all that is significant in ten. But as for any “ universal laws of thought,” which lie behind this, and require that mankind should count by tens rather than by nines or twelves, these belong to the “ ineptae subtilitates.” Great as is the contempt in which the opinion is held both by Bahr and Kurtz, we shall have to confess ourselves guilty of the flatness of those who think that the ten fingers of the human hands have deter- mined the number of the digits, as their very name implies. We have however, quite as little respect for the notion of Grotius, for which Friederich who follows him, cites Prov. vii. 3, that the number of the commandments was ten, in order that the people might recite them upon their fingers, and thereby impress them upon their memory, as we have for the no less strange idea of Kurtz, that in the creation of man those im- mutable laws of thought were regarded, which determine him to count by tens, and ten fingers were given him to correspond.

Five set over against ten represents perfection, as it were, half attained. It is the number of relative imperfection. Hence the fives of the court, as compared with the corresponding tens in the measures of the tabernacle.

The astronomical view refers seven and twelve to the seven planets and the twelve signs of the zodiac. The chronological derives their sacredness from the twelve months in the year, and the seven days in each lunar phase. The realistic seeks the meaning of the sacred numbers in the various physical relations or phenomena, celestial and terrestrial, into which they enter, e. g. seven is found in the septentriones, the pleiades, the musical sounds, the Greek vowels, the climacterics, etc. These three views, either singly or combined, are com- monly regarded as exhibiting the sources of all sacredness in numbers among the heathen. Winer would thus explain the mystic use of seven among the Hebrews, but is prevented from thus explaining twelve by the indubitable historical evi-

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dence of the existence among them of twelve tribes. If the seven days of creation had been to him equally indubitable he would no doubt have felt that it was quite as unnecessary to assume any other ground than this of the sacredness of seven.

It is surprising to find even Hengstenberg partially falling in with these views, and claiming that the Hebrews derived their ideal use of numbers from the heathen. If the historical grounds of sacredness, in the case of seven and twelve at least, were not so plain, and were not expressly asserted to be the true ones; and if symbols drawn from the physical features of the universe, however familiar to heathenism, were not totally unknown to the Scriptures, such a view would be more pardon- able. We cannot but think that in the utterance of such an opinion, Hengstenberg must have been biassed by the compari- sons which he had recently been instituting between the things of Israel and those of heathen Egypt, and the anxiety with which he had been grasping after analogies as proofs of the true Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch.

It is chiefly the numerical relations of the Levitical institu- tions, which have been exhibited hitherto. It is time now to ask what light can be thrown upon this subject from other parts of Scripture. We have looked a little at the beginning of the sacred volume; let us now pass at once to its close. That the book of Revelation is largely symbolical, all admit. Much of it, most of it, if not all of it, must be so explained. It cannot by possibility be literal. This creates a presumption that its numbers, too, may have a mystical value. The symbols of this book are also, in great part, borrowed from the Old Testament. Much of its language, many of its ideas, find their basis there. , There are no heathen symbols in it, as can be shown, not even the palms in the hands of the rejoicing multitude before the throne. There are the mystical tribes of Israel, the song of Moses, the tree of life, the lamb slain, the ark of the covenant, the feast of tabernacles. All this favours the impression that laws of in- terpretation derived from the Mosaic symbols will be valid here. Still farther, many of the numbers of the Revelation, it must be admitted, can have no other than an ideal application. The number sealed of each of the tribes cannot be a literal number, ■whether understood exactly or approximately. If it have any

i

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signification ■whatever, it must be a mystical signification. The measures of the new J erusalem cannot he literal numbers. And even those interpreters by whom the numbers designating time are subjected to computation, reckon them, not literally as they stand, but by principles and methods which have quite as much need of proof to establish their correctness, as the symbolical view of the subject has.* And that mode of calculating the number of the beast from the numerical powers of letters, which, without intending any disrespect, we may call semi-cabbalistic, has, to say the least, quite as strong a presumption against it, and quite as little analogy from the Scriptures in its favour, and perhaps no more that is satisfactory and convincing in the result, than a symbolic understanding of it would have. The ten horns of the beast are very commonly interpreted of pre- cisely ten kingdoms, and yet there is great diversity in their enumeration. We must not be understood to be the advocate of any theory. We do not set up to be an interpreter of the book of Revelation. We have no desire further than to lay the facts before the reader, unbiassed by prepossessions and fore- gone conclusions, and to gain for the symbolical system a can- did hearing.

The prominence of the number seven in this book is particu- larly marked. There are 7 churches of Asia, 7 stars, 7 golden candlesticks, 7 spirits of God, the lamb with 7 horns and 7 eyes, the book with 7 seals, 7 angels with 7 trumpets, 7 thun- ders, 7 vials with the 7 last plagues, the earthquake destroying 7 thousand men, the beast and the dragon having each 7 heads and 10 horns. The witnesses prophesy in sackcloth the half of 7 years, and lie unburied the half of 7 days. The half of 7 years also marks the woman’s stay in the wilderness, the

* That even English divines of learning and ability, are not so much at one upon this point as seems to be commonly taken for granted, at least in this coun- try, may be seen from the following remarks of Brown, in his Ordo Seclorum, or Chronology of the Holy Scriptures, p. 24: — “I earnestly disclaim and protest against all attempts at calculating the times which are yet future. Notwithstand- ing the deference due to a few venerated names, I am bound to declare my con- viction that all such attempts are alike futile and presumptuous. The hypothesis in particular, which makes the periods assigned by Daniel and St. John, of 1260 and 2300 days, to be that number of years, is a mere fiction, proved to have been invented at first by heretics, and since adopted chiefly as a weapon of contro- versy.”

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continuance of the beast, and the trampling of the holy city under foot by the Gentiles. Interpreted symbolically this says, that the duration of the enemy’s triumph is measured, and that by a broken number ; the half of 7, after the analogy of the half of 10, symbolizing what is incomplete and transi- tory.

Twelve appears everywhere appropriately a3 the number of God’s people, of the Church. The twice 12 elders before the throne represent the Church of both dispensations; 12 thousand of each of the 12 tribes are sealed as God’s elect. The woman symbolizing the people of God wears a crown of 12 stars. The redeemed on Mount Sion are 12x12 thousand. The New Jerusalem, imaging forth the perfect Church, bears the appropriate number in every possible way. Upon its gates surmounted by 12 angels are inscribed the names of the 12 tribes. Its 12 foundations bear the names of the 12 apostles of the Lamb. Its length, and breadth, and height, are each 12 thousand cubits, constituting it a perfect cube like the holy of holies, God’s immediate dwelling place in both the taber- nacle and the temple. Its wall measures 12x12 cubits ; its gates are 12 pearls; and the tree of life within it bears 12 manner of fruits. On the other hand, the beast which made war upon the Church is marked with the half or broken twelve, which is thrice repeated 666, to carry the idea to its utmost intensity; there is thus intimated, in spite of his seeming victory, his essential inferiority to the true people of God.*

Other numbers are less conspicuous and pervading in their use. The 10th part of the great city fell in the earthquake, the locusts had power to torture men the half of 10 months, the broken number here again denoting imperfection and limitation. The number of the horsemen under the conduct of the 4 angels

* This is Hengstenberg’s view as we understand it. It is slightly modified from that of Vitringa, whom Hengstenberg has yet followed in the main. Vitringa says, Numerus ccclesi® verse est 12. Numerus ecclesi® fals® et corrupt® est senarius 6, quia duodenarium dividit in duas partes, hoc est, destruit et dissolvit. * Regnum besti® destruit, quantum in se est, verum regnum Christi. * * * Quod autem nuinerum hune besti® Spiritus efferre voluerit tribus senariis, quippe ex senariis monadum, dccadum, et hecatontadum conflatum, haud dubie ob hanc factum est rationem, ut senarium nobis exhiberet in omni sua perfectione.

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bound in Euphrates, is, in the judgment of Yitringa, made up from a peculiar combination of 10 and 3. Three successive multiplications, first of ten into itself, then of each successive product into itself, will yield as their result the number as it appears in a few manuscripts, or the half of the number as it is in the received text ; the whole conveying the idea of the most perfect multitude, an immense innumerable host. The tail of the great red dragon drew the 3d part of the stars ; 3 unclean spirits issued from the mouths of the dragon, the beast, and the false prophet; the great city was divided into 3 parts by a mighty earthquake; the judgments denounced in chapters viii. and ix. constantly destroyed the 3d part of their respec- tive objects. The signature of the earth appears in the 4 beasts, symbolizing, according to Hengstenberg, all terrestrial animated things, in the 4 angels standing on the 4 corners of the earth, holding the four winds, and in the blood flowing from the wine-press by the space of 4x4 hundred furlongs.

Our limits compel us to pass more rapidly over the inter- mediate books of Scripture. It will be sufficient to refer to some of the more marked examples. In compassing the city of Jericho, 7 priests, bearing 7 trumpets of rams’ horns, pre- ceded the ark; they thus marched about the city 7 days, and on the 7th day 7 times. As a magical charm, Samson was bound with 7 green withs, and 7 locks of his head were woven with the web. Hannah sang “the barren hath borne 7.” God offered to David in punishment for his sin 3 things, 7 years of famine, 3 months of flight before his enemies, or 3 days’ pestilence. Naaman was bidden to wash 7 times in Jordan. The words of the Lord are as silver purified 7 times. To wisdom’s house Solomon assigns 7 pillars. Jeremiah fore- told a captivity in Babylon for 7x10 years, and at its close Daniel predicted the advent of Messiah in 7x10 weeks of years. Matthew divides the interval from Abraham to Christ into 3 periods of twice 7 generations each. We read of 12 apostles, 7x10 disciples, and 7 deacons. The Saviour spake parables respecting 10 virgins, and 10 pieces of silver, and 10 servants, to whom were delivered 10 pounds. He told Peter that he must forgive his brother not 7 times merely, but 70 times 7.

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A much more questionable application has been attempted of the sacred numbers to the history and chronology of the Bible. This has been done by two entirely different classes of men, and with exactly opposite ends in view. Sceptical wri- ters have sought, as a means of bringing the truth of the sacred history into question, to show that like the mythologies of the heathen, it is built upon certain favourite numbers, and is pervaded by an obvious or concealed uniformity of periods. Mr. Browne, in his Ordo Seclorum, has, on the other hand, sought to vindicate the truth and the divinity of the Scripture history by this very means, and to show, by a train of numeri- cal relations, that “ it must be the Lord’s doing, and ought to be marvellous in our eyes.”

It is probable, however, that most persons will think neither party successful. The occasional occurrence of these particu- lar numbers may have been quite casual; there is, at least, no need of supposing that God conducted his providence with the design of weaving these numbers into it.* Their appearance is by no means so uniform as to create the impression of a plan consistently pursued. The most remarkable instances which have been alleged are the following. The antediluvian gene- alogy embraces ten names, of which the seventh, Enoch, and the tenth, Noah, have remarkable histories connected with them. Abraham, again, is the tenth from Shem. Noah had three sons; so had Terah. Jacob had twelve sons; so had Ishmael. The life of Moses is divided into three periods of uniform length, each forty years. Seven years were spent in the conquest of Canaan ; seven also in building the temple. David reigned forty years ; so did Saul, as we learn from Acts xiii. 21, though this is not stated in the Old Testament; so did Solomon. From the exodus to the building of the temple was twelve times forty years. Yon Bolden, in his Genesis, p. lxiv.,

* This seems to be the view of Hofmann in his Weissagung und Erfiillung,

I. p. 85. Noah was the tenth in order from Adam and Seth, as afterwards Abraham was again the tenth in order from Shem. The number ten is in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, as it is in itself by reason of the number of the fingers and toes, the number of the natural of man (des menschlich naturlichen), the number in which it finds its termination; whilst seven is the number of divine possibilities and activities, and Enoch was accordingly the seventh.

224 The Religious Significance of Numbers. [April

lias succeeded in picking out seventeen forties, either days or years, between the first of Genesis and the last of Kings, in a period of more than three thousand years. And by the aid of forcing and conjectural emendation, a few more may be created. Evidently it is only the singling out of these num- bers, and bringing them together, which produces the impres- sion of any thing unusual. A little ingenuity can do the same with any other history. The ages of the American Presidents exhibit coincidences more striking than any in the sacred his- tory, and if these are to be taken as proof of mythical charac- ter, the past period of our government must be set down as fabulous. Some ingenious person has culled from the life of Buonaparte instances to show that the same number recurs with surprising frequency in his history. This deserves to be added to the proofs by which Whately demonstrated that upon sceptical principles the Corsican was a fabulous personage. The numbers in the statement of Job’s family and possessions form one of the matters in dispute between those who regard the book in whole or in part as a moral fiction, and those who take it to be a literal narrative.

A more recondite use of these numbers has of late been maintained in the constitution of books, the arrangement of verses and sentences, and even the collocation of words. If the extreme views of some upon this subject be adopted, it would almost seem as though the sacred penmen thought of little else but how they might exhibit these numbers with the greatest frequency, and to the best advantage. Kurtz insists upon the significance of the fact, that ten books of generations are to be found in Genesis, and he makes this an argument in defence of its unity and its Mosaic origin. His view has been approved by several able scholars, although we pdrceive in the Studien und Kritiken of last year, an article by Tiele in oppo- sition to it; in which he urges that the formula “ These are the generations, &c.,” occurs eleven and not ten times, and that it cannot, in all cases, be regarded as introducing a fresh section of the book. It is not the truth of this view, however, which at present concerns us, but only the fact of its having been maintained. Bertheau contends that the legislation of the three middle books of the Pentateuch is built upon seven groups of

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laws, each containing seven decalogues. It requires some ap- plication of the higher criticism to exhibit this, and it is not defensible in all its rigour. And yet he has developed some very interesting coincidences, and such as are deserving of examina- tion. The book of Judges, according to the same writer, treats of its twelve judges in seven separate sections. He divides Proverbs, likewise, into seven parts, each distinguished by its separate title, the number being completed by assuming that xxii. 17 contains such a title, and that the alphabetical struc- ture xxxi. 10 — 31 renders a title superfluous. The arrange- ment of the book of Job, it has been claimed, exhibits an appli- cation of the sacred numbers. Zullig, whom Hengstenberg follows in this respect, with some little alteration, finds the Revelation to consist of seven co-ordinate groups or visions.

The ten commandments is an undisputed instance of a sig- nificant number entering into a composition, and determining its form. Some reckon seven beatitudes, and seven petitions in the Lord’s prayer, and think the seven parables in Matth. xiii. significant. Hengstenberg, (Comment. Psalm iv. 2, p. 242) finds a mystical import in the number and arrangement of the verses in Isa. liii., but either he has miscounted, or we cannot arrive at his meaning. The most extended theory of this kind, is that of the last named author, who undertakes to show that the sacred numbers enter generally into the structure of the Psalms, and supply the place of rhyme and measure in the poetry of other languages. He everywhere finds the verses thrown into tens and twelves, and sevens and threes, and fours; these with the aid of elevens, (half the number of the Hebrew letters,) and fives ought, one would think, to enable him to make out a scheme for the most refractory Psalm, espe- cially as he allows himself the liberty of introducing ones and twos to serve in occasional emergencies. If we may judge from its reception thus far, this theory is not likely to meet with universal acceptance very soon, nor to be considered by many besides its author, as uncovering the long buried mystery of Hebrew verse. Even Keil, whom we scarcely remember to have seen contradicting his preceptor before, refuses to follow him in this.

A significance in the frequency with which the divine names

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are used in certain Psalms, is a part of the same theory. Heng- stenherg refers to thirty-three Psalms, or about one-fifth of the ■whole number, in which he thinks that this is the case. If any one will take the trouble to examine the table given by Delitzsch,* of the number of divine names occurring in each of the Psalms, he will discover anything but regularity and evidence of design. Following the method thatHengstenberg did, however, sometimes adding all the divine names together, sometimes reckoning each separately, sometimes counting them in part of a Psalm, some- times in the whole, and still again in two Psalms or even more, the wonder is not that he found the sacred numbers so often, but that he did not find them oftener. And among 150 Psalms, it is not strange if there should occasionally be found one, which seems to him who looks at that alone, to fall in remark- ably with the theory. To give the reader a better idea of the theory in operation, we shall here present the numerical scheme supposed to be found in Psalms xxviii. and xxix. These are in the judgment of Hengstenberg himself unusually favourable spe- cimens. The first verse of Ps. xxviii. is the introduction, the last the conclusion; rejecting these there will remain seven verses for the body of the Psalm, four contain the prayer, three in the midst of which the name Jehovah occurs three times, contain the assurance of being heard. In Ps. xxix., two verses arc lopped off as introduction, and two as conclusion, leaving again seven for the body of the Psalm; in these “the voice of Jehovah” occurs seven times, and Jehovah itself ten times. The sum of the verses in the two Psalms is twice ten, which just equals the number of times that J ehovah occurs in them both.

The sacred numbers have also been sought elsewhere in the collocation of words. The enumeration of the Canaanitish nations contains sometimes seven names, once ten. The fact that the number more commonly mentioned is six, would to some be an argument that the other enumerations were acci- dental, to others that they were designed. Seven attributes of the Spirit are by many counted in Isa. xi. 2. In the Revela- tion groups of three frequently occur, e. g. works, labour, patience ; lightnings, thunderings, voices, &c. Groups of four :

In his Symbol® ad Psalmos illustrandos isagogic®, pp. 2, 3.

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heaven, earth, sea, and fountains of waters ; kindred and tongue, and people and nation. Seven: blessing and glory, and wis- dom and thanksgiving, and honour and power, and might; power and riches, and wisdom and strength, and honour and glory, and blessing. If any have time and inclination for such learned trifling, they can find any number more of the same sort in the section on the numerosity of the Apocalypse, in Stuart’s Commentary, vol. i. pp. 131-150.

It was not until this article had been concluded and sent to press, that our eye fell upon the closing paragraph in the supplementary remarks by Delitzsch, in his Exposition of Genesis, p. 412. He there gives the following summary of Hofmann’s views regarding the significance of numbers, as communicated to him in writing by his “ dear friend and col- league:” “3 ist die Zahl Gottes, sie bedeutet Gott in der einheitliehen Geschlossenheit seines wesens; 4 die Zahl der welt, die welt in der einheitliehen Geschlossenheit ihres Bes- tandes ; 12 (3x4) die Zahl der welt Gottes, der Gemeinde ; 7 die Zahl der gottlichen Moglichkeit, das Gottliche in der Man- nigfaltigkeit seiner Entfaltung; 10 die Zahl der menschlichen Moglichkeit, das Menschliche in der Mannigfaltigkeit seiner Entfaltung; 70 (7x10) die gottgeordnete Mannigfaltigkeit des menschlichen; 40 (4x10) die weltlich begrenzte Zeit des mens- chen ; 70 (7x10) die gottliche bestimmte Zeit desMenschen; 49 (7x7) die Zeit Gottes.” Delitzsch himself ascribes to 10 the idea of perfection, but modified by its being based upon its constituents 7 and 3. “ Die Zahl 10 bedeutet die vollendete

offenbarung Gottes vor sich selbst und nach der welt bin, die siebenfache Ausstrahlung des in sich selbst Dreifaltigen.”

In proof of the arrangement of books of Scripture according to significant numbers, he refers to the quintuple division of the Pentateuch and of the Psalms, and to the triple division of the second portion of Isaiah, viz : into three sections of three discourses each. In the New Testament he alleges, and pro- mises at some future time to prove, a quintuple division of one gospel, that of Matthew, and a triple division of another, that of John.

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Mercantile Morals.

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Art. III. — Mercantile Morals; or , Thoughts for Young Men entering Mercantile Life. By Wm. Howard Van Boren, pastor of the Second Reformed Dutch Church, of Piermont, New York. New York: Charles Scribner, 145 Nassau street. 1852. 18mo, pp. 437.

The Successful Merchant: Sketches of the Life of Mr. Sam- uel Budgett, late of Kingswood Hill. By William Arthur, A. M. New York: . Published by Lane and Scott, 200 Mulberry street. Joseph Longking, Printer. 1852. 18mo, pp. 411.

We have in these two volumes theory and practice, the abstract and the concrete. The first furnishes copious illus- trations of the principles which ought to actuate a young man just entering mercantile life. The second exemplifies the practicability of carrying out those principles in actual busi- ness. If any one should pretend that integrity is incompatible with success, the career of Mr. Budgett may be adduced as a triumphant refutation of the position.

Mr. Yan Doren has spent much of his life in the vicinity of New York, to say nothing of one or two winters in Philadel- phia in attendance on medical lectures, and consequently, we may regard him, clergyman though he be, as not unacquainted with the subject of which he treats. He has used his powers of observation to good purpose. His work will, we hope, com- mand the attention of that class of persons for whom it is designed. Discarding all attempts to prepare a dry abstruse essay on the morals of commerce, the author has intentionally indulged in a profuseness of illustration, drawn from history, science, and every-day life, with a view to render truth more attractive. We are not therefore to criticise the work as we would a logical treatise. The topics handled are the follow- ing : — Wealth not the chief end of life ; the evil of making haste to be rich; the principles of commercial morality; the observance of the Sabbath; the advantages of temperance; and cautions against scepticism, novels and the theatre. Such a meagre resume as this, however, will give a very inade- quate conception of the character of the work. If a severe

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critic were to single out any one thing moi*e than another, next to an occasional looseness of connection, he would proba- bly animadvert upon a too great exuberance of detail, some- times almost fatiguing ; as for instance, in the chapter on the theatre, where are heaped together over three-score and ten citations and examples to show the evil tendencies of the stage. Still, as was intimated above, considering the class of readers in view, allowance must be made for repetition and redundance as a possible part of the plan. What enhances the interest of many of the illustrations, is the fact that they fell under the eye of the writer himself ; for instance, the anecdote of the par- simonious suicide, p. 34; the deranged lawyer, p. 39; the mail robber, p. 76; the young bankrupt, p. 134; the har- dened sceptic, p. 203; the Sabbath keeper, p. 263; the Sab- bath breaker, p. 270; the novel reader, p. 373.

The principles which pervade the volume are sound, healthy, and evangelical. The word of God is faithfully and impress- ively recommended as a plain, safe, and infallible guide. The direction of the Psalmist is cordially endorsed, as the surest method of cleansing a young man’s way. We are happy to learn that there is a probabilty of the Publishing Board of the Reformed Dutch Church, if not the American Tract Society, giving the chapter on the stage to the world in a separate form.

Where there is so much to commend, and especially where the design is so laudable, it is not agreeable to add any thing in the way of censure. Yet, we would guard the author against that tendency to redundance and glitter by which young authors are apt to be captivated ; and we would recommend a more logical train of thought, and a less ambitious style. He is inaccurate in some of his historical instances. Tullus Hostilius, (p. 17.) was not a Roman Emperor, nor could he have pro- nounced the Christian religion vulgar, for he lived prior to its advent; nor did he scout any other God than his good sword. It was the atheist Mezentius who was guilty of that impiety. It was not Heliogabalus, (p. 54,) but Caligula, who wished his subjects had but one neck, that he might strike it off at one blow. It was not Brutus, (p. 96,) who said female virtue should be above suspicion, but Julius Caesar, who made the remark when he divorced his wife.

30

VOL. XXV. — NO. II.

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From the broad field of Mercantile Morals we turn aside to individualize and study the character of “ A Successful Mer- chant,” as portrayed by the hand of Mr. Arthur, (who is not to he confounded with the popular American writer of the same name.) This piece of biography is exceedingly interest- ing.

Samuel Budgett, born in 1794, was apprenticed, when fourteen years of age, to his brother, who kept a small general shop at Ivingswood, near Bristol. He early displayed a turn for ti*ade in his boyish adventures, and had a keen eye to business. He seems to have been a horn merchant. In the course of time he rose to he a partner, and finally sole master of the concern, when his genius had unrestrained scope. Hav- ing gradually enlarged the retail to a commanding wholesale business, he made Bristol the centre of his operations upon the grandest scale. Yet, large as the concern was, he resolutely adhered to his original determination, to eschew speculations, and he content with small but sure profits. He made his business as near a cash business as possible, no matter whom he offended, or whose custom he might lose. Order, prompt- ness, punctuality, exactness, justice, these were the few and simple principles that governed the establishment. The business of each day was done up the same day; nothing was ever left over; the orders of the morning were filled and despatched immediately. The consequence was, that a vast amount of business was got through, and yet the men were dismissed to their homes at five or half past five, instead of being detained until ten.

To look at this man, pushing, driving, bargaining, with untiring industry and comprehensive forecast, displaying the most consummate tact, generalship, and energy, you would pronounce him decidedly avaricious, and an unscrupulous devotee of Mammon. Yet no judgment would have been more erroneous. It was not the love of money, but the love of trade that possessed him. The motive that urged him on, was the same that has made heroes, generals, statesmen, poets, painters; the pride of superior management and skill, the ambition of preeminence in his particular vocation. His expenditures were as liberal as his calculations were close.

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His maxim was to get all be could, to save all he could, and to give all he could. And he did it. The combination of these apparently heterogeneous elements was in him perfect. He not only gave frequent presents to his men, but if any of them fell into distress, he generously offered them, with good advice, five, ten, thirty, fifty, or a hundred pounds, a horse, or a horse and cart, to set them up again. His charities were of the same unstinted chai’acter. He never looked coldly or askance at the solicitor who sought his attention, or put him off with the chilling excuse, “I have had so many calls lately;” but he seemed glad to have a new opportunity of doing good. “ Well,” he would say, “what do you think I ought to give?” And whether the sum named was ten pounds, or fifteen, or twenty, it was always cheerfully forthcoming. He was also in the habit of dropping occasionally a five pound note into his pastor’s hand, to be disbursed by him among the poor and distressed, who fell under his notice. He gave away annu- ally one sixth of his income. Good books he distributed in incredible quantities.

The reader will probably have already anticipated that the union of so much generosity with so much industry is to be accounted for by the fact that Mr. Budgett was a sincere Christian. Indeed, the exercises of his inner life, and his zealous efforts for the conversion and spiritual improvement of others, are not the least striking features of his biography. Besides his anxiety to procure a chapel for the use of his numerous dependants on the Sabbath, he appropriated a capa- cious room in his warehouse to a religious use. Here every morning, about seven, or half past seven o’clock, family prayer was observed. If one of the heads of the establishment was not present, some labourer would conduct the devotions, which consisted of reading the Scriptures, singing, and prayer. Some fifty or a hundred porters, in their white frocks, would partici- pate in these exercises, with decorum and interest, invoking the blessing of the Lord upon the business of the day.

It is gratifying to notice the unsectarian tone of this good man’s religion. While he was an earnest Methodist himself, and rejoiced, as well he might, in the abundant fruits of Mr. Wesley’s labours at Ixingswood, he was ever ready to encourage

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and aid the Church of England rector, the Moravian minister, or the Independent pastor.

It is impossible to rise from the perusal of such a man’s life, •without an increased respect for the commercial body of which' he was so worthy a member, and a wish that there may be many like him. IVe rejoice to believe that his was not a soli- tary instance of the realization of the triplet of duties, “Not slothful in business, fervent in spirit, serving the Lord.”

That honesty and success are incompatible, is an opinion which has gained, among a certain class, a wide currency. It has been boldly and unblushingly asserted, and that by mer- cantile men themselves, that no merchant who is a strictly honest man, can succeed in our great commercial emporiums, and that to act upon the golden rule, will ruin any man’s busi- ness. It is too probable that numbers act on this persuasion. The President, in his last message, complains of the frequency of frauds upon the revenue. “ The reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, heretofore made on this subject,” he says, “show conclusively that these frauds have been practised to a great extent. The tendency is to destroy that high moral character for which our merchants have long been distinguished; to de- fraud the Government of its revenue; to break down the honest importer by a dishonest competition ; and finally, to transfer the business of importation to foreign and irresponsible agents, to the great detriment of our own citizens.” This is not a very flattering picture of the mercantile morals of the present day.

It would seem as if mankind were still very much the same as in the ancient times, when prophets and apostles fulminated the terrors of another world before the iniquitous. Overreach- ing traders are no novelty. There were those in former days, of whom the language was used, “he is a merchant; the bal- ances of deceit are in his hands; he loveth to oppress:” and although they grew rich by fraud, they used the same pleas of self- vindication that we find employed now; “in all my labours they shall find none iniquity in me that were sin.” The very same pretence soothed the conscience in the old world that soothes it in the new. Not only are men ready to ascribe their wealth to their industry, “ sacrificing unto their net, and

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burning incense unto their drag;” but they go farther, and insinuate that success sanctifies all the tricks of trade. They ■would have us believe that the ordinary methods of dealing are not very criminal or reprehensible; either because the practice is universal, or because they are to be viewed in the same light as stratagems of war.

It is important that men’s minds should be disabused on this subject, and that errors so pernicious should be dislodged. The rising race of merchants, at least, if the veterans are too old to unlearn, should be accustomed to believe and think that success is not necessarily divorced from honesty, and that the blessing of the Lord maketh rich, and addeth no sorrow.

The pulpit should speak out plainly and faithfully on this point. There is great and pressing need to inculcate the truth even upon church members. “To the preacher, above all, who has constantly to deal with men immersed in trade, it is of an importance not to be calculated, that he should know the life which all the week long his hearers are leading — its temp- tations, its glosses, its rivalries, its depressions, its joys; its anxieties, which cast the care of the soul into the shade; its ambitions, which outweigh the claims of truth and right. Ig- norant of these, he must leave many to flounder in temptation, whom he might be the means of extricating ; many to be wor- ried with care, when he might win their attention to better things ; many to sink under their load, to whom he might have given a timely solace ; many to go on in a course of gainful sin, whose conscience he might have reached and aroused. Too often the man of business feels that the remarks from the pul- pit only show that his case is not at all understood.” — Arthur , p. 34. Vague generalities and trite commonplaces are not the materials with which to rouse and secure the attention of a class of persons who know the value of time, and who are them- selves accustomed to come at once to the point.

It is possible that some may think this a descent from the dignity of the pulpit, bringing sacred things into profane familiarity. Let such listen to Chalmers, grappling with the objection in one of his masterly Commercial Discourses. “ It is not vulgarizing Christianity to bring it down to the very humblest occupations of human life. It is, in fact, dignifying

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liuman life, by bringing it up to the level of Christianity. It may look to some a degradation of the pulpit, when the household servant is told to make her firm stand against the temptation of open doors, and secret opportunities; or when the confidential agent is told to resist the slightest inclination to any unseen freedom with the property of his employers, or to any undiscoverable excess in the charge of his management ; or when the receiver of a humble payment is told, that the tribute which is due on every written acknowledgment ought faithfully to be met, and not fictitiously to be evaded. This is not robbing religion of its sacredness, but spreading its sacred- ness over the face of society. It is evangelizing human life, by impregnating its minutest transactions with the spirit of the

gospel It may appear a very little thing, when you

are told to be honest in little matters; when the servant is told to keep her hand from every one article about which there is not an express or understood allowance on the part of her superiors ; when the dealer is told to lop off the excesses of that minuter fraudulency, which is so currently practised in the humbler walks of merchandize ; when the workman is told to abstain from those petty reservations of the material of his work, for which he is said to have such snug and ample oppor- tunity ; and when, without pronouncing on the actual extent of these transgressions, all are told to be faithful in that which is least, else, if there be truth in our text, they incur the guilt of being unfaithful in much. It may be thought that because such dishonesties as these are scarcely noticeable, they are therefore not worthy of notice. But it is just in the proportion of their being unnoticeable by the human eye, that it is religious to refrain from them."

The principles of morality, that is, the duties of the second table of the Decalogue, are as applicable to the every-day transactions of trade and commerce as to any other relations of life, and that application should be shown by the preacher.

“ Truth is not local ; God alike pervades And 611s the world of traffic and the shades,

And may be fear’d amid the busiest scenes,

Or scorn’d where business never intervenes.”

The apostles did not hesitate to reprove the grasping cupidity

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of their contemporaries, and to warn them that the price of the labourer kept back fraudulently would enter into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth; and to charge the rich not to trust in uncertain riches, but to do good and communicate of their superfluity. Our Lord himself has set an example. When one wished him to interfere in dividing an inheritance, he made it a text for a sermon against covetousness. “Take heed,” said he to the listening crowd, “and beware of covetousness.”

There are a variety of maxims that have obtained prevalence in the mercantile world, which Mr. Arthur has handled at some length in his rather frequent and by no means incompressible digressions. Some of these maxims are unsound, and others have a substratum of truth, but are liable to abuse and perver- sion.

That one should buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest, is a principle the propriety of which can hardly be disputed. Yet it is easy to conceive of grasping men en- deavouring to affect the state of the market one way or the other by unfair means. Stock-brokers are accused of publish- ing articles in the newspapers, or raising unfounded rumours, calculated to depress or raise stocks in which they are person- ally interested. Wholesale dealers endeavour to obtain a monopoly of certain articles, that they may ask exorbitant prices without fear of competition. Buyers take advantage of the ignorance or the necessities of sellers, to purchase at ruinously low prices. It is naught, it is naught, say they; but when they have succeeded in making a good bargain, they boast of their cunning. Merchants are in the habit of exposing certain descriptions of goods or wares at a low figure, even under cost, and making it up on other things ; while they create the impression that they sell every thing equally cheap. But as their rivals soon learn to be no less expert at underselling, the stratagem loses its effect.

It is also deemed perfectly proper to conceal defects in goods, and to leave it to the purchaser to find them out. Paul had reference to a practice of this sort in his day, when he spoke of human conduct being subject to a sun-trial,

2 Cor. i. 12, such as was employed in regard to goods kept in a dark corner, in order to conceal their defects. But the cus-

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tomer relies on the skill of the seller, and he has a right to do so. He pays him for his skill and his time, as well as for his goods, Tully to the contrary notwithstanding. That skill forms part of a merchant’s capital, and contributes to increase his profits. No man is expected to sell at what will not yield a living profit ; hut then he has no right to impose a damaged or inferior article for a superior one on a customer who confides in his word. He abuses the confidence placed in him.

But it will be said, every one must take care of himself. That is the very spirit of Cain. “Am I my brother’s keeper?” Yes ; in a certain sense I am. Selfishness is put under the ban by Christianity. “Look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of others.” “Let no man seek his own, but every man another’s wealth.” When was the golden rule tabooed from the sphere of merchandize? It will not do to say, “Every man for himself, and God for us all!” Cer- tainly it is highly unbecoming for Christian people to adopt such selfish maxims, or to lower themselves to the level of vul- gar scrambling. They of all men ought to have some conside- ration for the accommodation of others. While they show that they are too wise to be taken in themselves, they ought also to show that they are too just and too generous to take undue advantage of others.

It is said, in defence of the vending of intoxicating liquors, opium, materials of gaming, infidel books, licentious novels, &c., If I do not keep them, others will. Here again is an evasion of the true state of the question. The point to be considered is not the money to be made, but the amount of benefit or injury accruing to individuals and society at large. If it is wrong, or of doubtful propriety, for any one to engage in de- moralizing pursuits, then it is wrong for all, without exception. “ The vender of spirits has a right to sell arsenic, prussic acid, the deadly nightshade, or any other fatal drug, so long as he endangers nobody’s life or peace. But the moment those arti- cles begin to destroy the peace, ruin the health, or the souls of his fellow-citizens, every law, human and divine, unites in cry- ing aloud, Stop that destroyer!” — Merc. Morals , p. 283.

Another very dangerous policy is the credit system. With- in proper limits it is laudable, and thousands of energetic

The Successful Merchant.

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1853.]

young men owe their all to it. Even Mr. Budgett, with his vigorous adherence to prompt payments, gave credit for a month. If the bill was not met at that time, no more orders were filled. But the credit system has been fearfully abused. Men have not scrupled to contract debts on very slender pros- pects of ability to meet them. Trade became inflated, specu- lations multiplied, and the banks expanded their issues, in spite of the warning voice of our statesmen, until, in 1837, came the universal crash, the general bankruptcy law, shameful public repudiation, and untold private misery.

The Scriptures are very explicit, when they enjoin upon us, “ Owe no man anything, but to love one another.” No one should permit himself to contract a debt, without a reasonable prospect of being able to pay it. Not only is punctuality in meeting pecuniary obligations essential to an unstained reputa- tion, but it is important to one’s peace of mind. Who can depict the anxieties, the trepidations, the mental anguish, that distract the unhappy man who finds his affairs entangled in almost hopeless embarrassment? He passes sleepless nights, hears the clock strike every hour, walks the floor in restless nervousness, desperately revolves how he is to meet his engage- ments, with an aching head and a throbbing heart, trembling at the prospect of having his name announced among the list of bankrupts, dreads to disclose his situation to his wife, and shrinks from the necessity of curtailing the expenses, perhaps the extravagances, of his family. Who can adequately describe the miseries of a person that is plunged in debt ? And it has happened that the tempter, who is ever on the alert, takes advantage of the opportunity to suggest horrible thoughts to the mind, and present temptations his victim may not have strength to resist.

To counteract the influence of such pestilent errors, the pul- pit must teach that wealth is not the only object worth living for. It must remind men continually that we were not created solely to make money and accumulate property. It must teach the comparatively little value of mere wealth, and that a man’s life consisteth not in the abundance of his possessions, but in the right use of them. It must draw the distinction between a wise employment of money, and that love of it which (not

YOL. XXV. — NO. II. 31

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The Successful Merchant.

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money itself, as it is sometimes misstated,) is the root of all evil. It must present the frailty of life, and the solemnities of a coming judgment. It must impress upon all that they are hastening to a world where investments and storehouses, and stocks and railroads, and gold and silver, are at a tremendous discount.

It needs the presentation of motives like these, it needs the putting forth of all the moral power which the pulpit can wield, to stem the popular current, and check, if possible, the mad haste to be rich.

But if commercial men will not listen to the instructions of the pulpit, at least they might attend to the warnings of statis- tics. We are told that an inspection of the Directory of one of our principal cities furnishes the following result: “Count- ing the number of firms in 1838, found under a given letter, and then counting those surviving in 1846, deducting for deaths and retirements, there were left two hundred and fifty firms which must have become bankrupt during the short space of eight years.” — Merc. Mor. p. 133. To this we may add still more appalling statistics, which we have gleaned from orher sources.

General Dearborn, of Massachusetts, stated some years ago in a public address, that he had ascertained, after some re- search in the city of Boston, that seventy-seven (another para- graph reads ninety-seven,) out of every hundred persons who obtained their livelihood by buying and selling, failed or died insolvent. A memorandum taken by another person in 1800, of every merchant on Long Wharf, and compared with a list of 1840, showed that only five in one hundred had not either failed or died destitute of property. The Union Bank of Bos- ton started in 1798. A director of that bank stated that on examination it appeared out of one thousand accounts opened with them, only fifty remained in 1838 ; the rest, in forty years, had all either failed or died without property. Houses, whose paper passed without a question, had all gone down in that time. Of bank directors, generally the most substantial men in the community, more than one-third were found to have failed in forty years. These representations make bank-

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1853.] The Successful Merchant.

ruptcy almost as universal and inevitable as the advance of death.

Mr. Cist, the indefatigable editor of the Cincinnati Adver- tiser, published some years since a variety of houses of for- tune -which fell under the notice of the United States Marshal. He knew a man who had once owned a large iron establish- ment, a day labourer in another man’s foundry. He knew one of the first merchants of Cincinnati in 1824, whose credit was unlimited, to die ten years afterward intemperate and insol- vent. He knew a bank director and president of an insurance company die in five years in a similar condition. He knew another individual worth, in 1837, half a million of dollars, to die insolvent. He knew a judge of a court, and a public man who was founder of the Penitentiary system in Pennsylvania, both to die paupers, and to be buried at the public expense. He knew a man who, in 1815, was worth one hundred and fifty thousand dollars and upwards, in Pittsburgh, ruined by intemperance, and subsisting on charity. He knew a lady, the descendant of a Governor of Massachusetts, and niece of a Governor of New Jersey, reduced to take in washing. He knew another, who, thirty years previous, had been the ad- mired cynosure of every eye, in the first circles of wealth and fashion, drudging at one dollar and fifty cents a week. He found the widow of a distinguished Professor, eating her hum- ble supper with her daughter from a board laid across an old barrel for a table.

Are not these sad illustrations of the scriptural assertion, that “riches make to themselves wings and fly away?” The text is often misquoted, thus : “ riches take to themselves wings;” but the true language is much more striking. They make to themselves wings. You may secure your property ever so well and wisely, you may tie it up ever so tight ; and before you have turned round, the wings are sprouting — wings that you never saw nor suspected ; and while you are compla- cently congratulating yourself on your sagacity, the wings sud- denly expand, your riches take flight, and away go your dreams of independence and prosperity.

There is a great temptation with many to dash out beyond their means, under the mistaken notion that extravagant ap-

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Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt. [April

pearances will make an impression of a flourishing business. And there is another irresistible temptation : when a man finds he is going over the dam, in his despair he stretches out his hands and clutches at the nearest person, be it friend or stranger, and drags fresh victims along with him to the bottom.

Men engaged in merchandise should endeavour to unite the claims of business and religion. Let them be diligent and industrious ; but let them also be scrupulously honest, strictly conscientious, liberal, and pious. Let them make honestly, and give freely. So shall they lay up treasures in heaven, whose texture no moth shall fret, whose brightness no rust shall corrode; treasures of happiness, and true wealth, and glory, which will cast those of earth into the shade.

Art. IV. — 1. Be Caroli TimotJiei Zumptii vita et studiis narratio Aug. Willi. Zumptii. Berolini in libraria Diimm- leriana 1851. 8vo. pp. vi. et 197.

2. Erinnerung an Karl Gottlob Zumpt in seiner Wirksam- keit als Schulmann und fiir die Schule. Yorgelesen in der herlinischen Gymnasiallehrergesellscliaft am 15 August, 1849, von E. Bonnell.

The life of a scholar is like a deep, wide river flowing through an extensive plain. Smooth and tranquil, no cata- ract, no rapids, no sudden bend or change of direction bring variety into its uniform motion. Silent it creeps along, be- tween its low grassy banks, with little to diversify the view, with nothing to attract the painter. But without that river the commerce of the country would languish; crafts small and great are gliding on its waters from place to place, carrying merchandise, facilitating the intercourse of men, and promo- ting their happiness. And such was the life of Zumpt. Xo changes, no vicissitudes, no great events or occurrences mark its course ; there is nothing in it to invite description. But in its still current it watered the fields of Latin learning, and dug a deep channel for the gold-bearing streams to come after.

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1853.] Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt.

Carl Gottlob Zumpt, born at Berlin on the 20th of March, 1792, was the son of a carriage-maker. His father -would probably have put him to the same trade, but he died when his son was seven years old. His mother, the daughter of a clergyman, married a second time, and procured for him the advantages of a liberal education. He entered the Gymna- sium Zum grauen Kloster where he was not only promoted at the end of every term, but received also uniformly a prize until he reached the third class, where, although he was promoted at the usual time, he received no prize; this induced the ambitious boy to leave and enter the Joach- imsthal Gymnasium. Here he distinguished himself by his devotion to his studies; when in the higher classes, he was not contented with the course pursued in the school, but read privately such authors as he could obtain good editions of: Henning’s Juvenal, Ernesti’s Tacitus, Gesner’s Claudian, and others. To the memory of Philip Buttmann, who was then a teacher in the Gymnasium, he delighted to recur in after days, and acknowledged many obligations to him. The latter advised Zumpt, who had now finished his course in the Gymnasium, to go to the University of Heidelberg, where Fr. Creuzer, A. Boeckh, and the two Voss, father and son, were professors at this time; but F. A. Wolf, who had lately visited the Gymna- sium in an official capacity, and in an examination which he had held, had become interested in the promising youth, ad- vised him to remain in Berlin. For although the University there had not yet been established, several scholars, among whom was Wolf, were giving lectures privately. But Buttmann’s opinion prevailed. Zumpt was twenty days travelling from Berlin to Heidelberg, as he made the journey on foot. This was in 1809, when he was seventeen years old. Though matri- culated as a student of theology, philology was his principal occupation. He remained in Heidelberg only one year, for want of funds obliged him to return to Berlin. But here, the splendid libraries of this city, which he knew now how to use, the friendship of Wolf, and chiefly the University, which had been established in the mean time, and, through the liberality of the King, was already uniting the most distinguished talents of Germany in its faculties, afforded him ample opportunities of

242 Life and Studies of 0. G-. Zumpt. [April

pursuing his studies to great advantage. It -was during his course there that Wolf, in one of his lectures on Latin composition, when he had enumerated the best Latin writers of previous centuries, said that in his own days there were but two persons that knew Latin, viz. he himself (Wolf) was one, and Zumpt the other.*

Having completed a two years’ course in the University at Berlin, he entered upon the main labour of his life, which was teaching. This career he began in 1812, in the Frederick- Werder Gymnasium at Berlin. Bernhardi, then Director of this Institution, had met the young man at the house of Wolf, and as Zumpt was then unsettled as to what course in life he should take, the offer of Bernhardi to supply the place of a teacher who had left on a sudden, came very opportunely. Zumpt gave great satisfaction, stood the philological examina- tion in the same year, which consisted in illustrating a poem of Theocritus with a learned commentary, discussing a pedago- gical question, and holding a lecture, and received a definite appointment as teacher in the Gymnasium. The schoolboys of Berlin, at that time notorious for their ready wit and their pertness, and sharing with others of their age a quick percep- tion of the ludicrous, were rather inclined to make fun of their new and inexperienced teacher, who, only twenty years old, very tall and very slender, devoid of grace in motion and ges- ture, wearing a tight-fitting, rather threadbare coat, and his boots coming up over his yellow nankeen pantaloons, seemed to present numerous points for attack. But his evident decision, and his talent for teaching, combined with a thorough acquaint- ance with his subject, all which boys so soon are aware of, were not long in procuring for him an authority among his pupils equal to that of the oldest teacher. In 1813, when the King of Prussia addressed his call to his people to rise and shake off the yoke of the foreign oppressor, he was among those that offered their ser- vices as volunteers, but the government refused him the permission to leave his post. The rapid change of teachers in the Gymnasium, caused mainly by the troubles of those times, was favourable to

* In later days, any sentence from Cicero could be mentioned, and Zumpt would always tell the book or treatise from which it was taken, and the connection in which it occurred.

1853.] Life and Studies of C. G-. Zumpt. 243

his promotion. When he received his first appointment in the fall of 1812, it was with a yearly salary of one hundred and thirty thalers, for eighteen lessons a week. But after a lapse of six months his salary was raised to three hundred thalers, in 1816 to five hundred and thirty thalers ; in 1817 he received the title of Professor, and in 1819 his salary amounted to eight hundred and fifty thalers a year.

Though he was employed at first in the lowest classes, on ac- count of his youth, his acquisitions in philology and history soon procured for him lessons in the higher classes alone. In 1814, he published (mainly for the use of his classes,) “ Tlie Rules of the Latin Syntax, ivith two Etymological Appendices.”* Q. Curtius, which had been rarely used in schools until then, he introduced there, making this author one of the chief objects of his study. In 1816, he published an entirely new recension of Curtius, which was highly commended by some, and utterly re- jected by others. The lacunm existing in all the MSS. extant, established the fact that they all proceeded from the same original, but Zumpt endeavoured to show that all those written after the commencement of the fifteenth century, were corrupted and interpolated ; his recension, therefore, was based entirely on the older MSS. Owing partly to the difficulty of finding a publisher, the larger edition of the same author, with a com- mentary, was not published until twenty-three years after, and did not leave the printer’s hands before Zumpt had left this earth. Although this is doubtless the best edition of this his- torian, as a whole, the book does not appear to meet with that favour which it deserves, partly on account of the ill-advised superciliousness of Zumpt, who refused to avail himself of the lesser labours of other critics, that had seen the light between the two publications from his own pen.

As a teacher, Zumpt was eminently successful. Diligent, thorough, considerate, impressive, and faithful, as he was, his acquisitions were not likely to come to a stand ; he showed moreover, such an attachment to his study, that it became obvious in every word, feature, and gesture, and that it passed

* Regeln der Lateinischen Syntax mit zwei Anbiingen. Von C. G. Zumpt. Berlin, bei J. E. Hitzig. pp. viii. et 76.

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Life and Studies of 0. G. Zumpt. [April

over insensibly on his pupils; and as his character was so devoid of art, his inclinations so open and harmless that he entered into all the feelings and notions of youth, and sym- pathized vividly with each individual, he could not but gain the confidence and love of all. And as this principle of mutual regard, when it once lays hold of the minds of pupils, effects much more than any stimulus ever devised, it was not strange to find those . whom he instructed of an almost unparalleled industry, with an earnest endeavour after a classical education, and an honest zeal for it, such as the philologists of later days could only sigh for. The department which produced his principal efforts, in which he laboured most, by which he effected most, and which can least do without his works, was, as might have been inferred from his first productions, the Latin language. For although he also taught History in the highest classes of the gymnasium, as it was Ancient History, he lectured and examined in Latin. His delivery was calm and clear, his Latinity inartificial and correct, frequently elegant, always classical, and it had the effect of making his pupils so familiar with the Latin language that they could express themselves on historical subjects with great fluency in Latin, and frequently wrote down their notes in Latin on other subjects on which the professors were lecturing in Ger- man. It was these historical lectures which originated his Annales veterum regnorum et populorum imprimis Roman- orum , published in 1819. In the same year he also finished and published an edition of Tryphiodorus , with notes, which his friend Wernicke had commenced.

But the greatest influence upon the classical, and especially Latin education of his pupils, he exerted by reading Cicero with them, and by his Latin Grammar , the first edition of which, originating in those Rules of Syntax above mentioned, was published in 1818. With this he connected, in the school, exercises in writing Latin, and published to this end a book containing such exercises, which were mainly taken from later Latin writers.* The only grammars then used in nearly all

* Aufgaben zum Uebersetzen aus dem Deutschen ins Lateinische aus den bes- ten neuern Latcinischen Schriftstellcrn gezogen von C. G. Zumpt. Berlin, 1816, bci F. Dummlcr.

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the schools of Northern Germany had been those of Broder and Grotefend. The grammar of Zumpt was rather a small book when it first appeared; still it distinguished itself most favourably by the fact that it was an independent system, the sole offspring from the soil of classical writers ; that it derived and explained the laws of the language from these alone, and made an attempt at exhibiting the original and primary powers of cases and modes, and thus facilitated their use, when differ- ing from that of the corresponding German forms. Another feature by which it excelled its rivals, was the clearness and comprehensiveness of its rules, and the aptness of its examples and illustrations. It gained the approbation of the Prussian Ministry of Instruction, was recommended by it, saw many editions, and was translated into English, French, Dutch, Po- lish, and Russian.* But as the popularity of the book increased,

* Into English it was translated by John Kenrick, in 1823. This book saw- four editions, which did not keep pace, however, with the German editions, in size or value. The ninth German edition was then translated by Leonhard Schmitz, (a German by birth, and a man of undoubted talent and ability) and was edited in this country by Anthon. Excellent as this grammar is, and admi- rable as is the translation, there is a standing objection to all performances of the kind. Although (to take this concrete case) the principles of Zumpt’s Grammar are deduced directly from phenomena as presented in the Latin writers, yet he was a German, and viewed the Latin language from the stand point of one who Speaks German. The consequence is, that many things are explained, discussed, and illustrated at great length, merely because there may be nothing analogous to those particular points in the German language, whilst in those very things the Latin and English may agree perfectly; and therefore the latter can be satis- fied with a hint, where the German would need a dissertation. On the other hand, there may be phenomena in the Latin, so in accordance with the German idiom, that it needs nothing but the mention of them to be immediately under- stood by the German pupil, whilst one speaking English would need a minute and full explanation, his language containing nothing analogous. To give an instance or two of the former class, we would mention the acc. cum infinilivo, and the so-called ablative absolute. These are fully discussed in grammars produced in Germany, because the German language does not often use the acc. c. inf., and can only use it after two or three verbs, and even then so that it could not be rendered by the Latin acc. c. inf., whilst the English has almost the same latitude in its employment, at least after verba sentiendi et dicendi , as the Latin. To the ablative absolute the German has hardly anything analogous, whilst the English idiom, in this respect, could be of use to a Roman, even for the explana- tion of this phenomenon. An example of the opposite kind is the meagre and unsatisfactory treatment (to an English learner at least) of the genitive with im- personal verbs, merely because eorum nos miseret may be translated literally into

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 32

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Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt. [April

so its bulk, for the author, continuing his studies, saw constant- ly the need of additions and corrections; the latter were also suggested by criticisms of the literary journals, for in Germany authors are not easily offended at a critic’s honest opinion, and hardly ever fail to avail themselves of the lessons thus taught them. In 1824 it was found necessary to make a separate abridgment* of the Grammar, in order not to place it beyond the range of lower classes. This abridgment, though it has seen six editions, has suffered no material changes, and although the larger grammar is an invaluable work, and in spite of some few inaccuracies, and a slight departure from consistency in its arrangement, still maintains its place by the side of more learned and more extensive works, the abridgment does not enjoy, and does not deserve an equal degree of popularity. For it is a mere abridgment. The rules are given in the same full and exhaustive style, and, in fact, in the same words which the larger grammar employs, whilst of grammars adapted for lower classes, one of the first requirements is that they should give their rules in such a concise form as to be immediately accom- modated to the memory of the learner. But it was Zumpt’s plan that pupils should commence with the smaller grammar, and having gone through with that, repeat their course in the larger one, so that they should be familiar with the plan and arrangement of the latter, even at a time when its size, as well as its more learned contents, would yet be too formidable and deterring to their unenlarged capacities.

Before the death of the author, which occurred on the 25th of June 1849, his Larger Grammar saw nine editions. f From being merely a grammar for the use of schools at first, it had become a complete system. Containing formerly merely what was necessary to be learnt by the pupil as long as he was at school, it had now become a repertory of all the grammatical phenomena occuring in the classical writers of Rome, so that the student of these, at every stage of his advancement, might

German, which rendering would be intelligible, whilst a literal translation into English would not.

* This, too, is in use in an English dress.

t In 1850, the tenth edition was published under the care of Prof. A. W. Zumpt, a nephew of the author, the writer of the Latin narrative to which in part this sketch is due.

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1853.] Life and Studies of C. Cr. Zumpt.

find instruction and explanation in this grammar. It would probably have received a still further development, bad not Zumpt during the latter part of his life devoted himself almost exclusively to historical and antiquarian studies, and moreover, the increasing weakness of his eyes limited to a great extent his literary productiveness.

Whilst teaching in the Berlin gymnasia he directed hi3 efforts mainly to that part of the intellectual training of his pupils which could he promoted by grammar, or rather by language alone. Latin grammar and the Latin language were the field for calling out and exercising the reasoning faculties as well as the judgment; they afforded the means for cultivat- ing a sense of beauty as well as a discriminating taste; the style of writing as well as the mode of thinking received their due attention, and led doubtless to the desired end much more certainly than all those means could do which we hear so often praised as substitutes for the study of language and of gram- mar.

In 1821 he left the Frederick-Werder Gymnasium for a place in the Joachimsthal Gymnasium. In 1824 he received the honorary degree of Ph. D. from the University at Bonn. In 1826 he changed his office as teacher in the Gymnasium for that of Lecturer on History in the Military School at Berlin; probably because he had been twice disappointed in the expec- tation of obtaining the place of Director. The next year he joined the University of Berlin as Extraordinary Professor, and in 1836 he became Ordinary Professor of Latin Literature there, which place he retained to the end of his life. He was still active, however, for the advancement of pedagogy and the interests of the school by the education of teachers, in which he took an active part. With his philological lectures he joined such as served for directions in the acquisition and formation of a Latin style, in which latter portion of his func- tions he did not confine himself to the ordinary duties of a University-professor, but required his hearers to write Latin exercises, the correction of which he was always ready to undertake.

Among the more important works which he has produced, are a large edition of Cicero’s Orations against Verres, an

248 Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt. [April

edition for schools of the same, a critical edition of Quinti- lian’s Institutio Oratoria, a large edition of Cicero de Offieiis, based on that of the Ileusingers, and one in usum scholarum , with excellent Latin notes. The series of the Classics pub- lished in this country by Blanchard and Lea, under the name of that of Schmitz and Zumpt, is a reprint of part of Cham- bers’ Educational Course, and originated entirely with the Scotch publisher. On a journey in Germany, Mr. W. Cham- bers proposed to Zumpt the plan of publishing a number of the best Latin writers, for which he should write the notes, and send them to Edinburgh to be translated into English. The publisher prescribing the kind as well as the extent of the notes, the proposition appeared very strange at first to the German professor; still his eyesight being now very feeble, unfitting him for almost all serious work, and obliging him to read and write through an amanuensis, he preferred engaging in this work to doing nothing. The notes, therefore, in this series exclude all criticism, and confine themselves to occa- sional explanations and illustrations, grammatical, historical, geographical, and archaeological. The only works which he thus annotated, were Sallust and four books of Livy. The edition of Curtius is very nearly the same with the school- edition published in Germany.

His health had always been good ; during his vacations he generally performed short journeys for recreation; afterwards, as Professor in the University, he had longer vacations, and during these he visited France, Holland, and England; he was twice in Italy, and in Greece. But here he contracted a disease, which seems never to have left him entirely; he visited a number of medicinal springs and watering places, without any melioration in his system, and he was at a water- ing place in the summer of 1849, when he died.

Specially to enumerate the merits of Zumpt cannot be our object. As a teacher, his influence cannot be estimated ; his success depended upon his personal character much more than upon any peculiar method which he pursued. The best method, he used to say, is contained in the branch taught, and he is a good teacher who is never wholly satisfied with himself or with his method. "What he has done in other

1858.]

Idea of the Church.

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respects, is known to the world ; for it still lives, and will live, until it has accomplished its mission. He has done enough to facilitate the labours of subsequent grammarians.. As a man, he was firm, persevering, open, affable, and kind. His pupils, who are numerous, and many of them distinguished in the fields of science and literature, revere his memory; and from what we are told of his Christian character, we may hope that he is now

iiiSa. [/.xxxqt </»

N eiiTov axsayiSs;

Ailment irt^nttovayv.

“Where round the island of the blest

The ocean breezes play.” — Pindar 01. 2, 129.

Art. Y. — Idea of the Church.

In that symbol of faith adopted by the whole Christian world, commonly called the Apostles’ Creed, the Church is declared to be “ the communion of saints.” In analyzing the idea of the Church here presented, it may he proper to state, first, what is not included in it ; and secondly, what it does really embrace.

It is obvious that the Church, considered as the communion of saints, does not necessarily include the idea of a visible society organized under one definite form. A kingdom is a political society governed by a king ; an aristocracy is such a society governed by a privileged class ; a democracy is a politi- cal organization having the power centred in the people. The very terms suggest these ideas. There can be no kingdom with- out a king, and no aristocracy without a privileged class. There may, however, be a communion of saints without a visible head, without prelates, without a democratic covenant. In other words, the Church, as defined in the creed, is not a monarchy, an aristocracy, or a democracy. It may be either, all, or nei- ther. It is not, however, presented as a visible organization, to which the form is essential, as in the case of the human societies just mentioned.

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Idea of the Church.

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Again, the conception of the Church as the communion of saints, does not include the idea of any external organization. The bond of union may be spiritual. There may be communion •without external organized union. The Church, therefore, according to this view, is not essentially a visible society; it is not a corporation which ceases to exist if the external bond of union be dissolved. It may be proper that such union should exist; it may be true that it has always existed; but it is not necessary. The Church, as such, is not a visible society. All visible union, all external organization, may cease, and yet, so long as there are saints who have communion, the Church exists, if the Church is the communion of saints. That com- munion may be in faith, in love, in obedience to a common Lord. It may have its origin in something deeper still; in the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, even the Spirit of Christ, by which every member is united to Christ, and all the members are joined in one body. This is an union far more real, a com- munion far more intimate, than subsists between the members of any visible society as such. So far, therefore, is the Apos- tles’ Creed from representing the Church as a monarchy, an aristocracy, or a democracy; so far is it from setting forth the Church as a visible society of one specific form, that it does not present it under the idea of an external society at all. The saints may exist, they may have communion, the Church may continue under any external organization, or without any visi- ble organization whatever.

What is affirmed in the above cited definition is, first, that the Church consists of saints; and, secondly, of saints in com- munion— that is, so united as to form one body. To determine, therefore, the true idea of the Church, it is only necessary to ascertain who are meant by the “saints,” and the nature of their communion, or the essential bond by which they are united.

The word «?»<>,', saint, signifies holy, worthy of reverence, pure, in the sense of freedom either from guilt, or from moral pollution. The word » means to render holy, or sacred ;

to cleanse from guilt, as by a sacrifice; or from moral defile- ment, by the renewing of the heart. The saints, therefore, according to the scriptural meaning of the term, are those who

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have been cleansed from guilt or justified, 'who have been in- wardly renewed or sanctified, and who have been separated from the world and consecrated to God. Of such the Church consists. If a man is not justified, sanctified, and consecrated to God, he is not a saint, and therefore does not belong to the Church, which is the communion of saints.

Under the old dispensation, the whole nation of the Hebrews was called holy, as separated from the idolatrous nations around them, and consecrated to God. The Israelites were also called the children of God, as the recipients of his peculiar favours. These expressions had reference rather to external relations and privileges than to internal character. In the New Testa- ment, however, they are applied only to the true people of God. None are there called saints but the sanctified in Christ Jesus. None are called the children of God, but those horn of the Spirit, who being children are heirs, heirs of God, and joint heirs with Jesus Christ of a heavenly inheritance. When, therefore, it is said that the Church consists of saints, the meaning is not that it consists of all who are externally conse- crated to God, irrespective of their moral character, but that it consists of true Christians or sincere believers.

As to the bond by which the saints are united so as to become a church, it cannot be anything external, because that may and always does unite those who are not saints. The bond, whatever it is, must be peculiar to the saints ; it must be something to which their justification, sanctification, and access to God are due. This can be nothing less than their relation to Christ. It is in virtue of union with him that men become saints, or are justified, sanctified, and brought nigh to God. They are one body in Christ Jesus. The bond of union between Christ and his people is the Holy Spirit, who dwells in him and in them. He is the head, they are the members of his body, the Church, which is one body, because pervaded and animated by one Spirit. The proximate and essential bond of union between the saints, that which gives rise to their com- munion, and makes them the Church or body of Christ, is, therefore, the indwelling of the Holy Ghost.

Such, then, is the true idea of the Church, or, what is the same thing, the idea of the true Church. It is the communion

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of saints, the body of those who are united to Christ by the indwelling of his Spirit. The two essential points included in this definition are, that the Church consists of saints, and that the bond of their union is not external organization, but the indwelling of the Holy Spirit. These, therefore, are the two points to be established. As, however, the one involves the other, they need not be considered separately. The same arguments which prove the one, prove also the other.

By this statement, it is not meant that the word church is not properly used in various senses. The object of inquiry is not the usage of a word, but the true idea of a thing; not how the word church is employed, but what the Church itself is. Who compose the Church? What is essential to the existence of that body, to which the attributes, the promises, the prero- gatives of the Church belong? On the decision of that ques- tion rests the solution of all other questions in controversy between Romanists and Protestants.

The mode of verifying the true idea of the Church. — The holy Scriptures are on this, as on all other matters of faith or practice, our only infallible rule. We may confirm our inter- pretation of the Scriptures from various sources, especially from the current judgment of the Church, but the real founda- tion of our faith is to be sought in the word of God itself. The teachings of the Scriptures concerning the nature of the Church, are both direct and indirect. They didactically assert what the Church is, and they teach such things respecting it, as necessarily lead to a certain conception of its nature.

We may learn from the Bible the true idea of the Church, in the first place, from the use of the word itself. Under all the various applications of the term, that which is essential to the idea will be found to be expressed. In the second place, the equivalent or descriptive terms employed to express the same idea, reveal its nature. In the third place, the attri- butes ascribed to the Church in the word of God, determine its nature. If those attributes can be affirmed only of a visible society, then the Church must, as to its essence, be such a society. If, on the other hand, they belong only to the com- munion of saints, then none but saints constitute the Church. These attributes must all be included in the idea of the Church.

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They are but different phases or manifestations of its nature. They can all, therefore, be traced back to it, or evolved from it. If the Church is the body of those who are united to Christ by the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, then the indwell- ing of the Spirit must make the Church holy, visible, perpe- tual, one, catholic. All these attributes must be referable to that one thing to which the Church owes its nature. In the fourth place, the promises and prerogatives which belong to the Church, teach us very plainly whether it is an external society, or a communion of saints. In the fifth place, there is a necessary connection between a certain scheme of doctrine and a certain theory of the Church. It is admitted that the Church includes all who are in Christ, all who are saints. It is also admitted that all who are in Christ are in the Church. The question, therefore, Who are in the Church? must depend upon the answer to the question, Who are in Christ? or how do we become united to him?

Finally, as the true doctrine concerning the way of salva- tion leads to the true theory of the Church, we may expect to see that theory asserted and taught in all ages. However cor- rupted and overlaid it may be, as other doctrines have been, it will be found still preserved and capable of being recognized under all these perversions. The testimony of the Church itself will, therefore, be found to be in favour of the true doc- trine as to what the Church is.

The full exposition of these topics would require a treatise by itself. The evidence in favour of the true doctrine concern- ing the Church, even in the imperfect manner in which it is unfolded in this article, is to be sought through all the follow- ing pages, and not exclusively under one particular head. All that is now intended is to pi’esent a general view of the princi- pal arguments in support of the doctrine, that the Church con- sists of saints or true Christians, and that the essential bond of their union is not external organization, but the indwelling of the Holy Ghost.

Argument from the scriptural use of the word Church. — The word ly.xhtirtcc from ixxaXsa), evocare, means an assembly or body of men evoked, or called out and together. It was used to designate the public assembly of the people, among the Greeks,

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collected for the transaction of business. It is applied to the tumultuous assembly called together in Ephesus, by the outcries of Demetrius, Acts xix. 39. It is used for those who are called out of the world, by the gospel, so as to form a distinct class. It was not the Ilelotes at Athens who heard the procla- mation of the heralds, but the people who actually assembled, who constituted the \xxXr,<ua of that city. In like manner it is not those who merely hear the call of the gospel, who constitute the Church, but those who obey the call. Thousands of the Jews and Gentiles, in the age of the apostles, heard the gospel, received its invitations, but remained Jews and idolaters. Those only who obeyed the invitation, and separated themselves from their former connections, and entered into a new relation and communion, made up the Church of that day. In all the various applications, therefore, of the word Ixx*»<r»« in the New Testament, we find it uniformly used as a collective term for the xXijxot or IxXextm, that is, for those who obey the gospel call, and who are thus selected and separated, as a distinct class from the rest of the world. Sometimes the term includes all who have already, or who shall hereafter accept the call of God. This is the sense of the word in Eph. iii. 10, where it is said to be the purpose of God to manifest unto principalities and powers, by the Church, his manifold wisdom; and in Eph. A'. 25, 26, where it is said, that Christ loved the Church and gave himself for it, that he might sanctify and cleanse it with the washing of water by the word ; that he might present it to himself a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle, or any such thing. Sometimes the word is used for the people of God indefinitely, as when it is said of Paul, he persecuted the Church ; or when we are commanded to give no offence to the Church. The word is very commonly used in this Lsense, as when we speak of the progress of the Church, or pray for the Church. It is not any specific, organized body, that is common- ly intended in such expressions, but the kingdom of Christ indefinitely. Sometimes it is used for any number of the called, collectively considered, united together by some com- mon bond. Thus we hear of the Church in the house of Pris- cilla and Aquila, the Church in the house of Nymphas, the Church in the house of Philemon; the Church of Jerusalem,

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of Antioch, of Corinth, &c. In all these cases, the meaning of the word is the same. It is always used as a collective term for the kXyitoi, either for the whole number, or for any portion of them considered as a whole. The Church of God is the whole number of the elect ; the Church of Corinth is the whole number of the called in that city. An organized body may be a Church, and their organization may be the reason for their being considered as a whole or as a unit. But it is not their organization that makes them a Church. The multitude of believers in Corinth, organized or dispersed, is the Church of Corinth, just as the whole multitude of saints in heaven and on earth is the Church of God. It is not organization, but evoca- tion, the actual calling out and separating from others, that makes the Church.

The nature of the Church, therefore, must depend on the nature of the gospel call. If that call is merely or essentially to the outward profession of certain doctrines, or to baptism, or to any thing external, then the Church must consist of all who make that profession, or are baptized. But if the call of the gospel is to repentance toward God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, then none obey that call but those who repent and believe, and the Church must consist of penitent believers. It cannot require proof that the call of the gospel is to faith and repentance. The great apostle tells us he received his apostleship to the obedience of faith, among all nations, i. e ., to bring them to that obedience which consists in faith. He calls those who heard him to witness that he had not failed to testify both to the Jews and also to the Gentiles, repentance toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ. No one was admitted by the apostles to the Church, or recognized as of the number of “the called,” who did not profess faith and repentance, and such has been the law and practice of the Church ever since. There can, therefore, be no doubt on this subject. What the apostles did, and what all ministers, since their day, have been commissioned to do, is to preach the gospel; to offer men salvation on the condition of faith and repentance. Those who obeyed that call were baptized, and recognized as constituent members of the Church; those who rejected it, who refused to repent and believe, were not mem-

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bers, they were not in fact “called,” and by that divine vocation separated from the world. It would, therefore, be as unreasonable to call the inhabitants of a country an army, because they heard the call to arms, as to call all who hear but do not obey the gospel, the Church. The army consists of those who actually enrol themselves as soldiers; and the Church consists of those who actually repent and believe, in obedience to the call of the gospel.

This conclusion, to which we are led by the very nature of the call by which the Church is constituted, is confirmed by the unvarying usage of the New Testament. Every IxxXijc-k* is com- posed of the vMroi, of those called out and assembled. But the word xA»to», as applied to Christians, is never used in the New Testament, except in reference to true believers. If, therefore, the Church consists of “the called,” it must consist of true be- lievers. That such is the usage of the word “called” in the New Testament, is abundantly evident. In Rom. i. 6, believers are designated the x*» itoi inaov Xpio-rov, Christ’s called ones. In Rom. viii. 28, all things are said to work together for good, rot; xzTa. to the called according to purpose. In

1 Cor. i. 2, 24, we find the same use of the word. The gospel is said to be foolishness to the Greeks, and a stumbling-block to the Jews, but to “the called,” it is declared to be the wisdom of God and power of God. The called are distinguished as those to whom the gospel is effectual. Jude addresses believers as the sanctified by the Father, the preserved in Christ Jesus, and “called.” In Rev. xvii. 14, the triumphant followers of the Lamb are called xx» jToi xa.) ixMxTc) xai mc-roi. The doctrinal usage of the word xX«to! is, therefore, not a matter of doubt. None but those who truly repent and believe, are ever called xx»-roi, and, as the ixx^na- ia consists of the xXutoi, the Church must consist of true believers. This conclusion is confirmed by a re- ference to analogous terms applied to believers. As they are xXtiToi, because the subjects of a divine or vocation, so

they are Ix^exroi, Rom. viii. 23; 1 Pet. i. 2; *y nxo-/xeyot> 1 Cor. i. 1; Jude 1; Heb. x. 10; Eph. i. 11;

1 Cor. i. 18; 2 Cor. ii. 15; 2 Thess. ii. 11 ; riTCtyixsiioi £i; ccIlhov, Acts xiii. 48. All these terms have reference to that divine agency, to that call, choice, separation, or appointment,

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by which men are made true believers, and they are never applied to any other class.

The use of the cognate words, xxxiu and xaSck, goes to con- firm the conclusion as to the meaning of the word xhtjroi. When used in reference to the act of God, in calling men by the gos- pel, they always designate a call that is effectual, so that the subjects of that vocation become the true children of God. Thus, in Rom. viii. 30, whom he calls, them he also justifies, whom he justifies, them he also glorifies. All the called, there- fore, (the x^vToi, the IxxXjjo-**,) are justified and glorified. In Rom. ix. 24, the vessels of mercy are said to be those whom God calls. In 1 Cor. i. 9, believers are said to be called into fellowship of the Son of God. In the same chapter the apostle says: “Ye see your calling, brethren, how that not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, are called ,” i. e. converted and made the true children of God. In 1 Cor. vii. the word is used nine times in the same way. In Gal. i. 15, Paul says, speaking of God, “who has called me by his grace.” See, also, Gal. v. 8, 13; Eph. iv. 4; Col. iii. 15; 1 Thess. ii. 12; v. 24; 1 Tim. vi. 12; 2 Tim. i. 9. It is said believers are called, not according to their works, but according to the pur- pose and grace of God given them in Christ Jesus, before the world began. In Heb. ix. 5, Christ is said to have died that the called, o l x£xX»^£»o*, might receive the eternal inheritance. In 1 Pet. ii. 9, believers are described as a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a peculiar people, whom God hath called out of darkness into his marvellous light. In the salutation prefixed to his second Epistle, this apostle wishes all good to those whom God had called by his glorious power.

In proof that the word x*?:ri? is constantly used in reference to the effectual call of God, see Rom. xi. 29; 1 Cor. i. 26; Eph. i. 18, iv. 1; Phil, iii.,14; Heb. iii. 1; 2 Pet. i. 10.

From these considerations it is clear that the x'Kmo) or called , are the effectually called, those who really obey the gospel, and by repentance and faith are separated from the world. And as it is admitted that the lxx>.»jAa is a collective term for the xX»iroi, it follows that none but true believers constitute the Church, or that the Church is the communion of saints. The word in the New Testament is never used except in reference

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to the company of true believers. This consideration alone is sufficient to determine the nature of the Church.

To this argument it is indeed objected, that as the apostles addressed all the Christians of Antioch, Corinth, or Ephesus, as constituting the Church in those cities, and as among them there were many hypocrites, therefore the word Church desig- nates a body of professors, whether sincere or insincere. The fact is admitted, that all the professors of the true religion in Corinth, without reference to their character, are called the church of Corinth. This, however, is no answer to the pre- ceding argument. It determines nothing as to the nature of the Church. It does not prove it to be an external society, composed of sincere and insincere professors of the true religion. All the professors in Corinth are called saints, sanc- tified in Christ Jesus, the saved, the children of God, the faithful, believers, &c., &c. Does this prove that there are good and bad saints, holy and unholy sanctified persons, believing and unbelieving believers, or men who are at the same time children of God and children of the devil? Their being called believers does not prove that they were all be- lievers ; neither does their being called the Church prove that they were all members of the Church. They are designated according to their profession. In professing to be members of the Church, they professed to be believers, to be saints, and faithful brethren, and this proves that the Church consists of true believers. This will appear more clearly from the follow- ing.

Argument from the terms used as equivalents for the word Church.

Those epistles in the New Testament which are addressed to churches, are addressed to believers, saints, the children of God. These latter terms, therefore, are equivalent to the for- mer. The conclusion to be drawn from this fact is, that the Church consists of believers. In the same sense, and in no other, in which infidels may be called believers, and wicked men saints, in the same sense may they be said to be included in the Church. If they are not really believers, they are not the Church. They are not constituent members of the com- pany of believers.

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The force of this argument will appear from a reference to the salutations prefixed to these epistles. The epistle to the Romans, for example, is addressed to “the called of Jesus Christ,” “the beloved of God,” “called to be saints.” The epistles to the Corinthians are addressed “ to the Church of God which is at Corinth.” Who are they? “The sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints,” the worshippers of Christ. The Ephesian Church is addressed as “the saints who are in Ephesus, and the faithful in Christ Jesus.” The Philippians are called “saints and faithful brethren in Christ.” Peter addressed his first Epistle to “ the elect according to the fore- knowledge of God the Father, through sanctification of the Spirit unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ;” i. e., to those who, being elected to obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus, are sanctified by the Spirit. His second Epistle is directed to those who had obtained like precious faith with the apostle himself, through (or in) the right- eousness of our God and Saviour Jesus Christ.

From this collation it appears, that to call any body of men a Church, is to call them saints, sanctified in Christ Jesus, elected to obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Christ, par- takers of the same precious faith with the apostles, the beloved of God, and faithful brethren. The inference from this fact is inevitable. The Church consists of those to whom these terms are applicable.

The only way by which this argument can be evaded is, by saying that the faith here spoken of is mere speculative faith, the sanctification intended is mere external consecration; the sonship referred to, is merely adoption to external privileges, or a church state. This objection, however, is completely obvia- ted by the contents of these epistles. The persons to whom these terms are applied, and who are represented as constitut- ing the Church, are described as really holy in heart and life ; not mere professors of the true faith, but true believers ; not merely the recipients of certain privileges, but the children of God and heirs of eternal life.

The members of the Church in Corinth are declared to be in fellowship with Jesus Christ, chosen of God, inhabited by his Spirit, washed, sanctified, and justified in the name of the

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Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God. That the faith ■which Paul attributes to the members of the Church in Rome, and the sonship of which he represents them as partakers, were not speculative or external, is evident, because he says, those who believe have peace with God, rejoice in hope of his glory and have his love shed abroad in their hearts. Those who are in Christ, he says, are not only free from condemna- tion, but walk after the Spirit, and are spiritually minded. Being the sons of God, they are led by the Spirit, they have the spirit of adoption, and are joint heirs with Jesus Christ of a heavenly inheritance. The members of the Church in Ephe- sus were faithful brethren in Christ Jesus, sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise, quickened and raised from spiritual death, and made to sit in heavenly places. All those in Colosse who are designated as the Church, are described as reconciled unto God, the recipients of Christ, who were com- plete in him, all whose sins are pardoned. The Church in Thessalonica consisted of those whose work of faith, and labour of love, and patience of hope, Paul joyfully remembered, and of whose election of God he was well assured. They were children of the light and of the day, whom God had appointed to the obtaining of salvation through our Lord Jesus Christ. The churches to whom Peter wrote consisted of those who had been begotten again to a lively hope, by the resurrection of Christ from the dead. Though they had not seen the Saviour, they loved him, and believing on him, rejoiced with joy un- speakable and full of glory. They had purified their souls unto unfeigned love of the brethren, having been born again, not of corruptible seed, but of incorruptible, by the word of God. Those whom John recognized as members of the Church he says had received an anointing of the Holy one, which abode with them, teaching them the truth. They were the sons of God, who had overcome the world, who believing in Christ had eternal life.

From all this, it is evident that the terms, believers, saints, children of God, the sanctified, the justified, and the like, are equivalent to the collective term Church, so that any company of men addressed as a Church, are always addressed as saints, faithful brethren, partakers of the Holy Ghost, and children

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of God. The Church, therefore, consists exclusively of such. That these terms do not express merely a professed faith or external consecration is evident, because those to whom they are applied are declared to be no longer unjust, extortioners, thieves, drunkards, covetous, revilers, or adulterers, but to be led by the Spirit dbo the belief and obedience of the truth. The Church, therefore, consists of believers; and if it consists of believers, it consists of those who have peace with God, and have overcome the world.

It is not to be inferred from the fact that all the members of the Christian societies in Rome, Corinth, and Ephesus, are addressed as believers, that they all had true faith. But we can infer, that since what is said of them is said of them as believ- ers, it had no application to those who were without faith. In like manner, though all are addressed as belonging to the Church, what is said of the Church had no application to those who were not really its members. Addressing a body of pro- fessed believers, as believers, does not prove them to be all sincere ; neither does addressing a body of men as a Church, prove that they all belong to the Church. In both cases they are addressed according to their profession. If it is a fatal error to transfer what is said in Scripture of believers, to mere professors, to apply to nominal what is said of true Christians, it is no less fatal to apply what is said of the Church to those who are only by profession its members. It is no more proper to infer that the Church consists of the promiscuous multitude of sincere and insincere professors of the true faith, from the fact that all the professors, good and bad, in Corinth, are called the Church, than it would be to infer that they were all saints and children of God, because they are all so denominated. It is enough to determine the true nature of the Church, that none are ever addressed as its members, who are not, at the same time, addressed as true saints and sincere believers.

Argument from the descriptions of the Church. — The de- scriptions of the Church given in the word of God, apply to none but true believers, and therefore true believers con- stitute the Church. These descriptions relate either to the relation which the Church sustains to Christ, or to the charac- ter of its members, or to its future destiny. The argument is,

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that none but true believers bear that relation to Christ, -which the Church is said to sustain to him ; none but believers possess the character ascribed to members of the Church ; and none but believers are heirs of those blessings which are in reserve for the Church. If all this is so, it follows that the Church consists of those who truly believe. It will not be necessary to keep these points distinct, because in many passages of Scripture, the relation which the Church bears to Christ, the character of its members, and its destiny, are all brought into view.

1. The Church is described as the body of Christ. Eph. i. 22; iv. 15, 16; Col. i. 18. The relation expressed by this designation, includes subjection, dependence, participation of the same life, sympathy, and community. Those who are the body of Christ, are dependent upon him and subject to him, as the human body to its head. They are partakers of his life. The human body is animated by one soul, and has one vital principle. This is the precise truth which the Scriptures teach in reference to the Church as the body of Christ. It is his body, because animated by his Spirit, so that if any man have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his, Rom. viii. 9 ; for it is by one Spirit we are all baptized into one body, 1 Cor. xii. 13. The distinguishing characteristic of the members of Christ’s body, is the indwelling of the Holy Ghost. They are therefore called men having the Spirit. They are

led by the Spirit. They are spiritually minded. All this is true of sincere believers alone. It is not true of the promis- cuous body of professors, nor of the members of any visible society, as such, and therefore no such visible society is the body of Christ. AVliat is said of the body of Christ, is not true of any external organized corporation on earth, and, therefore, the two cannot be identical.

Again, as the body sympathizes with the head, and the members sympathize one with another, so all the members of Christ’s body sympathize with him, and with each other. This sympathy is not merely a duty, it is a fact. Where it does not exist, there membership in Christ’s body does not exist. All, therefore, who are members of Christ’s body feel his glory to be their own, his triumph to be their vie-

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tory. They love those whom he loves, and they hate what he hates. Finally, as the human head and body have a com- mon destiny, so have Christ and his Church. As it partakes of his life, it shall participate in his glory. The members of his body suffer with him here, and shall reign with him hereafter.

It is to degrade and destroy the gospel to apply this descrip- tion of the Church as the body of Christ, to the mass of nominal Christians, the visible Church, which consists of “all sorts of men.” No such visible society is animated by his Spirit, is a partaker of his life, and heir of his glory. It is to obliterate the distinction between holiness and sin, between the Church and the world, between the children of God and the children of the devil, to apply what the Bible says of the body of Christ to any promiscuous society of saints and sinners.

2. The Church is declared to be the temple of God, because he dwells in it by his Spirit. That temple is composed of living stones. 1 Pet. ii. 4, 5. Know ye not, says the apostle to the Corinthians, that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost, which is in you? 1 Cor. vi. 19. The inference from this description of the Church is, that it is composed of those in whom the Spirit of God dwells; but the Spirit of God dwells only in true believers, and therefore the Church consists of such believers.

3. The Church is the family of God. Those, therefore, who are not the children of God are not members of his Church. The wicked are declared to be the children of the devil; they therefore cannot be the children of God. Those only are his children who have the spirit of adoption ; and being children, are heirs of God and joint heirs with Christ. Rom. viii. 16, 17.

4. The Church is the flock of Christ; its members are his sheep. He knows them, leads them, feeds them, and lays down his life for them. They were given to him by the Father, and no one is able to pluck them out of his hand. They know his voice and follow him, but a stranger they will not follow. John x. This description of the Church as the flock of Christ, is applicable only to saints or true believers, and therefore they alone constitute his Church.

5. The Church is the bride of Christ; the object of his pecu-

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liar love, for which he gave himself, that he might present it to himself a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing. No man, saith the Scripture, ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as the Lord the Chui'ch. Eph. v. 25 — 30. It is not true, according to the Bible, that any but true Christians are the objects of this pecu- liar love of Christ, and therefore they alone constitute that Church which is his bride.

According to the Scriptures, then, the Church consists of those who are in Christ, to whom he is made wisdom, righteous- ness, sanctification, and redemption; of those who are his body, in whom he dwells by his Spirit ; of those who are the family of God, the children of his grace ; of those who, as living stones, compose that temple in which God dwells, and who rest on that elect, tried, precious corner-stone, which God has laid in Zion ; of those who are the bride of Christ, purchased by his blood, sanctified by his word, sacraments, and Spirit, to be presented at last before the presence of his glory with exceeding joy. These descriptions of the Church are inapplicable to any exter- nal visible society as such ; to the Church of Rome, the Church of England, or the Presbyterian Church. The only Church of which these things are true, is the communion of saints, the body of true Christians.

Arguments from the attributes of the Church. — The great question at issue on this whole subject is, whether we are to conceive of the Church, in its essential character, as an ex- ternal society, or as the communion of saints. One method of deciding this question, is by a reference to the acknowledged attributes of the Church. If those attributes belong only to a visible society, then the Church must be such a society. But if they can be predicated only of the communion of saints, then the Church is a spiritual body, and not an external, visible society.

The Church is the body of Christ, in which he dwells by his Spirit. It is in virtue of this indwelling of the Spirit, that the Church is what she is, and all that she is. To this source her holiness, unity, and perpetuity, are to be referred, and under these attributes all others are comprehended.

First then, as to holiness. The Church considered as the

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communion of saints, is holy. Where the Spirit of God is, there is holiness. If, therefore, the Spirit dwells in the Church, the Church must be holy, not merely nominally, hut really; not merely because her founder, her doctrines, her institutions are holy, but because her members are personally holy. They are, and must be, holy brethren, saints, the sanctified in Christ Jesus, beloved of God. They are led by the Spirit, and mind the things of the Spirit. The indwelling of the Spirit produces this personal holiness, and that separation from the world and consecration to God, which make the Church a holy nation, a peculiar people, zealous of good works. The Church is defined to be a company of believers, the coetus fidelium. To say that the Church is holy, is to say that that company of men and women who compose the Church, is holy. It is a contradiction to say that “all sorts of men,” thieves, murderers, drunkards, the unjust, the rapacious, and the cove- tous, enter into the composition of a society whose essential attribute is holiness. To say that a man is unjust, is to say that he is not holy, and to say that he is not holy, is to say that he is not one of a company of saints. If then we conceive of the Church as the communion of saints, as the body of Christ, in which the Holy Spirit dwells as the source of its life, we see that the Church is and must be holy. It must be inwardly pure, that is, its members must be regenerated men, and it must be really separated from the world, and consecrated to God. These are the two ideas included in the scriptural sense of holiness, and in both these senses the Church is truly holy. But in neither sense can holiness be predicated of any external visible society as such. No such society is really pure, nor is it really separated from the world, and devoted to God. This is evident from the most superficial observation. It is plain that neither the Roman, the Greek, the English, nor the Presbyterian Church, falls within the definition of the Church, as the coetus sanctorum, or company of believers. No one of these societies is holy, they are all more or less corrupt and worldly. Their church state does not in the least depend on the moral character of their members, if the Church is essen- tially an external society. Such a society may sink to the lowest degree of corruption, and yet be a church, provided it

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retain its external integrity. Of no such a society, however, is holiness an attribute, and all history and daily observation concur in their testimony as to this fact. If, therefore, no community of which holiness is not an attribute can be the Church, it follows, that no external society, composed of “all sorts of men,” can be the holy, catholic Church. Those, therefore, who regard the Church as an external society, are forced to deny that the Church is holy. They all assert that it is composed of hypocrites and unrenewed men, as well as of saints. Thus, for example, Bellarmine defines the Church to be “the society of men united by the profession of the same Christian faith, and the communion of the same sacraments, under the government of legitimate pastors, and especially of the only vicar of Christ here on earth, the Roman Pontiff.”* By the first clause of this definition he excludes all who do not profess the true faith, such as Jews, Mohammedans, Pagans, and heretics ; by the second, all the unbaptized and the excom- municated; by the third, all schismatics, i. e ., all who do not submit to legitimate pastors, (prelates,) especially to the Pope. All other classes of men, he adds, are included in the Church, etiamsi reprobi, scelesti et impii sint. The main point of difference between the Romish and Protestant theories of the Church, he says, is that the latter requires internal virtues in order to Church membership, but the former requires nothing beyond outward profession, for the Church, he adds, is just as much an external society as the Roman people, the kingdom of France, or the republic of Venice. f

The Oxford theory of the Church differs from the Romish only in excluding subjection to the Pope as one of its essential characteristics. The Church is defined to be “ The whole society of Christians throughout the world, including all those who profess their belief in Christ, and who are subject to lawful

* Lib. III. c. ii. col. 108. Ccetum hominum ejusdem Christian® fidei pro- fcssione, et eorundem sacramentorum communione colligatum, sub regimine legitimorum pastorum, ac pr®cipue unius Christi in terris vicarii Romani Pon- tificis.

t Nos autem . . . non putamus requiri ullam internam virtutem, sed tantum professionem fidei et sacramentorum communionem, qu® sensu ipso percipitur. Ecclesia enim est ccetus hominum ita visibilis et palpabilis, ut est ccetus populi Romani, vel regnum Galli®, aut rcspublica Venetorum. — Ibid, col. 100.

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pastors.”* By Christians, in this definition, are meant nominal, or professed Christians. According to this view, neither inward regeneration, nor visible sanctity of life, is requisite for admis- sion to the Church of Christ.” “ The Scriptures and the univer- sal Church appoint,” it is said, “ only one mode in which Chris- tians are to be made members of the Church. It is baptism, which renders us, by divine right, members of the Church, and entitles us to all the privileges of the faithful. ”f Again, when speaking of baptism, which thus secures a divine right to all the privileges of the faithful, it is said, there is no “ mention of regeneration, sanctity, real piety, visible or invisible, as pre- requisite to its reception.”]; Holiness, therefore, is denied to be an attribute of the Church in any proper sense of the term. This denial is the unavoidable consequence of regarding the Church as a visible society, analogous to an earthly kingdom. As holiness is not necessary to citizenship in the kingdom of Spain, or republic of Venice, holiness is not an attribute of either of those communities. Neither Spain nor Venice is, as such, holy. And if the Church, in its true essential charac- ter, be a visible society, of which men become members by mere profession, and without holiness, then holiness is not an attribute of the Church. But, as by common consent the Church is holy, a theory of its nature which excludes this attribute, must be both unscriptural and uncatholic, and there- fore false.

No false theory can be consistent. If, therefore, the theory of the Church which represents it as an external society of professors, is false, we may expect to see its advocates falling continually into suicidal contradictions. The whole Romish or ritual system is founded on the assumption, that the attributes and prerogatives ascribed in Scripture to the Church, belong to the visible Church, irrespective of the character of its mem- bers. Nothing is required for admission into that society, but profession of its faith, reception of its sacraments, and sub- mission to its legitimate rulers. If a whole nation of Pagans or Mohammedans should submit to these external conditions, they would be true members of the Church, though ignorant

* Palmer on the Church, Amer. edition, vol, i. p. 28. t Palmer. Vol. i. p. 144. t Palmer. Vol. i. p. 377.

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of its doctrines, though destitute of faith, and sunk in moral corruption. To this society the attributes of holiness, unity and perpetuity, belong; this society, thus constituted of “all sorts of men,” has the prerogative authoritatively to teach, and to bind and loose; and the teaching and discipline of this socie- ty, Christ has promised to ratify in heaven. The absurdities and enormities, however, which flow from this theory, are so glaring and atrocious, that few of its advocates have the nerve to look them in the face. As we have seen, it is a contradic- tion to call a society composed of “all sorts of men,” holy. Those who teach, therefore, that the Church is such a society, sometimes say that holiness is not a condition of membership ; in other words, is not an attribute of the Church ; and some- times, that none but the holy are really in the Church, that the wicked are not its true members. But, if this be so, as holiness has its seat in the heart, no man can tell certainly who are holy, and therefore no one can tell who are the real members of the Church, or who actually constitute the body of Christ, which we are required to join and to obey. The Church, therefore, if it consists only of the holy, is not an external society, and the whole ritual system falls to the ground.

Neither Romish nor Anglican writers can escape from these contradictions. Augustin says, the Church is a living body, in which there are both a soul and body. Some members are of the Church in both respects, being united to Christ, as well ex- ternally as internally. These are the living members of the Church ; others are of the soul, but not of the body — that is, they have faith and love, without external communion with the Church. Others, again, are of the body and not of the soul — that is, they have no true faith. These last, he says, are as the hairs, or nails, or evil humours of the human body.* According to Augustin, then, the wicked are not true members of the Church ; their relation to it is altogether external. They no more make up the Church, than the scurf or hair on the sur- face of the skin make up the human body. This representa- tion is in entire accordance with the Protestant doctrine, that

t In Brevieulo Collationis. Collat. iii.

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the Church is a communion of saints, and that none hut the holy are its true members. It expressly contradicts the Romish and Oxford theory, that the Church consists of all sorts of men; and that the baptized, no matter what their character, if they submit to their legitimate pastors, are by divine right consti- tuent portions of the Church; and that none who do not re- ceive the sacraments, and who are not thus subject, can be members of the body of Christ. Yet this doctrine of Augustin, so inconsistent with their own, is conceded by Romish writers. They speak of the relation of the wicked to the Church as merely external or nominal, as a dead branch to a tree, or as chaff to the wheat. So, also, does Mr. Palmer,* who says : “ It is generally allowed that the wicked belong only externally to the Church.” Again : “ That the ungodly, whether secret or manifest, do not really belong to the Church, considered as to its invisible character — namely, as consisting of its essential and permanent members, the elect, predestinated, and sanctified, wrho are known to God only, I admit.”f That is, he admits his whole theory to be untenable. He admits, after all, that the wicked “do not really belong to the Church,” and there- fore, that the real or true Church consists of the sanctified in Christ Jesus. What is said of the wheat is surely not true of the chaff; and what the Bible says of the Church is not true of the wicked. Yet all Romanism, all ritualism, rests on the assumption, that what is said of the wheat is true of the chaff — that what is said of the communion of saints, is true of a body composed of all sorts of men. The argument, then, here is, that, as holiness is an attribute of the Church, no body which is not holy can be the Church. No external visible society, as such, is holy; and, therefore, the Church, of which the Scrip- tures speak, is not a visible society, but the communion of saints.

The same argument may be drawn from the other attributes of the Church. It is conceded that unity is one of its essential attributes. The Church is one, as there is, and can be but one body of Christ. The Church as the communion of saints is

* On the Church. Vol. i. p. 28. VOL. XXV. — XO. II.

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t Ibid. p. 143.

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one ; as an external society it is not one ; therefore, the Church is the company of believers, and not an external society.

The unity of the Church is threefold. 1. Spiritual, the uni- ty of faith and of communion. 2. Comprehensive; the Church is one as it is catholic, embracing all the people of God. 3. Historical; it is the same Church in all ages. In all these senses, the Church considered as the communion of saints, is one ; in no one of these senses can unity be predicated of the Church as visible.

The Church, considered as the communion of saints, is one in faith. The Spirit of God leads his people into all truth. He takes of the things of Christ and shows them unto them. They are all taught of God. The anointing which they have received abideth with them, and teacheth them all things, and is truth. 1 John ii. 27. Under this teaching of the Spirit, which is pro- mised to all believers, and which is with and by the word, they are all led to the knowledge and belief of all necessary truth. And within the limits of such necessary truths, all true Chris- tians, the whole ccetus sanctorum, or body of believers, are one. In all ages and in all nations, wherever there are true Chris- tians, you find they have, as to all essential matters, one and the same faith.

The Holy Ghost is the spirit of love as well as of truth, and therefore all those in whom he dwells are one in affection as well as in faith. They have the same inward experience, the same conviction of sin, the same repentance toward God and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, the same love of holiness, and desire after conformity to the image of God. There is, there- fore, an inward fellowship or congeniality between them, which proves them to be one Spirit. They all stand in the same rela- tion to God and Christ; they constitute one family, of which God is the Father; one kingdom, of which Christ is the Lord. They have a common interest and common expectation. The triumph of the Redeemer’s kingdom is the common joy and triumph of all his people. They have, therefore, the fellow- ship which belongs to the subjects of the same king, to the chil- dren of the same family, and to the members of the same body. If one member suffers, all the members suffer with it; and if one member rejoices, all the members rejoice with it. This

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sympathy is an essential characteristic of the bbdy of Christ. Those 'who do not possess this affection and fellow-feeling for his members, are none of his. This inward spiritual commu- nion expresses itself outwardly, not only in acts of kindness, but especially and appropriately in all acts of Christian fel- lowship. True believers are disposed to recognize each other as such, to unite as Christians in the service of their common Lord, and to make one joint profession before the world of their allegiance to him. In this, the highest and truest sense, the Church is one. It is one body in Christ Jesus. He dwells by his Spirit in all his members, and thus unites them as one living whole, leading all to the belief of the same truths, and binding all in the bond of peace. This is the unity of which the apostle speaks: “There is one body and one Spirit, even as ye are called in one hope of your calling ; one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you all.” Such is the unity which belongs to the Church; it does not belong to any external society, and therefore no such society can be the Church to which the attri- butes and prerogatives of the body of Christ belong.

In proof that spiritual unity cannot be predicated of the ex- ternal Church, it is sufficient to refer to the obvious fact, that the Holy Spirit, the ground and bond of that unity, does not dwell in all the members of that Church. Wherever he dwells there are the fruits of holiness, and as those fruits are not found in all who profess to be Christians, the Spirit does not dwell in them so as to unite them to the body of Christ. The conse- quence is, they have neither the unity of faith nor of commu- nion.

As to the unity of faith, it is undeniable that all Christian societies do not even profess the same faith. While all unite in certain doctrines, they each profess or deny what the others regard as fatal error or necessary truth. The Greek, Latin, and Protestant Churches do not regard themselves as one in faith. Each declares the others to be heretical. But this is not all. Unity of faith does not exist within the pale of these several churches. In each of them all grades and kinds of doc- trine, from atheism to orthodoxy, are entertained. No one doubts this. It would be preposterous to assert that all the

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members of the Latin Church hold the public faith of that society. The great body of them do not know what that faith is, and multitudes among them are infidels. Neither can any one pretend that the standards of the English, Dutch, or Prus- sian Church, express the faith of all their members. It is a notorious and admitted fact, that every form of religious faith and infidelity is to be found among the members of those socie- ties. Unity of faith, therefore, is one of the attributes of the true Church, which, with no show of truth or reason, can be predicated of any external society calling itself the Church of God.

The case is no less plain with regard to communion. The societies constituting the visible Church, do not maintain Chris- tian communion. They do not all recognize each other as brethren, nor do they unite in the offices of Christian worship and fellowship. On the contrary, they, in many cases, mutually excommunicate each other. The Greek, Latin, and Protestant Churches, each stands aloof. They are separate communions, having no ecclesiastical fellowship whatever. This kind of separation, however, is not so entirely inconsistent with the communion of saints, as the absence of brotherly love, and the presence of all unholy affections, which characterize to so great an extent these nominal Christians. If it be true that there is a warm sympathy, a real brotherly affection, between all the members of Christ’s body, then nothing can be plainer than that the great mass of nominal Christians are not members of that body. The unity of the Spirit, the bond of perfectness, true Christian love, does not unite the members of any extended visible society into one holy brotherhood; and therefore no such society is the Church of Christ.

Romanists answer this argument by vehement assertion. They first degrade the idea of unity into that of outward con- nection. So that men profess the same faith, they are united in faith, even though many of them be heretics or infidels. If they receive the same sacraments and submit to the same rulers, they are in Christian communion, even though they bite and de- vour one another. They, then, boldly assert that the Church is confined to themselves; that Greeks, Anglicans, Lutherans, and Reformed, are out of the Church. To make it appear that

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the Church, in their view of its nature, is one in faith and in communion, they deny that any body of men, or any individual, belongs to the Church, ■who does not profess their faith and sub- mit to their discipline. Thus even the false, deteriorated idea of unity, which they claim, can be predicated of the Church only by denying the Christian name to more than one half of Chris- tendom.

The answer given to this argument by Anglicans of the Ox- ford school, is still less satisfactory. They admit that the Church is one in faith and communion, that either heresy or schism is destructive of all saving connection with the body of Christ. To all appearance, however, the Church of England does not hold the faith of the Church of Rome, nor is she in ecclesiastical communion with her Latin sister. She is also almost as widely separated from the Greek and Oriental Churches. How low must the idea of unity be brought down, to make it embrace all these conflicting bodies ! The Oxford writers, therefore, in order to save their church standing, are obliged, first, to teach with Rome that unity of the Church is merely in appearance or profession ; secondly, that England and Rome do not differ as to matters of faith ; and, thirdly, that notwith- standing their mutual denunciations, and, on the part of Rome, of the most formal act of excommunication, they are still in communion. The unity of communion therefore, is, according to their doctrine, compatible with non-communion and mutual excommunication. It is, however, a contradiction in terms, to assert that the Churches of Rome and England, in a state of absolute schism in reference to each other, are yet one in faith and communion. The essential attribute of unity, therefore, cannot be predicated of the external Church, either as to doc- trine or as to fellowship.

The second form of unity is catholicity. The Church is one, because it embraces all the people of God. This was the pro- minent idea of unity in the early centuries of the Christian era. The Church is one, because there is none other. Those out of the Church are, therefore, out of Christ, they are not members of his body, nor partakers of his Spirit. This is the universal faith of Christendom. All denominations, in all ages, have, agreeably to the plain teaching of the Scriptures, and the very

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nature of the gospel, maintained that there is no salvation out of the Church; in other words, that the Church is catholic, embracing all the people of God in all parts of the world. Of course it depends on our idea of the Church, whether this attri- bute of comprehensive unity belongs to it or not. If the Church is essentially a visible monarchical society, of which the Bishop of Borne is the head, then there can be no true religion and no salvation out of the pale of that society. To admit the possi- bility of men being saved who are not subject to the Pope, is to admit that they can be saved out of the Church; and to say they can be saved out of the Church, is to say they can be saved out of Christ, which no Christians admit. If the Church is a visible aristocratical society, under the government of prelates having succession, then the unity of the Church implies, that that those only who are subject to such prelates are within its pale. There can, therefore, be neither true religion nor salva- tion except among prelatists. This is a conclusion which flows unavoidably from the idea of the Church as an external visible society. Neither Romanists nor Anglicans shrink from this conclusion. They avow the premises and the inevitable se- quence. Mr. Palmer says: “It is not, indeed, to be supposed or believed for a moment, that divine grace would permit the the really holy and justified members of Christ to fall from the way of life. He would only permit the unsanctified, the ene- mies of Christ, to sever themselves from that fountain where his Spirit is given freely.”* This he says in commenting on a dictum of Augustin, “Let us hold it as a thing unshaken and firm, that no good men can divide themselves from the Church, f He further quotes Irenseus, as saying that God has placed every operation of his Spirit in the Church, so that none have the Spirit but those who are in the Church, “ for where the Church is, there is the Spirit of God; and where the Spirit of God is, there also the Church and every grace exist. Cyprian is urged as another authority, who says: “ V\ hosoever, divorced from the Church, is united to an adulteress, is separated from

* Palmer on the Church. Vol. i. p. 69.

t Inconcussum firmumque teneamus, nullos bonos ab ea (ecclesia) se posse dividere. — Adv. Parmenian. Lib. iii. ch. 5.

t Adv. Iiiercs. iii. 24, p. 223.

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the Church’s promises; nor shall that man attain the rewards of Christ, who relinquishes his Church. He is a stranger, he is profane, he is an enemy.”* All this is undoubtedly true. It is true, as Augustin says, that the good cannot divide them- selves from the Church; it is true, as Irenaeus says, where the Church is, there the Spirit of God is; and where the Spirit is, there the Church is. This is the favourite motto of Protestants. It is also true, as Cyprian says, that he who is separated from the Church, is separated from Christ. This brings the nature of the Church down to a palpable mat- ter of fact. Are there any fruits of the Spirit, any repent- ance, faith, and holy living, among those who do not obey the Pope ? If so, then the Church is not a monarchy, of which the Pope is the head. Is there any true religion, are there any of the people of God who are not subject to prelates? If so, then the Church is not a society subject to bishops having succession. These are questions which can be easily answered. It is, indeed, impossible, in every particular case, to discrimi- nate between true and false professors of religion ; but still, as a class, we can distinguish good men from bad men, the chil- dren of God from the children of this world. Men do not gather grapes of thorns, nor figs of thistles. By their fruit we can know them. A wolf may indeed at times appear in sheep’s clothing, nevertheless, men can distinguish sheep from wolves. We can therefore determine, with full assurance, whether it is true, as the Romish theory of the Church re- quires, that there is no religion among Protestants, whether all the seemingly pious men of the English Church, for example, are mere hypocrites. This is a question about which no ration- al man has any doubt, and, therefore, we see not how any such man can fail to see that the Romish theory of the Church is false. It is contradicted by notorious facts. With like assu- rance we decide against the Anglican theory, because if that theory is true, then there is no religion, and never has been any, out of the pale of the Episcopal Church. It is, however, equivalent to a confession that we ourselves are destitute of the Spirit of Christ, to refuse to recognize as his people the thou-

* De Unitate, p. 254.

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sands of Presbyterians, Lutherans, and Reformed, who have lived for his service, and died to his glory. Here the ritual theory of the Church breaks down entirely. If the Church is an external society, that society must include all good men, all the children of God in the world. No such society does embrace all such men, and, therefore, the Church is not a visi- ble society. It is a communion of saints. The very fact that a man is a saint, a child of God that is born of the Spirit, makes him a member of the Church. To say, therefore, with Augustin, that no good man can leave the Church, is only to say that the good will love and cleave to each other ; to say, with Iremeus, that where the Spirit of God is, there is the Church, is to say the presence of the Spirit makes the Church ; and to say with Cyprian, that he who is separated from the Church, is separated from Christ, is only saying, that if a man love not his brother whom he hath seen, he cannot love God whom he hath not seen. If the Church is the communion of saints, it includes all saints ; it has catholic unity because it embraces all the children of God. And to say there is no sal- vation out of the Church, in this sense of the word, is only say- ing there is no salvation for the wicked, for the unrenewed and unsanctified. Rut to say there is no piety and no salvation out of the papal or prelatic Church, is very much like doing despite unto the Spirit of God; it is to say of multitudes of true Christians, what the Pharisees said of our Lord; “They cast out devils by Beelzebub, the chief of devils.” That is, it is denying the well authenticated work of the Spirit, and attri- buting to some other and some evil source, what is really the operation of the Holy Ghost. "Wherever the Spirit of God is, there the Church is ; and as the Spirit is not only within, but without all external church organizations, so the Church itself cannot be limited to any visible society.

The historical unity of the Church is its perpetuity; its remaining one and the same in all ages. In this sense, also, the true Church is one. It is now what it was in the days of the apostles. It has continued the same without interruption, from the beginning, and is to continue until the final consum- mation ; for the gates of hell can never prevail against it. About this there is no dispute; all Christians admit the Church

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to be in this sense perpetual. In asserting the historical unity, or uninterrupted continuance of the Church, all must maintain the unbroken continuance of every thing which, according to their several theories, is essential to its existence. If the Church is a visible society, professing the true faith, and sub- ject to lawful prelates, and especially to the Pope of Rome, then the perpetuity of the Church supposes the continued exist- ence of such a society, thus organized, always professing the true faith, and always subject to its lawful rulers. There must therefore, always be an external visible society; that society must profess the truth ; there must always be prelates legiti- mately consecrated, and a lawful pope. If, according to the Anglican theory, the Church is precisely what Romanists de- clare it to be, except subjection to the pope, then its perpetuity involves all the particulars above mentioned, except the con- tinued x’ecognition of the headship of the bishop of Rome. If, on the other hand, the Church is a company of believers, if it is the communion of saints, all that is essential to its perpetuity is that there should always be believers. It is not necessary they should be externally organized, much less is it necessary that they should be organized in any prescribed form. It is not necessary that any line of officers should be uninterruptedly continued ; much less is it necessary that those officers should be prelates or popes. All that God has promised, and all that we have a right to expect, is, that the true worshippers of the Lord Jesus shall never entirely fail. They may be few and scattered ; they may be even unknown to each other, and, in a great measure, to the world ; they may be as the seven thou- sand in the days of the prophet Elijah, who had not bowed the knee unto Baal; still, so long as they exist, the Church, con- sidered as the communion of saints, the mystical body of Christ on earth, continues to exist.

The argument from this source, in favour of the Protestant theory of the Church, is, that in no other sense is the Church perpetual. No existing external society has continued uninter- ruptedly to profess the true faith. Rome was at one time Arian, at another Pelagian, at another, according to the judg- ment of the Church of England, idolatrous. All Latin churches were subject to the instability of the Church of Rome. No

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existing eastern Church has continued the same in its doctrines, from the times of the apostles to the present time. That there has been an interrupted succession of popes and prelates validly consecrated, is admitted to be a matter of faith, and not of sight. From the nature of the case it does not admit of historical proof. The chances, humanly speaking, are as a million to one against it. If it is assumed, it must be on the ground of the supposed necessity of such succession to the per- petuity of the Church, which is a matter of promise. But the Church can exist without a pope, without prelates, yea, without presbyters, if in its essential nature it is the communion of saints. There is, therefore, no promise of an uninterrupted succession of validly ordained church-officers, and consequently no foundation for faith in any such succession. In the ab- sence of any such promise, the historical argument against “apostolic succession,” becomes overwhelming and unanswer- able.

We must allow the attributes of the Church to determine our conception of its nature. If no external society is perpetual; if every existing visible Church has more than once apostatized from the faith, then the Church must be something which can continue in the midst of the general defection of all external societies; then external organization is not essential to the Church, much less can any particular mode of organization be essential to its existence. The only Church which is holy, which is one, which is catholic, apostolic, and perpetual, is the communion of saints, the company of faithful men, the mystical body of Christ, whose only essential bond of union is the indwelling of the Iloly Ghost. That Spirit, however, always produces faith and love, so that all in whom he dwells are united in faith and Christian fellowship. And as, in virtue of the di- vine promise, the Spirit is to remain constantly gathering in the people of God, until Christ comes the second time, so the Church can never fail. The attributes, then, of holiness, unity, and perpetuity, do not belong to any external society, and therefore no such society can be the Church. They are all found, in their strictest sense and highest measure, iu the com- munion of saints, and therefore, the saints constitute the one, holy, apostolic, Catholic Church.

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Argument from the promises and prerogatives of the Church. — The Scriptures abound with promises addressed to the Church, and they ascribe certain prerogatives to it. From the character of these promises and prerogatives, we may infer the nature of the Church.

1. The most comprehensive of the promises in question, is that of the continued presence of Christ, by the indwelling of his Spirit. This promise is often given in express terms, and is involved in the description of the Church as the body of Christ and the temple of God. It is not his body, neither is it the temple of God, without the presence of the Spirit. The pre- sence of God is not inoperative. It is like the presence of light and heat, or of knowledge and love, which of necessity manifest themselves by their effects. In like manner, and by a like necessity, the presence of God is manifested by holiness, right- eousness, and peace. He is not, where these graces are not; just as certainly as light is not present in the midst of darkness. The promise of God to his Church is, Lo, I am with you always ; in every age and in every part of the world; so that where the Spirit of God is, there is the Church ; and where the Church is, there is the Spirit. The presence promised is, therefore, a per- petual presence. It is also universal. God does not promise to be with the officers of the Church to the exclusion of the mem- bers ; nor with some members to the exclusion of others. The soul is not in the head of the human body, to the exclusion of the limbs ; nor is it in the eyes and ears, to the exclusion of the hands or feet. So long as it is in the body at all, it is in the whole body. In like manner the promised presence of God with his Church relates to all its members.

If this is so, if God has promised to be with his Church ; if his presence is operative; if it is perpetual and all-pervading, then it is plain that this promise was never made to any exter- nal society, for to no such society has it ever been fulfilled. No such society has had the persistency in truth and holiness, which the divine presence of necessity secures. If in one age it professes the truth, in another it professes error. If at one time its members appear holy, at another they are most mani- festly corrupt. Or, if some manifest the presence of the Spirit, others give evidence that they are not under his influence. It

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is, therefore, just as plain that God is not always present with the external Church, as that the sun is not always above our horizon. The nominal Church would correspond with the real, the visible with the invisible, if the promise of the divine pre- sence belonged to the former. With his own people God is always present ; they, therefore, must constitute that Church to whom the promise of his presence belongs.

2. The promise of divine teaching is made to the Church. This is included in the promise of the Holy Spirit, who is the Spirit of truth, the source of light and knowledge, wherever he dwells. Christ, when about to leave the world, promised his disciples that he would send them the Spirit, to guide them into all truth. With regard to this promise it is to be remarked, 1. That it is made to all the members of the Church. It is not the peculium of its officers, for it is expressly said, Ye shall be all taught of God. And the apostle John says to all believers, Ye have an unction from the Holy One, and ye know all things. 2. It relates only to necessary truths. God has not promised to teach his people all science, nor has he promised to render them infallible in matters of religion. All he has promised, is to teach them whatever is necessary to their salva- tion, and to qualify them for the work to which they are called. 3. This divine teaching is effectual and abiding. “ The anoint- ing,” says the apostle, “which ye have received of him, abid- eth with you.” Those who are taught of God, therefore, con- tinue in the knowledge and acknowledgment of the truth.

That such divine teaching is not promised to any external society, is plain; 1. Because all the constituent members of no such society are thus divinely taught. The visible Church includes “all sorts of men,” good and bad, ignorant and enlight- ened, heterodox and orthodox, believing and infidel. Of the members of that society, therefore, that is not true which the Scriptures declare to be true, with regard to the members of the Church. They are not all taught of God. 2. Within the pale of every external, and especially of every denominational Church, there is heresy, either secret or avowed. But the teaching of God, as has been shown, precludes the possibility of fundamental error. There may be great diversity of views on many points of doctrine, but as to every thing necessary to sal-

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vation, all the members of the body of Christ must agree. It is, however, notorious and avowed, that in the Church of Scot- land, of England, and of Rome, all forms of doctrine, from the purest scriptural faith down to the lowest scepticism, are to be found; therefore, no such society can be the Church to which this divine teaching is promised. 3. The teaching of God being perpetual, securing constancy in the acknowledgment of the truth, none but those who continue in the truth can belong to the Church to which that teaching is promised. This fidelity is an attribute of the invisible Church alone, and therefore the communion of saints is the body to which this promise is made.

3. A third promise is that of divine protection. By this promise the Church is secured from internal decay and from external destruction. Its enemies are numerous and powerful ; they are ever on the watch, and most insidious in their attacks. Without the constant protection of her divine Sovereign, the Church would soon entirely perish. This promise is made to every individual member of the Church. They are all the members of his body, and his body, redeemed and sanctified, can never perish. No man, he says, shall ever pluck them out of his hand. They may be sorely tempted; they may be seduced into many errors, and even into sin; but Satan shall not triumph over them. They may be persecuted, and driven into the caverns and dens of the earth, but though cast down, they are never forsaken.

That this promise of protection is not made to the external Church is plain, 1. Because multitudes included within the pale of that Church are not the subjects of this divine protection. 2. The external Church has not been preserved from apostacy. Both before and since the advent of Christ, idolatry or false doctrine has been introduced and tolerated by the official organs of that Church. 3. A society dispersed is, for the time being, destroyed. Its organization being dissolved, it ceases to exist as a society. From such disorganization or dispersion, the visible Church has not been protected, and therefore it cannot be the body to which this promise of protection belongs.

4. We find in the Scriptures frequent assurances that the Church is to extend from sea to sea, from the rising to the set-

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ting of the sun ; that all nations and people are to flow unto it. These promises the Jews referred to their theocracy. Jerusa- lem was to be the capital of the world; the King of Zion was to be the King of the whole earth, and all nations were to be subject to the Jews. Judaizing Christians interpret these same predictions as securing the universal prevalence of the theo- cratic Church, with its pope or prelates. In opposition to both, the Redeemer said: My kingdom is not of this world. His apostles also taught that the kingdom of God consists in right- eousness, peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. The extension of the Church, therefore, consists in the prevalence of love to God and man, of the worship and service of the Lord Jesus Christ. It matters not how the saints maybe associated; it is not their association, hut their faith and love that makes them the Church, and as they multiply and spread, so does the Church extend. All the fond anticipations of the Jews, founded on a false interpretation of the divine promises, were dissipated by the advent of a Messiah whose kingdom is not of this world. History is not less effectually refuting the ritual theory of the Church, by showing that piety, the worship and obedience of Christ, the true kingdom of God, is extending far beyond the limits which that theory would assign to the dominion of the Redeemer.

5. The great promise made to the Church is holiness and salvation. Christ, it is said, loved the Church, and gave him- self for it, that he might sanctify and cleanse it with the wash- ing of water by the word; that he might present it to himself a glorious Church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing; but that it should be holy and without blemish. This and similar passages, plainly teach that holiness and salvation are promised to every member of the Church. This is obvious ; 1. Because these are blessings of which individuals alone are susceptible. It is not a community or society, as such, that is redeemed, regenerated, sanctified, and saved. Persons, and not communities, are the subjects of these blessings. 2. This follows from the relation of the Church to Christ as his body. The members of the Church are members of Christ. They are in him, partakers of his life, and the subjects of his grace. 3. It is, in fact, a conceded point. It is the common doctrine

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of all Christians, that out of the Church there is no salvation, and within the Church there is no perdition. It is the doctrine of all ritualists, that those who die in communion with the Church are saved. To this conclusion they are unavoidably led by what the Scriptures teach concerning the Church, as the body of Christ, and temple of God. Protestants admit the justice of the conclusion. They acknowledge that the Bible as plainly teaches that every member of the Church shall be saved, as that every penitent believer shall be admitted into heaven. If this is so, as both parties virtually concede, it determines the nature of the Church. If all the members of the Church are saved, the Church must consist exclusively of saints, and not “ of all sorts of men.”

Membership in the Church being thus inseparably connected with salvation, to represent the Church as a visible society, is — 1. To make the salvation of men to depend upon their external relation, entirely irrespective of their moral character. 2. It is to promise salvation to multitudes against whom God de- nounces wrath. 3. It is to denounce wrath on many to whom God promises salvation. 4. It therefore utterly destroys the nature of true religion.

The argument for the true doctrine concerning the Church, derived from the divine promises, is this. Those promises, ac- cording to the Scriptures, are made to the humble, the penitent and believing; the Church, therefore, must consist exclusively of the regenerated. Those to whom the promises of divine pre- sence, guidance, protection, and salvation, are made, cannot be a promiscuous multitude of all sorts of men. That theory of the Church, therefore, which makes it an external society, is necessarily destructive of religion and morality. Of religion, because it teaches that our relation to God depends on outward circumstances, and not on the state of the heart and character of the life. If, by an external rite or outward profession, we are made “members of Christ,” “the children of God,” and “inheritors of the kingdom of heaven;” if we are thus united to that body to which all the promises are made; and if our connection with the Church or body of Christ, can be dissolved only by heresy, schism, or excommunication, then of necessity religion is mere formalism, Church membership is the only con-

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dition of salvation, and Church ceremonies the only exercises of piety.

This natural tendency of the theory in question is, indeed, in many minds, counteracted by opposing influences. Men who have access to the Bible, cannot altogether resist the power of its truths. They are thus often saved, in a measure, from the perverting influence of their false views of the Church. The whole tendency, however, of such error, is to evil. It perverts one’s views of the nature of religion, and of the conditions of salvation. It leads men to substitute for real piety the indul- gence of religious sentiment. They expend on the Church as an aesthetic idea, or as represented in a cathedral, the awe, the reverence, the varied emotions, which similate the fear of God and love of his excellence. This kind of religion often satisfies those whose consciences are too much enlightened, and whose tastes are too much refined, to allow them to make full use of the theory that the visible Church is the body of Christ, and all its members the children of God.

This doctrine is no less destructive of morality than of reli- gion. How can it be otherwise, if all the promises of God are made to men, not as penitent and holy, but as members of an external society; and if membership in that society requires, as Bellarmine and Mr. Palmer, Oxford and Rome, teach, no inter- nal virtue whatever? This injurious tendency of Ritualism is not a matter of logical inference merely. It is abundantly de- monstrated by history. The ancient Jews believed that God had made a covenant which secured the salvation of all the na- tural descendants of Abraham, upon condition of their adherence to the external theocracy. They might be punished for their sins, but, according to their doctrine, no circumcised Israelite ever entered hell. The effect of this doctrine was manifest in their whole spirit and character. External connection with the Church, and practice of its rites and ceremonies, constituted their religion. They would not eat with unwashen hands, nor pray unless towards Jerusalem; but they would devour widows’ houses, and, for a pretence, make long prayers. They were whited sepulchres, fair in the sight of men, but within full of dead men’s bones and of all uncleanness. The same effect has been produced by the doctrine which makes salvation depend

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upon connection with a visible society, in the Greek and Latin Churches. Ecclesiastical services have taken the place of spiritual worship. Corruption of morals has gone hand in hand with the decline of religion. The wicked are allowed to retain their standing in the Church, and are led to consider themselves as perfectly safe so long as embraced within its communion; and no matter what their crimes, they are committed to the dust “in the sure hope of a blessed resurrection.”

There is one effect of this false theory of the Church, which ought to be specially noticed. It is the parent of bigotry, religious pride combined with malignity. Those who cry, The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord are we, are an abomination in the sight of God. That this spirit is the legiti- mate fruit of the ritual theory is plain. That theory leads a particular class of men to regard themselves, on the ground of their external relations, as the special favourites of heaven. It is of course admitted that a sense of God’s favour, the assu- rance of his love, is the fountain of all holy affections and right actions. Hence the Bible is filled with the declarations of his love for his people; and hence the Holy Spirit is sent to shed abroad his love in their hearts. The assurance of the divine favour, however, produces holiness, only when we have right apprehensions of God, and of the way in which his love comes to be exercised towards us. When we see that he is of purer eyes than to look upon sin ; that it is only for Christ’s sake he is propitious to the guilty ; that the love and indulgence of sin are proof that we are not the objects of his favour, the more we see of our unworthiness, the more grateful are we for his unde- served love, and the more desirous to be conformed to his image. But when men believe they are the favourites of God, because members of a particular society, that no matter what their personal character, they are objects of God’s special love, then the natural and inevitable effect is pride, contempt, intol- erance, malignity, and, when they dare, persecution. The empirical proof of the truth of this remark is found in the his- tory of the Jews, of the Brahmins, of the Mohammedans, and of the Christian Church. It is to be found in the practical effect of the doctrine in question, wherever it has prevailed. The Jews regarded themselves as the peculiar favourites of VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 37

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God in virtue of their descent from Abraham, and irrespective of their personal character. This belief rendered them proud, contemptuous, intolerant, and malignant towards all beyond their exclusive circle. In the Christian Church we always find the same spirit connected with this doctrine, expressed under one set of circumstances by anathemas, enforced by the rack and stake; under another, by denying the mercy of God to the penitent and believing, if not subject to “pastors having succession;” by setting up exclusive claims to be the Church of God ; by contemptuous language and deportment towards their fellow Christians; and, as in the case of Mr. Palmer, with the open avowal of the right and duty of persecution.

Such are the legitimate effects of this theory; effects which it has never failed to produce. It is essentially Antinomian in its tendency, destructive of true religion, and injurious to holy living, and therefore cannot be in accordance with the word and will of God.

The only answer given to this fatal objection is an evasion. Ritualists abandon pro hac vice their theory. They teach, that to the visible Church, Christ has promised his constant presence, his guidance, his protection, and his saving grace ; and that in order to membership in this Church, no internal virtue is required, no regeneration, piety, sanctity, visible or invisible. But when it is objected, that if the promises are made to the visible Church, they are made to the wicked, for the wicked are within the pale of that Church, they answer, “The wicked are not really in the Church;” the Church real- ly consists of “the elect, the predestinated, the sanctified.”* As soon, however, as this difficulty is out of sight, they return to their theory, and make the Church to consist “of all sorts of men.” This temporary admission of the truth, does not counteract the tendency of the constant inculcation of the doctrine that membership in that body to which the promises are made, is secured by external profession. Wherever that doctrine is taught, there the very essence of Antinomianism is inculcated, and there the fruits of Antinomianism never fail to appear.

Palmer on the Church, I. pp. 28, 58.

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The same argument, afforded by a consideration of the pro- mises made to the Church to determine its nature, flows from a consideration of its prerogatives. Those prerogatives are the authority to teach, and the right to exercise discipline. These are included in the power of the keys. This is not the place for any formal exhibition of the nature and limitations of this power. To construct the argument to be now presented, it is only necessary to assume what all Christians concede. Christ has given his Church the authority to teach, and to bind and loose. lie has promised to ratify her decisions, and to enforce her judgments. In this general statement all denomi- nations of Christians agree. Our present question is, To whom does this power belong? To the Church, of course. But is it to the visible Church, as such, irrespective of the spiritual state of its members, or is it to the Church considered as the communion of saints? The answer to this question makes all the difference between Popery and Protestantism, between the Inquisition and the liberty wherewith Christ has made his people free.

The prerogative in question does not belong to the visible Church, or to its superior officers, but to the company of be- lievers and their appropriate organs; 1. Because it presup- poses the presence and guidance of the Holy Spirit. It is only because the Church is the organ of the Spirit of Christ, and therefore only so far as it is his organ, that the teaching of the Church is the teaching of Christ, or that her decisions will be ratified in heaven. It has, however, been abundantly proved from the word of God, that the Holy Spirit dwells only in true believers ; they only are his organs, and therefore it is only the teaching and discipline of his own people, as guided by his Spirit, that Christ has promised to ratify. To them alone belongs the prerogative in question, and to any external body, only on the assumption of their being, and only as far as they are what they profess to be, the true children of God. No external visible body, as such, is so far the organ of the Holy Spirit, that its teachings are the teaching of Christ, and its decisions his judgments. No such body is, therefore, the Church to which the power of doctrine, and the key of the kingdom of heaven have been committed.

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2. As it is undeniable that the visible Church is always a mixed body, and often controlled in its action by wicked or worldly men, if Christ had promised to ratify the teaching and discipline of that body, he would be bound to sanction what was contrary to his own word and Spirit. It is certain that unrcnewed men are governed by the spirit of the world, or by that spirit which works in the children of disobedience, and it is no less certain that the visible Church has often been com- posed, in great measure, of unrenewed men ; if, therefore, to them has been committed this prerogative, then the people of God are, by Christ’s own command, bound to obey the world and those governed by its spirit. If wicked men, whether in the Church or out of it, cast us out of their communion, be- cause of the opposition between us and them, it is nothing more than the judgment of the world. It is neither the judg- ment of Christ, nor of his Church. But if true believers refuse us their fellowship, because of our opposition to them as believ- ers, it is a very different matter. It is one thing to be rejected by the wicked because they are wicked, and quite another to be cast off by the good because they are good. It is only the judgment of his own people, and even of his own people, only as they submit to the guidance of his own Spirit, (*. e., of his people as his people,) that Christ has promised to ratify in heaven. The condemnation of Christ himself by the Jewish Church, of Athanasius by the Church of the fifth century, of Protestants by the Church of Home, was but the judgment of the world, and of him who is the god of this world.

3. If the power of the keys is, as ritualists teach, committed to the chief officers of the Church as a visible society, if it is their official prerogative, then there can be no such thing as the right of private judgment. Such a right can have no place in the presence of the Spirit of God. If the chief officers of the Church, without regard to their character, are the organs of that Spirit, then all private Christians are bound to submit without hesitation to all their decisions. This, as is well known, is the doctrine and practice of all those churches which hold that the promises and prerogatives pertaining to the Church, belong to the Church as a visible society. All private judg- ment, all private responsibility, are done away. But according

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to the Scriptures, it is the duty of every Christian to try the spirits -whether they be of God, to reject an apostle, or an angel from heaven, should he deny the faith, and of that denial such Christian is of necessity the judge. Faith, moreover, is an act for which every man is personally responsible ; his sal- vation depends upon his believing the truth. He must, there- fore, have the right to believe God, let the chief officers of the Church teach what they may. The right of private judgment is, therefore, a divine right. It is incompatible with the ritual theory of the Church, but perfectly consistent with the Protes- tant doctrine that the Church is the communion of saints. The latter is consequently the true doctrine.

4. The fact that the teaching of the visible Church has so often been contradictory and heretical, that council is against coun- cil, one age against another age, one part of the Church against another part, is a clear proof that the prerogative of authorita- tive teaching was never given by Christ to any such erring body. And the fact that the external Church has so often excom- municated and persecuted the true people of God, is proof positive that hers are not the decisions which are always ratified in heaven.

There are many difficult questions respecting the “ power of the keys,” which are not here alluded to. All that is now necessary, is to show that this is a prerogative which cannot belong to the visible Church as such. It can belong to her only so far as she is the organ of the Church invisible, to which all the attributes, the promises and prerogatives of the true Church are to be referred. And no more wicked or more disastrous mistake has ever been made, than to transfer to the visible society of professors of the true religion, subject to bishops having succession, the promises and prerogatives of the body of Christ. It is to attribute to the world the attributes of the Church; to the kingdom of darkness the prerogatives of the kingdom of light. It is to ascribe to wickedness the character and blessedness of goodness. Every such historical Church has been the world baptized; all the men of a generation, or of a nation, are included in the pale of such a communion. If they are the Church, who are the world? If they are the kingdom of light, who constitute the kingdom of darkness ? To teach that

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the promises ancl prerogatives of the Church belong to these visible societies, is to teach that they belong to the world, organized under a particular form and called by a new name.

(To be continued.)

Art. \ I. — On the Correspondence between Prophecy and

History.

The argument from prophecy, whatever be its rank among the proofs of inspiration, is admitted upon all hands to have some advantages peculiar to itself, arising partly from its very nature, partly from the form in which it is presented to the mind. As compared with miracles, it has the advantage of appealing to a surer test, or, at least, one less susceptible of being tam- pered with, as well as to a wider sphere of witnesses, the evidence not only remaining unimpaired, but actually growing stronger with the lapse of time. Yet, notwithstanding these advantages, this source of proof is less and less resorted to, at least in such a manner as to give it its legitimate effect, that of corroborating and confirming the internal tokens of divinity with which the word of God is pregnant. This has arisen, in a great degree, from a twofold perversion of the prophecies, the first of which consists in bestowing on the unfulfilled predictions that degree and kind of attention which is due only to those already verified ; the other in transferring the attention from enlarged and comprehensive views of the prophetic Scripture to minute and disputable points, the importance of which bears no proportion to their darkness and complexity.

Hence, some have hastily inferred that this whole spe- cies of inquiry is unprofitable, and that it is better to content ourselves with the historical, and doctrinal, and prac- tical instructions of the Bible, and let prophecy alone, as a superfluous, if not a dangerous auxiliary to the other grounds of our belief in the divine authority of Scripture. This may be a sound and wise conclusion with respect to cer- tain forms of prophetical interpretation and dispute. But we cannot shut our eyes upon the whole range of prophetic

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testimony to the truth of Scripture, without rejecting light from heaven, without stopping our ears against the voice of God, in one of its most solemn and significant utterances. It is this far-reaching foresight, this mysterious connec- tion of the transient present with the distant future and the distant past, that seems most clearly to identify the God of nature, providence, and revelation. As one remote and half- forgotten promise or denunciation reaches its ac- complishment, and rolls out to open view, as if from the con- cealed works of some vast machine, we are constrained to match the end with the beginning, and to recognize the pre- sence of the same omniscience and omnipotence in both. In any clear case of the kind supposed, we can no more doubt the continuity of the mysterious process, than we can question that the stream which throws a flower at your feet, has issued from the spring into which your own hand cast it. The remote- ness of the points of observation, if you can but identify the object, only serves to render your conviction of the oneness of the stream more irresistible. The proper remedy for the abuses which have been admitted to exist in this department of reli- gious truth, is not a proud or indolent neglect, but a more pro- found attention. The remedy, especially for those evils which have been engendered by infinitesimal disputes upon detached points, or of things as yet inscrutable, is not to throw them out of sight for ever, but to bring them into due subordination to those general convictions of the real existence of prophetic fore- sight, which may be obtained without logomachies or trifling, and without transcending the well defined limits of prophecy already verified.

That such convictions are attainable, may best be shown by an example, one in which there shall be no room for dispute as to the meaning of particular expressions, as to the literal or figu- rative character of the prediction, or as to the reality of the event; in which nothing shall be taken for granted but what all acknowledge to be true ; in which nothing whatever shall be left to depend upon chronological minutiae or rhetorical puncti- lios. If, in such a case, there can be clearly shown a corres- pondence between what is passing or has passed already, and the clear premonitions of this book — a correspondence too exact

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to be fortuitous, and too remote for calculation and contrivance — the existence of prophetic foresight in the sacred writers must be granted, and a strong presumption raised in favour even of those prophecies not yet fulfilled, and those involving more mi- nute details of time and place and other circumstances. In such a demonstration as the one proposed, the more enlarged the scope of the alleged prediction and the field of its alleged fulfilment, the more easy will it be to apply the test of truth or falsehood ; and the more complete the demonstration of the pre- sence of the same God in the prophecies of Scripture and the performances of Providence, the more undeniable the harmony of all his dispensations and the unity of all his works.

It is clear that the conditions which have been proposed can- not possibly be answered by any single passage of prophetic import, or by any prophecy confined to certain texts of Scrip- ture, for in all such cases it is necessary to descend into verbal niceties, and weigh the grounds of opposite interpretations, to determine whether it is literal or spiritual, and to ascertain in what respects it corresponds to the event; all which is incon- sistent with the general purpose of proving the existence of pro- phetic foresight from acknowledged undisputed data. To effect this purpose it is absolutely necessary to select a prophecy, or series of prophecies, so frequently repeated, and in forms so various, as to be wholly independent of precise modes of ex- pression, because written, as it were, on every page of revela- tion, so that he who runs may read, and though a fool, need not err therein.

Such an example is afforded by comparing the actual condi- tion of the world, and of certain critical events by which it has been brought about, not with particular predictions of the Bible, but with its general prophetic intimations. In exhibit- ing this parallel, it will be unnecessary, and indeed at variance with its purpose, to insist upon minute points, either of inter- pretation or chronology. "What we want are those general impressions, both of prophecy and history, with which all are familiar, and to which we may appeal without the fear of being challenged. The objects of comparison are not invisible points or imaginary lines, which one sees and another does not, or which one secs here while another sees them yonder, but those

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vast continental shadows which for ages have been silently pro- jected on the field of prophetic vision, and those massive substances now rising, many of them for the first time, on the field of historical experience. The question is, are these indeed the shadows of these substances, or is their correspondence merely accidental?

Let us begin then with a fact beyond the reach of ingenuity or malice, and questionable only by the last degree of igno- rance ; the fact that there existed for a series of ages, in the south-western corner of Asia, a people in many points inferior to their neighbours, and yet an object of surprise and curiosity to all. Their territory was small, their political influence com- paratively trifling, their foreign commerce almost nothing, their attainments in science very humble, their achievements in the fine arts none, their literature confined to their laws and their religion.

It has been the policy and the delight of certain writers to disparage and belittle, by all lawful and unlawful means, the national character and condition of the ancient Hebrews. Every deficiency has been exaggerated, every merit pared down to its lowest possible dimensions, with a zeal and ingenui- ty worthy of a better cause. Against this ungenerous perver- sion of history, an opposite party has contended no less zealous- ly, explaining away every alleged proof of barbarism or mean- ness, and claiming for the Hebrews a degree of national improvement and importance possibly beyond the truth.

For certain purposes this vindication, or so much of it as seems to be well founded, may be eminently useful; but for ours it is quite superfluous. Let the condition and the character of this peculiar race be placed as low as its worst enemies can wish; let its unsocial, misanthropical seclusion from the rest of men be painted in the colours of a Juvenal or Tacitus; let worshippers of nature and of art decry the heartless, unimagi- native race who could submit to the proscription of all paint- ing and sculpture; let the worst features of the modern Jew- ish character be traced to its original in that of their pro- genitors; in short, let Israel stand forth upon the page of ancient history a stain, a blot, a blank, a hideous impersona- tion of all national defects and vices — still the labour spent in

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thus accumulating curses and reproaches on that hated race is labour lost. The more completely you succeed in thus de- grading and defiling them, the more indissolubly do you rivet the successive links of the chain which you are foolishly endeavouring to bite asunder, or to stamp in pieces. For the next link of that chain is the indisputable fact that this contracted, rude, and feeble race, among their other strange pretensions, at which neighbouring nations laughed or raged, believed themselves to be, in some sense, the peculiar peo- ple of the Most High God, selected by him from among the rest of men, and distinguished by extraordinary privileges, but above all, by his manifested presence in the midst of them, and by his committing to their charge a written revelation of his will, and of the only method of salvation, with a system of accompanying rites, intended to illustrate and perpetuate this revelation through a course of ages.

The point to be insisted on is, not that they were right in this belief, but simply that they entertained it. You may laugh at it, with the Roman satirist or the French philosopher, but you may not deny that it existed, and that it was derived from those books which they looked upon as sacred. He who can- not see this there, can see nothing; he who wilfully denies it, would as soon deny any thing. But none do in fact deny it. That the Jews, through a course of ages, looked upon them- selves as the peculiar people of the Most High, and as the depositaries of an exclusive revelation, is by none more stead- fastly maintained than by their enemies. This is the head and front of their offending in the sight of unbelievers, ancient and modern, who insist on nothing as a more decided proof of ignorance, and bigotry, and selfishness, than this very fact, that the sacred writings of this people every where inculcate the doctrine that the Most High had himself distinguished them from other nations, and assigned them a secluded yet pre- eminent position, which was to be and was maintained for ages. If this required to be established by the quotation of par- ticular texts, it would not answer the end for which it is adduced. But there is no such necessity. The doctrine just propounded is the spirit that breathes through the Old Testament, not only in the later books but in the oldest, where this expectation

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is expressed as clearly and as strongly as at any later period; so that it may justly be described as a pervading prophecy, a kind of standing and perpetual prediction, not confined to this or that place, but escaping as it were at every opening of the book, and uttering it at every breath, as a fundamental doctrine of the Jew’s religion, that Jehovah is God, and that Israel is his people, just as the Moslems now combine their two fundamental doctrines in that brief confession ever at their tongues’ ends — “ There is no God but God, and Mohammed i3 his Prophet !”

Now, that this ancient national belief should be found com- bined with other doctrines naturally springing from it, might be expected as a matter of course. But what is very strange is, that it actually stands connected with a doctrine which, far from springing from it, seems at first sight inconsistent with it, nay, subversive of it. This is the doctrine that the Jews’ reli- gion was designed to be universal, that all nations should one day embrace it. This is as really foretold as the previous con- tinuance of their seclusion and pre-eminence. The two things are completely interwoven in the texture of the Jewish Scrip- tures. It was not more certainly expected by the Jews, that they should stand aloof for ages from the rest of men, than it was that they should afterwards be merged in the confluence of nations towards the centre of the true religion. This is the more remarkable for two reasons: first, because it does not tend to foster national pride; and secondly, because it cannot be evolved by any imaginable process, either logical or fanciful, from the original position that their national seclusion and pre- eminence should last for ages from the time when it began. The two things must have been believed as independent doc- trines, equally true, but not deduced from one another.

The remark just made, that this expectation of the final pre- valence of the Jews’ religion, had no tendency to foster pride, may possibly seem open to exception, on the ground that they expected still to be the centre of attraction, towards which all mankind should gravitate, and that however numerous his spiritual seed might be, Israel should still be the first-born of Jehovah.

This might be so, if the two doctrines which have now been

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stated stood alone ; but intertwined with these mysterious threads of national belief and expectation, is a third, less ob- vious but not less real, the belief and expectation that, when Israel’s God should thus become the God of the whole earth, Israel himself, instead of standing at his right hand as his first- born son, should, by some strange process, be thrust down from his pre-eminence, and cast out from his father’s house. We have spoken of this doctrine as less obvious, because there is a singu- lar reserve and ambiguity attending its expression in some places, which has occasioned their misapplication to events en- tirely different. So far as this part of the statement involves questions of interpretation, it is here irrelevant. There is enough of unequivocal language on the subject, to establish this as one of the perpetual predictions of the Jewish Scriptures, although not so clearly as the other two.

Let it also be observed, that the question here is not how far the people actually looked for this result, but how far they were warranted and bound to look for it, by prophecies still extant in their sacred books. Their national pride would of course revolt from the reception of this doctrine. Even those who could persuade themselves to own that Israel’s exclusive honours should be one day terminated by the gathering of the nations to his altars and his banners, even these might naturally shrink from the confession that he should one day not only cease to hold his present place exclusively, but to hold it at all ; not only cease to be a first-born, but a child. And yet this repugnance to receive the truth cannot erase it from the leaves of the Old Testament. The modern Jews themselves acknowledge that their present long continued exile and dispersion is a judgment constantly foretold, and more or less distinctly threatened by their prophets, and* by none more frequently and clearly than by Moses, their founder and their lawgiver.

Here, then, are three great prophecies pervading the Old Testament, three mystic threads, distinct, and yet inseparably wrought into its texture, the first more obvious than the second, and the second than the third ; the first more grateful to the natural feelings than the second, and the second than the third; the first, therefore, more incorporated with the charac- ter, and legible in the life of the people than the second,

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and the second than the third; but all in existence, all there, all everywhere ; running through the book from beginning to end, and constituting absolutely necessary parts of the Jewish revelation. To convince ourselves of this, we have only to attempt the elimination of these three great elements from the aggregate prophetic teachings of the Jewish Scriptures. Spe- cific prophecies, which occur but once or seldom, might he struck out, and their absence pass unnoticed by a reader not apprized of their omission. Even the prophecies of Christ, the most explicit and most precious of all prophecies, might be expunged without destroying prophecy itself. The sun would be quenched in the heavens, but the heavens, although shrouded in darkness, might continue still extended, and not yet wrapped together as a scroll. But erase from the Old Testament all its prophetic intimations, whether more or less explicit, of these three great providential truths — the segregation of the Jews for ages by divine command, and for a special purpose — the ulterior admission of the gentiles to their privileges — and the exclusion of the Jews themselves from those very honours which they once monopolized — erase all this from the Scrip- tures of the Jews, and then determine, if you can, what is left in the mangled and mutilated system.

And as it may be thus contended that these things are neces- sary parts of the Jewish revelation, it may also be contended that they are, in form and substance, prophecies, predictions, revelations of the future. If these are not prophecies, what are? Does a prediction lose its character as such by frequent repetition, or by being wrought into the very substance of the writing which contains it? Does that which would have been a prophecy if formally propounded once, cease to be one when it is so perpetually intimated that it needs not to be formally propounded at all? Every condition of a prophecy is answered by these constant and pervading indications of futurity, espe- cially that great and most essential condition of implying divine prescience if true, and, if actually verified by the event, estab- lishing the inspiration of the author.

It becomes an interesting question, therefore, how and to what extent these prophecies have been fulfilled ; and in attempting to resolve it, let us not lose sight of the position

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which historians and philosophers assign to the people in whose sacred books these premonitions are contained, and in whose history their truth or falsehood must be brought to light. Let us remember what the infidel so often tells us, that it was a wretched, insignificant, contracted, unrefined, unsocial race of western Asia, that was thus taught by the books of its religion to believe itself the chosen people of Jehovah, to which all the other nations were to flow, and from which He himself would then take all in which they gloried. From this chosen point of observation let us trace for a moment the actual progress of events, and see how far we can account for it upon the supposi- tion that the claim of the Jews to be in some peculiar sense the people of Jehovah, was an arrogant conceit, or a fanatical delusion.

By a singular coincidence we find this vain and self-sufficient race continuing for ages to sustain itself in opposition to the interest and influence of all surrounding nations, and maintain- ing its peculiar institutions and opinions in the face of enmity, reproach, and ridicule, and in contempt of what might seem to be the strongest earthly motives for renouncing them. All this, however, might be laughed at as the freak of an enthusi- astic bigotry, for which no reasonable cause can be assigned; but this conclusion is forbidden by another strange coincidence, viz., that this conceited and absurd race were for ages in pos- session of the only pure religion, i. e., the only common wor- ship of one God, that can be traced in history, and that, not- withstanding their occasional defections, whether personal or national, they held it fast, refusing either to renounce or to communicate it, while their sacred books contain a system both of morals and theology, to which the ancient world besides does not exhibit even an approximation. All the material facts in this description are conceded by unanimous consent. TV hatever men may think of the Old Testament theology or morals, as compared with their own systems or discoveries, the man is yet unborn who would venture to deny their measureless supe- riority to all contemporary theory and practice.

Now this remarkable concurrence of the purest, or, to speak more correctly, of the only pure religion and morality of an- cient times, within the limits of that very people who were weak

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enough to look upon themselves as the elect of God; this con- currence, if an accident, is certainly a very happy and a very strange one. Let us suppose for a moment, that it had been the divine intention thus to single out the Hebrews as a deposi- tary of the truth until the fulness of time should come. It cannot be denied that the event might properly have been ex- pected to he just what it was. Particular circumstances might have been expected a priori to be differently ordered ; but the main facts could not have been otherwise. If God had really chosen Israel to fill the place and execute the work in ques- tion, it is certain, it is necessary that this choice must have led to precisely that result which all admit to have existed in the case of ancient Israel, but which some allege to have existed there by accident. Even such accidents, however, are conceiv- able among the varied combinations and concurrences of God’s providential dispensations. It is only when repeated, or com- bined with other accidental coincidences, that they begin to draw too largely on our faith or our credulity. To such an in- convenience the hypothesis of random and fortuitous agreement is exposed in this case. Let us grant that the pre-eminence of Israel among the ancient nations, in religion and morality, proves nothing by itself in favour of the truth of their pre- tensions to the character of God’s peculiar people, or of the prophecies contained in their sacred books, that this pre-emi- nence should not depart from Judah until Shiloh came. Let us admit that the coincidence might in itself be wholly accidental, and that this possibility is not disturbed by any circumstances in the national condition of the Jews, which might be thought unfavourable to their growth in moral and religious culture, such as their want of intellectual refinement and of speculative habits, and of all enlarging and existing intercourse with other nations. The lower they are put in these respects, the harder it would seem to account for their pre-eminence upon any sup- position but the one of special divine favour and communica- tion, which we have agreed to waive for the present in favour of the theory that all was accidental.

At length we come to a surprising juncture in the history of Israel. Its claims to national pre-eminence are suddenly scat- tered to the -winds, by the destruction of its state and the dis-

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persion of its people. In this catastrophe appeared to perish, not only that superiority, in which the people gloried, and which seemed to be inseparable from their national seclusion, but the hope of that accession from the Gentiles, which appeared to be the next best thing for Israel, and which formed the subject of the second great prediction running through the Hebrew Scrip- tures. But this first impression is erroneous. When the shock and tumult of the great concussion has subsided, we perceive creeping forth, as it were, from under the ruins of the old He- brew commonwealth, a new form of society, which beginning at Jerusalem, by rapid marches overspreads the empire. Some of its conquests are in process of time lost again, only to be more certainly regained hereafter. But the most important of them still remain, including the entire civilization of the world. The history of this new sect, as it was once called, is the history of human progress for the last eighteen centuries. Now, all this has come forth from ancient Israel, and from the Jews’ reli- gion. True, the doctrine thus triumphantly diffused, and thus identified wfith human happiness and elevation, is not Judaism in its crude, inchoate state, but it is Judaism in its consumma- tion. It is the flower of which Judaism was the bud; the fruit of wdiich it was the flower ; the spreading tree of which it was the subterraneous root ; the day of which it was the dawn ; the life of which it was the infancy. Not by forced accommoda- tion, nor by arbitrary choice, but by a natural succession and development, “salvation is of the Jews.”

The truth of this representation is established by a single fact of perfect notoriety, viz : that every nation under heaven which professes Christianity, and every Christian Church and sect throughout the world, receives among its sacred books the Jewish Scriptures, and recognizes them as the foundation upon which its own more perfect revelation is erected. This is a fact which, on any supposition but the one of actual succes- sion and historical deduction, is inexplicable. Great as the influence of Plato and his followers has been upon the Church in different ages, even platonizing Christians never dreamed of making Christianity an aftergrowth of that philosophy. Why, then, should all, without exception, own its filial relation to the ancient Jews’ religion, the religion of a people whom so many

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Christians still regard with scorn and hatred, hut because the fact thus recognized is too notorious to admit of being palliated or concealed, disputed or explained away? It is true, it is certain, that in the perfected and sublimated form of Chris- tianity, the religion of the ancient Jews has overspread the world.

Here, then, is another strange and troublesome coincidence to be accounted for. The religious books of an obscure and hated race, no longer in existence as a body politic, taught them, thousands of years ago, that the religion of which those hooks claimed to be the revelation, should be one day universal. Had this remained a prophecy on paper only, it would this day have been treated like the dreams of the Roman poets, with respect to the perpetual dominion of the eternal city. But, unhappily, this wild dream of the Jewish seers is not so easily disposed of; for by some strange combination of events, it has been realized, the prophecy has come to pass, and that not in a corner. Its fulfilment is written on the face of European and American society. The record of it cannot be erased from his- tory, except by tearing out the leaves, and that, however some may wish for it, is now impossible. The sceptical sneerer at specific prophecies of doubtful meaning and fulfilment, stands aghast at this accumulation of incredible accidents, and sees his theory already vying as to probability with that of the cre- ation of the world by the fortuitous concourse of atoms. The Jewish Scriptures promised themselves universal influence, and after being laughed at for a thousand years, their promise was fulfilled. They lie at this moment at the deep foundation of the faith of universal Christendom, that is, of civilized human- ity ; and all that can be said in explanation of the change, is that it may be accidental.

But the chapter of accidents is not yet at an end. There might have been some foothold for the doubter, if the change which has been just described had pursued the ordinary course of such events, with no anomaly, no striking violation of ana- logy, to rouse attention, and recall the premonitions of the Hebrew Scriptures. But there is precisely such a breach of continuity, such a departure from the ordinary processes even of revolutionary change. It is afforded by the fact that, while vol. xxv. — xo. ii. 39

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a doctrine sprung from Judaism has gone forth to subdue and civilize the nations, Israel himself has been excluded from the blessings and distinctions of this new economy. This would be less surprising if the Jewish race had perished with its gov- ernment and national organization. But, as if to show that this exception was a marked one, and significant, they still exist, dispersed, but unmixed with the gentiles, clinging to their old religion in its unfinished state, and rejecting that new form of it for which the old, according to its own solemn teachings, was but a necessary preparation. Now, this exclusion of the Jews, as a nation, from the triumphs of their own religion, in its new and perfect form, is certainly no natural or necessary consequence of the events by which it has been brought about. And yet it is prophetically intimated, as we have already seen, throughout the Hebrew Scriptures, continually pointed to, if not explicitly foretold; and this concurrence of events, and expectations, and predictions so remote, must either be an- other happy accident, or another manifest fulfilment of pro- phecy.

Let these things be placed side by side, and honestly com- pared. Here is an ancient book, one of the many in which the nations of the old world sought the records of their faith. This book is distinguished, among other things, by its constant reference to futurity, its glimpses of the future condition of the world and of human society. Among the events which it con- templates as still future, yet infallibly certain, there are three remarkable, as well on account of the peculiar prominence here given them, as because they are precisely such as could not be inferred by any mere sagacity from the accustomed progress and succession of events. These are, first, the con- tinued existence of the Jews themselves as a peculiar people, and the recipients of an exclusive revelation through a course of ages; then the subsequent extension of these privileges to the other nations; lastly, the exclusion of the Jews themselves from their own privileges thus extended. There is no neces- sary mutual dependence between these events. Yet the He- brew Scriptures represent them as connected and successive, and in this same connection and succession they have actually come to pass, a fact attested both by history and by the actual

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condition of the Jewish and the Christian world at this very moment. If these concurrences are accidental, then is chance as uniform and self-consistent as design itself; or rather words have changed their meaning, and men call that accidental which affords the clearest possible evidence of purpose and fore- knowledge. Let us assume the frequent occurrence of such accidents, and we have all we need to prove the possibility and actual existence of prophetic foresight and possession by the writers of these ancient books, or rather by the author of the whole scheme of revelation which includes them, and in which, as we have seen, the most astonishing analogies exist; not merely with particular occuirences in later history, but with its whole development, as traceable in books, and in the actual condition of the world.

The true cause and meaning of some dark prophetic sha- dows may remain as long concealed from ordinary readers as the genuine philosophy of an eclipse from the uninstructed multitude, and in both cases ignorance may engender supersti- tious terrors or imaginative fictions. But the great standing prophecies in question, are like the broad and massive shadows of the Alps, projected on the lakes which they embosom, and which seem to the eye as well defined and almost as substantial as the everlasting hills which cast them. There is here no need of mathematics or philosophy to show the true relation of the cause to the effect. The sun, the object, and the eye, are all in harmony. Go tell the boatman, as he rows for hours in the shadow of Mount Pilate or Mont Blanc, that it has no con- nection with the mountain beyond that of accidental juxtaposi- tion, and if he believes you, then believe that the gigantic figures which are following each other on the theatre of history have no connection beyond that of a fortuitous resemblance with their half-seen and mysterious but life-like images, which passed in the same order centuries ago, across the darkened surface of this great prophetic mirror. There is something in the vastness of the scale on which these prophecies were framed, and of the scale on which they are fulfilled, that almost places them beyond the scope of our contracted vision, and thus makes them less effective than if they were more diminutive, but for that very reason more completely at the eye’s command. But

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when the sight is once adjusted to the object, we are filled with wonder that we ever failed to see it, and beholding the coinci- dence, at once so grand and so minute, between the general pro- phetic teachings of the word, and the actual developments of Providence, we rest from our abortive efforts to explain it upon any sceptical hypothesis, and cry out, with the impotent magi- cians of the exodus, “This is the finger of God!” or with the Psalmist, “He hath not dealt so with any nation!”

This extraordinary correspondence of the history of Israel, not merely with particular predictions, but with the entire pro- phetic drift of Scripture, in relation to the subject, may en- courage us to look for the analogous fulfilment of a fourth great prophecy, summed up in that significant expression, “So all Israel shall he saved.” If the historical reality has hitherto kept pace with the prophetic shadow, we may confidently look for it to do so still. We may even calculate upon it as subjected to a certain law deducible from past events, just as the physical dis- coverer foretells that certain combinations must exist, though yet unknown, because they are required to complete a series, all the previous degrees of which have been determined by a law of uniform progression ; so, for a very different reason, may we set it down as certain, that the cycle of prophetical fulfilments will be yet completed by the re-engrafting of the natural branches into their own olive-tree. Even the sceptic, who re- gards the previous fulfilments as fortuitous, may share in this hope, if he can but believe that an accident, already thrice re- peated, may occur a fourth time. This will indeed be “life from the dead,” in view of which the world may say, with far more emphasis than ever, “He hath not dealt so with any people!” Another lesson, which we must not fail to learn, however hastily and briefly, from this interesting subject, is, that the general conviction thus obtained, of an intelligent connection between prophecy and history, when viewed upon the largest scale, should give us patience and tranquillity, in reference to those minute and disputable points which too much occupy the students and interpreters of prophecy. A general belief in the prophetic inspiration of the Scriptures, founded upon such a basis, cannot be shaken by the hardest questions in chronology or grammar. Not that due regard to these is superseded by

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such faith, but because it goes before them and prepares for their solution. By a further but no less reasonable generaliza- tion, the confidence created by this process, in the promises and prophecies of Scripture, may be fairly extended to the ■whole system of revealed truth, whether doctrinal, historical, or prac- tical, in form, as being the recorded word of One who “is not mocked,” who “cannot lie,” who must “do right,” and who thus far “hath done all things well.”

SHORT NOTICES.

The Grace of Christ, or Sinners saved by unmerited kindness. By William

S. Plumer, D. D. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication.

12mo, pp. 454.

It is important to be remembered, that each successive age needs the great truths of religion to be presented anew, in the manner appropriate to its own period, and with variety of illustration and argument, such as only a diversity of authors can secure. Hence the existence of standard works, by great men of a former age, is no reason why we should refuse to welcome fresh books on the same topics. The production named above is on the most important subject which can exer- cise human thought and feeling, and we rejoice to see it thrown into the channels of our Board of Publication. It is warmly evangelical and thoroughly Calvinistic. We mean to commend it, when we say that it is written in the manner of treatises which appeared two hundred years ago. Were it not for nume- rous modern incidents and citations, we might suppose it to have proceeded from the hand of an old Puritan.

The theme is the gospel, or way of salvation ; and this is treated scripturally, doctrinally, and experimentally. The main points are strongly argued, but with a constant appli- cation to the conscience and the heart. We do not remember to have read a work which more clearly shows itself to have been prepared for usefulness rather than for show. The ruined state of man by sin, the awful sovereignty of God, the work of redemption by Christ, the boundless grace of the offer, the means of obtaining justification, the influences of the Spirit in the new birth, and the progress of religion in the soul, are set forth with fulness, perspicuity, and affection. The whole is

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enlivened by a very remarkable array of authenticated narra- tives. It is, therefore a suitable book to be put into the hands of those who err or waver about cardinal doctrines ; those who need light as to the nature of vital piety; and especially those who are inquiring for the way of life. We are surprised at the number of theological topics which are included in this moderate volume. The division into very short chapters tends much to make it convenient, and to prevent weariness. It is destined, we confidently believe, to invite and conduct many into the right ways of the Lord.

The style of the performance is the author’s own, on every page. It is eminently plain and clear; no one need ever pause for the meaning. It is, at the same time, nervous and striking, somewhat at a sacrifice of elegant smoothness. Dr. Plumer’s mode of expressing himself is remarkably fitted to give impres- sion and pungency to single sentences. He has cultivated this rather than the flow of periods and the delicate jointing of the details. In consequence of this, his short sentences sometimes seem bald and insulated, and his numerous and apt citations stand out frequently like great stones with too little mortar. Even in these cases, however, the attention is arrested, and there is a vehement strength which carries the truth home. Unless we greatly mistake, the work will be received with high approval by Christian readers, especially of the ancient type, and will hold its place.

Man’s Ability. Old-school Theology. By an Old-school Minister (Rev.

Aaron Church.) Princeton, Illinois. Published at the request of the

Synod of Illinois. Chicago: Whitmarsli, Fulton & Co. 1853.

The doctrine of this sermon is — First, That the work of regeneration, “at its commencement, progress, and termina- tion, is the woi’k of the Holy Spirit.” Second, That the divine efficiency by which this change is effected, is not that providen- tial agency by which God sustains second causes, and co-ope- rates with them in the production of effects, but a special and supernatural exercise of divine power. Third, “That it is not in the power of the irreligious to renovate and change their own hearts ; they are not able to awake in themselves the exer- cise of love to God and penitence for sin.” “I employ,” says the author, “ the word inability to denote futile and unavailing endeavours, and so I think it ought to be employed. When we exert ourselves to the utmost for any purpose, and it is accom- plished, it is proof of our ability ; and when we exert ourselves to the utmost for any purpose, and it is not accomplished, it is proof of our inability. There is a certainty that stones will not move, and that dead bodies will not restore themselves to

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life; but as they have no wishes or desires on the subject, and as there are no unavailing efforts, the term inability , as I have employed it, can have no application to cases of this descrip- tion.” Fourth, to illustrate the nature of this inability, the author refers, first, to the obvious fact that we have no such control over the affections, as we have over our outward actions. “If religion consisted wholly in the external discharge of out- ward duties, the impenitent would be able to do all that is re- quired of them.” But as the great command is to love God with all the heart, they are not able of themselves to do what the law demands. Secondly, he refers to the distinction between a reluctant and a cordial willingness. We are willing to have a limb amputated to save our life, but it is a reluctant willing- ness. We use the word in a different sense “when we speak of being willing to do what to us is a pleasure and satisfaction. The one is a cordial willingness flowing from the heart ; the other an indirect, constrained, reluctant willingness.” The impenitent may have the latter, but not the former kind of willingness to love God. The inability of sinners, therefore, “ consists merely in a want of cordial willingness to obey God and keep his commands; still it is a real inability.”

This the author himself feels is an objectionable form of stating the matter. For he says, “Using the term willingness in this guarded manner for a cordial willingness, there is no impropri- ety in saying of the unconverted, that if willing, they would be able to do all that is required of them ; but if it be the habitual and uniform mode of speaking, it can hardly fail of producing erroneous views on the subject.” Liability to be misunder- stood, however, is not the only objection to the above state- ment. It is inaccurate. The word willingness, however quali- fied, properly expresses an act or state of the will. But the author uses it for a state of the affections. By reluctant wil- lingness he means a preference connected with aversion; and by cordial willingness a preference connected with love. And, therefore, to say that a man is able to love God if he is cordial- ly willing to do so, is only saying he is able to love God if he does love him, which sheds no light on the subject, and relieves no difficulty. The expression is inaccurate in another point of view. It refers the sinner’s inability to the will, whereas it lies back of the will. The simple facts of the case, as taught by Scripture, by our own consciousness, and by universal expe- rience, are, that the natural man, in consequence of his moral state, cannot know the things of the Spirit, because they are spiritually discerned; and without spiritual discernment there cannot be spiritual affections. To talk of a man’s being able

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to discern the beauty of a picture, if he was “cordially willing” to do so, would obviously be absurd. And it is no less inaccu- rate, to say that the unrenewed can discern the things of the Spirit, or love God, if cordially willing.

Our objection is only to the form of expression adopted by the author of this sermon. The great doctrine, that the sinner has not power to change his own heart ; that this inability arises from his depravity, and is perfectly consistent with continued obligation ; and that regeneration is the work of the omnipotent Spirit of God — this great doctrine, which lies at the foundation of all genuine Christian experience, the discourse fully and clearly sustains.

Historic Doubts relative to Napoleon Buonaparte, and Historic Certainties respecting the Early History of America. New York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 285 Broadway. 1853.

The former of the two tracts included in this volume, has long been familiar as a successful yew d’ esprit. The second we never saw before. Our first impression was that it was a failure ; but when we came to the “ commentary,” we found the author was a master of his subject and master of his art. We are dis- posed to believe that this little volume is worth more as an an- tidote to the sceptical historical criticism of the German school, than many a solemn refutation of fourfold the size.

Ancient Christianity Exemplified, in the Private, Domestic, Social and Civil Life of the Primitive Christians, and in the original Institutions, Offices, Ordinances and Rites of the Church. By Lyman Coleman. Philadel- phia : Lippincott, Grambo & Co. 8vo. pp. 645.

Dr. Coleman is thoroughly acquainted with the literature of the wide department covered by his work. We know of no book in our language which contains the same amount of infor- mation on the antiquities of the Church. It is a work which, we doubt not, will long remain without a rival in that field.

An Appeal to the Churches: or the Cause and Cure of Remissness in the Support of Pastors. By a Hearer of the Word. Savannah: 1853.

We were so much impressed by the perusal of this pamphlet, that we are desirous to do our part to bring it to the general notice of the churches. The author begins with showing that the salary of the clergy in this country, as a general thing, is entirely inadequate. His estimate is that the average does not exceed three hundred dollars. He next inquires into the causes of this acknowledged evil. These causes are — 1. Hot that the services of the pastors are of little value; 2. Nor that the clergy are slothful and inactive; 3. Nor the want of resources in the

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Church. Affirmatively the author states the causes as — 1. Custom. The question commonly asked is not, What is needed? but, What have we and others been accustomed to give ? 2. Ig- norance among church members as to the proper standard of giving. 3. Bad management in raising funds. In many con- gregations there is no financial system at all; in others the worst conceivable. Having thus stated what he regards as the cause of the evil in question, he proceeds to propose the remedy. This consists — 1. In light. Let the people be instructed in reference to their duty in this matter. Unpleasant as it may be, “Christian pastors are bound to instruct their congrega- tions on this subject.” 2. Let “presbyteries positively refuse to settle any man over a congregation, unless that congregation shall in its call name a sum adequate, in the judgment of the presbytery, for the competent support of the pastor elect.” 3. Let some judicious system for the collection of funds be in- troduced, which shall have the several qualities of scriptural- ness, equality, and permanence.

There are several methods by which the support of the clergy has been more or less provided for. It has been attempted by the State, by the General State, and by each separate con- gregation. The first is out of the question. To the second plan, the author objects that the donations are equally distri- buted to poor and rich churches; that it supersedes the necessity of congregational efforts; that the support is fluctuating; and that this method tends to destroy that sense of mutual depend- ence which should ever be felt between a pastor and his people.

Our author, therefore, falls back on the congregational mode, which he thinks is the scriptural and the best method. Under this head he considers the several different plans gene- rally adopted. As to the pew system, he objects that it has no scriptural authority, and is unequal, as the man with an income of ten thousand dollars, pays little more pew rent than a man whose income is only one thousand. Besides, this system, he says, converts an act of gratitude and faith into one of barter and trade. A man rents his pew as he does his house. The plan of annual voluntary subscription he considers the worst system of all. It is troublesome, inefficient, and must fail at last.

“We now come,” says our author, “to a plan which we wish strongly to recommend to our churches. It may, or it may not, include the pew system, just as individual congregations may choose. The plan is this: for every congregation to determine, not what they are able to give, (which is usually tried by a very low standard,) but ivhat is necessary for the comfortable support of a pastor in their congregation. This determination should be

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made, irrespective altogether of the probable incumbent. Whether a minister is popular or not, has a family or not, has been receiv- ing heretofore a large salary or not, questions like these should not be introduced. There should be no jockeying in the call of a pastor; but the principle should be acted on — “the labourer is ivor thy of his hire.” Having created a pastoral office, the question now is, “what compensation shall be annexed to it?” Let this compensation be a fair and a just one; one, at any rate, suffi- cient to place the pastor and his family above want, and to free him from “wordly cares.” The sum thus being determined, let it be assessed, by a judicious committee, on the members of the congregation. This assessment should be governed strictly by the annual income of each member — “the rich giving of their abundance, the poor of their poverty.” This plan would equalize the contribution, and place the chief burden of sup- porting a pastor just where it ought to be, upon the richer mem- bers of the church. Those congregations that wish to retain the pew system, could easily do so under this plan. The method is extremely simple. Let the pews be rented as usual, and the several amounts considered as a part of the assessment. As a family regulation in churches the system is excellent, and we should be sorry to see it abolished; we recommend only its modification.”

We are not without our fears that the plan from which our author anticipates so much, would be found very difficult to carry into practical effect. Men generally dislike very much to be told what they ought to give. They think they are the best judges of that matter, and therefore we apprehend it would seldom happen that an assessment could be made which would not give offence. Still, the subject is of such vast importance, the evil and injustice of the present system are so flagrant, that any well-considered plan of redress is worthy of careful consideration.

There are two leading principles, of the divine authority and importance of which ive are thoroughly convinced. The one is, that every minister of the gospel devoted to his work, is entitled to an adequate support; the other is, that the obligation to fur- nish that support, rests not merely on the individual congre- gation which a minister serves, but also on the general Church. We admit that it rests in the first instance on the individiual con- gregations, but, if they are not able to furnish it, the obligation, the divinely imposed duty, or privilege, rests in the whole Church. To deny this, is to affirm that the poor and the heathen shall not have the gospel preached to them. We believe that no scheme of ministerial support, or of church extension, or of

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missionary enterprise, can ultimately succeed, -which does not embrace a fair application of the two principles above men- tioned. The effort should not be to push our feeble churches as fast as possible on their own feet, but to rouse the strong to greater liberality. Our present object, however, is not discus- sion, but simply to call attention to a pamphlet which bears clear evidence of ability and Christian zeal. It can be pro- cured from Messrs. John M. Cooper & Co., Savannah, Georgia, at the rate of ten copies for one dollar.

An Analysis and Summary of Thucydides. By J. Talboys Wheeler, author of “An Analysis and Summary of Herodotus, &c.” Oxford: J. L. Wheeler, Cambridge: J. Talboys Wheeler. London: George Bell, Fleet Street, 12mo. pp. 376.

An Analysis and Summary of Old Testament History and the Laws of Moses. With an introductory Outline of the Geography, Political His- tory, &e.; the Prophecies, Types, and intimations of the Messiah ; Jew- ish History from Nehemiah to A.D. 70; chronologically added through- out; Examination Questions, &c. By J. Talboys Wheeler, author of “Analysis and Summary of Herodotus.” pp. 285, 12mo.

The “Analysis and Summary of Herodotus,” which gave form and character to this series of books, we have never seen. In the corresponding work on Thucydides, the author gives, by way of introductory matter, first, a very brief but carefully digested outline of the geography of Greece and her colonies ; and then a chronological table of the principal events in the history ; thus furnishing the student in advance with a good coup d'ceil of the volume. Each of the eight books of the his- tory, is then subjected, in the body of the work, to a careful and scholarly analysis, exhibiting its principal heads of divi- sion; followed by a summary of the events, sufficiently full to give the reader a complete view, in their order, of the contents of the book. In doing this, the terms employed to designate distances, money, &c., are reduced to English standards, so as to make the whole clearly intelligible to the English scholar. The plan of the book is conceived with remarkable clearness, and executed very completely.

The “Analysis and Summary of Old Testament History,” is on the same plan suggested by the success of the other books, and executed with even more carefulness of detail. The book is a study in point of form, as a multum in parvo of infor- mation; the whole so arranged and displayed by its various typography, as to prevent crowding, and facilitate reference. The chronology, numismatics, weights and measures, distances, indexes of names both sacred and profane, with their corres- pondencies, the analyses of Mosaic laws and ordinances, com-

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mercial regulations, &c., are all done with the utmost elabo- rateness ; and yet so as to admit of easy reference and com- parison with our most familiar standards. The analysis of each of the portions info which the history is divided is less satis- factory in our view, than the other features of the work. It is too artificial, and does not bring sufficiently into view the causal relation of the events embraced. It would be more suggestive if it were more philosophical, and less purely historical.

The reader will see that the plan of the book is never contro- versial ; and yet the execution of so broad a scope cannot fail to raise questions, which divide different portions of the Church. In expressing our admiration of its plan, we are not to be understood as volunteering a general endorsement of its views. The author has drawn his materials from a great variety of sources ; and they are generally those of high and unquestioned authority in all portions of the Church. His readers will form their own judgment, how far the mode of treatment exhibits the subject in its true light. The moral law, for example, is set forth in its Jewish relations, as furnishing rather the ground- forms out of which the civil laws of the Jews were evolved by a series of inspired commentaries, than as constituting the germ out of which the moral code of the New Testament ought to be developed and applied by the Church. No question is formal- ly raised, however, and the object of the book at once carries it out of the range of controversy.

It ought to be mentioned, that the book was designed, like the Analysis of Herodotus and Thucydides, primarily, for the use of the students in the University of Cambridge, (England.) It is matter of congratulation that such a study of the Old Testament as is contemplated in this work, and especially in the University Examination Papers, printed in the volume, is incorporated into the course of study in that old and influential seat of learning.

Sabbath Day Headings, or Children’s own Sabbath Book. By Julia Cor- ner. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication. Pp. 207.

The “ Sabbath Day Readings,” is an attempt to throw the Scripture history, and other allied topics, into a succession of brief narratives, sufficiently entertaining to avert the repulsive associations which cling to the memory of the Sabbath in the experience of so many light-hearted children. The object aimed at is one of indisputable importance. The relations of the Sabbath to childhood and youth, it is no easy task to trace. The earliest and often most abiding impressions of the spiritual- ity, or want of spirituality (as the case may be), of the Chris- tian religion, are no doubt often derived from the answers given

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to the questions of Sabbatic casuistry, with -which a sprightly child will flood patient Christian parents. We hold it to be desirable to prevent these questions, if possible, from coining up, until there is a reasonable probability of being able to answer them, without giving a bias to the starting conceptions of the child to one dangerous extreme or the other. Anything which will relieve or postpone the difficulties of the subject will be welcomed by many a parent as well as many a child.

The Faithful Promiser. Pp. 64, 32mo, for the pocket.

A spiritual gem ; containing, in each of the thirty successive openings of the book, a promise, as of pardoning grace, sancti- fying grace, dying grace, etc., illustrated from Scripture. Reprinted from an English edition.

The Mine Explored: or Help to the Reading of the Bible. Philadephia: American Sunday School Union. Pp. 382, 12mo.

Is substantially a reprint of a well known publication of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge. It is a compact Thesaurus of information, on all subjects bearing on the divine authority and the interpretation of the Sacred Scrip- tures. Sunday-school teachers and students of the Bible will find it invaluable in the absence of those larger and more pre- tending works devoted to the same general purposes. There is scarcely any topic likely to come up in the ordinary intercourse of teachers and pupils, or in the common line of biblical studies, which it will not contribute to elucidate. It is chiefly remark- able for compression, comprehensiveness, and facility of refer- ence. In addition to full indexes, and a variety of tables, the volume is furnished with a series of clear, appropriate, and use- ful maps.

Songs for the Little Ones at Home. American Tract Society.

One of the most attractive books of its class yet published. It contains the best portions of our older juvenile poetry, from Dr. "VY atts, Jane Taylor, &c., with liberal additions of a more re- cent stamp, from Mary Lundie Duncan, and others; beautifully printed, and plentifully interspersed with spirited wood-cuts.

The Gentle Shepherd. A Pastoral Comedy, by Allan Ramsay. With a Life of the Author. To which is added a greatly improved Glossary, and a Catalogue of the Scottish Poets. New York: William Gowans. Pp. 132, 12mo.

The edition before us of this great English, or rather Scotch classic, can hardly fail, for all common purposes, to meet the wishes of its admirers. The text has been the object of the most scrupulous and intelligent care; while the form has been

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determined by a regard to convenience and good taste. The catalogue of Scottish poets, with specifications of the best edi- tions of their works, forms a very useful appendix to the stu- dent, as well as a creditable one to the bibliographical know- ledge of the compiler. For most purposes we should have preferred a chronological order of arrangement; but we are thankful for so complete a catalogue in any order.

A Treatise on Biblical Criticism, exhibiting a systematic view of that

science. By Samuel Davidson, D. D., of the University of Ilalle, and

LL.D. 2 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1852. Volume I. The Old Testament,

pp. 446. Volume II. The New Testament, pp. 472.

Dr. Davidson is well known from his previous publications in this and kindred departments of Biblical learning. Besides his Lectures on Biblical Criticism, published thirteen years ago, out of which has now grown the present work, there have ap- peared from his pen a thick octavo on Sacred Hermeneutics, a volume of lectures on the Ecclesiastical Polity of the New Testament, and an Introduction to the New Testament, in three volumes, as well as several articles in Kitto’s Cyclopedia of Beligious Literature, and in theological journals. It has been known for some time that Dr. Davidson was rewriting his Bib- lical Criticism, with a view of correction and enlargement, and of bringing it up to the present state of the science. The result we have in the volumes before us. They contain unques- tionably a fuller and a better presentation of the subject of which they treat, than any other in the English language with which we are acquainted. The author is well read in all the recent, and especially the German literature of the subject. Indeed upon this he chiefly prides himself, and there is a magis- terial air about his decisions, as though his word was that of a master, and he expected his authority to be promptly deferred to.

We hail the appearance of these volumes as an advance, a very considerable advance in this department of English lite- rature. To our regret, however, we do not find in them all that we had expected, and we are not able to say in their praise all that we could wish. The author has the requisite knowledge and research. But he lacks independence. He lacks also the power of condensation and of judicious arrange- ment. The author has presented us with a storehouse of mate- rials, from which a much better book might be made than he has made. As it stands, it is a simple compilation, borrowed it is true, in most cases, from the latest and best existing sources, but without having been wrought over by himself. Instead of his mastering his materials, they have mastered him.

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Consequently, the book is saclly deficient in homogeneousness. It is not a unity, but a patchwork, the several pieces still retain- ing their original colour and texture, so much so that they are readily distinguishable, and the quarter from which each comes can without difficulty be assigned. Our readers know the story of the captious hearer of a sermon made up from pieces taken without acknowledgment from certain masters of pulpit eloquence. Were we disposed to imitate him, it would be very easy to say, as we pass along, This is Gesenius — this is Winer — this is De Wette — and occasionally, perhaps, we would have to say, This is his own. De Wette, however, seems to have been the chief favourite. Not only is he very generally followed in his criti- cal judgments, but he is often paraphrased, and in some cases whole chapters are literally translated without a syllable of acknoivledgment. As a specimen, see Yol. I. Chap. 5 entire, and several pages of Chap. 6. Other authorities are generally referred to. De Wette himself is often referred to in other places. But in all the pages named above as abstracted bodily, liis name does not once occur, although Hupfeld and others are mentioned, as if for the purpose of calling attention away from its real source. This wholesale borrowing has more than once been the occasion of conflicting statements. He has allowed De Wette to carry him unawares where he has no notion of going himself. For example, on page 66 of Yol. I., the varia- tions in 2 Sam. xxii. from Ps. xviii., and in 1 Chron. xvi. from Ps. xcvi., are put under the head of errors in the text. (This is De Wette.) On pages 73 and 74, they are denied to be errors. (This is himself.) We are utterly at a loss to account for this in a writer of such distinguished reputation ; though we must confess that the same thing had attracted our attention before in the articles contributed by him to Kitto’s Cyclopedia. We hope that there may be some explanation not involving intentional dishonesty. But Dr. Davidson is the less excusable, on account of his own sensitiveness in regard to a use far more inconsiderable of his books, on the part of others without pro- per acknowledgment.

It is a cause of additional regret, and more seriously impairs the value of the work, that the author is so much under the influence of De Wette and others of the same stamp, even where he does not directly borrow his language from them. He follows on until he meets something that completely shocks his theological sentiments, when he suddenly recoils, not per- ceiving, meanwhile, that some of what he admits flows from no higher nor purer source than what he indignantly rejects. AVith the view of being liberal and candid, he makes concessions

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■which he need not and ought not to make, to a criticism whose spirit and tendencies are wholly sceptical. True, he means to save evangelical truth at last; but he makes the battle harder for himself than is necessary. We are no friends to that big- otry which denounces scientific research, no matter in what direction, or which would ignore its well established results, and tortoise-like draw itself into the shell of old opinions, re- fusing to modify them, even though truth clearly demands a change. But the opposite error is no less dangerous and no less contrary to the truth. There can be no objection to the wise, conscientious, and well considered application of just principles of criticism to the text, whether of the Old Testa- ment or of the New, with a view to its more complete restora- tion, if that be possible, to its pristine condition. But there was no necessity for Dr. Davidson to be for ever reiterating that there are errors in the text, and that they ought to be corrected, as though everybody were denying it, or were ready to pounce down upon him for having the hardihood to assert it. His whole procedure is calculated to make an exag- gerated impression, and to lead his readers to suppose the sacred text to be crowded with errors. He is beyond doubt not liable to the charge which he brings against Hengstenberg and Havernick, that of being “too ready to revert to old opinions, when such men as Gesenius and De Wette have discarded them.”

It must be condemned, too, as unjustifiable in the author, when he states a conjectural and doubtful hypothesis, as though it were an ascertained and established fact; as he does, for example, when treading in the track of Bunsen, he goes back for the earliest representative of the primitive language, to the old Egyptian, or, as he pedantically calls it, “primitive Hamism.”

These strictures, which we have felt compelled to make, must not, however, be permitted to draw attention away from the merits which the book has already been acknowledged to have. A work truly representing the present state of biblical criti- cism, has long been felt to be an important desideratum. Here is an attempt to meet this want, made by a distinguished scholar. He brings to the task no small amount of erudition, gathered by the patient study of years. The results are given of researches made by the ablest continental scholars. And it has been done by a friend to evangelical truth, and one deter- mined to hold it fast. While we could have wished, therefore, that it was in many respects different from what it is, we have no hesitation in regarding it as the best book now accessible to

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English readers upon this subject. It is immensely in advance of those which, like the Introduction of Horne, drift on in pro- found and self-satisfied ignorance of all the charts and sound- ings of the ablest explorers of the age, provided they speak another language than that of the British isles.

This book was, prior to its appearance in Britain, announced for republication in this country by a firm in Philadelphia. A Boston house, however, having made arrangements 'with the foreign publishers to import the sheets, and reissue them under their own name in this country, the former design was, we believe, given up. Its usefulness would no doubt be more ex- tended, however, if it could be made accessible at a cheaper rate than it is now necessary to pay for it.

Christian Patriotism. : or the Duties which Christians owe their Country. A Sermon delivered on the 4th of July, 1852, in the Presbyterian Church at Mordisville, Alabama. By Rev. Robert H. Chapman, A. M. Published by request.

The Importance of Knowledge to the Sold of Man: An Educational

Discourse, delivered by request, in the Male Academy of Mordisville, Alabama. By Rev. Robert H. Chapman, A. M. Published by re- quest.

The importance of the subjects discussed in these discourses, and the correct views which they inculcate, justify the fa- vourable judgment indicated by the request for their publica- tion. Mr. Chapman’s style, however, is so much more of the oratorical than the didactic character, that his sermons pro- bably lose much of their impressiveness by passing through the press.

Memoir of the Rev. John E. Emerson, First Pastor of the Whitefield Church, Newburyport, Mass. By Rev. Rufus W. Clark. Abridged by the Author. Published by the American Tract Society.

Mr. Emerson was born in Newburyport, Sept. 27, 1823. He graduated at Amherst College in 1844. He entered the Theo- logical Seminary at Princeton, N. J., in 1846. He was ordained over the Whitefield Church, in Newburyport, Jan. 1, 1850, and died March 25, 1851. His was a short career. We well re- member the impression made by his mild, devotional spirit, during his residence in Princeton, and the high hopes which his instructors cherished of his future usefulness. God seem3 to have ordained that his principal work should be wrought after his death. His memoirs, composed in great measure of extracts from his journal and letters, we trust will do more good than many men accomplish even in a long life.

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Spiritual Religion and Ceremonial Contrasted : Being the substance of a Discourse delivered in the Presbyterian Church at Barboursville, Ya. By Rev. J. II. Bocock. Published by request. Richmond: 1852. pp. 29. Elemental Contrast between the Religion of Forms and of the Spirit, as ex- emplified in Popery and Puseyism on the one hand, and genuine Protes- tantism on the other: Being an enlargement of a Discourse delivered

before the Synod of Western Pennsylvania, October 4, 1852. By S. S. Schmucker, D. D., Professor of Christian Theology in the Theological Seminary, Gettysburg. Gettysburg: 1852. pp. 58.

These pamphlets discuss with ability and force one of the great theological questions of the day. The discourse of Mr. Bocock is far above the ordinary standard of printed sermons. He shows with great clearness that salvation depends, not on submission to any external rite, but on vital union to the Lord Jesus Christ. This is the doctrine of his text: “In Christ Jesus neither circumcision availeth anything, nor uncircumcision, but a new creature.” He proves first, negatively, that salvation does not depend on ceremonies ; and then affirmatively, that it is secured by an inward change of heart and union with Christ. While the sermon is full of important and seasonable ti’uth, we think it is defective in two respects. In the first place, it takes too limited a view of the doctrine of sacramental grace. The author considers baptism only in reference to “the re- mission of sins,” and therefore examines only the three pas- sages, Mark i. 4, Acts ii. 38, and xxii. 16, where that expres- sion occurs in connection with baptism. Of these he says: “This is about all the real evidence. These are about the only places in the Bible where baptism is even apparently and super- ficially connected with the remission of sins.” The advocates, however, of the system which he is opposing, regard baptism as designed to secure not merely the remission of sins, but also to convey spiritual regeneration. The above passages are a very small portion of those on which they rely as the scrip- tural foundation of their doctrine. They lay far more stress on such passages as the following: — Mark xvi. 16: He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved. John iii. 5: Verily, verily, I say unto thee, Except a man be born of water, and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God. Bom. vi. 3, 4 : We are buried with him by baptism into death. 1 Cor. xii. 13: By one Spirit we are all baptized into one body. Gal. iii. 27 : As many of you as were baptized into Christ have put on Christ. Col. ii. 12: Buried with him in baptism. Titus iii. 5: Not by works of righteousness which we have done, but according to his mercy he saved us by the washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy Ghost. Eph. v. 26:

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Where Christ is said to cleanse his Church by the washing of water by the word. 1 Pet. iii. 21 : The like figure whereunto, baptism doth now save us, (not the putting away the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience toward God) by the resurrection of Christ. These and other passages have ever been understood by the great majority of Protestants, as well as Romanists, to refer to baptism, and ought not to be overlooked in the discussion of the relation of that rite to grace and salvation.

The second point in reference to which we think this sermon deficient, is the exhibition of the true doctrine concerning the sacraments. The author’s plan did not call for any extended discussion of that subject, and therefore the absence of such discussion is not a legitimate ground of criticism. What we refer to as a defect is, the unsatisfactory nature of what is said on this point. In the conclusion of his discourse, the author says: “The proper place of baptism and the Lord’s Supper, is as outward badges and signs of the Christian profession. In them God gives a blessing to his own children, by the working of his Spirit in them that receive them in faith.” The latter of these two sentences may be construed to teach the whole that our standards teach on this subject. And we doubt not the author so intended. All we wish to say is, that the formal statement that “the proper place of baptism and the Lord’s Supper is as outward badges and signs of the Christian pro- fession,” is very far from being a full account of their nature and design. They are, according to our standards, efficacious means of grace, which not only represent and seal, but apply to believers the benefits of the new covenant. By the right use of baptism, says the Westminster Confession, Chap, xxviii. 6, “the grace promised is not only offered, but really exhibited and conferred by the Holy Ghost, to such (whether of age or infants) as that grace helongeth unto, according to the counsel of God’s own will, in his appointed time.” It is not, therefore, the efficacy of the sacraments which Protestants deny, but that their efficacy is due to any virtue in them, or in the adminis- trator; or that it is tied to the time of administration; or that it uniformly attends them. They teach that their power, as means of grace, is due to the attending influences of the Spirit, and conditioned by faith in the recipient. They go neither with the Remonstrants, in making them mere badges of profession, nor with Ritualists, in ascribing to them an objective supernatu- ral power. They regard them as they do the word, which is effectual to salvation, neither by its own inherent power, nor to

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all who hear it, but only in virtue of the demonstration of the Spirit, and to those who by faith receive it.

Dr. Schmucker’s pamphlet is more elaborate and extended, and well deserves to be printed in a more permanent form. He first shows what is the doctrine of the Church of Rome as to the Scriptures, the Church, the ministry, the sacraments, justification, and the care of souls. He then exhibits the coin- cidence between Romanism and Puseyism. With this ritual system he contrasts the doctrine of the Protestant Church on the several points. Much the larger part of the pamphlet is devoted to proving that the “Religion of Forms,” as exhibited in Popery and Puseyism, is not, and that the “Religion of the Spirit,” as exhibited in the Protestant system, is genuine Christianity.

With the general tenor of his argument, and with the greater portion of what he says, we cordially agree. On some points lie goes beyond what we regard as the true teaching of Scrip- ture, and the general doctrine and practice of Protestant Churches. In repudiating the authority claimed by Romanists to decree articles of faith, he opposes all creeds which contain more than the fundamental doctrines of the gospel. He com- plains with reason of the “colossal symbols” of the Lutheran Church in Germany, which, he says, are not enforced either in Europe or America, very few churches requiring more than “the Bible and the substance of the Augsburg Confession.” “And why,” he asks, “should Lutheran ministers rob them- selves of the liberty wherewith Christ, and Luther, and their American fathers, made them free? Why should they not trust themselves with that amount of liberty which the entire Church of Christ enjoyed for five hundred years?” The author, as we apprehend, makes here the common mistake of confound- ing Christian and ministerial communion. Lie quotes, in proof that nothing beyond fundamentals can properly be admitted into our Confession of Faith as a test, Paul’s command to receive those who are weak in faith. This command, however, relates to Christian communion, and clearly teaches what is so patent on the face of Scripture, that no Church has the right to demand as a condition of fellowship any thing beyond evi- dence of true piety, and consequently, so far as doctrine is concerned, no Church can make non-essentials a term of com- munion. This, however, is very far from proving that a man should be allowed to teach, who is not sound in the faith. More is in itself necessary, more is required in Scripture, and more may be justly demanded by the Church to qualify a man to be a teacher of the faith once delivered to the saints, than is

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requisite to give him a right to church privileges. Our Church, therefore, while it demands of its members simply knowledge, faith, and holy living, justly requires all her ministers to adopt the system of doctrine taught in the Westminster Confession.

A New Edition of the Authorized Version of the Bible. In foolscap quarto.

Part I., containing Genesis. London: Robert B. Blackader. 1853.

This edition is framed on the model of the Chronological New Testament, which was issued in 1851, under the convic- tion “ that something could be done to make our invaluable English version more intelligible to devout students of the word of God, by some little helps in arrangement and printing.” These helps were as follows :

I. The text was newly divided into paragraphs and sections.

II. Dates and places of transactions were marked.

III. The translators’ marginal renderings were given.

IY. The parallel illustrative passages were quoted at length, with the view of carrying out the words of Bishop Horsley, “It were to be wished that no Bibles were printed without references. Particular diligence should he used in comparing the parallel texts of the Old and New Testament.”

Y. Quotations from the Old Testament were printed in capi- tals.

And several other useful minor contrivances and arrange- ments for the full, profitable, suggestive, and edifying use of the sacred volume.

In the present edition these improvements have been more completely carried out. And, in addition, the following have been attempted to be given:

I. The most important Variations of the Versions , viz : — The Chaldee Paraphrases, Samaritan, Septuagint, Syriac, Vulgate, Arabic, Persic, and Ethiopic. The ordinary reader is thus put in substantial possession of all that is valuable in the Polyglot of Bishop Walton and of Drs. Stier and Theile; and in the most recent editions of the Versions.

II. Critical Notes from the best sources , Continental and British. — The object has been to explain, as clearly and thoroughly as possible, all difficult passages, and thus to put the English reader in possession of those helps which modern research and scholarship have produced.

III. ^Elucidations from Modern Discoveries and Travels. — * Great attention has been paid to the geography and history of the Bible; and the best and most recent sources of informa- tion have been consulted — all which sources are carefully given.

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Pastoral Theology: or the Theory of the Evangelical Ministry. By A. Yinet. Translated and edited by Thomas II. Skinner, D. D., Professor of Pas- toral Theology in the Union Theological Seminary of New York. With notes, and an additional chapter by the translator. New York : Har- per & Brothers, 1853. Pp. 387.

Lectures on Pastoral Theology. By the Rev. James Spencer Cannon, D.D., Professor of Pastoral Theology and Ecclesiastical History and Govern- ment in the Theological Seminary of the Reformed Dutch Church, New Brunswick, N. J. New York: Charles Scribner, 1853. Pp. 617.

There are so few books in our language treating directly of Pastoral Theology, that the simultaneous publication of two such important works, and from such different sources, must be considered as an event of no little interest and significance. The work of the admired and lamented professor of Lausanne partakes of the philosophical character which distinguishes his other well known writings, and is imbued with an elevated de- votional spirit. The lectures of the venerable Dr. Cannon take in a wider range of subjects, and embrace many topics which are usually comprehended in systems of didactic and polemic theology. This only adds to the value of the woi'k, which fur- nishes not only wise counsels on the ordinary duties of the pas- toral office, but also extended discussions on the sacraments. Both the works above mentioned are highly valuable, and merit an extensive circulation.

The Bible, the Missal, and the Breviary: or Ritualism self-illustrated in the Liturgical books of Rome: containing the text of the entire Roman Missal, Rubrics, and Prefaces, translated from the Latin ; with Prelimi- nary Dissertations, and notes from the Breviary, Pontifical, &c. By Rev. George Lewis, Ormiston. Edinburgh : T. & T. Clark, 1853. Two vols., pp. 809.

It was just as our last sheets were passing through the press we received the interesting volumes above mentioned. We can, therefore, do nothing more at present than announce their pub- lication. The author says in his introduction, “ The object of this work is not to present Romanism as an ecclesiastical sys- tem, nor yet as a scheme of doctrine, for this has been done in a way that leaves little to be desired; but as a system of ritual- ism, a devotional and religious life. This is the aspect of her- self which Rome loves to present to inquirers. It is her fair side, which, along with the educational and benevolent use she now makes of her monastic orders of both sexes, has done most *to soften asperities, and to seduce the simple. In estimating the religious life of Rome, we have allowed her to speak for herself, and to tell of her own way and manner of life. Our de- sire has been to furnish a self-evidencing book, in which any

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plain man may see the Bible and the Breviary, Ritualism and Scriptural Christianity, confronted.

Reply to the Strictures on the Remarks made on the Translation of Genesis and Exodus, in the Revision of the Chinese Scriptures. By M. S. Cul- bertson. Canton: 1852, pp. 25.

Our readers are probably aware that delegates from the seve- ral missions in China, have for some time been employed in a joint revision of the Chinese translations of the Bible, with the view of producing a version worthy of general confidence. They are also probably informed of the fact that serious diffi- culty has occurred in the prosecution of this work, arising from difference of opinion among the delegates ; the Rev. Dr. Med- hurst and the Rev. Messrs. Stronach and Milne, representatives of the missions of the London Missionary Society, taking one view of the proper principles of translation, and Bishop Boone, Mr. Culbertson, and the other delegates from American Mis- sions, taking another. This difficulty led at last to the with- drawal of the distinguished representatives of the London Society from the Committee, with the view of producing a translation of their own. Mr. Culbertson was requested by his associates, to prepare Remarks on the version of the Committee as far as completed, not for publication, but, as we understand, principally to bring the points of difference fairly before the Directors of the Bible Societies, by whose funds and under whose sanction the revised version was to be printed. On these Remarks the London Missionaries published “Strictures,” and to these “Strictures” the pamphlet before us is a reply. It is written in a dignified, Christian spirit, and effectually rebuts the charges of unfairness, discourtesy, and improper motives, which the seceding members of the committee had allowed themselves to make against the writer of the Remarks. So far, also, as we can judge from this exhibition of the case, we fully agree with Mr. Culbertson and his associates as to the principles on which the word of God ought to be translated. The main question in dispute is, Whether the translator is bound to render the original, word for word, so far as differ- ence of idiom permits? or, Whether he is required simply to express what he conceives to be the true sense, without strictly adhering to the phraseology? The American Missionaries take the former, the English the latter ground. In so doing, they feel at liberty to omit words and phrases found in the original, and to introduce others into the translation for which there are no corresponding terms in the original. And still further, they do not hesitate to depart entirely from the

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language of the Bible, and give wliat they regard as the sense in their own words. A flagrant example of this is furnished on page 20 of the pamphlet. “Exod. x. 27 : the expression, ‘Jeho- vah hardened Pharaoh’s heart,’ is rendered in this version, ‘Pharaoh hardened his heart, and Jehovah permitted it.’” Such a verson could not be given by men who had any just appreciation of the difference between a translation and a commentary. The experience and acquirements of the Lon- don Missionaries give them great authority as Chinese scholars, but can give no sanction whatever to the loose principles of translation which they seem to have adopted.

Two things have been renewredly impressed strongly on our mind in the perusal of this pamphlet. The one is the great responsibility involved in the conduct of the work of missions. Here are a few men, who undertake to tell hundreds of mil- lions what is the true meaning of the Greek and Hebrew wTords and phrases in which God has revealed the way of salvation. The other is the high order of talent and the extent of learn- ing required for certain departments of missionary labour. All the appliances of modern scholarship should be at the command of men who have to discuss such questions as are brought to view in this pamphlet. This being the case, young men to whom God has given talents and learning, should feel a special call* to consider the demands of the missionary enterprise on them ; and those who are looking forward to this work, should feel the necessity of making the most thorough preparation possible for their future labours.

The Lives of the Brothers Humboldt, Alexander and William. Translated

and arranged from the German of Klencke and Schlesier. By Juliette

Bauer. With Portraits. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1853. Pp.

398, 12mo.

We accept with gratitude and pleasure this brief biography of two of the most remarkable men of this age. It is a stirring book — how could it be otherwise? For patient grappling with difficulties which seem insuperable and endless, for enthusiastic love of nature and truth, for wild and curious adventure, for lofty, far-reaching generalizations in physical, ethnographical, and philological science, the whole crowned with honour, repu- tation, and emolument, this little volume, meagre and insuffi- cient as it is, will furnish a rare treat, and will set before our younger class of scholars, models worthy of their imitation. Of the gigantic extent of the results which flowed from the researches in South America, conducted by Alexander Hum- boldt and M. Bonpland, some conception may be formed, from the fact that the original work, “Voyage aux Regions equi-

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noxiales du Nouveau Continent,” filled three folio and twelve quarto volumes, besides the “Atlas Geographique et Physique,” and a large collection of picturesque drawings. The prepara- tion of the materials collected in the various sciences, was worked up with the aid of most eminent philosophers of the day, each in his special sphere. Among these collaborators we find the names of Oltmann, Arago, Gay Lussac, Cuvier, Latreille, Yauguelin, Klaproth, Kunth, &c. Notwithstanding this array of assistants, the completion of the work ran through a period of near forty years. Besides the proper contents of this great work, which we are half tempted to specify, mate- rials were furnished to men of science, for separate works, on a scale of no common magnitude. One of the two works pre- pared from the collections so distributed, by the botanist Kunth, we believe, reached to seven folio volumes.

Besides the invaluable researches directed to specific objects in physical science, such as meteorology, volcanic agency, elec- trical and magnetic influences, isothermal lines, &c., the great- est of Humboldt’s achievements was the attempt at reducing and generalizing scientific data, so as to bring the multiform and perplexing details into the simplicity and unity of nature. His earliest efforts in this line were in the form of tentative lectures, chiefly in Paris and Berlin ; and which much of the subsequent portion of his busy life was employed in moulding into the great work which may be regarded as an epitome of Humboldt’s scientific life, the Kosmos. The conception of the one idea of “Kosmos,” fixes his place in the front rank of philosophic minds, and the elaborate and varied contributions to science, evolved in its execution, places him with equal cer- tainty among the very foremost contributors to science.

William Yon Humboldt was probably a man of greater ori- ginal endowments, and especially of higher genius and quicker sensibilities than Alexander, while gifted with at least equal penetration and breadth of intellect. He early became im- mersed in politics and diplomacy, to an extent that leaves us to wonder how he could have achieved so much as a scholar. Long and intimately associated with Schiller and Wolf, and others, his cultivation ran in the way of literature and philolo- gy, until he rose to a rank among the very first linguistic phi- losophers of the Continent. We cannot dwell on the results of his laborious and learned achievements. His researches on the Malay tongues of Eastern Asia, and the Islands of the Pacific, display that reach of intellect and perception of true analogies, which at once set the stamp of greatness upon their author, and leave mankind for ever their debtor. The ethnological

VOL. XXV. — NO. II. 42

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contributions of Humboldt, may be regarded as settling the question of the unity of the race, against any possibility of overthrow, from the side philology or science.

Annual of Scientific Discovery: or Year Book of Facts in Science and Art, for 1853. Exhibiting the most important discoveries in Mechanics, Useful Arts, Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, Astronomy, Meteorology, Zoology, Botany, Mineralogy, Geology, Geography, Antiquities, &c. t&c. Edited by David A. Wells, A. M. Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 1853. Pp. 411, 12mo.

This annual compilation has passed from the class of luxu- ries, to that of necessaries of intellectual and scientific life. In carefulness, completeness, and condensation, in the presenta- tion of the details which fall within its scope, this volume is quite equal to the best of its predecessors. We need not say that it is full of information that will be found invaluable to thinking men, and especially in the departments of science and the arts.

The Preacher and the King; or Bourdaloue in the Court of Louis XIV., being an account of the Pulpit Eloquence of that distinguished era. Translated from the French of L. Bungener, Paris, 12th edition. With an introduction, by the Bev. George Potts, D. D., Pastor of the University Place Presbyterian Church, New York. Boston: Gould & Lincoln. 1853. pp. 338. 12mo.

The pulpit eloquence of France is a subject of which more is said than known among us. The usual mode of treating it is both tritical and inexact. We want fresh material and unhack- neyed modes of exhibition, to revive the interest which really belongs to so important a chapter in the history of homiletics. Both these desiderata are here furnished, in the facts collected from original, not second-hand authorities, and clothed in a new French, not a worn-out English or American costume. The version is spirited and evidently faithful, as appears from the occasional retention of French idioms, which, though some- times puzzling to mere English readers, are, even in point of taste, decidedly better than the vapid periphrases of what is praised by some as “free” or “elegant translation.”

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LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.

GERMANY.

The 11th number of the Condensed Exegetical Manual has appeared, containing Genesis Explained by Prof. Dr. Aug. Ivnobel. 8vo, pp. 350. Leipsic. If thaler. He is at -work upon the rest of the Pentateuch and Joshua. The view taken of this portion of the Scriptures, in general is very much what the previous publications of the writer have prepared us to expect. The Pentateuch and Joshua, according to him, form one connected body of history. A previous work lay at the basis throughout its whole extent, whose author was distin- guished by the exclusive use of the divine name Eloliim. It was reduced to its present form by a writer employing for the most part the divine name Jehovah, who drew his materials from various sources not easily distinguishable at present, and who lived after the time of David and Solomon. The forty- ninth chapter of Genesis was the composition of a cotemporary of David, perhaps the prophet Nathan. The Introduction is reserved for the close of the commentary. We do not say that there is anything either especially new or attractive in the way that this worn out Documentary Hypothesis has been presented in this volume. Almost every possible change has been rung upon it already, and the answers to it are abundant and satis- factory.

The next number of this manual is to contain Bertheau on Chronicles, which is now in press. It will be followed by a Commentary on the Psalms, by J. Olshausen, of Kiel.

Job metrically translated (into German), by Dr. Mor. Spiess. 16mo. pp. 211. f thaler.

Hengstenberg on the Song of Solomon has appeared. 8vo. pp. 264. Berlin. 1 th.

H. A. Hahn, Song of Solomon translated and explained. 8vo. pp. 98. f th.

Bruno Bauer has finished his (destructive) Criticism of the Epistles of Paul, and published the 4th vol. of his Criticism of the Gospels and of the History of their Origin, containing the Theological Explanation of the Gospels.

Privatdocent K. R. Kostlin in his Origin and Composition of the Synoptical Gospels follows in the wake of Bauer and Ewald. He finds, as had been found before him, eight or nine

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323 Literary Intelligence.

constituents in these Gospels, marking as many stages in their growth, and is Milling to admit that they may have assumed their present form in the interval between A. D. 80 and 110.

M. Baumgarten, the Acts of the Apostles, or the Develop- ment of the Church from Jerusalem to Rome. A Biblico-his- torical Essay. Part II., Division 2d. From Corinth to Rome. 8vo. pp. 525. 2 th. 12 ngr.

F. Duesterdieck, The Three Epistles of John, with a complete Theological Commentary. Yol. I. Containing the introduc- tion to the first epistle, and the commentary on 1 John i. 1 — ii. 28. 8vo. pp. 392. Gottingen. 2 th.

Ad. Schumann, Christ, or the Doctrine of the Old and New Testament concerning the person of the Redeemer, biblico-dog- matically unfolded. Yol. II. 8vo. pp. 443 — 872. Hamburg and Gotha. 2 th. Thoroughly sceptical, but Mrithout accept- ing all the results of the higher criticism, and with some pecu- liarity of theological views.

Neander’s Life of Christ. 5th edition. 3 th. 22 ngr.

The Psalms in Hebrew, with the German translation of Mar- tin Luther. 12mo. pp. 200. Leipsic. J th.

Psalmi hebraice cum septuaginta interpretum versione grmca. 12mo. pp. 200. Leipsic. J th.

The concluding number of Gesenius’s Thesaurus of the He- brew and Chaldee language of the Old Testament has at length been completed by Prof. Roediger, and is in the press. Its speedy appearance is announced.

C. A. Wahl, Clavis Librorum veteris Testamenti apocrypho-

rum philologica. Sect, prior. 4to. pp. 320. 2 th. 24 ngr.

D. B. Ilaneberg, History of the Revelation of the Bible as an introduction to the Old and New Testament. 2d edition. 8vo. pp. 792. 24 th.

C. G. Wilke, "Biblical Hermeneutics according to Catholic principles in strictly systematic connection, and with reference to the latest approved hermeneutical text books especially Lib. I. II. De interpretatione scriptur. sacr. of P. Franc. Xav. Patritius, published at Rome in 1844. 8vo. Wurzburg, pp. 660. 2f th.

E. Reuss, History of the Holy Scriptures of the New Testa- ment. 2d greatly enlarged edition. Part I. 8vo. pp. 265. 14 th. The peculiarity of his method, upon which he chiefly prides himself, is that of throwing the subjects of introduction more completely into a historical form than is customary. This volume undertakes to present the author’s vieMs as to the lite- rary history of the remains of primitive Christianity, including not only the NeM- Testament proper, but all writings which

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have ever been attributed to the apostles, and attained, in con- sequence, any ecclesiastical authority. Reuss belongs to the hypercritical school, though he does not go quite to the extreme that some have done.

C. Steiger, The Prayer-book of the Bible, or the praying persons, the prayei's, and the answers to prayer in the Holy Scriptures. 2d edition, 8vo. pp. 683. 1 th. 24 ngr.

E. H. Merz, Some Signs of the Times considered, in view of the words of the prophecy, Rev. i. — vii. Including a sketch of the economy of a Christian state. 8vo. pp. 399. 1 th.

n ngr.

H. Martensen, Christian Dogmatics. (From the Danish.) 2d improved edition. 8vo. pp. 249. 2 th. 274 ngr.

C. G. Tlieile, For the Religion of the Confession against the Theology of Confessions. With a triple Appendix. 8vo. pp. 149. f th. The Appendix contains, 1. Outlines of a system of Christian Rationalism, from the stand-point of Religiosism. 2. Outlines of a criticism of the Augsburg Confession. 3. The task of dogmatics in the present.

J. Giese, (priest) Discussion of the question in dispute re- specting the use of unleavened bread as an element of the Holy Eucharist. A historico-liturgical treatise. 8vo. pp. 111. 12 ngr.

E. Glider, The Doctrine of the appearing of Jesus Christ among the dead. In its connection with the doctrine concern- ing the last things. 8vo. pp. 381. 2 th.

C. H. Weisse, The Christology of Luther, and the christo- logical task of evangelical theology. 8vo. pp. 253. 1 th.

224 ngr.

K. R. Hagenbach, Compend of History of Doctrine. Third edition. 8vo. pp. 771. 4 th.

T. Tobler, Fountain of Siloah and Mount of Olives. 8vo. pp. 326. 1 th. 18 ngr.

T. Tobler, Memoranda from Jerusalem. "With three views and a map. 8vo. pp. 761. 3 th. 18 ngr.

F. A. Steglich, Biblical Geography, with Hebrew Antiqui- ties. 8vo, pp. 144. ^ th.

J. G. Muller, History of the Christian Festivals, a develop- ment of their origin and their significance. 8vo. pp. 104. 12 ngr.

J. H. Ivurtz, Manual of Universal History. Third edition, to be enlarged into two volumes. Vol. I. Part 1. 8vo. pp. 332.

C. Bunsen, Hippolytus and his Times. Beginnings and Pros- pects of Christianity and Humanity. Vol. I. Criticism, with a portrait of Hippolytus. 8vo. 3 th.

330 Literary Intelligence. [April

J. Gassman, Champions of the Faith in the Christian Church

of the first six centuries. 8vo. pp. 165. 12 ngr.

K. R. Hagenbach, The Christian Church of the first three

centuries. 8vo. pp. 349. 14 th.

Songs, Ecclesiastical and Religious, from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, partly translations of Latin hymns (with the Latin text), partly original pieces from the MSS. of the Royal Library at Vienna, for the first time published. By J. Kehrein. 8vo. pp. 288. 1^ th.

E. E. Koch, History of the Christian Church-Poetry and Church-Music, especially of the German Evangelical Church. Part I. Vol. I. 8vo. pp. 400. 27 ngr.

F. F. Damberger, Synchronistic History of the Church and the World in the Middle Ages. From the sources critically prepared, with the assistance of some learned friends. Vol. XIV. pp. 963.

J. C. Gieseler, Manual of Church History. Vol. III., 2d Division. Part I. 8vo. pp. 480. 2 th.

Gregory of Tours, Church History of the Franks, in 10 books. From the Latin. 16mo. pp. 720. f th.

J. Kostlin. The Scotch Church, its inner life, and its rela- tion to the state from the Reformation to the present. 8vo. pp. 447. 2 th.

K. A. Crener, Hessian Church Reformation-Order of Phi- lip the Magnanimous. Published from manuscript sources, translated, and prefaced with relation to the present. 8vo. pp. cclxxxvi. and 123. 1J th.

D. Schenkel, The Principle of Protestantism, with special reference to the most recent transactions. 8vo. pp. 92.

Fraternity Book of the Convent of St. Peter at Salzburg, from the eighth to the thirteenth century. By Th. G. v. Kara- jan, with two plates of fac-similes. Vienna: 1852. pp. lxii. and 64. 4 th. This is a list of the friends and benefactors of

the Convent, for whom prayers were to be offered. It is pro- bably the oldest, and without doubt the largest, of the kind in existence in any of the convents of Germany. It contains up- wards of 8,000 names, extending back to the time of Charle- magne, and not confined to Germany. The original MS. con- sists of 56 pages, in large folio, twenty of which form the Fraternity-book; the rest are taken up with records of the convent. The editor thinks that he has discovered 78 different hands in the entry of the names, and about 450 names of princes, princesses, bishops and abbots.

J. M. Jost, Adolph Jellinek and the Cabbala. 8vo. pp. 15.

Adolph Jellinek, Selection of Cabbalistic Mysticism. No. 1.

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In part after MSS. at Paris and Hamburg, -with historical in- vestigations and characteristics. 8vo. pp. 87. 5 th.

Midrasch Ele Eskeru, from a MS. of the Hamburg City Li- brary, published for the first time, with additions. By A. Jel- linek. 8vo. pp. 23. f th.

Abraham Ben David Halevi, The Book Emunah Ram ah, or the Exalted Faith, (comp. A. D. 1160.) Translated into Ger- man and published by S. Weil. 8vo. pp. 238. If th.

G. Julius, The Jesuits. History of the Founding, Spread, &c., of the Society of Jesus. Continued and completed by E. T. Jakel. No. 26. 16mo. Yol. II. pp. 821—884.

J. v. Gumpach, The Chronology of the Babylonians and Assyrians. With Excursus and a table of time. 8vo. pp. 170. If th.

J. v. Gumpach, Assistant in Calculating Chronology, or Largeteau’s Abbreviated Tables of the Sun and Moon, for astronomers, chronologers, historians, &c., extended and ex- plained, with examples of their practical application. 8vo. pp. 110. § th.

G. Erbkarn, On the Structure of the Tombs and Temples of the Ancient Egyptians. Nos. 7 and 8. 8vo. pp. 46.

W. Gentz, Letters from Egypt and Nubia. 8vo. 1 th.

E. Gerhard, Select Grecian Vase Figures, especially those found in Etruria. Nos. 37 and 38.

W. Zahn, The finest Ornaments and most remarkable Pic- tures from Pompeii, Herculaneum and Stabise. Third series, No. 5.

C. Zell, Manual of Roman Epigraphies. Part II. 8vo. pp. 385.

Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinos. Edid. Theod. Mommsen, pp. 550, folio. 20 th. This is spoken of as the most complete and satisfactory work that has yet appeared upon the subject.

Iv. B. Stark, Gaza and the Philistine Coast. Investigations into the History and Antiquities of the Hellenic East. 8vo. pp. 648. 3 th.

Numismatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes, par II. de Luynes. 8vo. pp. 54, with 12 folio plates. Paris. This is an investiga- tion of some coins and monuments whose legends no one has yet been able to read. The author thinks that they belong to Cyprus. The alphabet appears to contain eighty signs, with signs for numbers and interpunction, and seems to have an affinity with the Egyptian hieroglyphic and hieratic character, with the Phoenician and the Lycian. He does not pretend to have deciphered the inscriptions, but thinks he can make out

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[April

the names of Salamis and of Amathus 'with considerable con- fidence, as well as some others with less certainty.

H. Ewald, Deciphering of the recently found Punic Inscrip- tions. 8vo. pp. 32. 6 ngr.

II. A. Zwick, Grammar of the West-Mongolian, i. e., the Oizad or Kalmuck language. 4to. pp. 149. 24 th.

List of the Sanscrit MSS. in the Royal Library, by Dr. We- ber. 4to. pp. 481. Berlin. 12 th.

The Works of the Troubadours in the Provengal Language, from MSS. of the Paris National Library. Yol. IV. 8vo. pp. 254. 2 th.

J. H. Lindemann, Four Treatises on the Religious and Moral Conception of the World, formed by Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon, and the Pragmatism of Polybius. 8vo. pp. 94.

J. A. Hausmeister, (Missionary,) Instruction and care of Jewish Proselytes. 8vo. pp. 124. 16 ngr.

F. Hettinger, Ecclesiastical and Social Condition of Paris.

8vo. pp. 408. 1^ th.

G. Klemm, Universal History of Human Culture. Yol. X., or History of Christian Europe. Yol. II. Eastern Europe. 8vo. pp. 396. 2J th. (Complete, 27 J th.)

Monumenta Germanise historica inde ab A. Christi 500, usque ad A. 1500 : auspiciis societatis aperiendis fontibus rerum Germanicarum medii sevi ed. Geo. H. Pertz. Tom. XII. pp. 654.

G. W. Nitzsch, Die Sagenpoesie der Griechen kritisch dar- gestellt. 1 Abth. 8vo. pp. 294.

E. Curtius, Peloponnesos, a historico-geographical descrip- tion of the peninsula. Yol. II. 8vo. pp. 639. 4J th.

H. W. Stoll, Manual of the Religion and Mythology of the

Greeks and Romans. 8vo. pp. 327. 1 th.

L. Ranke, French History, particularly of the 16th and 17th century. Yol. I. 8vo. pp. 580. 3 th.

F. Wiistenfeld, Register to the Genealogical Tables of the

Arab tribes and families. With historical and geographical remarks. 1st half. 8vo. pp. 192. 1^ th.

F. Harms, Prolegomena to Philosophy. 8vo. pp. 215.

L. Noack, Condensed History of Philosophy. 8vo. pp. 352. lj th.

M. Steinthal, Development of Writing. 22 J ngr.

Ibn Jubair (al-Ivanini) Travels. Edited from a MS. in the University Library of Leyden, by William Wright. 8vo. pp. 398. 34 th.

The Propaganda, its Provinces and its Right. With special

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reference to Germany, by 0. Mejer, Prof, of Law in Rostock. Part I. 8vo. pp. 562. 2 th. 20 ngr.

Lettere al Senato Veneto di Giosafatte Barbaro, Ambascia- tore ad Usun Hasan di Persia. Tratte da un codice originate dell’ J. Iv. Biblioteca di Vienna e annotate per Enr. Cornet. 8vo. pp. 128. 20 ngr. Giosafatte Barbaro was a diplomatic

agent of Venice in the East, in the 15th century. He is known to the public already from his accounts of his travels in India and Persia. He went to Tana (Bombay) in 1436, and remained in that region sixteen years. In 1473 he went to Persia, as ambassador to the court of the Shah Usan Plasan, who had entered into treaty with Venice and some other Italian States against Mahmoud II. Of this journey and its incidents, Bar- baro wrote an account at the request of his superiors in 1487. The present publication contains twenty-nine letters which he wrote to the Doge of Venice respecting the affairs which he • was managing. The editor has facilitated the reading of it by supplying in his remarks the modern and customary words and names in place of the antiquated ones, and many difficult pas- sages have been illustrated from the writings of his cotempo- raries, or those of more modern scholars.

The Akademische Monatsschrift for last October, contains, among other things, a statistical review of the German Univer- sities for about 100 years.

Rudclbach und Guericke’s Zeitschrift fiir die gesammte Luth. Theologie u. Kirche for 1853. No. 1. A. G. Rudelbach, The Parochial System and Ordination, Part 1. II. E. Guericke, Conciliatory on Burning Church Questions. (Art. 2d.) Voss, “Awfkii ysvnSvnu John iii. 3 — 6, exeget. histor. doctrin. C. IV. Plass, Theses on Diabology. R. Rudel, A Type of the Tri- nity. Bibliography of the most recent theolog. literature. Studien und Kritiken, 1853. No. 2 — Bleek, On the position of the Apocrypha of the Old Testament in the Christian Canon. Laufs, On the Temptation of Jesus. — Thoughts and Remarks. — Reviews. — Ecclesiastical. — Miscellaneous.

Dr. J. A. Dorner, author of the History of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ, and Professor in the evangel, theolog. faculty at Bonn, has received a call to the University of Got- tingen, as ordinary professor of theology.

GREAT BRITAIN.

The life of the Duke of Wellington is now occupying the attention of the literary world. And long before his posthu- mous papers shall have been issued by Lord Mahon, we may expect many publications throwing great light upon his history.

VOL. xxv. — NO. II. 43

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Three we already notice — “ The Speeches in Parliament of Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington, arranged with the Duke’s permission, by the late Colonel Garwood,” and “Three Years Avith the Duke of Wellington in Private Life, by an ex- Aid de Camp;” and also the Private Journal of F. S. Larpent, Esq., Judge Advocate General, attached to the head-quartei'S of Lord Wellington, during the Peninsular War, from 1812 to its close.” This is edited, with illustrations, by Sir George Lar- pent. The best life is said to be by Stoequeler, now just com- pleted. The press swarms Avith “sermons,” “eulogies,” “li\Tes,” “scenes,” “reminiscences,” all relating to the old hero.

There have been very few works from the ideal school of infidelity lately. F. W. NeAvman, one of its prophets, has just put forth a translation of the Odes of Horace, in unrhymed metre, which, if well done, will be a desirable work for those who do not read the original.

“Philosophumena, Origenis? (sive Hippolyti) e codice Parisi- • no, nunc primum edidit Emmanuel Miller. Oxonii e Typo- grapheo Academico. 8vo.” This was the basis and occasion of the elaborate work of the CheA'alier Bunsen, lately published, and now Dr. WordsAvorth is about issuing “The History of the Church of Rome in the early part of the Third Century, from the newly discovered Philosophumena, with a dissertation, translation, and notes.”

The Recommendations of the Oxford UniA-ersity Commis- sioners : with selections from their Report, and a history of the University Subscription Tests, including notices of University and Collegiate A7isitations. By James Heywood.

“The Second Burmese War:” a narrative of the operations at Rangoon in 1852. By Wm. F. B. Laurie. With illustra- tions by the officers of the force serving in Burmah.

“ReATised Statistics of Missions in India.” By Josh. Mul- len. 8a’0.

“Elementary Grammar of the Greek Language,” by D. L. Schmitz.

A second letter to the Rev. S. R. Maitland, D. D., on the genuineness of the writings of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage.

“Researches into the History of the Roman Constitution;” with an Appendix upon the Roman Knights. By W. Ihne, Ph. D.

Mr. Layard has published “A Second Series of the Monu- ments of Nineveh,” including bas-reliefs from the Palace of Sennacherib, and bronzes from the ruins of Nimroud, from drawings made on the spot, during Mr. Layard s second expe- dition. 70 plates, folio.” This second expedition was under-

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taken for the Trustees of the British Museum, and the “Re- sults,” “Fresh Discoveries in the ruins of Nineveh and Baby- lon; with travels in Armenia, Kurdistan, and the Desert,” is to be issued at once in a cheap, unabridged, and fully illustrated edition, for popular sale in England and America.

“The fourth volume of Colonel Mure’s Critical History of the Language and Literature of Ancient Greece,” has appeared. It comprises historical literature from the rise of prose compo- sition down to the death of Herodotus.

“Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa,” performed in the years 1850-51, under the orders, and at the expense of Her Majesty’s Government. By the late James Richardson, author of Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara.

“ The Institutions, Politics, and Public Men of Spain.” By S. T. Wallis, Esq., author of “Glimpses of Spain.”

“ Akerman’s Remains of Pagan Saxondom.” 4to. with col- oured plates. Parts I. II. III. 2s. 6d. each. Mr. Akerman is a great antiquarian authority.

“The Castlereagh Correspondence,” edited by the Marquis of Londonderry. This is the third and last series, and com- prises the letters written during the Congress of Vienna, Bat- tle of Waterloo, &c.

The eleventh volume of Grote is announced. It carries for- ward Grecian and Sicilian Affairs from the accession to the death of Philip of Macedon.

Also, Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski, and Inci- dents of an Arctic Boat Expedition in search of Sir John Franklin. By Lieutenant W. H. Hooper, R. N., with map.

Also “The Personal Narrative of an Englishman in Abys- sinia.” By Mansfield Parkyns; with map and illustrations. 2 vols.

Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Paci- fic, including the Feejees. By John Elphistone Erskine, Capt. R. N.

Siluria; or, Primeval Life. A popular view of the older sedimentary rocks and their imbedded organic remains. By Sir R. J. Murchison, F. G. S.

A new work is about to appear, which will be probably of considerable importance in the history of Napoleon, viz: “The Letters and Correspondence of the late Sir Hudson Lowe, re- lating to the Captivity of Napoleon at St. Helena; from official and other authentic sources, not before made public.”

Stowe, the estate of the Dukes of Buckingham, had been, during a long course of years, so deeply burdened with debt that a visit of the Queen put the finishing stroke to extravagance,

336

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[April

and three or four years ago the present Duke determined to give up the estate, and sell off all the personal property, not even excepting the ancient heirlooms of the family. Among these was a great mass of valuable MSS., among which are the second and last volume of “The Grenville Papers;” the Diary of George Grenville, during his administration as First Lord of the -Treasury ; together with his Private and Political Corres- pondence during a period of thirty years.

The fourth volume of William Jerdan’s Autobiography, with his Literary, Political, and Social Reminiscences, and Corres- pondence during the last forty years. This completes the work.

England is beginning in the number of its organs to rival Germany, where every clique, however small, must have its periodical. The Photographic Society have commenced the publication of a journal, the first number of which appeared last month.

The first volume of the new edition of the Encyclopaedia Brit- annica, edited by Dr. Traill, is now out, and the remaining twenty volumes will be published very rapidly. The first edi- tion of this work was commenced in 1771, and the seventh completed in 1842. The aggregate sale of the different editions has exceeded 35,000.

The enterprise of American publishers, in first furnishing complete collections of the works of De Quincey, Praed, Proc- tor, Maginn, and the speeches of Macaulay, is inciting English publishers to the like. An authorized edition of Praed’s works, prepared by his family, is announced, and also a selection from the works of De Quincey.

“Adventures in Australia.” By Mrs. R. Lee.

“Paris after Waterloo. Notes taken at the time, and hitherto unpublished.”

“A Tour of Inquiry through France and Italy.” By Ed- mond Spencer.

“ The Fine Arts, their Nature and Relations, with detailed criticisms on certain pictures of the Italian and French schools. By M. Guizot. Translated from the French, with the assist- ance of the author. With seventeen illustrations, drawn on wood, by George Scharf, Jr.”

Parker of Oxford has commenced the publication of a com- plete series of Greek and Latin Classics, on better paper than that of the Tauchnitz edition. To each author a biographical introduction is prefixed, together with chronological tables, his- torical indexes, and brief summaries, which are often wanting in the Leipsic editions.

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The Scottish Temperance League have commenced the pub- lication of the “Scottish Review.”

Miss Sinclair is publishing a series of tales and essays, enti- tled “Common Sense Tracts.”

Lord John Russell’s Life of Fox is expected immediately to appear.

Rogue has issued an exquisitely printed edition of Longfel- low’s Hyperion, with one hundred illustrations, taken during a journey through Germany, Switzerland, Salzburg, and the Ty- rol, undertaken for the purpose.

“A Catalogue of Greek Verbs, irregular and defective, their leading tenses and dialectic inflections, arranged in a tabular form, with an appendix, containing Paradigms of Conjugation. By James Skerrett Baird.”

“ The Revival of the French Emperorship anticipated from the necessity of prophecy. By the Rev. G. S. Faber, B. D.” “Hints for the General Management of Children in India, in the absence of professional advice. By LI. II. Goodeve.”

“ Manual of Budhism, in its modern development. Trans- lated from Singalese MSS. By R. Spence Hardy.”

“History of Rome, from the earliest records to the fall of the Western Empire. By the late Thomas Arnold, D. D., Head Master of Rugby School; J. A. Jeremie, D. D., Regius Professor of Divinity, Cambridge; Rev. J. II. Brooke Moun- tain, D. D. ; Rev. J. B. Ottley, D. D., M. A. ; E. Pococ-ke, Esq. ; Rev. G. C. Renouard, B. D. ; the Right Rev. Bishop Russell, D. C. L., LL.D., and the Hon. Sir T. N. Talfourd, D. C. L. Illustrated by three hundred and fifty-three engra- vings on wood. 29s. 6d.

The third volume of Kitto’s Evening Series of Bible Illus- trations, is the “Life and Death of our Lord.”

“The New Reformation in Ireland. By the Rev. S. W. Jones, M. A., Curate of Oswestry.”

“ The Mission and Martyrdom of St. Peter. Containing the original texts of all the passages in ancient writers, supposed to imply a Journey from the East; with transactions and Ro- man Catholic comments. With Prefatory Notices by the Rev. Dr. McCaul and the Rev. Dr. Cumming. By T. C. Simon, Esq.”

We also notice a carefully revised edition of Landon’s Eccle- siastical Dictionary. It contains an account of the Sees, Pa- triarchates, Religious Foundations and Brotherhoods, together with a list of the Archbishops and Bishops throughout Chris- tendom, from the earliest times ; history of sects ; explanations of rites and ceremonies, and of ecclesiastical and ecclesiological

338 Literary Intelligence. [April.

terms ; biographies of eminent ecclesiastical persons, and lists of their writings.

A Life of Dr. Abernethy, by George Macilwain, with a view of his writings, lectures, and character, is now in press.

Dr. Cumming manages to keep before the public, in sermons, addresses, introductions, and in his “Church before the Flood,” and his two series of “Scripture Readings” from the Old and New Testaments, which are publishing together monthly.

American Literature is appearing more and more in England. We notice eight or ten different forms in which “The Wide, Wide World,” has been published.

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CONTENTS OF No. II.

APRIL, 1853.

Page.

Art. I. — Character and Writings of Fenelon 165

Art. II. — The Religious Significance of Numbers 203

Art. III. — Mercantile Morals, and the Successful Merchant 228

Art. IY. — The Life and Studies of C. G. Zumpt 240

Art. Y. — Idea of the Church 249

Art. VI. — On the Correspondence between Prophecy and History. . 290

Short Notices 305

Literary Intelligence 327